Notes of a Racial Caste Baby: Color Blindness and the End of Affirmative Action 9780814727980

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NOTES OF A

RACIAL CAST E BAB Y

CRITICAL A M E R I C A General Editors : Richar d Delgad o an d Jea n Stefanci c

White by Law: The Legal Construction of Race IAN F . HANE Y LOPE Z

Cultivating Intelligence: Power, Law, and the Politics of Teaching LOUISE HARMO N AN D DEBORA H W . POS T

Privilege Revealed: How Invisible Preference Undermines America STEPHANIE M . WILDMA N WITH MARGALYNN E ARMSTRONG , ADRIENN E D . DAVIS , AN D TRIN A GRILL O

Does the Law Morally Bind the Poor? or What Goods the Constitution When You Can't Afford a Loaf of Bread R. GEORG E WRIGH T

Hybrid: Bisexuals, Multiracials, and Other Misfits under American Law RUTH COLKE R

Critical Race Feminism: A Reader EDITED B Y ADRIE N KATHERIN E WIN G

Immigrants Out! The New Nativism and the Anti-Immigrant Impulse in the United States EDITED B Y JUA N F . PERE A

Taxing America EDITED B Y KARE N B . BROW N AN D MAR Y LOUIS E FELLOW S

Notes of a Racial Caste Baby: Color Blindness and the End of Affirmative Action BRYAN K . FAI R

Please Don V Wish Me a Merry Christmas: A Critical History of the Separation of Church and State STEPHEN M . FELDMA N

To Be an American: Cultural Pluralism and the Rhetoric of Assimilation BILL ON G HIN G

NOTES O F A

RACIAL CASTE BABY

COLOR BLINDNES S and th e

END of AFFIRMATIVE ACTION

BRYAN K . FAI R

N E W Y O R K U N I V E R S I T Y PRES S N e w Yor k an d Londo n

N E W YOR K U N I V E R S I T Y P R E S S New York and Londo n Copyright © 199 7 by New Yor k Universit y All rights reserve d Library o f Congress Cataloging-in-Publicatio n Dat a Fair, Bryan K. , 1960 Notes o f a racial caste bab y : color blindness an d th e en d o f affirmative actio n / Bryan K . Fair. p. cm.—(Critica l America ) Includes index . ISBN 0-8147-2651- 8 (alk . paper ) I. Affirmativ e actio n progress—Unite d States . I . Title . II. Series . HF5549.5.A34F336 199 7 331.13'3'0973—dc20 96-2539 4 CIP New York University Pres s book s are printed o n acid-free paper , and thei r bindin g material s ar e chosen fo r strength an d durability . Manufactured i n th e Unite d State s o f America 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

for De e

V CONTENTS

A Note to the Reader ix Acknowledgments xiii Preface: Telling Stories xv Recasting Remedies as Diseases xvii Color-Blind Justice xx The Design of This Book xxiv PART ONE: A PERSONA L NARRATIV E 1

Not Whit e Enoug h 1 Dee 6 Black Columbu s 9 Racial Poverty 1 4 Man-Child 2 0 Colored Matter s 2 6 Coded Schools 2 9 Busing 3 3 Going Hom e 4 0 Equal Opportunit y 4 7 The Characte r o f Color 5

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Diversity a s One Facto r 5 6 The Deceptio n o f Color Blindnes s 6

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PART TWO: WHITE PRIVILEG E AN D BLAC K DESPAIR : THE ORIGINS O F RACIAL CAST E I N AMERICA 6 7

The Declaratio n o f Inferiority 6 8 Marginal American s 7 1 Inventing America n Slaver y 7 4 The Roa d t o Constitutional Cast e 8 1 Losing Second-Clas s Citizenshi p 9 1 Reconstruction an d Sacrific e 9 6 Separate an d Unequa l 10 1 The Colo r Lin e 10 3 Critiquing Colo r Blindnes s 10 9 PART THREE: THE CONSTITUTIONALITY O F REMEDIA L AFFIRMATIVE ACTIO N 11 5

The Origin s o f Remedia l Affirmativ e Actio n 11 5 The Cour t o f Last Resor t 12 0 The Inventio n o f Reverse Discriminatio n 12 8 The Politic s of Affirmative Action : Myth o r Reality? 15 Racial Realis m 16 8 Eliminating Cast e 17 2 Afterword 111 Notes 185 Index 209

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V A NOT E T O TH E READE R

M os t American s thin k thei r governmen t i s th e bes t i n th e world . Each o f its branches—legislative, executive , an d judicial—is a n essentia l component o f th e Constitutio n establishe d b y th e state s mor e tha n tw o centuries ago . Then , afte r th e Civi l War , compromise s regardin g th e nature an d scop e of the government's power s were reached, giving Americans i n larg e measur e th e governmen t the y hav e today . Nonetheless , many peopl e stil l loo k a t th e federa l governmen t a s too big , too wasteful , too powerful, an d eve n evil . Some critic s wan t t o redesig n th e governmen t i n th e traditio n o f Thomas Jefferson ; other s champio n stat e o r individua l rights . Bot h groups, however, se e th e governmen t a s overgrown an d overintrusiv e an d believe tha t i t shoul d b e recreated . Bu t i s th e federa l governmen t th e sole sourc e o f America' s man y ills , a s som e peopl e insist ? Woul d Ameri cans wan t th e governmen t t o giv e u p it s traditiona l rol e o f providin g fo r the nation' s genera l welfare ? I, lik e man y Africa n Americans , vie w America' s governmen t differ ently. Fo r example , I a m suspiciou s o f man y o f it s detractors , especiall y those who , havin g amasse d fortune s a s longtim e insiders , no w see k th e cloak o f reformer . An d becaus e I hav e rea d som e o f Thoma s Jefferson' s ix

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writings—especially o n blacks ' cognitiv e limitations—I' m skeptica l o f anyone who hold s hi m u p a s a role model . Some o f th e criticis m o f th e governmen t i s directe d a t it s fundin g o f welfare, socia l security , education , healt h care , o r othe r socia l programs , that is , th e government' s withdrawa l o f power . Fewe r complaint s ar e directed a t th e expansio n o f governmen t power . Consider , fo r example , the proposal s t o ba n abortion , t o mak e Englis h th e nation' s officia l lan guage, to prevent flag burning, t o permit schoo l prayer , t o stiffen crimina l laws an d haste n executions , t o balanc e th e budget , an d t o repeal affirma tive actio n programs . D o suc h proposal s ad d u p t o les s government ? Would the y reduc e th e nationa l budge t o r th e federa l deficit ? O r woul d they simpl y offe r American s a nationa l governmen t wit h a differen t agenda, which i s what som e would-be reformer s want . Suc h peopl e reall y don't wan t les s nationa l government , the y wan t on e with differen t priori ties: fewe r taxe s an d regulation s o n business , fewe r entitlement s fo r th e poor and elderly , more stat e autonomy , an d s o on. The poin t i s no t tha t al l criticis m o f th e governmen t i n th e Unite d States i s groundless o r motivated b y partisan interests . Rather , w e simpl y should b e carefu l t o direc t ou r criticis m a t rea l problems , no t thos e tha t a politician o r special-interes t grou p ha s create d i n orde r t o divid e an d suppress us . Thus , eve n thoug h I to o recogniz e bureaucrati c wast e an d corruption, I would attac k th e problem s o f $30 0 hammer s o r toile t seats , political corruption , an d inefficienc y b y means o f reform measure s aime d specifically a t them . I d o no t blam e th e federa l governmen t fo r ever y problem facin g America or assume that individua l state s will resolve the m more efficiently . Indeed, man y stat e official s tolerat e simila r wast e an d corruption . Moreover, al l th e states ' representative s i n Washingto n tr y t o gra b a s much federa l mone y a s possibl e an d the n complai n t o thei r constituent s that th e federa l governmen t i s killin g the m wit h regulation s an d taxes . Does i t surpris e yo u tha t Speake r o f th e Hous e New t Gingrich' s Cob b County distric t i s heavil y subsidize d b y th e federa l government ? Gin grich an d other s wh o delive r loca l dollar s hav e bee n rewarde d wit h lon g terms i n Washington. Would a more appropriat e targe t o f criticism b e th e people wh o hav e bee n runnin g th e governmen t fo r ten , twenty , o r thirt y years? Perhap s ou r inefficien t government—federal , state , an d local—i s the resul t o f ineffective , self-servin g individuals , no t it s constitutiona l design. Without subsidie s fro m th e federa l government , mos t o f th e state s

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would b e i n fa r wors e shape , an d th e nationa l infrastructur e fro m whic h all American s benefi t woul d likel y collapse . Wh o woul d maintai n th e roads, bridges , an d nationa l parks ? Wh o woul d hel p th e victim s o f fires , floods, hurricanes , an d earthquakes ? Th e farmers ? Th e depositor s i n failed saving s an d loa n banks ? Wh o woul d contro l th e states ' economi c rivalries o r subsidiz e internationa l busines s developmen t t o th e tun e o f $100 billion ? Wh o woul d hel p th e million s o f childre n livin g i n poverty ? Can th e state s provid e fo r th e genera l welfar e an d defens e o f the nation ? The framer s o f the America n Constitutio n didn' t thin k so . Even worse , man y stat e official s hav e demonstrate d repeatedl y tha t they wil l no t protec t th e right s o f political , religious , o r racia l minoritie s from abuse , eve n whe n mandate d b y la w to d o so . When th e state s hav e failed t o prohibit racial discrimination i n public accommodations, housing , education, voting , an d employment , th e federa l governmen t ha s bee n the grea t defender , periodicall y vindicatin g th e America n constitutiona l promise o f equality. All the civi l rights law s enacted i n th e 1960 s had on e aim: t o hal t racia l discriminatio n b y white s agains t black s an d othe r minorities an d als o gender discriminatio n b y men agains t women . At that time , the federa l governmen t specificall y addresse d discrimina tion b y employer s o r institution s receivin g federa l contracts , requirin g that the y mak e good-fait h effort s t o emplo y qualifie d minoritie s an d women. Thei r failur e t o d o s o could resul t i n terminatio n o f thei r federa l contracts, whic h toda y ru n int o th e billion s o f dollar s annually . Thi s corrective, remedia l affirmativ e actio n an d it s expansio n beyon d employ ment hav e caused a steadily growing outcry throughout th e Unite d States . Some o f thes e critics , person s wh o previousl y di d no t hav e t o compet e with minoritie s an d wome n becaus e o f rac e an d gende r monopolies , believe tha t th e governmen t ha s gon e to o far . Thus , alon g wit h th e antigovernment moo d sweepin g th e Unite d State s i s a n unprecedente d assault o n remedia l affirmativ e actio n programs . This boo k i s a defense o f remedial affirmativ e action , a policy tha t seem s to b e th e onl y fai r an d workabl e solutio n t o th e chroni c proble m o f racia l caste i n th e Unite d States . Other—ofte n compelling—book s us e mora l or philosophica l justifications , bu t fe w o f the m discus s affirmativ e actio n both personall y an d i n ligh t o f American histor y o r legal precedent . As a teache r o f America n constitutiona l law , I regularl y discus s rac e and gende r discriminatio n case s with my students . I n on e o f my courses , I hav e th e student s intervie w a grandmother , mother , aunt , sister , o r

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female frien d abou t gende r discriminatio n i n their job. For many o f thes e students, report s o f gender-base d discriminatio n mean t littl e unti l the y affected clos e famil y an d friends . Indeed , mor e tha n anythin g els e we d o during th e semester , thi s assignmen t convince s my student s tha t gende r discrimination i s pervasive, and onl y then ar e they able to discuss possibl e solutions. Americans desperatel y nee d t o talk abou t thei r racia l experiences . Bu t right now , the y aren' t abl e t o hol d a conversation; the y jus t shou t a t on e another. O n som e level , Americans—all Americans , of all races—need t o shout, bu t the y als o nee d t o listen . Onl y b y hearin g on e another' s storie s can we reac h a n agreement regardin g th e importanc e o f remedial affirma tive action . This boo k examine s th e significanc e o f rac e an d racia l cast e t o m y life , the benefits o f affirmative action , and als o the historica l an d constitutiona l legitimacy of remedial affirmativ e action . This self-examinatio n ha s deepened my commitment t o eliminating educationa l an d occupationa l segre gation an d my belief tha t remedia l affirmativ e actio n i s the mos t effectiv e strategy fo r achievin g tha t goal . I t ha s als o helpe d m e se e tha t al l whit e men i n th e Unite d State s ar e no t angry , tha t som e o f the m suppor t remedial affirmativ e action , tha t som e minoritie s an d wome n d o not , that remedia l policie s ar e limited , an d tha t the y benefi t women , racia l minorities, an d poo r whites. I suppor t race-base d remedia l affirmativ e actio n becaus e i t promote s racial opportunit y an d inclusion , stil l i n shor t suppl y i n America . I t man dates racia l sharin g i n ligh t o f th e histori c refusa l o f man y whit e me n t o do s o in th e absenc e o f such policies . Affirmative actio n operate s directl y to eliminate pervasiv e racia l caste caused b y educational an d occupationa l segregation an d tracking . M y hop e i s tha t whethe r o r no t my reader s agree wit h me , thi s boo k wil l promot e thei r racia l awareness , cross-racia l affinity, an d activ e participatio n i n thi s importan t discussion . I n th e end , Americans ma y discove r tha t th e chasm s amon g the m ar e to o grea t an d that thei r trus t i s to o weak . I hop e not . Bu t American s ow e i t t o thei r children t o try to eliminate th e scourg e o f racial caste.

V ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I his boo k woul d no t hav e bee n possibl e withou t th e generou s suppor t of man y people , especiall y colleague s an d friend s a t th e Universit y o f Alabama Schoo l o f Law . I a m gratefu l t o Dea n Kennet h Randall , forme r Dean Na t Hansford , an d th e Alabam a La w Foundatio n fo r generou s financial suppor t fo r researc h durin g th e summer s betwee n 199 1 an d 1996. Those fund s mad e i t possibl e fo r m e t o spen d tim e reading , think ing, speaking, an d writin g abou t rac e and America n law . I ow e enormou s debt s t o man y o f my teacher s an d al l o f m y students . Several teacher s a t eac h stag e o f my trainin g tol d m e m y lif e mattered . They showe d m e a specia l kin d o f carin g an d sacrifice ; the y gav e m e a chance a t a different life . Al l m y forme r students , especiall y thos e a t th e University o f Alabam a Schoo l o f Law , hav e challenge d m e t o thin k carefully an d spea k forthrightl y abou t th e grea t America n constitutiona l issues of the day . We have listene d t o and learne d fro m on e another . My colleague s a t Alabam a hav e encourage d m e t o sa y wha t I think , without fea r o f reprisal . The y hav e embrace d m e a s a n equa l citizen . I am gratefu l fo r thei r support , guidance , an d constructiv e criticism . Pa m Bucy, Pa t Hermann , Ke n Randall , Marth a Morgan , Ton y Freyer , Susa n Randall, Beverl y Thorn , Ro n Turner , Bil l Andreen , Wyth e Holt , Ti m Hoff, Jerr y Hoffman , To m Jones, Bil l Brewbaker , an d Norma n Stei n rea d xiii

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early draft s o f thi s book . I a m honore d t o work wit h suc h a n outstandin g community o f dedicate d teachers . Ti m Coggins , Pau l Pruitt , Penn y Gib son, Davi d Lowe , Dian a May , and Rober t Marshal l provide d exceptiona l library services . I als o receive d invaluabl e suppor t fro m m y colleague s a t th e South western/Southeastern Teacher s o f Colo r Lega l Scholarshi p Conferences . From them , I hav e learne d tha t ou r worl d i s no t bipola r an d tha t rac e matters no t just t o blacks an d white s bu t t o all Americans. I benefited, a s well, fro m discussion s o f thi s boo k wit h friend s a t th e Seattl e Universit y School o f Law . Previou s version s o f som e part s o f thi s boo k wer e pub lished i n the National Black Law Journal 13 (1993) and the University of San Francisco Law Review 28 (1994), and I am grateful t o each for permission t o publish expande d version s o f those earlie r works. My frien d Patt y Lovelad y Nelso n worke d extr a an d lat e helpin g m e learn t o us e m y compute r an d revis e drafts . Michell e Mons e an d Aaro n Estis offere d detaile d comment s fro m th e very beginnin g an d helpe d m e stay focused. Nin a Sethi , Grace Rai, Jennifer Fonner , Ra y George, Angela Turner, Valeri e Phillip s Hermann , Rejean a Lavender , Lor i David , an d Darnell Cole y al l provided exper t researc h assistance . Finally, I mus t giv e heartfel t thank s t o Jea n Stefanci c an d Richar d Delgado an d th e editor s a t Ne w Yor k Universit y Press , especiall y Nik o Pfund, wh o encouraged m e t o share my thoughts, i n m y way.

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One o f my reason s fo r tellin g thi s stor y i s to mak e clea r tha t remedia l affirmative actio n i s not th e sam e a s the whites-only , racia l caste-produc ing legislatio n tha t ha s ofte n prevaile d throughou t America' s history . M y life experience s hav e convince d m e tha t remedia l affirmativ e actio n an d hard work , plu s th e suppor t an d directio n o f man y people , ar e what — even thoug h th e odds were decidedl y agains t me—enable d m e t o escap e from tha t Ohi o ghetto . Withou t th e educationa l opportunities , I woul d have bee n imprisone d b y circumstance s an d condition s beyon d my con trol. RECASTING REMEDIE S A S DISEASE S

Everywhere yo u tur n i n th e Unite d States , remedia l affirmativ e actio n i s under assault . "Innocent, " "angry " whit e me n insis t the y ar e victim s o f "reverse discrimination, " unfairl y losin g their jobs and othe r opportunitie s because o f minorit y o r gende r preferences . Rand y Pech , owne r o f a Colorado-based constructio n compan y tha t los t a highwa y guardrai l con tract t o a minority-owned compan y tha t benefite d fro m a federal affirma tive actio n policy , too k hi s clai m o f revers e discriminatio n al l th e wa y t o the Unite d State s Suprem e Court , whic h onc e agai n showe d tha t i t i s fa r more receptive an d responsiv e t o whites allegin g race discrimination tha n it has been t o minority plaintiffs, especiall y blacks. 1 The Rehnquis t Cour t has embrace d th e whit e victi m rhetori c tha t i s sweepin g th e legislativ e councils, corporate boardrooms , an d court s throughou t th e Unite d States . Politicians an d activist s ar e questionin g stat e an d federa l affirmativ e action policies : Bot h Presiden t (an d Democrati c presidentia l nominee ) Bill Clinto n an d forme r Senat e Majorit y Leade r (an d Republica n presi dential nominee ) Bob Dol e commissione d a national stud y o f al l federa l affirmative actio n programs . Tw o apparentl y angr y whit e guys , To m Wood an d Glyn n Gustred , alon g wit h th e suppor t o f a third , Speake r o f the Hous e New t Gingrich , organize d a voter initiativ e campaig n t o repea l all state-sponsored affirmativ e actio n program s i n California, insistin g tha t such program s hav e outlive d thei r usefulness . Othe r challenge s see m imminent. Public discussio n i n th e Unite d State s ofte n portray s affirmativ e actio n as primaril y thos e policie s tha t hel p "unqualified " black s o r othe r racia l minorities atten d school , gai n employment , o r elec t representative s o f their choice . Littl e i s sai d o r writte n abou t th e numerou s remedia l poli -

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cies tha t hel p whit e wome n overcom e centurie s o f economic exclusio n o r policies tha t ai d smal l businesse s operate d b y sociall y o r economicall y disadvantaged persons , includin g man y white men . Critics als o ignor e th e fac t tha t remedia l affirmativ e actio n wa s insti tuted b y whit e American s i n respons e t o massiv e demand s fo r remedia tion o f th e discriminator y condition s unde r whic h minoritie s an d whit e women wer e force d t o liv e becaus e o f quota s fo r whit e males . The y sa y even les s about th e privilege s tha t continue t o accrue t o white mal e elite s by virtu e o f legacies , old-bo y networks , custom , seniority , an d th e like ; this kin d o f affirmativ e actio n fo r th e ric h o r connected seem s les s offen sive t o many Americans . Rather , th e principa l targe t fo r man y white me n and a few black s i s race-based remedia l policies . Many black s in America view this selectiv e attac k o n race-based reme dial affirmativ e actio n policie s wit h disbelief , seein g i t a s just on e mor e example o f whit e arroganc e an d th e lates t lesso n o n whit e supremac y i n the Unite d States . They observ e tha t whit e me n stil l ru n America . The y know tha t whit e wome n hav e benefite d a s much , i f no t more , fro m remedial affirmativ e actio n a s the y have . Ye t mos t o f th e affirmativ e action "tragedies " tha t w e hea r abou t cente r o n th e cost s o f race-base d policies, identifie d a s stigma, polarization , incompetence , an d th e like . Today, America' s racia l problem s see m littl e improve d fro m a centur y ago, when a rigid colo r line—a lin e favoring white s ove r blacks—was th e rule o f la w o r loca l custom . No w a s then , a majorit y o f th e Suprem e Court ha s turned it s back o n darker-skinned American s b y construing th e Constitution i n a way tha t permit s subtle r form s o f racia l discriminatio n to pas s unchecke d an d i n a way tha t constrain s effort s t o eliminat e racia l caste. For decade s th e Suprem e Cour t tol d black s tha t i t wa s helples s t o d o anything abou t slavery , segregation , o r othe r policie s o f white supremac y in housing , voting , employment , publi c accommodations , o r education , because tha t discriminatio n wa s eithe r sanctione d b y th e Constitutio n o r beyond it s reach . Jus t befor e th e Civi l War , i n th e landmar k opinio n i n Dred Scott v. Sandford, Chie f Justic e Roge r Tane y tol d blacks—whethe r free o r enslaved—that the y were no t citizens unde r th e Constitutio n an d therefore coul d no t su e i n th e federa l courts . Tha t decisio n onl y mad e visible th e law' s endorsement o f white supremacy . Even afte r th e U.S . Constitution wa s amended betwee n 186 5 and 187 0 with thre e sweepin g provision s an d Congres s enacte d ne w federa l stat utes prohibitin g whit e supremacy , th e Cour t wa s unwillin g t o interpre t

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the ne w amendment s an d law s as they were intended , namely , to preven t whites fro m keepin g black s i n slavelik e conditions . Instead , th e Cour t read th e Citizenshi p Claus e an d th e Privilege s an d Immunitie s Claus e o f the Fourteent h Amendmen t a s eithe r meaningles s o r constitutionall y redundant, s o that neithe r claus e no r an y othe r provision s o f that amend ment gav e freedmen an y federal protectio n o f their civil rights. Likewise , even thoug h th e Fifteent h Amendmen t explicitl y forbad e vote r discrimi nation o n the basi s of race, the Cour t hel d tha t governmen t official s coul d still prevent someon e fro m votin g on the basi s of other qualifications suc h as gender , age , property , o r educationa l status , enablin g som e state s t o deny black s th e righ t t o vote unti l wel l int o th e 1960s . To ad d th e proverbia l insul t t o injury , th e Cour t tol d black s tha t ther e was a constitutional differenc e betwee n socia l an d politica l equality , tha t separate wa s in fac t equal . The Cour t eve n wen t s o far a s to intimate tha t the Constitutio n coul d d o nothing t o remedy distinction s betwee n white s and black s tha t wer e base d o n color , tha t whit e superiorit y wa s natural . As a result , fo r muc h o f th e nex t sixt y years , th e Cour t sa t b y a s whit e elites arrange d ever y are a o f lif e t o sui t themselves , i n way s tha t wer e almost alway s separate an d almos t neve r equal . Because white s ha d acces s t o th e Unite d States ' bes t educationa l resources, i t followe d tha t the y woul d als o wi n it s bes t jobs , highes t incomes, and best housing. To make sure , many whites adhered t o private practices tha t guarantee d thei r superio r status . Fo r instance , som e signe d contracts agreein g neve r t o sel l house s t o black s o r othe r minorities . Some turne d awa y black s fro m th e poll s throug h threat , intimidation , o r trickery, an d other s refuse d t o conside r black s fo r certai n jobs . I n som e places, black s coul d no t ea t o r sleep i n th e sam e publi c accommodations , drink fro m th e sam e wate r fountain , us e th e sam e toilet , o r b e burie d i n the sam e cemeter y a s whites . Fe w white s eve n pretende d t o b e colo r blind. Unde r th e guis e o f separat e bu t equal , colo r mean t white s onl y o r whites first . Black s an d othe r peopl e o f colo r go t th e leftovers , i f ther e were any . By 1954 , th e Court , le d b y Chie f Justic e Ear l Warren , seeme d poise d to lead th e Unite d State s awa y from racia l caste, holding fo r th e firs t tim e that segregate d publi c school s wer e inherentl y unequa l an d unconstitu tional an d late r expandin g tha t rulin g t o al l area s o f public life . Congres s and th e presiden t followed , enactin g mor e federa l law s prohibitin g dis crimination b y white s agains t black s i n publi c accommodations , educa tion, employment , voting , an d housing . Thos e law s permitted , an d i n

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some circumstance s required , remedia l affirmativ e action . Fo r a shor t period, i t appeare d tha t eac h branc h o f th e federa l governmen t wa s committed t o eliminating racia l caste. By th e mid-1970s , however , followin g th e assassinatio n o f Marti n Lu ther Kin g Jr . an d th e ris e o f blac k nationalism , a ne w majorit y formed , with a modifie d definitio n o f racia l discrimination . No w th e Suprem e Court maintaine d tha t onl y intentiona l invidious discriminatio n violate d the Constitution . Thi s mean t tha t d e fact o segregation , th e kin d tha t occurred withou t th e forc e o f law , wa s no t illegal . Similarly , a policy' s racially disproportionat e impac t was , b y itself , no t proo f o f intentiona l discrimination, s o t o prevail , plaintiff s ha d t o prov e tha t governmen t agents ha d adopte d policie s fo r th e intende d purpos e o f their discrimina tory effect . Accordingly , black s protestin g policie s tha t disproportionatel y burdened thei r politica l an d economi c right s wer e turne d away , wit h n o recourse. Then i n 197 4 and afterward , alon g came Marc o Defunis , Alla n Bakke , and othe r white Americans insisting , in many cases successfully, tha t the y were victim s o f reverse discrimination an d tha t remedia l affirmativ e actio n was n o differen t fro m pas t policie s o f discriminatio n agains t blacks . Thi s argument ha s alway s foun d som e suppor t i n th e Suprem e Court , despit e the obviou s distinctio n betwee n policie s tha t promot e whit e supremac y and thos e tha t eliminat e it . It too k blac k peopl e mor e tha n thre e centurie s t o persuad e whit e Americans t o eliminat e officia l whit e supremacy , bu t i t ha s take n a fe w whites onl y tw o decade s t o recas t histor y an d convinc e th e Suprem e Court tha t race-base d remedia l affirmativ e actio n mus t go. Fiv e o f th e current justice s hav e agree d tha t race-consciou s affirmativ e actio n pro grams ar e usuall y illegal , an d fou r see m read y t o prohibi t an y race conscious polic y i n the nam e o f color blindness . COLOR-BLIND JUSTIC E

The Unite d State s Suprem e Cour t ha s alread y accepte d th e usefulnes s and constitutiona l legitimac y o f remedial affirmativ e actio n i n solvin g th e problem o f gende r caste . Becaus e o f thos e victories , women , especiall y white women , hav e mad e substantia l economi c an d politica l gain s durin g the pas t thirt y years . Fo r tha t reason , thei r silenc e i n th e curren t debat e over race-based affirmativ e actio n i s disappointing . Just a s disconcertin g i s th e Suprem e Court' s unwillingnes s t o exten d

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some circumstance s required , remedia l affirmativ e action . Fo r a shor t period, i t appeare d tha t eac h branc h o f th e federa l governmen t wa s committed t o eliminating racia l caste. By th e mid-1970s , however , followin g th e assassinatio n o f Marti n Lu ther Kin g Jr . an d th e ris e o f blac k nationalism , a ne w majorit y formed , with a modifie d definitio n o f racia l discrimination . No w th e Suprem e Court maintaine d tha t onl y intentiona l invidious discriminatio n violate d the Constitution . Thi s mean t tha t d e fact o segregation , th e kin d tha t occurred withou t th e forc e o f law , wa s no t illegal . Similarly , a policy' s racially disproportionat e impac t was , b y itself , no t proo f o f intentiona l discrimination, s o t o prevail , plaintiff s ha d t o prov e tha t governmen t agents ha d adopte d policie s fo r th e intende d purpos e o f their discrimina tory effect . Accordingly , black s protestin g policie s tha t disproportionatel y burdened thei r politica l an d economi c right s wer e turne d away , wit h n o recourse. Then i n 197 4 and afterward , alon g came Marc o Defunis , Alla n Bakke , and othe r white Americans insisting , in many cases successfully, tha t the y were victim s o f reverse discrimination an d tha t remedia l affirmativ e actio n was n o differen t fro m pas t policie s o f discriminatio n agains t blacks . Thi s argument ha s alway s foun d som e suppor t i n th e Suprem e Court , despit e the obviou s distinctio n betwee n policie s tha t promot e whit e supremac y and thos e tha t eliminat e it . It too k blac k peopl e mor e tha n thre e centurie s t o persuad e whit e Americans t o eliminat e officia l whit e supremacy , bu t i t ha s take n a fe w whites onl y tw o decade s t o recas t histor y an d convinc e th e Suprem e Court tha t race-base d remedia l affirmativ e actio n mus t go. Fiv e o f th e current justice s hav e agree d tha t race-consciou s affirmativ e actio n pro grams ar e usuall y illegal , an d fou r see m read y t o prohibi t an y race conscious polic y i n the nam e o f color blindness . COLOR-BLIND JUSTIC E

The Unite d State s Suprem e Cour t ha s alread y accepte d th e usefulnes s and constitutiona l legitimac y o f remedial affirmativ e actio n i n solvin g th e problem o f gende r caste . Becaus e o f thos e victories , women , especiall y white women , hav e mad e substantia l economi c an d politica l gain s durin g the pas t thirt y years . Fo r tha t reason , thei r silenc e i n th e curren t debat e over race-based affirmativ e actio n i s disappointing . Just a s disconcertin g i s th e Suprem e Court' s unwillingnes s t o exten d

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to matters o f race the sam e constitutional theor y an d judicial sensitivit y i t applied t o reduc e gende r caste . Ther e i s onl y on e equalit y provisio n i n the Fourteent h Amendment , an d nothin g i n i t point s t o on e meanin g i n disputes betwee n me n an d wome n an d anothe r meanin g i n dispute s between racia l groups . Bu t thi s dualit y o f meaning s i s essentiall y wha t the Suprem e Cour t ha s confirmed . An d thi s i s pervers e an d wrong , especially sinc e ther e i s littl e doub t toda y regardin g th e purpos e fo r adopting th e equa l protectio n clause : t o prohibi t discriminatio n agains t former slaves . I f th e federa l governmen t ca n eliminat e gende r cast e without runnin g afou l o f th e Constitution , i t ca n d o a t leas t a s muc h t o eliminate racia l caste. The Suprem e Court' s deliberat e failur e t o se e wha t i s apparen t t o most black s reveals , a s th e lat e Associat e Justic e Thurgoo d Marshal l wrote i n hi s fina l dissentin g opinion , tha t "power , no t reason , i s th e ne w currency withi n thi s Court. " 2 Indeed , thi s attac k o n remedia l affirmativ e action i s a lesson abou t powe r an d wh o wield s i t i n America . Th e Rehn quist Cour t intend s t o dismantl e race-base d remedia l affirmativ e actio n policies i n th e sam e wa y tha t it s predecesso r emasculate d th e Civi l Wa r amendments an d supportin g federa l civi l rights laws. When tha t happens , blacks wil l onc e agai n hav e bee n show n tha t th e inscriptio n ato p th e Supreme Cour t Building—Equa l Justic e Unde r Law—ha s a n unwritte n qualifier: excep t i f you ar e not white . The Unite d State s has never adopte d an y policies designed t o promot e white caste . N o curren t remedia l affirmativ e actio n polic y ha s th e invidious purpose o r effec t o f excludin g white s fro m publi c accommodations , voting, employment , education , o r housing . Rather , suc h policie s wer e enacted becaus e o f their remedial effect , thereb y makin g reverse discrim ination a travesty. Many whit e American s believ e th e fair y tal e abou t racia l equalit y i n the Unite d States , which , i n turn , rest s o n myth s abou t tradition s o f fairness an d colo r blindness. Fe w blacks an d othe r racia l minorities i n thi s country, however , subscrib e t o such ideas . To accep t thi s fair y tale , American s mus t ignor e th e tru e histor y o f white racia l privilege : For [mor e than ] tw o hundred year s th e Unite d State s ha s bee n operatin g under a rigid quota system. This quota system has insisted on and got a 90 to 10 0 percen t monopol y fo r whit e male s i n al l th e principa l center s o f power in government, business, and the professions, and in the competition for jobs at every level.3

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In reality , th e quota s mos t importan t t o a n analysi s o f moder n remedia l affirmative actio n ar e th e invisibl e one s neve r talke d about , thos e tha t have give n whit e Americans , especiall y whit e men , virtua l monopolie s over al l th e mean s o f acquirin g wealth : education , employment , lan d acquisition, an d politica l participation . Opponent s o f remedia l affirmativ e action sa y littl e abou t thi s historica l quot a system . Many American s kno w fro m thei r ow n experienc e tha t lega l tradition s in th e Unite d State s d o no t res t o n racia l equality , equa l opportunity , o r equal justic e unde r law . No r ar e thos e tradition s colo r blin d o r base d o n merit. Instead , America' s tradition s hav e bee n one s o f unabashed , shock ing, an d widesprea d rac e consciousnes s an d whit e privilege . T h e resul t i s modern racia l cast e an d racia l enmit y throughou t ever y secto r o f th e United States , whic h bega n lon g befor e remedia l affirmativ e actio n wa s instituted. Critics o f affirmativ e actio n insis t tha t th e America n Constitutio n can not mak e race s equal . Wh y not ? Wh y can' t th e Constitutio n d o fo r racia l equality wha t i t onc e di d fo r racia l inequality ? I t wa s amende d t o revers e its origina l sanctio n o f whit e supremacy , s o wh y can' t i t eliminat e racia l caste? 4 An d wh y don' t mor e whit e American s realiz e tha t eliminatin g racial cast e i s a nationa l interes t o f th e highes t priority , on e tha t i s i n thei r children's bes t interest ? In hi s celebrate d dissen t i n Plessy v. Ferguson, Justic e Joh n Marshal l Harlan wrot e tha t "ou r Constitutio n i s color-blind , an d neithe r know s no r tolerates classe s amon g citizens." 5 T o understan d wha t Harla n meant , i t is instructiv e t o loo k a t th e tex t precedin g thi s often-quote d statement : The Whit e rac e deem s itsel f t o b e th e dominan t rac e i n thi s country . An d so it is , in prestige , i n achievements , i n education , i n wealt h an d i n power . So, I doub t no t i t wil l continu e t o b e fo r al l time , i f i t remain s tru e t o it s great heritag e an d hold s fas t t o th e principle s o f constitutiona l liberty . But in the view of the Constitution, in the eye of the law, there is in this country no superior, dominant, ruling class of citizens. There is no caste here. Our Constitution is color-blind, and neither knows nor tolerates classes among citizens.6 Harlan, th e forme r Kentuck y slav e owne r wh o afte r th e Civi l Wa r repudiated slavery , believe d tha t th e Fourteent h A m e n d m e n t prohibite d government-sponsored racia l caste , an d therefor e h e conclude d tha t i t was unconstitutiona l fo r Louisian a t o adop t a statut e tha t treate d black s as a subjec t race . H e als o believe d tha t Congres s ha d broa d power s unde r sections 1 an d 5 o f th e Fourteent h A m e n d m e n t t o enac t legislatio n against racia l caste. 7

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More recently , Justic e Lewi s F . Powell Jr. , a Virginia corporat e lawye r who reluctantl y accepte d hi s secon d nominatio n t o th e Court , i n hi s opinion i n Regents of the University of California v. Bakke, articulated anothe r vision o f the colo r blindness principle . Powell wrot e that "[t]h e guarante e of equa l protectio n canno t mea n on e thin g whe n applie d t o on e individ ual an d somethin g els e whe n applie d t o a perso n o f anothe r color . I f both ar e no t accorde d th e sam e protection , the n i t i s no t equal. " Powel l concluded tha t constitutiona l colo r blindnes s prohibite d th e us e o f rac e as th e sol e facto r i n governmenta l decisio n making , declarin g (wit h fou r others) tha t instead , rac e could b e on e o f many factors. 8 Justices Harla n an d Powel l eac h contende d tha t hi s colo r blindnes s principle wa s derive d fro m th e Fourteent h Amendment' s equa l protec tion clause . Yet their opinion s i n Plessy an d Bakke at time s appea r contra dictory regardin g th e constitutionalit y o f race-base d remedia l affirmativ e action. Th e conflic t betwee n thei r opinion s i s on e o f form , however , rather tha n substance : Harla n emphasize d th e eliminatio n o f racia l cast e through affirmativ e actio n strikin g dow n Ji m Cro w law s an d conditions , whereas Powel l wanted t o do the sam e throug h affirmativ e actio n strikin g down educationa l an d occupationa l segregatio n an d tracking . Therefore , unlike severa l curren t member s o f the Suprem e Court , Harla n an d Powel l understood th e differenc e betwee n policie s designe d t o promot e whit e supremacy an d policie s designe d t o eliminat e racia l caste . Nonetheless , now whe n on e encounter s a referenc e t o colo r blindnes s rhetoric , a s i n Adarand v. Pena, it ofte n i s unclear whethe r i t ha s th e meanin g espouse d by Justice s Harla n an d Powel l o r on e tha t woul d prohibi t remedia l affir mative action. 9 Therefore, th e proble m o f the twenty-firs t centur y will be the proble m of color blindness 10 —the refusa l o f legislators, jurists, and mos t of American societ y t o acknowledg e th e cause s an d curren t effect s o f racia l cast e and t o adopt effectiv e remedia l policie s t o eliminate them . Americans shoul d interpre t thei r Constitutio n t o prohibi t policie s tha t advance racia l supremacy , no t t o repea l policie s designe d t o eliminat e America's legac y o f whit e supremacy . The y canno t preten d t o b e colo r blind. T o d o s o wil l onl y exten d whit e supremac y an d blac k cast e int o the next century. To paraphrase forme r Associat e Justice Harr y Blackmun , to ge t beyon d racia l caste , American s mus t tak e accoun t o f race . An d t o take accoun t o f race in this way does not promote racia l supremacy, a s did prior historica l practice s i n th e Unite d State s favorin g white s only .

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THE DESIGN O F THIS BOO K

This boo k has three parts . Part 1 is the story of my own life an d ho w it has influenced m y thinkin g abou t racia l caste , colo r blindness , an d remedia l affirmative action . I explain why I support race-based remedia l affirmativ e action, i n additio n t o gender - an d class-base d policies , an d wh y I a m no t an advocat e o f color blindness . Part 2 discusse s significan t moment s i n America' s histor y o f racia l privilege fo r white s an d color-base d subordinatio n o f blacks . I describ e the historical origins of racial classifications i n the Unite d States , includin g the racia l attitude s o f white s towar d black s durin g th e colonia l perio d and th e codificatio n o f slavery . I als o examin e th e record s o f th e 178 7 Constitutional Conventio n i n Philadelphia , durin g whic h th e framer s drafted a constitution containing race-conscious preferences fo r whites and discrimination against blacks. Next, I look at how the rights and racial privileges o f white s expande d betwee n 178 7 an d th e earl y 1960 s whil e th e rights of blacks were rigidly circumscribed. Last, I consider the color blindness principl e t o show tha t i t i s unrealistic, ahistorical , an d antithetica l t o advancing racia l equalit y i n th e Unite d States . Today , som e American s have transformed th e color blindness principle into a doctrine that tolerates and encourages racial caste in a way similar to the pernicious "separate , bu t equal" philosophy of Plessy, which Justice Harlan so rightly rejected . Part 3 present s th e mid-twentieth-centur y backdro p fo r th e federa l government's adoptio n o f remedia l affirmativ e action . I loo k a t th e justi fications fo r adoptin g federa l affirmativ e actio n program s fo r minoritie s and wome n i n contractin g an d employmen t durin g th e 1960 s an d 1970s . I the n revie w th e landmar k Suprem e Cour t decision s o n race-base d affirmative actio n sinc e Bakke t o illustrat e tha t th e Cour t ha s conclude d repeatedly tha t suc h affirmativ e actio n i s constitutional , explicitl y re jecting a rigid colo r blindnes s rule . I offe r a summary o f curren t affirma tive actio n policies , th e mos t commo n argument s agains t affirmativ e ac tion, an d m y responses t o them . Finally, I retur n t o Justic e Harlan' s concer n abou t racia l cast e an d demonstrate ho w pervasiv e i t i s today . I propos e tha t th e Court—whos e duty i t i s t o declar e wha t th e Constitutio n means—endors e th e distinc tion betwee n remedia l affirmativ e actio n an d law s tha t endors e racia l supremacy. The Cour t ca n d o this b y embracing Justice Powell's diversit y approach i n Bakke or b y treatin g race-base d affirmativ e actio n unde r th e same analytica l standar d i t applies t o gender-based policies .

NOTES OF A

RACIAL CASTE BABY

V PART ON E

A PERSONA L NARRATIV E

NOT WHITE ENOUG H

I hav e live d i n Ohio , Nort h Carolina , California, an d Alabama . I n eac h place, mos t blacks , whites , an d othe r minoritie s liv e separat e lives . Mos t blacks ar e poo r an d liv e i n isolated , self-containe d slums . The y atten d segregated school s tha t ar e poorl y funded , overcrowded , an d i n nee d o f repair. Mos t white s liv e awa y from them , i n othe r section s o f the citie s o r in th e suburbs . Mos t o f the m atten d better-funded , les s crowded , newe r schools. Other racia l enclaves buffe r o r border thos e o f whites an d blacks . Daily contac t betwee n white s an d black s i s limited , excep t i n employ ment setting s wher e white s supervis e blacks . Socia l club s an d churche s are often hypersegregated . Residentia l propert y value s see m t o be drive n by racia l demographics , wit h th e degre e o f whitenes s i n th e communit y in proportio n t o th e price . Eac h communit y ha s it s ow n consume r ser vices, whose qualit y varies with th e community' s color . Similar pattern s prevai l acros s th e Unite d States . Eve n th e poores t whites an d black s liv e separately , suggestin g tha t economi c statu s alon e does no t explai n housin g segregation . Ye t i n mos t o f th e country , I hea r barely a whispe r publicl y abou t thes e difference s i n th e live s o f white s and blacks . Behind close d doors , however, racia l group s hur l epithet s an d accusations. Ho w di d American s arriv e a t thi s state ? I s ther e somethin g peculiar abou t black s tha t locks mos t o f the m i n America' s ghettos ? Ar e 1

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white folk s responsible ? I s ther e anythin g American s ca n d o t o eliminat e racial caste ? I want t o answe r thes e question s i n ligh t o f my ow n experi ences. I was born i n Ohio. Even thoug h thi s stat e was not organized a s a slave state, it s earl y judicia l case s indicat e tha t b y law , white s ha d numerou s rights tha t black s an d mulattoe s wer e denied . Th e Ohi o constitutio n restricted votin g privilege s t o whit e males , an d it s statute s limite d com mon school s t o whit e children . Whe n a whit e perso n wa s a part y i n a case, black s an d mulattoe s coul d no t b e witnesses , an d the y als o coul d not serv e o n juries. 1 Presumably, mos t Americans toda y would admi t tha t such policie s wer e racis t an d unfair . Nonetheless , Ohi o i s no t generall y thought o f a s a racist state , a t leas t no t i n th e wa y tha t man y American s view, say, Mississippi o r Alabama. Indeed , man y communities outsid e th e South ar e see n a s fre e o f th e racis t traditio n tha t define s th e Sout h fo r many non-Southerners . Thi s assumptio n make s th e South—specificall y a place lik e Alabama, wher e I now live—appea r wors e tha n i t is , and th e rest o f the countr y better . But i s thi s reputatio n deserved ? Lon g befor e I wa s born , Ohi o ha d relegated mos t black s t o cast e b y la w an d custom . Man y earl y judicia l cases i n Ohi o were brough t b y parties claimin g som e proportio n o f whit e blood, which , the y insisted , entitle d the m t o al l th e privilege s o f white ness. Fo r example , Poll y Gray , wh o appeare d t o b e " a shad e o f colo r between mulatt o an d white, " ha d he r robber y convictio n reverse d be cause th e tria l cour t ha d permitte d a black witnes s t o testif y agains t he r in violatio n o f stat e law . Th e appellat e cour t foun d tha t a perso n "o f a race neare r whit e tha n mulatt o . . . shoul d partak e i n th e privilege s o f white." I n anothe r case , th e cour t ha d t o determin e whethe r th e childre n of an all-white mother an d a three-quarters whit e fathe r wer e white unde r the law . The cour t hel d tha t becaus e th e ter m white described bloo d an d not complexion , th e childre n wer e white. 2 Other case s i n th e Ohi o court s focuse d o n whethe r thos e havin g a mixture o f an y bloo d othe r tha n tha t o f "entirel y white " person s coul d vote. Th e court s rule d tha t al l person s neare r t o whit e tha n blac k wer e entitled t o enjo y ever y politica l an d socia l privileg e o f th e whit e citizen . Monroe v. Collins is a good example . I n thi s case, the Ohi o Supreme Cour t examined th e constitutionalit y o f a state la w assignin g t o electe d judge s the dut y t o questio n an y perso n wit h a distinct an d visibl e admixtur e o f African bloo d wh o wa s tryin g t o vot e unde r stat e law , abou t hi s o r he r age, plac e o f birth , parents ' marita l statu s an d whethe r the y ha d Africa n

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blood, whethe r i n thi s person' s communit y h e o r sh e wa s classifie d an d recognized a s white o r colored, an d whethe r hi s o r her childre n attende d schools fo r whit e o r colore d children . Th e cour t foun d th e statut e t o b e unconstitutional, no t becaus e th e vot e wa s denie d t o blacks , bu t becaus e persons neare r t o white tha n blac k wer e denie d thei r constitutiona l righ t to vote. Many similar cases required judge s to decide the rights of fugitiv e slaves wh o ha d fled t o Ohio , th e right s o f thei r allege d master s seekin g their return , o r th e crimina l liabilit y o f thos e wh o aide d th e fugitiv e slaves' escape. 3 Th e judge s accepte d wha t the y believe d wa s thei r lega l duty: t o determin e whethe r Ohioan s wer e whit e enoug h t o enjo y variou s rights o r privileges. Van Camp v. Logan 4 bes t describe s Ohio' s earl y rac e rules . A divide d state suprem e cour t hel d tha t Eno s Va n Camp' s children—wh o wer e three-eighths Africa n an d five-eighths whit e an d wh o appeare d an d wer e generally regarde d a s colored—wer e no t entitle d t o g o t o th e whit e children's schools , notwithstandin g prio r statute s an d judicia l opinion s t o the contrary . Thi s case indicate s th e elusiv e meanin g o f whiteness ; tha t is, in th e middl e o f the nineteent h century , th e meanin g changed . According t o Judg e Willia m V . Peck , befor e 1848 , n o la w i n Ohi o provided fo r th e educatio n o f any but white children . Then i n 1848 , Ohio law fo r th e first tim e provide d fo r th e educatio n o f colore d children , directing a ta x fo r tha t purpos e t o b e levie d o n th e propert y o f colore d persons t o support separat e school s for them . This statut e prove d ineffec tive, however , becaus e i t di d no t generat e sufficien t mone y t o fun d a separate school , an d Ohi o continue d t o refus e t o diver t an y o f th e com mon schoo l fund s t o educate colore d children . In 1853 , the Ohi o legislatur e repeale d thi s earlie r statute , replacin g i t with on e tha t maintaine d raciall y separat e school s bu t gav e colored yout h their ful l shar e o f th e commo n schoo l funds , i n proportio n t o thei r num bers. Bu t when th e villag e o f Logan di d no t maintai n a school fo r colore d youth, becaus e o f insufficien t numbers , th e cour t foun d nothin g illegal , declaring tha t i t was a matter fo r th e legislature , no t th e judiciary. 5 The court' s divide d opinion s contai n a revealing exchang e amon g th e judges regardin g wha t th e Ohi o legislatur e intende d whe n i t use d th e term colored i n th e 185 3 statute . Th e majorit y hel d tha t th e ter m wa s used t o creat e tw o classes , white and colored, thereb y changin g th e prob lem fro m th e proportio n o f white bloo d t o th e presenc e o f an y nonwhit e blood. Base d o n thi s reasoning , a perso n wa s eithe r entirel y whit e o r colored. Th e cour t use d Webster' s dictionar y t o defin e colored: "blac k

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people, African s o r thei r descendants , mixe d o r unmixed... . A perso n having an y perceptibl e admixtur e o f Africa n blood , i s generall y calle d a colored person. " Th e majorit y therefor e decide d tha t th e 185 3 statut e was intended t o place i n on e schoo l al l the whit e yout h and , i n th e other , all who had an y visible "taint " o f African blood. 6 Judge Milto n Sutliff , fo r himsel f an d th e chie f justice , wrot e i n a bitter dissen t tha t "cast e legislatio n i s inconsisten t wit h th e theor y an d spirit o f a fre e government , assertin g al l me n ar e create d equal." 7 H e concluded tha t prio r construction s o f Ohi o la w preclude d th e decisio n reached b y th e majority . Bu t Sutlif f wa s unwillin g t o exten d th e disabili ties assigne d t o colore d yout h an y furthe r tha n thos e tha t ha d bee n applied t o black s an d mulattoes—a n emphasi s o n cast e legislatio n tha t presaged th e writing of John Marshal l Harla n a t the end o f the nineteent h century. While I wa s growin g u p i n Ohio , I neve r learne d anythin g abou t it s racial histor y o r its tradition s o f racia l privilege s fo r whit e Ohioans . Non e of my teacher s mentione d tha t Ohi o la w had give n precedenc e t o white ness. W e neve r discusse d wh y school s wer e segregate d i n th e first plac e or wh y whit e parent s di d no t wan t thei r childre n t o atten d school s wit h black children . Logan and simila r case s throughou t th e countr y wer e use d t o construc t the meanin g o f bein g white , tha t is , a perso n withou t th e "taint " o f black blood . Whitenes s wa s define d i n oppositio n t o blackness ; i n short , whiteness mean t nonblack . Contemporary writer s criticiz e moder n remedia l affirmativ e actio n a s a racial spoil s system . Bu t thi s syste m wa s establishe d i n place s lik e Ohi o in th e earl y 1800 s when legislature s an d court s wer e claimin g tha t whit e blood wa s someho w bette r tha n black , thereb y entitlin g white s t o privi leges denie d t o black s an d othe r American s o f color . This , o f course , i s the essenc e o f whit e supremacy : th e presumptio n tha t whit e bloo d o r whiteness is , by some unknown measure , better tha n othe r bloo d o r racial identities. Notice th e circula r logi c here : white s receiv e privilege s becaus e o f their specia l blood , an d sinc e the y receiv e privilege s lik e education , employment, an d voting , the y ar e superior . I f white s ar e superior , the n nonwhites—namely, blacks—mus t b e inferior . Racia l superiority , then , is a social construct too , a myth created t o express certain belief s an d acts . If ther e wer e n o suc h thin g a s whit e blood , woul d ther e the n b e n o such thing s a s whit e an d black ? Wa s Jame s Baldwi n correc t whe n h e

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wrote "colo r i s not a human o r a personal reality , i t i s a political reality"? 8 Is it possible tha t racia l bloo d grouping s wer e devise d t o allocate benefit s to selec t Americans ? A s Ia n Hane y Lope z writes , "Pu t mos t starkly , la w constructs race. " 9 I wish I could stat e tha t thes e concepts—whitenes s an d whit e superi ority—were nothin g bu t flimsy house s o f cards , bu t eve n i f thi s wer e true, i t woul d no t chang e America' s curren t politica l reality . A s Chery l Harris argues , th e law' s constructio n o f whitenes s define s an d affirm s critical aspect s o f white identit y (tha t is , who i s white), of white privileg e (what benefit s accru e t o tha t status) , an d o f propert y (wha t lega l entitle ments aris e from tha t status). 10 Being know n a s o r appearin g whit e ha s give n selec t citizens , i n Ohi o and elsewher e i n th e Unite d States , politica l an d economi c advantage s over blacks , mulattoes , an d othe r colore d persons , a s well a s poor whites , especially whit e women . Successiv e generation s o f whites hav e accumu lated an d passe d dow n wealt h derive d i n par t fro m racia l privilege . I n turn, thes e advantage s hav e place d person s wh o wer e no t know n a s o r who coul d no t pas s a s white int o a racial caste . Fo r them , whit e privileg e meant deprivation , littl e wealt h t o accumulat e o r pas s down . Whit e su premacy denie d the m equalit y o f opportunity , destroye d thei r families , and relegate d the m t o enclave s o f despair . I n America n neighborhood s today, th e result s o f racia l privileg e fo r white s an d racia l cast e fo r black s and othe r racial minorities ar e evident. Th e Unite d State s today is at least two nations. 11 For Ohioan s o f color , th e la w ha s no t bee n colo r blind ; indeed , colo r determines statu s an d rights ; it mean s everything . Som e o f thos e colore d folks wh o could no t pas s as white Ohioan s wer e m y dar k brow n ancestor s who migrated t o Ohio fro m Virgini a and West Virginia a t the beginnin g of the twentiet h century , barel y a generatio n fro m America n slavery . M y maternal great-grandmother , Juli a Cla y Woods , move d fro m Talcutt , Vir ginia, t o Columbu s wit h he r five children : Faye , Gertrude , Sadie , Bessie , and Alexander, m y grandfather. Victori a Smit h Case y and Pan k Casey , my other materna l great-grandparents , move d thei r twelv e childre n fro m coal-mining compan y town s i n Bluefiel d an d Wyco , Wes t Virginia , t o Columbus. Thei r daughte r Elizabet h Case y marrie d Alexande r Woods . My materna l grandparent s ha d fou r son s an d on e daughter : Alexander , Jerry, Ralph , Earl , and m y mother, Dolores .

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DEE

My mother , know n a s Dee , wa s bor n i n Columbus , Ohio , i n 1929 , th e oldest o f fiv e children , i n th e mids t o f th e Grea t Depression . Th e cras h of th e stoc k marke t wa s onl y a prelud e t o a genera l collaps e o f th e American economy . A s man y a s fiftee n millio n American s wer e unem ployed, an d th e nationa l incom e droppe d b y mor e tha n 5 0 percent . Farm price s fel l nearl y 6 0 percent , an d busines s failure s an d mortgag e foreclosures le d t o the failur e o f more than fiv e thousan d banks . Congres s and Presiden t Frankli n D . Roosevel t responde d wit h sweepin g federa l legislation t o rescu e th e econom y an d t o protec t industrie s an d worker s from financia l rui n an d starvation . Afte r th e Depressio n cam e Worl d Wa r II, als o requiring th e guidanc e o f a strong nationa l government . Neither Presiden t Roosevelt' s Ne w Dea l no r th e wa r effor t wa s colo r blind. Consequently , black s livin g throug h thos e crise s ha d t o conten d not onl y wit h economi c insecurit y bu t als o numerou s form s o f racia l discrimination an d violence. Fo r instance, relief payment s fo r blacks wer e often severa l dollar s les s than thos e fo r whites, an d black s di d no t receiv e the sam e employmen t opportunitie s a s whites di d unde r th e Work s Prog ress Administratio n (WPA) . Blac k servicemen , regardles s o f thei r educa tion o r experience , wer e force d t o liv e i n segregate d facilitie s an d serv e in segregated units . In fact , man y felt free r whe n the y were oversea s tha n when the y were a t home. And th e federa l government' s economi c bailou t from th e Depressio n di d nothin g t o eliminat e racia l cast e i n th e Unite d States. Dee's father , Alex , wa s a chauffeu r an d janitor . Fo r a brie f tim e h e worked i n th e WPA . He r mother , Elizabeth , cooke d i n restaurants . Dur ing Worl d Wa r II , sh e worke d wit h othe r wome n a t th e Wa r Depot , bu t their job s wer e returne d t o me n whe n th e wa r ended . Eve n thoug h neither o f m y grandparent s wa s laz y o r hel d unacceptabl e values , thei r economic opportunitie s wer e restricte d b y educationa l an d employmen t policies favorin g whites . In 1950 , my mothe r marrie d Sylveste r Eugen e Fair . Lik e Dee , h e wa s tall an d striking , wit h a rich , dar k brow n complexion . H e worke d i n th e railroad yard s i n Columbus . The y ha d tw o children , Butc h an d Theresa , but the n divorce d i n 1952 . Dee neve r remarried . B y 1965 , she ha d eigh t more children : Sheila , Bettye , Jayme , Duncan , Kimberly , me , Mark , an d Brett. All of us took my mother's marrie d name , Fair . I d o no t remembe r man y o f Dee' s jobs . Sh e worke d i n grocer y store s

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and bakeries , bu t mostl y i n restaurant s an d bars . Sh e complaine d al l th e time abou t he r jobs , ho w har d th e wor k wa s an d ho w littl e sh e earned . Sometimes whe n sh e disagree d wit h a n employer , sh e simpl y qui t an d started lookin g fo r anothe r job . Sh e change d job s frequently , sometime s working bot h durin g th e da y an d a t night . Whe n sh e wa s workin g a t restaurants an d bars , sh e di d no t ge t hom e unti l afte r midnight , an d s o my olde r sibling s wer e i n charge . Wit h s o littl e supervision , I cam e an d went a s I chose, staying away from hom e a s much a s possible. Sometimes I wen t t o wor k wit h m y mothe r an d helpe d he r was h glasses, clea n bathrooms , o r scru b floors . Th e bar s wer e al l th e same : dark, smok e filled, an d dilapitated , wit h a juke box , a cigarette machine , a smal l poo l table , an d a n old , overuse d kitchen . Me n an d a few wome n came an d wen t throughou t th e day . Whe n I finished my work , I playe d pool o r listene d t o th e juke bo x an d watche d Dee' s interaction s wit h th e customers. Dee ofte n ha d t o wor k alone , servin g drinks , cooking , an d cleaning . She usuall y prepare d a daily special, suc h a s fried chicken , por k chops , or meatloaf, accompanie d b y vegetable s an d whit e bread . Occasionally , sh e cooked pig' s fee t o r chitterlings . Th e customer s love d Dee' s cooking . Nobody ha d he r abilit y to make foo d loo k and tast e exquisite , at least no t anyone working on Mount Verno n Avenue o r Long Street . I had see n he r work miracle s wit h foo d a t home . Sh e mad e meal s fro m almos t nothin g and coul d mak e bologn a o r beans an d wiener s see m special . I remembe r ho w eas y i t wa s fo r De e t o mak e conversatio n wit h he r customers. A few o f the m wer e friend s tha t cam e t o ou r home , bu t mos t lived an d worke d nearb y an d frequente d th e ba r or restaurant. Sh e didn' t treat an y o f the m a s strangers . The y talke d abou t loca l new s o r politics , as wel l a s th e lates t storie s fro m th e Call & Post, the blac k newspaper . She aske d abou t thei r work o r families an d listene d t o their stories . Som e were i n betwee n job s o r recentl y divorced . Other s wer e sic k fro m hig h blood pressur e o r sickle cel l anemia . De e wa s their confidante . Sh e coul d console the m o r mak e the m laugh . Sh e neve r talke d abou t ou r famil y o r herself. A s fa r a s the y knew , De e an d he r famil y wer e fine. I remembe r being surprise d b y he r kindnes s an d sensitivit y becaus e a t hom e sh e seemed lik e a different person . At home, th e demand s o n De e a s the breadwinne r fo r ou r large famil y caused enormou s stress . A t time s sh e worke d severa l job s a t once , bu t none o f the m pai d mor e tha n th e minimu m wag e plu s tips . Sh e neve r had enoug h mone y t o pay our bills . The warm , friendl y dispositio n tha t I

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observed whe n De e worke d rarel y appeare d a t home . Instead , conversa tions were shor t an d pointed : "No , I don't hav e an y money!" o r "Tel l th e landlord I' m no t home! " Scrapin g togethe r barel y enoug h t o survive too k its toll. Her ten kid s were an overwhelming burden . I don't know whethe r she wa s ashame d o f ou r poverty , bu t sh e ofte n seeme d ver y unhapp y a t home. I noted he r vastly differen t personalitie s an d hope d t o emulate th e one fro m work . Unlike som e o f my siblings , I do not kno w who my father is . For years when peopl e aske d abou t hi m o r hi s occupation , I just mad e somethin g up o r sai d h e wa s dead . I wa s ashame d t o admi t tha t I didn' t kno w because I didn't want t o be differen t fro m my friends wh o did kno w thei r parents. I t als o was embarrassin g t o tell lie s o r to explain ho w my mothe r tried t o mak e end s meet . I couldn't tel l anyon e ho w littl e w e had , wh y I had t o work s o much, o r why I stayed awa y from home . I hated my fathe r for no t carin g about m e an d no t helpin g my mother suppor t me . When I was a teenager, I had severa l awkwar d conversation s wit h De e about m y father' s identity , bu t the y usuall y ende d wit h on e o f us scream ing. S o I decide d no t t o as k he r abou t hi m anymore , bu t my resolutio n only increase d my ange r towar d hi m an d Dee . Wh y couldn' t sh e tel l m e who he was? Was she protecting him ? Would h e hurt her? And why didn' t he revea l himself ? Wh y didn' t the y understan d m y nee d t o know? Eve n though I never again broached th e subject, I had t o free mysel f of feeling s of shame , an d i t wa s no t unti l hig h schoo l tha t I wa s matur e enoug h t o acknowledge tha t I di d no t kno w m y father . I decided , therefore , tha t I would no t li e abou t my relationshi p wit h my father , tha t I ha d n o reaso n to b e ashamed , tha t I was no t responsibl e fo r th e choice s h e made . No w when peopl e as k abou t my parents , I sa y tha t my mothe r ha s bee n a single paren t al l my life . Not havin g a fathe r taugh t m e man y things . First , I didn' t wan t t o repeat hi s actions . I woul d no t hav e a child unti l I was ready , an d unde r no circumstance s woul d I abando n my child . Anothe r lesso n wa s tha t children nee d nurturin g an d guidanc e t o prepar e t o mak e life' s choices . When I reache d pubert y an d becam e curiou s abou t girls , I didn' t kno w what t o d o o r no t t o do . I didn' t kno w wha t a condo m wa s unti l I wa s sixteen, wel l afte r my initia l sexua l experience s a t ag e eight . Th e closes t I ever cam e t o getting guidanc e a t home wa s when I once overhear d De e tell on e o f m y olde r brother s t o kee p hi s peni s i n hi s pants . Bu t thos e words mattere d littl e whe n I was pressin g mysel f agains t a girl. I neede d information abou t pregnancy , contraception, an d sexuall y transmitted dis -

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eases, an d I neede d i t fro m responsible , informe d people . M y not-so much-older sibling s wer e o f littl e help , a s w e al l wer e o n ou r ow n an d had t o lear n fro m experience . It' s a miracl e tha t I didn' t ge t som e chil d pregnant. I canno t remembe r a tim e whe n an y o f th e father s o f my sibling s helped De e suppor t o r rear us . Their absenc e mad e ou r live s muc h mor e precarious, comin g o n to p o f th e genera l povert y an d racia l cast e i n Columbus. Fo r u s ther e wa s onl y Dee . Sh e neve r lef t us . Sh e kep t u s together an d provide d fo r u s a s bes t sh e could . Th e eleve n o f u s jour neyed throug h th e ghetto , collectively an d individually , a loose but stron g confederation, th e olde r kid s supervisin g th e younge r one s whe n De e was working. BLACK COLUMBU S

The danger s o f racial caste i n America ar e real an d growin g worse. By th e time I wa s born , i n 1960 , al l o f Ohio' s earlie r officia l racis t policie s ha d been repealed , bu t racia l cast e remaine d nevertheless : inadequat e food , clothing, an d shelter ; substandar d schools , illiteracy , an d hig h dropou t rates; fe w occupationa l opportunities , two-digi t unemploymen t figures, and poverty wages; households heade d disproportionatel y b y single working mother s an d inadequat e chil d supervision ; insufficien t se x educatio n and consequen t tee n parenting ; poo r healt h care , exposur e t o harmfu l chemicals and toxins , and disproportionately highe r mortality rates; crime, drug-related violence , an d communitie s unde r sieg e b y polic e wh o ofte n seem unabl e t o distinguis h betwee n lawfu l citizen s an d criminals ; an d racial animu s i n th e crimina l justic e syste m tha t cause s man y blac k defendants t o receive punishment disproportionatel y greate r tha n tha t fo r whites convicte d o f simila r offenses . N o on e ca n endur e suc h condition s for lon g without becomin g angry , hardened, an d beref t o f hope. Life i s desperat e i n a blac k ghetto . Children' s basi c need s g o unmet . Rather tha n spendin g tim e i n school , i n communit y centers , o r a t camp , they ar e i n th e street s hustlin g whateve r the y can , jus t t o ge t by . Som e see n o choic e bu t t o sel l themselves . A s the y gro w older , the y acquir e few skill s fo r whic h industr y wil l pa y the m a livin g wage . The y atten d school bu t struggl e t o lear n t o read . Fo r some , thei r greates t concer n i s obtaining foo d and/o r shelter . Thei r rol e model s ar e no t teacher s o r ministers bu t dru g pusher s o r pimp s wh o mak e mor e mone y an d hav e nicer possession s tha n mos t blac k peopl e the y kno w wit h lawfu l jobs . T o

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eases, an d I neede d i t fro m responsible , informe d people . M y not-so much-older sibling s wer e o f littl e help , a s w e al l wer e o n ou r ow n an d had t o lear n fro m experience . It' s a miracl e tha t I didn' t ge t som e chil d pregnant. I canno t remembe r a tim e whe n an y o f th e father s o f my sibling s helped De e suppor t o r rear us . Their absenc e mad e ou r live s muc h mor e precarious, comin g o n to p o f th e genera l povert y an d racia l cast e i n Columbus. Fo r u s ther e wa s onl y Dee . Sh e neve r lef t us . Sh e kep t u s together an d provide d fo r u s a s bes t sh e could . Th e eleve n o f u s jour neyed throug h th e ghetto , collectively an d individually , a loose but stron g confederation, th e olde r kid s supervisin g th e younge r one s whe n De e was working. BLACK COLUMBU S

The danger s o f racial caste i n America ar e real an d growin g worse. By th e time I wa s born , i n 1960 , al l o f Ohio' s earlie r officia l racis t policie s ha d been repealed , bu t racia l cast e remaine d nevertheless : inadequat e food , clothing, an d shelter ; substandar d schools , illiteracy , an d hig h dropou t rates; fe w occupationa l opportunities , two-digi t unemploymen t figures, and poverty wages; households heade d disproportionatel y b y single working mother s an d inadequat e chil d supervision ; insufficien t se x educatio n and consequen t tee n parenting ; poo r healt h care , exposur e t o harmfu l chemicals and toxins , and disproportionately highe r mortality rates; crime, drug-related violence , an d communitie s unde r sieg e b y polic e wh o ofte n seem unabl e t o distinguis h betwee n lawfu l citizen s an d criminals ; an d racial animu s i n th e crimina l justic e syste m tha t cause s man y blac k defendants t o receive punishment disproportionatel y greate r tha n tha t fo r whites convicte d o f simila r offenses . N o on e ca n endur e suc h condition s for lon g without becomin g angry , hardened, an d beref t o f hope. Life i s desperat e i n a blac k ghetto . Children' s basi c need s g o unmet . Rather tha n spendin g tim e i n school , i n communit y centers , o r a t camp , they ar e i n th e street s hustlin g whateve r the y can , jus t t o ge t by . Som e see n o choic e bu t t o sel l themselves . A s the y gro w older , the y acquir e few skill s fo r whic h industr y wil l pa y the m a livin g wage . The y atten d school bu t struggl e t o lear n t o read . Fo r some , thei r greates t concer n i s obtaining foo d and/o r shelter . Thei r rol e model s ar e no t teacher s o r ministers bu t dru g pusher s o r pimp s wh o mak e mor e mone y an d hav e nicer possession s tha n mos t blac k peopl e the y kno w wit h lawfu l jobs . T o

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some, crim e seem s t o pay , an d t o many , th e constan t deprivatio n create s anger an d racia l hatred . Americans livin g in a racial caste ofte n thin k the y have a better chanc e for succes s an d materia l wealt h b y peddlin g dop e o r stealing . An d be cause the y don' t valu e thei r ow n lives , they don' t valu e others' . I n suc h a situation, n o on e i s safe . Th e adven t o f crac k cocain e i n th e ghett o an d the sprea d o f gang s an d gun s i n citie s larg e an d smal l hav e exacerbate d other symptom s o f racia l caste . Car jackings an d drive-b y shooting s hav e become regula r event s i n man y communitie s throughou t th e Unite d States. Sylvester Monroe' s boo k Brothers, Jonatha n Kozol' s Savage Inequalities, and Ale x Kotlowitz' s There Are No Children Here describe th e horri d condi tions unde r whic h black s an d othe r minoritie s live , attend school , and di e in place s lik e Chicago , New York , and Eas t St . Louis . Monroe's retur n t o the Chicag o project s wher e h e gre w u p explain s wh y racia l cast e i s handed fro m generatio n t o generatio n an d wh y fe w black s ca n escap e it. Severa l o f Monroe' s childhoo d friend s wer e kille d befor e reachin g adulthood. Other s becam e "chil d parents " wit h n o means o f supporting a family. Kotlowit z dispel s an y belie f tha t th e lif e chance s fo r th e typica l young blac k chil d ar e th e sam e a s thos e fo r mos t whit e children . H e describes th e gauntlet , th e wa r zon e tha t man y blac k childre n mus t negotiate. Mor e an d mor e blac k childre n se e thei r peer s di e an d com e t o doubt tha t the y wil l eve n reac h ag e eighteen . Kozo l show s tha t ghett o schools kil l th e dream s o f minorit y an d poo r childre n wh o lear n a t a n early age—fro m ho w the y ar e treate d i n thos e school s an d ho w the y live—that the y ar e not important . Black Columbus , too , wa s a blea k world , encompassin g tw o larg e ghettos o n th e eas t an d nort h side s o f the city , where racia l cast e reigne d supreme. M y famil y live d mostl y o n th e eas t sid e of f Fairwoo d Avenue , near bot h Livingsto n Avenu e an d Mai n Street , wher e smal l loca l busi nesses, grocer y stores , restaurants , barbe r shops , an d bar s peppere d th e area fo r twent y block s betwee n Nelso n Roa d o n th e eas t an d Ohi o Avenue o n the west. Mount Verno n Avenue an d Lon g Street were similar strips a t th e nort h en d o f m y ghetto . Alongsid e an d betwee n thos e businesses wer e larg e an d smal l churche s an d mosques : Apostolic , Bap tist, A.M.E. , C.M.E. , Catholic , an d Blac k Muslim . Behin d thos e thor oughfares wer e the tenement s an d near-slum s where mos t blacks resided . On a fe w streets , a handfu l o f black s ha d restore d larg e ol d house s t o

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their origina l grandeur. Mos t homes , however , showe d th e weight o f tim e and littl e structura l maintenanc e o r repair . On Friday s an d Saturdays , especiall y a t night , black s dresse d i n thei r best polyesters , gabardines , an d fak e leather , thei r floor-length coat s an d stylish hats , and heade d t o one o f those avenues . The street s cam e alive , with th e restaurant s an d bar s the socia l centers fo r adul t entertainment . What I remembe r bes t abou t thos e day s an d night s ar e th e score s o f drunken blac k men , whose onl y ambition wa s another bottl e o f Ripple o r Wild Iris h Ros e wine, and th e scantil y clad women strategicall y place d o n certain corners . Th e dirty , vomit-smellin g me n i n ragged , soile d clothes , awakening alon g Mai n Stree t afte r a long nigh t o r weeken d o f drinking , terrified me . The y appeare d deranged , stammerin g t o themselve s i n slurred tones , stumblin g dow n th e street , or , worse, sittin g o r standin g i n vomit, urine , o r feces , thei r mouth s an d nose s encrusted , thei r bodie s emaciated an d shrunken , thei r eye s glass y and bloodshot . These me n gathere d an d sa t o r stoo d i n group s outsid e poo l halls , corner stores , or abandoned buildings , passing a bottle, asking for change , or doin g nothin g a t all . I f I coul d avoi d walkin g pas t them , I did , bu t there wer e s o many tha t thi s usuall y wa s impossible . Merchant s regularl y chased the m fro m i n front o f their businesses . The face s o f these walkin g dead me n reveale d thei r shame , th e onl y remainin g sig n o f huma n dig nity. I didn't kno w ho w they ha d gotte n thi s way, but I prayed i t wouldn' t happen t o me . The prostitute s fascinate d me . Ho w coul d the y d o what the y did , an d so publicly? Why di d the y work fo r a pimp? Why didn' t the y hav e norma l jobs? Wh y weren' t the y i n school ? Exactl y ho w muc h di d i t cos t t o hav e sex wit h them ? I ha d man y questions . Usually , tw o o r thre e wome n worked a block , strollin g provocativel y unti l a clien t approached . Whe n they leane d throug h th e ca r window, you go t an eyeful . Most o f th e prostitute s looke d old , wer e overweight , an d showe d th e strain o f thei r profession . Man y wor e heav y makeup , colore d wigs , an d clothing tw o size s to o small . The y looke d rough , saggin g beyon d thei r years. Bu t other s wer e strikingl y beautiful , wit h smooth , cream y brow n skin, thei r ow n hai r an d teeth , an d shapel y bodies . Thei r clothe s varie d from th e shortes t skirts , shorts , an d halte r top s t o fitted , revealin g jump suits. Ofte n yo u coul d se e th e outlin e o f thei r nipple s an d hig h u p th e front an d bac k o f their thighs . Some wore the scar s of their work, wounds fro m pimp s who beat the m

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if the y didn' t tur n enoug h tricks . All th e pimp s i n blac k Columbu s mus t have studie d unde r th e sam e trainer . Eac h wa s a sketch, a carbon copy , of the others , drivin g th e bigges t pin k o r yello w Cadillac s i n th e cit y an d wearing bright , flashy clothe s an d jewelry , wit h hat s tha t arrive d befor e they did . Eac h wor e a signatur e sil k scar f tie d aroun d hi s neck , fallin g just abov e th e openin g o f a nylon o r sil k shirt . The y wer e blac k me n o f every hue , man y wit h processe d hair . The y al l strutte d wit h a decide d limp, almos t a s if one le g were shorter . I wa s terrifie d o f th e pimps . Thei r reputation s fo r ruthlessnes s wer e borne ou t o n th e face s o f th e prostitutes . I didn' t understan d ho w th e women, especiall y th e beautifu l ones , ever go t involved wit h them . Were they conne d o r terrorized ? Coul d anyon e choose t o b e a prostitute ? I fel t sorry for th e wome n an d deteste d th e me n wh o ran them . By Sunday , Mai n Street , Long , an d Moun t Verno n Avenu e wer e lit tered wit h bee r an d win e bottle s an d othe r tras h fro m th e weekend' s revelry, a s wel l a s som e semiconsciou s men . Nonetheless , b y eleve n o'clock, th e churche s wer e overflowin g wit h blac k familie s givin g thank s for thei r blessings . Fro m m y vantag e point , I didn' t understan d exactl y what blessing s the y meant . De e neve r talke d abou t religio n an d di d no t attend church . Whether I went, therefore , wa s solely up t o me. I sample d a numbe r o f churches , especiall y a Catholi c church , an d later joined a Baptist one. The Catholi c church was an imposing structure , just of f Mai n Street , withi n tw o block s o f wher e I worke d an d lived . Adjacent t o th e churc h wa s a playground wit h a basketball court , appar ently intende d a s bai t fo r th e kids . Whe n w e playe d there , th e whit e priest cam e ou t an d invite d u s t o services . Inside , th e churc h wa s dark , cavernous, and ornate. Candles provided th e primary lighting. High abov e the alta r hun g a larg e cros s o n whic h wa s a carvin g o f a white-lookin g man, hi s face testimon y t o the anguis h fro m th e nail s piercing hi s flesh. The congregatio n wa s mostl y white , fro m nearb y communitie s jus t across th e railroa d track s o r th e highwa y bypas s t o th e eas t an d sout h o f the ghetto . I guesse d tha t the y ha d onc e live d i n th e ol d house s tha t blacks no w occupied . Th e service s wer e formal . Th e congregatio n be came th e choir , singin g tw o o r thre e hymn s befor e recitin g th e Lord' s Prayer. Betwee n eac h even t th e worshiper s droppe d t o thei r knee s o n cushioned pad s t o pray . Th e sermon s neve r laste d mor e tha n a fe w minutes, an d th e entir e ceremon y wa s over in a n hour . I liked that . Like man y o f th e storefron t churche s an d businesses , housin g i n th e area was old an d blighted . Ther e wa s little ne w construction here , excep t

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when someon e adde d a room o r screened i n a porch. Some peopl e owne d houses, but mos t lived i n rentals, duplexes, or apartment buildings , which also showe d thei r year s o f wea r an d n o repair . Som e structures , lon g boarded u p an d abandoned , serve d a s temporar y quarter s fo r th e home less, for crimina l activity , an d fo r rat s th e siz e of small cats. In blac k Columbus , singl e mother s di d th e bes t the y coul d t o sustai n their children i n the fac e o f truancy, tee n pregnancy , crime , drugs, alcoho l abuse, an d poverty . While thei r mother s wer e awa y working, th e childre n sampled everythin g th e ghett o ha d t o offer : Som e smoke d reefer , dran k beer, hun g ou t i n poo l halls , and ha d sex . Many ha d childre n befor e the y finished hig h school . Others die d befor e the y ha d a chance a t life , i n gu n accidents o r tenemen t fires , o r fro m slowe r death s fro m drug s o r alcohol . Very few peopl e escape d blac k Columbus . Recognizing th e symptom s o f racia l cast e i s onl y th e firs t step , how ever. Crucial t o any understanding o f ghetto lif e ar e the man y factor s tha t lock mos t black s int o a racial caste , eve n withou t specifi c law s t o d o this . What ha s kep t mos t Columbu s black s i n dilapidate d neighborhoods , substandard schools , an d low-wag e occupations ? Ar e thes e condition s random, th e resul t o f privat e economi c choices ? O r i s ther e a direc t lin k between Ohio' s earlie r commitmen t t o racia l cast e an d th e predicamen t that mos t black s livin g there fac e today ? History doe s no t tak e plac e i n disconnecte d segments , an d communi ties don' t jus t evolve , the y ar e planned . Peopl e decid e th e topology — where thing s will go. They determin e wher e th e house s will b e buil t an d what kind s the y will be . They pla n wher e apartments , adul t theaters , ga s stations, malls , liquo r stores , an d chemica l o r industria l plant s ca n locate . They choos e wher e t o buil d ne w schools , parks, an d communit y centers . Much o f thi s plannin g i s don e b y zonin g councils , i n conjunctio n wit h school boards , cit y government , loca l developers , an d bankin g interests . A primary facto r i n such decision s ha s historicall y bee n racia l prejudice . In Columbus , communitie s wer e segregate d b y design . Afte r white s abandoned communities , black s could mov e in . Technically, black s coul d live anywher e the y coul d afford . Bu t i n reality , mos t coul d affor d onl y black Columbus . Give n thei r educatio n an d employmen t opportunities , very fe w black s coul d escap e th e ghetto , an d thos e fe w wh o coul d wer e powerless whe n thei r ne w whit e neighbor s hastil y move d out . Blac k schools collected fewe r fund s and , therefore, offere d a substandard educa tion compare d wit h th e whit e schools . Som e o f th e blac k school s wer e staffed b y teacher s tha t n o on e els e woul d hire . I n addition , rac e an d

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gender stereotype s an d custom s restricte d employmen t opportunities . Black me n di d th e dirties t manua l labo r fo r th e leas t pay . A few worke d in better-payin g blac k job s lik e sanitation . Blac k wome n wer e domesti c servants fo r white s o r wer e cook s i n part-time , low-wag e jobs . Loca l banks di d no t operat e branche s o r mak e man y loan s i n blac k Columbus . In thei r absence , alternative lendin g businesse s flourished, chargin g smal l fortunes fo r standar d financial services . Fe w supermarke t chain s opene d stores i n blac k Columbus , an d thos e tha t di d eventuall y close d o r move d away. As a consequence, th e grocer y store s an d othe r businesse s tha t di d operate ther e sol d thei r wares a t inflated prices , knowing thei r client s ha d few choices . Why, then , woul d anyon e choos e t o liv e i n th e ghetto ? Th e answer i s that n o one would . Some decision s tha t disproportionatel y affec t blacks—suc h a s th e location o f a new schoo l o r library , publi c housing , o r a waste incinerato r or whether t o locat e a supermarke t o r ban k branc h i n a particular neigh borhood—might appea r o n th e surfac e t o b e rac e neutral . Bu t i f on e looks mor e closely , whit e privileg e emerge s a s a significan t facto r i n decisions b y whites t o place ne w businesses , shoppin g malls , and school s in white communitie s an d t o locate waste sites or prisons i n or adjacent t o black communities . Becaus e few—an d ofte n no—black s hol d decision making position s an d becaus e black s ar e a numerica l minorit y i n mos t American cities , white s i n Columbu s an d elsewher e hav e bee n fre e t o arrange governmenta l an d privat e policie s t o favo r themselve s an d thei r interests. Black s hav e gotte n Columbus' s leftovers . Fe d o n scraps , tw o large black ghetto s emerged . RACIAL POVERT Y

In Columbus , rac e i s largely a proxy fo r economi c status . Som e black s i n the cit y belon g t o the middl e clas s an d hav e gon e t o college an d perhap s graduate o r professiona l school . A handfu l o f blac k doctor s an d lawyer s have practices , an d som e black s operat e smal l businesses , o n Moun t Vernon, Long , Main , o r Livingston . Other s includ e teacher s an d minis ters. Bu t mos t black s liv e in one o f the ghettos . It i s hard t o separate rac e and povert y i n blac k Columbus ; the y hav e blende d int o racia l poverty . By contrast , man y white s belon g t o th e middl e o r uppe r class , livin g i n essentially all-whit e communitie s lik e Bexley , Uppe r Arlington , Berwick , or Westerville . Thus , i f yo u ar e black , yo u aren' t expecte d t o b e there ,

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gender stereotype s an d custom s restricte d employmen t opportunities . Black me n di d th e dirties t manua l labo r fo r th e leas t pay . A few worke d in better-payin g blac k job s lik e sanitation . Blac k wome n wer e domesti c servants fo r white s o r wer e cook s i n part-time , low-wag e jobs . Loca l banks di d no t operat e branche s o r mak e man y loan s i n blac k Columbus . In thei r absence , alternative lendin g businesse s flourished, chargin g smal l fortunes fo r standar d financial services . Fe w supermarke t chain s opene d stores i n blac k Columbus , an d thos e tha t di d eventuall y close d o r move d away. As a consequence, th e grocer y store s an d othe r businesse s tha t di d operate ther e sol d thei r wares a t inflated prices , knowing thei r client s ha d few choices . Why, then , woul d anyon e choos e t o liv e i n th e ghetto ? Th e answer i s that n o one would . Some decision s tha t disproportionatel y affec t blacks—suc h a s th e location o f a new schoo l o r library , publi c housing , o r a waste incinerato r or whether t o locat e a supermarke t o r ban k branc h i n a particular neigh borhood—might appea r o n th e surfac e t o b e rac e neutral . Bu t i f on e looks mor e closely , whit e privileg e emerge s a s a significan t facto r i n decisions b y whites t o place ne w businesses , shoppin g malls , and school s in white communitie s an d t o locate waste sites or prisons i n or adjacent t o black communities . Becaus e few—an d ofte n no—black s hol d decision making position s an d becaus e black s ar e a numerica l minorit y i n mos t American cities , white s i n Columbu s an d elsewher e hav e bee n fre e t o arrange governmenta l an d privat e policie s t o favo r themselve s an d thei r interests. Black s hav e gotte n Columbus' s leftovers . Fe d o n scraps , tw o large black ghetto s emerged . RACIAL POVERT Y

In Columbus , rac e i s largely a proxy fo r economi c status . Som e black s i n the cit y belon g t o the middl e clas s an d hav e gon e t o college an d perhap s graduate o r professiona l school . A handfu l o f blac k doctor s an d lawyer s have practices , an d som e black s operat e smal l businesses , o n Moun t Vernon, Long , Main , o r Livingston . Other s includ e teacher s an d minis ters. Bu t mos t black s liv e in one o f the ghettos . It i s hard t o separate rac e and povert y i n blac k Columbus ; the y hav e blende d int o racia l poverty . By contrast , man y white s belon g t o th e middl e o r uppe r class , livin g i n essentially all-whit e communitie s lik e Bexley , Uppe r Arlington , Berwick , or Westerville . Thus , i f yo u ar e black , yo u aren' t expecte d t o b e there ,

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especially afte r dark , an d th e loca l polic e se e t o i t that suspiciou s (tha t is , black) people ar e questioned . For mos t o f m y childhood , m y famil y require d Ai d fo r Familie s wit h Dependent Childre n (AFDC) , o r welfare . Bu t i t wa s no t nearl y enoug h for food , housing , an d clothing . Par t o f th e welfar e mone y wa s spen t immediately o n foo d stamps . Unde r th e foo d stam p program , a welfar e recipient ca n bu y a n allotmen t o f foo d stam p coupon s fo r les s tha n thei r face value . Fo r example, one ca n bu y $200 in foo d stamp s fo r abou t $125. That may sound lik e a windfall, bu t anyon e wh o ha s live d o n AFDC an d food stamps , especially i n a large family lik e mine , knows tha t th e stamp s and foo d alway s ru n ou t well befor e th e en d o f the month . For the first tw o weeks o f each mont h w e ha d mil k an d cereal , peanu t butter an d jelly, and plent y o f bread. Fo r dinner w e at e spaghetti , chili , or Hamburger Helper . Occasionally , w e ha d po t roas t o r stew. As the mont h passed, w e at e lot s o f live r an d onion s ove r rice , nec k bones , o r nav y beans an d cor n bread . W e als o at e luncheo n meat , ho t dogs , an d beans . Except fo r watermelo n o n th e Fourt h o f Jul y an d orange s a t Christmas , we didn' t ea t fruit . W e rarely had balance d meals . Balanced o r not , al l to o soo n th e foo d ra n out . Sometime s wit h te n o r more day s remainin g i n th e month , w e ha d n o mor e foo d stamps . Th e menu the n consiste d o f mayonnaise, sugar , and syru p sandwiches . Amon g the eleve n o f us , we coul d almos t alway s scrap e togethe r enoug h chang e for bread . W e flavored i t wit h whateve r w e found . Occasionally , w e drank suga r wate r t o fill our stomachs . Once , whil e foragin g throug h th e cabinets, I foun d wha t I though t wa s a chocolat e cand y bar , whic h I hastily gulpe d down . Bu t i t turne d ou t t o b e ExLax , a laxative , wit h predictable, counterproductiv e results . If ou r schoo l ha d fre e breakfas t o r lunc h programs , w e ha d a t schoo l what was , o n som e days , ou r onl y meals . A t othe r times , I at e a t th e homes o f schoolmates . Bu t sometime s I was to o ashame d t o accep t thei r parents' offer , eve n thoug h m y stomac h ache d fro m hunger . Ironically , few peopl e tal k abou t th e stigm a o r sham e o f poverty . Instead , the y tal k about th e suppose d stigm a or harm o f remedial affirmativ e actio n that ca n eliminate poverty . Without AFDC , som e fre e meal s a t school , and gener ous friend s an d thei r parents , I woul d hav e gon e hungr y mor e ofte n an d would hav e bee n eve n mor e malnourished . Tha t wa s true fo r my sibling s as well , bu t w e rarel y talke d abou t it . Beyon d anger , frustration , an d hunger, a n empty stomac h provide s littl e incentiv e fo r conversation .

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All across th e Unite d State s ever y day , millions o f people wak e u p an d go t o be d hungry ; suc h i s lif e i n "th e riches t natio n i n th e world. " Man y days an d nights , I sa t u p hopin g tha t De e woul d brin g hom e something , anything, t o eat . Th e voice s o f teacher s talkin g abou t th e importanc e o f abstract educationa l skill s wer e ofte n har d t o hea r ove r th e distractin g growling of my stomach . Even wit h welfare , ther e wa s no t enoug h mone y fo r basi c clothin g o r adequate shelte r fo r m y family . De e neve r ha d mone y fo r clothin g o r shoes. W e didn' t hav e hand-me-down s either . I wil l neve r forge t th e humiliation o f either havin g t o wear my sister' s shoe s t o school o r not go. Local charitie s occasionall y gav e clothin g an d shoe s t o need y families . Charity Newsie s wa s on e o f th e larges t ai d group s i n Columbus , an d every coupl e o f years , De e too k som e o f u s t o a loca l warehous e wher e Charity Newsie s stocke d it s clothing : shirts , pants , coats , an d shoes . W e could pic k ou t thre e outfits , a coat, an d shoes . Usuall y th e selectio n wa s limited t o tw o o r thre e styles , colors , an d patterns . W e reluctantl y wor e these clothe s t o school , knowin g tha t som e o f th e kid s woul d recogniz e where the y cam e from . Nevertheless , w e wor e thos e clothe s unti l the y were tattered . Eve n thoug h I wa s alway s embarrasse d whe n w e wen t t o the warehouse , I wa s gratefu l fo r th e charity' s help . A s I gre w olde r an d began working , I proudly bough t my own clothes . After buyin g foo d stamps , mos t o f th e res t o f th e welfar e chec k wen t to pa y par t o f th e rent . Ren t i n th e ghett o i s artificiall y inflate d becaus e so many black s ar e competin g fo r th e sam e slu m tenement s an d becaus e few ca n affor d t o liv e elsewhere . Ric h peopl e rarel y allo w low-incom e housing in their communities, usin g zoning restrictions t o keep ou t unde sirable housin g an d people , a practic e tha t als o artificiall y inflate s th e value o f thei r property . Zonin g i s anothe r wa y i n whic h th e la w uphold s white privilege . My famil y live d almos t exclusivel y o n th e eas t sid e o f Columbus , i n older housing. We almost alway s lived i n houses because apartment s wer e simply to o small . Occasionally , w e live d i n house s owne d b y th e loca l housing authority . We had t o move ofte n i n searc h o f cheaper housing , i n some case s when w e couldn' t ge t an y mor e extension s fro m th e landlord . In my twelv e year s o f schoo l i n Columbus , w e move d seve n times , al l within th e sam e ghetto . Each hous e tha t w e live d i n wa s a t leas t fifty year s old , reall y jus t a shell providin g onl y minima l protectio n fro m th e elements . Som e ha d leaking roofs , other s hole s tha t welcome d rat s an d field mice . Non e wa s

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large enoug h t o accommodat e eleve n people . W e alway s share d room s and sometime s beds , dependin g o n th e numbe r livin g a t home . I share d a roo m wit h m y tw o younge r brother s unti l I move d i n wit h m y oldes t brother an d hi s wife durin g m y final yea r o f high school . Our larg e numbe r wa s a tes t fo r an y house , bu t muc h greate r fo r on e that wa s small , poorl y insulated , an d infeste d wit h roache s an d rats . We had n o mone y fo r repair , maintenance , o r exterminato r services . I f th e landlord didn' t pa y fo r them , w e di d withou t them . A t night , afte r mos t of th e light s wer e off , th e roache s too k over . Whe n w e switche d o n th e lights, the y scattere d fo r cover . Sometimes , a ra t o r mous e scurrie d pas t in th e shadow s cas t b y th e blu e ligh t o f th e rente d television . Whe n w e saw a rat , De e woul d brin g hom e trap s an d plac e the m strategicall y around th e kitchen , som e mor e conspicuou s tha n others . Eventually , while checkin g th e traps , one o f us would discove r a rat stil l strugglin g t o escape, or after a few days , the stenc h confirme d a kill. Dee neve r ha d enoug h mone y t o pa y ou r hig h utilit y bills . Sh e regu larly did menta l gymnastic s t o determine whic h bil l was th e mos t urgent , nearest th e disconnectio n stage . Telephone servic e was a luxury we could only occasionally afford , an d ou r servic e was often restricte d t o local calls. After i t was disconnected, th e telephon e compan y require d a deposit an d reconnection fee . To avoi d thos e costs , Dee arrange d fo r someon e t o give her a gif t telephon e packag e tha t ha d n o additiona l fees . Eventually , the phon e compan y recognize d th e scheme , an d w e wen t withou t a telephone. Money wa s sometime s s o shor t tha t w e ha d n o ga s hea t o r ho t wate r during frigi d Ohi o winters. At those times , racial povert y becam e surreal . How coul d ther e b e n o hea t whe n th e temperatur e wa s belo w zero ? Th e only way to sta y warm the n wa s t o wear layer s o f clothing, eve n i n bed . I dreaded th e mornings . Eac h tim e I steppe d int o th e ic y shower , I wa s sure I would brea k m y nec k fro m jumpin g around . I n th e summe r a cold shower i s bracin g bu t refreshing ; i n th e winte r i t leave s yo u trembling , almost numb . I often broode d ove r ho w littl e we had . Racial povert y wa s th e constan t featur e i n m y lif e i n blac k Columbus . At a n earl y ag e I wa s a n exper t o n racia l poverty . Whe n I shoul d hav e been learnin g t o read, write, and pla y with othe r kids , I was hungry , cold , and learnin g abou t bein g black . Whe n I shoul d hav e bee n developin g cognitive skills , I wa s learnin g tha t i f a perso n i s hungr y enough , h e o r she wil l stea l fo r food . Befor e I could read , I learne d ho w t o cas e a store, locate it s clerk , gra b somethin g t o eat , an d wal k ou t withou t paying .

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Jequeta's, M&R's , Demler's , Lawson's , Bi g Bear , Kroger's , an d othe r stores alon g Livingsto n o r Mai n wer e my trainin g ground . Occasionally , when I slipped up , clerks chased m e through street s an d alleys . I'm luck y no on e eve r sho t a t me . I neve r wante d t o steal ; i t wa s no t a game . Bu t sometimes I was so hungry tha t I didn't kno w what els e t o do. At times , w e loo k t o other s t o blam e fo r ou r difficul t circumstances , and I did, too . I was ashamed o f my racial poverty . But I didn't blam e th e "white man, " an d sinc e I didn't kno w my father, I blamed Dee . Fo r years my relationshi p wit h my mothe r wa s straine d becaus e I blame d he r fo r not tellin g m e wh o my fathe r wa s an d fo r al l tha t w e didn' t have . Bu t Dee wa s no t responsibl e fo r my father , an d sh e wasn' t laz y o r idle . Sh e had graduate d fro m hig h schoo l an d ha d gon e t o work . Bu t no t ever y occupation wa s ope n t o her . I didn' t understan d the n tha t i n Columbu s and elsewher e blac k women coul d wor k i n onl y certain jobs. Undoubtedly, som e reader s wil l as k why De e ha d te n children . I don' t know why sh e did . Bu t I do know tha t som e state s hav e restricte d acces s to contraceptive s an d hav e criminalize d abortion . An d I d o kno w tha t Dee's famil y di d no t hav e acces s t o genera l healt h care . I assum e sh e couldn't affor d o r didn't want to have an illegal, back-alley abortion . I also suspect sh e didn' t realiz e sh e would hav e th e sol e responsibility fo r al l of us. A s her eight h child , I' m glad , o f course, tha t sh e didn' t sto p a t seven . Yet eve n i f I believe d tha t havin g te n childre n wa s a ba d decision— a point tha t I' m no t willin g t o concede—i t wa s a decisio n aggravate d b y her educationa l an d employmen t limitations : De e di d women' s wor k fo r women's wages , an d an y numbe r o f job s fo r whic h sh e migh t hav e qualified wer e simpl y close d t o her . De e wa s no t t o blam e fo r thos e constraints. The cost s o f gender trackin g an d th e devaluatio n o f women' s labor ar e enormou s fo r familie s heade d b y singl e women, forcin g mos t o f them int o a standar d o f livin g belo w th e povert y line . Fo r minorit y women, rac e an d gende r discriminatio n intersect , pushin g eve n mor e families int o poverty . Those o f us living in the ghett o were no t destined fo r poverty becaus e of inferio r genetic s o r poor values. Rather , w e wer e poo r becaus e w e ha d limited opportunitie s a s black s an d becaus e o f ou r circumstances . Whe n I lef t th e ghett o i n th e sevent h grade , m y lif e too k a ne w direction . Escaping blac k Columbu s als o taugh t m e tha t white s ar e no t superio r t o blacks i n regar d t o genetic s o r values . I f yo u locke d white s i n ghett o conditions an d denie d the m rewardin g opportunities, most of them woul d be poor, too. Indeed, i n pockets o f the Unite d States , some o f the poores t

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citizens ar e white . I t i s th e self-servin g racia l rhetori c o f whit e elite s i n America tha t ha s kep t black s an d poo r whites , includin g man y whit e women, divided , largel y b y pittin g the m agains t eac h othe r an d convinc ing poo r white s tha t b y virtu e o f th e colo r o f thei r skin , the y to o ar e superior t o blacks. Critics ofte n charg e tha t welfar e itsel f create s dependency , a peculia r claim becaus e AFD C wa s starte d i n th e 1930 s for th e opposit e reason : t o ease th e dependenc y o f poo r children . T o qualif y fo r it , on e alread y ha d to b e dependent . How , then , ca n welfar e creat e dependency ? Som e o f welfare's critic s believ e tha t th e curren t guideline s increas e th e numbe r of household s heade d b y singl e wome n b y threatenin g t o terminat e benefits i f a father o r adult mal e lives in the home . I f this is the case , why not chang e jus t tha t par t o f th e policy ? D o thes e critic s believ e tha t welfare payment s ar e s o larg e tha t rationa l peopl e woul d rathe r receiv e welfare tha n work? If so, then wh y don't mor e Americans choose welfare' s "easy street? " D o th e critic s think tha t welfare recipient s hav e th e luxur y of choosin g eithe r t o wor k fo r povert y wage s i n dead-en d job s wit h n o medical benefit s o r to receiv e publi c assistanc e wit h limite d benefits ? O r do the y thin k welfar e i s a legitimat e optio n becaus e som e American s don't ear n a living wage? AFDC di d no t mak e De e idl e o r dependent ; sh e neede d i t fo r he r dependent children , no t herself . De e di d wha t s o many other s hav e don e in simila r circumstances : sh e turne d t o a governmen t tha t claim s no t to permi t dependen t childre n t o g o withou t food , clothing , o r shelter . Unfortunately, mos t o f th e tim e w e wer e o n welfare , w e di d no t hav e sufficient food , clothing , an d shelter . Welfare program s currentl y provid e onl y margina l subsistenc e fo r th e millions o f children the y ar e suppose d t o aid. The firs t priorit y o f welfar e reform, therefore , mus t b e t o ensur e tha t th e mone y spen t adequatel y feeds thes e childre n an d put s clothe s o n thei r backs . I n 1990 , the federa l government spen t $14 billion o n the Foo d Stam p Program while spendin g $10 billio n o n crimina l justice . I n 1996 , fourtee n millio n peopl e (two thirds o f the m children ) receive d AFDC , fo r whic h th e federa l an d stat e governments spen d nearl y $2 3 billio n a year. 12 Th e mone y w e inves t i n our children' s healt h an d educationa l developmen t no w i s fa r les s tha n what, withou t thi s investment , w e woul d spen d fo r additiona l la w en forcement an d prisons . Despite th e prevailin g assumptions , federa l spendin g o n AFD C amounts t o les s tha n 1 percent o f th e nationa l budget ; ye t som e politi -

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cians an d th e medi a lea d u s t o believ e tha t onc e w e "fix " welfare , th e huge federa l defici t wil l disappear . Unfortunately , man y o f th e peopl e talking abou t welfar e see m t o kno w ver y littl e abou t i t an d see m no t t o care abou t ou r mos t vulnerabl e citizens : poo r children . I f the y reall y d o want t o reform welfare , the y shoul d tal k t o th e rea l "experts" : thos e kid s going without foo d a t the en d o f the month . I now regret feeling ashame d an d embarrasse d abou t m y family's racia l poverty an d especiall y ru e blamin g m y mothe r fo r it . Onl y no w d o I understand ho w hard i t was for her to see us live as we did. Unfortunately , we ar e not bor n with knowledg e an d skill s to negotiate suc h feelings , no r are ther e enoug h accessibl e institution s t o hel p poo r peopl e cop e wit h such feelings o r provide them with guidanc e t o move out of racial poverty. Plans fo r welfar e refor m mus t increas e th e fundin g an d accessibilit y o f such agencies-suc h a n agenc y coul d hav e helpe d m y famil y a great deal . Under ou r extraordinar y circumstances , De e wa s th e bes t mothe r w e could hav e had . Althoug h sh e wa s smar t an d talented , sh e ha d accumu lated fe w materia l possession s t o sho w fo r it . Nonetheless , sh e fashione d an existenc e fo r u s ou t o f almos t nothing , an d sh e neve r seeme d con sumed b y despair , her s o r ours. As a result, I neve r los t hope . Sh e neve r talked abou t hatin g white s o r th e me n wh o ha d abandone d he r an d he r children. Althoug h w e ha d ver y little , De e taugh t u s to tak e car e o f wha t we di d have , an d sh e mad e i t clea r tha t sh e expecte d eac h o f u s t o hel p the famil y wheneve r w e could . I wa s m y siblings ' keeper . W e al l helpe d out, an d De e staye d an d struggle d wit h us . I don' t kno w wh y sh e didn' t leave, bu t i t never onc e occurre d t o me tha t sh e might . MAN-CHILD

Being poor, hungry , an d o n welfare di d no t mak e m e idl e or dependent. I was neve r lazy , an d I wa s dependen t onl y whe n I wa s a child . Instead , racial povert y drov e m e t o work har d t o escap e it . I n an y case , wor k wa s not optional ; i t wa s a matte r o f survival . I bega n workin g a t ag e seven , running errands , doin g yard work , o r shoveling sno w for neighbors . My firs t stead y employe r wa s a white gu y name d E d Rollin s wh o ra n the Bonde d ga s statio n o n Livingston , on e bloc k eas t o f m y house . H e paid m e fift y cent s t o wal k t o th e Donu t Hol e fo r ho t coffe e an d fres h donuts. Si x day s a week, hundred s o f peopl e heade d t o th e Donu t Hol e on thei r wa y t o wor k t o bu y freshl y bake d glazed , stick , o r cak e dough -

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cians an d th e medi a lea d u s t o believ e tha t onc e w e "fix " welfare , th e huge federa l defici t wil l disappear . Unfortunately , man y o f th e peopl e talking abou t welfar e see m t o kno w ver y littl e abou t i t an d see m no t t o care abou t ou r mos t vulnerabl e citizens : poo r children . I f the y reall y d o want t o reform welfare , the y shoul d tal k t o th e rea l "experts" : thos e kid s going without foo d a t the en d o f the month . I now regret feeling ashame d an d embarrasse d abou t m y family's racia l poverty an d especiall y ru e blamin g m y mothe r fo r it . Onl y no w d o I understand ho w hard i t was for her to see us live as we did. Unfortunately , we ar e not bor n with knowledg e an d skill s to negotiate suc h feelings , no r are ther e enoug h accessibl e institution s t o hel p poo r peopl e cop e wit h such feelings o r provide them with guidanc e t o move out of racial poverty. Plans fo r welfar e refor m mus t increas e th e fundin g an d accessibilit y o f such agencies-suc h a n agenc y coul d hav e helpe d m y famil y a great deal . Under ou r extraordinar y circumstances , De e wa s th e bes t mothe r w e could hav e had . Althoug h sh e wa s smar t an d talented , sh e ha d accumu lated fe w materia l possession s t o sho w fo r it . Nonetheless , sh e fashione d an existenc e fo r u s ou t o f almos t nothing , an d sh e neve r seeme d con sumed b y despair , her s o r ours. As a result, I neve r los t hope . Sh e neve r talked abou t hatin g white s o r th e me n wh o ha d abandone d he r an d he r children. Althoug h w e ha d ver y little , De e taugh t u s to tak e car e o f wha t we di d have , an d sh e mad e i t clea r tha t sh e expecte d eac h o f u s t o hel p the famil y wheneve r w e could . I wa s m y siblings ' keeper . W e al l helpe d out, an d De e staye d an d struggle d wit h us . I don' t kno w wh y sh e didn' t leave, bu t i t never onc e occurre d t o me tha t sh e might . MAN-CHILD

Being poor, hungry , an d o n welfare di d no t mak e m e idl e or dependent. I was neve r lazy , an d I wa s dependen t onl y whe n I wa s a child . Instead , racial povert y drov e m e t o work har d t o escap e it . I n an y case , wor k wa s not optional ; i t wa s a matte r o f survival . I bega n workin g a t ag e seven , running errands , doin g yard work , o r shoveling sno w for neighbors . My firs t stead y employe r wa s a white gu y name d E d Rollin s wh o ra n the Bonde d ga s statio n o n Livingston , on e bloc k eas t o f m y house . H e paid m e fift y cent s t o wal k t o th e Donu t Hol e fo r ho t coffe e an d fres h donuts. Si x day s a week, hundred s o f peopl e heade d t o th e Donu t Hol e on thei r wa y t o wor k t o bu y freshl y bake d glazed , stick , o r cak e dough -

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nuts an d coffee . Th e nam e o f th e stor e wa s appropriat e fo r it s size . You could hardl y fin d a parkin g place , an d whe n yo u entere d th e store , th e customers wer e elbo w t o elbow—some standing , som e sitting—savorin g assorted delights . E d alway s ordere d a larg e ho t coffe e an d tw o stic k doughnuts. I walked b y hi s statio n ever y day , hopin g h e woul d nee d m e to mak e a run. I n addition , i f I swep t th e floor o r too k ou t th e trash , h e paid m e anothe r fift y cents . Ever y dolla r postpone d hunger . One da y whe n I arrive d a t th e station , th e polic e wer e there . E d wa s nowhere i n sight . Anothe r whit e gu y tol d m e tha t E d woul d no t b e working ther e anymore . Th e rumo r wa s tha t h e ha d stole n th e previou s day's cas h an d simpl y left . I neve r sa w hi m again , an d I misse d him . H e had bee n nic e t o me , an d I secretl y hope d h e wasn' t i n jail . Th e statio n closed shortl y thereafter , bu t I continue d t o fin d clients , expandin g m y coffee-and-doughnuts custome r base . When w e ha d n o food an d I could no t find work , I resorted t o stealing . This require d findin g a store whose checkou t counte r wa s not nex t t o th e exit. I looked fo r store s with lon g aisles and checkou t counter s fa r enoug h from th e exi t s o tha t i f necessary , I coul d ge t a runnin g start . M y tech nique was always the same : first I entered th e stor e and walke d aroun d t o identify wh o wa s working an d ho w man y peopl e wer e i n th e store . Afte r I fel t sur e I coul d pul l i t off , I picke d u p a larg e packag e o f cookie s o r potato chip s an d slowl y walke d towar d th e exit . I pretende d t o brows e the shelves , as if I were lookin g fo r anothe r item . As I got nea r th e exit , I glanced a t th e cashier . Whe n th e clerk' s attentio n wa s distracte d b y another customer , I slipped ou t th e door . Once out , I ran as fast a s I could to safety. The n I hurriedly at e my take . By ag e nine , afte r w e ha d move d twic e more , I worke d a t Napper' s House o f Ribs , a loca l Cone y Islan d hot-dog-and-ri b join t locate d o n Main Street , thre e block s fro m wher e w e live d o n Frankli n Avenue . Charles an d Sharo n Nappe r ha d converte d a house int o a take-out restau rant caterin g t o blac k Columbus , especiall y o n th e weekend s whe n Mai n Street too k o n a carnival-like atmosphere . M y brothe r Duncan , wh o wa s eleven, ha d worke d fo r the Napper s fo r a year when I started. H e helpe d me ge t th e job an d serve d a s my supervisor. Th e Napper s worshipe d hi m almost a s muc h a s I did , treatin g hi m lik e th e favorit e so n the y neve r had. Initially, my jo b wa s t o clea n u p waxed-pape r wrappings , sod a cans , and othe r tras h lef t b y customers wh o at e thei r foo d standin g i n th e fron t

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of th e restaurant . Fo r thre e day s eac h week , I spen t a coupl e o f hour s cleaning th e yard . The n I bega n t o mak e an d serv e coneys . Fo r twent y hours o f work, I made $5 0 cash. On a slo w day , Napper' s migh t sel l fiv e hundre d coneys . A t an y on e time, ther e wer e five larg e pot s o f boilin g water brimmin g wit h ho t dogs . Behind the m wer e anothe r se t o f pot s stuffe d wit h ribs . B y consensus , Charles mad e rib s t o di e for , th e bes t o n th e eas t side . Dunca n wa s hi s protege, watching hi s ever y move . After cookin g th e rib s for a short time , Charles seasone d the m wit h salt , pepper , an d paprik a an d pu t the m int o a dee p bric k ove n fo r a n hour . H e sol d we t o r dr y rib s b y th e slab , smal l or larg e en d plates , an d eve n ri b tips ; usuall y th e mea t fel l of f th e bone . When Charle s wasn' t there , Dunca n cooke d th e ribs . On Friday s an d Saturdays , whe n blac k Columbu s ha d a littl e mor e cash, ther e wa s a line a t Napper's ou t th e doo r until afte r midnight . Slab s and coney s disappeare d i n recor d numbers . W e coul d no t coo k th e foo d fast enoug h t o kee p u p wit h th e orders . On e da y i n th e frenz y t o serv e customers mor e quickly , I knocke d a pot o f ho t dog s of f th e stove . The y splattered everywhere , forcin g Dunca n an d Charle s t o lea p ou t o f reac h of the boilin g water. The y looke d a t m e wit h frustration , tol d m e t o pic k them up , an d g o to the kitchen . I complied—under th e watchfu l eye s of the customers , makin g sur e tha t non e o f thes e falle n ho t dog s becam e part o f thei r order . Charle s late r tol d m e h e woul d hav e t o deduc t th e cost o f thos e ho t dog s fro m m y pay , bu t h e neve r did . Dunca n wa s mor e blunt. H e cusse d m e out . I f yo u didn' t know , yo u woul d hav e though t Napper's wa s his business. With him , ther e wa s no room fo r error . I neve r spilled anythin g again . Occasionally, I had a day off fro m Napper's , whic h I looke d forwar d t o because the n I coul d se e m y friends , g o t o a dolla r movie , o r mayb e g o downtown t o Mr. Lee's, a men's stor e sellin g all the lates t urba n fashions . The clothe s wer e alway s mad e fro m som e syntheti c materia l tha t neve r looked th e sam e afte r on e washing . Th e stor e advertise d o n th e blac k radio station , an d i t seemed tha t ever y da y brought a new sale . Mr. Lee' s had a lay-a-wa y polic y tha t mad e i t possibl e t o pa y fo r a ne w outfi t ove r sixty or ninety days . I bought mos t o f my clothes tha t way. I cherishe d my tim e off ; indeed , my caree r a t Napper' s ende d whe n Duncan fired m e fo r refusin g t o wor k o n m y da y off . H e insiste d tha t I work, bu t I ha d othe r plans . I wa s eleven , h e wa s thirteen . H e didn' t think I would refus e t o work; I never though t h e would fire me . Between th e age s o f eleve n an d fifteen, agai n afte r schoo l an d o n th e

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weekends, I sol d cand y door-to-doo r al l ove r Ohi o an d worke d a t St . John's Grocery , a neighborhood store , across th e stree t fro m Napper's . All together, I worked fou r t o si x day s a week, thre e t o fou r hour s eac h day . With schoo l an d work , m y day s bega n earl y an d ende d late , sometime s after eleve n o'clock . Durin g th e summers , I worke d a t leas t twic e a s many hours . I sol d cand y a couple o f day s eac h wee k fo r tw o whit e guys , first Ti m Lapish an d the n Mik e Neff , throug h a busines s calle d A Bette r World . The busines s wa s "designe d t o tak e kid s lik e m e of f th e stree t an d kee p them ou t o f trouble. " Tha t phras e wa s par t o f m y sale s pitc h t o eac h household. Ti m o r Mike woul d arriv e i n my neighborhood i n a van abou t 4:30 p.m. an d pic k u p a crew o f six to te n boys . Most o f my brother s als o worked fo r Ti m an d Mike , a s di d a few othe r friends , lik e Effle y Brook s and Mar k Barbour , an d afte r Napper' s folded , Dunca n becam e on e o f th e drivers for Mike. We traveled t o one of the white residentia l communitie s throughout greate r Columbus . O n th e way , we grabbed som e fas t food . Tim, Mike , o r Duncan woul d dro p u s of f i n pairs , one o n eac h sid e o f a residential street . Th e drive r the n crisscrosse d th e neighborhood , pick ing up , restocking , an d droppin g of f group s unti l abou t 8:3 0 p.m . whe n we totale d u p th e numbe r o f boxe s sol d an d ho w muc h w e owed . I n three hours , I usuall y sol d twent y t o thirt y boxes , includin g th e on e tha t I ate . We earne d abou t 5 0 cent s fo r eac h bo x w e sol d fo r $ 2 t o $3 . Mos t nights I netted $1 0 to $15, plus tips , which move d m y tota l close r t o $20. On Saturdays , whe n w e worke d fo r eigh t t o te n hours , I coul d sel l mor e than fifty boxes . I often too k hom e $3 5 or $40. On som e weekends , especiall y durin g th e summer , w e travele d t o Akron, Tiffin , Dayton , Athens , Cleveland , Portsmouth , o r Cincinnat i t o sell candy . Those trip s wer e my first awa y fro m Columbus . Ti m o r Mik e would reserv e a bloc k o f room s i n a motel , an d w e woul d spen d tw o o r three day s working te n hour s pe r day . At night w e gathere d i n on e o f th e rooms an d playe d ton k fo r mone y o r watched television . A t leas t onc e a year, we ha d "dolla r days, " on which w e receive d a dollar fo r eac h bo x we sold. Kids who never sol d man y boxes foun d hidde n talen t o n those days . Some o f th e olde r kid s sol d incredibl e amounts , an d wit h tips , a dolla r day coul d mea n nearl y $100 . A lo t o f whit e peopl e bough t cand y fro m me. A Better World di d mak e a difference . My main job was at St. John's, where I spent thre e t o four hour s a day, three t o five days each week . Margare t St . John owne d th e stor e wit h he r husband Paul , who was dyin g o f cancer. Sh e employe d hal f a dozen me n

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to work with he r fro m seve n i n the mornin g until midnight . Tw o o f the m were he r sons , Joe an d Jesse . Afte r Dunca n fired me , I wen t t o Jo e an d asked i f h e coul d us e mor e help . H e aske d m e abou t schoo l an d my grades. I wa s onl y i n th e sixt h grade , bu t Jo e seeme d impresse d tha t I had goo d grades , eve n thoug h I worked. Nonetheless , h e wa s concerne d that I not ignor e school . I assured hi m tha t I went t o school ever y day bu t that I also needed t o work. I was hired tw o days later . I wa s th e younges t St . John' s employe e b y a quarte r century . Excep t for Mrs . St . Joh n an d he r husband , everyon e els e ha d a t leas t on e othe r job. Jo e sol d insurance . Ceci l Thompso n worke d fo r Battell e Memoria l Institute. Ski p Skidmor e was a local construction subcontractor . Jesse was a drug addic t an d a thief, workin g hi s way toward prison . St. John' s wa s mor e tha n a corner liquo r store , sellin g no t onl y chea p beer, wine , an d cigarette s bu t als o potte d meat , Spam , variou s luncheo n meats, sliced cheese , soda , potato chips, canned goods , milk, juice, cereal, candy, an d a few toiletrie s an d cleanin g supplies . It s client s wer e mostl y poor black s livin g just of f Mai n Street , wh o cam e ther e rathe r tha n goin g to a supermarke t fo r onl y a fe w items . Som e wer e drunk s addicte d to Ripple , M D 20-20 , Boone s Farm , o r Wil d Iris h Rose . Other s wer e neighborhood kid s seekin g a sugar fix o r a col d soda . Blac k Muslims — members o f th e Natio n o f Isla m wh o ha d a mosque nearby—frequentl y bought papay a juice durin g their weekly fast. They dresse d lik e business men, wer e alway s clea n shaven , an d carrie d copie s o f Mohammed Speaks. The wome n wer e covere d fro m hea d t o toe , exposin g nothin g bu t thei r faces. A fe w member s o f th e Columbu s chapte r o f th e Blac k Panthe r Party, i n thei r blac k turtle-necke d shirts , arm y fatigues , an d blac k berets , also were i n and ou t o f the store . My dutie s range d fro m dustin g of f th e shelve s an d th e top s o f ol d canned goods , t o sweeping , mopping , an d cleanin g ou t th e freezers , stocking soda , beer , an d wine , slicin g mea t o r cheese , an d goin g t o th e warehouse fo r supplies . Within a year, I could d o everything i n th e store , including operat e th e register , a n ol d NC R machin e tha t require d yo u t o enter th e amoun t fo r eac h item . Whe n other s ra n th e register , I race d them t o ad d th e cost s o f eac h customer' s groceries . M y accurac y amaze d everyone. Mrs. St . Joh n als o pai d m e i n cash . I earne d $2.5 0 pe r hour , o r abou t $60 eac h week . Wit h my earnings , I bough t clothes , shoes , an d schoo l supplies. I als o had t o hel p De e pa y ou r bill s o r give he r mone y fo r food . At time s Mrs . St . Joh n allowe d m e t o tak e advance s o n m y pa y i n th e

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form o f food. Althoug h th e store' s selectio n wa s limited, I designed man y family meal s fro m it s stoc k o f canne d ste w an d canne d beans , a s well a s bologna, bread , cheese , soda , an d assorte d snac k foods . I worke d a t St . John's unti l th e busines s fel l of f an d m y hour s wer e cut . Whe n it s debt s mounted, St . John's close d fo r good . Between sellin g cand y an d workin g a t St . John's , I at e sweet s al l th e time, bu t I ha d n o denta l car e coverage . Ove r time , I go t ba d cavities , which cause d debilitatin g pai n an d awfu l breath . O n m y firs t tri p t o th e dentist I ha d t o hav e fou r teet h extracted . I als o neede d tw o roo t canal s and severa l fillings . I was only fifteen. Th e dentis t tol d m e tha t i f I didn' t take bette r car e o f my teeth, I would los e the m all . Throughout hig h school , I worke d a t Battell e Memoria l Institut e i n the anima l researc h labs , cleanin g an d changin g anima l cages . I go t tha t job no t becaus e o f an y specia l talen t o r test , bu t becaus e Cecil , who m I had worke d wit h a t St . John's , wa s a superviso r there . Sinc e Ceci l wa s certain I coul d d o th e work , h e pushe d throug h m y applicatio n an d persuaded hi s boss , Al York, that I was a hard worke r an d a good student . I worke d four - t o eight-hou r shifts , usuall y wit h a crew o f si x t o eigh t people, twenty-fiv e hour s pe r week , includin g som e Saturdays . M y jo b was t o mov e th e variou s la b animals , mostl y rat s an d mice , int o clea n trays o r cages , replenis h thei r foo d an d water , clea n th e soile d trays , an d hose dow n th e cages . We processed hundred s o f trays each da y through a large sanitizin g washin g machine . I t wa s almos t lik e workin g a t a ca r wash, except tha t we wore green medica l scrubs , latex gloves, and protec tive mask s an d w e worked inside . Cecil, Bil l French , o r Al supervised th e crew. Al l o f the m wer e black . The y appeare d t o b e th e onl y black s a t Battelle wh o wer e supervisors . Eac h on e seeme d please d tha t I wa s earning straigh t A' s i n schoo l an d plannin g t o g o t o college , an d s o the y allowed m e t o work flexible hours . I wa s pai d biweekly , fo r th e firs t tim e b y check . Afte r taxes , m y earnings adde d u p t o more tha n $140 . I joined th e credi t unio n an d saved as much a s I could. I had mor e mone y tha n eve r t o bu y clothe s o r schoo l supplies. I at e bette r an d continue d t o hel p Dee . Afte r a yea r I eve n bought m y first car , a 196 6 sky blue Volkswagen, fo r $300 cash. I hav e n o memor y o f bein g idl e or , for tha t matter , o f anything resem bling a childhood . I worke d my wa y throug h school : elementary , junio r high, an d hig h school . I wen t t o schoo l becaus e De e mad e me , bu t I worked i n orde r t o survive . Wor k wa s fa r mor e importan t tha n school . Without th e earning s fro m th e former , I probabl y coul d no t hav e staye d

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with th e latter . On e reaso n I was able t o escape fro m th e ghett o wa s tha t I worke d wit h caring , nurturin g adult s wh o encourage d m e t o d o wel l i n school an d wh o provide d m e wit h invaluabl e example s o f har d wor k an d discipline. The y helpe d m e believ e tha t I coul d achiev e hig h goals . Of course , th e tim e I spen t workin g wa s tim e awa y fro m schoo l an d homework, bu t I neve r though t I ha d a choice. I f I didn' t work , I migh t not eat . COLORED MATTER S

In th e firs t grade , when I go t int o a fight a t Deschle r Elementar y School , I bega n t o lear n tha t bein g classifie d a s "black " mattered . Deschle r wa s located i n wha t the n wa s a raciall y mixed , working-clas s communit y i n southeast Columbus . Th e schoo l wa s likewis e mixed , wit h si x out o f te n kids being white. My first teacher , Mrs . Hufstedler, wa s a gentle, pleasan t white woma n wh o wo n award s fo r he r achievemen t i n teachin g youn g children. On e o f m y specia l friend s a t Deschle r wa s a whit e girl . W e played togethe r i n clas s an d durin g recess . We sat nea r eac h othe r durin g story time . He r brother , a year older , di d no t approv e o f ou r friendship , and h e tol d m e t o sta y awa y fro m hi s sister , a reques t tha t I didn' t understand. H e explaine d tha t hi s parent s di d no t wan t m e aroun d her . I asked why , and h e sai d tha t becaus e o f my race, his siste r an d I could no t be friends . I wa s "black, " an d sh e wa s "white. " "Bu t wh y can' t w e b e friends?" I protested. "It' s just wrong," h e tol d me . Of course, he couldn' t explain wh y i t wa s wron g o r wha t hi s parent s though t wa s wron g wit h me. B y age six, my lessons on race etiquette ha d begun : blacks were unfi t for whites t o associate with . Neither hi s siste r no r I understoo d wha t th e proble m was , s o w e continued t o pla y togethe r unti l he r brothe r tol d m e tha t h e planne d t o beat m e up . A t school , wor d o f impendin g fight s sprea d fast . The y were neve r privat e matters . Throughou t tha t day , m y blac k classmate s reminded m e tha t I ha d bee n challenge d b y a whit e boy . Colo r wa s important t o them, too . The figh t too k o n a life o f its own, symbolizing t o some o f th e childre n a contes t betwee n al l white s an d al l blacks . Bu t I only wanted t o keep m y frien d an d defen d myself . That da y after school , he an d I fought. I recall a large, racially divided , multiage crow d gatherin g t o watch . Som e o f m y brother s an d sister s looked on , makin g i t eve n mor e importan t tha t I no t lose . Otherwis e I would hav e t o answe r t o them—especiall y Butch , wh o a s th e oldest ,

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with th e latter . On e reaso n I was able t o escape fro m th e ghett o wa s tha t I worke d wit h caring , nurturin g adult s wh o encourage d m e t o d o wel l i n school an d wh o provide d m e wit h invaluabl e example s o f har d wor k an d discipline. The y helpe d m e believ e tha t I coul d achiev e hig h goals . Of course , th e tim e I spen t workin g wa s tim e awa y fro m schoo l an d homework, bu t I neve r though t I ha d a choice. I f I didn' t work , I migh t not eat . COLORED MATTER S

In th e firs t grade , when I go t int o a fight a t Deschle r Elementar y School , I bega n t o lear n tha t bein g classifie d a s "black " mattered . Deschle r wa s located i n wha t the n wa s a raciall y mixed , working-clas s communit y i n southeast Columbus . Th e schoo l wa s likewis e mixed , wit h si x out o f te n kids being white. My first teacher , Mrs . Hufstedler, wa s a gentle, pleasan t white woma n wh o wo n award s fo r he r achievemen t i n teachin g youn g children. On e o f m y specia l friend s a t Deschle r wa s a whit e girl . W e played togethe r i n clas s an d durin g recess . We sat nea r eac h othe r durin g story time . He r brother , a year older , di d no t approv e o f ou r friendship , and h e tol d m e t o sta y awa y fro m hi s sister , a reques t tha t I didn' t understand. H e explaine d tha t hi s parent s di d no t wan t m e aroun d her . I asked why , and h e sai d tha t becaus e o f my race, his siste r an d I could no t be friends . I wa s "black, " an d sh e wa s "white. " "Bu t wh y can' t w e b e friends?" I protested. "It' s just wrong," h e tol d me . Of course, he couldn' t explain wh y i t wa s wron g o r wha t hi s parent s though t wa s wron g wit h me. B y age six, my lessons on race etiquette ha d begun : blacks were unfi t for whites t o associate with . Neither hi s siste r no r I understoo d wha t th e proble m was , s o w e continued t o pla y togethe r unti l he r brothe r tol d m e tha t h e planne d t o beat m e up . A t school , wor d o f impendin g fight s sprea d fast . The y were neve r privat e matters . Throughou t tha t day , m y blac k classmate s reminded m e tha t I ha d bee n challenge d b y a whit e boy . Colo r wa s important t o them, too . The figh t too k o n a life o f its own, symbolizing t o some o f th e childre n a contes t betwee n al l white s an d al l blacks . Bu t I only wanted t o keep m y frien d an d defen d myself . That da y after school , he an d I fought. I recall a large, racially divided , multiage crow d gatherin g t o watch . Som e o f m y brother s an d sister s looked on , makin g i t eve n mor e importan t tha t I no t lose . Otherwis e I would hav e t o answe r t o them—especiall y Butch , wh o a s th e oldest ,

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thought i t was his prerogative an d dut y t o teach hi s younger brother s ho w to box . H e terrifie d me . S o I wo n tha t fight , hammerin g m y opponen t with blow s t o th e hea d an d body , bu t I los t m y friend . I didn' t hav e another whit e frien d fo r a long time. I also learned fro m m y relatives tha t rac e was significant. I never kne w my mother' s parents , bu t I spen t tim e wit h som e o f thei r sister s an d brothers. M y great-aunt s an d great-uncles—especiall y Gertrud e Wood s and Fay e Woods , m y grandfather' s sisters ; Lill y Case y Gor e an d Fran k Casey, m y grandmother' s siste r an d brother ; an d Gert' s son , Harr y Woods—shared wit h m e picture s o f an d storie s abou t m y grandparents , what the y were lik e an d wher e the y cam e from . I spent th e mos t time with Gertrud e an d Harry . Harry owned a modest house abou t a bloc k fro m Deschler . Mos t morning s whe n I passe d b y i t on th e wa y t o firs t grade , Ger t me t m e wit h a treat , usuall y a baggi e containing fou r vanill a crem e cookie s an d a nicke l fo r milk . Ger t wa s about fiv e fee t tal l an d weighe d on e hundre d pounds . Sh e was already i n her earl y sixtie s whe n I bega n t o spen d tim e wit h her . Harr y ha d serve d in the segregate d U.S . Army in the 1940 s and worke d unti l retiremen t fo r the Defens e Constructio n Suppl y Cente r i n Columbus . Twice eac h mont h Harr y went t o th e marke t fo r Ger t an d Faye , an d I sometimes wen t along . Watchin g hi m wa s lik e seein g Sidne y Poitie r o r Paul Robeson . H e wa s organize d an d meticulou s i n everythin g h e did . He walke d wit h confidenc e an d dresse d wit h elegan t assuredness . H e was charming an d personabl e an d spok e with carefu l diction . H e greete d all passersby, whit e an d black . With a list i n han d fo r eac h household , w e moved fro m aisl e t o aisl e i n th e stor e unti l w e ha d gathere d everything . We the n too k th e grocerie s t o Faye' s apartmen t befor e returnin g t o hi s house. I als o helpe d Ger t an d Harr y aroun d thei r hous e wit h smal l chores . Sometimes the y wante d m e t o clean u p afte r thei r dogs , cut th e grass , or clean th e basemen t afte r a party . Harr y love d t o entertain . Hal f th e basement wa s se t u p fo r partie s wit h oversize d chair s an d sofas , a televi sion, a stereo, an d a well-stocked bar . Dunca n an d I helpe d hi m pain t i t when h e remodele d it . H e ha d friend s fro m wor k an d th e neighborhoo d over almos t ever y weekend . Afte r Harr y pai d m e a couple o f dollars fo r a job, Gert cam e right behind hi m an d slippe d m e a little more. I rarely lef t their hous e wit h les s than $5. Another reaso n I love d goin g t o thei r hous e wa s tha t I coul d alway s look forward t o mouthwatering lunche s o r dinners. Gert was a sensationa l

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cook. Sh e mad e th e mos t tantalizin g hamburger s I hav e eve r tasted . Sh e mixed th e groun d bee f wit h choppe d onions , bel l peppers , egg , an d a little milk . I t wa s mor e lik e meatloaf . Sh e cooke d th e hamburger s i n a large cast-iron skillet , usin g a lid t o accelerate th e cookin g and loc k i n th e juices. She serve d the m o n white bread , with lettuce , tomato, cheese, and Miracle Whip . They wer e enormou s an d juicy , garnishe d wit h fres h cor n chips an d ice-col d Pepsi . Dinner wit h the m wa s lik e Thanksgiving . Eac h da y Ger t prepare d supper fo r Harry , servin g severa l courses : mea t an d vegetables , usuall y with freshl y bake d yeas t roll s toppe d wit h melte d butter , an d a choice o f beverage. The n sh e serve d pi e or , bes t o f all , peac h o r cherr y cobbler . During a childhoo d o f suga r wate r an d may o sandwiches , thes e meal s were lik e ambrosia . Some day s after schoo l I went ther e an d waite d wit h Ger t fo r Harr y t o return fro m work . W e woul d si t o n thei r fron t porc h an d tal k fo r hours . She wante d t o kno w abou t my girlfriend s an d wha t typ e o f woma n I wanted t o marry . I wa s onl y ten . Sh e aske d wha t I woul d nam e my kid s if the y wer e twins . Whe n I didn' t answe r quickl y enough , sh e mad e suggestions. W e als o talke d abou t he r life , especiall y cooking , cleaning , and doin g laundr y fo r whit e peopl e aroun d Columbus . I t ha d bee n de manding work , keepin g he r o n he r fee t mos t o f th e day . Sh e rarel y supplied an y details abou t th e people sh e worked for , only that the y wer e white. Now Harr y was taking care of her. You coul d se t you r clock b y Harry . Ever y weekda y a t 5:4 5 p.m. , h e would ste p of f th e Whittie r Avenu e bus . H e wa s alway s o n schedule . H e also aske d probin g question s abou t my lif e plans . H e tol d m e I shoul d become a leade r lik e Julia n Bond , the n a Georgi a legislator , o r a lawyer . When my shoulder s slouche d o r my dictio n wa s imprecise , h e correcte d me. Harr y stresse d excellenc e i n everything . Whe n I receive d A' s i n school, Harr y alway s rewarde d m e wit h a gift . Onc e whe n I ha d al l A's, he promise d t o get m e whatever I wanted. Th e resul t was my first tenni s racquet, a wooden Bancroft , similar to Bjorn Borg's . Gert an d Harr y als o taugh t m e abou t th e meanin g o f rac e an d color . They tol d m e al l th e tim e tha t bein g blac k wa s no t a n excus e fo r no t working, fo r irresponsibility , fo r appearin g dirty , fo r laziness , fo r hatin g whites, o r fo r anythin g else . Harr y tol d m e tha t wit h har d wor k an d planning, I could d o anything I wanted. H e ha d picture s of Martin Luthe r King Jr . an d Joh n an d Bobb y Kenned y hangin g i n hi s den . H e wante d me t o go to college an d t o become a politician o r maybe a lawyer.

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In thes e sam e conversation s o r lectures, I learne d th e term s poor white trash an d nigger Terms lik e honky, cracker, an d redneck wer e frequentl y substituted fo r white, but Harr y an d Ger t wer e carefu l t o giv e real-lif e examples. No t al l thei r whit e neighbor s wer e honkie s o r crackers , onl y those wh o refuse d t o spea k t o the m afte r a hearty greetin g o r thos e wh o lived i n squali d condition s an d mad e n o effor t t o change . Th e white s who came t o their partie s were treate d lik e everyon e else , and the y ha d a good time . Non e o f m y relative s taugh t m e t o hat e whites , bu t the y di d teach m e t o be careful aroun d the m becaus e man y o f them discriminate d against blacks . No on e explaine d ho w o r why. Some o f my senio r relative s cautione d m e t o find a girlfriend wh o was light skinned—"no t to o black. " Ger t mus t hav e tol d m e tha t a thousan d times. Sh e though t i t wa s importan t tha t my childre n b e ligh t skinned , preferably wit h nic e hair . M y relatives ' messag e wa s t o fin d a girl wh o i s nearly white—bu t no t white . Fo r reason s I di d no t understand , lighte r was better . I alway s though t thi s advic e wa s odd , especiall y sinc e man y of my relatives, including Gert , ha d dar k brow n complexions . Kathe Sandler , a film director , produce d a n importan t documentary , A Question of Color, o n intraracia l colo r biases. 13 I n it , black s fro m differen t generations confron t th e numerou s way s i n which th e intraracia l discrimi nation agains t man y black s impede s health y relationship s an d economi c opportunities. Sandler' s wor k reveal s th e complexit y o f white supremac y and ho w black s themselve s hav e becom e it s agent . Th e idea l girl/woma n is "yello w an d long, " tha t is , ligh t skinne d wit h lon g fin e hair . Sandle r shows ho w throug h everyda y conversation s an d circumstances , black s learn racis t color customs fro m thei r families , friends , an d th e media . Likewise, eac h tim e Ger t o r Aunt Lill y tol d m e t o find a light-skinne d girlfriend, the y wer e tellin g m e tha t complexio n mattered . I t wa s th e same lesso n tha t earl y whit e Ohioan s ha d taught , b y limitin g economi c and politica l privilege s t o those mos t nearly white. My relatives thu s wer e highly color conscious, not color blind. Fro m them I learned rac e manners. CODED SCHOOL S

I starte d publi c schoo l i n 1965 , a decad e afte r th e U.S . Suprem e Cour t ruled tha t segregatio n i n publi c school s wa s unconstitutional . Ove r th e next twelv e years , I attende d fou r raciall y identifiabl e publi c schools : Deschler (mixed) , Fairwoo d Elementar y (black) , Johnso n Par k Junio r High (white) , an d Eas t Hig h Schoo l (black) . Althoug h durin g eigh t o f

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In thes e sam e conversation s o r lectures, I learne d th e term s poor white trash an d nigger Terms lik e honky, cracker, an d redneck wer e frequentl y substituted fo r white, but Harr y an d Ger t wer e carefu l t o giv e real-lif e examples. No t al l thei r whit e neighbor s wer e honkie s o r crackers , onl y those wh o refuse d t o spea k t o the m afte r a hearty greetin g o r thos e wh o lived i n squali d condition s an d mad e n o effor t t o change . Th e white s who came t o their partie s were treate d lik e everyon e else , and the y ha d a good time . Non e o f m y relative s taugh t m e t o hat e whites , bu t the y di d teach m e t o be careful aroun d the m becaus e man y o f them discriminate d against blacks . No on e explaine d ho w o r why. Some o f my senio r relative s cautione d m e t o find a girlfriend wh o was light skinned—"no t to o black. " Ger t mus t hav e tol d m e tha t a thousan d times. Sh e though t i t wa s importan t tha t my childre n b e ligh t skinned , preferably wit h nic e hair . M y relatives ' messag e wa s t o fin d a girl wh o i s nearly white—bu t no t white . Fo r reason s I di d no t understand , lighte r was better . I alway s though t thi s advic e wa s odd , especiall y sinc e man y of my relatives, including Gert , ha d dar k brow n complexions . Kathe Sandler , a film director , produce d a n importan t documentary , A Question of Color, o n intraracia l colo r biases. 13 I n it , black s fro m differen t generations confron t th e numerou s way s i n which th e intraracia l discrimi nation agains t man y black s impede s health y relationship s an d economi c opportunities. Sandler' s wor k reveal s th e complexit y o f white supremac y and ho w black s themselve s hav e becom e it s agent . Th e idea l girl/woma n is "yello w an d long, " tha t is , ligh t skinne d wit h lon g fin e hair . Sandle r shows ho w throug h everyda y conversation s an d circumstances , black s learn racis t color customs fro m thei r families , friends , an d th e media . Likewise, eac h tim e Ger t o r Aunt Lill y tol d m e t o find a light-skinne d girlfriend, the y wer e tellin g m e tha t complexio n mattered . I t wa s th e same lesso n tha t earl y whit e Ohioan s ha d taught , b y limitin g economi c and politica l privilege s t o those mos t nearly white. My relatives thu s wer e highly color conscious, not color blind. Fro m them I learned rac e manners. CODED SCHOOL S

I starte d publi c schoo l i n 1965 , a decad e afte r th e U.S . Suprem e Cour t ruled tha t segregatio n i n publi c school s wa s unconstitutional . Ove r th e next twelv e years , I attende d fou r raciall y identifiabl e publi c schools : Deschler (mixed) , Fairwoo d Elementar y (black) , Johnso n Par k Junio r High (white) , an d Eas t Hig h Schoo l (black) . Althoug h durin g eigh t o f

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those years , almost al l my classmates wer e black , virtually al l my teacher s were white . I n fact , excep t fo r on e yea r a t Deschle r an d thre e i n junio r high, mos t o f my daily contact wit h whit e peopl e wa s with m y teachers . All bu t a fe w o f th e teacher s a t Fairwoo d wer e whit e women . Th e principal wa s a white man . Mrs . Whaley ha d bee n teachin g ther e forever . She appeare d a s ol d a s Ger t an d ha d taugh t th e parent s o f som e o f my classmates. Sh e ha d a reputation a s a strict disciplinaria n an d woul d gra b any offendin g studen t b y th e earlob e an d marc h hi m o r he r t o th e principal's office , ea r i n hand . Som e kid s stoo d talle r tha n sh e did , bu t she was undaunted. Sh e reddene d th e side s o f many heads . Many o f th e teachers , however , wer e unprepare d t o teac h us . Fo r some, teachin g wa s a second, part-tim e job, and the y showe d n o enthusi asm i n thei r work . The y ha d equall y lo w expectation s o f thei r students . The typica l clas s exercis e consiste d o f a fill-in-the-blank s workshee t requiring littl e interactio n o r thought . A t som e poin t eac h day , w e rea d from th e SR A readers . Som e kid s rea d an d wrot e withou t a hitch; other s pronounced eac h syllabl e o f eac h word , soundin g thei r wa y throug h th e paragraphs. I fel l betwee n th e extreme s bu t wa s definitel y a poor reader . I don't recal l muc h readin g instructio n a t school o r at home. Eve n thoug h I usuall y learne d b y doing , I didn' t lik e t o read , especiall y alou d t o th e class. I wa s afrai d t o mispronounc e word s or , worse , no t t o kno w thos e that shoul d hav e bee n familiar . At hom e w e sometime s go t th e newspaper , bu t ou r hous e containe d no book s o r magazines. Instead , I watched hour s o f televisio n a s late a s I could sta y up . The soap s wer e endin g abou t th e tim e I arrive d home , s o I watche d The Edge of Night. Then Flipp o hoste d th e afternoo n movie , followed b y th e loca l an d nationa l news . Afterward , w e watche d sitcom s until th e evenin g movi e o r drama s cam e on . Som e weekends , I watche d movies unti l dawn , m y favorite s bein g westerns . I also was a fan o f Police Story, The Mod Squad, The Fugitive, and Perry Mason. Obviously , non e o f them helpe d m e wit h school , bu t a steady die t o f crime an d punishmen t piqued my interest i n law. I ha d my firs t blac k teache r i n th e fourt h grade . Mrs . Elli s was young , in he r lat e twenties . Sh e wa s stunning , wit h hig h cheekbones , golde n brown skin , an d a radiant , flawles s smile . He r thic k blac k hai r fel l jus t below he r ears . I was nin e an d i n love . I have n o memories o f tha t grade , except her . My bes t teache r a t Fairwoo d wa s Mrs . Whitham . Wha t man y othe r teachers lacked—visio n an d energy—sh e ha d i n excess . He r charism a

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and enthusias m fo r teachin g wer e infectious , an d sh e mad e he r clas s fee l special. Sh e worke d har d an d expecte d u s t o d o so . Fo r ever y student , Mrs. Whitha m kep t a poste d recor d o f cumulativ e point s earne d o n assignments. Durin g eac h six-wee k gradin g period , w e compete d fo r maximum points . She als o gave u s priz e star s for goo d behavio r an d hig h marks. Throug h tha t competitiv e environment , sh e taugh t u s tha t har d work would b e rewarded. All of us sought he r approval. At the sam e time , we complete d mor e wor k tha n ever . I woul d tr y anythin g fo r Mrs . Whi tham becaus e sh e neve r mad e m e fee l stupi d o r afraid t o make a mistake. Although I wa s no t Mrs . Whitham's bes t student , throug h he r I ha d m y first glimme r o f my academic potential . Recess wa s b y fa r th e bes t par t o f m y elementar y schoo l da y becaus e that's when I got to play kickball, red rover , or basketball wit h my friends . Hundreds o f kids flooded th e asphal t playground . Som e played tetherbal l or jumpe d rope . W e occupie d ever y inc h o f space , running , screaming , and collidin g fo r thirt y minutes . Almost ever y da y ther e wa s a t leas t on e figh t durin g recess . Fight s seemed t o follo w m e around . I wa s neve r tal l fo r m y ag e group , an d my weight varie d wit h th e dat e o f th e las t welfar e check . Eve n so , a numbe r of boy s an d girl s regularl y wante d t o fight me . Th e battle s bega n wit h a shove o r a punch , whic h sen t m e int o a frenzy . I f someon e hi t me , n o matter ho w bi g o r tough , I wa s willin g t o fight. On e boy , Johnny White , and I fought al l the time . We didn't nee d a reason. We fought o n th e wa y to an d fro m school , ofte n twic e i n on e da y an d sometime s o n th e week end. Durin g th e fur y o f on e protracte d skirmish , hi s li p becam e pinne d onto a jagged edg e o f the chain-lin k fenc e aroun d th e playground , open ing a wid e gas h an d sprayin g bloo d everywhere . I ha d neve r see n s o much blood . After that , h e an d I never exchange d anothe r blow . David Ramseye r an d Dou g Campbel l wer e my closes t friends . I con sidered Davi d th e smartes t ki d i n th e school , althoug h Lis a Calle y wa s probably just a s smart . Th e tw o o f the m go t al l th e to p academi c honor s at Fairwood , an d the y als o wer e captain s o n th e schoo l patrol . Th e Ramseyers live d a lon g mil e fro m th e schoo l i n a nice , single-famil y residential communit y o n Bryde n Road . Som e day s whe n Davi d wen t home fo r lunch , h e invite d m e over. His mo m mad e sandwiche s an d sou p before sendin g u s back . When my famil y move d fro m Livingsto n Avenu e t o Col e Avenue , I lived aroun d th e corne r fro m Doug , hi s mother , an d hi s tw o brothers , Brian an d Craig . Doug' s parent s wer e divorced , bu t hi s da d sometime s

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came around . Thei r hous e wa s a larg e two-stor y bric k hom e wit h a backyard bi g enough t o play football in . Doug had hi s own bedroom . Th e living an d dinin g room s wer e spacious , an d whe n Doug' s mothe r wa s a t work, hal f a doze n boy s fro m th e neighborhoo d pile d int o thos e room s playing games , watchin g television , o r jus t avoidin g th e summe r heat . Doug an d I wer e inseparable , an d hi s mothe r treate d m e lik e he r fourt h son. When I was ther e a t dinnertime , sh e neve r le t m e g o hom e withou t eating. Neither Dou g no r I excelle d a t Fairwood , channelin g ou r energ y in stead int o sports an d girls . Our first love was basketball, the n football . W e played basketbal l a t al l hours , ofte n shootin g basket s unde r th e stree t lights. Anythin g I coul d do , Dou g believe d h e coul d d o better , an d vic e versa. W e lifted weights , w e wrestled , w e danced , w e raced , w e sang , w e swam—always t o determin e wh o wa s better . I f I bea t him , five minute s later ther e wa s another challenge . I f h e di d twent y push-ups , I had t o d o twenty-one. I f I lifted seventy-fiv e pounds , h e trie d eighty . We compare d everything—who wa s taller , wh o ha d th e bigge r chest , th e bigge r Afro , and s o forth . We wer e fierce competitor s fo r girl s a s well . Dou g live d nex t doo r t o our classmat e Su e Lucear . Su e ha d ligh t skin , lon g straigh t hair , an d cherubic cheeks . W e ha d watche d he r gro w u p sinc e secon d grad e an d decided sh e wa s on e o f th e cutes t girl s i n th e world . W e fel l ove r eac h other tryin g t o impres s her , a t leas t unti l w e sa w he r cousin , Kell y Rhea , who visite d mostl y i n th e summer . Whe n bot h Su e an d Kell y wer e around, Dou g and I were delirious. We stopped competing ; it was difficul t enough jus t t o breathe. On e o f our rituals was to climb hig h int o the pin e tree i n Doug' s fron t yar d an d sin g dow n t o the m al l th e lates t lov e song s by Al Green, th e Spinners , th e Stylistics , or the Dramatics . "Spendin ' my days, thinkin ' abou t yo u baby. " W e san g off-ke y ever y wor d w e coul d remember o f "Let' s Sta y Together." Kell y an d Su e humore d us , probabl y because w e wer e neve r clos e enoug h t o touc h them . Summer s passe d like weeks whe n I was with Doug . He als o was responsibl e fo r on e o f my scaries t experiences . I t wa s a n unusually ho t summe r day , an d a grou p o f kid s wer e a t hi s hous e tryin g to escape th e heat . We were playin g an electric footbal l gam e when Dou g ventured of f unnoticed . Whe n h e returned , h e ha d i n to w th e bigges t shotgun I' d eve r seen . I t was a s big as him. H e starte d screamin g ho w h e hated us . At first, we just ignore d him , thinkin g h e woul d retur n th e gu n immediately. Tha t worke d unti l h e levele d th e gu n a t us . No w h e ha d

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our full attention . When hi s older brothe r Bria n starte d towar d him , Dou g dared an y of us to move. I couldn't, I was petrified. Thos e doubl e barrel s looked lik e cannons . I ha d hear d o f kid s playin g wit h gun s tha t the y thought wer e unloade d an d accidentall y shootin g someone . Tha t wa s regular news i n black Columbus. Brian , who also was now frozen, pleade d with Dou g t o pu t th e gu n back . H e tol d Dou g tha t th e gu n migh t b e loaded an d tha t i f h e pulle d th e trigger , h e migh t kil l someon e an d hav e to go to jail. That prospec t ha d n o effect. Bria n the n reminde d Dou g tha t if thei r mothe r foun d ou t abou t th e incident , sh e woul d groun d hi m forever. Tha t threa t di d register , an d Doug' s jok e ended . H e laughe d heartily, bu t alone . During th e sixt h grade , a fe w teacher s seeme d t o tak e greate r notic e of me. By then, man y of them ha d taugh t a t leas t one Fair . Excep t fo r m y sister Theresa , nearl y nin e year s olde r tha n me , th e Fair s wer e averag e students. Bu t Theres a ha d earne d straigh t A' s sinc e grad e schoo l an d graduated wit h numerou s academi c honor s a t th e to p o f he r class . I looked u p t o her an d crave d th e sam e prais e sh e ha d received . Tha t year , Fairwood institute d a ne w progra m i n whic h sixt h grader s woul d rotat e among severa l teacher s eac h day . Undoubtedly , tha t innovatio n wa s de signed t o prepar e u s fo r junio r high , whic h I wa s beginnin g t o loo k forward to . I rotate d amon g Mrs . Whitham , Mrs . French , an d Mrs . Thompson. Frenc h an d Thompson , bot h black , wer e a s demandin g a s Mrs. Whitham , an d the y pushe d m e i n ever y subject . Eve n thoug h I worked har d a t th e assignments , I stil l ha d onl y averag e skills , however . Reading remaine d difficul t fo r me , bu t I progresse d throug h al l th e SR A levels with A' s and B' s on most projects . BUSING

In th e spring , Mrs . Thompson tol d severa l o f us about a voluntary busin g plan tha t woul d enabl e som e blac k childre n fro m th e eas t sid e t o atten d selected, predominantl y white , junio r hig h schools , i n ou r cas e Johnso n Park. Sh e explaine d tha t th e ne w schoo l migh t hav e bette r resource s an d might b e mor e demandin g academicall y tha n Franklin , th e blac k junio r high schoo l i n m y neighborhood . Th e pla n wa s on e directional—n o white kid s were buse d t o the blac k schools . Only the n di d i t daw n o n m e tha t man y o f the kid s tha t I had bee n i n school wit h fo r five year s woul d scatte r i n a couple o f months . I ha d no t considered th e possibilit y o f going anywher e bu t Franklin , becaus e that' s

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our full attention . When hi s older brothe r Bria n starte d towar d him , Dou g dared an y of us to move. I couldn't, I was petrified. Thos e doubl e barrel s looked lik e cannons . I ha d hear d o f kid s playin g wit h gun s tha t the y thought wer e unloade d an d accidentall y shootin g someone . Tha t wa s regular news i n black Columbus. Brian , who also was now frozen, pleade d with Dou g t o pu t th e gu n back . H e tol d Dou g tha t th e gu n migh t b e loaded an d tha t i f h e pulle d th e trigger , h e migh t kil l someon e an d hav e to go to jail. That prospec t ha d n o effect. Bria n the n reminde d Dou g tha t if thei r mothe r foun d ou t abou t th e incident , sh e woul d groun d hi m forever. Tha t threa t di d register , an d Doug' s jok e ended . H e laughe d heartily, bu t alone . During th e sixt h grade , a fe w teacher s seeme d t o tak e greate r notic e of me. By then, man y of them ha d taugh t a t leas t one Fair . Excep t fo r m y sister Theresa , nearl y nin e year s olde r tha n me , th e Fair s wer e averag e students. Bu t Theres a ha d earne d straigh t A' s sinc e grad e schoo l an d graduated wit h numerou s academi c honor s a t th e to p o f he r class . I looked u p t o her an d crave d th e sam e prais e sh e ha d received . Tha t year , Fairwood institute d a ne w progra m i n whic h sixt h grader s woul d rotat e among severa l teacher s eac h day . Undoubtedly , tha t innovatio n wa s de signed t o prepar e u s fo r junio r high , whic h I wa s beginnin g t o loo k forward to . I rotate d amon g Mrs . Whitham , Mrs . French , an d Mrs . Thompson. Frenc h an d Thompson , bot h black , wer e a s demandin g a s Mrs. Whitham , an d the y pushe d m e i n ever y subject . Eve n thoug h I worked har d a t th e assignments , I stil l ha d onl y averag e skills , however . Reading remaine d difficul t fo r me , bu t I progresse d throug h al l th e SR A levels with A' s and B' s on most projects . BUSING

In th e spring , Mrs . Thompson tol d severa l o f us about a voluntary busin g plan tha t woul d enabl e som e blac k childre n fro m th e eas t sid e t o atten d selected, predominantl y white , junio r hig h schools , i n ou r cas e Johnso n Park. Sh e explaine d tha t th e ne w schoo l migh t hav e bette r resource s an d might b e mor e demandin g academicall y tha n Franklin , th e blac k junio r high schoo l i n m y neighborhood . Th e pla n wa s on e directional—n o white kid s were buse d t o the blac k schools . Only the n di d i t daw n o n m e tha t man y o f the kid s tha t I had bee n i n school wit h fo r five year s woul d scatte r i n a couple o f months . I ha d no t considered th e possibilit y o f going anywher e bu t Franklin , becaus e that' s

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where m y sibling s went , befor e goin g t o Eas t Hig h School . Davi d tol d me h e woul d atten d a privat e school . Dou g wa s simpl y read y t o leav e Fairwood. Her e wa s my chanc e t o b e different , t o participat e i n a n educational experiment . I woul d hav e t o leav e my neighborhoo d an d some o f my friends. I wouldn't kno w man y of my new classmates. Uncer tain bu t impresse d b y Mrs . Thompson' s forcefulness , I informe d De e that I would g o to Johnson Park . Dou g planne d t o attend a s well. My lif e began t o change almos t immediately . Johnson Par k ha d a split schedule : sevent h grader s attende d betwee n 7:30 a.m . an d 2:0 0 p.m . an d eight h an d nint h grader s betwee n 8:3 0 a.m . and 3:3 0 p.m . My morning s bega n a t 6:00 a.m. , an d th e schoo l bu s lef t a t 7:00. I f I misse d it , I didn' t hav e an y wa y t o trave l th e fou r mile s othe r than o n the cit y bus o r by foot. Eac h mornin g abou t twent y childre n fro m the neighborhoo d gathere d t o mee t th e schoo l bus . Dou g an d I usuall y hurried togethe r t o meet it . Some kid s ridin g th e bu s ha d no t attende d Fairwood . On e o f them , Shawn Allison , starte d hangin g aroun d wit h m e an d Doug . H e live d wit h his parent s an d siste r i n a brick , two-stor y hous e abou t a bloc k fro m th e bus stop . H e wa s a n artist , ha d a pe t alligator , an d love d t o sin g an d dance. Shaw n wa s th e firs t blac k chil d I ha d eve r me t wit h ligh t gree n eyes. H e looke d lik e a cat. His nic e clothe s an d hi s muscular fram e mad e him a n instan t hi t with th e girls , which t o me mad e hi m cool . Johnson Par k wa s a ten-year-old schoo l locate d i n a two-story buildin g just of f Livingsto n Avenu e o n Waverly . O n thre e side s th e schoo l wa s surrounded b y a residentia l community . O n th e fourt h wa s a dead-en d street abou t on e bloc k lon g tha t extende d fro m th e bac k o f th e schoo l southward t o the commercial establishment s alon g Livingston. A Catholic school, Bisho p Hartley , was situated acros s Livingston . Roger Dumare e wa s th e principa l o f Johnso n Park , an d h e ha d tw o assistants, Mr . Or r an d Mr . Bailey . Al l thre e wer e white . Mr . Dumare e looked lik e a fullback , short , stocky , an d formidable , an d h e seeme d immensely popular . Mr . Or r ha d th e person a o f a dril l sergeant , s o I avoided him . Bu t Mr . Baile y was a s friendly an d easygoin g a s Mr. Roger s on television . H e alway s had a kind wor d an d a warm smile . Only abou t 5 percen t o f th e student s a t Johnso n Par k wer e black , about a thir d o f the m fro m my neighborhood . Ou r mornin g tri p dre w u s together, an d onc e a t school , w e stuc k togethe r a s muc h a s possible . Usually ther e wer e onl y a handfu l o f black s i n eac h class , bu t betwee n classes, durin g recess , an d a t lunc h w e looke d fo r familia r face s i n th e

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white se a o f ne w ones . The Johnso n Par k lunchroo m reflecte d ou r close ness. An outside r woul d notic e th e black s sittin g togethe r an d th e white s at othe r tables . Bu t thi s neve r bothere d m e becaus e I kne w I was sittin g with Doug , Shawn , Effley , an d th e othe r blac k kid s becaus e w e wer e close friends . W e neve r exclude d whit e people ; w e simpl y at e wit h friends. Less tha n a month afte r classe s began , Dou g an d I misse d th e schoo l bus, whic h mean t w e ha d t o rid e th e cit y bus , whic h droppe d u s a t th e corner o f Livingsto n an d Waverly . When w e lef t th e bus , we ha d t o wal k a lon g bloc k northward , placin g u s i n bac k o f th e schoo l and , a s w e discovered, isolated . A s we walke d towar d th e school , I notice d a grou p of white kids standin g near the en d o f the road . I didn't thin k twic e abou t them. W e walke d hurriedl y i n thei r direction , no t wantin g t o b e lat e fo r school. Neither o f us anticipated a threat. They looke d lik e kids fro m th e school, dresse d i n wor n jea n jacket s an d pants . Mos t wer e boys , al l wit h long, ungroomed hair . Suddenly, hal f a doze n o f th e boy s surrounde d us , demandin g ou r money. Startled , w e denie d havin g an y an d trie d t o walk pas t them . On e of the m shove d Doug ; anothe r cuffe d me . Scare d an d outnumbered , we quickl y surrendere d ou r meage r pocke t cash , an d the y amble d off , triumphant bu t onl y marginall y enriched . W e stare d a t eac h other , shocked an d stil l trembling , bu t als o increasingl y angry . Wh o th e hel l were the y t o tak e ou r money ? N o longe r surrounde d o r of f guard , Dou g grabbed a large, thic k branch , an d I foun d a rock th e siz e o f m y fist. W e raced afte r them , especiall y th e tw o wh o ha d struc k u s an d th e tall , skinny on e who ha d demande d ou r money . Now the y wer e th e one s t o b e surprised . Dou g an d I stoo d sid e b y side, focuse d o n th e talles t kid , wh o w e though t wa s thei r leader . Wit h our crud e weapon s i n strikin g position , w e demande d ou r mone y back . I could barel y tal k an d tear s were formin g i n my eyes. My ange r was risin g and my hear t wa s racing . The y mus t hav e sense d ou r rage , becaus e the y quickly returne d ou r mone y an d backe d away . Word o f the inciden t quickl y sprea d throughou t th e school . Eac h tim e it wa s told , b y u s o r others , i t wa s exaggerated . Mr . Baile y aske d fo r a conference wit h eac h o f us . H e wa s eas y t o tal k with , askin g abou t my family, my interests , an d wh y I ha d chose n t o atten d Johnso n Park . I didn't sa y muc h abou t m y family , bu t I tol d hi m abou t m y meetin g wit h Mrs. Thompson . H e sai d h e wa s gla d tha t I ha d decide d t o com e t o Johnson Park . The n h e tol d m e tha t h e wishe d w e ha d reporte d ou r

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mugging t o hi m rathe r tha n goin g afte r th e boy s ourselves . H e insiste d that I shoul d fee l saf e a t th e schoo l an d sai d h e believe d tha t th e kid s who ha d attacke d u s probabl y wer e no t student s a t th e school . H e tol d me t o tak e advantag e o f al l tha t th e schoo l ha d t o offer , an d h e invite d me t o visi t hi m anytime . I fel t som e reassuranc e afte r talkin g wit h him , but I reminded mysel f t o be careful . This inciden t mad e Dou g an d m e celebritie s wit h man y o f our school mates, whit e an d black . Peopl e quickl y learne d ou r name s an d patte d u s on th e back . W e were eve n mor e popula r amon g th e childre n o n th e bu s we too k t o school , an d the y wante d moment-by-momen t recountings . Doug an d I neve r tol d anyon e ho w afrai d an d uncertai n w e reall y ha d been. Being aroun d a lo t o f white s m y ag e a t Johnso n Par k wa s a n eye opening experienc e fo r me . Before then , I had ha d n o white friend s sinc e leaving Deschler . Ver y fe w white s eve r cam e t o ou r house , excep t t o collect overdu e ren t o r t o tur n of f th e gas . Attendin g classe s wit h whit e peers, however , showe d m e tha t the y wer e no t a s differen t a s I ha d thought. Som e seeme d smart , som e didn't . Som e ha d nic e clothe s an d things, som e didn't . Som e wer e friendly , som e weren't . An y myt h abou t racial supremac y wa s shattere d durin g thos e thre e years . Lik e me , my white classmate s struggle d wit h school , wit h puberty , wit h distractions . Although I didn't understan d wh y thei r economi c status , on average , was much better , i t wa s plai n t o se e ever y da y a s I rod e throug h th e whit e neighborhoods surroundin g Johnson Park . The teacher s a t Johnso n Par k wer e tougher , thei r standard s higher , than an y I ha d ha d before ; fe w o f the m seeme d intereste d i n creatin g a fun learnin g environment . Fo r th e firs t time , I ha d homewor k i n severa l classes ever y day . I wa s expecte d t o kee p u p an d tur n i n m y wor k o n time. I f it was late, the penalt y wa s a lower grade. Because I worked afte r school, this happene d frequently . My Frenc h teache r wa s probabl y th e hardest . H e wa s mysteriou s looking—not whit e bu t no t quit e a s dar k a s I was—with thick , straight , jet blac k hai r an d bush y eyebrows . H e hardl y eve r smiled . I couldn' t d o anything righ t fo r him . H e expecte d u s t o read an d spea k i n Frenc h afte r the firs t day . Bu t I ha d neve r ha d foreig n languag e training ; Englis h wa s hard enough . My pronunciation, whic h neve r satisfie d him , ofte n lef t hi m exclaiming "Merde. " I never earne d bette r tha n a C i n Frenc h a t Johnson Park. Bu t eve n thoug h h e wa s no t m y favorit e teacher , I love d learnin g about Frenc h king s an d thei r palaces . I read everythin g I could abou t th e

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French—their languag e wa s my windo w t o a new worl d o f eleganc e an d beauty t o which I coul d transpor t mysel f fa r awa y fro m wher e an d ho w I lived. My Ohi o histor y clas s wa s a s dul l t o m e a s Frenc h wa s exciting . Mr . Pack's ide a o f histor y wa s t o teac h u s abou t famou s Ohioan s an d thei r hometowns. Ohi o was the birthplac e o f a number o f American presidents , such a s Grant, Harrison , Taft, an d Hayes . The cit y of Lima ha d produce d Thomas Edison , an d Steubenville , Dea n Martin . Fo r Mr . Pack , Ohi o history wa s a recor d o f th e live s an d accomplishment s o f whites . Black s were invisible , sav e fo r a brie f mentio n o f Harrie t Tubma n o r Crispu s Attucks. We learned nothin g abou t wh y th e citie s i n Ohi o ha d becom e s o segregated o r ho w white s ha d accumulate d mos t o f th e state' s wealth , thus givin g us the impressio n tha t bot h outcome s wer e natura l o r inevita ble. Th e mor e question s I asked , however , th e les s friendl y Mr . Pac k became. My lack o f success i n the classroo m le d m e t o other activities . Johnson Park ha d a variety o f studen t club s an d sport s teams . Whe n Mr . Baile y announced th e studen t governmen t election , I thought abou t runnin g fo r seventh-grade president . A t Fairwoo d I ha d alway s take n a bac k sea t t o other kid s lik e David , bu t I decided I wasn't goin g to do so here. When I told Dou g an d Shaw n abou t m y plan , the y encourage d me . Mr . Baile y also though t i t wa s a grea t idea . M y campaig n them e wa s simple : I' m Fair. I wo n easily , a succes s tha t mean t a grea t dea l t o me . I wa s no w a student leader , helpin g pla n schoo l event s an d representin g my class mates t o th e principa l an d teachers . I attende d PT A meeting s an d le d recitals o f th e flag pledge . I als o helpe d th e eighth - an d ninth-grad e council pla n th e schoo l dances , likely th e mos t importan t studen t counci l function. Half th e boy s at the schoo l dreame d o f playing on the basketbal l team . For mor e tha n a year, w e playe d sal t an d peppe r games—black s versu s whites—every da y durin g reces s an d ofte n afte r school . Th e whit e boy s played a s wel l a s th e blac k one s did . Fro m th e tim e I wa s six , I ha d played fo r hundred s o f hours , especiall y wit h Doug , morning , noon , an d night. When th e basketbal l coac h announce d tryouts , a buzz engulfed th e school. Anticipatin g hi s news , Dou g an d I ha d bee n playin g eve n more . More tha n fift y kid s cam e t o th e first tryout . I kne w som e o f the m from th e playgroun d an d ha d gotte n t o kno w other s i n class . The coac h explained tha t onl y fifteen kid s would mak e th e team . I showe d u p th e nex t da y read y t o dazzl e the m all . Dou g an d I eve n

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wore ne w Convers e Al l Star s t o mar k th e occasion . I mad e seve n o f te n free throw s eac h tim e bu t wa s les s accurat e fro m othe r spots , hittin g under 4 0 percen t overall . Durin g scrimmages , I score d o n onl y on e shot . When th e coac h poste d th e lis t o f thos e makin g th e firs t cut , I searche d feverishly fo r m y name . I t wasn' t there , an d neithe r wa s Doug's . I wouldn't represen t th e Blu e Devils . I fel t cheated—surel y I wa s on e o f the to p fiftee n players . I wen t t o ever y hom e gam e tha t seaso n t o prov e to mysel f tha t I shoul d hav e bee n selected . Tha t yea r ou r tea m wo n th e city championship, an d th e coac h wa s right: Ever y playe r wa s demonstra bly better tha n I was. After m y firs t yea r a t Johnso n Park , my famil y move d fro m Col e Avenue t o Frankli n Avenue , tw o mile s nort h o f Livingston , jus t of f Fairwood. The ne w hous e was owned b y the Ohi o Metropolita n Housin g Authority. I t wa s a two-story bric k structur e wit h a large fenced-i n back yard. Of f th e bac k door , a patio extende d th e lengt h o f th e house . Ther e were fou r bedroom s upstair s an d on e downstairs , plus two full bathrooms . We fille d al l thos e room s plu s th e basemen t an d attic . Tha t hous e wa s the nices t w e eve r live d in , bu t ou r sta y ther e didn' t last . W e ha d n o money t o replac e th e carpet , tile , showe r heads , an d faucet s o r fo r suffi cient cleanin g supplies . S o w e use d th e space s unti l the y becam e unin habitable, an d the n w e move d again . To avoi d changin g schools , I ha d t o walk a mile bac k t o th e bu s stop . When tha t didn' t wor k out , tw o of my classmates who lived nea r Frankli n asked thei r mother s i f I coul d rid e t o schoo l wit h them , whic h I di d fo r the nex t tw o years . I f I staye d afte r school , I caugh t th e bu s o r walke d home. I use d som e o f my earning s fro m St . John' s t o bu y a n ol d bike , which I rode everywhere . Another consequenc e o f goin g t o Johnson Par k wa s tha t I spen t muc h less tim e i n my neighborhood . I lef t earl y eac h mornin g an d ofte n didn' t return unti l afte r nin e o r te n o'clock . Th e communit y surroundin g th e school house d mostl y white , middle-clas s families , an d mos t o f th e kid s at Johnson Par k lived withi n block s of their homes . Although thei r house s were no t nearly as large as the one s i n my neighborhood, the y were muc h newer an d manicured , nice r tha n an y I ha d eve r bee n in . Whe n I didn' t have t o work , I spen t tim e a t th e home s o f Vaugh n Thomas , Byro n Kennedy, Ke n Ruffin , an d othe r ne w friends , man y o f the m black s wh o lived i n Berwyn . Thi s communit y wa s beginnin g t o chang e color : Re cently, a fe w middle-clas s black s ha d move d in , an d som e white s wer e

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now movin g out . A s mor e black s move d in , man y white s poste d for-sal e signs. On man y evenings , Vaughn, Ken , Shawn , Doug , an d other s me t a t th e Barnett Recreatio n Center , on e bloc k eas t o f Johnso n Park . Whe n w e didn't pla y basketball , w e playe d variou s game s i n th e multipurpos e rooms. At othe r times , w e me t a t on e o f th e kids ' home s fo r a party . We would pac k i n twent y o r thirt y kids—usuall y i n th e basement-an d prac tice th e lates t dance s lik e th e Scorpi o o r Robot . Whe n someon e playe d a slow song , th e boy s race d t o find a girl . A t time s I dance d s o clos e I could fee l ever y muscl e o n m y partner ; I als o coul d fee l m y ow n body' s transformation. Thos e slo w dance s le d t o kissin g an d touchin g an d th e hope fo r more . It was only a matter o f time. By ninth grade , I thought I was ready . My girlfriend , Debbi e Johnson , was plannin g he r birthda y party . Sh e wa s fourtee n goin g o n twenty-one . She invite d abou t twent y children , an d muc h t o my surprise, sh e tol d m e she planne d t o "giv e m e some " a t th e party . I trie d no t t o le t he r se e m y surprise o r my fear . I told Doug , an d h e sai d I should g o for it . The part y was on Saturday, an d no w it was only Wednesday. Durin g th e nex t coupl e of days , other s foun d ou t abou t Debbie' s promis e an d talke d abou t i t openly—almost matte r o f factly . Th e pressur e o n m e mounted . M y first thought wa s simpl y t o no t go ; I coul d sa y I wa s sick . Bu t I didn' t wan t my friend s t o thin k I wa s afraid . I ha d t o go. Whe n Debbi e learne d — probably fro m Doug—tha t I wa s thinkin g abou t no t coming , sh e as sumed tha t I wa s rejectin g her . I explaine d tha t I reall y di d lik e he r bu t didn't wan t t o d o anythin g t o ge t int o trouble . Sh e assure d m e w e woul d be careful . Doug an d I arrived a t the part y just afte r dark . Debbie' s basemen t wa s already full, an d we greeted friend s whil e I looked fo r her . She was sittin g on th e corne r o f a sofa, talkin g wit h anothe r girl . When sh e notice d me , she go t u p immediatel y an d bega n walkin g towar d me . I wa s tryin g no t to tremble . Debbi e ha d o n a pai r o f slack s an d a pullove r tha t expose d her bar e midriff . Whe n w e hugged , I coul d smel l th e fragranc e o f he r lotion. W e move d t o th e danc e area . Sh e looke d radian t an d matur e a s she pulle d m e nea r an d whispere d he r plan : W e woul d sli p int o th e laundry roo m whil e other s kep t a n ey e ou t fo r he r mother . W e slo w danced. My body responded. Sh e led m e away . But within seconds , as we kissed an d touched , w e discovere d w e ha d a n audience . I had worrie d fo r three day s abou t wha t I woul d do , an d no w I ha d a n excuse ! Debbi e

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seemed relieved , too . W e coul d rejoi n ou r friends , head s high ; w e ha d stopped onl y becaus e o f ou r lac k o f privacy . No t eve n Dou g kne w ho w scared I was. My thre e year s a t Johnson Par k were rewardin g bot h academicall y an d socially. Although I had t o work har d just t o get averag e grades , my skill s were muc h improved ; nonetheless , I was still only a C + student . Indeed , in nearl y two-third s o f m y classe s a t Johnso n Par k I earne d C's , whic h frustrated me , bu t I alway s though t I coul d d o bette r i f I ha d mor e tim e for homework . Doug ha d no t fare d eve n tha t well . H e flunked th e nint h grade , a setback tha t separate d u s in schoo l fo r th e firs t tim e sinc e secon d grade . I had los t my bes t friend . Then , a year later , befor e h e wa s t o begi n hig h school, his family move d t o Alabama. GOING HOM E

During my las t yea r a t Johnson Park , whe n I was i n my neighborhood , I usually coul d b e foun d a t Effle y an d Mauric e Brooks' s house . They live d with thei r mothe r an d stepfathe r behin d Doug' s hous e o n Fairwoo d Avenue. Dou g ha d introduce d m e t o them , an d I ha d becom e friend s with Ef f whil e h e wa s a t Johnso n Park . I introduce d hi m t o A Bette r World, an d h e onc e sol d mor e tha n on e hundre d boxe s o f candy . Usuall y when I went t o their house, Ef f an d Reec e were readin g o r working som e kind o f min d puzzle . They wer e th e smartes t kid s I ha d eve r met . The y taught m e th e basic s o f chess , an d w e spen t hour s playin g board games , pool, an d Ping-Pong . Ef f an d Reec e als o like d t o dance , whic h w e di d a s often a s we could . In blac k Columbus , dancin g prowes s go t on e noticed , eve n respected . Clubs offere d priz e mone y fo r th e bes t dancers . Doug , Shawn , Eff , Reece, an d I ha d bee n goin g t o loca l partie s an d danc e club s fo r teen s every weeken d fo r a coupl e o f years . B y nint h grade , w e ha d becom e regulars a t Th e Righ t Place , a community cente r locate d si x blocks fro m Fairwood tha t wa s transforme d int o a danc e clu b eac h Friday . Hundred s of teen s packe d i n there , rai n o r shine , t o danc e t o al l th e lates t R& B recordings. W e dresse d i n nylo n shirts , presse d bi b overalls , an d sparkl e socks, wit h bandanna s hangin g i n ou r pockets . W e dance d unti l the y made u s leave. After Th e Righ t Place' s popularit y faded , w e wen t t o Th e 2001 , another disc o wher e teen s fro m aroun d blac k Columbu s gathere d t o

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seemed relieved , too . W e coul d rejoi n ou r friends , head s high ; w e ha d stopped onl y becaus e o f ou r lac k o f privacy . No t eve n Dou g kne w ho w scared I was. My thre e year s a t Johnson Par k were rewardin g bot h academicall y an d socially. Although I had t o work har d just t o get averag e grades , my skill s were muc h improved ; nonetheless , I was still only a C + student . Indeed , in nearl y two-third s o f m y classe s a t Johnso n Par k I earne d C's , whic h frustrated me , bu t I alway s though t I coul d d o bette r i f I ha d mor e tim e for homework . Doug ha d no t fare d eve n tha t well . H e flunked th e nint h grade , a setback tha t separate d u s in schoo l fo r th e firs t tim e sinc e secon d grade . I had los t my bes t friend . Then , a year later , befor e h e wa s t o begi n hig h school, his family move d t o Alabama. GOING HOM E

During my las t yea r a t Johnson Park , whe n I was i n my neighborhood , I usually coul d b e foun d a t Effle y an d Mauric e Brooks' s house . They live d with thei r mothe r an d stepfathe r behin d Doug' s hous e o n Fairwoo d Avenue. Dou g ha d introduce d m e t o them , an d I ha d becom e friend s with Ef f whil e h e wa s a t Johnso n Park . I introduce d hi m t o A Bette r World, an d h e onc e sol d mor e tha n on e hundre d boxe s o f candy . Usuall y when I went t o their house, Ef f an d Reec e were readin g o r working som e kind o f min d puzzle . They wer e th e smartes t kid s I ha d eve r met . The y taught m e th e basic s o f chess , an d w e spen t hour s playin g board games , pool, an d Ping-Pong . Ef f an d Reec e als o like d t o dance , whic h w e di d a s often a s we could . In blac k Columbus , dancin g prowes s go t on e noticed , eve n respected . Clubs offere d priz e mone y fo r th e bes t dancers . Doug , Shawn , Eff , Reece, an d I ha d bee n goin g t o loca l partie s an d danc e club s fo r teen s every weeken d fo r a coupl e o f years . B y nint h grade , w e ha d becom e regulars a t Th e Righ t Place , a community cente r locate d si x blocks fro m Fairwood tha t wa s transforme d int o a danc e clu b eac h Friday . Hundred s of teen s packe d i n there , rai n o r shine , t o danc e t o al l th e lates t R& B recordings. W e dresse d i n nylo n shirts , presse d bi b overalls , an d sparkl e socks, wit h bandanna s hangin g i n ou r pockets . W e dance d unti l the y made u s leave. After Th e Righ t Place' s popularit y faded , w e wen t t o Th e 2001 , another disc o wher e teen s fro m aroun d blac k Columbu s gathere d t o

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perfect th e lates t moves . We were doin g lin e dance s twent y year s befor e anyone ha d hear d o f th e electri c slide . Openin g a t 6:0 0 an d closin g a t 10:00 p.m. , Th e 200 1 looke d lik e a danc e clu b fro m th e movi e Saturday Night Fever, wit h tw o larg e danc e floor s an d ampl e space s fo r sittin g an d talking. W e arrive d earl y fo r maximu m danc e opportunities . Th e kid s ranged i n ag e fro m fourtee n t o eighteen . W e alway s trie d t o mee t th e oldest girls , hopin g t o ge t a t leas t on e slo w dance . Those dance s wer e a s close t o se x a s mos t o f m y friend s came . I t wa s devastatin g t o u s whe n The 200 1 closed t o kids unde r eighteen . Occasionally, I wen t wit h Ef f an d Reec e whe n the y visite d thei r grandmother i n Plai n City , Ohio , abou t thirt y minute s fro m Columbus . Before then , I ha d neve r bee n t o th e country . Plai n Cit y wa s a whit e farming communit y o n whos e outskirt s a few black s ha d purchase d sev eral acre s an d buil t ne w homes . Thei r grandmothe r live d i n a spacious , ranch-style hom e o n a stree t wit h onl y te n houses , wher e everybod y knew everybod y else . Whe n on e famil y ha d a party , th e other s came . I met al l the teenager s i n that communit y i n tw o visits. When I finishe d a t Johnso n Park , I ha d th e choic e o f attendin g East moor, which wa s a high schoo l nea r Johnson Park , or East, which wa s near where I live d an d wher e mos t o f m y sibling s ha d gone . A s with mos t o f the importan t decision s I had t o make, I listened t o the advic e o f my very close friend s an d an y teache r wh o showe d specia l interest . Man y o f m y Johnson Par k friends , includin g Eff , woul d b e attendin g Eastmoor . Also , more Eastmoo r graduate s tha n Eas t graduate s wen t t o college , an d I wanted t o g o t o college . O n th e othe r hand , goin g t o Eastmoo r woul d mean havin g to take mor e early morning buses an d continuin g t o be awa y from friend s i n my neighborhood. Tw o o f my brothers an d Reec e Brook s were senior s a t East . Eas t als o ha d a blac k principa l an d mor e blac k teachers tha n Eastmoo r did . And Eas t ha d th e bes t hig h schoo l dance s i n the city . Most o f th e hig h school s occasionall y ha d dances , o n weekends , afte r football o r basketbal l games , bu t Eas t sponsore d dance s tha t n o blac k student wante d t o miss . Th e pretties t girl s i n th e cit y came , dresse d t o impress, i n bellbottom s o r miniskirts . Th e gymnasiu m overflowe d wit h couples swingin g t o th e lates t hit s fro m th e Jackso n Five , th e Isle y Brothers, o r th e Silvers . Th e deeja y kne w exactl y whe n t o pla y a slo w set, alway s includin g th e lon g versio n o f "Reasons " b y Earth , Win d an d Fire—"Longin' t o lu v you , jus t fo r a night , kissin ' an d huggin ' an d holdin' yo u tight , pleas e le t m e lu v yo u wit h al l m y might. " Bodie s

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gyrated an d blowout s wilte d durin g thos e slo w jams . I n short , thes e dances wer e a strong incentive t o attend East . My famil y no w live d o n Fairwoo d Avenue , jus t nort h o f Mai n Street , about four block s from East . But I had decide d t o go to Eastmoor becaus e more o f its graduates wen t t o college. I also had a chance t o play footbal l there. While I was waiting for Eastmoo r t o start, Eas t ha d it s new studen t orientation, an d becaus e I ha d nothin g els e t o do , I wen t a s well . I dressed i n a ne w blu e an d whit e dashik i an d a pai r o f nav y gabardin e slacks. When I arrived a t the auditorium , i t was packed wit h friend s fro m Fairwood tha t I had no t see n ofte n durin g my years a t Johnson Park . Th e biggest surpris e o f al l wa s tha t there , seate d i n th e fron t row , wa s Kell y Rhea. W e greete d eac h other , an d I sa t dow n nex t t o her . Memorie s flooded bac k abou t her , Sue , me, and Doug . Ed Willis , th e principal , a large , handsom e blac k man , steppe d u p t o the podiu m an d starte d talkin g abou t growin g u p o n welfar e an d ho w education ha d enable d hi m t o improv e himself . Hi s lif e stor y sounde d familiar, bu t I couldn't believ e tha t h e had bee n a s poor as I was. Lookin g at him now , I could detec t n o outward sign s of his past poverty. H e spok e about th e prid e o f th e Eas t Hig h Tiger s an d som e o f it s distinguishe d alumni. Education , Mr . Willi s pointe d out , wa s somethin g tha t coul d never b e take n away , an d i t wa s a ticket ou t o f poverty . H e exhorte d u s not t o becom e dropou t statistics , an d the n h e introduce d hi s assistants , one o f whom wa s Mr. Bailey from Johnso n Park . Willis's tal k wa s bot h frustratin g an d inspiring . I resente d hi s talkin g about welfare , becaus e I fel t a s thoug h h e wer e directin g i t righ t a t me , and I didn' t tel l peopl e I wa s o n welfar e becaus e I wa s ashame d o f it . Moreover, I didn' t kno w whethe r hi s comment s wer e intende d a s deri sive. On th e othe r hand , seein g him—hi s cris p white dres s shirt , hi s gold cuff links , hi s elegan t suit— I bega n musin g tha t b y workin g har d i n school I might b e abl e t o becom e a successful perso n lik e him . I lef t th e orientation convince d tha t I should atten d East . Almost immediatel y I noticed tha t Eas t wa s unlike Eastmoo r o r Johnson Park, in more ways than it s racial composition. East , on e o f the oldes t schools i n th e city , was locate d i n a large, three-stor y buildin g o n on e o f the city' s busies t streets . Th e facilitie s wer e ru n down . Th e classroom s were dilapitated . Th e heatin g an d plumbin g wer e frequentl y broke n an d never seeme d t o provid e hea t whe n i t wa s neede d most . Furthermore , East ha d fe w moder n amenities , fo r example , onl y tw o projector s fo r more tha n twelv e hundre d students . Durin g m y visit s t o som e o f th e

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white hig h school s throughou t Columbus , I wa s surprise d t o find ne w buildings situate d o n large , gree n campuses , wit h state-of-the-ar t equip ment, som e eve n wit h carpetin g i n th e bathrooms . Conversely , th e bath rooms a t Eas t wer e filthy, usuall y wit h severa l stall s ou t o f order . I t wa s best t o avoid usin g them, bu t whe n yo u ha d to , you smelle d the m befor e you entered . As had bee n tru e a t Fairwood , an d t o some extent a t Johnson Park , th e teachers a t Eas t wer e face d wit h hug e disparitie s i n th e students ' ability , and fe w o f th e teacher s kne w ho w t o handl e thes e differences . The y didn't dar e teac h t o th e to p fo r fea r o f losin g th e bul k o f th e class , whereas som e o f th e student s a t th e botto m rea d wa y belo w grad e level . For man y o f th e teacher s a t East , therefore , th e solutio n wa s t o ai m toward th e middle , a sort o f genera l studie s approach . Accordingly , mos t of my classmates took general math , general science , and genera l English . Only a dozen or so students too k physics, precalculus, or advanced foreig n languages. And eve n thos e classe s wer e no t comparabl e t o th e advance d courses a t many white schools . Fortunately, a few o f my teachers a t Eas t were outstanding . Mr . Brow n was the bes t mat h teache r I ever had . H e taugh t algebr a i n plain English , explaining eac h formul a an d eac h step . Mrs . Preute r taugh t biology , introducing m e t o genetics an d anatomy . Sh e announce d t o the clas s tha t everyone woul d star t ou t with a n A average an d s o our job was to keep it . Mr. Gutheri e taugh t physics . Althoug h I neve r mastere d th e subject , i t wasn't fo r lac k of effort o n his part. I simply needed mor e math. Fo r thes e teachers an d a fe w others , teachin g wa s a n art . The y create d a learnin g oasis in th e middl e o f an educational desert . I will neve r forge t whe n Ti m Ilg , one o f my bes t hig h schoo l teachers , pulled m e asid e on e da y an d tol d m e tha t h e though t I ha d a grea t personality bu t tha t I didn' t know anything . Personality , h e tol d me , n o matter ho w stron g o r appealing , woul d onl y tak e m e s o far. Hi s goa l wa s to challeng e m e t o becom e a mor e dedicate d student . Afte r th e initia l shock an d hur t feelings , I realize d Mr . Il g wa s right . I kne w littl e abou t world history , literature , science , o r th e arts . I t wa s onl y the n I realize d that al l th e tim e I ha d spen t workin g ha d cu t int o th e tim e I coul d hav e been reading . Mr . Il g gav e m e book s t o rea d an d me t wit h m e afte r school t o discuss them . I discovered I knew eve n les s than I thought, bu t I was lucky tha t Mr . Ilg wanted t o help me . Although I knew tha t I could learn, I lagged fa r behin d som e o f the othe r kids . Nonetheless, I accepte d Mr . Ilg' s challenge , enrollin g i n a s man y

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advanced classe s a s I could . I joine d after-schoo l programs , includin g the debat e tea m an d th e I n Th e Kno w team , a n interschoo l academi c competition. Bu t I was not read y fo r th e I n The Kno w competition team : These students , thre e college-boun d senior s an d on e sophomore , wer e the mos t widel y rea d kid s I ha d eve r met . Aaro n Esti s wa s heade d t o Harvard, Stephani e War d t o Princeton , an d Larr y Kin g t o th e Cincinnat i Conservatory. The y kne w answer s t o question s tha t I didn' t eve n under stand. Eac h ha d area s of specialty fo r which the y were responsible . Unde r Mr. Ilg' s direction , ou r tea m bea t th e competitio n fro m predominantl y white school s and won th e 197 6 championship. We were prou d o f them — East ha d neve r befor e advance d thi s far . Instead , w e wer e know n fo r basketball, football , an d dances , not academics . During m y las t tw o year s o f hig h school , I wa s o n th e I n th e Kno w competition team , th e debat e team , an d th e studen t council . Whe n I wasn't a t schoo l o r workin g a t Battelle , I wa s usuall y a t th e mai n publi c library readin g everythin g I coul d ge t m y hand s on . I bega n t o rea d fo r pleasure. I rea d synopse s o f hundred s o f books . The n I rea d th e un abridged texts , lovin g th e excitin g place s the y le d me . A t nigh t I rea d English an d America n poetry , ofte n ou t lou d a s i f I wer e readin g t o a n audience. Thi s helpe d m e i n debat e an d whe n I rea d alou d i n class . I became obsesse d wit h learning . Fo r th e firs t tim e i n m y life , i t becam e a priority, an d I wanted t o excel . My hig h schoo l year s flew by , and al l th e wor k pai d off . I ha d learne d to rea d an d ha d improve d m y writin g skills , earnin g al l A' s an d on e B . Janet Barienbrock , wh o taugh t English , shoul d b e give n th e mos t credit : She taugh t m e mor e abou t Englis h i n nin e month s tha n I ha d learne d i n the previous eleve n years . She made u s diagram entir e essays , identifyin g and labelin g ever y word . Whateve r w e wrot e fo r her , sh e returne d wit h extensive comments , ofte n mor e tha n wha t we had written. Sh e tolerate d no error s i n gramma r o r spelling . Afte r that , sh e require d u s t o writ e research papers . I selected a s my subjec t Sout h Africa' s aparthei d regime . Mrs. Barienbroc k love d i t and gav e m e a n A +. Mrs. Barienbrock als o invited recen t Eas t graduates attendin g Harvard , Howard, Princeton , Ohi o State, and Cincinnat i t o speak t o our class abou t their colleg e experiences . Sh e expecte d som e o f u s t o follo w the m an d never treate d u s a s if we coul d no t lear n o r as if Eas t wer e th e en d o f th e line. As a result, he r expectation s graduall y becam e ours . Another significan t clas s during my senior year was P.O.D.—Problem s of Democracy . I t wa s primaril y a political science , history , an d geograph y

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class, bu t durin g on e six-wee k period , ever y studen t ha d t o sho w tha t h e or sh e coul d dra w u p a budge t fo r a famil y o f thre e wit h a chil d o n th e way. Eac h o f u s earne d a hypothetica l ne t salar y o f $10,000 , wit h whic h we ha d t o find renta l housing , purchas e a car, pla n an d cos t ou t balance d meals fo r tw o months, an d prepar e fo r th e birt h o f a child. We had t o us e local service s t o obtai n al l ou r informatio n an d t o prepar e a report o f ou r findings. I foun d a two-bedroo m hous e locate d jus t of f Mai n Stree t an d Fair wood Avenu e fo r $20 0 pe r month . Tha t lef t $7,600 . A three-year-ol d Cutlass Supreme was available for $125 per month fo r forty-eight months . Insurance wa s anothe r $50 0 pe r year . Tha t lef t m e wit h $5,60 0 fo r food , utilities, an d miscellaneou s costs . I allotte d $15 0 pe r mont h fo r utilities , leaving onl y $3,80 0 fo r food . I spen t a coupl e o f day s i n supermarket s pricing food s fo r balance d menus ; foo d wa s muc h mor e expensiv e tha n I had thought . Althoug h I completed th e budge t withi n th e give n parame ters, ther e wa s n o mone y lef t fo r entertainmen t o r emergencies . Thi s project taugh t m e no t onl y abou t th e importanc e o f a budge t bu t als o about th e educatio n tha t mos t o f m y classmate s a t Eas t ha d received . Many wer e abou t t o graduat e neve r havin g ha d a checkin g accoun t an d never havin g ha d an y experienc e wit h financial services , an d som e wer e barely eve n abl e t o complete a job application . P.O.D . was a crash cours e in genera l lif e skills , an d afte r completin g it , mos t o f m y classmate s probably woul d b e abl e t o surviv e i n blac k Columbus . Bu t thei r educa tional disadvantag e shackle d mos t o f the m t o live s a t th e margin s o f poverty. I was lucky . The turnin g poin t cam e whe n I decide d t o go to Johnso n Park, wher e th e student s wer e expecte d t o g o t o college . I don' t kno w what woul d hav e happene d i f I hadn' t gon e t o Johnso n Park . Whe n I arrived a t East , I wa s thinkin g abou t college , bu t I wa s stil l fa r behind . Everything I learne d a t Eas t an d th e friend s I mad e ther e transforme d my aspiration s int o attainabl e goals . Moreover, I was s o busy tha t I neve r got distracted b y drugs o r crime. My closes t friend s wer e eithe r i n colleg e o r were hig h schoo l student s who participate d i n academi c extracurricula r activities . Ton y Rosebor o had bee n o n th e champio n I n Th e Kno w tea m an d wa s presiden t o f th e senior class ; Ja y Tatu m ha d joine d th e tea m wit h m e an d wa s o n th e student council ; Virgil Harrel l wa s th e vic e presiden t o f the debat e team ; and Rober t Blackwel l wa s o n th e studen t counci l an d hea d o f th e year book staff . Al l o f u s wer e goin g t o college . W e rarel y foun d ourselve s

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apart socially . I f on e ha d a party, th e other s showe d up . W e spen t hour s playing Monopol y o r Ris k o r car d game s o r discussin g worl d events . W e never misse d a n Eas t dance . And whe n Chuc k Smith , Eff , Larry , Reece , and Aaro n wer e hom e fro m college , w e hun g ou t wit h the m an d longe d to join them . In publi c schoo l I learne d mor e abou t wh y bein g blac k mattered . While mos t of my classmates a t Eas t complete d a general studie s curricu lum, man y o f ou r counterpart s a t predominantl y whit e school s too k col lege preparator y courses . A t East , onl y abou t a doze n student s too k advanced English , math , o r scienc e courses . Ver y fe w studie d Lati n o r literature i n a foreig n language . Th e opposit e wa s tru e a t a schoo l lik e Eastmoor. Suc h difference s i n cours e wor k becom e difference s i n tes t scores, whic h i n tur n becom e th e rationalizatio n fo r determinin g wh o is bes t qualifie d t o atten d college . Whit e students , havin g ha d bette r educational opportunities , receive d offer s fro m th e bes t college s and , after that , th e bes t jobs, and s o on. As long as black school s ar e inferior t o white schools , Americans canno t clai m tha t black s hav e equa l opportuni ties, an d ou r racial caste syste m wil l remain i n place. In severa l recen t Suprem e Cour t cases , Justice Clarenc e Thoma s com plained tha t som e peopl e ac t a s i f al l blac k school s ar e inherentl y infe rior.14 Thi s i s no t m y point . Clearly , som e blac k school s an d college s ar e exceptional; eve n thos e historicall y blac k institution s tha t lac k sufficien t resources continu e t o pla y a vita l rol e i n educatin g Africa n Americans . But most o f them canno t matc h thei r white counterpart s tha t consistentl y receive mor e funding . Tha t is , thes e school s ar e no t inferio r becaus e blacks atten d them , the y ar e inferio r becaus e the y ar e overcrowded , with to o fe w effectiv e teacher s wh o ca n teac h kid s wh o hav e bee n undereducated fo r mos t o f thei r lives . Som e school s don' t hav e enoug h books fo r al l th e students ; other s requir e student s t o tur n i n thei r book s each day . Man y d o no t offe r a college preparator y curriculu m o r prepar e their student s fo r standardize d tests . Deficiencie s lik e thes e pu t blac k students a t a n enormou s competitiv e disadvantag e fo r th e res t o f thei r lives. Justice Thoma s write s a s if nothing ca n b e don e i n accordanc e wit h the Constitutio n t o addres s th e inadequac y o r inequit y o f educationa l opportunity fo r blac k children . I f h e i s correct , the n equalit y mean s nothing. Although I bega n t o exce l i n school , I neithe r understoo d no r dis cussed man y basi c issues . Fo r instance , I di d no t understan d wh y mos t

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black people i n Columbus wer e poor or why most o f the middle-class an d upper-class resident s o f Columbus wer e white . I di d no t understan d wh y whites an d black s live d i n separat e communities , wh y blac k an d whit e schools were s o different, o r why a few black s could affor d t o own house s in whit e neighborhood s an d sen d thei r childre n t o privat e school s an d colleges. M y teacher s rarel y discusse d race , whit e supremacy , o r racia l caste. When I graduated fro m hig h school , I was better prepare d t o accep t racial caste passivel y tha n t o fight it . EQUAL OPPORTUNIT Y

During my final year o f high school , I visited m y counselor , Mr . Webb, t o discuss colleges. I was interested i n four schools : Harvard, Duke , Howard , and Vanderbilt. Harvar d wa s my first choice because , well, because i t was Harvard an d becaus e Aaro n ha d gon e ther e tw o year s earlier . Howar d enjoyed th e reputatio n a s the bes t blac k colleg e i n th e country , an d eac h year a numbe r o f Eas t Hig h graduate s enrolle d there . I learne d abou t Duke an d Vanderbil t whe n colleg e recruiter s droppe d b y Eas t afte r visiting severa l prestigiou s privat e school s i n Columbus . Whe n recruiter s from aroun d th e countr y mad e thei r round s t o Columbu s Academy , St . Charles, an d Columbu s Schoo l fo r Girls , a few als o stoppe d a t East . On e of ou r counselor s woul d the n roun d u p a fe w "top " student s t o mee t them. The Duk e recruiter , Davi d Belton , wa s th e mos t impressiv e o f al l o f them. Young and dynamic , h e represente d on e o f the bes t privat e univer sities i n th e country . An d h e looke d lik e me ! Reare d i n Charlotte , Nort h Carolina, b y parent s wh o wer e teacher s i n mostl y blac k schools , Davi d had attende d Duke' s rival , th e Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a a t Chape l Hill, wher e h e ha d bee n th e hea d cheerleader . Despit e hi s Tarhee l ties , David's enthusias m fo r Duk e wa s contagious , an d h e als o mad e m e fee l that I had muc h t o offer th e school . You could tel l fro m talkin g wit h hi m that h e wa s intereste d i n mor e tha n increasin g th e number s o f black s a t Duke, tha t h e would b e a mentor an d frien d a s well. Mr. Webb, however , tol d m e tha t I shoul d prepar e t o g o to on e o f th e local schools, such a s Capital University, a private university i n Columbus . He didn' t thin k I woul d d o wel l a t a schoo l lik e Harvar d o r Duke . I listened politel y t o hi s defeatism , tryin g no t t o sho w m y disdain . H e didn't kno w ho w muc h I hate d Columbus , tha t I wante d mor e tha n

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black people i n Columbus wer e poor or why most o f the middle-class an d upper-class resident s o f Columbus wer e white . I di d no t understan d wh y whites an d black s live d i n separat e communities , wh y blac k an d whit e schools were s o different, o r why a few black s could affor d t o own house s in whit e neighborhood s an d sen d thei r childre n t o privat e school s an d colleges. M y teacher s rarel y discusse d race , whit e supremacy , o r racia l caste. When I graduated fro m hig h school , I was better prepare d t o accep t racial caste passivel y tha n t o fight it . EQUAL OPPORTUNIT Y

During my final year o f high school , I visited m y counselor , Mr . Webb, t o discuss colleges. I was interested i n four schools : Harvard, Duke , Howard , and Vanderbilt. Harvar d wa s my first choice because , well, because i t was Harvard an d becaus e Aaro n ha d gon e ther e tw o year s earlier . Howar d enjoyed th e reputatio n a s the bes t blac k colleg e i n th e country , an d eac h year a numbe r o f Eas t Hig h graduate s enrolle d there . I learne d abou t Duke an d Vanderbil t whe n colleg e recruiter s droppe d b y Eas t afte r visiting severa l prestigiou s privat e school s i n Columbus . Whe n recruiter s from aroun d th e countr y mad e thei r round s t o Columbu s Academy , St . Charles, an d Columbu s Schoo l fo r Girls , a few als o stoppe d a t East . On e of ou r counselor s woul d the n roun d u p a fe w "top " student s t o mee t them. The Duk e recruiter , Davi d Belton , wa s th e mos t impressiv e o f al l o f them. Young and dynamic , h e represente d on e o f the bes t privat e univer sities i n th e country . An d h e looke d lik e me ! Reare d i n Charlotte , Nort h Carolina, b y parent s wh o wer e teacher s i n mostl y blac k schools , Davi d had attende d Duke' s rival , th e Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a a t Chape l Hill, wher e h e ha d bee n th e hea d cheerleader . Despit e hi s Tarhee l ties , David's enthusias m fo r Duk e wa s contagious , an d h e als o mad e m e fee l that I had muc h t o offer th e school . You could tel l fro m talkin g wit h hi m that h e wa s intereste d i n mor e tha n increasin g th e number s o f black s a t Duke, tha t h e would b e a mentor an d frien d a s well. Mr. Webb, however , tol d m e tha t I shoul d prepar e t o g o to on e o f th e local schools, such a s Capital University, a private university i n Columbus . He didn' t thin k I woul d d o wel l a t a schoo l lik e Harvar d o r Duke . I listened politel y t o hi s defeatism , tryin g no t t o sho w m y disdain . H e didn't kno w ho w muc h I hate d Columbus , tha t I wante d mor e tha n

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anything t o leave . Bu t h e didn' t liv e i n blac k Columbus , s o h e probabl y had n o ide a ho w I felt . Th e nex t tim e I sa w Mr . Web b wa s t o tel l hi m I was leaving Columbus, fo r Duke . Like man y publi c an d privat e college s throughou t th e countr y unti l the earl y 1960s , Duk e di d no t admi t blacks , n o matte r ho w smart , ho w athletic, ho w wealthy , o r ho w wel l connecte d the y were . Charle s Hamil ton Housto n an d Thurgoo d Marshal l ha d convince d th e Suprem e Cour t that suc h practice s b y publi c school s wer e unconstitutional . Bu t becaus e it was a private schoo l an d thu s no t affecte d b y the Court' s decree , Duk e did no t abandon thi s practice until 1963 . Since then i t has sought to enroll larger number s o f blac k students . T o d o so , it ha s continue d t o tak e rac e into account, bu t no w no applicant i s excluded solel y on the basi s of race. I wa s a specia l admi t studen t a t Duke , on e o f th e ne w students — black a s well a s white—from aroun d th e country tha t would brin g greate r diversity t o th e clas s o f 1982 . I ha d ha d almos t al l A's in hig h schoo l an d graduated fifth i n a class o f more tha n 25 0 kids. I ha d bee n a member o f the hono r societ y an d presiden t o f th e studen t counci l an d debat e team , and I ha d receive d numerou s award s i n hig h school . Eve n so , m y SA T test score s wer e fa r belo w Duke' s median . I ha d no t studie d fo r th e tes t nor bee n abl e t o tak e an y o f th e expensiv e cra m courses . Instead , I jus t signed u p an d too k i t on e Saturda y morning . I score d 850 , almos t 30 0 points belo w th e media n scor e fo r Duke . David Belto n wa s m y champio n throughou t th e Duk e admission s process. Despite m y scores, he persuaded th e committee t o take a chance on me : affirmative actio n a t work. Bu t I was no t admitte d t o Duk e solel y on the basi s of my race, and I don't thin k an y white studen t wa s exclude d solely becaus e o f race . Duk e di d no t hav e a policy tha t n o white s coul d enroll; i t di d no t engag e i n "revers e discrimination. " Rather , i t adopte d a diversity admission s polic y t o ensure tha t it s student bod y would includ e some blacks , as well a s some whites, from diverse , sometimes underprivi leged, backgrounds . To assis t student s lik e m e who m i t considered a t risk , Duk e offere d a six-week summe r transitiona l progra m (STP ) designe d t o bridg e th e ga p between hig h schoo l an d college . Abou t fift y students , bot h blac k an d white, includin g a numbe r o f athletes , wer e invite d t o tak e course s i n English an d precalculus . This progra m wa s another par t o f Duke' s reme dial affirmativ e actio n strategy , th e ide a bein g tha t b y bringin g student s like m e t o campu s earl y an d allowin g u s t o sampl e colleg e life , w e wer e less likely to drop ou t o r fail .

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The directo r of STP was Cynthia Hale , a black graduate studen t i n th e divinity school . After classe s each day , the staf f planne d othe r activitie s t o help u s adjus t t o campu s life . W e ha d stud y hal l an d meeting s wit h counselors regardin g stud y skills . Cynthia wa s smart an d inspiring , with a warm, invitin g smile . Sh e believe d i n al l o f us an d mad e i t clear tha t sh e expected u s t o succeed . Sh e neve r mad e an y o f u s fee l stigmatize d o r inferior. W e all loved her . About thre e week s int o th e program , I ra n ou t o f money . I ha d use d some o f m y schoo l saving s t o hel p De e pa y a bill. Bu t sh e hadn' t repai d me yet , s o I had t o explain t o Cynthi a wh y I would b e lat e i n payin g m y fees. I was embarrassed , frustrated , an d read y t o quit . When I awok e th e next morning , ther e wa s a n envelop e unde r m y doo r containin g enoug h money t o pa y my fee . Sinc e n o not e wa s enclosed , I wa s neve r certai n who had pu t i t there . STP wa s helpfu l i n man y ways . Som e o f u s forme d a suppor t grou p and togethe r explore d th e campu s an d th e surroundin g community . I also had a glimpse o f how har d m y college course s woul d be , bu t I knew tha t I could d o the work. When ST P ended , I returned t o Columbus fo r a few days. Thes e si x week s awa y fro m Columbus—onl y th e thir d tim e I' d ever bee n ou t o f Ohio—wa s th e longes t I ha d eve r bee n awa y fro m m y family an d friends , an d I had misse d the m terribly . Many famil y an d friend s wante d t o see m e befor e I returned t o Duke . In particular , on e o f my grandfather' s sisters , Aun t Faye , aske d m e t o drop by . At ag e eighty-five, sh e wa s m y oldes t livin g relative an d live d i n a retiremen t home . I ha d visite d he r man y time s wit h Harr y an d Gert , and a t Christmastim e w e exchange d smal l gifts . Sh e tol d m e ho w prou d she wa s tha t I was goin g of f t o college , th e firs t membe r o f m y famil y t o do so . Fay e the n gav e m e a n envelop e containin g $200— a fortune ! Sh e had bee n puttin g i t aside fo r me . Her sacrific e move d m e deeply , an d he r money mad e a n enormou s differenc e durin g m y firs t day s a t college . That da y I promise d mysel f tha t I , too , woul d hel p m y nephew s an d nieces i n som e way when the y entere d college . One o f m y Eas t classmates , Ja y Tatum , als o wa s goin g t o Duke . W e had playe d pee-we e footbal l togethe r whe n I wa s ten . Durin g hig h school w e too k mos t o f th e sam e classe s an d participate d i n similar extracurricular activities . Hi s parent s wer e divorced . Hi s dad , wh o ha d been ou r football coach , had give n u s keys to his house, and we came an d went a t al l time s o f th e da y an d night . Jay' s mother , wh o ha d bee n my swimming coac h whe n I wa s eight , planne d t o driv e u s t o Duke , whic h

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meant tha t I did no t hav e t o spend an y of the mone y tha t Fay e ha d give n me o n transportation . Befor e w e left , Jay' s stepfathe r sa t m e dow n t o explain ho w har d i t wa s t o b e successfu l whe n on e i s fro m a larg e poo r family. H e tol d m e tha t b y goin g awa y an d stayin g away , I ha d a grea t opportunity t o leav e m y pas t lif e behin d an d t o hel p m y famil y later . Much earlier , I ha d conclude d tha t I ha d t o leav e Columbu s i n orde r t o change m y life , an d no w h e confirme d it . Man y o f m y friends ' parent s lived b y th e Africa n prover b tha t "i t take s a n entir e villag e t o rais e a child." I could no t hav e escape d blac k Columbu s withou t them . I spent m y last day at home packing my few belonging s i n an inexpen sive trun k an d arm y surplu s duffl e bag . Th e Eas t Hig h Schoo l Englis h Department ha d presente d me , as the to p studen t i n English , with a new dictionary. Ton y gav e m e a volum e o f poetry . Theres a an d Sheila , m y oldest sisters , bough t m e thre e ne w outfits . Dee , wh o wa s workin g a t a local bakery , prepare d a car e packag e o f cookie s an d pastries . I lef t a t daybreak. Jay and I moved int o Gilbert-Adam s Hal l o n Duke' s Eas t Campu s tw o days befor e classe s began . On e o f th e principa l benefit s o f attendin g Duke wa s tha t fo r onl y th e secon d tim e i n m y lif e I woul d b e wit h predominantly whit e students , thi s tim e fro m throughou t th e Unite d States an d numerou s foreig n countries . Fewe r tha n 5 percen t o f th e students a t Duk e wer e black . I me t whit e kid s wh o cam e fro m som e o f the riches t familie s i n th e Unite d States . Althoug h ver y fe w o f th e blac k kids seeme d wealthy , man y wer e middl e class . I als o me t a fe w white s from modes t background s whos e familie s worke d o n smal l farm s o r i n factories i n th e South . Som e o f th e whit e student s ha d neve r gon e t o school wit h black s an d ha d neve r ha d a blac k friend . An d som e o f th e black student s ha d alway s gone t o all-black school s like East . Duke matche d group s o f ne w student s wit h a n advance d studen t counselor t o ease the first-year transition. Jay and I were placed i n a group with fou r othe r guys , includin g on e fro m Englan d an d on e fro m Iran . Merhdad Nemazee' s famil y ha d fled hi s country when th e shah' s govern ment collapsed , an d Ja y an d I becam e clos e friend s wit h him . Ou r grou p met monthl y fo r meal s t o talk abou t academi c problems , but becaus e th e six of us lived i n th e sam e dor m s o we sa w one anothe r almos t ever y day . Duke wa s a struggle fo r al l of us. It wa s no t lon g befor e I realize d onc e agai n tha t I wa s no t a s wel l trained a s man y o f m y classmates . I too k calculus , economics , Englis h composition, an d history . Th e classe s wer e muc h harde r tha n I eve r

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imagined the y coul d be . Th e pac e wa s swif t i n ever y one . I ha d mor e homework tha n I could d o and alway s felt a couple o f days behind . When I received a n F o n my first histor y paper , I was devastated . Th e professor's field wa s th e Frenc h Revolution , an d h e seeme d mea n an d arrogant. H e calle d m e t o hi s offic e an d mad e m e rea d m y pape r t o him . I don' t kno w i f he di d tha t becaus e I wa s blac k o r because I ha d writte n such a bad paper . I n an y case , I was nervous, angry , an d humiliated . Th e more h e criticize d m y organization an d writing , th e angrie r I became . H e must hav e fel t sorr y fo r m e becaus e befor e I lef t hi s office , h e softene d and mad e a few helpfu l suggestion s fo r bette r organizatio n an d writing . I redoubled m y efforts an d earne d a B in tha t course . My experiences i n other classes were similar . Everythin g I had learne d from Mrs . Barienbroc k seeme d inadequat e t o mee t th e requirement s o f my Englis h compositio n instructor , Jef f Thomas . Becaus e h e didn' t lik e my idea s o r their presentation , I spen t mos t o f hi s clas s rewritin g assign ments. In calculus, L. P. Smith migh t a s well have been speakin g Russian ; I was los t b y the en d o f the first day . Eve n thoug h I had earne d A' s in al l my mat h course s a t Eas t an d ha d take n precalculu s durin g STP , neithe r had prepare d m e fo r calculus . Smit h taugh t mor e t o th e blackboar d tha n to hi s students . Whe n someon e aske d a question, h e answere d b y goin g through th e sam e step s tha t ha d confuse d u s initially . I go t a D . M y economics cours e wa s taugh t b y a Canadian an d hi s graduat e assistant . I disagreed wit h mos t o f thei r lecture s becaus e I didn' t se e th e marke t a s neutral. A s fa r a s I wa s concerned , suppl y an d deman d wer e weighte d variables, influenced i n part by racial discrimination. Neithe r Adam Smit h nor Joh n Galbrait h sai d enoug h abou t America' s histor y o f racia l bia s t o change m y mind . S o afte r strugglin g throug h five economic s courses , I changed m y major t o history . As a histor y major , I rea d abou t slaver y an d bega n t o examin e th e origins of racism in the Unite d States . I studied th e Civil War, the promis e of the Reconstructio n laws , and th e failur e o f Populism. I rea d abou t Ji m Crow segregatio n an d th e subsequen t campaig n t o en d i t i n th e publi c schools an d i n al l publi c accommodations . Ra y Gavins , Larr y Goodwyn , and Dic k Watso n introduce d m e t o th e writing s o f Frederic k Douglass , W. E . B . D u Bois , Carte r G . Woodson , an d Joh n Hop e Franklin . A s I learned mor e an d mor e abou t m y ow n cultur e an d history , I realized ho w much ha d bee n missin g fro m m y earl y education . Mos t o f all , I gaine d a sense o f thi s country' s fixation wit h racia l classification s an d it s lon g record o f racia l privilege s fo r white s an d color-base d subordinatio n o f

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blacks and othe r minorities . The mor e I read, the bette r I understood th e emergence o f racial caste i n th e Unite d States . Some critic s o f affirmativ e actio n poin t t o decision s b y school s lik e Duke t o admi t peopl e lik e m e wit h tes t score s substantiall y belo w th e school's standard . The y alleg e suc h a mismatch i s harmful t o peopl e lik e me, presumabl y meanin g tha t my tes t score s preclud e m y competin g against othe r student s a t Duk e an d tha t whe n student s lik e m e fail , w e lose the littl e confidenc e an d self-estee m wit h whic h w e began . I disagree . First , Duk e gav e m e a grea t opportunity , on e tha t di d no t hurt m e i n any way. Indeed, al l the har m tha t I suffered cam e well befor e Duke, durin g my year s o f educationa l deprivatio n i n ghett o school s tha t lacked rigo r an d wer e ru n b y teacher s wh o ha d n o ide a ho w t o improv e their students ' skills . Eve n thoug h I wen t t o schoo l ever y day , I wa s educated a s if high schoo l were th e en d o f the line . Then Duk e gav e m e a chance fo r more . I learne d tha t it s hig h standard s wer e no t beyon d m y capacity but , rather , onl y beyond my training . Second, th e white student s a t Duke displaye d a wide range of achievement a s well . No t al l o f the m ha d hig h tes t scores , an d som e o f the m seemed n o bette r of f tha n me . Som e ha d bee n admitte d t o Duk e unde r different specia l admission s programs—fo r athletes , childre n o f alumni , large donors , o r economicall y disadvantage d whites . Other s ha d bee n sponsored b y th e Methodis t Church . Thos e usin g th e mismatc h argu ment shoul d therefor e includ e thes e othe r admit s i n thei r attack , bu t they don't . Third, th e mismatc h ide a turn s histor y o n it s hea d and , i f pursue d t o its logica l end , woul d lea d t o a n eve n mor e harmfu l educationa l cast e system. Tha t is , critic s o f educationa l affirmativ e actio n shoul d as k wh y blacks an d othe r minoritie s frequentl y la g behind white s o n standardize d tests. Coul d i t b e th e resul t o f pas t educationa l deprivation ? I s th e only possibl e explanatio n geneti c inferiority ? Give n tha t mos t Africa n Americans i n thi s countr y ar e barel y a generatio n fro m illiteracy— a condition i n mos t case s impose d o n them—w e shoul d b e shocke d whe n we do not se e a gap. Beyond educatio n an d a degree, Duk e gav e m e a chance t o form adul t friendships wit h whites . A t Johnso n Park , fe w o f m y clos e friend s wer e white. W e live d i n differen t places ; interracia l datin g wa s discouraged ; and I rarel y spen t tim e awa y fro m schoo l wit h whites . Bu t a t Duke , blacks an d white s live d i n th e sam e dorm , use d th e sam e showers , an d ate thei r meal s i n th e sam e cafeteria . W e studie d together , sa t i n clas s

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together, an d socialize d together . Th e onl y tim e I wa s no t wit h mostl y white student s wa s whe n th e Blac k Studen t Allianc e ha d a meeting o r a party. I live d i n th e sam e roo m fo r thre e years , next t o the residen t adviser's . Every dor m ha d upper-divisio n student s wh o worke d a s counselor s i n exchange fo r roo m an d board . On e o f the m wa s To m Jeffries . To m wa s the so n o f a Methodis t minister , an d hi s mothe r wa s a loca l activis t fo r autistic persons—on e o f Tom' s brother s wa s a high-functionin g autisti c adult. I first me t To m whe n h e applie d fo r th e studen t truste e positio n o n Duke's boar d o f trustees . I chaire d th e selectio n committee , an d h e impressed m e mor e tha n an y othe r candidate . Al l hi s comment s wer e about service—t o th e students , th e university , an d th e large r Durha m community. H e wasn' t arrogan t o r self-absorbed , a s wer e man y o f th e other applicants . Unfortunately , To m seeme d ver y shy , an d man y o n th e committee though t h e woul d neve r b e heard . Nonetheless , h e wa s m y first choice. After anothe r studen t wa s selected , I calle d To m t o tel l hi m how muc h I appreciate d hi s idea s an d tha t I hope d h e woul d sta y involved i n campus life . Within a year, h e wa s m y residen t advise r an d neighbor . Tom' s boyis h looks lef t man y parent s wonderin g ho w someon e s o young lookin g coul d have s o muc h responsibility . Bu t onc e h e spoke , hi s gracefu l way s dis armed eve n th e mos t skeptical . Hi s doo r wa s alway s open , literall y an d metaphorically, invitin g u s in . A t leas t onc e a month , Tom' s parent s dropped b y fo r a visit an d t o brin g hi m snac k foods . Whe n I me t them , I saw ho w To m ha d learne d hi s car e fo r others . Hi s parent s wer e almos t like missionaries . The y no t onl y serve d a churc h bu t als o worke d t o improve rac e relations i n th e state . Tom wa s a diligen t student , studyin g ever y da y lat e int o th e night . Sometimes w e worked togethe r an d talke d abou t worl d issues , abou t th e death penalty , abortion, schoo l desegregation, an d affirmativ e action . Tom had a keen sens e o f fairness an d a deep concer n fo r th e poor . H e wante d to becom e a docto r i n orde r t o provid e medica l service s fo r thos e wh o could no t obtai n qualit y care , bu t hi s MCA T score s wer e to o lo w for th e best medica l schools . Severa l school s advise d hi m tha t h e shoul d tak e more scienc e course s an d the n tak e th e tes t again . Althoug h To m wa s disappointed, h e neve r wavere d i n hi s goal . Befor e h e finished thi s additional work, he applied t o the Peace Corps and was accepted fo r wor k in Zaire . I share d hi s elatio n wit h som e ambivalence , however , a s I wa s

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not read y fo r on e o f my closest friend s t o graduate. Durin g m y final year, after h e ha d gone , I missed him . Through a few friend s lik e Tom , I learne d whil e a t Duk e tha t no t al l whites despise d blacks , that som e wanted t o live i n integrate d communi ties, an d tha t som e abhorre d racia l discrimination . To m wa s on e o f th e few peopl e tha t I me t a t Duk e wit h who m I coul d tal k abou t racia l discrimination withou t makin g eithe r o f us fee l guilt y o r under attack . A t Duke, I learne d tha t som e white s wer e committe d t o racia l justice , an d coming fro m blac k Columbus , tha t wa s an importan t lesson . During m y las t yea r a t Duke , I serve d a s a resident advise r i n a n all freshmen, three-hundred-perso n dorm . Tw o o f th e seve n RA s wer e black, an d mor e than 9 0 percent o f the student s were white. Within a few days, I ha d student s a t m y doo r complainin g abou t thei r courses , espe cially Englis h compositio n an d Jef f Thomas . I spen t lon g night s talkin g with thes e ne w student s abou t self-confidenc e an d self-esteem . Mos t o f them wer e uncertain , insecure , an d traumatize d b y ba d teaching . The y appreciated tha t I was a Thomas survivor . When som e student s rushe d fraternitie s an d sororities , I sa w ho w important thos e group s wer e t o th e socia l opportunitie s a t Duke . Par t o f my jo b wa s t o counse l thos e student s wh o wer e rejected , whic h wa s hardest whe n on e roommat e wa s accepte d an d th e othe r wa s not . I explained t o th e student s wh y I ha d neve r pledge d a fraternity , ho w exclusive an d arbitrar y man y o f the m were , an d wh y the y shouldn' t participate i n suc h divisiv e groups . I encouraged the m t o join othe r club s that wer e ope n t o all , withou t discrimination . Bu t my advic e helpe d comfort onl y a small number o f students . None o f my student s faile d t o notice I was black . Fo r som e i t mean t a new experience , th e first tim e i n thei r live s tha t the y ha d ha d a blac k person supervisin g them . Fo r others i t was n o bi g deal , a s they ha d gon e to school s wit h a fe w blacks . Fo r som e o f th e blac k students , I wa s someone t o tal k t o abou t racis m a t Duke . Lik e To m Jeffries , I trie d t o keep m y doo r open t o all my students . THE CHARACTE R O F COLO R

My colleg e experience s als o showe d m e tha t whit e student s "belonged " at Duk e i n way s tha t black s di d not . I don' t kno w whethe r th e whit e students a t Duk e wer e awar e o f th e racia l privilege s the y enjoye d there . Most o f the m probabl y neve r hear d anyon e sa y tha t the y wer e a t Duk e

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not read y fo r on e o f my closest friend s t o graduate. Durin g m y final year, after h e ha d gone , I missed him . Through a few friend s lik e Tom , I learne d whil e a t Duk e tha t no t al l whites despise d blacks , that som e wanted t o live i n integrate d communi ties, an d tha t som e abhorre d racia l discrimination . To m wa s on e o f th e few peopl e tha t I me t a t Duk e wit h who m I coul d tal k abou t racia l discrimination withou t makin g eithe r o f us fee l guilt y o r under attack . A t Duke, I learne d tha t som e white s wer e committe d t o racia l justice , an d coming fro m blac k Columbus , tha t wa s an importan t lesson . During m y las t yea r a t Duke , I serve d a s a resident advise r i n a n all freshmen, three-hundred-perso n dorm . Tw o o f th e seve n RA s wer e black, an d mor e than 9 0 percent o f the student s were white. Within a few days, I ha d student s a t m y doo r complainin g abou t thei r courses , espe cially Englis h compositio n an d Jef f Thomas . I spen t lon g night s talkin g with thes e ne w student s abou t self-confidenc e an d self-esteem . Mos t o f them wer e uncertain , insecure , an d traumatize d b y ba d teaching . The y appreciated tha t I was a Thomas survivor . When som e student s rushe d fraternitie s an d sororities , I sa w ho w important thos e group s wer e t o th e socia l opportunitie s a t Duke . Par t o f my jo b wa s t o counse l thos e student s wh o wer e rejected , whic h wa s hardest whe n on e roommat e wa s accepte d an d th e othe r wa s not . I explained t o th e student s wh y I ha d neve r pledge d a fraternity , ho w exclusive an d arbitrar y man y o f the m were , an d wh y the y shouldn' t participate i n suc h divisiv e groups . I encouraged the m t o join othe r club s that wer e ope n t o all , withou t discrimination . Bu t my advic e helpe d comfort onl y a small number o f students . None o f my student s faile d t o notice I was black . Fo r som e i t mean t a new experience , th e first tim e i n thei r live s tha t the y ha d ha d a blac k person supervisin g them . Fo r others i t was n o bi g deal , a s they ha d gon e to school s wit h a fe w blacks . Fo r som e o f th e blac k students , I wa s someone t o tal k t o abou t racis m a t Duke . Lik e To m Jeffries , I trie d t o keep m y doo r open t o all my students . THE CHARACTE R O F COLO R

My colleg e experience s als o showe d m e tha t whit e student s "belonged " at Duk e i n way s tha t black s di d not . I don' t kno w whethe r th e whit e students a t Duk e wer e awar e o f th e racia l privilege s the y enjoye d there . Most o f the m probabl y neve r hear d anyon e sa y tha t the y wer e a t Duk e

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only becaus e o f thei r race , ha d anyon e as k i f the y wer e athlete s o r comment o n ho w wel l the y spoke . I suspec t tha t fe w wer e stoppe d b y the campu s polic e an d aske d t o produc e identificatio n o r explai n wha t they were doing on campus o r that few were followed whe n the y shoppe d in loca l stores . I n th e classroom , fe w whit e student s wer e treate d a s authorities o n rac e or spokespersons fo r al l whites. Fe w ha d t o worry tha t they woul d b e rejecte d fro m socia l activitie s o r club s becaus e o f thei r race. Indeed , a significan t privileg e o f whitenes s i s no t havin g t o thin k about bein g white. 15 Nobody a t Duke was color blind. M y classmates alway s noted my race, as did my professors an d th e administrators. I noted theirs , too. The blac k workers a t Duk e serve d th e foo d an d manicure d th e grounds , an d th e white workers hel d virtuall y al l the administrativ e jobs. In each job I hel d on campus , I wa s th e onl y on e o r on e o f ver y fe w black s workin g i n a similar capacity . Duk e ha d bot h blac k club s an d whit e clubs . I wa s a member o f th e Blac k Studen t Allianc e an d on e o f a handfu l o f blac k students electe d t o the studen t government . After intimate—thoug h mostl y clandestine—association s wit h whit e women a t Duke , mos t mad e i t clea r t o m e tha t thei r parent s woul d no t approve o f ou r relationship . Th e conten t o f m y characte r wa s besid e th e point; m y colo r ha d it s ow n character , whic h wa s no t base d o n m y integrity o r my acts but , rather , o n th e belie f tha t my color mad e m e less . Just lik e m y ancestors i n Ohio, I was still not white enough . In additio n t o everything els e I learne d a t Duke , I becam e eve n mor e aware o f ho w bein g blac k mad e m e different—stil l American , bu t black . I discovere d tha t my racia l classificatio n ha d give n m e a different histor y of cumulativ e disadvantag e i n obtainin g social , political , an d economi c opportunities i n th e Unite d States , based i n grea t par t o n racia l privilege s for whites . Black s coul d no t liv e amon g whites, vote o n th e sam e basi s as whites did , o r atten d elit e school s a s whites did . The y coul d no t pla y i n the sam e publi c parks , swi m i n th e sam e pools , o r obtai n servic e i n the sam e publi c accommodations . N o matte r wher e I wen t o r wha t I accomplished i n th e Unite d States , I woul d alway s b e black : a blac k Duke student , a black la w student , a black lawyer , a black la w professor , perhaps eve n a blac k la w dea n o r a blac k universit y president . Bein g black wa s fine. Bu t I learne d tha t despit e m y racia l an d cultura l pride , when man y white s an d eve n som e black s use d th e ter m black, i t was a s a negative modifie r o f my personhoo d an d al l m y achievements . Al l m y accomplishments stoo d t o be diminishe d b y the tain t o f my race.

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I bot h love d Duk e an d hate d it . I love d th e educationa l opportunit y I had there , and I made lifelon g friend s durin g those years. But I hated th e feeling tha t som e peopl e o n an d of f campu s despise d m e befor e I eve n uttered a word. Som e acte d a s thoug h I ha d violate d a sacre d custom : I had no t kep t my place . I wanted s o much t o b e America n an d black , an d I hope d tha t white s woul d lear n t o celebrate m y blacknes s an d no t se e i t as a blemish . I desperatel y sough t sign s fro m white s tha t the y wer e committed t o integration an d racia l equality . I hated tha t I saw so few. Every Africa n America n mus t struggl e throug h wha t D u Boi s de scribed a s hi s o r he r "twoness" — "an American , a black ; tw o souls , tw o thoughts, two unreconciled strivings ; two warring ideals i n one dar k body , whose dogge d strengt h alon e keep s i t fro m bein g tor n asunder. " 16 Ho w can I lov e a countr y tha t denie s m e equa l citizenship ? Ho w ca n I liv e among people whose wealth wa s derived i n part from m y exclusion? Ho w can I hel p white s understan d tha t I a m no t a problem an d tha t my bloo d is no t tainted ? Th e challeng e fo r white s i s t o accep t tha t Americ a ha s never ha d a race problem ; rather , i t ha s ha d a white supremac y problem . White supremac y ha s mad e color-blin d relationship s amon g American s impossible. DIVERSITY A S ONE FACTO R

Ever sinc e I realize d I woul d no t b e a runnin g bac k fo r th e Dalla s Cowboys, I hav e wante d t o becom e a lawyer . I di d no t kno w man y lawyers i n Columbus , bu t severa l wer e activ e i n loca l politic s an d wer e often i n th e news . De e ha d a frien d wh o wa s a lawye r wh o sometime s gave he r money . Lawyer s al l appeare d comfortabl e economicall y Also , many o f th e peopl e i n Congres s wer e lawyers , an d I wante d t o b e a national leader . S o I thought tha t goin g to law school would enabl e m e t o help others . I ha d grow n u p wit h Perry Mason, The Fugitive, and simila r dramas abou t law . Book s lik e Harpe r Lee' s To Kill a Mockingbird, Joh n Howard Griffin' s Black Like Me, an d An n Fairbairn' s Five Smooth Stones made m e wan t t o fight racia l discrimination , an d wha t I learne d a t Duk e made m e eve n mor e determine d t o stud y law . How, I wondered, coul d a nation supposedl y founde d o n principle s o f freedom , equality , an d fair ness hav e ou r history o f discrimination ? I applie d t o te n la w school s durin g my fina l yea r a t Duke , lon g shot s like Stanford , Georgetown , UCLA , an d Berkeley , bu t als o t o Ohi o State , Washington a t St . Louis , USC , Oregon , Howard , an d U C Davis . Al l th e

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I bot h love d Duk e an d hate d it . I love d th e educationa l opportunit y I had there , and I made lifelon g friend s durin g those years. But I hated th e feeling tha t som e peopl e o n an d of f campu s despise d m e befor e I eve n uttered a word. Som e acte d a s thoug h I ha d violate d a sacre d custom : I had no t kep t my place . I wanted s o much t o b e America n an d black , an d I hope d tha t white s woul d lear n t o celebrate m y blacknes s an d no t se e i t as a blemish . I desperatel y sough t sign s fro m white s tha t the y wer e committed t o integration an d racia l equality . I hated tha t I saw so few. Every Africa n America n mus t struggl e throug h wha t D u Boi s de scribed a s hi s o r he r "twoness" — "an American , a black ; tw o souls , tw o thoughts, two unreconciled strivings ; two warring ideals i n one dar k body , whose dogge d strengt h alon e keep s i t fro m bein g tor n asunder. " 16 Ho w can I lov e a countr y tha t denie s m e equa l citizenship ? Ho w ca n I liv e among people whose wealth wa s derived i n part from m y exclusion? Ho w can I hel p white s understan d tha t I a m no t a problem an d tha t my bloo d is no t tainted ? Th e challeng e fo r white s i s t o accep t tha t Americ a ha s never ha d a race problem ; rather , i t ha s ha d a white supremac y problem . White supremac y ha s mad e color-blin d relationship s amon g American s impossible. DIVERSITY A S ONE FACTO R

Ever sinc e I realize d I woul d no t b e a runnin g bac k fo r th e Dalla s Cowboys, I hav e wante d t o becom e a lawyer . I di d no t kno w man y lawyers i n Columbus , bu t severa l wer e activ e i n loca l politic s an d wer e often i n th e news . De e ha d a frien d wh o wa s a lawye r wh o sometime s gave he r money . Lawyer s al l appeare d comfortabl e economicall y Also , many o f th e peopl e i n Congres s wer e lawyers , an d I wante d t o b e a national leader . S o I thought tha t goin g to law school would enabl e m e t o help others . I ha d grow n u p wit h Perry Mason, The Fugitive, and simila r dramas abou t law . Book s lik e Harpe r Lee' s To Kill a Mockingbird, Joh n Howard Griffin' s Black Like Me, an d An n Fairbairn' s Five Smooth Stones made m e wan t t o fight racia l discrimination , an d wha t I learne d a t Duk e made m e eve n mor e determine d t o stud y law . How, I wondered, coul d a nation supposedl y founde d o n principle s o f freedom , equality , an d fair ness hav e ou r history o f discrimination ? I applie d t o te n la w school s durin g my fina l yea r a t Duke , lon g shot s like Stanford , Georgetown , UCLA , an d Berkeley , bu t als o t o Ohi o State , Washington a t St . Louis , USC , Oregon , Howard , an d U C Davis . Al l th e

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schools had specia l admissions programs, and al l were interested i n enrolling som e blac k students . Ever y applicatio n requeste d dat a abou t r?ce . The proces s was decidedly no t colo r blind . My firs t choic e wa s Stanford , i n par t becaus e m y secon d Duk e room mate, Ke n Barrett , ha d gon e there . I ha d earne d goo d grade s a t Duke , especially i n history . M y senio r thesi s receive d a n honorabl e mentio n from th e department ; I ha d bee n studen t bod y president , serve d a s a dormitory residen t adviser , an d ha d worke d throughou t college . M y LSAT scor e wa s high , bu t no t spectacularl y so . Although I too k th e tes t twice an d raise d m y score, I still fell belo w th e media n a t Stanford, whic h rejected me . Fortunately , I was admitte d t o hal f a dozen schools , includ ing UCLA . I wa s accepte d a t UCL A throug h a n affirmativ e actio n progra m i n which 4 0 percen t o f th e enterin g clas s wer e admitte d a s "diversity " students. Th e admission s committe e examine d thos e file s lookin g fo r special factor s o r characteristic s beyon d grade s an d tes t scores , suc h a s determination, lif e experience , economi c o r cultura l disadvantage , lan guage difficulty , communit y service , advance d degrees , race , gender, an d disability. Many , bu t no t all , th e minorit y student s i n th e UCL A la w school ar e admitted a s diversity students , an d som e whites ar e as well. UCLA starte d it s diversit y progra m i n respons e t o th e Bakke decision , in whic h th e Suprem e Cour t hel d tha t eve n thoug h fixe d racia l quota s were unconstitutional , rac e coul d b e on e o f severa l factor s tha t school s could us e i n admissions decisions . The Cour t referre d t o the undergradu ate admission s progra m a t Harvar d a s a n exampl e o f a constitutiona l program. Harvar d admitte d a far m bo y fro m Idaho , a poo r chil d fro m West Virginia , a Latina fro m Eas t Lo s Angeles , an d a black ki d fro m th e Chicago projects . Althoug h i t di d no t ignor e grade s an d tes t scores , the y were onl y tw o factor s amon g man y others . Th e Cour t emphasize d tha t under th e Harvar d plan , ever y applican t wa s treate d th e same ; n o one — including me—wa s exclude d solel y o n th e basi s o f race . Afte r Bakke, schools throughou t th e countr y institute d modifie d diversit y programs . The manne r i n whic h UCL A administere d it s diversit y progra m cre ated a n unintende d hierarch y amon g students , wit h som e nondiversit y admits an d som e diversit y admit s clashin g ove r wh o belonge d a t th e school. Mos t diversit y student s ha d a compelling persona l stor y o f hard ships overcome . Th e mor e tragi c th e story , th e mor e likel y i t wa s tha t a diversity applican t woul d b e admitted . Th e admission s staf f di d no t tak e time t o as k nondiversit y admit s abou t thei r stories : i f hi s o r he r score s

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were hig h enough , a nondiversit y applicant' s lif e stor y wa s irrelevant . Some white student s wer e s o insensitive a s to tell minorit y student s the y didn't belon g at UCLA, that they had taken th e place of a better-qualifie d white student . Som e professor s an d administrator s pointe d t o th e hig h attrition rate s o f some minorit y student s o r the lowe r ba r passag e rate s a s evidence tha t diversit y wa s a bad policy . The resul t wa s predictable : som e minorit y student s fel t insecur e an d stigmatized. Bu t thos e feeling s wer e no t create d b y th e diversit y policy ; rather, the y wer e cause d b y th e man y white s wh o di d no t suppor t th e policy, whites wh o reall y believe d tha t diversit y admit s di d no t deserv e a scarce resource like a law degree. Most of the minorit y students , however , bided thei r time , graduated , an d passe d th e Californi a ba r examination . But man y o f the m remembe r ho w som e white s a t UCL A treate d them , and the y don' t hav e muc h goodwil l fo r th e schoo l now . It woul d hav e bee n bette r i f UCL A ha d reviewe d al l it s application s under th e diversit y standar d tha t Justic e Lewi s Powel l champione d i n Bakke, wit h ever y applican t havin g t o demonstrat e no t onl y academi c achievement an d promis e bu t als o unusual huma n experience s an d quali ties. I kno w tha t som e o f th e nondiversit y student s ha d compellin g stories, too , bu t the y wer e no t mad e par t o f th e admission s decision . Every studen t a t UCL A shoul d hav e bee n a diversit y admit , fo r the n there woul d hav e bee n n o label s dividin g th e students ; al l woul d hav e been onl y UCL A la w students . With th e 199 5 vote b y th e Universit y o f California's board o f regent s to en d racia l consideration s i n admissions , UCLA' s diversit y progra m ha s been jeopardized . I t i s not surprisin g tha t th e regent s didn' t mentio n th e university's preference s fo r veteran s an d childre n o f alumn i o r donor s o r influential peopl e lik e th e regent s themselves . Why ha s th e discussio n o f preferential admission s i n Californi a an d elsewher e focuse d primaril y o n race? Th e simpl e answe r i s power . Th e regents ' vot e symbolize s th e subordinate statu s of many racial minorities, who do not have the politica l or economi c powe r t o preven t thei r bein g exclude d fro m school s the y help finance throug h taxes . Ironically , a t th e sam e tim e tha t regent s wer e voting t o en d affirmativ e actio n fo r student s o f color, som e o f the m wer e making telephon e call s o n behal f o f th e childre n o f thei r friend s t o hel p them b e admitted . The vot e t o en d rac e a s a facto r i n admissio n constitute d a majo r setback fo r rac e relation s i n thi s country , portendin g a retur n t o a tim e when ver y fe w minorit y student s wer e enrolle d a t an y o f th e Universit y

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of Californi a campuses . I n fact , thi s decisio n wil l tak e Californi a bac k t o educational tracking , wit h eve n mor e minoritie s attendin g California' s second- o r third-tie r colleges . Everyon e i n Californi a know s tha t th e public college s o f choic e ar e th e U C campuses , no t th e communit y colleges o r the Californi a Stat e universities , th e reaso n bein g tha t th e U C campuses hav e th e state' s bes t educationa l resources . Ho w unfai r t o reserve thos e campuse s fo r a n elite segmen t o f California's o r the nation' s population. Pete Wilson, the curren t governo r o f California an d forme r presidentia l candidate, ca n stan d befor e th e televisio n camera s an d us e word s lik e fairness an d equal opportunity, bu t h e shoul d kno w tha t i f tes t score s become th e onl y criterio n fo r admissio n a t a U C campus , onl y Asians , a smaller numbe r o f whites, and a still smalle r numbe r o f Latinos an d othe r minorities wil l qualify . Ther e i s nothing fai r abou t educationa l cast e i n a country wit h ou r histor y o f educationa l discrimination , an d ther e i s noth ing fair abou t tellin g mos t black s an d othe r minoritie s the y canno t atten d the bes t publi c college s i n th e state . I f blacks , Latinos , an d Nativ e Americans canno t atten d th e U C schools , the y wil l no t hav e th e sam e employment opportunitie s a s thos e wh o can . The y wil l no t b e abl e t o live i n decen t housing , an d mos t wil l remai n i n America' s racia l cast e system. And tha t i s a recipe fo r disaster . I benefite d tremendousl y fro m attendin g la w schoo l a t UCLA . U p t o that time , my world ha d bee n significantl y bipolar—blac k an d white . Bu t while I wa s a t UCLA , I me t fo r th e firs t tim e substantia l number s o f Latinos, Mexicans , Asia n Pacifi c Islanders , Japanese , Chinese , an d Kore ans. Rac e matter s fo r othe r nonwhite s a s well. When I serve d a s chair o f the Blac k La w Student s Associatio n (BLSA) , i t sponsore d program s fo r the la w school an d serve d a s an advocac y grou p fo r blac k students . Othe r minority studen t group s ha d similar organizations . We acknowledge d ou r different racia l identitie s an d talke d abou t racia l subordinatio n an d th e law a s a n instrumen t o f tha t subordination . W e als o share d food , music , religion, an d othe r cultura l traditions . Som e o f u s trie d t o celebrat e ou r diversity; we di d no t preten d t o be colo r blind . Within tha t diversit y throughou t Lo s Angeles , I live d first a s a blac k student, the n a s a black associat e a t a corporate la w firm, and late r a s on e of si x blac k member s o f th e UCL A la w faculty . A t th e la w schoo l an d i n my law practice, my colleagues di d no t subscrib e t o color-blind rhetoric . I knew tha t som e o f my professor s ha d reputation s fo r helpin g minorit y students succee d i n schoo l an d ge t jobs , wherea s other s vehementl y

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opposed remedia l affirmativ e action . Som e o f th e lawyer s I worke d wit h at m y firm reache d ou t t o m e an d taugh t m e ho w t o serv e client s effectively; other s seemed t o hold m e to a higher standard o f performanc e than the y di d th e othe r ne w associates . Fo r them , m y mistake s onl y confirmed thei r belie f tha t I was not competent. Non e o f my professiona l colleagues wa s color blind . THE DECEPTION O F COLOR BLINDNES S

Suppose ther e was a national vote in the Unite d State s i n which yo u wer e asked t o hono r th e followin g pledge : " I shal l neve r tolerat e i n m y lif e o r in th e lif e o r practice s o f my governmen t th e differentia l treatmen t o f other huma n being s b y race. I shal l neve r trea t an y perso n les s well tha n another o r favor an y person mor e than anothe r o n the basi s of the person' s race." 17 Woul d yo u vot e fo r an d liv e b y suc h a pledge ? Ho w woul d i t change th e wa y you live ? Are you colo r blind ? At first glance , a color-blin d societ y seem s ideal . Ca n yo u imagin e a future i n Americ a withou t second-clas s citizenshi p base d o n race? 18 I f each America n adopte d th e colo r blindnes s pledge , the y woul d gai n much. There woul d b e n o more educationa l an d occupationa l trackin g b y race; n o mor e residentia l apartheid ; n o mor e racia l gerrymanderin g o f legislative o r judicia l districts ; n o mor e oppositio n t o interracia l dating , marriage, o r adoption ; n o mor e fundin g whit e school s bette r tha n blac k schools; an d n o mor e affiliatin g wit h socia l club s an d churche s o n th e basis o f th e othe r members ' race . Sunda y mornin g a t eleve n o'cloc k would ceas e t o be th e mos t segregate d hou r i n America. Indeed , embrac ing th e pledg e woul d mea n a persona l an d publi c repudiatio n o f racia l prejudice an d theorie s o f white superiority . Yet many Americans interpre t th e principl e underlyin g th e colo r blind ness pledg e a s prohibitin g policie s tha t advanc e whit e supremac y an d black caste and als o invalidating remedia l policie s designed t o reverse th e present effect s o f this nation's long history of racial preferences fo r whites. They conten d tha t suc h remedia l policies—whethe r i n education , em ployment, voting , o r elsewhere—constitut e revers e discriminatio n an d are constitutionall y equivalen t t o prio r form s o f discriminatio n agains t blacks. For them, remedia l affirmativ e actio n policie s ar e illegal, immoral , racist, an d antithetica l t o th e achievemen t o f racia l equality. 19 Thi s i s twisted. S o might b e th e pledge . Remedial affirmativ e actio n ha s none o f the attribute s o f this country' s

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opposed remedia l affirmativ e action . Som e o f th e lawyer s I worke d wit h at m y firm reache d ou t t o m e an d taugh t m e ho w t o serv e client s effectively; other s seemed t o hold m e to a higher standard o f performanc e than the y di d th e othe r ne w associates . Fo r them , m y mistake s onl y confirmed thei r belie f tha t I was not competent. Non e o f my professiona l colleagues wa s color blind . THE DECEPTION O F COLOR BLINDNES S

Suppose ther e was a national vote in the Unite d State s i n which yo u wer e asked t o hono r th e followin g pledge : " I shal l neve r tolerat e i n m y lif e o r in th e lif e o r practice s o f my governmen t th e differentia l treatmen t o f other huma n being s b y race. I shal l neve r trea t an y perso n les s well tha n another o r favor an y person mor e than anothe r o n the basi s of the person' s race." 17 Woul d yo u vot e fo r an d liv e b y suc h a pledge ? Ho w woul d i t change th e wa y you live ? Are you colo r blind ? At first glance , a color-blin d societ y seem s ideal . Ca n yo u imagin e a future i n Americ a withou t second-clas s citizenshi p base d o n race? 18 I f each America n adopte d th e colo r blindnes s pledge , the y woul d gai n much. There woul d b e n o more educationa l an d occupationa l trackin g b y race; n o mor e residentia l apartheid ; n o mor e racia l gerrymanderin g o f legislative o r judicia l districts ; n o mor e oppositio n t o interracia l dating , marriage, o r adoption ; n o mor e fundin g whit e school s bette r tha n blac k schools; an d n o mor e affiliatin g wit h socia l club s an d churche s o n th e basis o f th e othe r members ' race . Sunda y mornin g a t eleve n o'cloc k would ceas e t o be th e mos t segregate d hou r i n America. Indeed , embrac ing th e pledg e woul d mea n a persona l an d publi c repudiatio n o f racia l prejudice an d theorie s o f white superiority . Yet many Americans interpre t th e principl e underlyin g th e colo r blind ness pledg e a s prohibitin g policie s tha t advanc e whit e supremac y an d black caste and als o invalidating remedia l policie s designed t o reverse th e present effect s o f this nation's long history of racial preferences fo r whites. They conten d tha t suc h remedia l policies—whethe r i n education , em ployment, voting , o r elsewhere—constitut e revers e discriminatio n an d are constitutionall y equivalen t t o prio r form s o f discriminatio n agains t blacks. For them, remedia l affirmativ e actio n policie s ar e illegal, immoral , racist, an d antithetica l t o th e achievemen t o f racia l equality. 19 Thi s i s twisted. S o might b e th e pledge . Remedial affirmativ e actio n ha s none o f the attribute s o f this country' s

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earlier whites-onl y policies . Fo r blacks , mor e tha n thirt y decade s o f pref erences fo r whites ha s translated int o debasement , int o a status a s America's perennia l outsiders , historicall y an d systemicall y exclude d fro m al l the mean s o f acquirin g economi c an d politica l power . Black s thereb y became a subjec t rac e i n th e Unite d States , thei r live s define d b y racia l caste. Whites, b y contrast , ar e no t a subjec t rac e i n thi s country . Th e pas t three decade s o f remedia l affirmativ e action—whic h ha s benefite d no t only som e black s bu t als o man y othe r minorities , whit e women , an d socially o r economicall y disadvantage d whit e men—hav e no t mean t th e debasement o f whites , no r hav e the y mad e white s int o outsider s i n America o r exclude d the m fro m al l mean s o f acquirin g economi c o r political power . Remedia l affirmativ e actio n doe s no t promot e whit e caste. I t i s not invidiou s discrimination . Surely , thi s importan t distinctio n is relevant to our assessment o f its constitutionality. Ou r amended Consti tution prohibit s th e establishmen t o f racia l supremacy , bu t i t doe s no t preclude policie s designe d t o eliminate whit e supremac y o r black caste . Color blindnes s i s a fictio n tha t coul d appl y onl y t o a Utopia n world . But i n th e Unite d State s i t i s a trap tha t prevent s American s fro m elimi nating whit e supremac y an d racia l caste . American s live , play , work , worship, an d eve n di e i n institution s tha t hav e enshrine d racia l cast e a s normal. In m y schooling, I frequently learne d abou t th e accomplishment s of outstandin g whites , bu t seldo m abou t thos e o f outstandin g blacks . A t home and i n my neighborhood, I experienced th e cruelty of racial povert y and observe d som e o f th e manifestation s o f self-hat e an d desperation , such a s widespread violence , teenage parenting , an d dru g trafficking, tha t are commonplac e i n poo r blac k communities . I sa w blac k peopl e abuse d by whites an d b y one another an d hear d black s tal k abou t thei r hatre d fo r whites. I lived b y race an d wa s aware o f my color every day . Gregory Williams , dea n o f th e Ohi o Stat e Universit y Colleg e o f Law , writes i n hi s boo k Life on the Color-Line: The True Story of a White Boy Who Discovered He Was Black ho w hi s racia l appearanc e place d hi m i n "racia l limbo." Williams gre w u p a s a white chil d i n Virginia, attendin g all-whit e schools an d livin g i n all-whit e neighborhoods , onl y t o lear n a t ag e nin e that hi s fathe r ha d bee n passin g a s white bu t wa s i n fac t black . Whe n hi s parents divorced , Gre g move d wit h hi s fathe r an d younge r brothe r t o Muncie, Indiana , wher e the y live d i n a blac k neighborhoo d an d consid ered themselve s black . Williams explain s wh y hi s new racia l classificatio n so significantl y change d hi s family . Fo r example , man y activitie s h e ha d

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once take n fo r grante d wer e n o longe r ope n t o hi m o r othe r black s i n Muncie. One cannot rea d Williams's book and stil l believe tha t American s are color blind . Only thirty years ago, Americans finally mad e state-sponsored discrimi nation agains t black s illegal . Nonetheless , th e attitude s tha t fostere d centuries o f racia l discriminatio n hav e apparentl y withstoo d change s i n the law . Som e white s stil l refus e t o trea t black s a s ful l citizens , no t wanting to give them th e sam e opportunities tha t they have. When black s make grea t stride s i n achievement , the y cr y "revers e discrimination. " A s far a s thes e white s ar e concerned , black s hav e alread y gotte n to o goo d a deal. Some poor whites, with almos t as few opportunitie s a s blacks, continu e to ac t a s i f black s ar e responsibl e fo r thei r lo w status . The y complai n about moder n remedia l affirmativ e actio n policie s tha t als o hav e bene fited som e of them. Thus, th e chorus agains t affirmativ e actio n i s growing louder, wit h som e white s an d a fe w black s chargin g tha t i t i s wron g o r unfair. Black s ar e no w tol d b y Suprem e Cour t Justic e Antoni n Scali a an d others tha t ther e i s just on e rac e in America 20 an d s o blacks shoul d forge t about bein g black . Bu t tha t i s impossibl e and , furthermore , assume s tha t blackness i s th e problem . I t als o make s whitenes s an d whit e supremac y invisible. I rejec t colo r blindnes s a s eithe r a potentia l theor y o f constitutiona l analysis o r a Utopian goa l becaus e despit e my bes t effort s t o fight it , I am an agen t o f racism . W e liv e i n a country pervade d wit h racism . Som e o f my friend s an d colleague s tel l m e the y ar e no t racists an d the y don' t believe tha t I a m a racist. However , i t i s a mistake t o us e tha t labe l onl y for over t bigot s wh o espous e th e doctrin e o f white supremacy . On e nee d not wear a Klan rob e t o be a racist. Racism ha s bee n define d a s " a consciou s o r unconsciou s attitude , action, o r institutiona l structur e whic h subordinate s a perso n o r grou p because o f his , her , o r thei r color. " 21 W e don' t see m t o appl y tha t defini tion anymore . I a m a n agen t o f racism , a racist , becaus e I liv e i n a society whos e fundamenta l values , actions , an d institution s reflec t a n indifference t o racial caste. Racism i s so pervasive tha t all Americans hav e become it s agents. The myt h o f colo r blindness , however , permit s man y American s t o pretend tha t the y ar e no t agent s o f racism, t o ignore o r treat a s normal al l the symptom s o f racial caste that the y encounter eac h day . Racism—bot h overt an d subtle—an d institutiona l subordinatio n remai n entrenche d i n

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the Unite d States . Black s an d othe r racia l minoritie s stil l ar e treate d a s inferiors, ar e give n inferio r job s an d lega l rights , ar e compelle d t o accep t inferior schooling , ar e force d t o liv e i n inferio r housin g an d neighbor hoods, ar e mad e t o us e inferio r publi c facilities , an d ar e constantl y tol d that the y ar e inferio r huma n being s an d hav e onl y limite d chance s t o b e otherwise.22 Racial cast e i s a produc t o f pas t deliberat e racia l choices . Th e condi tions i n th e live s o f black s toda y wer e derive d fro m slaver y an d officia l and customar y segregation . Wher e black s live , thei r aggregat e income , their self-imag e an d degre e o f self-confidence , th e natur e an d stabilit y o f their families , thei r attitude s towar d authority , an d thei r level s o f educa tional an d cultura l attainmen t hav e bee n significantl y affecte d b y thei r historical treatmen t i n th e Unite d States . A racial cast e continue s t o exis t because o f ou r failur e t o eradicat e it . American s ar e agent s o f racism , then, becaus e thei r countr y ha s bee n racis t sinc e it s colonia l beginnings . Americans' collectiv e historica l experienc e i s littere d wit h racis t images , practices, an d institutiona l structure s tha t plac e white s ove r blacks . Americans wer e no t create d equal ; a t bes t the y onl y preten d t o aspir e t o nominal equality . For mos t o f m y adul t life , I hav e trie d t o understan d racis m i n th e United State s an d t o identify way s t o eliminat e it . Charles Lawrenc e wa s correct whe n h e wrot e Racism i n America i s much mor e complex tha n eithe r th e consciou s conspiracy of a power elite or the simple delusion of a few ignorant bigots. It is a par t o f ou r commo n historica l experienc e and , therefore , a par t o f ou r culture. It arises from th e assumptions we have learned t o make about the world, ourselves, and others as well as from the patterns of our fundamenta l social activities.23 Racism ha s a universalit y tha t extend s t o everyon e wh o live s i n th e United States . Jus t becaus e someon e doesn' t wan t t o b e a racis t doesn' t mean tha t perso n automaticall y i s not . W e may n o longe r sa y nigger o r whitey, bu t man y Americans stil l judge others , if only to themselves, solel y on th e basi s o f thei r ski n color . Thus , t o asser t tha t I a m a n agen t o f racism, a racis t withou t self-recrimination , i s a n essentia l ste p towar d identifying th e way s i n whic h my attitudes , conduct , an d institutiona l memberships promot e racia l caste . Th e colo r blindnes s mode l under mines th e identificatio n o f the racia l caste' s infrastructure . Many American s hav e trie d t o eliminat e over t racis m fro m thei r lives , by avoidin g an y conduc t tha t the y dee m overtl y racist . A s a result, man y

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become indignan t a t th e clai m tha t the y ar e racists . However , whe n w e examine mor e closel y th e mos t routin e affair s o f Americans , w e se e that racia l subordinatio n an d over t racis m stil l abound . W e ban k wit h institutions tha t activel y discriminat e agains t blacks . W e sho p a t store s that hir e virtuall y n o blacks . W e sen d ou r childre n t o school s tha t w e know ar e bette r tha n thos e availabl e t o mos t black s an d othe r racia l minorities. Fightin g racia l subordinatio n require s u s t o identif y i t an d t o protest i t i n al l it s manifestations . Bu t th e doctrin e o f colo r blindnes s hinders suc h a n attack . Occasionally I mee t American s wh o sugges t tha t the y d o no t thin k o f me a s black. T o them , I want t o shout , "Why? ! Why don' t yo u se e m e a s black?! I am. I always will be . I want t o be black . So , see m e a s I am!" I n the Unite d States , rac e i s almos t alway s a n issu e betwee n black s an d whites—if no t betwee n th e individual s themselves , the n betwee n the m and thei r familie s o r thei r peers . Reaction s o f famil y an d friend s ar e often especiall y problemati c whe n a n intimate , interracia l relationshi p develops. T o prov e my hypothesis , I as k the m ho w the y woul d respon d if thei r so n o r daughte r chos e t o marr y a perso n fro m a differen t racia l group. Usually, after som e statement abou t ho w hard i t is for th e offsprin g of such relationships , the y conced e my point . My racia l identit y i s a n importan t lin k t o Dee , he r parents , an d s o o n back int o history . Th e colo r blindnes s myt h permit s u s t o continu e t o ignore contribution s o f African Americans , blacks, Negroes, coloreds , an d Africans t o the creatio n o f the Unite d States ' wealth; th e myt h i s antithet ical to eliminating racia l caste. If m y narrativ e ca n b e generalized—a s I believ e i t ca n be—th e colo r blindness myt h i s harmful, a s i t permit s American s t o continu e t o liv e a s if the y wer e i n a fair y tale . I t allow s u s t o ac t a s i f ou r histor y neve r happened. I t absolve s u s o f an y responsibilit y fo r racia l caste , an d i t permits u s to pretend tha t moder n remedia l affirmativ e actio n i s the sam e as past policie s promotin g white supremacy . I, fo r one , canno t liv e thos e fair y tales . I am no t an d d o no t wis h t o b e color blind . N o on e i n Americ a is . To th e contrary , American s fro m birt h to deat h ar e intensel y colo r conscious , an d w e al l ar e implicate d i n th e persistence o f racial caste. This boo k i s intende d t o promot e racia l understanding , t o describ e how w e hav e com e t o suc h a horrible racia l predicamen t i n America, an d to suggest ho w we can mov e beyon d it . As I will explain, black s hav e no t chosen t o b e America' s underclass ; instead, the y hav e bee n assigne d tha t

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place, with littl e powe r t o do much abou t it . Indeed, becaus e black s ar e a numerical minorit y i n America, the y hav e ha d t o depend o n th e goodwil l of white s t o hal t th e mos t egregiou s racia l discriminatio n agains t them . White goodwil l towar d black s ha s bee n limite d an d episodic , an d th e lack o f goodwil l explain s wh y racia l discriminatio n an d cast e appea r s o intractable.

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some white s mad e thei r whitenes s a basi s fo r privileg e an d blacknes s a badge of infamy. Afte r th e Civil War and again i n the 1960s , new constitu tional amendment s an d th e accompanyin g federa l statute s wer e intende d to und o whit e privileg e an d blac k caste . Today , a s Americans reevaluat e the meanin g o f thos e laws , the y mus t d o s o contextually ; otherwise , America's pas t will be it s future . To begi n thi s discussio n o f whit e privilege , I shal l briefl y revie w th e racial attitude s o f white s towar d black s tha t mad e possibl e th e codifica tion o f slavery . Th e record s o f ou r Constitutiona l Conventio n i n 178 7 reveal tha t under America' s ne w Constitution , whitenes s mean t privilege . Later, suc h event s a s th e Dred Scott decision confirme d tha t person s o f African ancestr y wer e no t citizen s accordin g t o th e Constitution . Th e effect o f tha t cas e wa s extende d whe n th e Cour t declare d tha t separat e was equal, leadin g u s up t o th e 1960 s and America' s secon d civi l war an d reconstruction. THE DECLARATIO N O F INFERIORIT Y

Americans rarel y tal k candidl y abou t thei r racia l attitudes . I n fact , white ness i s almos t neve r examine d an d evaluate d i n th e wa y tha t blacknes s has been . A perso n fro m anothe r plane t wh o rea d America' s papers , watched it s televisio n programs , o r attende d it s school s migh t wel l be lieve tha t American s wer e colo r blind . Bu t a t th e en d o f nearly thre e an d a hal f centurie s o f existence , Americ a canno t suddenl y declar e itsel f t o be what i t has never committe d t o being . Nearly tw o centurie s befor e Thoma s Jefferso n wrot e tha t al l me n ar e created equal , hi s Englis h predecessor s claime d thei r superiorit y ove r people o f colo r i n th e Ne w World . The y mad e Nativ e Americans , Mexi cans, mulattoes, and black s into outsiders, colonies within colonies . Thus, when th e whit e colonial s adopte d traditiona l Englis h lega l an d cultura l standards, they embrace d whit e supremacy , amon g other inequities . Black slaver y i n colonia l Americ a wa s a declaratio n o f wa r agains t al l persons wh o appeare d t o b e black . I t wa s th e ultimat e assertio n o f whit e supremacy an d blac k debasement . Fo r the slaves , it was not relevan t tha t the Englishme n wh o cam e t o Americ a ha d th e Greek s an d Roman s o r the Spanis h an d Portugues e a s model s fo r thei r for m o f huma n enslave ment. Wha t wa s importan t wa s tha t the y believe d i n whit e superiorit y and blac k inferiority . Suc h idea s wer e prevalen t i n Englis h literature ,

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travel journal s an d diaries , an d othe r writin g eve n befor e white s estab lished blac k slavery . In hi s landmar k wor k o n racia l attitude s o f whit e Englishme n towar d blacks, Winthro p Jorda n wrote : In Englan d perhap s mor e tha n i n souther n Europe , th e concep t o f black ness wa s loade d wit h intens e meaning . Lon g befor e the y foun d tha t som e men wer e black , Englishme n foun d i n th e ide a o f blacknes s a wa y o f expressing som e o f thei r mos t ingraine d values . N o othe r colo r excep t white conveye d s o muc h emotiona l impact . A s describe d i n th e Oxford English Dictionary, the meanin g o f black before th e sixteent h centur y in cluded, "Deepl y staine d wit h dirt ; soiled , dirty , foul . . . . Havin g dar k o r deadly purposes , malignant ; pertainin g t o or involving death , deadly ; bane ful, disastrous , sinister . . .. Foul , iniquitous , atrocious , horrible , wicked.. . . Indicating disgrace , censure , liabilit y t o punishment , etc. " Blac k wa s a n emotionally partisa n color , th e handmai d an d symbo l o f basenes s an d evil , a sign o f danger an d repulsion . Embedded i n th e concep t o f blacknes s wa s it s direc t opposite—white ness. N o othe r color s s o clearl y implie d opposition , "being e coloure s ut terlye contrary" ; n o others were s o frequently use d t o denote polarization : Everye white will have its blacke, And everye sweete its sowre. White an d blac k mean t purit y an d filthiness , virginit y an d sin , virtu e an d baseness, beauty an d ugliness , beneficenc e an d evil , God an d th e devil. 2 Englishmen reacte d wit h distast e an d repulsio n t o th e colo r an d othe r physical characteristic s o f black s i n Africa . Som e Englishme n trie d t o explain th e caus e o f blackness . Wa s i t a biblica l curse ? Wa s i t permanent ? Did black s evolv e fro m a differen t specie s tha n whites ? Blacknes s wa s perplexing, especiall y t o thos e wh o believe d i n on e God , an d black s i n Africa seeme d especiall y strang e becaus e the y ha d a differen t religiou s tradition; the y wer e no t Christians , whic h mad e the m heathen s o r savage s to man y o f thei r whit e observer s an d captors . White s describe d black s a s uncivilized an d savage-like , an d the y compare d them , physicall y an d sexually, wit h "libidinous " Africa n apes . Nearl y a centur y befor e th e American Declaratio n o f Independence , th e term s Negro an d slave wer e used interchangeabl y and , likewise , Christian, English, white, an d free wer e synonymous. 3 Long befor e coon, boy, torn, or nigger became commo n perjorativ e label s in th e Unite d States , publi c image s o f black s consiste d o f vulga r carica tures: swollen , protrudin g lips , u n k e m p t hair , bulgin g eyes , an d a disposi -

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tion tha t wa s alternatel y happy , docile , lazy , stupid , childlike , uncivilized , violent, an d oversexed , th e las t attribut e particularl y i n respec t t o whit e women. Suc h label s hel p explai n wh y America' s colo r lin e ha s continue d to prevail . Wh y no t integrat e schools ? Wh y no t permi t interracia l mar riages? Wh y no t liv e i n integrate d neighborhoods ? Wh y no t le t black s vote o r enjo y publi c accommodation s o n th e sam e basi s a s white s did ? T h e mos t obviou s answer : th e blac k imag e i n th e contemporar y whit e mind. 4 Throug h th e popula r culture , white s i n Americ a create d Sambo , Aunt Jemima , pickaninny , an d Uncl e T o m — b r u t e caricature s o f black s i n song, dance , film , an d literature. 5 Commentator s wh o clai m tha t remedia l affirmative actio n cause s stigm a don' t sto p t o thin k ho w lon g blacknes s itself ha s bee n a basi s fo r stigm a an d exclusion . Racial attitude s translat e int o action s an d laws , th e legacie s o f whic h are responsibl e fo r th e curren t racia l crisi s i n th e Unite d States . Man y whites acte d i n accordanc e wit h thei r racia l attitude s t o exclud e black s from whit e school s i n Massachusett s an d fro m graduat e an d professiona l schools i n Alabama , Texas , Missouri , Oklahoma , Florida , an d elsewhere , and t o kee p blac k familie s ou t o f whit e neighborhood s i n Michigan , Missouri, an d elsewhere . I n addition , t o preven t black s fro m votin g i n Texas, Sout h Carolina , an d Mississippi , amon g othe r states , white s use d so-called whit e primaries , election s i n whic h onl y white s coul d vote , an d they limite d som e jobs , suc h a s thos e o f polic e office r an d firefighter , bu s driver, an d conductor , t o white s only . I t i s thi s vena l combinatio n o f racis t attitudes an d action s tha t ha s poisone d America' s soul . Writing i n 1960 , Justic e Willia m O . Dougla s summarize d on e state' s actions: Louisiana require s tha t al l circuses , shows , an d ten t exhibition s t o whic h the publi c i s invited hav e on e entranc e fo r Whites an d on e for Negroes . N o dancing, socia l functions , entertainment , athleti c training , games , sports , contests "an d othe r suc h activitie s involvin g persona l an d socia l contacts " may b e ope n t o bot h races . An y publi c entertainmen t o r athleti c contes t must provid e separat e seatin g arrangement s an d separat e sanitar y drinkin g water an d an y othe r facilitie s fo r th e tw o races . Marriag e betwee n th e tw o races i s banned . Segregatio n b y rac e i s require d i n prisons . Th e blin d must b e segregated . Teacher s i n publi c school s ar e barre d fro m advocatin g desegregation o f th e race s i n th e publi c schoo l system . S o ar e othe r stat e employees. Segregatio n o n train s i s required . Commo n carrier s o f passen gers mus t provid e separat e waitin g room s an d receptio n roo m facilitie s fo r the tw o race s an d separat e toilet s an d separat e facilitie s fo r drinkin g wate r as well . Employer s mus t provid e separat e sanitar y facilitie s fo r th e tw o

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races. Employer s mus t als o provid e eatin g place s i n separat e room s an d separate eatin g and drinkin g utensil s fo r member s o f the tw o races. Persons of on e rac e ma y no t establis h thei r residenc e i n a communit y o f anothe r race without approva l o f the majorit y o f the othe r race . Court docket s mus t reveal th e rac e o f the partie s i n divorc e actions . All publi c parks , recreatio n centers, playgrounds, community center s an d "othe r suc h facilities a t which swimming, dancing , golfing , skatin g o r other recreationa l activitie s ar e con ducted" mus t b e segregated. 6 As w e approac h th e en d o f th e millennium , man y white s den y bot h America's recor d o f whit e privileg e an d tha t thei r routin e action s ar e influenced b y stereotype s o f blacks , roote d i n th e past , tha t caus e the m to avoi d black s wheneve r possible . Bu t th e evidenc e i s compelling . Suc h stereotypes explai n why , fo r example , whe n a certai n numbe r o f blac k families mov e int o all-whit e communities , man y white s immediatel y move away . Som e insis t tha t the y mov e fo r economi c reasons , no t racia l ones. But , then , wh y i s i t tha t whe n black s mov e int o a neighborhoo d the housin g price s fall ? Thi s phenomeno n onl y reinforce s residentia l segregation an d racia l caste , an d i t continue s despit e federa l law s prohib iting racia l discriminatio n i n housing . It i s unclea r whethe r whit e American s trul y believ e tha t black s ar e different o r whethe r the y onl y preten d t o believ e thi s i n orde r t o rational ize thei r treatmen t an d avoidanc e o f blacks . Whicheve r th e case , th e beliefs an d action s o f man y white s invariabl y translat e int o widesprea d discrimination agains t blacks—agains t me .

MARGINAL AMERICAN S American histor y text s hav e traditionall y treate d th e earl y statu s o f black s and th e establishmen t o f slaver y a s historica l asides . Suc h book s rus h through th e Britis h colonie s an d th e ne w settlement s a t Roanoke , James town, o r Plymouth , describin g th e earl y whit e settlers , thei r hardships , and thei r perilou s encounter s wit h th e Nativ e Americans . T h e y rarel y describe th e ne w settlement s a s imperialisti c lan d grabs . T h e reade r i s never tol d tha t th e America n Indian s wer e legitimat e landowner s wit h concomitant lega l rights . Rather , the y ar e portraye d a s "tawn y heathen s or savages, " obstacle s t o Englis h progres s an d profit . T h e s e text s similarl y giv e shor t shrif t t o th e treatmen t o f blacks . Fe w note th e centralit y o f slaver y t o th e economi c emergenc e o f colonia l America o r th e relationshi p betwee n th e attitude s tha t fostere d th e devel -

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races. Employer s mus t als o provid e eatin g place s i n separat e room s an d separate eatin g and drinkin g utensil s fo r member s o f the tw o races. Persons of on e rac e ma y no t establis h thei r residenc e i n a communit y o f anothe r race without approva l o f the majorit y o f the othe r race . Court docket s mus t reveal th e rac e o f the partie s i n divorc e actions . All publi c parks , recreatio n centers, playgrounds, community center s an d "othe r suc h facilities a t which swimming, dancing , golfing , skatin g o r other recreationa l activitie s ar e con ducted" mus t b e segregated. 6 As w e approac h th e en d o f th e millennium , man y white s den y bot h America's recor d o f whit e privileg e an d tha t thei r routin e action s ar e influenced b y stereotype s o f blacks , roote d i n th e past , tha t caus e the m to avoi d black s wheneve r possible . Bu t th e evidenc e i s compelling . Suc h stereotypes explai n why , fo r example , whe n a certai n numbe r o f blac k families mov e int o all-whit e communities , man y white s immediatel y move away . Som e insis t tha t the y mov e fo r economi c reasons , no t racia l ones. But , then , wh y i s i t tha t whe n black s mov e int o a neighborhoo d the housin g price s fall ? Thi s phenomeno n onl y reinforce s residentia l segregation an d racia l caste , an d i t continue s despit e federa l law s prohib iting racia l discriminatio n i n housing . It i s unclea r whethe r whit e American s trul y believ e tha t black s ar e different o r whethe r the y onl y preten d t o believ e thi s i n orde r t o rational ize thei r treatmen t an d avoidanc e o f blacks . Whicheve r th e case , th e beliefs an d action s o f man y white s invariabl y translat e int o widesprea d discrimination agains t blacks—agains t me .

MARGINAL AMERICAN S American histor y text s hav e traditionall y treate d th e earl y statu s o f black s and th e establishmen t o f slaver y a s historica l asides . Suc h book s rus h through th e Britis h colonie s an d th e ne w settlement s a t Roanoke , James town, o r Plymouth , describin g th e earl y whit e settlers , thei r hardships , and thei r perilou s encounter s wit h th e Nativ e Americans . T h e y rarel y describe th e ne w settlement s a s imperialisti c lan d grabs . T h e reade r i s never tol d tha t th e America n Indian s wer e legitimat e landowner s wit h concomitant lega l rights . Rather , the y ar e portraye d a s "tawn y heathen s or savages, " obstacle s t o Englis h progres s an d profit . T h e s e text s similarl y giv e shor t shrif t t o th e treatmen t o f blacks . Fe w note th e centralit y o f slaver y t o th e economi c emergenc e o f colonia l America o r th e relationshi p betwee n th e attitude s tha t fostere d th e devel -

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opment o f blac k slaver y an d contemporar y racia l caste . Becaus e Ameri cans misunderstan d th e histor y an d persistenc e o f whit e supremacis t beliefs, a s well a s America's histor y o f whit e privilege , man y als o d o no t understand th e historica l legitimac y o f remedial affirmativ e action . Perhaps th e mos t popula r tex t o f it s tim e wa s Ulric h B . Phillips' s American Negro Slavery, publishe d i n 1918 , whic h portraye d black s a s "lusty, cheerfu l an d submissive. " Althoug h som e o f Phillips' s "darkies " were intelligen t an d esteeme d fo r domesti c service , the y wer e no t des tined fo r har d work . Other s wer e gentl e bu t pron e t o theft . Stil l other s were rebels, known fo r running away, instigating insurrections, or committing suicide . Phillips presente d suc h disparagin g trait s a s regionally fixed, depending o n wher e i n Afric a th e slav e ha d bee n captured . T o Phillips , Africa wa s primitive , an d th e slav e trad e lef t it s victim s "quit e possibl y better of f o n th e America n plantation s tha n th e slav e captor s wh o re mained i n the African jungle. " 7 The mos t obviou s weaknes s o f Phillips' s boo k wa s hi s inabilit y t o analyze slaver y fro m th e economi c o r politica l perspectiv e o f th e slave . Rather, h e wrot e a s i f black s wer e voiceles s objects , withou t wil l o r ambition, desir e o r ability , t o "self-mak e it " i n America . H e ignore d th e fact tha t slavery , Ji m Cro w segregatio n codes , an d d e fact o segregatio n practices were , i n effect , affirmativ e actio n fo r whites . Likewise , h e wa s indifferent t o ho w white privileg e cause d blac k caste . Indeed , i t was thi s longstanding racia l favoritis m tha t eventuall y force d th e federa l govern ment t o adop t antidiscriminatio n laws . Fo r thes e reasons , a boo k abou t contemporary remedia l affirmativ e actio n mus t begi n wit h slaver y i n colonial America , no t wit h th e policie s initiate d durin g th e las t fe w decades. A historian lik e Phillips—wh o refer s t o black s a s "darkies"—i s obvi ously unlikel y t o describ e slaver y a s a syste m o f whit e racia l privilege . Fortunately, however , i n thi s centur y w e hav e reassesse d th e suppose d "nature" o f blacks . John Hop e Franklin' s From Slavery to Freedom* i s th e modern standar d fo r reader s seekin g a comprehensive examinatio n o f th e black experienc e i n th e Unite d States . Franklin' s triumph s ar e hi s treat ment o f black s a s comple x huma n being s rathe r tha n mer e object s an d his portraya l o f white s a s conflicted, alternatel y revealin g an d concealin g their racia l hostilit y towar d blacks . Bu t Frankli n doe s no t ignor e th e efforts o f som e white s t o repudiat e whit e supremacy . Onl y throug h suc h nuanced understanding s ca n we begin t o discern th e connectio n betwee n America's histor y of white privileg e an d it s current blac k caste .

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Some critic s o f remedia l affirmativ e actio n migh t accus e m e o f "run ning th e slaver y argumen t int o th e ground " fo r bringin g i t u p i n thi s context. Other s migh t argu e tha t slaver y i s to o remot e fro m an d thu s irrelevant t o ou r curren t racia l situation . Bu t the y ar e delude d b y th e belief tha t whe n slaver y ended , white s stoppe d discriminatin g agains t blacks. To o man y whit e American s accep t a romanti c recountin g o f ou r history tha t goe s somethin g lik e th e following : Early i n ou r histor y ther e wa s slavery , whic h wa s a terribl e thing . Black s were brough t t o this country fro m Afric a i n chains an d mad e t o work i n th e fields. Som e wer e viciousl y mistreated , whic h was , o f course , a n unforgiv able wrong ; other s wer e treate d kindly . Slaver y ende d wit h th e Civi l War , although man y black s remaine d poor , uneducated , an d outsid e th e cultura l mainstream. A s th e country' s racia l sensitivit y t o blacks ' pligh t increased , the vestige s o f slaver y wer e graduall y eliminate d b y federa l statute s an d case law . Today , black s hav e man y civi l right s an d ar e protecte d fro m discrimination i n such area s as housing, public education , employment , an d voting. Th e ga p betwee n black s an d white s i s steadil y closing , althoug h i t may tak e som e tim e fo r i t t o clos e completely . A t th e sam e time , i t i s important no t t o g o to o fa r i n providin g specia l benefit s fo r blacks . Doin g so induces dependenc y an d a welfare mentality . I t can als o cause a backlash among innocen t whit e victim s o f revers e discrimination . Mos t American s are fair-minde d individual s wh o harbor littl e racia l prejudice . Th e fe w wh o do can b e punishe d whe n the y ac t on thos e beliefs. 9 T h i s tale , o r metanarrative , i s extremel y harmful , i n par t becaus e i t offers fals e solac e t o American s wh o don' t kno w histor y an d als o becaus e its interpretatio n o f histor y i s inaccurate . T h i s versio n o f th e event s overlooks America' s centuries-ol d practic e o f race-consciou s privileg e fo r whites an d simultaneou s color-base d subordinatio n o f blacks . I t state s that black s ar e n o longe r victim s o f widesprea d discrimination , tha t thei r lives i n racia l cast e ar e th e produc t o f pas t practice s fo r whic h n o o n e — especially n o on e living—i s responsible , tha t mos t white s d o no t no w practice racia l discrimination , an d tha t ove r time , th e fe w remainin g racists wil l b e isolate d an d ostracize d an d racis m wil l b e eliminated . Finally, th e stor y implie s tha t American s hav e alread y don e wha t the y ca n and shoul d d o abou t racia l caste , an d i t assume s tha t t o ac t affirmativel y against racia l discriminatio n wit h remedia l policie s i s "revers e discrimina tion," whic h wil l provok e a dangerou s whit e backlash . Black s thu s ar e counseled t o wai t fo r equality . A s recen t retreat s i n civi l right s mak e clear , "wait" mean s "never. " 1 0 Our slav e legac y i s highl y relevan t t o ou r assessmen t o f remedia l

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affirmative action . T o asser t th e contrar y i s aki n t o assertin g tha t fre e wage labo r i s irrelevan t t o a n analysi s o f ho w certai n earl y American s accumulated wealth . Slave s accumulate d nothing , bein g propert y wit h n o rights t o property . Slaver y mad e al l blacks—whethe r classifie d a s slave , mulatto, o r "free"—th e subject s o f whites , n o matte r wha t thei r eco nomic status . B y la w o r custom , th e poores t whit e wa s superio r t o an y black. Furthermore , th e policie s tha t replace d forma l slaver y continued t o reinforce blacks ' caste position . INVENTING AMERICA N SLAVER Y

The racia l histor y o f black s an d white s i n wha t i s no w th e Unite d State s includes s o man y shockin g episode s tha t i t i s littl e wonde r tha t som e historians hav e trie d t o glos s ove r it . I t i s beyon d th e scop e o f thi s boo k to describ e th e captur e o f eac h slave , th e condition s o n th e slav e ships , the breaku p o f slav e families , slav e lif e o n th e plantations , slav e rebel lions, o r th e emergenc e o f domesti c slav e breeding . Tha t ha s alread y been done . However , a look a t Virginia, th e hom e o f George Washingto n and Thoma s Jefferson , reveal s ho w whit e privileg e an d blac k cast e wer e established durin g th e colonia l period . T o b e sure , ther e wer e man y variations, dependin g o n th e region 11 a s wel l a s th e numbe r o f slaves , mulattoes, o r fre e black s i n th e are a compare d wit h tha t o f whites : Virginia "pioneere d a lega l proces s tha t assure d black s a uniquel y de graded status—on e i n whic h crueltie s o f slaver y an d pervasiv e racia l injustice wer e guarantee d b y it s law . Jus t a s [othe r colonies ] emulate d other aspect s o f Virginia' s policies , man y colonie s woul d als o follo w Vir ginia's leadershi p i n slaver y law. " n Fo r ou r purposes , th e Virgini a experi ence provide s a n ampl e illustratio n o f th e emergenc e o f "th e peculia r institution" o f slaver y an d wha t was , i n essence , th e mos t extrem e for m imaginable o f affirmative actio n fo r whites. 13 In 1619 , John Rolf e (o f Pocohanta s fame) , th e secretar y an d recorde r of Virginia, wrot e tha t "ther e cam e t o Virginia a Dutchman o f Warre tha t sold u s twent y Negers. " 14 I t i s unclear whethe r thos e firs t twent y black s were slave s o r indenture d servants , bu t mos t historian s agre e tha t thei r status wa s tha t o f indenture d servants. 15 Th e firs t Africa n American s "were liste d a s servant s i n th e censu s count s o f 162 3 an d 1624 , an d a s late a s 165 1 some black s whose perio d o f service ha d expire d wer e bein g assigned lan d i n muc h th e sam e wa y that i t was being assigne d t o white s who ha d complete d thei r indenture. " 16

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affirmative action . T o asser t th e contrar y i s aki n t o assertin g tha t fre e wage labo r i s irrelevan t t o a n analysi s o f ho w certai n earl y American s accumulated wealth . Slave s accumulate d nothing , bein g propert y wit h n o rights t o property . Slaver y mad e al l blacks—whethe r classifie d a s slave , mulatto, o r "free"—th e subject s o f whites , n o matte r wha t thei r eco nomic status . B y la w o r custom , th e poores t whit e wa s superio r t o an y black. Furthermore , th e policie s tha t replace d forma l slaver y continued t o reinforce blacks ' caste position . INVENTING AMERICA N SLAVER Y

The racia l histor y o f black s an d white s i n wha t i s no w th e Unite d State s includes s o man y shockin g episode s tha t i t i s littl e wonde r tha t som e historians hav e trie d t o glos s ove r it . I t i s beyon d th e scop e o f thi s boo k to describ e th e captur e o f eac h slave , th e condition s o n th e slav e ships , the breaku p o f slav e families , slav e lif e o n th e plantations , slav e rebel lions, o r th e emergenc e o f domesti c slav e breeding . Tha t ha s alread y been done . However , a look a t Virginia, th e hom e o f George Washingto n and Thoma s Jefferson , reveal s ho w whit e privileg e an d blac k cast e wer e established durin g th e colonia l period . T o b e sure , ther e wer e man y variations, dependin g o n th e region 11 a s wel l a s th e numbe r o f slaves , mulattoes, o r fre e black s i n th e are a compare d wit h tha t o f whites : Virginia "pioneere d a lega l proces s tha t assure d black s a uniquel y de graded status—on e i n whic h crueltie s o f slaver y an d pervasiv e racia l injustice wer e guarantee d b y it s law . Jus t a s [othe r colonies ] emulate d other aspect s o f Virginia' s policies , man y colonie s woul d als o follo w Vir ginia's leadershi p i n slaver y law. " n Fo r ou r purposes , th e Virgini a experi ence provide s a n ampl e illustratio n o f th e emergenc e o f "th e peculia r institution" o f slaver y an d wha t was , i n essence , th e mos t extrem e for m imaginable o f affirmative actio n fo r whites. 13 In 1619 , John Rolf e (o f Pocohanta s fame) , th e secretar y an d recorde r of Virginia, wrot e tha t "ther e cam e t o Virginia a Dutchman o f Warre tha t sold u s twent y Negers. " 14 I t i s unclear whethe r thos e firs t twent y black s were slave s o r indenture d servants , bu t mos t historian s agre e tha t thei r status wa s tha t o f indenture d servants. 15 Th e firs t Africa n American s "were liste d a s servant s i n th e censu s count s o f 162 3 an d 1624 , an d a s late a s 165 1 some black s whose perio d o f service ha d expire d wer e bein g assigned lan d i n muc h th e sam e wa y that i t was being assigne d t o white s who ha d complete d thei r indenture. " 16

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More important , i f these firs t black s were no t slaves , then fo r a t leas t a brief perio d durin g th e seventeent h century , a less hegemonic , les s crue l relationship wa s possibl e amon g black s an d whites. 17 An d i f black s ini tially wer e indenture d servants , the n slaver y wa s no t inevitabl e "bu t rather a deliberat e choic e (amon g man y alternatives ) mad e b y [white ] men wh o sough t greate r return s tha n the y coul d obtai n fro m thei r ow n labor alone, and wh o found othe r type s o f labor mor e expensive. " 18 Slavery was , i n sum , a mean s fo r man y white s i n th e busines s o f tobacco, sugar , rice , cotton , tar , o r shippin g t o ge t rich . Blac k slave s wer e the ultimat e for m o f chea p labor . Becaus e o f thei r colo r an d language , blacks coul d no t easil y escape . I f on e looke d t o Afric a o r th e Caribbean , their suppl y seeme d inexhaustible , an d white s alread y believe d tha t blacks were inferior. 19 Even befor e Virgini a adopte d it s first slav e statutes , judicial decisions , similar t o thos e i n Ohio , resolve d th e right s an d liabilitie s o f black s i n relation t o whites . Th e case s sho w th e variet y o f issue s tha t aros e fro m the practic e o f slaver y i n America , includin g th e lega l significanc e o f mixed blood ; th e impac t o f Christia n baptis m o n a person's status ; litiga tion i n regar d t o th e domesti c slav e trade , o r th e movemen t o f slave s o r free black s fro m on e stat e t o Virginia ; th e regulatio n o f marita l relation ships between slave s owned b y different masters , or voluntary o r involuntary sexua l relation s betwee n slave s an d whites ; th e procedure s fo r free ing slaves , a s well a s th e sale , price , an d marketin g o f slaves ; how white s disposed o f their slave s throug h thei r wills; cases concernin g rebe l slaves ; and thos e charge d wit h crime s an d thei r punishment. 20 Early judicia l opinion s fro m Virgini a observe d th e followin g hierarch y in case s adjudicatin g th e right s o f America n Indians , poo r whites , an d blacks. I t show s tha t slaver y ha d alread y assigne d mos t black s t o th e bottom o f the working class, a position tha t fe w hav e escape d eve n today : White indenture d servant s White servant s withou t indenture s Christian blac k servant s Indian servant s Mulatto servant s Indian slave s Black slaves 21 One o f th e earlies t judicia l decision s i n Virgini a t o refe r t o black s wa s Re Davis (1630). The cas e report reads : "Hug h Davi s t o be soundl y whip t

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before a n assembl y o f Negroe s & other s fo r abusin g himsel f t o th e dishonor o f Go d an d sham e o f Christianit y b y defilin g hi s bod y i n lyin g with a Negro, which faul t h e i s to actk. nex t Sabbat h day. " 22 Presumably , Davis wa s white , sinc e h e wa s charge d wit h havin g se x wit h a blac k woman. Assumin g tha t fact , th e repor t rest s o n a perceptio n o f whit e supremacy an d blac k inferiorit y grounde d i n religion . Notic e tha t th e same attitude s serve d a s th e basi s fo r man y states ' ba n o n interracia l marriages unti l th e lat e 1960s. 23 This theor y o f racia l supremac y i s even mor e apparen t i n othe r cases . For example , i n Re Sweat (1640), Sweat wa s charged wit h impregnatin g a Negro woma n servan t belongin g t o a thir d party . Th e cour t rule d tha t "the sai d Negr o woma n shal l b e whip t a t th e whippin g pos t an d th e sai d Sweat shal l tomorro w i n th e forenoo n d o publi c penanc e fo r hi s offens e at Jame s cit y churc h i n th e tim e o f devin e servic e accordin g t o th e law s of Englan d i n tha t th e cas e provided. " 24 Not e no t onl y th e publi c sham ing require d o f Swea t bu t als o th e differentia l punishment . Tha t is , assuming that Sweat was white, his punishment appear s much les s sever e than tha t o f the blac k woman . This differenc e betwee n th e punishmen t o f black s an d white s fo r similar offense s becam e commonplace , an d i t remain s a hotl y conteste d issue today , especiall y i n th e comparativ e sentencin g disparitie s i n dru g trafficking an d capita l murde r cases . I n dru g case s ther e ar e a t leas t tw o concerns movin g throug h th e courts : whethe r prosecutor s disproportion ately prosecute black s fo r possession o f crack an d whethe r th e sentencin g disparities betwee n crac k an d othe r form s o f cocain e ar e a legall y sanc tioned for m o f racia l discrimination . Th e preliminar y dat a sho w tha t 8 8 percent o f th e federa l crac k defendant s ar e blac k an d tha t i n 1995 , th e United State s Sentencin g Commissio n recommende d th e eliminatio n o f harsher sentence s fo r th e possessio n o f crack versus powde r cocaine . Th e president an d Congress , however, rejecte d th e recommendation. 25 Justice Willia m Brenna n squarel y addresse d racia l disparitie s i n McCleskey v. Kemp. Warre n McCleskey , a blac k man , wa s convicte d o f killing a whit e polic e office r durin g a robbery . Th e jur y recommende d that McCleske y b e sentence d t o death , th e tria l cour t agreed , an d th e Supreme Cour t o f Georgi a affirmed. 26 Ultimately , McCleske y filed a petition fo r a writ o f habea s corpu s i n federa l court , claimin g tha t Geor gia's death-sentencin g proces s wa s administere d i n a raciall y discrimina tory manne r i n violatio n o f th e Eight h an d Fourteent h Amendments . I n support o f hi s claims , McCleske y presente d a statistica l stud y o f mor e

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than tw o thousan d murde r case s fro m Georgi a durin g th e 1970s , indicat ing that defendant s charge d wit h killin g white person s received th e deat h penalty i n 1 1 percen t o f th e case s bu t tha t defendant s charge d wit h killing blac k person s receive d th e deat h penalt y i n onl y 1 percent o f th e 27

cases/ 7 This stud y foun d tha t th e deat h penalt y wa s assesse d i n 2 2 percent o f the case s involvin g blac k defendant s an d whit e victims , 8 percent o f th e cases involvin g whit e defendant s an d whit e victims , 3 percen t o f th e cases involvin g whit e defendant s an d blac k victims , an d onl y 1 percen t of th e case s involvin g blac k defendant s an d blac k victims . Similarly , prosecutors sough t th e deat h penalt y i n 7 0 percent o f the case s involvin g black defendant s an d whit e victims , 3 2 percen t o f thos e involvin g whit e defendants an d whit e victims , 1 9 percen t o f th e case s involvin g whit e defendants an d blac k victims , an d onl y 1 5 percent o f the case s involvin g black defendant s an d blac k victims. 28 Th e lowe r federa l court s rejecte d McCleskey's petition , an d th e U.S . Supreme Cour t affirme d b y a vote o f five to four . In regar d t o McCleskey' s Fourteent h Amendmen t challenge , th e Court wrot e tha t a defendan t ha s th e burde n o f provin g th e existenc e of purposefu l discriminatio n an d tha t i t ha d a discriminator y effec t i n McCleskey's case . Th e Cour t foun d tha t b y relyin g o n th e study , McCleskey offere d n o evidenc e specifi c t o hi s ow n cas e tha t woul d support a n inferenc e tha t racia l consideration s playe d a par t i n hi s sen tence. Th e Cour t thu s conclude d tha t "becaus e discretio n i s essentia l t o the crimina l justic e process , w e woul d deman d exceptionall y clea r proof before w e woul d infe r tha t th e discretio n ha s bee n abused. " T o prov e discriminatory purpose , th e Cour t wrote , McCleske y woul d hav e t o dem onstrate tha t agent s o f th e stat e ha d followe d a cours e o f actio n i n hi s case "becaus e of , no t merel y i n spit e of , it s advers e effect s upo n a n identifiable group. " Moreover , th e Cour t conclude d tha t th e stud y di d not demonstrat e a constitutionall y significan t ris k tha t racia l bia s woul d affect Georgia' s capita l sentencin g process . Finally , th e Cour t declare d that i t was beyon d it s provinc e t o determine th e appropriat e punishmen t for particula r crime s an d thu s McCleskey' s claim s an d statistica l studie s should hav e bee n presente d t o legislative bodies. 29 The fou r dissentin g justice s accepte d th e study' s validit y an d state d that it proved tha t Georgia's death-sentencin g proces s created a n intolera ble risk that McCleskey's sentenc e woul d b e influenced b y impermissibl e racial considerations . Justic e Brenna n recalle d tha t Georgi a an d othe r

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states ha d ha d dua l system s o f crimina l justic e a s fa r bac k a s th e colonia l period, whic h differentiate d betwee n crime s b y an d agains t white s an d blacks, an d als o th e Georgi a Pena l Code , whic h containe d separat e sec tions fo r slave s an d fre e person s o f colo r an d al l othe r persons . So , fo r example, th e rap e o f a fre e whit e femal e b y a blac k wa s punishabl e b y death, bu t th e rap e o f a white femal e b y anyon e els e wa s punishabl e b y a prison ter m o f tw o t o twent y years . T h e rap e o f black s wa s punishabl e b y a fine o r imprisonmen t a t th e discretio n o f th e Court . Justic e Brenna n concluded tha t Georgia' s histor y o f raciall y biase d crimina l justic e an d it s continuing legac y buttresse d th e probativ e valu e o f th e Baldu s stud y an d McCleskey's constitutiona l claims : Considering th e rac e o f a defendan t o r victi m i n decidin g i f th e deat h penalty shoul d b e impose d i s completely a t odd s wit h thi s concer n tha t a n individual b e evaluate d a s a unique huma n being . Decision s influence d b y race res t i n par t o n a categorical assessmen t o f th e wort h o f huma n being s according t o color, insensitiv e t o whatever qualitie s th e individual s i n question ma y possess . Enhanced willingness to impose the death sentence on black defendants, or diminished willingness to render such a sentence when blacks are victims, reflects a devaluation of the lives of black persons.30 Brennan rightl y reveale d tha t th e America n crimina l justic e syste m ha s long bee n infecte d wit h racia l animu s agains t blacks . To asser t tha t black s wer e relegate d t o cast e doe s no t prove , a s som e people hav e argued , tha t black s ha d n o rights . Historica l evidenc e con firms tha t som e black s i n seventeenth-centur y Virgini a di d hav e right s and tha t other s wer e ordere d free d afte r thei r term s o f indenture . Fo r example, earl y colonia l cour t record s tel l u s tha t Joh n Graweere , " a negr o servant t o William Evans, " petitione d th e cour t fo r permissio n t o purchas e the freedo m o f hi s youn g son . T h e cour t grante d Graweere' s petitio n an d ordered "tha t th e chil d shal l b e fre e fro m th e sai d Evan s o r hi s assign s and t o b e an d remai n a t th e disposin g an d educatio n o f sai d Graweer e and th e child' s godfather—wh o undertaket h t o se e i t brough t u p i n th e Christian religio n a s aforesaid." 31 Graweer e wa s abl e t o exercis e othe r rights a s well , includin g keepin g hogs , purchasin g hi s child' s freedom , and petitionin g th e court . I n bot h Negro Mozingo v. Stone (1672 ) an d Moore v. Light (1673) , th e Virgini a court s ordere d tha t black s "Remayn e free " and receiv e "Corn e an d Clothe s Accordin g t o th e custom e o f th e Coun try," suggesting , again , tha t som e black s wer e indenture d servant s rathe r than slaves. 32 T h e sam e lega l syste m tha t gav e privilege s t o som e blac k servant s

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simultaneously sanctione d perpetua l servitud e fo r others . I n severa l com mercial transaction s i n th e 1640s , blacks wer e sol d b y contrac t fo r life . I n one case , Franci s Pott s sol d a black woma n an d chil d t o Stephe n Carlton , "to th e us e o f hi m forever. " I n another , Willia m Whittingto n sol d a ten year-old girl , "alon g wit h an y issu e sh e migh t produc e fo r he r an d he r children's 'lifetim e an d thei r successor s forever. ' " 3 3 Once th e practic e o f selling black s fo r lif e becam e common , i t was no t long befor e th e court s bega n t o impos e perpetua l servitud e o n black s a s punishment fo r their crimes. In Re Negro John Punch (1640), three runawa y servants wer e capture d i n Marylan d an d sentence d t o b e whipped . Th e court the n impose d differen t sentence s o n the m o n the basi s of color: One called Victor, a Dutchman, the other a Scotchman calle d James Gregory, shal l firs t serv e ou t thei r time s wit h thei r maste r accordin g t o thei r Indentures, an d on e whol e yea r apiec e afte r th e tim e o f thei r servic e i s Expired . . . and afte r tha t servic e . . . t o serve th e colon y fo r thre e whol e years apiece , an d tha t th e thir d bein g a negr o name d Joh n Punc h shal l serve hi s said maste r o r his assign s fo r th e tim e o f his natural lif e her e or elsewhere.34 The Punch decision demonstrate s tha t fro m th e earlies t day s o f colonia l life, colonia l court s wer e willin g t o exercis e extrem e partialit y i n favo r o f whites an d agains t blacks . A similar conclusio n ca n b e mad e fro m th e one-sentence-lon g opinio n in Re Warwick (1669): "Hanna h Warwick' s cas e extenuate d becaus e sh e was oversee n b y a negr o overseer. " Assumin g tha t Warwic k wa s a whit e servant, th e opinio n suggest s tha t th e testimon y o f a blac k oversee r wa s doubtful o r impermissible . Thus , Warwick implies tha t th e functio n o f blacks in Virginia was to be ordered b y whites and never to order whites. 35 Although prio r statute s restricte d blacks , i t wa s no t unti l 165 9 tha t Virginia legislatio n referre d t o the m a s slaves. 36 Th e statut e i n thi s cas e provided a ta x credi t fo r merchant s bringin g slave s int o th e country , which le d directl y t o a n increase d suppl y o f slav e labor. 37 Durin g th e 1660s, black s i n lifetim e bondag e ha d becom e th e primar y labo r forc e i n colonial Virginia . B y then , th e Virgini a legislatur e ha d enacte d statute s punishing white s wh o conspire d i n th e compan y o f Negroe s t o escap e service an d exemptin g slav e owner s fro m crimina l prosecutio n fo r th e casual killin g o f slaves . I n addition , th e legislatur e enacte d a statut e declaring tha t baptis m di d no t alte r th e bondag e o f black s o r Nativ e Americans. I n 1670 , Virgini a enacte d a la w dividin g non-Christia n ser vants int o tw o categories : thos e wh o ar e importe d int o th e colon y b y

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shipping, "wh o shal l b e slave s fo r thei r lives, " an d thos e "wh o shal l com e by land , wh o shal l serv e unti l ag e 30. " 38 By 1680 , Virgini a develope d a statutor y schem e tha t denie d mos t blacks eve n th e limite d right s enjoye d b y poo r whites. 3 9 O n e statut e illustrates th e exten t o f th e debasemen t o f black s i n Virginia : Whereas th e frequen t meeting s o f considerabl e number s o f Negr o slave s under pretens e o f feasts an d burial s i s judged o f dangerou s consequence , [it is ] enacte d tha t n o Negr o o r slav e ma y carr y arms , suc h a s an y club , staff, gun , sword , o r othe r weapon , no r g o fro m hi s owner' s plantatio n without a certificate an d the n onl y o n necessar y occasions ; the punishmen t of twent y lashe s o n th e bar e back , wel l lai d on . An d further , i f an y Negr o lift u p hi s han d agains t an y Christia n h e shal l receiv e thirt y lashes , an d i f he absen t himsel f o r li e ou t fro m hi s master' s servic e an d resis t lawfu l apprehension, h e ma y b e kille d an d thi s la w shal l b e publishe d ever y si x months. 40 Such act s becam e th e mode l o f blac k contro l an d repressio n throughou t the Sout h fo r muc h o f th e nex t tw o centuries . Blacks , whethe r slav e o r free, wer e restricte d an d defenseless . After eliminatin g blacks ' basi c civi l rights , th e Virgini a legislatur e codified th e statu s o f slave s a s a for m o f property . Conside r th e followin g law, whic h Virgini a enacte d i n 1705 : All Negro, mulatto , an d India n slave s within thi s dominio n shal l b e hel d t o be rea l estat e an d no t chattel s an d shal l descen d unt o heir s an d widow s according t o th e custo m o f lan d inheritance , an d b e hel d i n "fe e simple. " Provided tha t an y merchan t bringin g slave s int o thi s dominio n shal l hol d such slave s whils t the y remai n unsol d a s persona l estate . Al l suc h slave s may b e take n o n executio n a s othe r chattels ; slave s shal l no t b e escheat able. No perso n sellin g an y slav e shal l b e oblige d t o hav e th e sal e recorde d a s upon th e alienatio n o f othe r rea l estate . Nothin g i n thi s ac t shal l b e con strued t o giv e th e owne r o f a slave no t seize d o f othe r rea l estat e th e righ t to vote a s a freeholder. 41 Although th e legislatur e revise d th e 170 5 ac t ever y severa l year s unti l 1792, it s provision s remaine d essentiall y th e same . T h e Virgini a experienc e wit h th e codificatio n o f slaver y i s representa tive o f othe r colonia l experiences . Stat e slav e code s sho w tha t mos t black s in th e Unite d States—whethe r slave , mulatto , o r free—di d no t enjo y equal right s wit h mos t whites . Instead , th e code s containe d variou s com binations o f th e followin g provisions: 42

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• Restrictin g certai n occupation s t o whites. • Prohibitin g slav e manumissio n o r orderin g manumitte d person s t o leave th e stat e within a fixed period. • Denyin g mos t black s th e righ t t o freely assemble . • Preventin g mos t black s fro m enterin g som e states . • Preventin g fre e black s fro m engagin g i n trad e o r commerc e wit h slaves. • Regulatin g th e sal e or return o f slaves. • Prohibitin g black s fro m obtainin g education , voting , o r testifyin g i n court agains t a white person . • Prohibitin g black s fro m keepin g an y weapon s o r certain animals , suc h as dogs, horses, or some livestock . • Authorizin g mor e sever e punishmen t (ofte n death ) fo r blacks , espe cially slaves, in most crimina l convictions . • Prohibitin g black s fro m travelin g without passe s o r certificates . • Prohibitin g sexua l an d marita l relationship s betwee n white s an d blacks. By the tim e th e U.S . Constitution wa s drafted, Virgini a ha d sanctione d black slaver y fo r nearl y 12 0 years . Th e slav e code s wer e America' s first affirmative actio n policies , bu t unlik e curren t remedia l affirmativ e action , these earlie r preference s promote d whit e supremac y an d blac k caste . During th e ensuin g perio d whil e th e Constitutio n wa s bein g draw n up , whites chos e t o expan d thei r racia l privileges , an d ou r curren t racia l predicament i s a result o f those choices . THE ROAD TO CONSTITUTIONAL CAST E

Probably mos t American s d o no t kno w th e stor y o f Crispu s Attuck s o r why his life and deat h exemplifie d on e of the great ironies of our constitu tional history . Attucks, a runaway slave , had worke d fo r twent y year s a s a seaman i n Boston . I n Marc h 1770 , Britis h soldier s fired o n severa l colo nists protesting Britis h colonia l legislatio n an d th e presenc e o f the Britis h military i n Boston . Fiv e people , includin g Attucks , die d i n th e Bosto n Massacre. Attucks' s sacrific e wa s poignant : wh y woul d a fugitiv e slav e give hi s lif e fo r a country tha t denie d hi m equality? 43 Indeed , Attucks' s death fo r Americ a wa s i n vain , fo r b y th e tim e th e Virgini a statesme n prepared thei r bil l o f right s i n 1776 , slaver y ha d bee n sanctione d i n al l thirteen colonies. 44

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• Restrictin g certai n occupation s t o whites. • Prohibitin g slav e manumissio n o r orderin g manumitte d person s t o leave th e stat e within a fixed period. • Denyin g mos t black s th e righ t t o freely assemble . • Preventin g mos t black s fro m enterin g som e states . • Preventin g fre e black s fro m engagin g i n trad e o r commerc e wit h slaves. • Regulatin g th e sal e or return o f slaves. • Prohibitin g black s fro m obtainin g education , voting , o r testifyin g i n court agains t a white person . • Prohibitin g black s fro m keepin g an y weapon s o r certain animals , suc h as dogs, horses, or some livestock . • Authorizin g mor e sever e punishmen t (ofte n death ) fo r blacks , espe cially slaves, in most crimina l convictions . • Prohibitin g black s fro m travelin g without passe s o r certificates . • Prohibitin g sexua l an d marita l relationship s betwee n white s an d blacks. By the tim e th e U.S . Constitution wa s drafted, Virgini a ha d sanctione d black slaver y fo r nearl y 12 0 years . Th e slav e code s wer e America' s first affirmative actio n policies , bu t unlik e curren t remedia l affirmativ e action , these earlie r preference s promote d whit e supremac y an d blac k caste . During th e ensuin g perio d whil e th e Constitutio n wa s bein g draw n up , whites chos e t o expan d thei r racia l privileges , an d ou r curren t racia l predicament i s a result o f those choices . THE ROAD TO CONSTITUTIONAL CAST E

Probably mos t American s d o no t kno w th e stor y o f Crispu s Attuck s o r why his life and deat h exemplifie d on e of the great ironies of our constitu tional history . Attucks, a runaway slave , had worke d fo r twent y year s a s a seaman i n Boston . I n Marc h 1770 , Britis h soldier s fired o n severa l colo nists protesting Britis h colonia l legislatio n an d th e presenc e o f the Britis h military i n Boston . Fiv e people , includin g Attucks , die d i n th e Bosto n Massacre. Attucks' s sacrific e wa s poignant : wh y woul d a fugitiv e slav e give hi s lif e fo r a country tha t denie d hi m equality? 43 Indeed , Attucks' s death fo r Americ a wa s i n vain , fo r b y th e tim e th e Virgini a statesme n prepared thei r bil l o f right s i n 1776 , slaver y ha d bee n sanctione d i n al l thirteen colonies. 44

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The Declaratio n o f Independenc e wa s th e Unite d States ' freedo m manifesto. I t announce d th e unio n o f th e colonie s a s independen t state s and liste d th e reason s tha t the y ha d severe d thei r tie s t o th e Britis h Crown. Th e colonies ' representative s complaine d abou t Kin g George' s tyranny an d despotism , writin g tha t "al l ME N ar e create d equal , tha t they ar e endowe d b y thei r Creato r wit h certai n unalienabl e Rights , tha t among thes e ar e Life , Libert y an d th e Pursui t o f Happiness. " 45 Yet eve n Thomas Jefferson , wh o wrot e thos e stirrin g words , als o state d tha t h e thought black s were inferio r t o whites: The improvemen t o f the black s i n body and mind , i n the first instanc e of their mixture with th e whites, has been observed b y everyone, and proves that thei r inferiorit y i s not th e effec t merel y o f their conditio n o f life.. . . This unfortunat e differenc e o f color , an d perhap s faculty , i s a powerfu l obstacle to the emancipation of these people. 46 Despite it s references t o equality an d unalienabl e rights , the final draf t of th e Declaratio n o f Independenc e sai d nothin g abou t slaver y i n th e colonies. Quit e th e contrary : i n orde r t o promot e th e interest s o f whites , our Foundin g Fathers , includin g a majority o f thos e wh o wrot e th e Con stitution, sacrifice d th e right s o f black s b y providin g for—i n n o fewe r than eigh t clauses—th e continuatio n o f this vile practic e whil e delicatel y declining t o name th e practic e slavery. 47 In th e end , th e societ y describe d b y Jefferson , Jame s Madison , an d others i n America' s foundationa l lega l document s exclude d th e half million black s hel d i n slavery . As did th e firs t slaveholders , whit e Ameri can revolutionarie s chos e t o exclud e black s fro m thei r ne w equality . Thus, whe n Speake r o f th e Hous e New t Gingric h an d other s tal k abou t renewing Americ a throug h Jeffersonia n principles , million s o f American s would b e well advise d t o question thei r statu s unde r thi s vision . Our traditio n o f racia l privilege s fo r white s wa s incorporate d int o th e U.S. Constitutio n i n Pennsylvani a durin g th e summe r o f 1787 . Accord ingly, to understand wh y our government initiate d contemporar y remedia l affirmative actio n policie s i n th e mid-twentiet h century , w e mus t kno w what happene d tha t ho t summe r whe n th e drafter s o f th e Constitutio n embraced race-consciou s preference s fo r whites , thereb y continuin g a course charted mor e tha n a century earlie r i n the Britis h colonies . Between Ma y 1 4 and Septembe r 17 , 1787 , fifty-five whit e me n me t i n Philadelphia t o revis e th e Article s o f Confederation . Amon g thos e dele -

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gates wer e leadin g citizen s an d propert y holder s fro m twelv e o f th e thirteen ne w states , includin g lawyers , politicians , judges , philosophers , merchants, an d wa r heroes. The absenc e o f blacks, white women , Nativ e Americans, an d poo r white s raise s question s abou t wha t th e framer s meant b y the ter m the People.48 The delegates ' immediat e tas k wa s t o revis e thos e Article s mos t con sistent with thei r competing economic an d politica l interests , constructin g a plan that would surviv e scrutiny i n state conventions. Bu t those conven tions, too , exclude d meaningfu l participatio n b y person s o f color , whit e women, an d mos t poo r whites . An d i t i s throug h thi s lac k o f representa tion tha t th e delegate s compromise d ou r freedo m t o b e blin d t o race , gender, o r class. Although th e Constitutiona l Conventio n di d no t begi n whe n sched uled, b y Ma y 2 5 seve n o f th e stat e delegation s ha d selecte d Georg e Washington a s president o f the Convention . O n Ma y 29 , with nin e state s represented, Edmun d Randolp h o f Virginia too k th e floor t o explai n th e significance o f th e delegates ' task . Randolp h enumerate d th e defect s i n the Article s o f Confederatio n an d the n presente d a serie s o f remedia l resolutions, whic h becam e know n a s th e Virgini a plan . Fo r th e nex t tw o weeks, delegate s meetin g i n th e Committe e o f th e Whol e discusse d th e Virginia plan. 49 On Jun e 15 , William Patterso n o f Ne w Jerse y propose d replacin g th e Virginia plan with th e New Jersey plan . The principa l differenc e betwee n the tw o was that th e Virginia pla n propose d a strong nationa l governmen t composed o f legislative , executive , an d judicia l branches , wherea s th e New Jerse y pla n recommende d enhancin g onl y th e federa l legislativ e power.50 The delegate s rejecte d th e proposa l t o replace th e Virginia plan . During th e remainin g thre e month s o f th e Convention , th e delegate s met collectivel y an d i n subcommittee s t o debat e an d draf t provision s o f the Constitution . Thes e deliberation s finally resulte d i n a Constitutio n consisting of a bundle o f compromises. Not havin g a constitutional mode l from whic h t o borrow , th e delegate s use d thei r ow n experience s fro m their respectiv e state s an d lesson s fro m abroad , whic h ha d mad e the m aware o f domesti c an d foreig n economi c an d politica l rivalries , compact s between state s an d foreig n governments , an d th e danger s o f nationa l aristocracies an d monarchies . Th e governmen t tha t emerge d wa s a deli cate balanc e o f powe r betwee n larg e an d smal l state s wit h competin g economic an d politica l interests .

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Among th e compromise s agree d t o i n Philadelphia , non e ha s prove d more significan t t o ou r nation' s histor y tha n thos e regardin g th e right s and lega l statu s o f person s o f Africa n descent , whethe r slav e o r free . I n 1787, mos t o f th e black s i n th e thirtee n state s wer e slaves ; a s property , like cow s o r horses , the y wer e subjec t t o th e dominio n o f thei r owner . Accordingly, whe n th e delegate s me t i n Philadelphia , on e o f th e centra l questions befor e the m wa s whether th e Constitutio n woul d contai n com promises sanctionin g slavery. 51 The origina l Constitutio n doe s no t us e term s lik e slave o r slavery. However, i n th e Conventio n records , man y delegate s frequently—an d apparently interchangeably—us e th e term s slaves, blacks, and negroes, a s well a s linkin g th e term s whites and free Citizens. 52 Thus , lookin g whit e and havin g n o know n Africa n ancestr y presumabl y mean t tha t on e wa s a free citizen , an d lookin g blac k mean t tha t on e wa s neithe r fre e no r a citizen. The mos t difficul t race-consciou s compromis e fo r th e delegate s wa s apportioning th e state' s representatio n i n an d taxe s t o th e Hous e o f Representatives.53 Th e delegate s ha d t o determin e whethe r th e rulin g criterion shoul d b e wealth , population , property , o r ta x contributions . S o they decide d t o coun t th e whol e numbe r o f fre e persons , includin g indentured servant s bu t excludin g Indian s no t taxed , an d three-fifth s o f all othe r persons. 54 Thi s provisio n wa s interprete d t o mea n tha t slave s (most blacks ) wer e t o b e counte d i n a three-to-five ratio , with five slave s equaling thre e fre e persons . Yet whe n readin g wha t becam e articl e I , sectio n 2 , claus e 3 , i t i s difficult t o discer n whethe r th e delegate s intende d fre e black s t o coun t as whole person s o r as three-fifths persons . Fo r example , o n July 9 , whe n the delegate s too k u p th e apportionmen t claus e again , i t becam e clea r that man y wer e concerne d abou t includin g person s o f African descen t i n their calculation s fo r Hous e seats . Patterson "coul d regar d Negro e slave s in n o ligh t othe r tha n propert y . . . and i f Negroes ar e no t represente d i n the State s t o whic h the y belong , wh y shoul d the y b e represente d i n th e General Government?" 55 Di d Patterso n hav e i n min d jus t th e slave s i n the Sout h o r al l black s wh o wer e exclude d fro m representatio n i n an y state? Similarly, Rufu s Kin g o f Massachusett s note d tha t eleve n o f thirtee n states ha d agree d t o conside r slave s i n th e apportionmen t o f taxes , be lieving that taxation an d apportionmen t shoul d g o together. The nex t da y

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King reminded th e delegate s tha t black s i n th e souther n state s woul d b e counted i n a ratio of five to three; that is , five slaves would coun t a s thre e whole persons. 56 Again, di d Kin g mea n tha t al l black s i n th e Sout h wer e slaves an d thu s th e term s wer e interchangeable ? On Jul y 11 , delegates Pierc e Butle r an d Genera l Charle s Coteswort h Pinckney, bot h o f South Carolina , "insiste d tha t black s b e included i n th e rule of Representation , equall y wit h th e whites " an d thereafte r move d t o strike ou t th e word s three-fifths} 1 The y di d not , however , us e th e ter m slave, again indicatin g tha t i n thei r minds , th e word s black and slave had the sam e meaning . To apportio n taxes , th e delegate s fro m th e souther n state s di d no t want t o coun t slave s a s whole person s becaus e tha t woul d hav e require d those state s t o pa y mor e taxes . O n th e othe r hand , th e delegate s fro m outside th e Sout h understandabl y di d wan t t o count slave s when calculat ing taxes. 58 Their compromis e i s a good exampl e o f how the Constitutio n embraced race-consciou s privilege s fo r whites : Whit e southerner s woul d increase thei r representatio n i n th e Hous e bu t decreas e th e amoun t o f direct taxes ; whit e northerner s woul d lowe r th e amoun t o f direc t taxe s paid b y th e souther n state s bu t limi t souther n representation ; an d bot h groups woul d benefi t a t th e expens e o f blacks , wh o woul d neithe r gai n the protectio n o f the federa l governmen t o r receive it s resources . After rejectin g th e motio n t o count blac k slave s o n an equa l basi s wit h whites, th e delegate s tentativel y accepte d th e three-fifth s claus e bu t continued thei r criticis m o f i t an d othe r provision s relatin g t o slavery . Rufus Kin g reported tha t h e was opposed t o using numbers a s the rul e of representation "an d wa s particularl y s o o n accoun t o f th e black s . . . admission o f the m alon g wit h White s a t all , woul d excit e grea t discon tents among the State s having no slaves." Both James Wilson and Gouver neur Morri s o f Pennsylvani a expresse d thei r oppositio n a s well , befor e the delegation s vote d si x t o fou r t o rejec t th e inclusio n o f three-fifth s o f the blacks. 59 On th e followin g day , som e delegate s expresse d thei r concer n abou t the pla n t o count black s i n th e apportionmen t calculations . Pinckne y wa s alarmed tha t Sout h Carolin a woul d no t b e represente d i n Congress base d on it s tota l numbe r o f black s an d argue d tha t hi s stat e shoul d therefor e not b e taxe d o n tha t sam e basis . "Propert y i n slaves, " h e believed , "should no t b e expose d t o dange r unde r a government institute d fo r th e protection o f property. " Th e ensuin g discussio n amon g delegate s Olive r

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Ellsworth o f Connecticut , Randolph , Wilson , King , an d Genera l Pinckne y and th e younge r Charle s Pinckne y show s ye t agai n ho w the y use d th e terms blacks, slaves, an d Negroes interchangeably. 60 On Jul y 13 , Butle r reminde d hi s colleague s tha t th e "securit y th e Southern State s wan t i s tha t thei r Negroe s ma y no t b e take n fro m them. " H e ha d littl e reaso n t o fear . No t onl y di d th e delegate s agre e t o protec t slave property , bu t withi n a fe w day s the y als o agree d t o suppres s "dan gerous commotions , insurrection s an d rebellions, " 61 anothe r indirect , ye t unmistakable, racia l privileg e fo r whit e slav e owners , ensurin g th e sup pression o f slav e revolt s b y th e powe r o f th e federa l government . By Jul y 23 , th e delegate s wer e read y t o tur n ove r thei r propose d resolutions t o th e Committe e o f Detail , whic h include d delegate s Joh n Rutledge o f Sout h Carolina , Randolp h o f Virginia , Nathanie l Gorha m o f Massachusetts, Ellswort h o f Connecticut , an d Wilso n o f Pennsylvania. 62 T h e n th e delegate s adjourne d betwee n Jul y 2 7 an d Augus t 5 , durin g which tim e th e Committe e o f Detai l wrot e th e first draf t o f th e U.S . Constitution. On Augus t 6 , th e delegate s receive d th e Committe e o f Detai l report , which include d reiteration s o f th e three-fifth s claus e an d th e insurrection s clause, alon g wit h a prohibitio n o n taxin g export s o r th e importatio n o f slaves, a s wel l a s a ban o n th e congressiona l prohibitio n o f th e slav e trade . In respons e t o thes e provisions , Kin g repeate d tha t t o hi s mind , th e admission o f slave s wa s a mos t gratin g circumstance , an d h e though t i t would als o b e s o t o man y o f th e peopl e o f America . H e argue d tha t permitting slaver y woul d weake n th e Sout h an d requir e th e othe r state s to com e t o it s aid , an d therefore , "eithe r slave s shoul d no t b e represented , or export s shoul d b e taxable " t o hel p th e governmen t rais e revenue s t o defend th e souther n states. 6 3 Gouverneur Morris' s exhortatio n t o th e delegate s reveal s ho w trou bling th e slav e compromise s wer e t o th e Convention' s participants , an d he move d t o inser t free befor e th e wor d inhabitants i n th e draf t o f articl e VII, sectio n 3 . H e never woul d concu r i n upholdin g domesti c slavery . I t wa s a nefariou s institution. I t wa s th e curs e o f heave n o n th e state s wher e i t prevailed . . . . Upon wha t principl e i s i t tha t slave s shal l b e compute d i n th e representa tion? Are they men ? Then mak e the m Citizen s an d le t them vote . Are the y property? Wh y the n i s n o othe r propert y included? . . . Th e admissio n o f slaves int o th e Representatio n come s t o this: that th e inhabitan t o f Georgi a and Sout h Carolin a wh o goe s t o th e Coas t o f Africa, an d i n defianc e o f th e

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most sacre d law s o f humanit y tear s awa y hi s fello w creature s fro m thei r dearest connections & damns them t o the most cruel bondages, shall have more votes i n a Government institute d fo r th e protectio n o f the right s of mankind, tha n th e Citizen o f Pennsylvania o r New Jersey who views with laudable horror, so nefarious a practice.64 Morris's motio n failed , te n t o one . Nonetheless , hi s objection s capture d the difficultie s tha t h e an d othe r delegate s ha d i n debatin g th e slav e compromises. Hi s concern s wer e no t s o muc h wit h th e "wretche d Afri cans" but, rather, with slavery' s exacerbation o f the economic and politica l inequality betwee n norther n an d souther n whites . On Augus t 21 , Luther Marti n o f Marylan d propose d alterin g th e draf t of articl e VII , sectio n 4 , t o allo w a prohibitio n o r ta x o n th e importatio n of slaves . H e argue d tha t th e sectio n a s written woul d "leav e a n encour agement t o th e traffic " an d tha t "i t wa s inconsisten t wit h th e principle s of th e revolutio n an d dishonorabl e t o th e America n characte r t o hav e such a feature i n th e Constitution. " Rutledg e responde d tha t h e "woul d readily exemp t th e othe r state s fro m th e obligatio n t o protec t th e South ern States agains t [slaves]. " He warne d tha t i f the norther n state s "consul t their interest , the y wil l no t oppos e th e increas e o f Slave s whic h wil l increase th e commoditie s [o f which ] the y wil l becom e th e carriers. " Ellsworth added , "Th e moralit y o r wisdo m o f slaver y ar e consideration s belonging t o th e State s themselves . Wha t enriche s a par t enriche s th e whole, an d th e State s ar e th e bes t judge s o f thei r particula r interest. " Charles Pinckne y wa s firmer: "Sout h Carolin a ca n neve r receiv e th e pla n if it prohibits th e slav e trade. " 65 The followin g day , i n perhap s th e mos t significan t displa y o f anguis h over th e competin g economi c an d politica l interest s o f whites , a doze n delegates weighe d i n regardin g th e slav e compromises . Roge r Sherma n of Connecticu t favore d leavin g th e matte r t o th e states , som e o f whic h had alread y begu n t o abolis h slavery . Colone l Georg e Maso n o f Virgini a had severa l concerns , includin g th e westwar d expansio n o f slaver y an d the competitio n o f slav e labo r wit h tha t o f poo r whites : slave s "preven t the immigratio n o f whites , wh o reall y enric h & strengthe n a Country. " On th e othe r hand , Ellswort h contende d tha t "[s]laver y i n tim e wil l no t be a spec k i n ou r Country. " Charle s Pinckne y sai d agai n tha t "[a] n attempt t o take awa y the righ t [t o import slaves ] as proposed wil l produc e serious objection s t o th e Constitutio n whic h h e wishe d t o se e adopted. " The senio r Pinckne y state d flatly, "Sout h Carolin a & Georgi a canno t d o without slaves. " Abraham Baldwi n o f Georgia argue d tha t th e Conventio n

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should no t b e considerin g loca l issue s lik e slavery . Wilson observe d "tha t if South Carolin a & Georgi a wer e themselve s dispose d t o ge t ri d o f thei r importation o f slave s i n a shor t tim e a s ha d bee n suggested , the y woul d never refus e t o Unit e becaus e th e importatio n migh t b e prohibited. " I n his view, the exemptio n o n taxin g slave s was a bounty. Elbridg e Gerr y o f Massachusetts though t tha t th e delegate s "ha d nothin g t o d o wit h th e conduct o f the State s a s to Slaves, bu t ough t t o be carefu l no t t o give an y sanction t o it." 66 In contrast, John Dickinso n o f Delaware "considere d i t as inadmissibl e on ever y principl e o f hono r & safet y tha t th e importatio n o f slave s should b e authorise d t o the State s b y the Constitution. " Fo r him, th e rea l question wa s "whethe r th e nationa l happines s woul d b e promote d o r impeded b y th e importation , an d thi s questio n ough t t o b e lef t t o th e National Governmen t no t t o th e State s particularl y interested. " Afte r stating th e pertinen t la w o f Nort h Carolina , Hug h Williamso n "though t the Souther n State s coul d no t becom e member s o f th e Unio n i f th e clause shoul d b e rejected , an d tha t i t was wrong t o force an y thing down , not absolutel y necessary , an d whic h an y Stat e mus t disagre e to. " Kin g "remarked o n th e exemptio n o f th e slave s fro m dut y whils t ever y othe r import wa s subjecte d t o it , a s a n inequalit y tha t coul d no t fai l t o strik e the commercia l sagacit y o f the Norther n an d middl e States. " 67 John Langdo n o f Ne w Hampshir e argue d strenuousl y tha t h e "coul d not wit h goo d conscienc e leav e [slavery ] wit h th e State s wh o coul d the n go o n wit h th e traffic , withou t bein g restraine d b y th e opinion s give n here tha t the y wil l themselve s ceas e t o impor t slaves. " Genera l Pinckne y noted candidl y tha t "h e di d no t thin k Sout h Carolin a woul d sto p he r importations o f slave s i n an y shor t time , bu t onl y sto p the m occasionall y as sh e doe s now. " Rutledg e wa s eve n mor e frank , declarin g tha t "[i] f th e Convention think s tha t Nort h Carolina , Sout h Carolin a & Georgi a wil l ever agre e t o th e plan , unles s thei r righ t t o impor t slave s b e untouched , the expectatio n i s vain." 68 A few delegates , notin g th e strai n o f th e debate , calle d fo r a commit ment t o th e subcommitte e o f al l th e relate d clauses , wit h on e noting , "These thing s ma y for m a bargai n amon g th e Norther n & Souther n States." I n th e spiri t of such a deal, Sherman remarke d tha t "i t was bette r to le t th e Souther n State s impor t slave s tha n t o par t wit h them , i f the y made tha t a sin e qu a non. " B y a vot e o f seve n t o three , wit h on e abstention, th e issue s wer e submitte d t o th e Committe e o f Eleve n fo r further consideration. 69

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On August 24 , the Committe e o f Eleven recommended : The migratio n o r importatio n o f suc h person s a s th e severa l State s no w existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited b y the Legislature prio r t o th e yea r 1800 , bu t a ta x o r dut y ma y b e impose d o n suc h migration o r importation a t a rate not exceedin g the averag e of the dutie s laid on imports.70 In response , Genera l Pinckne y move d t o chang e t o 180 8 th e yea r limiting th e importatio n o f slaves , an d hi s motio n passed . Gouverneu r Morris wante d th e claus e t o nam e th e state s tha t ha d insiste d o n pro tecting slavery . Bu t thi s wa s no t acceptabl e t o man y delegates , wh o di d not wan t t o offen d th e peopl e i n thos e state s an d wh o preferre d usin g a description othe r tha n slaves . I t wa s the n agree d t o amen d th e importa tion claus e t o rea d "1808 , bu t a ta x o r dut y ma y b e impose d o n suc h importation no t exceedin g te n dollar s fo r eac h person. " 71 On Augus t 28 , the delegate s briefl y discusse d th e fugitiv e slav e claus e and agree d t o the following : If an y perso n boun d t o servic e o r labor i n an y o f th e Unite d State s shal l escape int o anothe r State , h e o r sh e shal l no t b e discharge d fro m suc h service or labor, in consequence o f any regulations subsistin g i n th e Stat e to which they escape, but shall be delivered u p to the person justly claiming their service or labor.72 On Septembe r 9 , th e delegate s appointe d a Committee o f Style , con sisting of Dr . William Samue l Johnso n o f Connecticut, Alexande r Hamil ton o f Ne w York , Morris , Madison , an d King , t o revis e an d arrang e th e articles. Accordingly , o n Septembe r 12 , Johnson submitte d t o th e dele gates a draft constitutio n an d accompanyin g lette r fo r Congress. 73 In th e final day s o f th e Convention , severa l delegate s spok e o f th e difficulty the y ha d i n signin g the propose d constitution , thei r mai n objec tion bein g th e scop e o f th e executiv e an d judicia l powers . Gerr y state d that h e woul d withhol d hi s nam e fo r severa l reasons , includin g "3/ 5 o f the black s ar e to be represente d a s if they wer e freemen. " 7 4 To understan d th e predicamen t create d b y th e framers ' compromise s on race , w e shoul d assum e tha t the y ha d rejecte d broa d constitutiona l inequality. Wha t woul d hav e happene d i f non e o f th e Constitution' s provisions protecte d slavery ? I f i t ha d provide d tha t black s an d wome n be abl e t o vote, atten d school , hol d an d conve y property , obtai n employ ment, an d otherwis e participat e i n th e economi c an d politica l lif e o f America o n th e sam e basi s a s whit e me n could ? Wha t woul d hav e hap -

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pened i f th e Constitutio n ha d prohibite d racia l discrimination ? I f bein g classified a s blac k ha d no t bee n mad e a badg e o f inferiority , an d white , one o f privilege ? I t i s difficul t t o imagin e ho w differen t Americ a migh t be. Unfortunately , an d no t surprisingly , give n thei r worldview , th e drafter s set th e Unite d State s o n a cours e o f racia l inequalit y an d disunit y fro m which i t stil l ha s no t recovered . Throug h th e explici t protectio n o f slavery , the framer s wrot e whit e privileg e an d blac k cast e int o th e Constitution . T h e Constitutio n o f th e Unite d State s i s thu s a serie s o f compromise s reached b y whit e mal e propert y holders—souther n planter s an d norther n merchants. A t th e hear t o f thei r agreement s wa s th e race-consciou s inten tion t o plac e th e interest s o f white s abov e thos e o f blacks . T h u s , Ameri ca's moder n racia l predicamen t concernin g th e constitutiona l legitimac y of remedia l affirmativ e actio n policie s ca n b e trace d t o th e debacl e a t Philadelphia an d t o th e slav e code s an d racia l attitude s precedin g it . T h e Declaratio n o f I n d e p e n d e n c e an d th e Constitutio n o f th e Unite d States wer e proslaver y document s tha t protecte d slaver y b y omissio n o r commission an d assume d th e debasemen t an d disenfranchisemen t o f blacks, whethe r slav e o r free . Frederic k Douglas s clearl y understoo d hi s outsider positio n whe n h e state d i n a n 185 2 Fourt h o f July oration : What t o th e America n slav e i s you r Fourt h o f July ? I answer , a da y tha t reveals t o him , mor e tha n al l othe r day s o f th e year , th e gros s injustic e an d cruelty t o whic h h e i s th e constan t victim . T o hi m you r celebratio n i s a sham; you r boaste d libert y a n unhol y license ; you r nationa l greatness , swelling vanity ; you r sound s o f rejoicin g ar e empt y an d heartless ; you r denunciations o f tyrants , brass-fronte d impudence ; you r shout s o f libert y and equality , hollo w mockery ; you r prayer s an d hymns , you r sermon s an d thanksgivings, with al l your religiou s parade an d solemnity , ar e to him mer e bombast, fraud , deception , impiety , an d hypocrisy— a thi n veil t o cove r u p crimes which woul d disgrac e a nation o f savages. 75 In a simila r spiri t o n th e occasio n o f th e bicentennia l o f th e Constitution , Justice Thurgoo d Marshal l wrot e abou t hi s reluctanc e i n joinin g th e celebrations: I canno t accep t thi s invitation , fo r I d o no t believ e tha t th e meanin g o f th e Constitution wa s forever "fixed " a t th e Philadelphi a Convention . No r d o I find th e wisdom , foresight , an d sens e o f justic e exhibite d b y th e framer s particularly profound . T o th e contrary , th e governmen t the y devise d wa s defective fro m th e start , requirin g severa l amendments , a civi l war , an d momentous socia l transformatio n t o attai n th e syste m o f constitutiona l government, an d it s respec t fo r th e individua l freedom s an d huma n rights , that w e hol d a s fundamental today. 76

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In sum , th e revolutio n tha t occurre d i n th e Unite d State s betwee n 177 6 and 179 1 did no t liberat e black s i n the sam e way that i t did man y whites. Most black s remaine d enslave d or , i f free , circumscribe d b y stat e law s that limite d and , i n som e cases , prohibite d thei r exercis e o f basi c civi l rights. LOSING SECOND-CLAS S CITIZENSHI P

After th e ratificatio n o f th e Constitutio n i n 1791 , overt , government sponsored o r -sanctioned racia l discrimination wa s the rule for mos t black s living i n th e Unite d States . Then , i n th e mid-1960s , th e civi l right s movement force d th e federa l governmen t t o addres s institutionalize d racism an d enac t antidiscriminatio n laws . Unfortunately , th e federa l gov ernment's commitmen t t o enforc e thos e law s wa s wea k an d short-lived . Even thoug h governmenta l discriminatio n i s now illegal, functional whit e supremacy ha s no t bee n eliminated , an d racia l cast e i s worsening. If we could fast-forwar d fro m th e lat e eighteent h t o the mid-twentiet h century, w e woul d se e dozen s o f event s demonstratin g stat e an d federa l governmental advancemen t o f whit e supremac y an d blac k cast e tha t explain wh y racia l cast e i s s o pervasiv e i n Americ a today . Consider , fo r example, th e expansio n o f slavery across the wester n frontier . Contrar y t o what th e champion s o f slaver y a t th e Constitutiona l Conventio n asserte d about it s demise , slaver y di d no t di e out . Whe n Congres s prohibite d th e importation o f slave s i n 1808 , the practic e wen t undergroun d unti l i t wa s supplanted b y slave breedin g an d a vigorous domesti c slav e trade . Black s were bre d lik e cattle . S o eve n i n th e absenc e o f lega l importation , th e slave population swelle d t o nearly fou r millio n b y 1865 . Even amon g thos e white s wh o oppose d slavery , fe w envisione d th e United State s a s a plac e wher e black s an d white s coul d liv e togethe r with equa l rights . Instead, som e abolitionists—includin g member s o f th e American Colonizatio n Societ y an d th e America n Anti-Slaver y Society — tried t o coloniz e black s outsid e th e Unite d States . Furthermore , whe n slavery ended , fe w white s embrace d ex-slave s a s their equals ; som e eve n took i t upo n themselve s t o remov e black s fro m thei r towns . Afte r th e Civil Wa r an d durin g Reconstruction , Congres s appeare d read y t o en d white supremac y policies . Bu t th e politica l branche s o f th e federa l gov ernment wer e divided , an d th e Suprem e Cour t interprete d th e thre e Civil War amendments narrowly , leavin g i t t o th e state s t o determin e th e civil right s o f forme r slaves . Th e resul t wa s anothe r centur y o f official ,

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In sum , th e revolutio n tha t occurre d i n th e Unite d State s betwee n 177 6 and 179 1 did no t liberat e black s i n the sam e way that i t did man y whites. Most black s remaine d enslave d or , i f free , circumscribe d b y stat e law s that limite d and , i n som e cases , prohibite d thei r exercis e o f basi c civi l rights. LOSING SECOND-CLAS S CITIZENSHI P

After th e ratificatio n o f th e Constitutio n i n 1791 , overt , government sponsored o r -sanctioned racia l discrimination wa s the rule for mos t black s living i n th e Unite d States . Then , i n th e mid-1960s , th e civi l right s movement force d th e federa l governmen t t o addres s institutionalize d racism an d enac t antidiscriminatio n laws . Unfortunately , th e federa l gov ernment's commitmen t t o enforc e thos e law s wa s wea k an d short-lived . Even thoug h governmenta l discriminatio n i s now illegal, functional whit e supremacy ha s no t bee n eliminated , an d racia l cast e i s worsening. If we could fast-forwar d fro m th e lat e eighteent h t o the mid-twentiet h century, w e woul d se e dozen s o f event s demonstratin g stat e an d federa l governmental advancemen t o f whit e supremac y an d blac k cast e tha t explain wh y racia l cast e i s s o pervasiv e i n Americ a today . Consider , fo r example, th e expansio n o f slavery across the wester n frontier . Contrar y t o what th e champion s o f slaver y a t th e Constitutiona l Conventio n asserte d about it s demise , slaver y di d no t di e out . Whe n Congres s prohibite d th e importation o f slave s i n 1808 , the practic e wen t undergroun d unti l i t wa s supplanted b y slave breedin g an d a vigorous domesti c slav e trade . Black s were bre d lik e cattle . S o eve n i n th e absenc e o f lega l importation , th e slave population swelle d t o nearly fou r millio n b y 1865 . Even amon g thos e white s wh o oppose d slavery , fe w envisione d th e United State s a s a plac e wher e black s an d white s coul d liv e togethe r with equa l rights . Instead, som e abolitionists—includin g member s o f th e American Colonizatio n Societ y an d th e America n Anti-Slaver y Society — tried t o coloniz e black s outsid e th e Unite d States . Furthermore , whe n slavery ended , fe w white s embrace d ex-slave s a s their equals ; som e eve n took i t upo n themselve s t o remov e black s fro m thei r towns . Afte r th e Civil Wa r an d durin g Reconstruction , Congres s appeare d read y t o en d white supremac y policies . Bu t th e politica l branche s o f th e federa l gov ernment wer e divided , an d th e Suprem e Cour t interprete d th e thre e Civil War amendments narrowly , leavin g i t t o th e state s t o determin e th e civil right s o f forme r slaves . Th e resul t wa s anothe r centur y o f official ,

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government-sponsored policie s o f whit e supremac y an d judiciall y ap proved separat e an d unequa l right s fo r blacks . One o f th e mor e importan t nationa l debate s o f th e earl y nineteent h century too k plac e betwee n thos e who wanted slaver y t o expand int o th e new state s an d territorie s an d thos e wh o di d not . Th e contes t include d slave traders , slav e breeders , an d slav e owner s wh o wishe d t o hir e thei r slaves ou t t o thir d parties , al l o f who m coul d ear n additiona l wealt h b y supplying slave s t o ne w part s o f th e country , a s wel l a s fre e person s engaged i n manufacturin g o r agricultur e wh o ha d t o compet e agains t goods produced b y slave labor. The sectiona l figh t ove r th e existenc e an d expansion o f slaver y thu s continue d fo r th e nex t half-century , wit h th e Civil War its ultimate result . The backdro p t o tha t wa r include d th e shif t o f a majority o f the slav e population fro m th e Atlanti c and Uppe r Sout h t o the Lowe r Sout h wher e a ne w cotto n kingdo m wa s emerging , th e enactmen t o f mor e extensiv e slave code s coverin g ever y aspec t o f slav e life , passag e o f th e Missour i Compromise o f 1820, 77 th e Fugitiv e Slav e Ac t o f 1850, 78 th e Kansas Nebraska Ac t of 1854, 79 and th e announcemen t b y the Suprem e Cour t of its decision i n Dred Scott v. Sandford. 80 During th e firs t hal f o f th e nineteent h century , slavery—no w prohib ited i n Vermont , Connecticut , Rhod e Island , Delaware , an d Massachu setts—became largel y a Southern institution . Th e Missour i Compromis e provided tha t th e norther n sectio n o f th e Louisian a Purchas e woul d b e nonslave territor y an d tha t th e souther n portion , includin g Missouri , would b e proslavery. The Fugitiv e Slav e Act gave slave owners protectio n under federa l la w for th e recaptur e o f runaway slaves . Under th e Kansas Nebraska Act , Congres s hel d tha t th e resident s o f thes e territorie s coul d decide locall y whethe r t o organiz e a s slav e o r fre e states , i n accordanc e with th e doctrin e o f popula r sovereignty . Thes e ne w law s therefor e con founded th e dispute s betwee n slav e and nonslav e states . Consider th e earl y histor y o f th e Dred Scott case . Scott , bor n int o slavery i n Virginia aroun d 1800 , became th e propert y o f Peter Blow , with whom h e move d fro m Virgini a t o Alabam a i n th e 1820 s an d the n t o St . Louis, Missouri , aroun d 1830 . There ca n b e n o doub t tha t Blow' s contro l over Scot t ha d th e sanctio n o f Virginia, Alabama , an d Missour i slav e law , as well a s the relevan t federa l law . Once i n St. Louis, Blow, who might b e described a s slave poor, sol d severa l o f his slaves. 81 Dr. John Emerson , a n army surgeon , purchase d Scot t an d late r permit ted hi m t o marry another slave . The Scott s ha d tw o children, wh o b y law

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also becam e slave s o f Emerson . I n thi s way , slaver y continue d fro m generation t o generation. When Emerso n travele d t o various arm y assign ments, he frequently too k Scott with him . The Dre d Scot t litigation aros e out o f Scott' s travel s wit h Emerso n int o fre e state s an d territories , wit h Scott claiming that unde r th e law , those travel s mad e hi m a free person . With th e financia l an d lega l hel p o f whites wh o oppose d slavery , Dre d Scott sue d fo r hi s family' s freedo m o n th e ground s tha t h e ha d bee n taken t o For t Armstrong , Illinois , which, accordin g t o th e Missour i Com promise, wa s i n a nonslav e stat e an d t o For t Snellin g i n th e Wisconsi n Territory, which , accordin g t o th e Ordinanc e o f 1787 , wa s a nonslav e territory. Several states , including Missouri , had adopte d th e commo n la w policy tha t i f a slav e wer e take n int o a fre e stat e o r territor y fo r a n indefinite period , th e slav e o n hi s o r he r retur n t o th e slav e stat e coul d sue fo r freedom. 82 When Scot t file d hi s firs t complain t i n th e tria l cour t a t St . Loui s i n 1846, th e lega l precedent s i n Missour i appeare d favorable . Th e mos t significant Missour i case , whic h ha d bee n decide d almos t te n year s ear lier, wa s Rachel v. Walker. 83 Rachel, a slave, ha d accompanie d he r master , an arm y officer , t o For t Snellin g wher e the y remaine d fo r severa l years . On thei r retur n t o St . Louis , Rache l sue d fo r he r freedom . Th e Missour i Supreme Cour t uphel d Rachel' s clai m fo r freedom , declarin g tha t a n officer o f th e U.S . Arm y wh o take s hi s slav e t o a militar y pos t withi n a territory where slaver y i s prohibited an d keep s he r ther e fo r severa l year s forfeits hi s propert y i n suc h a slav e b y virtu e o f th e Ordinanc e o f 1787 . Because o f tha t precedent , Scot t mus t hav e bee n fairl y confiden t h e would prevail . However, betwee n 184 6 and 1857 , two event s occurre d tha t foreshad owed th e no w infamou s Dred Scott opinion. First , i n Strader v. Graham, 84 the U.S . Suprem e Cour t hel d tha t i t woul d follo w th e stat e suprem e court's interpretatio n o f stat e slav e laws . Thus , th e Cour t hel d tha t i t would no t negotiat e th e conflict s o f law tha t emerge d betwee n slav e an d nonslave states . Second, i n 185 2 the Missour i Suprem e Cour t disregarde d its preceden t (Rachel v. Walker), holdin g tha t Missour i wa s no t oblige d t o observe th e law s of nonslave state s o r territories. 85 Thus b y 1852 , the la w of slavery i n Missour i ha d bee n construe d t o protect propert y interest s i n slaves, notwithstandin g law s suc h a s th e Ordinanc e o f 178 7 o r th e Mis souri Compromise . After eleve n year s o f litigatio n i n stat e an d federa l court s an d tw o arguments befor e th e Suprem e Court , Dred Scott,86 a case tha t ha d begu n

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as a simpl e trespas s dispute , becam e a n importan t constitutiona l cas e regarding "(1 ) Negr o citizenship ; (2 ) th e statu s o f slave s wh o ha d bee n held o n fre e soil ; and (3 ) th e constitutionalit y o f federa l legislatio n prohib iting slaver y i n th e territories. " 87 O n al l thre e questions , th e Cour t rule d against blacks : Scot t wa s no t a citizen ; unde r th e la w o f Missouri , h e wa s still a slave ; an d Congres s di d no t hav e th e powe r t o prohibi t slaver y i n the territorie s o f th e Unite d States . Although th e Cour t migh t hav e decide d th e cas e o n narrow , technica l grounds, Chie f Justic e Roge r Tane y wrot e th e proslavery , prowhit e su premacy opinio n tha t ha s becom e hi s legac y an d tha t hastene d th e begin ning o f th e Civi l War: 88 The questio n i s simpl y this : Can a Negro, whos e ancestor s wer e importe d into thi s country , an d sol d a s slaves , becom e a membe r o f th e politica l community forme d an d brough t int o existenc e b y th e Constitutio n o f th e United States , and a s such becom e entitle d t o all rights, and privileges , an d immunities, guarantee d b y that instrumen t t o the citizen ? The questio n befor e u s is , whether th e clas s o f person s describe d i n th e plea i n abatemen t compris e a portio n o f thi s peopl e an d ar e constituen t members o f this sovereignty ? We thin k the y ar e not , an d tha t the y ar e no t included , an d wer e no t intended t o b e include d unde r th e wor d "citizens " i n th e Constitution . . . . On th e contrary , the y wer e a t th e tim e considere d a s a subordinate and inferior class of beings, who had been subjugated by the dominant race, and, whether emancipate d o r not , ye t remaine d subjec t t o thei r authority , an d had n o right s o r privilege s bu t suc h a s thos e wh o hel d th e powe r th e Government migh t choos e t o grant them. 89 Taney insiste d tha t blacks , whethe r slav e o r free , wer e subjugate d b y the dominan t race . H e wa s correct . However , hi s erro r wa s t o conclud e that suc h racia l dominatio n mean t tha t black s wer e no t citizen s accordin g to th e Constitution . T h a t is , ther e i s n o plac e i n th e Constitutio n t o which Tane y coul d poin t tha t distinguishe d betwee n fre e black s an d whites. No r coul d Tane y maintai n tha t ther e wer e n o fre e black s livin g in America . T h u s , th e onl y conclusio n tha t Tane y wa s justifie d i n makin g was tha t man y white s ha d violate d th e lette r an d spiri t o f th e Constitutio n by subjugatin g fre e blacks . I f equa l treatmen t wer e th e tes t fo r establish ing citizenship , man y American s toda y coul d b e classifie d a s noncitizens . Taney nex t wrot e tha t n o stat e coul d confe r nationa l citizenship , ac cording t o th e Constitution , o n a perso n o r clas s o f person s who m th e framers di d no t inten d t o b e embrace d a s citizens . T h i s mean t tha t Missouri, fo r example , coul d no t confe r U.S . citizenshi p o n free d slave s

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by makin g the m citizen s o f Missouri . H e surmise d tha t person s o f Africa n ancestry, whethe r slav e o r free , wer e no t considere d citizen s b y th e framers an d thu s wer e no t entitle d t o su e i n th e federa l courts. 9 0 Again , Taney wa s wron g abou t th e framers ' intent , fo r the y di d no t limi t statu s as a fre e perso n t o whites . I n fact , thi s ide a wa s specificall y rejecte d during thei r deliberation s a t th e Constitutiona l Convention . Bu t Tane y simply ignore d tha t evidence . H e the n recounte d i n detai l wha t h e describe d a s th e "universal " characterization o f person s o f Africa n descen t durin g th e eighteent h an d nineteenth centuries: 9 1 They ha d fo r mor e tha n a centur y bee n regarde d a s being s o f a n inferio r order, an d altogethe r unfi t t o associat e wit h th e whit e race , eithe r i n socia l or politica l relations ; an d s o far inferior , that they had no rights which the white man was bound to respect, an d tha t th e Negr o migh t justl y an d lawfull y b e reduced t o slaver y fo r hi s benefit . H e wa s bough t an d sol d an d treate d a s an ordinar y articl e o f merchandis e an d traffic , wheneve r a profi t coul d b e made b y it . The opinio n wa s at the tim e fixed an d universal in th e civilize d portion o f the white race. 92 Taney's opinio n i n Dred Scott wa s on e o f th e mos t decisiv e moment s in th e nationalizatio n o f whit e supremac y i n America , a s hi s opinio n gav e judicial sanctio n t o th e commodificatio n an d subordinatio n o f al l blacks , whether slav e o r free , t o exclud e the m fro m th e federa l courts . T h i s decision show s tha t th e malig n racia l attitude s o f white s towar d black s changed ver y littl e betwee n th e seventeent h an d nineteent h centuries . Even today , on e see s evidenc e o f Taney' s beliefs . Fo r example , man y whites stil l liv e awa y fro m black s a s i f black s wer e unfi t t o associat e with . Many white s continu e t o enrol l thei r childre n a t school s an d universitie s with virtuall y n o blac k student s o r teachers . Man y white s refus e t o sup port blac k politica l candidates , especiall y i n statewid e o r nationa l elec tions. T h u s , i t i s n o surpris e tha t whe n white s wer e polle d abou t th e performance o f th e 199 6 Republica n nominee s a t th e debate s befor e th e Iowa caucuses , man y o f the m though t tha t Ala n Keye s wa s th e mos t effective. Nonetheless , h e finishe d nea r th e botto m o f th e fiel d i n th e actual voting . Althoug h the y ma y choos e thei r word s mor e carefully , man y whites betra y b y thei r behavio r th e belie f tha t black s hav e right s tha t they mus t respect . Only tw o member s o f th e Cour t rulin g o n th e Dred Scott cas e dis sented. Justic e Benjami n Curti s o f Massachusett s wrot e a long , carefu l dissent tha t challenge d eac h o f Taney' s conclusion s regardin g th e citizen -

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ship o f black s an d showe d tha t i n numerou s state s befor e an d afte r th e ratification o f th e Constitution , som e black s di d i n fac t exercis e som e of th e right s o f fre e citizens. 9 3 Justic e Curtis' s dissent—al l bu t los t i n constitutional history—warrant s a close examinatio n fo r reader s searchin g for a contemporaneous critiqu e o f Taney' s analysis . Taney's racia l attitude s als o foun d voic e i n othe r politica l circles . A t a 1858 campaig n rall y durin g hi s campaig n fo r th e presidency , Abraha m Lincoln expresse d view s consisten t wit h Taney's : I will sa y then tha t I a m not , no r eve r hav e bee n i n favo r o f bringin g abou t in an y wa y th e socia l an d politica l equalit y o f th e whit e an d blac k race s [applause]—that I a m no t no r eve r hav e bee n i n favo r o f makin g voter s o r jurors o f Negroes , no r o f qualifyin g the m t o hol d office , no r t o intermarr y with whit e people , an d I wil l sa y in additio n t o thi s tha t ther e i s a physical difference betwee n th e blac k an d whit e race s whic h I believ e wil l foreve r forbid th e tw o races living together o n terms o f social an d politica l equality . And inasmuc h a s they canno t s o live , while the y d o remai n togethe r ther e must b e th e positio n o f superio r an d inferior , an d I a s muc h a s an y othe r man a m i n favo r o f havin g th e superio r positio n assigne d t o th e whit e race.

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Was thi s simpl y nineteenth-centur y politica l expediency ? Di d th e Grea t Emancipator pande r t o whit e supremac y whe n i t suite d hi s interests ? T h e sam e ma n wh o wrot e th e Gettysbur g Addres s evidentl y coul d no t envision socia l an d politica l equalit y betwee n black s an d white s i n America. I f Lincol n coul d subscrib e t o racia l supremacy , wh y couldn' t politicians toda y d o th e same ? An d wouldn' t politica l expedienc y b e jus t as likel y whe n discussin g welfar e refor m o r affirmativ e action ?

RECONSTRUCTION A N D SACRIFIC E

After th e wa r ove r slavery , th e Unite d State s agai n ha d a n opportunit y t o reject racia l preference s fo r white s an d t o promot e racia l equality . Fo r a time i t appeare d tha t th e postwa r government , le d b y a numbe r o f powerful white s suc h a s T h a d d e u s Steven s an d Charle s Sumner 9 5 an d a cadre o f ne w blac k lawmaker s suc h a s Senator s Hira m Revel s an d Blanche Bruc e an d Representative s Josep h Rainey , Benjami n Turner , Josiah Walls , Rober t Brow n Elliot , Rober t DeLarge , an d Jefferso n F . L o n g 9 6 woul d giv e t o black s th e sam e basi c civi l right s enjoye d b y whites, a s wel l a s propert y confiscate d durin g th e war . Indeed , i n th e decade o f "Reconstruction, " betwee n 186 5 an d 1875 , Congres s enacte d

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ship o f black s an d showe d tha t i n numerou s state s befor e an d afte r th e ratification o f th e Constitution , som e black s di d i n fac t exercis e som e of th e right s o f fre e citizens. 9 3 Justic e Curtis' s dissent—al l bu t los t i n constitutional history—warrant s a close examinatio n fo r reader s searchin g for a contemporaneous critiqu e o f Taney' s analysis . Taney's racia l attitude s als o foun d voic e i n othe r politica l circles . A t a 1858 campaig n rall y durin g hi s campaig n fo r th e presidency , Abraha m Lincoln expresse d view s consisten t wit h Taney's : I will sa y then tha t I a m not , no r eve r hav e bee n i n favo r o f bringin g abou t in an y wa y th e socia l an d politica l equalit y o f th e whit e an d blac k race s [applause]—that I a m no t no r eve r hav e bee n i n favo r o f makin g voter s o r jurors o f Negroes , no r o f qualifyin g the m t o hol d office , no r t o intermarr y with whit e people , an d I wil l sa y in additio n t o thi s tha t ther e i s a physical difference betwee n th e blac k an d whit e race s whic h I believ e wil l foreve r forbid th e tw o races living together o n terms o f social an d politica l equality . And inasmuc h a s they canno t s o live , while the y d o remai n togethe r ther e must b e th e positio n o f superio r an d inferior , an d I a s muc h a s an y othe r man a m i n favo r o f havin g th e superio r positio n assigne d t o th e whit e race.

94

Was thi s simpl y nineteenth-centur y politica l expediency ? Di d th e Grea t Emancipator pande r t o whit e supremac y whe n i t suite d hi s interests ? T h e sam e ma n wh o wrot e th e Gettysbur g Addres s evidentl y coul d no t envision socia l an d politica l equalit y betwee n black s an d white s i n America. I f Lincol n coul d subscrib e t o racia l supremacy , wh y couldn' t politicians toda y d o th e same ? An d wouldn' t politica l expedienc y b e jus t as likel y whe n discussin g welfar e refor m o r affirmativ e action ?

RECONSTRUCTION A N D SACRIFIC E

After th e wa r ove r slavery , th e Unite d State s agai n ha d a n opportunit y t o reject racia l preference s fo r white s an d t o promot e racia l equality . Fo r a time i t appeare d tha t th e postwa r government , le d b y a numbe r o f powerful white s suc h a s T h a d d e u s Steven s an d Charle s Sumner 9 5 an d a cadre o f ne w blac k lawmaker s suc h a s Senator s Hira m Revel s an d Blanche Bruc e an d Representative s Josep h Rainey , Benjami n Turner , Josiah Walls , Rober t Brow n Elliot , Rober t DeLarge , an d Jefferso n F . L o n g 9 6 woul d giv e t o black s th e sam e basi c civi l right s enjoye d b y whites, a s wel l a s propert y confiscate d durin g th e war . Indeed , i n th e decade o f "Reconstruction, " betwee n 186 5 an d 1875 , Congres s enacte d

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three ne w constitutiona l amendment s an d fou r federa l civi l right s statute s designed t o giv e forme r slave s th e sam e right s a s white s had . T h e firs t wa s th e T h i r t e e n t h Amendment : Section 1 . Neithe r slaver y no r involuntar y servitude , excep t a s a punish ment fo r crim e whereo f th e part y shal l hav e bee n dul y convicted , shal l exist within th e Unite d States , or any place subjec t t o their jurisdiction . Section 2 . Congres s shal l hav e powe r t o enforc e thi s articl e b y appro priate legislation . Under thi s amendment , Congres s enacte d a serie s o f federa l statute s that wer e bot h rac e consciou s an d remedial . Fo r example , th e Freedmen' s Bureau Ac t establishe d th e Burea u o f Refugees , Freedmen , an d Aban doned Lands , a n agenc y t o assis t forme r slave s an d whit e refugee s wh o after th e wa r lacke d shelter , food , o r othe r necessitie s o f life. 97 T h e bureau als o establishe d schools , supervise d employmen t contract s be tween forme r slave s an d thei r employers , an d manage d abandone d an d confiscated lands , includin g leasin g som e o f t h e m t o forme r slaves. 98 T h e Freedmen's Burea u Ac t wa s a n earl y for m o f remedia l affirmativ e actio n that Congres s enacte d ove r th e vet o o f Presiden t Andre w Johnson . Congress als o enacte d federa l law s prohibitin g whit e supremacy . T h e Civil Right s Ac t o f 1866 9 9 provide d That al l person s bor n i n th e Unite d State s . . . o f ever y rac e an d color , without regar d t o any previous condition o f slavery or involuntary servitud e . . . shal l hav e th e sam e right , i n ever y stat e an d Territor y i n th e Unite d States, to make an d enforc e contracts , to sue, be parties, and giv e evidence , to inherit, purchase , lease, sell, hold, an d conve y rea l and persona l property , and t o ful l an d equa l benefi t o f all law s an d proceeding s fo r th e securit y o f person an d property , a s i s enjoye d b y whit e citizen s . . . an y law , statute , ordinance, regulation , o r custom, t o the contrar y notwithstanding . For th e firs t time , federa l la w mandate d fo r black s th e sam e right s tha t whites had . But th e hope s o f black s wer e no t t o b e realized . Mos t o f th e souther n states responde d t o th e ne w a m e n d m e n t an d federa l law s wit h predict able defiance : Most Souther n whites , althoug h willin g t o concede th e en d o f slavery eve n to the poin t o f voting for th e adoptio n o f the Thirteenth Amendment , wer e convinced tha t law s shoul d b e speedil y enacte d t o cur b black s an d t o insure thei r rol e a s a laboring forc e i n th e South . Thes e laws , called Blac k Codes, bore a remarkable resemblanc e t o the ante-bellu m Slav e Codes an d can hardl y b e describe d a s measure s whic h respecte d th e right s o f black s

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as fre e individuals . Severa l o f the m undertoo k t o limi t th e area s i n whic h blacks could purchas e o r rent property. Vagrancy laws imposed heav y penal ties tha t wer e designe d t o force al l black s t o work whethe r the y wante d t o or not . Numerou s fines wer e impose d fo r seditiou s speeches , insultin g gestures o r acts, absence fro m work , violating curfew , an d th e possessio n o f firearms.100 Congress responde d t o suc h stat e practice s wit h th e Fourteent h Amendment: Section 1 . All person s bor n o r naturalize d i n th e Unite d State s an d subjec t to the jurisdiction thereof , ar e citizens of the Unite d State s an d o f the Stat e wherein the y reside . N o Stat e shal l mak e o r enforc e an y la w whic h shal l abridge th e privilege s o r immunitie s o f citizen s o f th e Unite d States ; no r shall an y Stat e depriv e an y perso n o f life , liberty , o r property , withou t du e process o f law ; no r den y t o an y perso n withi n it s jurisdictio n th e equa l protection o f the laws . . . . Section 5 . Th e Congres s shal l hav e powe r t o enforce , b y appropriat e legislation, th e provision s o f this article . Like th e Thirteenth , th e Fourteent h A m e n d m e n t fundamentall y al tered th e relationshi p betwee n federa l an d stat e government . It s provis ions expressl y restricte d th e states ' powers , prohibitin g the m fro m treat ing blac k citizen s differentl y fro m whites . Sectio n 2 threatene d t o reduc e the numbe r o f a state' s delegate s t o th e Hous e o f Representative s i f i t discriminated agains t mal e inhabitant s i n voting . When mor e congressiona l investigation s foun d ongoin g discriminatio n against black s i n voting , Congres s enacte d th e Fifteent h Amendment : Section 1 . The righ t o f citizen s o f th e Unite d State s t o vot e shal l no t b e denied o r abridged b y the Unite d State s o r by any State o n accoun t o f race, color, or previous conditio n o f servitude . Section 2 . Th e Congres s shal l hav e powe r t o enforc e thi s articl e b y appropriate legislation . T h i s a m e n d m e n t mad e i t illega l fo r th e governmen t t o den y anyon e th e right t o vot e o n accoun t o f race , bu t i t di d no t prohibi t discriminatio n o n other base s suc h a s sex , class , o r education . An d i t wa s throug h suc h loopholes tha t man y state s foun d way s t o continu e t o den y black s thei r right t o vot e unti l th e enactmen t o f th e Votin g Right s Ac t o f 1965 . This i s ho w som e whit e Texans , fo r example , wer e abl e t o eliminat e black voters . First , th e state' s Democrati c Part y exclude d blac k participa tion i n th e primaries . Whe n tha t practic e wa s struc k dow n b y th e Su preme Court, 1 0 1 th e part y starte d th e Jaybir d Democrati c Association ,

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a "private " club , i n whic h membershi p wa s limite d t o whit e people . Furthermore, onl y member s coul d vot e i n it s primary , an d onl y th e winners o f tha t primar y go t thei r name s o n th e genera l electio n ballot . Finally, i n 1953 , the Cour t invalidate d al l whit e primar y schemes. 1 0 2 Such evasion s als o explai n wh y i n th e earl y 1960s , thousand s o f black s and white s wen t t o Mississippi , Alabama , an d elsewher e t o deman d tha t blacks b e allowe d t o registe r an d vote . Whe n black s i n Mississipp i wer e denied thei r votin g right s i n th e selectio n o f stat e delegate s t o th e Democratic Conventio n i n 1964 , the y organize d thei r ow n party , th e Mississippi Freedo m Democrati c Party , an d sen t thei r ow n delegation . And whe n th e conventio n organizer s refuse d t o acknowledg e th e onl y democratically electe d delegates , Fanni e Lo u H a m e r — w h o ha d alread y lost he r hom e an d he r jo b an d ha d bee n permanentl y disable d fro m a jailhouse b e a t i n g — d e m a n d e d befor e a national audienc e a n en d t o polit ical aparthei d i n th e South . Bu t i t wa s th e deat h o f tw o whit e Freedo m Summer volunteers , Andre w Goodma n an d Michae l Schwerner , alongsid e a blac k volunteer , Jame s Chaney , tha t galvanize d thousand s o f other s t o go t o th e Sout h t o fight vote r discriminatio n i n citie s lik e Philadelphia , Mississippi, an d Selma , Alabama . Much a s th e Fifteent h A m e n d m e n t wa s sidestepped , othe r Recon struction legislatio n suffere d a simila r end . T h e Civi l Right s Act s o f 1875 1 0 3 provide d That al l person s withi n th e jurisdictio n o f th e Unite d State s shal l b e entitled t o th e ful l an d equa l enjoymen t o f th e accommodations , advan tages, facilities , an d privilege s o f inns , publi c conveyance s o n lan d o r water, theaters , an d othe r place s o f publi c amusement ; subjec t onl y t o th e conditions an d limitation s establishe d b y law , an d applicabl e alik e t o citi zens o f ever y rac e an d color , regardles s o f an y previou s conditio n o f servi tude. Since Congres s enacte d a n equa l accommodation s bil l i n 1875 , wh y i n 1960 wer e Josep h McNeill , Ezell e Blai r Jr. , Frankli n McCain , an d Davi d Richmond, the n freshme n a t A & T Colleg e i n Greensboro , Nort h Caro lina, refuse d servic e a t a local Woolwort h lunc h counter ? Wh y wer e black s refused lodgin g a t th e Hear t o f Atlant a Mote l i n downtow n Atlanta , Georgia, o r equa l accommodation s a t Ollie' s Bar-b-qu e i n Birmingham , Alabama? T h e answe r i s simple : law s don' t alway s gover n a societ y resistan t t o them. Man y white s di d no t deman d tha t thes e ne w constitutiona l an d federal statutor y provision s b e enforced ; i n fact , the y ofte n blatantl y

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defied them . Also , a majorit y o f th e Suprem e Cour t di d no t shar e Con gress's vie w o f it s ne w power s unde r th e Civi l Wa r amendments . Fo r example, i n th e Slaughter-House Cases 104 the Cour t rule d tha t th e protec tions o f th e privilege s an d immunitie s claus e o f th e Fourteent h Amend ment di d no t includ e violation s o f basi c civi l right s suc h a s th e righ t t o contract, bu y o r leas e property , sue , o r giv e evidenc e i n court . Justic e Samuel F . Miller's opinion neve r onc e mentioned th e federa l statute s tha t had recentl y bee n enacted . Instead , th e Cour t rea d narrowl y th e citizen ship an d privilege s an d immunitie s clause s a s i f the y wer e meaningless . Three year s late r i n United States v. Cruikshank, 105 th e Cour t applie d th e principle o f &"laughter-House Cases to rule tha t th e Civi l Right s Act of 187 0 provided n o relie f t o tw o black s wh o allege d tha t thei r righ t t o assembl e had bee n violated , becaus e th e righ t t o assembl e wa s no t on e o f th e privileges an d immunitie s o f national citizenship . Reconstruction ende d abruptl y wit h th e Hayes-Tilde n Compromise . In th e presidentia l electio n o f 1876 , Democra t Sa m Tilde n appeare d t o be th e earl y winner . However , afte r Rutherfor d Haye s an d th e Republi cans challenge d th e electio n return s i n Florida , Sout h Carolina , an d Louisiana, Haye s claime d a one-vote victory . Tilde n an d th e Democrat s challenged th e vote . As was it s dut y unde r th e Constitution, 106 Congres s took u p th e electio n dispute , an d whe n i t wa s unabl e t o resolv e it , Congress adopte d a special resolutio n establishin g a committee t o decid e who shoul d becom e president . Th e committe e consiste d o f fifteen whit e men, eigh t Republican s an d seve n Democrats . No t surprisingly , the y voted b y party , s o Haye s becam e president . A s th e qui d pr o qu o fo r th e presidency, Haye s and th e Republican s agree d t o withdraw th e remainin g federal troop s fro m th e stat e house s i n Louisian a an d Sout h Carolin a an d to restor e hom e rule , whic h mean t tha t black s woul d agai n los e thei r rights, becaus e o f a compromise amon g whites. 107 Six year s later , th e Suprem e Cour t delivere d it s greates t blo w t o th e Reconstruction law s i n th e Civil Rights Cases,108 by invalidatin g th e first two section s o f th e Civi l Right s Ac t o f 1875 , which outlawe d discrimina tion i n publi c accommodations . Th e Cour t hel d tha t becaus e th e provis ions wer e directe d a t privat e individual s an d no t th e stat e o r it s agents , they wer e unconstitutional . Th e Court , a s though i n a deep fog , insiste d that privat e discriminatio n wa s beyon d th e reac h o f th e Fourteent h Amendment an d specificall y beyon d th e power s o f Congres s unde r sec tion 5. 109 In ligh t o f similar cases , th e Cour t mad e i t virtuall y impossibl e to us e th e Reconstructio n act s t o proscrib e discriminator y conduc t b y

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private individuals . Nearl y a centur y elapse d befor e thos e law s wer e reenacted. SEPARATE AND UNEQUA L As ba d a s thes e development s were , wors e wa s ye t t o come . I n 189 6 i n Plessy v. Ferguson, th e Suprem e Cour t uphel d th e constitutionalit y o f state law s mandatin g racia l separation . Home r Pless y ha d challenge d th e constitutionality o f a Louisian a statut e requirin g separat e railwa y car s fo r whites an d blacks , o n th e ground s tha t i t violate d hi s right s unde r th e T h i r t e e n t h an d Fourteent h Amendments . Pless y allege d tha t becaus e h e was seven-eighth s Caucasia n an d onl y one-eight h Negro , h e wa s entitle d to ever y right , privilege , an d immunit y tha t applie d t o whit e citizen s o f the Unite d States . Hi s clai m echoe d thos e o f earl y Ohioan s claimin g a proportion o f whitenes s entitlin g the m t o al l consequen t privileges. 110 T h e Cour t rejecte d bot h constitutiona l challenges . Justic e Henr y B . Brown wrote , i n word s fille d wit h disdain , tha t th e T h i r t e e n t h Amend m e n t prohibite d onl y slaver y an d involuntar y servitude : A statute whic h implie s merel y a lega l distinctio n betwee n th e whit e an d colored races— a distinctio n whic h i s founded i n th e colo r of the tw o races, and whic h mus t alway s exis t s o lon g a s whit e me n ar e distinguishe d fro m the othe r rac e b y color—ha s n o tendenc y t o destro y th e lega l equalit y o f the tw o races, or re-establish a state o f involuntary servitude. 111 As fo r th e Fourteent h A m e n d m e n t challenge , Brow n concluded , not ing a s evidenc e o f hi s separat e bu t equa l philosoph y th e existenc e o f separate school s fo r black s an d white s i n th e Distric t o f Columbi a an d i n various states , a s wel l a s stat e law s forbiddin g interracia l marriage : The objec t o f th e amendmen t wa s undoubtedl y t o enforc e th e absolut e equality o f the tw o races before th e law , but i n the natur e o f things i t coul d not hav e bee n intende d t o abolis h distinction s base d upo n color , o r t o enforce social , a s distinguished fro m political , equalit y o r a commingling o f the tw o races upon term s unsatisfactor y t o either. 112 Notice als o ho w Justic e Brow n echoe d th e view s o f Tane y an d other s when h e concede d Plessy' s clai m tha t one' s reputatio n o f belongin g t o the whit e rac e i s a kin d o f property : Conceding thi s t o b e s o .. . we ar e unabl e t o se e ho w thi s statut e deprive s [Plessy] of , o r i n an y wa y affect s hi s righ t t o suc h property . If he be a white man and assigned to a colored coach, he may have his action for damages against

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private individuals . Nearl y a centur y elapse d befor e thos e law s wer e reenacted. SEPARATE AND UNEQUA L As ba d a s thes e development s were , wors e wa s ye t t o come . I n 189 6 i n Plessy v. Ferguson, th e Suprem e Cour t uphel d th e constitutionalit y o f state law s mandatin g racia l separation . Home r Pless y ha d challenge d th e constitutionality o f a Louisian a statut e requirin g separat e railwa y car s fo r whites an d blacks , o n th e ground s tha t i t violate d hi s right s unde r th e T h i r t e e n t h an d Fourteent h Amendments . Pless y allege d tha t becaus e h e was seven-eighth s Caucasia n an d onl y one-eight h Negro , h e wa s entitle d to ever y right , privilege , an d immunit y tha t applie d t o whit e citizen s o f the Unite d States . Hi s clai m echoe d thos e o f earl y Ohioan s claimin g a proportion o f whitenes s entitlin g the m t o al l consequen t privileges. 110 T h e Cour t rejecte d bot h constitutiona l challenges . Justic e Henr y B . Brown wrote , i n word s fille d wit h disdain , tha t th e T h i r t e e n t h Amend m e n t prohibite d onl y slaver y an d involuntar y servitude : A statute whic h implie s merel y a lega l distinctio n betwee n th e whit e an d colored races— a distinctio n whic h i s founded i n th e colo r of the tw o races, and whic h mus t alway s exis t s o lon g a s whit e me n ar e distinguishe d fro m the othe r rac e b y color—ha s n o tendenc y t o destro y th e lega l equalit y o f the tw o races, or re-establish a state o f involuntary servitude. 111 As fo r th e Fourteent h A m e n d m e n t challenge , Brow n concluded , not ing a s evidenc e o f hi s separat e bu t equa l philosoph y th e existenc e o f separate school s fo r black s an d white s i n th e Distric t o f Columbi a an d i n various states , a s wel l a s stat e law s forbiddin g interracia l marriage : The objec t o f th e amendmen t wa s undoubtedl y t o enforc e th e absolut e equality o f the tw o races before th e law , but i n the natur e o f things i t coul d not hav e bee n intende d t o abolis h distinction s base d upo n color , o r t o enforce social , a s distinguished fro m political , equalit y o r a commingling o f the tw o races upon term s unsatisfactor y t o either. 112 Notice als o ho w Justic e Brow n echoe d th e view s o f Tane y an d other s when h e concede d Plessy' s clai m tha t one' s reputatio n o f belongin g t o the whit e rac e i s a kin d o f property : Conceding thi s t o b e s o .. . we ar e unabl e t o se e ho w thi s statut e deprive s [Plessy] of , o r i n an y wa y affect s hi s righ t t o suc h property . If he be a white man and assigned to a colored coach, he may have his action for damages against

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the company. . . . Upon the other hand, if he be a colored man and be so assigned, he has been deprived of no property, since he is not lawfully entitled to the reputation of being a white man. * 13 Justice Joh n Marshal l Harla n wa s th e lon e dissente r i n Plessy, arguin g that th e Thirteent h A m e n d m e n t no t onl y struc k dow n slaver y bu t als o prohibited an y burde n o r disabilit y tha t constitute d a badg e o f slaver y o r servitude. H e contende d tha t whe n joine d wit h th e Fourteent h Amend ment's protectio n o f citizenship , "th e tw o amendments , i f enforce d ac cording t o thei r tru e inten t an d meaning , wil l protec t al l th e civi l right s that pertai n t o freedo m an d citizenship. " 11 4 Although th e languag e o f th e Fourteent h A m e n d m e n t wa s prohibitory , Harlan believe d i t als o containe d a necessar y implicatio n o f a positiv e immunity , o r right , mos t valuabl e t o the colore d race—th e righ t t o exemptio n fro m unfriendl y legislatio n against the m distinctivel y a s colored—exemption s fro m lega l discrimina tions, implyin g inferiorit y i n civi l society , lessenin g th e securit y o f thei r enjoyment o f th e right s whic h other s enjoy , an d discrimination s whic h ar e steps towar d reducin g the m t o th e conditio n o f a subjec t rac e . . . 115 the Constitution o f the Unite d States , in its present form , forbids , s o far a s civil and politica l right s ar e co^erned , discriminatio n b y th e genera l govern ment o r th e state s agains t an y citize n becaus e o f hi s race . Al l citizen s ar e equal befor e th e law . . .. 11 6 The sur e guarant y o f th e peac e an d securit y o f eac h rac e i s th e clear , distinct, unconditiona l recognitio n b y ou r governments , nationa l an d state , of ever y righ t tha t inhere s i n civi l freedom , an d o f th e equalit y befor e th e law of all citizens o f the Unite d State s without regar d t o race. 117 What di d Harla n mea n b y hi s dissen t i n Plessy? What wa s th e contex t fo r his insistenc e tha t th e America n Constitutio n i s colo r blind ? Harlan' s primary concer n i n Plessy wa s undoin g blac k caste . H e understoo d th e implicit messag e behin d segregatio n statutes : tha t black s ar e inferior , unfit t o associat e wit h whites . Harla n di d no t pronounc e hi s colo r blind ness principl e i n a n equa l societ y but , rather , i n on e i n whic h rac e wa s a benchmark fo r status . H e considere d th e Louisian a la w unconstitutiona l because i t implie d th e inferiorit y o f black s an d th e superiorit y o f whites . However, som e commentator s hav e mad e elaborat e argument s tha t Har lan intende d tha t th e governmen t neve r b e abl e t o us e rac e a s a criterio n in it s decisio n making , includin g whe n th e governmen t sough t t o remed y past discriminatio n o r eliminat e curren t caste. 1 1 8 Bu t thes e argument s take Harlan' s statement s ou t o f contex t an d tur n hi s colo r blindnes s

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principle o n it s head. 1 1 9 Justic e Willia m Brenna n observe d ho w Justic e Brown's opinio n i n Plessy turne d th e equa l protectio n claus e "agains t those who m i t wa s intende d t o se t free , condemnin g the m t o a 'separat e but equal ' statu s befor e th e law , a statu s alway s separat e bu t seldo m equal." 12 ° An d no w som e peopl e wan t t o recas t Harlan' s dissen t against blacks, condemnin g the m t o racia l caste . In 195 4 th e Cour t repudiate d th e Plessy opinio n i n Brown v. Board of Education.121 Plessy stil l i s important , however , fo r it s validatio n o f whit e superiority an d th e ide a tha t bein g whit e ha s a valu e aki n t o tha t o f property. Surely , thi s i s wha t Marti n Luthe r Kin g Jr . ha d i n min d whe n he expresse d hi s hop e tha t hi s fou r childre n woul d on e da y liv e i n a nation i n whic h the y wer e no t judge d b y th e colo r o f thei r ski n bu t b y the conten t o f thei r character. 122 H e understoo d tha t i n th e Unite d States , being blac k ha s no t bee n treate d a s a for m o f currenc y but , rather , a s a disqualifier. Dr . Kin g migh t als o hav e hope d tha t American s migh t on e day liv e i n a natio n i n whic h white s wer e no t selecte d b y th e colo r o f their ski n bu t b y th e conten t o f thei r character . Onl y the n ca n Americ a end it s traditio n o f whit e racia l privileg e an d rac e consciousness .

THE COLOR LIN E In 1903 , W . E . B . D u Bois , correctl y prophesyin g th e rigi d segregatio n that aros e i n th e Unite d State s afte r Plessy, wrote tha t "th e proble m o f th e twentieth centur y i s th e proble m o f th e color-line—th e relatio n o f th e darker t o th e lighte r race s o f me n i n Asi a an d Africa , i n Americ a an d the island s o f th e sea. " 12 3 Lik e thei r predecessor s fro m th e lat e eigh teenth an d throughou t th e nineteent h century , stat e an d loca l lawmaker s at th e star t o f th e twentiet h centur y continue d t o advanc e race-consciou s policies an d custom s favorin g white s an d restrictin g blacks . Unde r th e mantra o f "Ji m Crow, " segregatio n wa s require d a s neve r before : That cod e len t th e sanctio n o f la w t o a racia l ostracis m tha t extende d t o churches an d schools , to housing an d jobs, to eating an d drinking . Whethe r by law or by custom, tha t ostracis m extende d t o virtually al l forms o f publi c transportation, t o sport s an d recreations , t o hospitals , orphanages , prisons , and asylums , and ultimatel y t o funeral homes , morgues , and cemeteries. 124 In th e fac e o f suc h discrimination , blac k leadershi p fel l int o severa l ideological camps . One , le d b y Booke r T . Washington , maintaine d tha t

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principle o n it s head. 1 1 9 Justic e Willia m Brenna n observe d ho w Justic e Brown's opinio n i n Plessy turne d th e equa l protectio n claus e "agains t those who m i t wa s intende d t o se t free , condemnin g the m t o a 'separat e but equal ' statu s befor e th e law , a statu s alway s separat e bu t seldo m equal." 12 ° An d no w som e peopl e wan t t o recas t Harlan' s dissen t against blacks, condemnin g the m t o racia l caste . In 195 4 th e Cour t repudiate d th e Plessy opinio n i n Brown v. Board of Education.121 Plessy stil l i s important , however , fo r it s validatio n o f whit e superiority an d th e ide a tha t bein g whit e ha s a valu e aki n t o tha t o f property. Surely , thi s i s wha t Marti n Luthe r Kin g Jr . ha d i n min d whe n he expresse d hi s hop e tha t hi s fou r childre n woul d on e da y liv e i n a nation i n whic h the y wer e no t judge d b y th e colo r o f thei r ski n bu t b y the conten t o f thei r character. 122 H e understoo d tha t i n th e Unite d States , being blac k ha s no t bee n treate d a s a for m o f currenc y but , rather , a s a disqualifier. Dr . Kin g migh t als o hav e hope d tha t American s migh t on e day liv e i n a natio n i n whic h white s wer e no t selecte d b y th e colo r o f their ski n bu t b y th e conten t o f thei r character . Onl y the n ca n Americ a end it s traditio n o f whit e racia l privileg e an d rac e consciousness .

THE COLOR LIN E In 1903 , W . E . B . D u Bois , correctl y prophesyin g th e rigi d segregatio n that aros e i n th e Unite d State s afte r Plessy, wrote tha t "th e proble m o f th e twentieth centur y i s th e proble m o f th e color-line—th e relatio n o f th e darker t o th e lighte r race s o f me n i n Asi a an d Africa , i n Americ a an d the island s o f th e sea. " 12 3 Lik e thei r predecessor s fro m th e lat e eigh teenth an d throughou t th e nineteent h century , stat e an d loca l lawmaker s at th e star t o f th e twentiet h centur y continue d t o advanc e race-consciou s policies an d custom s favorin g white s an d restrictin g blacks . Unde r th e mantra o f "Ji m Crow, " segregatio n wa s require d a s neve r before : That cod e len t th e sanctio n o f la w t o a racia l ostracis m tha t extende d t o churches an d schools , to housing an d jobs, to eating an d drinking . Whethe r by law or by custom, tha t ostracis m extende d t o virtually al l forms o f publi c transportation, t o sport s an d recreations , t o hospitals , orphanages , prisons , and asylums , and ultimatel y t o funeral homes , morgues , and cemeteries. 124 In th e fac e o f suc h discrimination , blac k leadershi p fel l int o severa l ideological camps . One , le d b y Booke r T . Washington , maintaine d tha t

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blacks shoul d "cas t dow n thei r buckets " an d accep t th e crumb s provide d by whites fo r their industria l trainin g and suppor t a t places lik e Tuskege e Institute. Washingto n believe d black s shoul d no t insis t o n politica l an d social equality : "I n al l thing s tha t ar e purel y socia l w e ca n b e a s separat e as th e fiv e fingers, ye t on e a s th e han d i n al l thing s essentia l t o mutua l progress." 125 T o hi s credit , Washingto n understoo d a centur y ag o wha t some blac k leader s toda y fai l t o teach , tha t th e pligh t o f Africa n Ameri cans i s linke d t o thei r relationshi p t o whites . Bu t Washington' s Atlant a Compromise, thoug h appealin g t o man y whites , produce d oppositio n among othe r blac k intellectuals . Foremos t amon g thi s grou p wa s D u Bois, wh o castigate d Washingto n fo r acceptin g th e separat e bu t equa l philosophy o f Plessy and compromisin g o n demandin g equa l politica l rights, includin g suffrage . D u Bois' s The Souls of Black Folk spelle d ou t why Washington' s philosoph y wa s harmfu l t o th e masse s o f blacks , rele gating them t o civil inferiority . Conditions remaine d s o poor fo r black s earl y i n th e twentiet h centur y that Marcu s Garve y an d hi s Universa l Negr o Improvemen t Associatio n (UNIA) gaine d wid e popularity , promotin g blac k prid e an d self-determi nation. Lon g befor e Stokel y Carmichae l an d other s proclaime d "Blac k Power" i n th e 1960s , Garvey, a Jamaican b y birth , insiste d tha t blacknes s was a symbo l o f beaut y an d strengt h an d tha t African s ha d a nobl e pas t of which black s i n Americ a shoul d b e proud . H e tappe d thei r feeling s o f oppression an d exhorte d black s tha t thei r onl y hop e wa s t o flee Americ a and buil d thei r ow n countr y i n Africa . Hundred s o f thousand s o f Africa n Americans haile d Garve y a s a hero an d thei r leader , bu t i n th e end , ver y few signe d u p t o leav e th e Unite d States . Indeed , ther e i s n o evidenc e that a t an y tim e sinc e Emancipation , masse s o f Africa n American s hav e abandoned America . Wh y woul d the y leav e thei r country , whic h the y helped build ? Garvey's meteori c ris e di d no t preced e withou t criticis m fro m othe r black leaders , wh o though t hi s relocatio n schem e wa s wrongheade d an d shortsighted an d wh o viewe d hi m a s a pompou s self-promoter . Ye t hi s broad appea l show s ho w som e reac t t o a charismati c messenge r wh o stands u p t o whit e domination . Indeed , thi s sam e phenomeno n may explain th e popularit y amon g som e black s o f Loui s Farrakhan , despit e his virulen t anti-Semitism . Man y whit e American s fai l t o not e th e lif e conditions tha t lea d t o call s fo r blac k nationalism . Instead , the y focu s o n the messenger s rathe r tha n th e American s wit h darke r ski n wh o simpl y

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want ful l citizenship . Unti l white s throughou t Americ a eliminat e racia l caste, Farrakha n o r other s wil l attrac t sympatheti c audiences . Eve n i f many Africa n American s find hi s anti-Semitis m repulsiv e an d indefensi ble, the y stil l agre e with hi m tha t whit e supremac y i s a disease. Whites rarel y ar e awar e o f th e exten t o f th e colo r lin e i n twentieth century i n Americ a o r wha t i t too k fro m overworke d an d underpai d lawyers t o en d " J i m Crow " laws . On e o f them , Justic e Thurgoo d Mar shall, wa s bor n int o America' s racia l cast e i n Jul y 190 8 i n Baltimore , Maryland, approximatel y on e yea r befor e a group o f blacks , whites , an d Jews founde d th e Nationa l Associatio n fo r th e Advancemen t o f Colore d People (NAACP). 126 A s a lawyer , jurist , an d publi c servant , Marshal l helped lea d th e attac k o n America's syste m o f apartheid. Bu t hi s lif e als o demonstrated ho w racia l discriminatio n foreclose d opportunitie s t o al l blacks, regardless o f class. Marshall's great-grandfathe r wa s brought t o this countr y a s a slave, and his grandfather , a fre e perso n o f color , wa s a soldie r i n th e Unio n Army . Marshall's fathe r wa s a Pullman porte r an d the n a steward a t an exclusiv e all-white yach t club ; hi s mothe r wa s a n elementar y schoo l teacher . H e described hi s childhood a s comfortable bu t limite d b y a rigid colo r line. 127 Like Marshall , man y black s i n thi s countr y ca n loo k bac k fou r o r five generations an d find a slave relative. Moreover, man y blacks hav e parent s or grandparent s whos e employmen t choice s wer e limite d t o teacher , domestic, porter, agricultura l worker , an d th e like . For Marshal l an d million s o f othe r blacks , post-P/essy America wa s a cruel paradox : despit e th e nation' s writte n principle s o f fairness, equality , and du e process , the realit y o f white racia l privileg e continue d t o prevail . Equal opportunit y wa s a myth. Instead , black s lik e Marshal l cam e o f ag e in the face o f political and economi c discrimination , includin g grandfathe r clauses; poll taxes ; discriminator y educationa l o r propert y qualifications ; literacy tests ; all-whit e primaries , juries , schools , an d occupations ; segre gated publi c accommodations ; an d raciall y restrictiv e residentia l cove nants, al l supporte d legall y b y loca l rul e o r extralegall y b y rac e riots , intimidation, o r lynchings. Marshall's publi c educatio n too k plac e i n one-rac e schools ; becaus e o f his color , h e wa s presume d unfi t t o atten d school s wit h whit e childre n in Baltimore . Littl e four-year-ol d Sara h Robert s ha d suffere d thi s sam e humiliation i n Bosto n i n 1850, 128 a s woul d Lind a Brow n on e hundre d years late r i n Topeka. 129 Bot h childre n wer e force d t o g o t o inferior ,

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overcrowded, an d underfunde d schools , eve n thoug h bot h live d withi n walking distanc e o f les s crowded , better-funde d whit e schools . Th e tw o girls' character an d economi c statu s were irrelevan t t o their exclusion . Marshall graduate d wit h honor s i n 193 0 fro m Lincol n University , a prestigious all-male , all-blac k colleg e nea r Chester , Pennsylvania . I n th e fall o f that year , h e wa s denie d admissio n t o the Universit y o f Maryland' s law school , hi s firs t choice , solel y becaus e o f hi s race : Marylan d di d no t admit an y blacks. Numerous black s who had an y hope o f going to colleg e had t o go to historically blac k college s o r not go. Today, thos e sam e blac k colleges ar e under attac k a s separatist, a mischaracterization possibl e onl y when critic s ignor e th e historica l exclusio n o f al l black s fro m man y state supported school s fo r whites only . With th e doo r close d a t Maryland , Marshal l attende d th e Howar d University Schoo l o f Law , wher e h e graduate d firs t i n hi s clas s i n 1933 . After graduating , h e joine d th e Marylan d Ba r Associatio n an d opene d a small la w office i n Baltimore . H e becam e a counsel fo r th e loca l NAAC P in 1934 , and i n tha t capacit y h e an d hi s mentor , Charle s Hamilto n Hous ton, a distinguishe d lawye r an d educato r wh o directe d th e NAACP' s earliest attack s o n Ji m Cro w laws , convince d a Maryland appellat e cour t that th e Universit y o f Maryland' s exclusio n o f Donal d Murra y fro m it s law school was unconstitutional. 130 In 1936 , Houston recruite d Marshal l t o join th e NAACP' s lega l staf f i n New York . Two year s late r Marshal l succeede d hi m a s chief counsel . Fo r a quarte r century , betwee n 193 8 an d 1961 , Marshal l wa s th e principa l architect o f th e lega l strateg y t o en d official , state-sponsore d segregatio n in the Unite d States. 131 Under his leadership, the NAACP and, after 1940 , the NAAC P Lega l Defens e an d Educationa l Fun d (LDF) , th e nonprofi t agency create d b y Marshal l t o finance desegregatio n litigation , attacke d every for m o f segregatio n i n th e Unite d States . I n Smith v. Allright, 132 h e won i n a cas e concernin g th e all-whit e Democrati c primarie s i n Texa s and throughou t th e Sout h whic h effectivel y denie d black s thei r righ t t o vote b y prohibitin g the m fro m participatin g i n th e primar y tha t selecte d the Democrati c nominee . I n Shelley v. Kraemer, 133 he convince d th e Su preme Cour t that the judicial enforcement o f racially restrictive covenant s in rea l estat e transaction s tha t prevente d black s fro m livin g i n certai n communities wa s unconstitutional . H e als o wo n th e case s befor e th e Court tha t segregatio n i n interstat e transportatio n an d i n publi c graduat e and professiona l school s violate d th e Constitution. 134 Lloy d Gaines , Ad a Sipuel, and Hema n Sweat t all were aided b y Marshall and th e LD F whe n

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Missouri, Oklahoma , an d Texa s denie d the m admissio n t o universities . Marshall als o serve d a s on e o f Autherin e Lucy' s lawyer s i n he r challeng e against th e Universit y o f Alabama' s polic y o f segregation. 135 Perhaps Marshall' s greates t lega l victor y cam e i n 195 4 whe n th e U.S . Supreme Cour t agree d tha t segregate d publi c school s wer e unconstitu tional, notwithstandin g th e separate-but-equa l doctrin e o f Plessy v. Ferguson. I n Brown v. Board of Education, 136 Marshal l convince d th e Cour t tha t segregated school s wer e inherentl y unequal . H e reiterate d argument s from earlie r case s tha t i n segregate d school s neithe r th e tangible s no r th e intangibles wer e equa l an d adde d tha t i t cause d substantia l har m t o al l children, especiall y blac k children , wh o wer e thereb y stampe d wit h a badge o f inferiority . Marshal l thu s linke d state-sponsore d segregatio n with racia l cast e i n th e wa y tha t Justic e Harla n ha d don e i n hi s dissen t i n Plessy. In a unanimou s opinio n writte n b y Chie f Justic e Ear l Warren , th e Court gav e notic e tha t segregatio n i n publi c affair s woul d end : Does segregatio n o f childre n i n publi c school s solel y o n th e basi s o f race , even thoug h th e physica l facilitie s an d othe r "tangible " factor s ma y b e equal, depriv e th e childre n o f th e minorit y grou p o f equa l educationa l opportunities? W e believe tha t i t does. . . . . . . T o separat e [children ] fro m other s o f simila r ag e an d qualification s solely becaus e o f thei r rac e generate s a feelin g o f inferiorit y a s t o thei r status i n th e communit y tha t ma y affec t thei r heart s an d mind s i n a wa y unlikely eve r t o be undone. . . . . . . Separate educatio n facilitie s ar e inherentl y unequal . Therefore , w e hold tha t th e plaintiff s [hav e been ] deprive d o f the equa l protectio n o f th e laws guaranteed b y the Fourteent h Amendment. 137 Unlike th e Court , th e natio n wa s divide d ove r Brown. I n th e South , where school s wer e segregate d b y law , critic s rea d i t a s federa l exces s an d interference. Brown ha d man y critic s i n par t becaus e th e Cour t accepte d sociologica l data a s proo f o f th e har m o f segregatio n t o blac k children . T h e essenc e o f the objectio n wa s tha t th e rulin g wa s no t decide d o n neutra l principle s o f reason o r law , principle s transcendin g th e immediat e result. 138 Bu t Brown clearly state s tha t segregatio n i n publi c educatio n violate s th e equa l protection claus e o f th e Fourteent h Amendment . Conversely , th e opinio n might hav e rea d tha t whit e schoo l official s hav e n o rights , associationa l o r otherwise, t o arrang e school s i n a manner tha t denie s blac k childre n equa l educational opportunit y o r tha t place s the m i n a caste position .

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Ultimately, however , th e Brown opinio n di d no t g o fa r enoug h t o expose an d denounc e a n obviou s racia l privileg e t o white s (segregate d schools) fo r wha t i t was . B y couching it s decisio n i n term s o f racia l har m to blac k children , th e Cour t faile d t o explai n t o whit e American s tha t white supremac y wa s unconstitutional. Wa s this too much t o expect fro m an all-whit e Court ? Were member s o f the Cour t blin d t o white privilege ? The opinio n coul d hav e declare d tha t segregate d school s plac e blac k children i n a cast e position , i n muc h th e sam e wa y tha t Harla n ha d criticized th e separat e railwa y ca r statut e i n Plessy. Eve n thoug h Brown was th e mos t importan t rac e cas e decide d b y th e Cour t i n th e twentiet h century, th e Cour t misse d a n opportunit y t o openl y repudiat e whit e privilege. Its failure ha s consequently mad e i t much easie r fo r proponent s of color blindness t o misappropriate Brown, just as some did with Harlan' s dissent i n Plessy. After Brown, betwee n 195 5 and 1968 , America agai n face d a constitu tional crisis . A t it s cente r wa s racia l discrimination . Numerou s stat e an d local authorities , fro m Arkansa s t o Virginia , pronounce d Brown unconsti tutional an d pledge d t o close their school s before the y would desegregat e them. Newspaper s ran editoria l afte r editoria l deridin g th e Court' s deci sion. Whe n th e governo r an d th e legislatur e o f Arkansa s insiste d the y were no t boun d b y th e Court' s holding , th e Suprem e Cour t answere d decisively tha t it s interpretatio n o f th e Fourteent h Amendmen t wa s th e supreme la w o f th e lan d an d tha t suc h defianc e o f a constitutional deci sion wa s i n direc t conflic t wit h th e supremac y claus e o f th e Constitu tion.139 Presiden t Dwigh t D . Eisenhowe r thereupo n ordere d federa l troops t o Littl e Rock , Arkansas , t o halt interferenc e wit h schoo l desegre gation a t its Central Hig h School. 140 The civi l right s crisi s extende d beyon d th e school s t o virtuall y ever y aspect o f lif e i n America . Fo r example , 195 5 sa w th e mutilatio n an d murder o f fourteen-year-ol d Emmet t Til l i n Money , Mississippi , fo r speaking freshl y t o a whit e woman . Picture s o f Till' s grotesqu e corps e were show n throughou t th e countr y a s mor e evidenc e o f racia l vio lence.141 I n a farcica l trial , a n all-white , all-mal e jur y acquitte d Till' s killers. I n 1963 , Medga r Evers , th e NAACP' s field secretar y fo r Missis sippi, wa s sho t i n th e bac k i n fron t o f hi s hom e i n Jackson . Tw o all white jurie s deadlocke d ove r whethe r Evers' s allege d killer , Byro n d e l a Beckwith, wa s guilty , showin g ye t agai n tha t America n crimina l justic e was no t colo r blind . (I n 1995 , a mixed-rac e jur y finally convicte d d e l a Beckwith.) I n th e fal l o f 1963 , onl y week s afte r 250,00 0 American s

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marched o n Washington, demandin g a n en d t o job an d housin g discrimi nation, rac e riot s erupte d i n Birmingham , Alabama , afte r a bom b rippe d through th e Sixteent h Stree t Baptis t Church , killin g fou r youn g blac k girls.142 I n 1964 , afte r a painstaking search , federa l authoritie s foun d th e bodies o f thre e civi l right s workers , Andre w Goodman , Jame s Chaney , and Michae l Schwerner , i n Philadelphia , Mississippi. 143 Th e followin g year i n Selma , Alabama , Jimm y Le e Jackson , Violl a Liuzzo , an d Rev . James Ree b wer e kille d fo r participatin g i n votin g right s demonstration s or fo r darin g t o defen d themselve s fro m racia l violence . A s th e bod y count, black and white, increased, th e nation bega n t o take notice. Americans were anythin g bu t colo r blind . CRITIQUING COLO R BLINDNES S

Numerous other s hav e se t fort h competin g critique s o f th e colo r blind ness principle . Indeed , i n th e lat e 1960 s an d earl y 1970s , th e issu e spli t leading lega l scholars. 144 Sinc e then , eac h sid e ha s trie d t o explai n wh y color blindnes s i s o r i s no t goo d policy . Som e peopl e insis t tha t colo r blindness i s essentia l t o advancin g equality, 145 wherea s other s fin d it s opposite—color awarenes s o r rac e consciousness—mor e consisten t wit h constitutional guarantee s o f equality 146 Fo r example, Andrew Kul l argue d forcefully tha t rac e i s a n imprope r criterio n fo r classifyin g o r assignin g government benefit s o r burden s unde r th e la w an d tha t i n nearl y al l settings, th e governmen t shoul d ac t withou t referenc e t o th e rac e o f an y party. Kul l might , albei t cautiously , mak e a n exceptio n fo r blacks . On th e other side , Nei l Gotand a contende d tha t th e colo r blindnes s principl e was inconsisten t wit h th e meanin g o f equalit y i n th e Constitutio n an d that governmen t coul d us e racia l classifications whe n eradicatin g pas t an d continuing racia l caste. 147 Color blindnes s i s a confusing metaphor . Rhetorically , th e argumen t i s that i f individual s an d governmen t stoppe d usin g rac e t o disadvantag e others, th e Unite d State s coul d advanc e beyon d it s histor y o f racia l subordination. Bu t Americans hav e show n tha t the y will not sto p discrim inating unles s force d t o d o so . Others insis t tha t th e governmen t canno t achieve it s educativ e rol e o f teachin g tha t racia l discriminatio n i s wron g while simultaneousl y permittin g th e us e o f racial classification s t o benefi t a smal l racia l minority . Thi s contentio n rest s o n th e premis e tha t ever y racial classificatio n i s th e same ; tha t remedia l affirmativ e actio n i s th e same a s whites-only quotas . This i s simply wrong. 148

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marched o n Washington, demandin g a n en d t o job an d housin g discrimi nation, rac e riot s erupte d i n Birmingham , Alabama , afte r a bom b rippe d through th e Sixteent h Stree t Baptis t Church , killin g fou r youn g blac k girls.142 I n 1964 , afte r a painstaking search , federa l authoritie s foun d th e bodies o f thre e civi l right s workers , Andre w Goodman , Jame s Chaney , and Michae l Schwerner , i n Philadelphia , Mississippi. 143 Th e followin g year i n Selma , Alabama , Jimm y Le e Jackson , Violl a Liuzzo , an d Rev . James Ree b wer e kille d fo r participatin g i n votin g right s demonstration s or fo r darin g t o defen d themselve s fro m racia l violence . A s th e bod y count, black and white, increased, th e nation bega n t o take notice. Americans were anythin g bu t colo r blind . CRITIQUING COLO R BLINDNES S

Numerous other s hav e se t fort h competin g critique s o f th e colo r blind ness principle . Indeed , i n th e lat e 1960 s an d earl y 1970s , th e issu e spli t leading lega l scholars. 144 Sinc e then , eac h sid e ha s trie d t o explai n wh y color blindnes s i s o r i s no t goo d policy . Som e peopl e insis t tha t colo r blindness i s essentia l t o advancin g equality, 145 wherea s other s fin d it s opposite—color awarenes s o r rac e consciousness—mor e consisten t wit h constitutional guarantee s o f equality 146 Fo r example, Andrew Kul l argue d forcefully tha t rac e i s a n imprope r criterio n fo r classifyin g o r assignin g government benefit s o r burden s unde r th e la w an d tha t i n nearl y al l settings, th e governmen t shoul d ac t withou t referenc e t o th e rac e o f an y party. Kul l might , albei t cautiously , mak e a n exceptio n fo r blacks . On th e other side , Nei l Gotand a contende d tha t th e colo r blindnes s principl e was inconsisten t wit h th e meanin g o f equalit y i n th e Constitutio n an d that governmen t coul d us e racia l classifications whe n eradicatin g pas t an d continuing racia l caste. 147 Color blindnes s i s a confusing metaphor . Rhetorically , th e argumen t i s that i f individual s an d governmen t stoppe d usin g rac e t o disadvantag e others, th e Unite d State s coul d advanc e beyon d it s histor y o f racia l subordination. Bu t Americans hav e show n tha t the y will not sto p discrim inating unles s force d t o d o so . Others insis t tha t th e governmen t canno t achieve it s educativ e rol e o f teachin g tha t racia l discriminatio n i s wron g while simultaneousl y permittin g th e us e o f racial classification s t o benefi t a smal l racia l minority . Thi s contentio n rest s o n th e premis e tha t ever y racial classificatio n i s th e same ; tha t remedia l affirmativ e actio n i s th e same a s whites-only quotas . This i s simply wrong. 148

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American histor y doe s no t teac h tha t racia l discriminatio n i s "illegal , immoral, unconstitutional , inherentl y wrong , an d destructiv e t o a demo cratic society. " 149 America n histor y i s instea d taugh t mor e a s a tribute t o prominent whit e me n i n busines s an d governmen t tha n a s a n analysi s o f human relationships . Indeed , throughou t m y formativ e education , I learned almos t nothin g abou t racia l discriminatio n b y white s agains t blacks. The champion s o f color blindness ignor e the clearest lesson s of America's racia l history , whic h teac h tha t (1 ) sinc e it s inception , th e Unite d States ha s ha d a policy o f racia l supremac y tha t continue s t o subordinat e blacks an d othe r minoritie s whil e privilegin g whites ; (2 ) effort s b y Con gress an d late r b y th e Suprem e Cour t t o eradicat e th e polic y o f racia l supremacy hav e bee n sidetracke d b y member s o f thos e institution s an d by noncomplianc e throughou t th e nation ; (3 ) American s ar e intensel y aware o f colo r an d regularl y us e i t t o privileg e som e an d disadvantag e others; (4 ) most o f th e Suprem e Court' s landmar k rac e case s reflec t colo r awareness, not color blindness; and (5 ) the Court's application o f the colo r blindness principl e wil l exten d th e nation' s legacy o f whit e supremac y into th e nex t century . Another aspect of the confusion surroundin g the color blindness princi ple concerns it s original meaning. As I pointed ou t earlier , Justice Harlan' s dissent i n Plessy can reasonabl y b e interprete d a s prohibiting racia l subor dination an d requirin g it s affirmativ e eradication . Davi d Straus s too k a similar positio n wit h regar d t o Brown, contendin g tha t th e prohibitio n against discriminatio n establishe d i n tha t cas e wa s no t roote d i n colo r blindness bu t "is , lik e affirmativ e action , deepl y race-conscious ; lik e affirmative action , th e prohibitio n agains t discriminatio n reflect s a delib erate decisio n t o trea t black s differentl y fro m othe r groups , eve n a t th e expense o f innocen t whites. " 15° When th e Cour t banne d segregatio n i n Brown, black s cheere d triumphantly , optimisti c tha t equalit y wa s neare r than ever . Ye t no w som e argu e tha t bot h Harlan' s Plessy dissent an d Brown repudiate remedia l affirmativ e actio n rathe r tha n white supremacy . Because o f thi s confusio n an d it s damagin g effec t o n blac k racia l hopes , the colo r blindness doctrin e shoul d b e abandoned . The colo r blindnes s mode l preserve s "white " rul e i n th e Unite d States, extendin g racia l cast e fro m on e generatio n o f black s t o ye t an other 151 an d maintainin g Americ a a s a " 'white' country : i n character , i n structure, i n culture. " 152 America's Foundin g Father s gav e themselve s a n original advantag e tha t subsequen t generation s o f whites hav e inherited .

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But many whites ignor e this history, believing that white racia l hegemon y is normative . "Color-blin d constitutionalist s liv e i n a n ideologica l worl d where racia l subordinatio n i s ubiquitous ye t disregarded—unles s i t take s the for m o f individual , intended , an d irrationa l prejudice. " 153 Th e colo r blindness doctrin e toda y enshrine s th e ver y racia l subordinatio n tha t Justice Harla n insiste d wa s unconstitutional . Given ho w rac e operate s i n th e Unite d States , color blindnes s rhetori c seems pretentiou s an d counterintuitive . American s ar e traine d through out lif e t o thin k i n term s o f racia l categories , t o believ e tha t thos e categories ar e natural , pure , an d immutable . Conside r tha t governmen t statistics an d record s regardin g an y significan t fact—education , income , accumulated wealth , birth , marriage , voting , typ e o f employment , crime , unemployment, o r disease—ar e ofte n organize d an d reporte d b y racia l groupings. Oddl y enough , despit e al l this racia l trainin g an d information , Americans toda y ar e no t suppose d t o ac t o n th e basi s o f race . Thus, the y learn t o choos e carefull y th e rac e o f thei r lif e partner s an d neighbors . Americans lear n tha t peopl e wh o challeng e racia l line s frequentl y suffe r reprisals, suc h a s los s o f employment , socia l ostracism , o r anonymou s threats o f intimidation, suc h a s the burnin g o f black churches. 154 In th e Unite d States , almos t anyon e ca n se e tha t ther e stil l ar e blac k neighborhoods, schools , parks , swimmin g pools , restaurants , churches , social clubs , funera l homes , an d eve n cemeteries . An d usuall y no t ver y far away , bu t beyon d th e economi c o r politica l reac h o f mos t blacks , are whit e neighborhoods , schools , parks , swimmin g pools , restaurants , churches, socia l clubs , funera l homes , an d cemeteries . Ho w ca n peopl e living an d thinkin g i n suc h a world appl y a color blindnes s mode l whe n they hav e bee n traine d t o thin k an d liv e i n thos e ver y terms ? The y cannot. Color blindnes s i s counterintuitiv e i n othe r ways . American s no t onl y recognize rac e an d divid e b y race ; the y als o assig n mora l wort h an d culpability o n tha t basis . Ther e i s a generall y unstate d assumptio n tha t black peopl e ar e poo r an d unlettere d becaus e the y lac k th e capacit y an d ambition o f whites, that "they " hav e what "they " deserve . This argumen t was recently use d i n books by Shelby Steele, Thomas Sowell , and Dines h D'Souza. Eac h contend s tha t black s mak e excessiv e claim s t o victimiza tion an d hav e no t learne d a n ethi c o f individua l responsibility. 155 Th e corollary assumptio n als o i s obvious , ye t unstated : whit e peopl e ar e no t poor an d ar e lettere d becaus e the y ar e mor e capabl e an d hav e mor e ambition an d bette r value s tha n black s do ; thus "they " hav e wha t "they "

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deserve. It i s no wonder tha t when possible , som e minoritie s prefe r t o b e classified o r to pass as white. 156 In th e Unite d States , bein g classifie d a s whit e ha s a distinc t value . Whites continu e t o ear n highe r wage s tha n black s d o fo r comparabl e work, an d lif e expectanc y fo r black s remain s lowe r tha n fo r whites , b y several years. Also, whites ca n obtai n commercia l loans on more favorabl e terms tha n black s can , an d the y ca n obtai n housin g wit h fewe r obstacle s than black s can . Thes e racia l realitie s wer e presente d t o million s o f Americans i n the fal l o f 199 1 when th e staf f o f ABC television' s Primetime Live wen t undercove r i n St . Louis , Missouri . Th e new s agenc y followe d two twenty-eight-year-ol d men , on e blac k an d th e othe r white , i n searc h of employment , housing , a new car , and service s a t loca l stores . Jobs tha t had bee n filled whe n th e blac k applican t inquire d wer e stil l availabl e when th e whit e applican t arrive d te n minute s later . Th e apartmen t tha t was availabl e fo r leas e t o th e whit e applican t wa s no t availabl e a fe w minutes late r t o th e blac k applicant . Th e whit e applican t wa s give n better term s fo r a ca r loa n an d immediatel y obtaine d servic e a t loca l stores. Whe n th e tw o me n wer e locke d ou t o f thei r car s fort y fee t apart , several white s assiste d th e whit e person , bu t non e o f the m helpe d th e black man. 157 Colo r blindnes s mask s racia l privileges . The St . Loui s experimen t reveal s tha t i t stil l i s a privilege t o be whit e in th e Unite d States . A significan t sourc e o f thi s racia l privileg e i s th e racial affinit y o r sympathy tha t white s sho w to other whites, in contrast t o the racia l indifference , o r ofte n hostility , tha t man y white s sho w t o blacks.158 Th e doctrin e o f colo r blindnes s ignore s th e role s o f racia l affinity an d indifferenc e i n routine decisio n making . Moreover, colo r blindnes s i s counterintuitiv e becaus e th e label s black and white have symbolis m beyon d color . When w e encounte r member s o f a race , we als o mee t a complex se t o f commo n racia l generalization s an d experiences. W e eve n assig n point s o f vie w base d o n racia l generaliza tions. Therefore , colo r blindnes s discount s th e significanc e o f racia l gen eralizations i n the Unite d States. 159 Color blindnes s als o presuppose s Americans ' equa l statu s b y race , even thoug h black s an d white s hav e never ha d equa l statu s i n the Unite d States. The Declaratio n o f Independenc e ma y hav e proclaime d equalit y among men , bu t thi s declaratio n wa s limite d t o a rulin g clas s o f whit e men. Moreover , ou r Constitutio n di d no t contai n a n explici t provisio n regarding equalit y unti l th e Fourteent h Amendmen t wa s passed , almos t a centur y later , i n 1868 . Bu t afte r mor e tha n a doze n decades , w e ar e

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still debatin g wha t tha t provisio n o f equalit y mean s i n relatio n t o racia l subordination. I f racial equality i s to have an y rational meaning , it s natur e and scop e mus t encompas s th e comparativ e statu s o f black s an d whites . Therefore, th e colo r blindnes s mode l prematurel y foreclose s a full expli cation o f the principl e o f racial equality. 160 The colo r blindnes s doctrine—viscerall y appealin g a s i t i s t o man y whites—essentially restate s th e doctrin e o f separate bu t equal . I t ignore s the realit y tha t America remain s a divided an d unequa l nation , tha t racia l enmity i s agai n o n th e rise , an d tha t white s continu e t o hol d economi c and politica l advantages , i n larg e par t b y virtu e o f thei r historica l contro l over blacks. 161 W e mus t neve r forge t tha t th e Plessy Cour t gav e u s bot h the separate-but-equa l doctrin e an d th e colo r blindnes s doctrine . Th e former, however , wa s articulate d b y th e majorit y i n defens e o f whit e supremacy, an d th e latte r appeare d i n th e dissent . Nonetheless , som e people continu e t o insis t tha t th e colo r blindnes s principl e mean s tha t remedial affirmativ e actio n policie s designe d t o eliminat e racia l cast e ar e constitutionally equivalen t t o those tha t promote d racia l supremacy . This i s no t wha t Justic e Harla n intended , an d i t i s a n interpretatio n that i s perverse , ahistorical , an d unjust—an d shoul d b e abandone d fo r the frau d tha t i t is.

PART THRE E

THE CONSTITUTIONALITY O F REMEDIA L AFFIRMATIVE ACTIO N

l l l o w tha t I hav e explained , usin g bot h persona l an d historica l reasons , why remedia l affirmativ e actio n i s effective an d justifiabl e an d wh y colo r blindness wil l exten d whit e privileg e int o th e nex t century , I wan t t o show wh y remedia l affirmativ e actio n doe s no t violat e people' s constitu tional rights . Th e Suprem e Cour t ha s claime d o n numerou s occasion s that th e Constitutio n prohibit s invidiou s racia l discrimination , tha t is , policies intentionall y designe d t o discriminat e an d enacte d becaus e o f their discriminator y effects . The Cour t ha s distinguishe d betwee n governmenta l policie s tha t pro mote racia l supremac y an d thos e tha t res t o n a remedial purpose , suc h a s eliminating racial (or gender) caste. Thus, whereas th e Cour t struc k dow n school segregation , i t uphel d a schoo l boar d polic y t o requir e school s t o provide remedia l readin g and t o use race as a factor i n faculty an d studen t assignments.1 Sinc e th e remedia l contex t o f moder n affirmativ e actio n has mad e a difference i n the Court' s analysis , I shall begi n there . THE ORIGINS O F REMEDIAL AFFIRMATIV E ACTIO N

Modern remedia l affirmativ e actio n bega n i n respons e t o widesprea d racial discriminatio n i n employment. 2 I n th e 1930 s an d 1940s , whe n m y 115

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mother D e e wa s a child , ther e wer e whit e job s an d blac k jobs , jus t a s there wer e whit e schools , churches , an d communitie s an d blac k schools , churches, an d communities . Blac k jo b classification s i n th e Sout h were , by lon g tradition , principall y i n agricultur e an d domesti c service , wit h a few black s workin g a s minister s o r teacher s a t blac k churche s an d blac k schools. I n thos e days , meri t wa s no t th e basi s fo r employment . N o matte r how wel l educate d o r accomplishe d a blac k worke r was , h e o r sh e coul d not obtai n a job explicitl y reserve d fo r whites , mostl y men . Black s worke d as railroa d fireme n an d brakeme n befor e th e adven t o f stea m engines , i n coal an d iro n or e mines , i n lumbe r an d stee l plants , an d i n constructio n jobs. T h e n , a s mor e white s joine d unions , the y evicte d blac k worker s from variou s occupations . W h e n black s migrate d nort h an d west , awa y fro m th e lega l colo r lin e of th e South , the y encountere d a n equall y inflexibl e custo m restrictin g them t o a onl y fe w blac k jo b classifications . I n larg e urba n center s lik e Philadelphia, Chicago , Washington , D.C. , an d Lo s Angeles , wit h growin g black an d minorit y populations , man y trade s an d craft s wer e ope n onl y t o whites, i n accordanc e wit h unio n polic y o r loca l custom . T h e typica l union membershi p statemen t wa s simila r t o th e followin g fro m th e Orde r of Sleepin g Ca r Conductors : " T h e applican t fo r membershi p shal l b e a white male , sobe r an d industrious , an d mus t joi n o f hi s ow n fre e will." 3 I n numerous industries , union s coverin g shipbuilding , machinists , maritime , construction, transit , an d truckin g exclude d black s fro m membershi p o r relegated the m t o th e hardest , dirtiest , mos t dangerous , lowest-payin g work. W h e n black s challenge d whites-onl y practice s t o compe l occupationa l desegregation, the y me t wit h vehemen t opposition . Fo r example , i n 194 4 the "Cit y o f Brotherl y Love, " Philadelphia , narrowl y avoide d a rac e wa r when whit e transi t worker s struc k t o protes t th e desegregatio n o f jo b classifications an d th e promotio n o f black s i n th e Philadelphi a Transporta tion Compan y (PTC). 4 Som e white s claime d t h e n — a s man y d o n o w — that black s wer e unfairl y takin g thei r jobs . Unio n leader s poste d handbill s that read : Your Son s an d Buddie s tha t ar e awa y Fightin g fo r th e Country , ar e bein g stabbed i n th e bac k o n th e Hom e Fron t b y Th e Nationa l Associatio n For th e Advancemen t o f Negroes , an d th e [Fai r Employmen t Practic e Committee,] whic h i s a 100 % Negr o Lobby. . . . Durin g th e las t Wa r th e Prohibitionists Raide d th e Countr y Whil e Th e Boy s wer e awa y fightin g and Durin g thi s War The Negroe s ar e Raidin g the countr y while th e Whit e

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Mens [sic] back s are turned. Th e Negroe s i n thi s War are Reapin g A War Loot Harvest. The Negroes are taking Every Advantage to Gain Control of All the Jobs and Everythin g Els e tha t belong s t o the White People, while they ar e away fighting.. . . The RT.C . trolley Me n ar e the Lates t Victim s of these Active Negro Lobbies.5 The handbil l implie s tha t black s wer e no t fightin g an d dyin g i n th e wa r and tha t certai n job s belonge d t o whites , plai n an d simple . I n fact , o f course, man y blac k me n wen t t o wa r fo r thi s countr y an d die d o n th e battlefield. Other s cam e hom e onl y t o fin d tha t littl e ha d change d fo r them i n America , tha t employmen t remaine d colorized . A crisi s wa s averted i n Philadelphi a onl y whe n Presiden t Frankli n D . Roosevel t or dered th e seizur e o f th e compan y an d calle d o n Nationa l Guardsme n t o restore order . In Philadelphi a an d elsewhere , transi t companie s ha d designate d cer tain jobs , includin g tha t o f bu s drive r an d th e conducto r an d motorma n on streetcars , a s "whit e men' s jobs. " Blacks , o n th e othe r hand , coul d work as car cleaners o r porters. There wa s no system o f merit. No black — no matte r ho w capable—coul d wor k a s a conducto r o r bu s driver . Bu t such policie s wer e o n a collisio n cours e wit h a n increasingl y impatien t public an d a federal governmen t tha t could no t reconcil e whites-only jobs with th e rhetori c o f equalit y tha t wa s a t th e cente r o f th e America n war effort . Indeed , America' s aparthei d mad e i t vulnerabl e t o criticis m comparable t o tha t o f Naz i Germany. 6 Ho w coul d Americ a condem n Hitler when it s own backyar d wa s s o rife wit h racia l supremacy ? One ca n trac e contemporar y remedia l affirmativ e actio n policie s fro m early references i n th e Ne w Dea l legislatio n o f the 1930s , through effort s to eliminat e racia l discriminatio n i n th e wa r industries , t o th e executiv e orders an d civi l right s act s o f th e 1960s. 7 Som e o f th e Ne w Dea l legisla tion explicitl y provide d tha t "i n employin g citizen s . . . n o discriminatio n shall b e made o n account o f race, color, or creed." 8 This mean t tha t whit e men coul d no t continue t o discriminate agains t peopl e o f color. In 1941 , when Presiden t Roosevel t wa s threatene d b y A . Phillip Ran dolph, hea d o f th e Brotherhoo d o f Sleepin g Ca r Porters , wit h a nationa l march o n Washington t o protest employmen t discrimination , h e declared , in Executiv e Orde r 8802 , tha t i t wa s "th e polic y o f th e U.S . tha t ther e shall b e n o discriminatio n i n employmen t . . . becaus e o f race , creed , color or national origin. " 9 Roosevelt' s orde r require d employer s an d labo r organizations t o provid e fo r th e ful l an d equitabl e participatio n o f al l workers i n th e defens e industry—withou t discrimination. 10 I t wa s no t a

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declaration tha t American s wer e colo r blind ; i t wa s exactl y th e opposite : a mandat e t o en d employmen t quota s fo r whit e me n throughou t th e defense industries . This antidiscriminatio n claus e was widely disregarde d durin g th e Tru man an d Eisenhowe r presidencies . I n 1960 , Vic e Presiden t Richar d M . Nixon reporte d t o Presiden t Eisenhowe r tha t over t discriminatio n wa s not a s prevalen t a s believe d bu t tha t employer s wer e no t greatl y inter ested i n establishin g a positiv e polic y o f nondiscriminatio n tha t kep t qualified minorit y an d femal e applicant s fro m bein g hire d an d promote d on th e basi s of equality. 11 The Nixo n repor t influence d th e scop e of President John F . Kennedy's Executive Orde r 10,925 , whic h no t onl y outlawe d over t discriminatio n but als o require d tha t contractor s pledg e t o tak e affirmativ e actio n t o ensure tha t applicant s woul d b e employe d an d treate d withou t regar d t o race, color, religion, or national origin . This orde r also gave the President' s Committee o n Equa l Employmen t Opportunit y th e powe r t o adop t ap propriate rule s an d regulation s t o achieve it s goals. 12 Michael Sover n compare d th e wor k o f th e Kenned y an d Eisenhowe r administrations an d foun d tha t Kennedy' s committe e wa s fa r mor e effec tive i n investigatin g an d resolvin g discriminatio n complaints. 13 On e suc h complaint i s illustrative : Th e NAAC P charge d tha t a federal agenc y ha d made a mocker y o f Executiv e Orde r 10,92 5 b y awardin g th e Lockhee d Aircraft Corporatio n a $1 billion je t plan e contrac t despit e it s discrimina tory employmen t practices . According t o the complaint , Lockhee d wa s t o manufacture th e plane s a t it s Marietta , Georgia , plant , whos e discrimina tory condition s include d th e limitatio n o f black s t o unskille d o r semi skilled jobs , wit h th e blanke t exclusio n o f black s fro m th e company' s apprenticeship program ; segregate d cafeterias , drinkin g fountains , an d restrooms; an d a segregated union . Withi n seve n week s o f the complaint , the presiden t o f Lockhee d signe d a statemen t promisin g far-reachin g reforms regardin g th e recruitment , employment , an d trainin g o f qualifie d minority candidates . Following th e NAACP' s succes s wit h thi s complaint , a "Plan s fo r Progress" campaig n emerged , wit h federa l contractor s committin g thei r companies t o antidiscrimination , includin g th e affirmativ e recruitmen t of minoritie s fo r employment , training , an d promotion . Mobi l Oil , i n Beaumont, Texas , agree d t o eliminat e it s separat e seniorit y line s fo r blacks an d white s an d it s separat e facilities . Avc o Corporation , i n Rich mond, Indiana , abandone d it s polic y o f no t hirin g blacks . Nationa l Ani -

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line, i n Chesterfield , Virginia , agree d t o implemen t a progra m o f equa l opportunity an d t o desegregat e it s plants . Fo r thos e companie s suc h a s Comet Ric e Mills, in Arkansas, Louisiana, an d Texas, and Danl y Machin e Specialties, i n Cicero , Illinois , tha t di d no t hir e black s o r limited the m t o low-wage, unskille d jobs , th e committe e declare d tha t the y coul d no t obtain ne w governmen t contract s unti l the y submitte d t o th e committe e full report s o n thei r employmen t practices . Withi n tw o t o fou r week s o f the ban , bot h companies , fearin g th e los s of lucrative contracts , move d t o correct thei r practices. 14 In addition , Congress' s enactmen t o f title s II , VI , an d VI I o f th e 1964 Civil Right s Act—legislatio n designe d t o prohibit discriminatio n i n public accommodation s an d rac e an d gende r discriminatio n b y privat e employers an d agencie s o r educational institution s receivin g federal mon ies—enhanced th e strengt h o f prior antidiscrimination policie s and reme dial affirmativ e actio n directives. 15 Sectio n 706(g ) o f titl e VI I gav e court s the authorit y t o enjoi n unlawfu l employmen t practice s (rac e an d gende r discrimination) an d t o orde r suc h affirmativ e actio n a s migh t b e appro priate. It also created th e Equa l Employmen t Opportunit y Commission. 16 In 1965 , President Lyndo n B . Johnson issue d additiona l orders , includ ing Executiv e Orde r 11,246 , which wa s th e mos t comprehensiv e an d ha s come unde r th e greates t attack : It is the policy of the United States to provide equal opportunity in Federal employment for all qualified persons , to prohibit discrimination i n employment becaus e o f race , creed , color , o r nationa l origin , an d t o promot e the ful l realizatio n o f equa l employmen t opportunit y throug h a positive, continuing program in each executive department and agency. 17 This orde r talks about the realization o f equal opportunit y fo r all qualifie d persons, bu t despit e claim s t o th e contrary , non e o f it s provision s man dates th e hirin g o f unqualifie d employees . Rather , i t restructure s federa l affirmative actio n la w fro m bein g voluntar y (unde r Executiv e Orde r 10,925) to being obligatory . Section 20 1 o f th e orde r give s authorit y t o th e secretar y o f labo r t o administer it s provision s regardin g nondiscrimination , an d sectio n 20 9 gives th e secretar y a choice o f sanction s fo r noncompliers , includin g th e power t o cance l o r terminat e contracts . Sectio n 20 2 contain s th e provis ions require d i n eac h contractor' s agreement , includin g a statemen t tha t "the contracto r wil l tak e affirmativ e actio n t o ensur e tha t applicant s ar e employed, an d employees ar e treated durin g employment, withou t regar d

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to thei r race , creed , color , o r nationa l origin. " Sectio n 20 3 require s eac h contractor t o fil e complianc e report s containin g dat a o n th e contractor' s employment statistics , policies , practices , an d program s tha t th e labo r secretary may prescribe. 18 During Presiden t Nixon' s firs t term , whe n federa l agencie s trie d t o enforce affirmativ e actio n regulations , requirin g contractor s t o establis h hiring goal s an d timetable s fo r th e employmen t o f minorit y worker s an d evidence o f good-fait h effort s t o achiev e thes e goals , th e policie s wer e challenged a s illega l quotas. 19 Typica l o f suc h challenge s wa s th e 197 1 attack o n th e Philadelphi a Plan , promulgate d unde r th e authorit y o f Executive Orde r 11,246 , which require d bidder s o n an y federa l o r feder ally assiste d constructio n contract s fo r project s i n th e five-count y are a around Philadelphi a t o submi t a n acceptabl e affirmativ e actio n plan , including specifi c goal s fo r th e inclusio n o f minorit y manpowe r i n si x skilled crafts : ironworkers , plumber s an d pip e fitters , steamfitters , shee t metal workers , electrical workers , and elevato r constructio n workers . Th e plan als o require d bidder s t o mak e good-fait h effort s t o mee t targete d minority hirin g goal s withi n timetable s establishe d b y Assistan t Labo r Secretary Arthu r Fletcher , who , b y th e way , remain s a proponen t o f remedial affirmativ e action. 20 The pla n wa s illegal , insiste d th e plaintiffs , becaus e i t was beyond th e scope o f executiv e powe r unde r th e Constitutio n an d wa s inconsisten t with title s V I an d VII , amon g othe r laws . Th e federa l circui t cour t rejected al l th e plaintiffs ' constitutiona l an d statutor y challenges, 21 mak ing it clear that it viewed th e Philadelphia Pla n as race conscious: "Indee d the onl y meanin g whic h ca n b e attribute d t o th e affirmativ e actio n lan guage which sinc e March o f 196 1 has been include d i n successive Execu tive Order s i s tha t Governmen t contractor s mus t b e color-conscious." 22 That is , i n 1971 , thi s cour t di d no t thin k tha t color-consciou s remedia l affirmative actio n wa s illegal . Quit e th e contrary , th e cour t believe d tha t Congress an d th e presiden t intende d tha t employer s workin g unde r fed eral o r federall y assiste d project s hir e minorit y an d femal e workers . Bu t as th e affirmativ e actio n program s expanded , s o di d th e publi c debat e over them . THE COURT OF LAST RESORT As remedial affirmativ e actio n policies were extended withi n employmen t and t o othe r areas , includin g education , politica l participation , an d hous -

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to thei r race , creed , color , o r nationa l origin. " Sectio n 20 3 require s eac h contractor t o fil e complianc e report s containin g dat a o n th e contractor' s employment statistics , policies , practices , an d program s tha t th e labo r secretary may prescribe. 18 During Presiden t Nixon' s firs t term , whe n federa l agencie s trie d t o enforce affirmativ e actio n regulations , requirin g contractor s t o establis h hiring goal s an d timetable s fo r th e employmen t o f minorit y worker s an d evidence o f good-fait h effort s t o achiev e thes e goals , th e policie s wer e challenged a s illega l quotas. 19 Typica l o f suc h challenge s wa s th e 197 1 attack o n th e Philadelphi a Plan , promulgate d unde r th e authorit y o f Executive Orde r 11,246 , which require d bidder s o n an y federa l o r feder ally assiste d constructio n contract s fo r project s i n th e five-count y are a around Philadelphi a t o submi t a n acceptabl e affirmativ e actio n plan , including specifi c goal s fo r th e inclusio n o f minorit y manpowe r i n si x skilled crafts : ironworkers , plumber s an d pip e fitters , steamfitters , shee t metal workers , electrical workers , and elevato r constructio n workers . Th e plan als o require d bidder s t o mak e good-fait h effort s t o mee t targete d minority hirin g goal s withi n timetable s establishe d b y Assistan t Labo r Secretary Arthu r Fletcher , who , b y th e way , remain s a proponen t o f remedial affirmativ e action. 20 The pla n wa s illegal , insiste d th e plaintiffs , becaus e i t was beyond th e scope o f executiv e powe r unde r th e Constitutio n an d wa s inconsisten t with title s V I an d VII , amon g othe r laws . Th e federa l circui t cour t rejected al l th e plaintiffs ' constitutiona l an d statutor y challenges, 21 mak ing it clear that it viewed th e Philadelphia Pla n as race conscious: "Indee d the onl y meanin g whic h ca n b e attribute d t o th e affirmativ e actio n lan guage which sinc e March o f 196 1 has been include d i n successive Execu tive Order s i s tha t Governmen t contractor s mus t b e color-conscious." 22 That is , i n 1971 , thi s cour t di d no t thin k tha t color-consciou s remedia l affirmative actio n wa s illegal . Quit e th e contrary , th e cour t believe d tha t Congress an d th e presiden t intende d tha t employer s workin g unde r fed eral o r federall y assiste d project s hir e minorit y an d femal e workers . Bu t as th e affirmativ e actio n program s expanded , s o di d th e publi c debat e over them . THE COURT OF LAST RESORT As remedial affirmativ e actio n policies were extended withi n employmen t and t o othe r areas , includin g education , politica l participation , an d hous -

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ing programs , th e oppositio n als o grew , scholarl y criticis m mounted , an d judicial opinion s split , requirin g th e Suprem e Cour t t o ste p in . A s th e ultimate voic e o n constitutiona l interpretation , i t i s th e Suprem e Court' s duty t o determin e whethe r governmenta l policie s violat e constitutiona l rights. Regents of the University of California v. Bakke Z7> wa s th e firs t decisio n o f the Suprem e Cour t t o analyz e th e constitutionalit y o f race-consciou s affirmative action . Th e medica l schoo l o f th e Universit y o f Californi a a t Davis opene d i n 196 8 with a n enterin g clas s o f fifty: forty-seve n whites , three Asians, no blacks, no Mexican Americans, and n o Native Americans . The Davi s facult y sa w thi s lac k o f diversit y a s a problem an d s o devise d a special admission s polic y t o increase diversit y i n futur e classes . The ne w polic y consiste d o f bot h a regula r admission s proces s an d a special admission s process . Unde r th e regula r policy , candidate s whos e overall undergraduat e grad e point average s fel l belo w 2. 5 on a scale of 4.0 were summaril y rejected . Followin g a persona l interview , eac h o f th e remaining candidate s wa s rate d o n a scal e o f 1 to 100 . This ratin g com bined th e interviewers ' summaries , overal l grad e poin t average , grad e point averag e i n scienc e courses , score s o n th e Medica l Colleg e Admis sions Test (MCAT) , letter s o f recommendation , extracurricula r activities , and othe r biographica l data , t o arriv e a t eac h candidate' s "benchmark " score. I n 1973 , a perfect scor e wa s 500 , an d i n 1974 , it was 600 . The ful l committee the n reviewe d eac h applicant' s file an d scores . The chai r wa s responsible fo r placin g name s o n th e waitin g list . Bu t the y wer e no t placed i n stric t numerica l order ; instead , th e chai r coul d includ e person s with "specia l skills. " Despit e hi s score s o f 468 ou t o f 50 0 an d 54 9 ou t o f 600, Alla n Bakke , a white male , wa s rejecte d i n 197 3 an d 197 4 an d wa s not place d o n th e waitin g lis t in eithe r year . The specia l admission s progra m operate d wit h a separat e committee , a majorit y o f who m wer e member s o f minorit y groups . O n th e 197 3 application form , candidate s wer e aske d t o indicat e whethe r the y wishe d to b e considere d a s "economicall y and/o r educationall y disadvantaged " applicants; o n th e 197 4 form , th e questio n wa s whethe r the y wishe d t o be considere d a s members o f a "minorit y group, " whic h include d blacks , Latinos, Asians , an d Nativ e Americans . I f thi s questio n wa s answere d affirmatively, th e applicatio n wa s forwarde d t o th e specia l admission s committee. Suc h applicant s wer e rate d b y th e specia l committe e i n a process simila r t o tha t use d b y th e genera l admission s committee , excep t that specia l candidate s di d no t hav e t o mee t th e 2. 5 grad e poin t averag e

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cutoff applie d t o regular applicants . Followin g eac h interview , th e specia l committee assigne d t o eac h specia l applican t a benchmar k score . Th e special committe e the n presente d it s to p choice s t o th e genera l admis sions committee . Th e genera l committe e di d no t rat e o r compar e th e special applicant s agains t th e regula r applicant s bu t coul d rejec t specia l candidates fo r failin g t o mee t cours e requirement s o r othe r specifi c defi ciencies. Th e specia l admission s committe e continue d t o recommen d special applicant s unti l th e numbe r prescribe d b y facult y vot e ha d bee n admitted. Bakk e wa s neve r considere d unde r th e specia l admission s program. Bakke challenged th e Davi s medical school' s special admission s policy , which a t tha t tim e se t asid e sixtee n o f it s on e hundre d place s i n th e entering clas s fo r member s o f designate d racia l minorities . Th e Superio r Court o f Californi a sustaine d Bakke' s challenge , holdin g tha t Davis' s program violate d stat e an d federa l constitutiona l an d statutor y provisions . The cour t thereupo n enjoine d Davi s fro m considerin g th e rac e o f appli cants i n makin g admission s decisions . I t refused , however , t o orde r Bak ke's admissio n t o medica l school , holdin g tha t h e ha d no t carrie d hi s burden o f proving that h e would hav e been admitte d bu t fo r the constitu tional an d statutor y violations . The Suprem e Cour t o f California affirme d those portion s o f th e tria l court' s judgment , declarin g th e specia l admis sions progra m t o b e unlawful an d enjoinin g Davi s fro m considerin g th e race o f an y applicant . Th e Californi a Suprem e Cour t als o directe d th e trial cour t t o orde r Bakke' s admission , a n orde r tha t wa s staye d pendin g review b y the U.S . Supreme Court . The Suprem e Cour t spli t int o tw o camps , wit h Justic e Lewi s Powel l serving a s th e critica l swin g vot e fo r each . Justice s Willia m Brennan , Byron White, Thurgood Marshall , and Harr y Blackmu n wer e on one side , holding wit h Powel l tha t rac e coul d b e considere d alon g wit h othe r "diversity" factor s i n makin g admission s decision s bu t that , accordin g t o Justice Powell , i t coul d no t b e th e sol e factor . O n th e othe r sid e wer e Chief Justic e Warre n Burge r an d Justice s Potte r Stewart , Joh n Pau l Ste vens, an d Willia m Rehnquis t agreein g wit h Powel l tha t th e Davi s admis sions polic y wa s constitutionall y invali d an d tha t Bakk e shoul d b e ad mitted. Justice Powell' s opinio n remain s ver y importan t t o determinin g ho w the governmen t ca n us e rac e i n makin g decision s withou t runnin g afou l of th e Constitution . Powel l firs t addresse d th e scop e o f sectio n 60 1 o f

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title V I o f th e 196 4 Civi l Right s Act : "N o perso n i n th e Unite d State s shall, o n th e groun d o f race , color , o r nationa l origin , b e exclude d fro m participation in , b e denie d benefit s of , o r b e subjecte d t o discriminatio n under an y progra m o r activit y receivin g Federa l financia l assistance. " 2 4 To determin e th e meanin g o f thi s statute , Powel l reviewe d it s volumi nous legislativ e history : Although isolate d statement s o f variou s legislators , take n ou t o f context , can b e marshale d i n suppor t o f th e propositio n tha t Sectio n 60 1 enacte d a purely color-blind scheme , without regar d t o the reac h o f the Equa l Protec tion Clause , thes e comment s mus t b e rea d agains t th e backgroun d o f bot h the proble m tha t Congres s wa s addressin g an d th e broade r vie w o f th e statute tha t emerge s fro m a full examinatio n o f the legislativ e debates . According t o th e statute' s floor manage r i n th e House , th e proble m confronting Congres s wa s discriminatio n agains t black s a t th e hand s o f recipients o f federa l fund s an d ho w t o guarante e the m equa l treatment : The bil l woul d offe r assuranc e tha t hospital s finance d b y Federa l mone y would no t den y adequat e car e t o Negroes . I t woul d preven t abus e o f foo d distribution program s whereb y Negroe s hav e bee n know n t o b e denie d food surplu s supplie s whe n whit e person s wer e give n suc h food . I t woul d assure Negroe s th e benefit s no w accorde d whit e student s i n program s o f higher educatio n finance d b y Federa l funds . I t would , i n short , assur e th e existing righ t t o equal treatmen t i n th e enjoymen t o f federal funds. 25 When peopl e refe r t o th e Civi l Right s Ac t o f 1964 , the y ofte n ignor e o r forget it s historica l context . Bu t Powel l di d not , holdin g tha t titl e V I prohibited onl y thos e racia l classification s tha t woul d violat e th e Constitu tion. 26 Powell nex t turne d t o th e questio n o f whethe r th e specia l admission s policy wa s a goal o r a quota : It i s settle d beyon d questio n tha t th e right s create d b y th e firs t sectio n o f the Fourteent h Amendmen t are , by it s terms, guaranteed t o the individual . The right s ar e persona l rights . Th e guarante e o f equa l protectio n canno t mean on e thin g whe n applie d t o on e individua l an d somethin g els e whe n applied t o a perso n o f anothe r color . I f bot h ar e no t accorde d th e sam e protection, the n i t is not equal . Powell continued , "[A]l l lega l restriction s whic h curtai l th e civi l right s of a singl e racia l grou p ar e immediatel y suspect . T h a t i s no t t o sa y tha t all suc h restriction s ar e unconstitutional . I t i s t o sa y tha t court s mus t

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subject the m t o th e mos t rigi d scrutiny. " 27 A s I wil l sho w later , thi s i s th e same standar d o f revie w th e Suprem e Cour t use d i n it s 199 5 affirmativ e action cases . Therefore , i t ca n b e argue d tha t th e diversit y mode l en dorsed b y Justic e Powel l i n 1978 , whic h survive d stric t scrutin y review , does no t violat e th e Constitution . Powell explaine d tha t th e reac h o f th e equa l protectio n claus e ha d been expande d beyon d th e protectio n o f forme r slave s t o al l ethni c groups seekin g protectio n fro m state-sponsore d discrimination : During th e dormanc y o f th e Equa l Protectio n Clause , th e Unite d State s had becom e a Natio n o f minorities . Eac h ha d t o struggle—an d t o som e extent struggle s still—t o overcom e th e prejudice s no t o f a monolithi c majority, bu t o f a "majority " compose d o f various minorit y group s o f whom it wa s said—perhap s unfairl y i n man y cases—tha t a share d characteristi c was a willingnes s t o disadvantag e othe r groups . A s th e Natio n filled wit h the stoc k o f many lands , the reac h o f the Claus e wa s gradually extende d t o all ethnic group s seekin g protectio n fro m officia l discrimination. 28 To suppor t hi s argument , Justic e Powel l cite d languag e fro m case s between 188 0 an d 195 4 i n whic h th e Cour t applie d th e equa l protectio n clause t o Irish , Chinese , Austrian , Japanese , an d Mexica n Americans . H e thereby introduce d th e concep t o f ethni c fungibilit y int o equa l protectio n jurisprudence. Fo r him , black s wer e simpl y on e o f man y minoritie s i n th e United State s strugglin g agains t discrimination . Powell's vie w trivialize s th e cause s an d effect s o f curren t racia l cast e and, furthermore , i s inconsisten t wit h th e specifi c histor y o f racia l subor dination o f black s b y white s outline d i n Par t 2 . Hi s referenc e t o immigra tion i n th e Unite d State s seem s especiall y curiou s i n a case suc h a s Bakke: it i s a s i f Justic e Powel l believe d tha t whit e male s lik e Alla n Bakk e ha d experienced a histor y o f racia l discriminatio n simila r t o tha t o f blacks , Native Americans , Asians , o r Mexica n Americans . Bu t neithe r h e no r anyone else , the n o r now , ca n poin t t o a n America n traditio n o f discrimi nation agains t white s o n th e basi s o f race . Powell di d no t sto p wit h hi s ethni c fungibilit y theory : Because th e landmar k decision s i n this area arose in response t o the contin ued exclusio n o f Negroe s fro m th e mainstrea m o f America n society , the y could b e characterize d a s involvin g discriminatio n b y th e "majority " whit e race agains t th e Negr o minority . Bu t the y nee d no t b e rea d a s dependin g upon tha t characterizatio n fo r their results . It suffices t o say that "[o]ve r th e years, thi s Cour t ha s consistentl y repudiate d '[distinction s betwee n citi -

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zens solel y becaus e o f thei r ancestry ' a s bein g 'odiou s t o a fre e peopl e whose institution s ar e founded upo n th e doctrin e o f equality.' " 2 9 This argument , too , i s misleading . T h e landmar k decision s t o whic h Powell allude s ar e th e sam e one s tha t Charle s Houston , Thurgoo d Mar shall, an d othe r lawyer s litigate d o n behal f o f black s wh o wer e denie d their constitutiona l right s b y white s i n an d ou t o f government . I n addi tion, i n Powell' s discussio n o f titl e VI , h e pointe d t o th e purpos e o f it s enactment, t o ensur e black s th e right s enjoye d b y whites . Powell' s equa l protection discussio n implie s som e sor t o f reciproca l discriminatio n b y black "majorities, " i n o r ou t o f government , thereb y denyin g white s thei r constitutional rights . Ye t h e doe s no t giv e a singl e example . Justice Powel l ignore d th e fac t tha t Bakk e wa s no t exclude d fro m Davis solel y o n th e basi s o f race . Betwee n 197 1 an d 1974 , th e regula r admits include d onl y 1 black, 6 Mexica n Americans , an d 3 7 Asian s ou t o f the 33 6 ne w students . Durin g tha t sam e period , th e specia l progra m admitted 2 1 blacks , 3 0 Mexicans , an d 1 2 Asians. Bakk e wa s no t admitte d because durin g th e subjectivel y objectiv e admission s process , h e appar ently annoye d th e chai r o f th e c o m m i t t e e — p e r h a p s becaus e o f hi s view s about Davis' s affirmativ e actio n p l a n — a n d h e gav e Bakk e hi s lowes t benchmark score . T h u s , eve n i f Davi s ha d no t se t asid e sixtee n place s fo r minorities, i t i s unlikel y tha t Bakk e woul d hav e bee n admitted . T h e r e fore, t o compar e th e Davi s polic y wit h on e tha t exclude s al l member s o f a racia l grou p fro m a campu s misconceive s apartheid-er a cases . Powell als o ignore d th e historica l backdro p o f th e enactmen t o f reme dial affirmativ e actio n policies . H e wrot e tha t th e equa l protectio n claus e would n o longe r permi t th e recognitio n o f "specia l wards, " intimatin g that i n ligh t o f affirmativ e action , black s wer e someho w specia l ward s o f the government . Powell' s languag e i s simila r t o tha t use d b y Justic e Joseph Bradle y on e hundre d year s earlie r i n th e Civil Rights Cases: When a ma n ha s emerge d fro m slavery , an d b y th e ai d o f beneficen t legislation ha s shake n of f th e inseparabl e concomitant s o f tha t state , ther e must b e som e stag e i n the progres s o f his elevation whe n h e take s th e ran k of a mer e citizen , an d cease s t o b e th e specia l favorit e o f th e laws , an d when hi s right s a s a citizen , o r a man , ar e t o b e protecte d i n th e ordinar y modes b y which othe r men' s right s ar e protected. 30 Powell's retur n t o Bradley' s languag e i s chilling , especiall y becaus e h e made n o effor t t o examin e th e historica l justification s fo r remedia l affir -

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mative actio n an d becaus e fo r nearl y a centur y afte r th e 1880s , blacks ' rights wer e no t protected . Powell als o undervalue d th e constitutiona l significanc e o f racia l subor dination i n th e Court' s prio r equa l protectio n decisions : The Equa l Protectio n Claus e i s not frame d i n term s o f "stigma. " Certainl y the word ha s no clearly define d constitutiona l meaning . I t reflect s a subjective judgmen t tha t i s standardless . Al l state-impose d classification s tha t rearrange burden s an d benefit s o n th e basi s o f race ar e likel y t o b e viewe d with dee p resentmen t b y the individual s burdened . Th e denia l t o innocen t persons o f equa l right s an d opportunitie s ma y outrag e thos e s o deprive d and therefor e ma y b e perceive d a s invidious.. . . On e shoul d no t lightl y dismiss th e inheren t unfairnes s of , an d th e perceptio n o f mistreatment tha t accompanies, a system o f allocatin g benefit s an d privilege s o n th e basi s o f skin colo r and ethni c origin. 31 Again, Powel l wrot e a s thoug h h e wer e ignoran t o f th e lon g traditio n of whites-onl y policie s tha t le d t o th e issuanc e o f numerou s executiv e orders an d th e enactmen t o f th e 1957 , 1960 , 1964 , 1965 , an d 196 8 federa l voting an d civi l right s legislation . T h e s e law s wer e no t passe d t o subordi nate whites ; the y wer e enacte d t o mandat e tha t whites , especiall y whit e men, discontinu e thei r unfai r monopolies . Powel l coul d no t hav e mean t that i t wa s unfai r t o eliminat e thos e quota s fo r whites , coul d he ? For Powell , ther e wer e seriou s problem s o f justic e connecte d wit h th e idea o f a preferenc e itself : First, it may not always be clear that a so-called preferenc e i s in fact benign . . . . Second , preferentia l program s ma y onl y reinforc e commo n stereotype s holding tha t certai n group s ar e unabl e t o achiev e succes s withou t specia l protection base d o n a facto r havin g n o relationshi p t o individua l worth . Third, ther e i s a measure o f inequity i n forcing innocen t person s i n respon dent's positio n t o bea r th e burden s o f redressin g grievance s no t o f thei r making.32 Here Powel l present s on e o f th e mos t often-state d rationale s fo r opposin g affirmative action : Bakk e wa s innocen t an d coul d no t individuall y b e made t o sacrific e hi s deserve d slo t i n medica l school . But Powell' s word s revea l a hidde n bias , implyin g tha t i n Americ a one's clai m t o whitenes s i s no t a sourc e o f privilege . Moreover , Powel l failed t o addres s wh y Bakke' s clai m t o innocenc e wa s stronge r tha n thos e of minoritie s wh o wer e no t admitte d unde r Davis' s race-neutra l policies . T h o s e minoritie s wh o wer e routinel y rejecte d ha d n o mora l culpability ,

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either; the y ha d no t establishe d ghett o school s fo r themselves . Sinc e they, too , wer e innocent , wh y woul d Powel l strik e th e balanc e i n favo r o f Bakke? Wh y wa s h e mor e deservin g tha n Patric k Chavis , th e blac k applicant wh o supposedl y too k hi s place ? T h e answe r apparentl y wa s tha t Bakke ha d highe r tes t score s an d grade s tha n al l o f th e specia l admits . But isn' t ther e a bia s i n th e us e o f tes t score s an d grades ? I f minoritie s i n America hav e no t ha d equa l educationa l opportunitie s i n underfunde d and overcrowde d schools , i s i t fai r t o exclud e the m fro m highe r educatio n on th e basi s o f thei r lowe r scores ? An d aren' t ther e othe r benchmark s o f achievement tha t predic t diligence , desire , potential , an d character ? T h e debate ove r affirmativ e actio n i s partl y abou t wh o amon g thos e qualifie d will b e trained . American s shoul d not , therefore , defin e qualification s i n a way tha t presumptivel y exclude s larg e segment s o f thei r population . Nowhere i n hi s opinio n di d Powel l insis t tha t al l racia l classification s were invalid . T o th e contrary , h e simpl y hel d tha t racia l classification s were subjec t t o stric t review , requirin g th e governmen t t o articulat e a "substantial" interes t fo r usin g them , an d proo f tha t th e polic y wa s "narrowly tailored " t o achiev e th e government' s goal . Davis' s medica l school ha d fou r goals : • Reducin g th e histori c defici t o f traditionall y disfavore d minoritie s i n medical school s an d i n th e profession . • Counterin g th e effect s o f societa l discrimination . • Increasin g th e numbe r o f physician s wh o wil l practic e i n communitie s currently underserved . • Obtainin g th e educationa l benefit s tha t flow fro m a n ethnicall y divers e student body. 33 Only th e las t goal—educationa l diversity—wa s significan t enoug h t o meet th e substantia l (compelling ) interes t requiremen t o f stric t scrutiny . Ultimately, Justic e Powel l conclude d tha t rac e "ma y b e d e e m e d a 'plus' i n a particula r applicant' s file." H e supporte d diversit y admission s programs lik e Harvard' s tha t conside r al l applicants—base d o n al l thei r qualifications—for al l availabl e places : Such [diversity ] qualitie s coul d includ e exceptiona l persona l talents , unique wor k o r servic e experience , leadershi p potential , maturity , demon strated compassion , a histor y o f overcomin g disadvantage , abilit y t o com municate wit h th e poor , o r other qualification s deeme d important . I n short , an admission s progra m operate d i n thi s wa y i s flexible enoug h t o conside r

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all pertinent elements of diversity in light of the particular qualifications of each applicant , an d t o plac e the m o n th e sam e footin g fo r consideration , although not necessarily according them the same weight.34 For Powell, diversit y admission s program s wer e constitutiona l becaus e they treate d ever y applican t a s a n individua l wit h fungibl e subjectiv e qualities. The diversit y policy did no t rest on the candidate's membershi p in a grou p but , rather , focused o n eac h applicant' s individua l qualities . Therefore, a candidate woul d neve r b e rejecte d unde r suc h a plan solel y because o f race. And, Powell wrote, good fait h b y the admission s commit tees would b e presumed , absen t a showing t o the contrary. 35 Although Powell' s logi c i s ofte n problemati c t o th e extreme , h e wa s correct her e t o endorse th e us e o f diversity factors . Indeed , suc h a policy does no more than acknowledg e what i s a reality in America: In numerou s ways, whitenes s ha s bee n a plu s facto r i n publi c an d privat e decisio n making, an d i t i s impossibl e t o preven t al l bu t th e mos t egregiou s case s of whit e privilege . T o balanc e th e scales , therefore , i t i s necessar y t o make othe r racia l classifications a plus a s well. There i s n o reaso n tha t a diversit y mode l coul d no t b e use d outsid e education a s well . I t doe s no t promot e racia l cast e fo r whites , an d i t ensures a n en d t o educationa l an d occupationa l segregation . An y pla n short o f tha t woul d freez e ou t minoritie s an d whit e women , wh o hav e only recentl y gaine d limite d acces s t o th e mean s o f advancemen t i n thi s society. In recen t cases , the Suprem e Cour t ha s failed t o indicate whethe r a diversity mode l woul d surviv e it s latest rulings . THE INVENTIO N O F REVERSE DISCRIMINATIO N

If Bakk e wa s a victim , i t wa s no t o f racia l discrimination , bu t o f a history o f racia l privileg e fo r whit e male s wh o stil l disproportionatel y fil l American medica l schools . T o Bakk e an d other s lik e him , I say , don' t blame contemporar y Africa n Americans ; instead , blam e white s fro m pre vious generations whos e privilege s hav e produce d a new system i n which whiteness i s no more a plus tha n anothe r person' s race . Since Bakke, th e Cour t ha s decide d severa l similar case s i n whic h a white plaintif f ha s challenge d affirmativ e actio n program s sponsore d o r mandated b y a governmental o r privat e entity . Perhap s th e cleares t con clusion tha t on e ca n dra w fro m thes e case s i s tha t th e Cour t remain s substantially divide d regardin g th e meanin g an d requirement s o f th e equal protectio n claus e an d titl e VI I i n case s involvin g remedia l racia l

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all pertinent elements of diversity in light of the particular qualifications of each applicant , an d t o plac e the m o n th e sam e footin g fo r consideration , although not necessarily according them the same weight.34 For Powell, diversit y admission s program s wer e constitutiona l becaus e they treate d ever y applican t a s a n individua l wit h fungibl e subjectiv e qualities. The diversit y policy did no t rest on the candidate's membershi p in a grou p but , rather , focused o n eac h applicant' s individua l qualities . Therefore, a candidate woul d neve r b e rejecte d unde r suc h a plan solel y because o f race. And, Powell wrote, good fait h b y the admission s commit tees would b e presumed , absen t a showing t o the contrary. 35 Although Powell' s logi c i s ofte n problemati c t o th e extreme , h e wa s correct her e t o endorse th e us e o f diversity factors . Indeed , suc h a policy does no more than acknowledg e what i s a reality in America: In numerou s ways, whitenes s ha s bee n a plu s facto r i n publi c an d privat e decisio n making, an d i t i s impossibl e t o preven t al l bu t th e mos t egregiou s case s of whit e privilege . T o balanc e th e scales , therefore , i t i s necessar y t o make othe r racia l classifications a plus a s well. There i s n o reaso n tha t a diversit y mode l coul d no t b e use d outsid e education a s well . I t doe s no t promot e racia l cast e fo r whites , an d i t ensures a n en d t o educationa l an d occupationa l segregation . An y pla n short o f tha t woul d freez e ou t minoritie s an d whit e women , wh o hav e only recentl y gaine d limite d acces s t o th e mean s o f advancemen t i n thi s society. In recen t cases , the Suprem e Cour t ha s failed t o indicate whethe r a diversity mode l woul d surviv e it s latest rulings . THE INVENTIO N O F REVERSE DISCRIMINATIO N

If Bakk e wa s a victim , i t wa s no t o f racia l discrimination , bu t o f a history o f racia l privileg e fo r whit e male s wh o stil l disproportionatel y fil l American medica l schools . T o Bakk e an d other s lik e him , I say , don' t blame contemporar y Africa n Americans ; instead , blam e white s fro m pre vious generations whos e privilege s hav e produce d a new system i n which whiteness i s no more a plus tha n anothe r person' s race . Since Bakke, th e Cour t ha s decide d severa l similar case s i n whic h a white plaintif f ha s challenge d affirmativ e actio n program s sponsore d o r mandated b y a governmental o r privat e entity . Perhap s th e cleares t con clusion tha t on e ca n dra w fro m thes e case s i s tha t th e Cour t remain s substantially divide d regardin g th e meanin g an d requirement s o f th e equal protectio n claus e an d titl e VI I i n case s involvin g remedia l racia l

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classifications. I shall review thes e landmar k case s i n some detai l becaus e they illustrat e bot h wh y affirmativ e actio n program s wer e adopte d an d why we mus t continu e t o use them . United Steelworkers o f Americ a v . Weber

In 1974 , the Unite d Steelworker s o f America (USWA ) an d Kaiser Alumi num (Kaiser ) entered int o a collective bargainin g agreement tha t include d an affirmativ e actio n plan . This pla n wa s designed t o eliminate conspicu ous racia l imbalance s i n Kaiser' s almos t exclusivel y whit e craf t forces . A case lik e Weber reveals a unio n an d a compan y comin g t o term s wit h it s policies o f racia l privilege , i n thi s cas e a polic y reservin g craf t job s fo r whites. Th e compan y agree d t o discontinu e it s all-whit e quot a fo r craf t jobs. I n it s place, blac k craft-hirin g goal s were se t fo r eac h plant , equa l t o the percentag e o f blacks i n th e loca l labo r forces . T o enabl e th e plant s t o meet thes e goals , on-the-jo b trainin g program s wer e establishe d t o teac h unskilled productio n workers , blac k an d white , th e skill s necessar y t o become craftworkers . Th e pla n reserve d hal f o f all openings i n th e newl y created trainin g program s fo r blac k employees . During th e plan' s firs t yea r o f operatio n a t Kaiser' s Gramercy , Louisi ana, plant , thirtee n craf t trainee s wer e selecte d t o participat e i n th e in plant trainin g program , seve n black s an d si x whites . Th e mos t senio r black traine e ha d les s seniorit y tha n severa l whit e employee s whos e applications wer e turne d down . Consequently, on e of them, Bria n Weber , instituted a class action agains t USW A and Kaiser. 36 Five member s o f th e Suprem e Cour t hel d tha t titl e VI I doe s no t prohibit privat e employer s an d union s fro m bargainin g collectivel y fo r a remedial affirmativ e actio n plan . Th e Cour t rejecte d Weber' s clai m tha t Congress, b y mean s o f titl e VII , intende d t o prohibi t al l race-consciou s affirmative action , holdin g tha t th e statut e mus t b e rea d agains t th e background o f its legislative histor y and th e historica l contex t fro m whic h the ac t arose . Th e Cour t underscored , fo r example , tha t "i n 194 7 th e nonwhite unemploymen t rat e wa s 64 % highe r tha n th e whit e rate ; b y 1962 i t wa s 124 % higher. " Thus , Congres s kne w tha t "th e cru x o f th e problem wa s t o ope n employmen t opportunitie s fo r Negroe s i n occupa tions which ha d bee n traditionall y close d t o them," an d s o it enacted titl e VII t o address tha t discriminatio n agains t blac k workers. 37 The Cour t conclude d tha t th e Kaiser-USW A affirmativ e actio n pla n was permissibl e becaus e it s purpose s mirrore d thos e o f titl e VI I an d th e

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plan di d no t unnecessaril y tramme l th e interest s o f th e whit e employees , require th e discharg e o f whit e worker s an d thei r replacemen t wit h ne w black hires , o r creat e a n absolut e barrie r t o th e advancemen t o f whit e employees. Finally , th e pla n wa s onl y a temporar y measure. 3 8 T w o member s o f th e Court , Chie f Justic e Burge r an d Justic e Relin quish dissented , believin g tha t th e quot a i n th e collectiv e bargainin g agreement discriminate d o n th e basi s o f rac e i n flagrant violatio n o f titl e VII. T o them , Congress' s inten t fo r titl e VI I wa s unequivocal : t o ba n al l race discrimination , includin g so-calle d benig n discrimination. 39 In subsequen t titl e VI I affirmativ e actio n challenges , th e Cour t ha s analyzed th e fact s accordin g t o th e Weber standard, upholdin g plan s fo r training an d promotin g minoritie s bu t strikin g dow n thos e tha t requir e the layof f o r discharg e o f whites . Weber represente d a ste p forward , a s there i s nothin g intrinsicall y offensiv e i n eliminatin g all-whit e crafts . Sai d differently, Bria n Webe r di d no t hav e a federa l o r constitutiona l righ t t o benefit fro m a discriminator y compan y o r unio n policy . T h e discontinu ance o f suc h policie s doe s no t relegat e whit e male s lik e hi m int o a caste ; it simpl y end s thei r long-standin g quotas .

Full Hove v. Klutznic k In Ma y 1977 , Congres s enacte d th e Publi c Work s Employmen t Act , which authorize d a $ 4 billio n appropriatio n fo r federa l grant s t o b e mad e by th e secretar y o f commerc e t o stat e an d loca l governmenta l entitie s fo r use i n loca l publi c work s projects . T h e ac t containe d a minorit y busines s enterprise (MBE ) provisio n requirin g tha t [e]xcept t o th e exten t tha t th e Secretar y determine s otherwise , n o gran t shall b e mad e unde r thi s Ac t fo r an y loca l publi c work s projec t unles s th e applicant give s satisfactor y assuranc e t o th e Secretar y tha t a t leas t 1 0 pe r centum o f th e amoun t o f eac h gran t shal l b e expende d fo r minorit y busi ness enterprises . Fo r th e purpose s o f thi s paragraph , th e ter m "minorit y business enterprise " mean s a busines s a t leas t 5 0 pe r centu m o f whic h i s owned b y minorit y groups , or in cas e of a publicly owne d business , a t leas t 51 per centum o f the stoc k o f which i s owned b y minority grou p members . For purpose s o f th e precedin g sentence , minorit y grou p member s ar e citi zens o f th e U.S . wh o ar e Negroes , Spanish-speaking , Orientals , Indians , Eskimos, and Aleuts . Since th e mid-1970s , simila r provision s i n federa l an d stat e contractin g have bee n unde r assaul t fo r bein g quota s an d th e sourc e o f substantia l

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fraud. Bu t a s wit h th e remedia l polic y i n Weber, w e mus t ask : Wha t fact s made th e governmen t decid e t o incorporat e it ? Motiv e matters . I f th e motive wa s t o discriminat e o n th e basi s o f race , tha t is , t o promot e racia l caste, w e should , an d must , oppos e suc h provisions . Bu t i f th e motiv e was t o ensur e tha t racia l minoritie s receiv e som e smal l portio n o f th e billions o f dollar s spen t annuall y i n governmen t contract s o r t o ensur e that suc h contractor s d o no t underutiliz e minorit y o r femal e workers , w e should suppor t the m enthusiastically . Earl Fullilov e an d association s o f constructio n contractor s an d subcon tractors brough t a n actio n i n federa l cour t i n N e w Yor k agains t representa tives o f th e Unite d State s Departmen t o f Commerc e an d th e stat e o f N e w York , a s actua l o r potentia l grantee s unde r th e act , allegin g tha t th e M B E provisio n violate d th e equa l protectio n componen t o f th e Fift h Amendment's du e proces s claus e an d variou s federa l statutes , includin g title V I o f th e Civi l Right s Ac t o f 1964 . T h e distric t cour t uphel d th e validity o f th e M B E provision , an d th e Cour t o f Appeal s fo r th e Secon d Circuit affirmed , expressl y rejectin g th e contentio n tha t th e set-asid e requirement violate d equa l protectio n an d als o rejectin g th e plaintiffs ' statutory claims . In Fullilove v. Klutznick, althoug h no t agreein g t o on e opinion , th e Court affirme d th e lowe r federa l courts ' holdin g tha t th e federa l minorit y business enterpris e provisio n o f th e Publi c Work s Employmen t Ac t di d not violat e th e equa l protectio n claus e o r federa l statutes. 4 0 Si x justices , including Chie f Justic e Burge r wh o ha d dissente d i n Weber, concurred i n the judgmen t o f th e Court , an d thre e dissented. 4 1 Burger declare d th e issu e t o b e whethe r Congres s ha d th e powe r t o enact th e M B E set-asid e provision . T h e Cour t note d it s usua l deferenc e given t o Congress : A program tha t employ s racia l or ethnic criteria , even i n a remedial context , calls fo r clos e examination ; ye t w e ar e boun d t o approac h ou r tas k wit h appropriate deferenc e t o th e Congress , a co-equa l branc h charge d b y th e Constitution wit h th e powe r t o "provid e fo r th e . . . genera l Welfar e o f the Unite d States " an d "t o enforce , b y appropriat e legislation " th e equa l protection guarantee s o f the Fourteent h Amendment. 42 T h e Court' s reference s i n thi s passag e poin t ou t tha t th e Constitutio n gives Congres s enumerate d power s t o legislat e fo r th e genera l welfar e o f the natio n an d t o protec t th e equa l protectio n right s o f al l persons . Burger the n considere d whethe r th e limite d us e o f racia l criteri a wa s a constitutional mean s o f achievin g congressiona l objectives :

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As a threshold matter , we reject th e contention tha t i n th e remedial contex t the Congres s mus t ac t i n a wholl y "color-blind " fashion . I n Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education, we rejecte d thi s argumen t i n con sidering a court-formulated schoo l desegregatio n remed y o n th e basi s tha t examination o f the racia l composition o f student bodie s was an unavoidabl e starting poin t an d tha t raciall y base d attendanc e assignment s wer e permis sible s o lon g a s n o absolut e racia l balanc e o f eac h schoo l wa s required . I n McDaniel v. Barresi, citin g Swann, w e observe d that : "[I] n thi s remedia l process, step s wil l almos t invariabl y requir e tha t student s b e assigne d 'differently becaus e o f thei r race. ' An y othe r approac h woul d freez e th e status qu o tha t i s th e ver y targe t o f al l desegregatio n processes. " An d i n North Carolina Board of Education v. Swann, w e invalidate d a state la w tha t absolutely forbad e assignmen t o f any studen t o n accoun t o f race becaus e i t foreclosed implementatio n o f desegregatio n plan s tha t wer e designe d t o remedy constitutiona l violations . W e hel d tha t "[j]us t a s th e rac e o f stu dents mus t b e considered i n determining whether a constitutional violatio n has occurred, s o also must rac e b e considered i n formulatin g a remedy." 43 T h u s , i n Fullilove, si x justice s explicitl y rejecte d a rigi d colo r blindnes s standard an d approve d a race-consciou s set-aside.Th e Cour t explaine d that Congress' s remedia l power s wer e greate r tha n thos e o f an y othe r governmental entity : Here w e deal , a s we note d earlier , no t wit h th e limite d remedia l power s o f a federa l court , fo r example , bu t wit h th e broa d remedia l power s o f Con gress. I t i s fundamenta l tha t i n n o orga n o f government , stat e o r federal , does ther e repos e a mor e comprehensiv e remedia l powe r tha n i n th e Congress, expressl y charge d b y th e Constitutio n wit h competenc e an d authority t o enforc e equa l protectio n guarantees . Congres s no t onl y ma y induce voluntary actio n t o assure compliance wit h existin g federal statutor y or constitutiona l antidiscriminatio n provisions , bu t also , wher e Congres s has authorit y t o declare certai n conduc t unlawful , i t may , as here, authoriz e and induc e stat e actio n t o avoid suc h conduct. 44 T h u s , Congres s ca n forc e complianc e wit h it s antidiscriminatio n policie s by makin g privat e contractor s o r stat e grantee s provid e affirmativ e actio n set-asides t o remed y pas t an d continuin g discriminatio n i n th e construc tion industry . Burger, i n a n opinio n joine d b y Bakke's author , Justic e Powell , als o rejected th e "whit e innocence " theor y presente d i n Bakke: It i s no t a constitutional defec t i n thi s progra m tha t i t ma y disappoin t th e expectations o f nonminorit y firms . Whe n effectuatin g a limite d an d prop erly tailore d remed y t o cur e th e effect s o f prio r discrimination , suc h " a sharing o f th e burden " b y innocen t partie s i s no t impermissible . Th e

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actual "burden " shouldere d b y nonminorit y firm s i s relativel y ligh t i n thi s connection whe n w e conside r th e scop e o f thi s publi c work s progra m a s compared wit h overal l constructio n contractin g opportunities . Moreover , although w e ma y assum e tha t th e complainin g partie s ar e innocen t o f an y discriminatory conduct , i t wa s withi n congressiona l powe r t o ac t o n th e assumption tha t i n th e pas t som e nonminorit y businesse s ma y hav e reape d competitive benefi t ove r th e year s fro m th e virtua l exclusio n o f minorit y firms from thes e contractin g opportunities. 45 Along wit h th e Court' s rejectio n o f whit e innocence , th e opinio n refer s to Congress' s abilit y t o emplo y a limite d remed y t o cur e th e effect s o f "prior discrimination. " T h e Cour t use d th e ter m prior discrimination t o refer t o genera l societa l discriminatio n practice d i n th e construction contracting industry . T h e Cour t di d no t requir e Congres s t o prov e spe cific, localize d discriminatio n t o justif y th e minorit y set-aside , a s th e Court ha d intimate d i n Bakke. 46 Fullilove raise d man y ne w question s regardin g th e constitutionalit y o f affirmative actio n set-asid e programs . Fo r example , di d th e Cour t believ e that thi s set-asid e wa s constitutiona l becaus e i t wa s sponsore d b y Con gress bu t tha t a stat e coul d no t trea t it s citizen s i n th e sam e way ? O r di d the Cour t conside r tha t th e set-asid e wa s constitutiona l unde r an y leve l of judicia l scrutiny ? Suc h confusio n spran g fro m Burger' s assertio n tha t his opinio n di d no t adop t th e analysi s use d b y member s o f th e Cour t i n Bakke. H e added , "Ou r analysi s demonstrate s tha t th e M B E provisio n would surviv e judicia l revie w unde r eithe r 'test ' articulate d i n th e severa l Bakke opinions. " 47 T h e dissenter s i n Fullilove use d Justic e Joh n Harlan' s dissen t fro m Plessy t o argu e tha t th e M B E provision s wer e unconstitutional . Afte r recalling Justic e Harlan' s statemen t regardin g colo r blindness , Justic e Stewart wrote , Today, th e Cour t uphold s a statut e tha t accord s a preferenc e t o citizen s who ar e "Negroes , Spanish-speaking , Orientals , Indians , Eskimos , an d Aleuts" fo r muc h o f th e sam e reason s (a s wer e give n b y th e majorit y i n Plessy). I think today' s decisio n i s wrong fo r th e sam e reaso n tha t Plessy was wrong, and I respectfully dissent. 48 For Justic e Stewart , Fullilove wa s jus t lik e Plessy, an d affirmativ e actio n was anothe r for m o f invidiou s racia l subordination . I t di d no t matte r tha t the M B E provisio n ha d bee n enacte d b y Congres s rathe r tha n b y th e state o f Louisiana . Stewar t believe d tha t th e equa l protectio n standar d absolutely prohibite d an y raciall y categorize d discriminatio n b y govern -

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ment. H e wante d t o appl y a rul e o f presumptiv e invalidit y t o al l racia l classifications an d t o scrutiniz e the m a s inherentl y suspect. 49 A majorit y of th e curren t Cour t appear s t o agre e wit h Stewart' s dissent . However , those justices i n th e majorit y hav e no t explaine d wh y Burge r wa s wrong. Until the y distinguis h Fullilove on som e legitimat e basis , i t wil l appea r that the y simpl y ignore d preceden t t o achieve a n ideological end . Wygant v. Jackson Board of Educatio n

In 197 2 th e Jackso n (Michigan ) Boar d o f Education , becaus e o f racia l tension i n the communit y tha t extended t o its schools, considered addin g a layof f polic y t o th e collectiv e bargainin g agreemen t betwee n th e boar d and th e teachers ' unio n tha t woul d protec t certai n minorit y grou p mem bers fro m layoffs , despit e thei r lac k o f seniority . Th e boar d an d unio n eventually agree d o n the followin g provision : In th e even t i t become s necessar y t o reduc e th e numbe r o f teacher s through layof f fro m employmen t b y th e Board , teacher s wit h th e mos t seniority shall be retained, except that at no time would there be a greater percentage o f minorit y personne l lai d of f tha n th e curren t percentag e o f minority personnel employed in the school at the time of the layoff. In 1974 , layoffs di d becom e necessary . Bu t th e boar d retaine d tenure d white teacher s an d lai d of f probationar y minorit y teachers , thu s failin g t o maintain, i n accordanc e wit h th e collectiv e bargainin g provision , th e percentage o f minorit y teacher s existin g a t th e tim e o f th e layoff . Th e union an d tw o minorit y teacher s sue d i n federa l court , chargin g tha t th e board's failur e t o adher e t o th e layof f provisio n violate d titl e VI I an d the equa l protectio n claus e o f th e Fourteent h Amendment . Th e distric t court conclude d tha t i t lacke d jurisdictio n ove r th e cas e becaus e th e plaintiffs ha d no t file d a n appropriat e clai m wit h th e Equa l Employmen t Opportunity Commissio n (EEOC) . The plaintiff s the n wen t t o stat e court , raisin g essentiall y th e sam e claims, including one fo r breac h o f contract. The stat e cour t hel d tha t th e board ha d breache d it s contrac t wit h th e plaintiff s an d tha t th e layof f provision was a permissible remed y for the effects o f past societal discrim ination. Th e boar d thereafte r adhere d t o th e preferentia l layof f polic y and lai d of f white teacher s with greate r seniorit y than tha t of the minorit y teachers i t retained . Wend y Wygan t an d othe r whit e teacher s wh o wer e laid of f sue d i n federa l court , allegin g violation s o f th e equa l protectio n

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clause of the Fourteent h Amendmen t an d stat e and federa l statutes . Thi s court rule d agains t th e plaintiffs , holdin g tha t th e preferentia l layof f policy was permissible unde r th e equa l protectio n claus e a s an attempt t o remedy societa l discriminatio n b y providin g rol e model s fo r minorit y schoolchildren. Th e cour t o f appeals affirmed . In Wygant v. Jackson Board of Education, a fragmente d Cour t reverse d the lowe r federa l courts ' holding s tha t th e collectiv e bargainin g agreement wa s constitutional . Justic e Powel l describe d th e questio n be fore th e Cour t a s "whethe r a schoo l board , consisten t wit h th e Equa l Protection Clause , ma y exten d preferentia l protectio n agains t layoff s t o some o f it s employee s becaus e o f thei r rac e o r nationa l origin. " H e the n reviewed th e Court' s precedent s regardin g th e appropriat e standar d o f review an d concluded , a s h e ha d i n Bakke, that racia l an d ethni c distinc tions o f an y sor t wer e inherentl y suspec t an d thu s calle d fo r th e mos t exacting judicial examinatio n t o make sur e that the y di d no t conflict wit h constitutional guarantees. 50 Powell als o looke d a t whether th e layof f provisio n wa s supporte d b y a compelling stat e interes t an d whethe r th e mean s chose n t o satisf y tha t interest wer e narrowl y tailore d t o achiev e th e state' s purpose . Th e lowe r federal court s ha d hel d tha t th e board' s interes t i n providing minorit y rol e models fo r it s minorit y student s wa s sufficientl y importan t t o justify th e racial classification embodie d i n the layof f provision. 51 Ignoring Fullilove, Powel l concluded tha t the Court ha d neve r hel d tha t societal discriminatio n alon e was sufficient t o justify a racial classification . Instead, th e Cour t ha d insiste d o n a showin g o f prio r discriminatio n b y the governmenta l uni t involve d befor e allowin g th e limite d us e o f racia l classifications t o remedy suc h discrimination . Th e rol e model theor y use d by th e lowe r court s ha d n o logica l en d poin t an d allowe d th e boar d t o engage i n discriminator y hirin g an d layof f practice s lon g pas t th e poin t required fo r an y legitimat e remedia l purpose . Th e layof f provisio n wa s thus no t narrowl y tailore d t o achiev e a compellin g interes t becaus e i t unnecessarily trammele d o n th e right s o f whit e teacher s lik e Wend y Wygant.52 Justices Sandr a Da y O'Conno r an d Byro n Whit e concurre d i n th e judgment o f th e Cour t bu t elaborate d o n i t differently . O'Conno r state d that becaus e th e layof f provisio n maintaine d level s of minority hiring tha t had n o relatio n t o remedyin g employmen t discrimination , i t wa s no t narrowly draw n t o effectuat e it s remedia l purpose . Justic e Whit e wrot e that non e o f th e interest s asserte d b y th e boar d justifie d th e raciall y

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discriminatory layof f polic y or saved i t from th e requirements o f the equa l protection clause. 53 A dissenting Justice Marshal l accuse d th e Cour t o f deciding th e merit s of th e case prematurely , withou t a n adequat e factua l recor d an d appro priate regard fo r the historical context of discrimination i n Jackson, Michi gan. H e woul d hav e remande d th e cas e fo r additiona l findings . Justic e Stevens explaine d wh y governmenta l rac e consciousnes s wa s no t alway s unconstitutional, writin g that th e white teachers were not lai d off becaus e of thei r rac e but , rather , becaus e o f economi c condition s i n Jackso n and th e board' s importan t interes t i n maintainin g it s newl y integrate d faculty.54 Wygant illustrate s ho w th e Cour t ha s distinguishe d affirmativ e actio n plans relatin g t o trainin g fro m thos e dischargin g o r layin g of f whites . When w e compar e Justic e Powell' s opinion s i n Bakke, Fullilove, and Wygant, we get a glimpse of how difficult suc h cases have been fo r the Court . United State s v. Paradise

In 1972 , a clas s o f blac k plaintiff s challenge d th e long-standin g practic e of th e Alabam a Departmen t o f Publi c Safety' s systemati c exclusio n o f blacks a s stat e troopers . The federa l distric t cour t i n Alabam a foun d tha t the departmen t ha d engage d i n a patter n o f discriminatio n i n hiring , ordered i t t o hir e on e blac k troope r fo r eac h whit e troope r hire d unti l blacks constitute d 2 5 percen t o f th e stat e troope r force , an d enjoine d the departmen t fro m engagin g i n an y discriminatio n i n it s employmen t practices, includin g promotions . Th e Cour t o f Appeals fo r th e Fift h Cir cuit affirmed . Two year s later , th e federa l distric t cour t foun d tha t th e departmen t had delaye d o r frustrate d ful l relie f t o th e plaintif f clas s b y artificiall y restricting th e siz e o f th e troope r forc e an d th e numbe r o f ne w trooper s hired an d tha t ther e wa s a disproportionate failur e o f the black s that wer e hired t o achiev e permanen t troope r status . The cour t reaffirme d it s 197 2 order. I n 1977 , the plaintiff s sough t supplementa l relie f fro m th e depart ment's promotion practices . Another two years passed. In a partial consen t decree approve d b y th e court , th e departmen t agree d (1 ) t o develo p within on e year a promotion procedur e tha t would b e fai r t o all applicant s and hav e littl e o r n o advers e impac t o n black s seekin g promotio n t o th e rank o f corpora l an d (2 ) tha t th e promotio n procedur e woul d confor m with th e Federa l Unifor m Guideline s o n Employe e Selectio n Procedures .

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The decre e require d tha t onc e th e departmen t se t i n plac e suc h a procedure fo r reachin g th e ran k o f corporal , i t wa s t o develo p similar proce dures fo r th e othe r uppe r ranks . In a second consen t decre e approve d b y the cour t i n 1981 , the depart ment reaffirme d it s commitmen t t o implemen t a promotio n procedur e with littl e o r n o advers e effect s o n blacks . Bu t i n a tes t administere d t o 262 applicants , o f who m 6 0 wer e blacks , onl y 5 black s wer e i n th e to p half of the promotion register , and th e highest black candidate was ranked eighty. I n 1983 , th e plaintiff s aske d th e distric t cour t t o requir e th e department t o promot e black s t o corpora l a t th e sam e rat e a t whic h the y had bee n hired , on e fo r one , unti l th e departmen t implemente d a vali d promotion procedure . Th e cour t the n ordere d th e departmen t t o submi t a plan t o promot e a t leas t fiftee n qualifie d person s t o corporal tha t woul d not hav e a n advers e racia l impact . Th e departmen t propose d promotin g fifteen persons , of whom fou r woul d b e black . The cour t grante d th e plaintiffs ' motio n t o enforc e th e 197 9 an d 1981 consen t decrees . I n addition , notin g tha t twelv e year s afte r i t ha d condemned th e department' s raciall y discriminator y policies , th e effect s of thos e policie s remaine d pervasive , th e cour t hel d tha t fo r a specifie d period o f time , a t leas t hal f o f thos e promote d t o corpora l mus t b e blac k if qualifie d blac k candidate s wer e available . I t als o impose d a 50 percen t promotional requiremen t fo r th e uppe r ranks , bu t onl y i f ther e wer e qualified blac k candidates , i f a particular ran k wer e les s tha n 2 5 percen t black, an d i f th e departmen t ha d no t develope d an d implemente d a promotion pla n without advers e impac t o n th e relevan t rank . Subsequently, th e departmen t promote d eigh t black s an d eigh t white s under th e court' s order . The n th e United States appeale d th e court' s order o n th e groun d tha t i t violate d th e Fourteent h Amendment' s equa l protection guarantee . Th e Cour t o f Appeal s fo r th e Elevent h Circui t affirmed th e distric t court' s order . In United States v. Paradise, b y a vote o f five to four, th e Suprem e Cour t affirmed th e lowe r courts ' decision , holdin g tha t th e race-consciou s relie f met eve n stric t scrutin y analysis . Justic e Brenna n wrot e tha t "i t i s no w well establishe d tha t governmen t bodies , includin g courts , ma y constitu tionally emplo y racia l classification s essentia l t o remed y unlawful treat ment o f racial o r ethni c group s subjec t t o discrimination. " H e foun d tha t the governmen t ha d a compellin g interes t i n remedyin g th e pas t an d present discriminatio n b y a state actor , namely , th e Departmen t o f Publi c Safety, whic h fo r fou r decade s ha d exclude d black s fro m al l positions :

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"Such egregiou s discriminator y conduc t wa s unquestionabl y a violatio n of the Fourteent h Amendment. " 55 The Unite d State s conceded tha t th e court's orde r serve d a compelling interest, bu t i t charged tha t th e orde r was not narrowl y tailore d t o accom plish it s purposes . Brenna n disagreed , pointin g ou t severa l factor s rele vant t o determinin g whethe r race-consciou s remedie s wer e appropriate , including "th e necessit y fo r relie f an d th e efficac y o f alternativ e reme dies; the flexibilit y an d duratio n o f the relief , includin g th e availabilit y of waiver provisions ; th e relationshi p o f th e numerica l goal s t o th e relevan t labor market; and th e impac t o f the relie f o n the right s of third parties. " 56 He foun d tha t th e court' s orde r me t eac h facto r an d thu s wa s narrowl y tailored t o achiev e th e court' s goa l o f eliminatin g th e effect s o f th e department's "lon g term, open , an d pervasiv e discrimination. " 57 Justice O'Conno r an d thre e other s dissented , writin g tha t th e promo tional quot a wa s no t narrowl y tailore d becaus e i t wa s no t "manifestl y necessary" t o comply with th e court' s orders. She als o accused th e plural ity o f adoptin g a standardles s vie w o f th e ter m narrowly tailored far les s stringent tha n tha t require d b y stric t scrutiny. 58 Mos t o f all , O'Conno r objected t o the court's imposition o f a racial quota "withou t firs t consider ing the effectivenes s o f alternatives tha t would hav e a lesser effec t o n th e rights of nonminority troopers. " 59 Paradise bring s t o min d anothe r quot a syste m tha t ha s bee n onl y recently repudiated . Hundred s o f similar cases involvin g th e exclusio n o f minorities an d wome n fro m employmen t i n polic e an d fir e department s around th e countr y hav e gon e throug h th e courts . Paradise thus raise s important question s abou t what governmen t ca n do to eliminate discrimi natory employmen t policies , a s wel l a s th e impac t o f thos e policie s o n future hiring , training , an d promotio n opportunities . Unde r curren t se niority rules , those white me n wh o were hire d withou t competin g agains t minorities an d wome n no w hav e th e insid e trac k fo r advancement , no t because o f merit, bu t becaus e o f past rac e an d gende r privilege . City of Richmon d v. Croson Co.

In 1983 , the Richmon d (Virginia ) City Council adopted , i n an ordinance, a minority business utilizatio n set-asid e plan , which require d non-minority owned prim e contractor s awarde d cit y constructio n contract s t o subcon tract a t leas t 3 0 percen t o f th e dolla r amoun t o f th e contrac t t o on e o r more minorit y busines s enterprise s fro m anywher e i n th e Unite d States ,

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with eac h suc h enterpris e t o b e a t leas t 5 1 percent owne d an d controlle d by Unite d State s citizen s wh o ar e blacks , Spanish-speaking , Asians , Na tive Americans, Inuits , o r Aleuts. I n th e publi c hearin g tha t precede d th e ordinance's adoption , ther e wa s n o direc t evidenc e o f race discriminatio n on th e par t o f th e cit y i n awardin g contract s o r an y evidenc e tha t th e city's prim e contractor s ha d discriminate d agains t minority-owne d sub contractors. Instead, th e proponent s relie d o n a study indicating that eve n though th e city' s genera l populatio n wa s hal f black , onl y 0.6 7 percen t o f the city' s prime contracts ha d bee n awarde d t o minority businesse s i n th e five year s fro m 197 8 t o 1983 . It als o establishe d tha t variou s contractors ' associations ha d virtually no minority businesses within thei r membershi p and tha t th e city' s lega l advise r ha d indicate d tha t i n ligh t o f Fullilove, the ordinance woul d b e constitutional . After th e ordinanc e wa s adopted , th e cit y issue d a n invitatio n t o bi d on a projec t fo r th e plumbin g a t th e cit y jail . Th e onl y bidde r wa s a company that , despit e havin g contacte d som e minorit y subcontractors , submitted a proposa l tha t di d no t includ e sufficien t minorit y subcon tracting t o satisf y th e ordinance . Althoug h th e compan y requeste d a waiver o f th e set-asid e requirement , th e cit y denie d th e reques t an d informed th e compan y tha t i t ha d decide d t o rebi d th e project . J . A . Croson Compan y the n brough t a n actio n i n a federa l distric t cour t i n Virginia, insistin g tha t th e ordinanc e violate d th e Fourteent h Amend ment's equa l protectio n clause . Th e distric t court , however , uphel d th e plan i n all respects. The Cour t o f Appeals fo r the Fourt h Circui t affirmed , but thi s opinio n wa s vacate d an d remande d b y th e Suprem e Cour t fo r further consideratio n i n ligh t o f the Court' s rulin g i n Wygant. O n remand , the cour t o f appeal s reverse d th e distric t cour t o n th e groun d tha t th e ordinance wa s invalid unde r th e equa l protectio n clause . City of Richmond v. Croson divide d th e Cour t t o a n eve n greate r exten t than prio r affirmativ e actio n case s had , producin g si x separat e opinions . As shown, th e fact s i n Croson wer e strikingl y similar t o thos e i n Fullilove, except tha t th e set-asid e wa s sponsored b y th e cit y o f Richmon d an d th e percentage set-asid e fo r minority-controlle d businesse s wa s thirty. 60 Justice O'Conno r announce d th e Court' s judgmen t invalidatin g th e Richmond set-aside . The firs t obstacl e was the Court's opinion i n Fullilove which uphel d a congressiona l set-asid e plan . Th e question s tha t Justic e Burger lef t open , includin g whether a state set-asid e pla n als o was constitutional, wer e no w squarel y befor e th e Court . O'Conno r distinguishe d Fullilove on th e ground s tha t Congres s ha d a specific constitutiona l man -

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date t o enforc e th e dictate s o f th e Fourteent h Amendment , sectio n 5 being a positiv e gran t o f legislativ e powe r authorizin g Congres s t o exer cise it s discretio n i n determinin g whethe r an d wha t legislatio n wa s needed t o secur e it s guarantees . O n th e othe r hand , O'Conno r foun d section 1 of the Fourteent h Amendmen t t o be a constraint o n state power . Thus, unlik e Congress , th e state s coul d undertak e onl y thos e effort s t o remedy discriminatio n tha t were consisten t wit h sectio n l. 61 In orde r t o mee t thes e constraints , Richmon d ha d t o specif y th e private discriminatio n i t sought t o remedy : Thus, i f th e cit y coul d sho w tha t i t ha d essentiall y becom e a "passiv e participant" i n a system o f racia l exclusio n practice d b y element s o f th e local construction industry , we think i t clear tha t th e cit y could tak e affir mative step s t o dismantl e suc h a system . I t i s beyon d disput e tha t an y public entity , stat e o r federal , ha s a compelling interes t i n assurin g tha t public dollars, drawn from th e tax contributions of all citizens, do not serve to financethe evil of private prejudice. 62 O'Connor's opinio n suggest s tha t th e proble m i n thi s cas e wa s no t affir mative actio n pe r se but , rather , th e poo r evidentiar y showin g o f specifi c private discriminatio n i n th e loca l construction industry. 63 O'Connor nex t addresse d th e prope r standar d o f review , pointin g ou t that stric t scrutin y wa s essentia l t o determinin g whethe r a racia l classifi cation wa s benig n or , instead , motivate d b y illegitimat e notion s o f racia l inferiority o r racial politics. Her opinion appear s t o acknowledge a distinction betwee n benig n racia l classification s an d thos e base d o n notion s o f racial inferiorit y o r racia l politics, 64 bu t significantly , O'Conno r di d no t reject th e notio n tha t som e racia l classifications—thos e no t steepe d i n stereotype o r racia l prejudice—wer e legitimate . Sh e di d no t champio n color blindness ! O'Connor specificall y identifie d th e defect s o f th e Richmon d plan : "[S]ocietal discrimination , withou t more , i s to o amorphou s a basi s fo r imposing a raciall y classifie d remedy." 65 Also , stat e an d loca l agencie s could no t rel y o n congressiona l findings o f nationa l discrimination. 66 In stead, the y ha d t o "establis h th e presenc e o f discriminatio n i n thei r ow n bailiwicks, base d eithe r upo n thei r ow n factfindin g processe s o r upo n determinations mad e b y othe r competen t institutions." 67 O'Conno r di d not believ e tha t th e evidenc e presente d b y the cit y identified discrimina tion i n th e Richmon d constructio n industry. 68 O'Connor intentionall y limite d th e Croson analysi s t o blacks:

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The foregoin g analysi s applie s onl y t o th e inclusio n o f black s withi n th e Richmond set-asid e program . There i s absolutely no evidence of past discrimi nation agains t Spanish-speaking, Oriental , Indian, Eskimo , or Aleut person s in an y aspec t o f th e Richmon d constructio n industry . . . . I t ma y wel l b e that Richmon d ha s neve r ha d a n Aleu t o r Eskim o citizen . Th e rando m inclusion o f racia l group s that , a s a practica l matter , ma y neve r hav e suf fered fro m discriminatio n i n th e constructio n industr y i n Richmon d sug gests tha t perhaps the city's purpose was not i n fact t o remedy pas t discrim ination.69 Unlike th e Fullilove majority , th e Croson majorit y foun d th e overinclusive ness o f th e minorit y set-asid e provisio n t o b e fatall y flawed. Another facto r tha t distinguishe d Fullilove fro m Croson wa s tha t Con gress ha d carefull y examine d an d rejecte d race-neutra l alternative s befor e enacting th e M B E provision . I n Croson, O'Conno r foun d n o evidenc e tha t the Richmon d Cit y Counci l ha d considere d an y race-neutra l alternatives . Therefore, th e Richmon d pla n faile d bot h part s o f th e equa l protectio n analysis. 70 T h e Croson decisio n establishe d th e constitutiona l requirement s fo r those stat e an d loca l government s tha t wis h t o distribut e publi c contract s more widely . T h a t is , i n orde r t o specif y a racia l preference , a loca l government mus t eithe r sho w specifi c evidenc e o f pas t loca l discrimina tion o r prov e a significan t statistica l disparit y betwee n th e numbe r o f qualified minorit y contractor s willin g an d abl e t o perfor m service s an d the numbe r actuall y employed. 7 1 Justice Marshal l wrot e a lon g dissent , explainin g wh y race-consciou s remedial policie s shoul d b e subjec t t o les s rigorou s revie w b y th e Court : "[I]t i s a welcom e symbo l o f racia l progres s whe n th e forme r capita l of th e Confederac y act s forthrightl y t o confron t th e effect s o f racia l discrimination i n it s midst. " 72 T h e dissenter s regarde d th e set-asid e pro vision i n Croson a s indistinguishable fro m it s mode l i n Fullilove. Moreover , they believe d tha t " a profoun d differenc e separate s governmenta l action s that themselve s ar e racist , an d governmenta l action s tha t see k t o remed y the effect s o f prio r racis m o r t o preven t neutra l governmenta l activit y from perpetuatin g th e effect s o f suc h racism. " 7 3 Metro Broadcastin g v. FCC When th e Federa l Communication s Commissio n (FCC ) compare s com peting application s fo r a ne w radi o o r televisio n broadcas t statio n license ,

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it award s a n enhancemen t credi t fo r ownershi p an d participatio n b y members o f minorit y groups , define d b y th e F C C a s "thos e o f Black , Hispanic Surnamed , America n Eskimo , Aleut , America n Indian , an d Asi atic America n extraction. " I n addition , th e F C C promote s minorit y own ership o f broadcas t station s throug h it s "distres s sale " policy , unde r whic h a license e whos e qualification s t o hol d a broadcas t licens e hav e com e int o question may , i f certai n condition s ar e met , assig n it s licens e t o a n F C C approved minorit y enterpris e withou t th e hearin g ordinaril y require d before a licens e ma y b e assigned . Metro Broadcastin g sough t a revie w o f a n F C C orde r awardin g a ne w television licens e t o Rainbo w Broadcastin g i n a comparativ e proceeding , in whic h th e actio n wa s base d o n th e rulin g tha t th e substantia l enhance m e n t grante d t o Rainbo w becaus e o f it s minorit y ownershi p outweighe d the factor s favorin g Metro . Ultimately , th e Cour t o f Appeal s fo r th e D.C . Circuit affirme d th e gran t o f th e licens e t o Rainbow . I n a companion case , Shurberg Broadcastin g sough t a revie w o f a n F C C orde r approvin g Fait h Center's distres s sal e o f it s televisio n licens e t o Astrolin e Communica tions Company , a minorit y enterprise . T h a t cour t invalidate d th e distres s sale policy , rulin g tha t i t deprive d Shurber g o f it s righ t t o equa l protec tion. In Metro Broadcasting, th e Suprem e Cour t consolidate d thes e tw o cases , questioning whethe r thes e F C C policie s violate d th e equa l protectio n component o f th e Fift h Amendment. 7 4 I n a five-to-fou r opinio n writte n by Justic e Brennan , th e Cour t hel d tha t th e policie s di d no t violat e equa l protection principles. 75 Justice Brennan' s opinio n parallele d th e principa l opinio n o f Fullilove insofar a s th e earlie r opinio n ha d summarize d th e Court' s historica l defer ence t o Congres s an d th e variou s source s o f powe r availabl e t o Congres s to enac t th e minorit y preferenc e policies . Bu t the n Brenna n adde d th e following qualifier : A majorit y o f th e Cour t i n Fullilove di d no t appl y stric t scrutin y t o th e race-based classificatio n a t issue . Thre e Member s inquire d "whethe r th e objectives o f th[e ] legislatio n ar e withi n th e powe r o f Congress " an d "whether th e limited us e of racial and ethni c criteria . . . i s a constitutionally permissible mean s fo r achievin g th e congressiona l objectives. " . . . Thre e other Member s woul d hav e uphel d benig n racia l classification s tha t "serv e important governmenta l objective s an d ar e substantially relate d t o achieve ment o f thos e objectives. " . .. W e appl y tha t standar d today . W e hol d tha t

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benign race-consciou s measure s mandate d b y Congress—eve n i f thos e measures are not "remedial " in the sense of being designed t o compensate victims o f past governmenta l o r societal discrimination—ar e constitution ally permissibl e t o th e exten t tha t the y serv e importan t governmenta l objectives withi n th e powe r o f Congres s an d ar e substantiall y relate d t o achievement of those objectives. Five member s o f th e Cour t agree d tha t th e standar d o f revie w fo r con gressional affirmativ e actio n wa s intermediat e scrutiny . Unde r thi s ap proach, program s ar e constitutionall y permissibl e i f the y serv e importan t governmental objective s withi n th e powe r o f Congres s an d ar e substan tially related t o the achievemen t o f those objectives. 76 Justice Brennan , wh o ha d joine d Marshall' s dissen t i n Croson, distinguished i t fro m Fullilove. Because Croson did no t concer n congressiona l action, it s reasonin g coul d no t b e use d t o undermin e Fullilove. I n fact , Brennan argue d tha t mos t o f th e languag e an d reasonin g o f Croson reaf firmed th e lesso n o f Fullilove: that race-consciou s classification s adopte d by Congres s t o addres s racia l an d ethni c discriminatio n ar e subjec t t o a standard differen t fro m tha t applie d t o similar classification s enacte d b y state an d loca l governments. 77 The majorit y i n Metro foun d tha t Congress' s interes t i n enhancin g broadcast diversit y wa s a t th e ver y leas t a n importan t governmenta l objective. Specifically , Brenna n suggeste d tha t diversit y o n th e airwave s served importan t Firs t Amendmen t values . H e wrot e tha t th e minorit y ownership policie s wer e substantiall y relate d t o achievin g divers e pro gramming, an d h e cite d studie s b y th e Congressiona l Researc h Servic e (CRS) an d th e FC C t o suppor t hi s view. 78 H e als o note d a correlatio n between minorit y ownershi p an d minorit y hiring : [W]hile w e ar e unde r n o illusio n tha t member s o f a particula r minorit y group share some cohesive, collective viewpoint, we believe it a legitimate inference fo r Congress and the Commission to draw that as more minorities gain ownership an d policymakin g role s in the media , varying perspectives will be more fairly represented o n the airwaves.79 In additio n t o the absenc e o f stereotyping, Justic e Brenna n foun d tha t the minorit y preferenc e policie s wer e pu t i n plac e afte r race-neutra l efforts b y Congres s an d th e FC C ha d failed . H e insiste d th e policie s i n dispute wer e aime d directl y a t barrier s tha t minoritie s fac e i n enterin g the broadcas t industry . Th e policie s wer e als o o f appropriat e scop e an d duration. Justic e Brenna n wrot e tha t Congres s an d th e FC C als o ha d

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evaluated th e policies . Finally , th e burde n impose d b y th e policie s wa s slight, sinc e the y affecte d onl y a smal l fractio n o f licenses. 80 Justice O'Connor' s dissen t i n Metro Broadcasting wa s fa r mor e revealin g than he r majorit y opinio n i n Croson. Sh e criticize d th e majorit y fo r de parting fro m fundamenta l principle s unde r th e equa l protectio n claus e and th e stric t scrutin y standar d o f review, 81 an d sh e als o seeme d inten t on eliminatin g th e ter m benign racial classification fro m equa l protectio n jurisprudence: The Court' s relianc e o n "benig n racia l classifications, " . . . i s particularl y troubling. " 'Benign' racia l classification " i s a contradiction i n terms . Gov ernmental distinction s amon g citizen s base d o n rac e o r ethnicity , eve n i n the rar e circumstance s permitte d b y ou r cases , exac t cost s an d carr y wit h them substantia l dangers . T o th e perso n denie d a n opportunit y o r righ t based o n race , the classificatio n i s hardly benign . . . . . . . We are a Nation no t o f black an d whit e alone , but on e teemin g wit h divergent communitie s knitte d togethe r b y variou s tradition s an d carrie d forth, abov e all , b y individuals . Upo n tha t basis , w e ar e governe d b y on e Constitution, providin g a singl e guarante e o f equa l protection , on e tha t extends equall y t o all citizens. 82 Although Justic e O'Conno r stil l seeme d t o accep t tha t race-base d remedial measure s coul d b e constitutiona l i n certai n situations , sh e coul d not accep t th e equatio n o f "benign " an d "remedial. " Becaus e th e major ity ha d employe d a les s stric t standar d o f review , sh e believe d i t mus t have intende d a differen t meanin g fo r thos e terms : " A lowe r standar d [o f review] signal s tha t th e Governmen t ma y resor t t o racia l distinction s mor e readily. T h e Court' s departur e fro m ou r case s i s disturbin g enough , bu t more disturbin g stil l i s th e renewe d toleratio n o f racia l classification s tha t its ne w standar d o f revie w embodies. " 8 3

Adarand Constructors , Inc . v. Pena T h e cas e o f Adarand Constructors, Inc. v. Pena aros e afte r th e federa l Department o f Transportatio n awarde d th e prim e contrac t fo r a highwa y construction projec t i n Colorad o t o Mountai n Grave l an d Construction . Mountain solicite d bid s fro m subcontractor s fo r th e guardrai l portio n o f the contract . Adarand , whic h specialize s i n guardrai l work , submitte d th e lowest bid . Gonzale s Construction , anothe r subcontracto r i n th e guardrai l business, als o submitte d on e o f th e lowe r bids . Unde r th e term s o f th e prime contract , Mountai n woul d receiv e a bonu s o f $10,00 0 fro m th e

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government i f i t hire d subcontractor s certifie d a s smal l businesse s con trolled b y sociall y o r economicall y disadvantage d individuals , a s define d in th e Smal l Busines s Ac t (SBA). 84 The SB A defines sociall y disadvantaged individual s a s those who hav e been subjecte d t o racia l o r ethni c bia s becaus e o f thei r membershi p i n a group without regar d t o their individua l qualities . It define s economicall y disadvantaged individual s a s sociall y disadvantage d individual s whos e ability t o compet e i n th e free-enterpris e syste m ha s bee n impaire d be cause o f diminished capita l an d credi t opportunitie s compare d wit h thos e of other s i n th e sam e busines s are a wh o ar e no t sociall y disadvantaged . Under the SBA , black, Latino, Asian, and Native Americans ar e presume d to b e sociall y disadvantaged . A relate d provisio n extend s th e sam e pre sumption t o women . I n practice , a thir d part y wh o object s t o thi s pre sumption i n a particula r cas e ca n com e forwar d an d establis h tha t a particular busines s i s not disadvantaged. 85 Gonzales ha d bee n certifie d a s a small , sociall y an d economicall y disadvantaged business ; Adaran d ha d not . Therefore , Mountai n awarde d the subcontrac t t o Gonzales . Adaran d the n brough t sui t i n federa l court , insisting tha t th e federa l government' s practic e o f givin g t o genera l con tractors o n governmen t project s a financial incentiv e t o hir e subcontrac tors controlle d b y sociall y an d economicall y disadvantage d individual s and als o th e government' s us e o f race-base d presumption s i n identifyin g such individual s violat e th e equa l protectio n componen t o f th e Fift h Amendment's du e proces s clause : "N o perso n shal l . . . b e deprive d o f life, liberty , o r property , withou t du e proces s o f law. " 86 The distric t cour t ruled fo r th e government . Th e Cour t o f Appeal s fo r th e Tent h Circui t affirmed i n ligh t o f th e Suprem e Court' s holding s i n Fullilove and Metro. Adarand appeale d t o th e Suprem e Court , an d Cour t watcher s waite d t o learn th e fat e o f affirmative action . Despite a wide-ranging se t o f opinion s i n Adarand, th e Cour t reduce d the issu e t o on e ke y point : th e leve l o f scrutin y tha t applie s whe n an y governmental acto r adopt s a race-base d policy . Woul d th e Cour t appl y the Croson o r th e Metro standard? Justic e O'Conno r reviewe d th e Court' s split opinion s fro m prio r case s an d conclude d tha t Croson was a bette r precedent tha n Metro Broadcasting. Sh e ha d writte n th e majorit y opinio n in Croson and a vehemen t dissen t i n Metro Broadcasting, which sh e de scribed a s a "surprisin g turn " an d inconsisten t wit h th e Court' s rulin g i n Croson.*1 I t seem s curious , give n O'Connor' s ow n employmen t history — the onl y jo b sh e coul d ge t afte r graduatin g a t th e to p o f he r clas s fro m

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Stanford La w Schoo l wa s a s a lega l secretary—tha t sh e woul d no t under stand th e differenc e betwee n governmen t program s tha t ar e racis t o r sexist an d thos e tha t see k t o compensat e fo r racis m o r sexism . Nonetheless, O'Conno r cas t th e pivota l vote , an d a s implie d i n he r dissent i n Metro Broadcasting, sh e enliste d Adarand t o overrul e Metro an d implicitly Fullilove. T o achiev e he r goal , O'Conno r ha d t o ignor e muc h o f her Croson opinion , especiall y th e part s i n whic h sh e distinguishe d Fullilove. O'Connor' s opinio n i s remarkabl e fo r ho w i t deftl y recast s th e Court's prio r affirmativ e actio n decision s int o inconclusiv e pluralit y opin ions, wit h les s forc e tha n thos e i n whic h a majorit y o f th e Cour t adopte d one opinion . O f course , Croson wa s a pluralit y opinio n a s well . T h e Cour t hel d simpl y tha t al l explici t racia l classifications—whethe r imposed b y a federal , state , o r loca l g o v e r n m e n t — m u s t b e subjecte d t o strict scrutiny . T h a t resul t ha d bee n predicte d sinc e O'Conno r wrot e he r dissent i n Metro. T h e large r stor y o f th e case , however , i s Justic e O'Con nor's lega l craftsmanship : [T]he Court' s case s throug h Croson ha d establishe d thre e genera l proposi tions wit h respec t t o governmenta l racia l classifications . First , skepticism : "any preference base d o n racia l or ethnic criteria mus t necessaril y receiv e a most searchin g examination, " Wygant. .. . Second , consistency : "th e stan dard o f review unde r th e Equa l Protectio n Claus e i s not dependen t o n th e race o f thos e burdene d o r benefite d b y a particula r classification, " Croson. And third , congruence : "equa l protectio n analysis i n th e Fift h Amendmen t area i s the sam e a s that unde r th e Fourteent h Amendment, " Boiling. Taken together, thes e proposition s lea d t o a conclusion tha t an y person , o f what ever race , has a right t o deman d tha t an y governmental acto r subjec t t o th e Constitution justif y an y racia l classificatio n subjectin g tha t perso n t o un equal treatmen t unde r th e strictes t judicial scrutiny. 88 Here O'Conno r di d fa r mor e tha n revie w precedent . B y piecin g to gether comment s fro m carefull y selecte d cases , sh e revise d an d trans formed thei r contex t an d meaning . He r opinio n implie s tha t racia l classi fications wer e firs t a n issu e i n th e 1940s . Wha t abou t Dred Scott o r PlessyP What abou t al l th e desegregatio n an d votin g cases ? O'Conno r wa s lik e a gifted muralist , paintin g ove r America' s blighte d racia l history , alterin g t o gray wha t fo r man y ha d bee n blac k an d white . T h e specifi c fact s o f case s lost thei r focus , creatin g th e misimpressio n tha t i n eac h th e Cour t face d an instanc e o f invidiou s racia l discrimination . Ye t a s show n i n th e earlie r discussions o f thos e cases , th e Court' s analysi s wa s heavil y drive n b y facts, an d th e decision s wer e anythin g bu t consistent . A s a resul t o f

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O'Connor's revisionism , th e Cour t majorit y coul d insis t tha t an y racia l classification wa s produce d b y cast e o r oppressio n an d tha t non e wa s benign o r remedial . For a justice wh o usuall y relie s o n preceden t a s a cardina l principl e o f constitutional analysis , O'Conno r wen t ou t o f he r wa y t o explai n wh y Metro wa s a "surprisin g turn." 8 9 Sh e charge d tha t th e Cour t i n Metro turned it s bac k o n Croson. Bu t on e coul d jus t a s effectivel y argu e tha t i n Croson, O'Conno r turne d he r bac k o n Fullilove. I f on e applie d O'Connor' s consistency an d congruenc e analysi s t o it s logica l end , sh e shoul d hav e followed Fullilove i n he r opinio n i n Croson. T h e n Metro woul d hav e bee n consistent, too , an d Adarand woul d hav e bee n unnecessary . O'Connor explaine d wh y stric t scrutin y o f al l governmenta l racia l classifications i s essential : Absent searchin g judicia l inquir y int o th e justificatio n fo r suc h race-base d measures, ther e i s simply n o way o f determinin g wha t classification s ar e i n fact motivate d b y illegitimat e notion s o f racia l inferiorit y o r simpl e racia l politics. Indeed, th e purpos e o f strict scrutiny i s to "smok e out" illegitimat e uses o f rac e b y assurin g tha t th e legislativ e bod y i s pursuin g a goa l im portant enoug h t o warran t us e o f a highl y suspec t tool . Th e tes t als o ensures tha t th e mean s chose n "fit " thi s compellin g goa l s o closel y tha t there i s littl e o r n o possibilit y tha t th e motiv e fo r th e classificatio n wa s illegitimate racia l prejudice o r stereotype. 90 Fortunately, O'Conno r admitte d tha t som e use s o f racia l classification s by th e governmen t ar e legitimate , whic h mean s tha t sh e doe s no t appl y a color-blind standard . Instead , sh e insiste d o n stric t scrutin y t o decid e which racia l classification s ar e constitutionall y objectionabl e an d whic h are not . Presumably , wit h th e prope r evidentiar y record , O'Conno r woul d uphold som e narrowl y tailore d affirmativ e actio n policies : [W]e wis h t o dispe l th e notio n tha t stric t scrutin y i s "stric t i n theory , bu t fatal i n fact. " Th e unhapp y persistenc e o f both th e practic e an d th e linger ing effects o f racial discriminatio n agains t minorit y group s i n thi s country i s an unfortunat e reality , an d governmen t i s no t disqualifie d fro m actin g i n response t o it . When race-base d actio n i s necessary t o furthe r a compellin g interest, suc h actio n i s withi n constitutiona l constraint s i f i t satisfie s th e "narrow tailoring " tes t thi s Court ha s se t ou t i n previous cases . Adarand wa s remande d t o th e cour t o f appeal s t o appl y th e appropriat e legal standard . T h i s mean s tha t amon g othe r things , th e lowe r cour t mus t determine whethe r Congres s ha s a compellin g interes t fo r it s subcontrac tor compensatio n claus e presumptions , whethe r i t ha s considere d race -

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neutral alternatives , an d whethe r th e progra m i s limite d s o tha t i t wil l las t no longe r tha n th e discriminator y effect s i t i s designe d t o eliminate. 9 1 Four justice s dissente d i n Adarand, insistin g tha t th e majorit y ha d ignored controllin g precedent . Justice s Stevens , Stephe n Breyer , Rut h Bader Ginsburg , an d Davi d Soute r believe d tha t as a matter o f constitutiona l an d democrati c principle , a decision b y repre sentatives o f the majorit y t o discriminate agains t the member s o f a minority race i s fundamentall y differen t fro m thos e sam e representatives ' decisio n to impos e incidenta l cost s o n th e majorit y o f thei r constituent s i n orde r t o provide a benefit t o a disadvantaged minority 92 T h i s poin t ha s bee n forcefull y argue d b y leadin g constitutiona l scholar s for nearl y thirt y years. 9 3 As fo r th e differenc e betwee n law s designe d t o benefi t a historicall y disfavored grou p an d law s designe d t o burde n suc h a group , Justic e Ginsburg, citin g Stephe n Carter , wrote : [T]o sa y that tw o centuries o f struggle fo r the mos t basi c of civil rights hav e been mostl y abou t freedo m fro m racia l categorizatio n rathe r the n freedo m from racia l oppression , i s t o trivializ e th e live s an d death s o f thos e wh o have suffere d unde r racism . T o preten d . . . tha t th e issu e presente d i n Bakke was th e sam e a s th e issu e i n Brown i s t o preten d tha t histor y neve r happened an d th e presen t doesn' t exist. 94 Adarand^ initia l reverberation s hav e alread y bee n heard . Fo r example , after nearl y thre e decade s o f givin g federa l court s broa d discretio n t o en d educational segregation , th e sam e fiv e justice s agree d mor e recentl y tha t federal judge s hav e narro w remedia l power s i n schoo l desegregatio n cases. T h e sam e grou p als o rule d tha t th e Justic e Departmen t canno t direct th e state s t o maximiz e th e numbe r o f majority-minorit y district s i n accordance wit h th e Votin g Right s Ac t o f 1965. 95 I t ma y no t b e lon g before thos e justice s reinterpre t th e natur e an d scop e o f tha t act . It wil l tak e severa l year s fo r American s t o lear n th e ful l meanin g o f Adarand. Perhap s thi s cas e wil l no t mea n th e en d o f race-base d affirmativ e action, bu t i t wil l b e muc h mor e difficul t t o justif y race-base d remedia l affirmative actio n policies , excep t whe n th e governmen t admit s an d es tablishes tha t i t ha s participate d i n identifiabl e discriminatio n agains t specific person s o r whe n th e plaintif f prove s invidiou s discrimination . Indeed, th e majorit y opinio n implie s tha t suc h remedia l policie s ar e presumptively invali d no t simpl y i n th e employmen t contex t bu t als o i n housing, education , an d voting . Anothe r issu e lef t ope n b y Adarand i s

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whether th e Court will extend it s congruence/consistency/skepticism the ory t o gender-base d affirmativ e actio n o r whethe r suc h policie s wil l con tinue t o be reviewe d unde r a less rigorous standard . My purpos e fo r sketchin g severa l o f th e leadin g affirmativ e actio n cases i s t o highligh t thei r factua l context , specificall y th e discriminator y circumstances leadin g t o th e adoptio n o f th e remedia l policies . Thes e cases show that affirmative actio n policie s hav e indee d mad e a difference , improving th e opportunitie s o f man y person s wh o befor e the m wer e categorically exclude d becaus e o f rac e o r gende r quotas . Non e o f th e remedial policie s adopte d i n thes e cas e example s ha d th e purpos e o r effect o f producin g whit e cast e o r o f excludin g al l white s fro m employ ment o r education o r from competin g fo r publi c contracts . The shar p ideologica l divisio n i n th e Cour t regardin g race-base d af firmative actio n i s characterize d b y competin g vision s o f th e meanin g o f racial equalit y unde r th e Constitution . Fo r som e member s o f th e Court , equal protectio n permit s th e governmen t t o act affirmatively t o dismantl e the legacy o f slavery , discrimination , an d racia l supremac y i n th e Unite d States. These justice s believ e tha t i n order t o treat som e person s equally , one mus t trea t the m differently , an d the y d o no t conside r suc h differen t treatment t o be invidiou s racia l discrimination . Justic e Blackmu n wa s th e most prominen t advocat e o f this view : I suspec t tha t i t woul d b e impossibl e t o arrang e a n affirmativ e actio n program in a racially neutral way and have it successful. T o ask that this be so is to deman d th e impossible . I n orde r t o ge t beyon d racism , w e mus t first tak e account of race. There is no other way. And in order to treat some persons equally, we must treat them differently. W e cannot—we dare not— let the Equal Protection Clause perpetuate racial supremacy. 96 For other member s o f the Court , racia l equalit y an d nondiscriminatio n mean tha t th e governmen t shoul d no t classif y person s b y race , excep t i n dire emergencie s o r when th e governmen t itsel f ha s cause d o r permitte d identifiable discriminatio n t o occur in its locale. They believ e tha t t o treat persons equally , on e mus t trea t the m th e same . Justic e O'Conno r i s th e chief advocat e o f th e latte r view : u [T]he guarante e o f equa l protectio n cannot mea n on e thin g whe n applie d t o on e individua l an d somethin g else when applie d t o a person o f another color. " 97 For now , i n affirmativ e actio n cases , a s goe s O'Connor , s o goe s th e Court. Unfortunately , sh e ha s neve r explaine d wh y eliminatin g racia l caste i s no t presumptivel y a compelling governmenta l interes t justifyin g

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the adoptio n o f remedia l affirmativ e action . Wh y isn' t racia l cast e i n America considere d a national emergency ? Clearly , fo r thos e wh o exis t i n its worsening conditions, no issue is more important. Fo r other Americans, racial caste i s a disease killin g thei r future a s well. THE POLITICS O F AFFIRMATIVE ACTION : MYTH O R REALITY?

For th e pas t thre e decades , federa l affirmativ e actio n program s hav e ru n the gamu t fro m outreac h an d hortator y effort s t o encourage federa l agen cies an d contractor s t o us e minority - o r women-owne d businesse s t o specific mandate s t o hir e wome n an d minoritie s consisten t wit h state d goals, timetables , an d set-asides . Accordingly , th e Communit y Reinvest ment Act requires certain bank s t o conduct an d record effort s t o reach ou t to underserve d communities . Th e Foreig n Servic e maintain s a minorit y internship program . Th e Environmenta l Protectio n Agenc y sponsor s a mentor-protege progra m t o encourag e prim e contractor s t o develo p rela tionships wit h smal l an d disadvantage d businesses . Th e Smal l Busines s Act require s eac h federa l agenc y t o se t goal s fo r contractin g wit h smal l and disadvantage d businesses . Th e Federa l Communication s Commis sion—until Adarand —had use d rac e an d gende r a s considerations i n th e sale o f broadcas t licenses . An d th e Intermoda l Surfac e Transportatio n Efficiency Ac t authorize s th e paymen t o f subcontracto r compensatio n bonuses t o prime contractors who use socially disadvantaged businesses. 98 According to a 1995 study of affirmative actio n commissione d b y President Bil l Clinton , suc h program s ar e designe d t o promot e inclusion , prevent futur e discriminatio n b y employers , an d provid e employer s wit h a practica l wa y t o gaug e thei r ow n progres s i n employin g minoritie s and women. " Th e Departmen t o f Labor , throug h th e Offic e o f Federa l Contract Complianc e Program s (OFCCP) , continue s t o promot e equa l employment opportunitie s amon g privat e businesse s tha t hav e federa l contracts. Th e provision s o f Executiv e Orde r 11,24 6 appl y t o contractor s and subcontractor s wit h contract s o f more tha n $10,00 0 per year . OFCCP regulation s contai n separat e requirement s fo r constructio n and nonconstructio n firms. Nonconstructio n firms wit h fifty o r mor e em ployees o r contracts totalin g $50,000 must develo p an d maintai n a written affirmative actio n plan . As part o f the plan , th e contracto r mus t conduc t a workforce analysi s o f eac h jo b title , determin e th e workforc e availabilit y of wome n an d minoritie s fo r eac h jo b group , an d conduc t a utilizatio n analysis t o determin e whethe r wome n o r minoritie s ar e bein g underuti -

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the adoptio n o f remedia l affirmativ e action . Wh y isn' t racia l cast e i n America considere d a national emergency ? Clearly , fo r thos e wh o exis t i n its worsening conditions, no issue is more important. Fo r other Americans, racial caste i s a disease killin g thei r future a s well. THE POLITICS O F AFFIRMATIVE ACTION : MYTH O R REALITY?

For th e pas t thre e decades , federa l affirmativ e actio n program s hav e ru n the gamu t fro m outreac h an d hortator y effort s t o encourage federa l agen cies an d contractor s t o us e minority - o r women-owne d businesse s t o specific mandate s t o hir e wome n an d minoritie s consisten t wit h state d goals, timetables , an d set-asides . Accordingly , th e Communit y Reinvest ment Act requires certain bank s t o conduct an d record effort s t o reach ou t to underserve d communities . Th e Foreig n Servic e maintain s a minorit y internship program . Th e Environmenta l Protectio n Agenc y sponsor s a mentor-protege progra m t o encourag e prim e contractor s t o develo p rela tionships wit h smal l an d disadvantage d businesses . Th e Smal l Busines s Act require s eac h federa l agenc y t o se t goal s fo r contractin g wit h smal l and disadvantage d businesses . Th e Federa l Communication s Commis sion—until Adarand —had use d rac e an d gende r a s considerations i n th e sale o f broadcas t licenses . An d th e Intermoda l Surfac e Transportatio n Efficiency Ac t authorize s th e paymen t o f subcontracto r compensatio n bonuses t o prime contractors who use socially disadvantaged businesses. 98 According to a 1995 study of affirmative actio n commissione d b y President Bil l Clinton , suc h program s ar e designe d t o promot e inclusion , prevent futur e discriminatio n b y employers , an d provid e employer s wit h a practica l wa y t o gaug e thei r ow n progres s i n employin g minoritie s and women. " Th e Departmen t o f Labor , throug h th e Offic e o f Federa l Contract Complianc e Program s (OFCCP) , continue s t o promot e equa l employment opportunitie s amon g privat e businesse s tha t hav e federa l contracts. Th e provision s o f Executiv e Orde r 11,24 6 appl y t o contractor s and subcontractor s wit h contract s o f more tha n $10,00 0 per year . OFCCP regulation s contai n separat e requirement s fo r constructio n and nonconstructio n firms. Nonconstructio n firms wit h fifty o r mor e em ployees o r contracts totalin g $50,000 must develo p an d maintai n a written affirmative actio n plan . As part o f the plan , th e contracto r mus t conduc t a workforce analysi s o f eac h jo b title , determin e th e workforc e availabilit y of wome n an d minoritie s fo r eac h jo b group , an d conduc t a utilizatio n analysis t o determin e whethe r wome n o r minoritie s ar e bein g underuti -

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lized. I f th e contracto r discover s tha t minoritie s o r wome n ar e bein g underutilized, i t mus t devis e way s o f overcomin g thi s an d t o mak e a good-faith effor t t o carry them out . Construction firms ar e not require d t o maintain writte n plan s bu t mus t sho w good-fait h effort s t o mee t demo graphic goal s fo r minoritie s an d nationwid e goal s fo r women. 100 Th e Labor Departmen t o r the OFCC P may require goal s for hirin g minoritie s and women , bu t quota s ar e explicitly prohibited . Given th e prohibitio n o f quotas , "goa l setting " i s use d t o targe t an d evaluate th e effectivenes s o f affirmativ e actio n effort s an d t o eradicat e and preven t discrimination . Numerica l benchmark s ar e establishe d i n light o f th e availabilit y o f qualifie d applicant s i n th e jo b marke t o r th e employer's workforce . Significantly , a contractor' s failur e t o achiev e it s affirmative actio n goa l i s no t a violatio n o f Executiv e Orde r 11,246 , bu t the failur e t o make a good-faith effor t is. 101 The OFCC P conduct s complianc e reviews . I n 1994 , i t undertoo k approximately fou r thousan d reviews , accountin g fo r roughl y 3 percent o f nonconstruction an d 1. 5 percen t o f the constructio n firms. I f th e OFCC P finds a violation, i t attempts t o conciliate wit h th e contractor . A contractor in violatio n o f Executiv e Orde r 11,24 6 may hav e it s contracts terminate d or suspended, thoug h suc h action s ar e rare. 102 Federal affirmativ e actio n program s affec t mor e tw o millio n federa l employees. Eac h federa l civilia n agenc y i s require d t o establis h plan s t o foster equa l opportunitie s fo r minoritie s an d women . The Equa l Employ ment Opportunit y Commissio n (EEOC ) ha s advisor y authorit y an d re view responsibility fo r such plans . By means o f "managemen t directives, " the EEO C require s agencie s t o determin e whethe r minoritie s an d women ar e underrepresente d i n variou s employmen t categories . Mos t recently, th e commissio n propose d tha t n o agenc y se t goals . Instead , agencies ar e required t o report th e discharg e o r separation rate s of minorities, women, an d person s wit h disabilities. 103 Citing numerou s empirica l studies , th e Clinto n repor t conclude d tha t affirmative actio n doe s creat e opportunity . A s fo r fairness , th e repor t found littl e evidence t o support th e charge that white males have suffere d widespread revers e discrimination . Moreover , employer s ar e fre e t o us e race-neutral strategie s t o achiev e thei r affirmativ e actio n goals . Overall , the repor t describe s th e curren t affirmativ e actio n requirement s a s flexible, minimally intrusive , transitional, an d balanced . The goal s and timeta bles polic y rest s o n reference s t o th e relevan t poo l o f applicants , an d n o law requires a n employer t o hire unqualified employees .

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So wh y al l th e fuss ? Wha t i s reall y behin d th e recen t vigorou s attac k on affirmativ e action ? Ther e ar e a t leas t tw o factors : mone y an d racia l politics. I n 1993 , jus t unde r 193,00 0 constructio n an d nonconstructio n businesses employin g 2 6 millio n peopl e wer e covere d b y th e provision s of Executiv e Orde r 11,246 . These businesse s receive d contract s totalin g more tha n $16 0 billion . Thus , par t o f th e reaso n fo r th e assaul t i s th e amount o f mone y involve d an d wh o wil l receiv e it . Remedia l affirmativ e action policie s tel l employer s tha t thos e wh o mak e good-fait h effort s t o employ minoritie s an d women , or , i n som e instances , t o us e smal l busi nesses, will have a competitive advantag e i n winning contracts ove r thos e who d o not . Som e o f thes e contractor s apparentl y ar e unwillin g t o mak e the require d efforts . Withou t th e affirmativ e actio n mandate , we ca n onl y guess whethe r the y woul d (o r would not ) emplo y minoritie s an d women , or smal l businesses . Histor y give s u s reaso n t o b e skeptical . Beyon d money, affirmativ e actio n als o serve s a s a goo d wedg e issu e tha t win s votes. Modern affirmativ e actio n ha s bee n unde r attac k eve r sinc e th e lat e 1960s when Presiden t Nixo n institute d th e Philadelphi a Plan . The politi cal firestorm throughou t th e countr y toda y evolve d fro m th e triumph s and defeat s o f thos e seekin g t o preserv e Executiv e Orde r 11,24 6 an d those fighting it . Sinc e then , th e sures t wa y t o assaul t policie s emanatin g from Executiv e Orde r 11,24 6 ha s bee n t o bran d the m quotas. 104 Execu tive Orde r 11,24 6 followed closel y o n th e heel s o f the Civi l Right s Act of 1964, whic h durin g congressiona l debate s ha d bee n attacke d a s a quot a bill: "Th e bil l woul d discriminat e agains t whit e people, " insiste d a sena tor fro m Mississippi . Forme r President s Nixon , Ronal d Reagan , an d George Bus h eac h campaigne d agains t quotas , an d Bus h mad e a simila r charge regardin g the Civi l Right s Act of 1991 , which Congres s enacte d t o reverse a series o f Supreme Cour t decision s overrulin g establishe d law. 105 As Nicholas Leman n observed , wha t wa s onc e a cause amon g conser vatives i s no w on e o f th e centra l issue s i n th e nationa l elections . Ever y high-profile America n politicia n ha s take n a stan d o n affirmativ e action . In Maryland , a n undergraduat e studen t sue d th e stat e universit y fo r operating a scholarshi p progra m solel y fo r blac k students . Afte r th e fed eral appellat e cour t hel d tha t th e progra m wa s invalid , th e Suprem e Court denie d review. 106 I n Alabama, th e cit y of Birmingham continue s it s litigation wit h whit e an d blac k firefighters regardin g th e legalit y o f con sent decree s containin g hirin g goal s t o increas e th e numbe r an d ran k o f black firefighters. 107 I n a separat e cas e involvin g th e at-larg e electio n o f

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Alabama judges, after a federal judg e endorse d a settlement proposa l tha t would permi t th e appointmen t o f half a dozen blac k judges t o th e state' s appellate courts , Th e Cour t o f Appeal s fo r th e Elevent h Circui t re versed.108 In Texas , fou r whit e applicant s sue d th e stat e la w schoo l i n Austi n for it s admission s procedure s permittin g a subcommitte e t o evaluat e al l applications fro m minorit y students , chargin g tha t i t violate d th e princi ples o f Bakke. Th e federa l tria l cour t agree d tha t a separat e revie w was unconstitutional . Th e federa l appellat e cour t questione d Bakke an d rejected Justic e Powell's conclusion tha t race could b e one of many factor s employed t o achiev e educationa l diversity. 109 An d i n California , Glyn n Custred an d To m Wood , tw o middle-aged whit e academics , introduce d a ballot initiative that , i f supported b y a majority o f California voters , would ban al l state-sponsore d affirmativ e action . Californi a ha s becom e know n for it s recen t citize n initiative s o n man y subjects , includin g taxes , crim e victims, insurance , an d immigration . Th e lates t reads : Neither the State of California no r any of its political subdivisions or agents shall use race, sex, color, ethnicity or national origin as a criterion for either discriminating against, or granting preferential treatmen t to , any individual or group i n operatio n o f th e State' s syste m o f publi c educatio n o r publi c contracting.110 After Pa t Buchana n an d Willia m Buckle y praise d th e initiative , affir mative actio n move d fro m th e bac k roo m t o th e hea d tabl e fo r publi c judgment. I f Custre d an d Woo d secur e th e necessar y numbe r o f signa tures t o plac e th e Californi a Civi l Right s Initiativ e (CCRI ) o n th e ballot , it will face th e voter s o n th e sam e da y tha t Presiden t Clinto n does . Sinc e it i s crucia l fo r a presidentia l candidat e t o wi n California' s fifty-four electors, ther e i s n o avoidin g th e forthcomin g debate . Wha t ar e th e arguments fo r an d agains t affirmativ e action ? Wha t competin g interest s are at stake? And whic h politician s wil l sa y anything t o get elected ? The ton e of the latest attack on affirmative actio n appears vituperative , with politician s o r commentator s contendin g tha t affirmativ e actio n i s a first cousin o f Jim Crow , antithetical t o meritocratic decisio n making ; tha t the Constitutio n guarantee s equalit y o f opportunity , no t equa l results ; that clas s i s a bette r prox y fo r pas t discriminatio n tha n rac e is ; and eve n that affirmativ e actio n was a bad ide a fro m th e start . Many affirmativ e actio n critic s mak e n o attemp t t o educat e th e publi c about the various policies encompassed unde r the affirmative actio n label .

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Rather, the y insis t that every affirmative actio n policy is a disguised quot a and ever y victi m i s eithe r a white mal e wh o wa s mor e qualifie d tha n th e minority o r femal e hired 111 o r a "superstar " minorit y wh o i s tainte d o r stigmatized b y the erroneous assumptio n tha t h e or she advanced becaus e of affirmativ e action. 112 Therefore , i n th e nex t severa l years , American s should expec t mor e virulen t statement s o r ad s attackin g affirmativ e ac tion, lik e th e on e circulate d b y Senato r Jesse Helm s fro m Nort h Carolin a at the en d o f his 199 0 reelection campaign . The a d plays on white fears — "You reall y neede d tha t job , yo u wer e th e bes t qualified, " ominousl y intones th e voice-over , showin g a pair o f white hand s clutchin g an d the n crumpling a rejection letter . "Bu t they had t o give it to a minority becaus e of a racial quota, " th e a d explains , showin g a pair o f black hand s graspin g a lette r o f appointment. 113 Apparently , thi s not-so-subtl e rac e baitin g appeals t o som e o f th e America n electorate , becaus e Helm s cam e fro m behind t o defea t hi s blac k challenger . Th e geniu s o f th e a d i s tha t i t appeals no t jus t t o over t racist s bu t also—an d mor e important—t o peo ple who d o not thin k o f themselves a s racist. Although rarel y state d i n polit e company , th e inferenc e create d b y such race baiting is that the huge gul f between th e economic an d politica l opportunities an d wealt h o f black s an d white s existin g toda y i n thi s country i s th e resul t o f som e inheren t deficienc y i n blacks : "They " ar e irresponsible, lazy , give n t o vice o r crime , o r just plai n inferio r t o whites . And i n an y event , white s toda y ar e neithe r privilege d b y America's race conscious histor y no r otherwise responsibl e fo r it s current racia l caste. Such statements regardin g the character and capacity of African Ameri cans o r othe r minoritie s ar e a t onc e shockin g an d debilitatin g t o man y proponents o f affirmativ e action . I t i s difficul t t o rea d o r hea r suc h state ments withou t a sense o f rage or, even more , to respond whe n on e think s that thei r purveyor s ar e disingenuous , dishonest , o r to o ensconce d i n privilege t o care abou t injustice. 114 Bu t thi s rage onl y impede s communi cation, polarizin g already antagonize d relations . A response i s further complicate d b y th e fac t tha t no t al l whites enjo y the fruit s o f racia l privileg e o r embrac e theorie s o f racia l supremacy , explicit o r implicit . Wha t doe s on e sa y t o thos e white s wh o hav e no t hi t pay dir t bu t instea d loo k u p fro m nea r th e botto m o f th e Unite d States ' economic well ? Critic s asser t tha t suc h "innocent " person s als o hav e a right t o nondiscrimination . Wh y shoul d the y los e job s fo r th e sin s an d advantages o f others ? On e answe r wa s suggeste d b y Justic e Powel l i n Bakke, a diversit y approac h that , amon g man y factors , ca n als o includ e

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economic disadvantag e a s a relevant facto r i n decisio n making . Ther e i s ample roo m unde r th e remedia l affirmativ e actio n ten t fo r person s wh o have endure d economi c disadvantage . Bu t Powel l di d no t insis t tha t economic disadvantag e wa s the sol e legitimate factor . Casting Stones

Opponents o f remedial affirmativ e actio n policie s present numerou s argu ments agains t them , includin g legal , moral , an d polic y rationale s an d allegations tha t the y unfairl y burde n innocen t victim s an d otherwis e hurt society. 115 Legally , the y argu e tha t affirmativ e actio n violate s th e Fourteenth Amendmen t o f th e Constitutio n o r title s V I o r VI I o f th e 1964 Civi l Right s Act . Morally , critic s conten d tha t affirmativ e actio n i s unfair t o employer s i n genera l an d displace d worker s i n particular . Othe r critics argue that affirmative actio n harm s its beneficiaries an d exacerbate s racial enmity . In ligh t o f America' s lon g histor y o f whit e racia l privilege , th e risin g tide agains t remedia l affirmativ e actio n i s trul y remarkable . First , i t mis characterizes an d thereb y vilifie s remedia l affirmativ e actio n policies . Critics o f affirmativ e actio n attac k a s illegitimat e preference s onl y thos e policies fro m th e las t three decade s designe d t o give equal opportunit y t o minorities an d wome n an d sa y nothing abou t prio r racia l preference s an d quotas, especiall y fo r whit e men , tha t le d t o exclusio n an d inequality . Americans canno t clos e thei r eye s t o th e othe r eightee n decade s o f thei r constitutional histor y whe n a rigid colo r lin e wa s th e rul e an d whit e me n and thei r familie s wer e America' s affirmativ e actio n babies. 116 Remedia l affirmative actio n was taken onl y after experienc e showe d tha t white me n would no t voluntaril y compl y wit h antidiscriminatio n policies . I s ther e any evidence tha t in the absenc e o f affirmative actio n policies , white me n now will sto p discriminatin g agains t minoritie s an d women ? Second, critic s argue that affirmativ e actio n ha s failed, tha t i t helps th e wrong, privilege d minoritie s an d hurt s th e wrong , disadvantage d whites . It deprive s whit e male s o f equa l opportunity . I t stigmatize s recipients , implies thei r inferiority , an d increase s racia l polarization . Ever y affirma tive action policy is a quota i n disguise. It violates the rule of nondiscrimination an d meritocrati c decisio n making . Finally , i t lead s t o th e hirin g of unqualifie d person s an d lower s th e qualit y o f productio n o r othe r standards. None o f these claims, each o f which I will address, withstands scrutiny .

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Affirmative Actio n Ha s Failed

It i s difficul t t o understan d ho w anyon e wh o compare s th e America n workplace o r academ y toda y wit h tha t o f thirt y year s ag o coul d believ e that remedia l affirmativ e actio n ha s failed . I n fact , affirmativ e actio n ha s opened man y door s tha t wer e close d b y la w o r custo m t o minoritie s an d white wome n solel y o n th e basi s o f thei r rac e o r gender . Consider , fo r example, th e textil e bel t o f th e Carolinas , wher e whit e me n onc e hel d a monopoly o n mil l jobs . No t s o today ; white s an d black s wor k sid e b y side. A t th e Sar a Le e textil e mil l i n Greenwood , Sout h Carolina , two thirds of the mor e than fou r hundre d employee s ar e minorities. One-thir d of th e mill' s managemen t ar e minorities , mostl y blacks . Som e poin t t o the temporar y suspensio n o f severa l U.S . fabri c contract s a s th e catalys t for som e o f thes e changes . Th e chang e i n th e colo r o f mil l worker s may explain in part why Helms's ad struck a nerve in the Carolinas. But the mill jobs never should have been reserved fo r white men i n the first place. Other report s confir m tha t whit e wome n hav e mad e som e o f th e greatest gain s durin g th e affirmativ e actio n era . A U S Wes t employee , Nancy Davis , i s on e suc h beneficiar y o f tha t company' s effor t t o compl y with a court-ordered agreemen t t o open traditionall y mal e jobs to women. After eightee n months , jumpin g ove r mal e coworker s wit h mor e experi ence, Davi s becam e on e o f Denver' s firs t wome n t o manag e a telephon e crew o f seventee n me n an d on e woman . Th e compan y claim s i t ha s brought mor e wome n an d minoritie s int o high-leve l managemen t tha n many simila r companie s have . Notabl y a t U S West , whit e wome n hav e made fa r greate r gain s tha n hav e minorit y me n o r minority women . Historically, minoritie s an d whit e wome n wer e restricte d t o low-wag e jobs; som e wer e forbidde n t o hol d titl e t o land ; an d som e wer e barre d from enterin g certai n occupation s a t all . Whole industrie s an d jo b classi fications wer e open , i n effect , onl y to white men . There wa s no system of merit. Man y whit e me n di d no t hav e t o compet e agains t blacks , Latinos , Asians, o r whit e women . Polic e an d fir e department s forbad e minoritie s and women t o apply. Even college-educate d black s could obtai n n o better job tha n tha t o f bellboy, janitor, elevato r operator , o r chauffeur. Craf t an d industrial jobs were closed . Women wer e restricte d t o part-time jobs wit h lower pa y and fewe r benefits . Remedial affirmativ e actio n wa s establishe d alon g wit h othe r law s t o eliminate ou r syste m o f white mal e domination . A s a result o f affirmativ e

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action, ther e ha s bee n a n influ x o f blacks , othe r minorities , an d whit e women int o graduat e an d professiona l degre e programs , industr y posi tions, crafts, an d public agency employment previousl y held almos t exclu sively b y white men . Toda y w e hav e minorit y an d whit e femal e lawyers , doctors, engineers , polic e officers , stat e troopers , firefighters, an d bu s drivers. Such jobs are n o longer th e sol e preserv e o f white men . Similarly, federa l contractor s an d agencie s tha t formerl y hire d fe w i f any minoritie s o r wome n no w emplo y man y more . Accordin g t o on e study, th e employmen t shar e o f blac k male s i n federa l contracto r firms increased fro m 5. 8 percent i n 197 4 to 6.7 percen t i n 1980 . In noncontrac tor firms, th e increas e wa s mor e modest , fro m 5. 3 percen t t o 5. 9 percent . In federa l agencies , th e overal l an d white-colla r employmen t o f wome n and minoritie s ha s steadil y increased , bu t bot h group s continu e t o b e disproportionately employe d i n clerica l o r low-grad e positions . I n 1993 , 86 percen t o f clerica l job s wer e hel d b y women , an d 4 0 percen t wer e held b y minorities . That sam e year, only 1 3 percent o f the Senio r Execu tive Servic e employee s wer e women , an d 8. 5 percen t wer e minorities . I n 1949, 0.9 percent o f militar y officer s wer e black ; today , tha t percentag e i s approximately 7.5 . Becaus e o f occupationa l an d educationa l desegrega tion, th e ga p i n th e media n income s o f blacks an d whites , a s well a s tha t between me n an d women , ha s shrunk. 117 In muc h th e sam e wa y tha t peopl e oppose d schoo l desegregation , many hav e sough t t o bypas s federa l mandate s fo r affirmativ e action . Bu t mere defianc e o f an d resistanc e t o th e la w cannot serv e a s evidenc e tha t affirmative actio n ha s no t worked . A t most , the y sho w tha t som e Ameri cans wil l ignore , resist , an d circumven t th e la w i n orde r t o maintai n privilege. Affirmativ e actio n coul d and , i f permitted , wil l b e mor e suc cessful. None o f thi s means , o f course , tha t racia l (o r gender ) cast e ha s ende d since the inceptio n o f affirmative actio n o r that ther e hav e no t bee n som e perhaps unanticipate d negativ e effects . Th e resentmen t o f som e whit e males i s on e cost . Othe r effect s includ e th e disproportionat e benefi t o f affirmative actio n fo r whit e women , a s wel l a s th e growin g divergenc e between th e numbe r o f blac k femal e manager s compare d wit h th e num ber o f blac k male s in , fo r instance , America' s bankin g industry . Also , competition amon g Latinos , Asians , an d black s fo r affirmativ e actio n preferences has , i n som e communities , pitte d thes e group s agains t on e another. Bu t thes e effect s ar e no t simpl y by-product s o f affirmativ e ac -

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tion; the y underscor e wh y Americ a mus t d o more , no t less , t o creat e opportunity. Th e questio n shoul d no t b e whos e o x i s gore d but , rather , how we d o it and shar e it . Affirmative Actio n Helps and Hurts the Wrong People

Critics o f affirmativ e actio n wh o asser t tha t i t help s an d hurt s th e wron g people overloo k th e fac t tha t affirmativ e actio n wa s no t establishe d a s a subsistence progra m fo r th e poor . Instead , i t wa s designe d initiall y t o persuade person s receiving federal contract s to stop discriminating agains t minorities an d whit e wome n wh o wer e qualifie d an d availabl e t o d o th e relevant wor k bu t wh o wer e nevertheles s passe d ove r solel y becaus e o f their rac e o r sex. Their exclusio n fro m entir e categorie s o f jobs increase d their ris k o f poverty . Bu t affirmativ e actio n wa s a n antidiscriminatio n policy. Now tha t man y o f the exclusionar y policie s hav e bee n eliminated , more minoritie s an d wome n wit h th e necessar y qualification s ar e bein g employed i n higher-payin g jobs . Whit e men , wh o continu e t o obtai n a large shar e of such jobs, simply no longer hav e th e iro n gri p on thes e jobs that the y onc e held . Althoug h remedia l affirmativ e actio n wil l no t b y itself eliminate poverty , it can diminish th e racia l and gende r cast e cause d by occupationa l an d educationa l segregatio n an d tracking . Whe n tha t happens, povert y rate s fo r minoritie s an d women wil l decline . Moreover, ther e i s something suspiciou s abou t th e charg e tha t affirma tive actio n help s "privileged " minoritie s i n Americ a an d hurt s economi cally disadvantage d minoritie s an d whites . A s someon e wh o benefite d from affirmativ e actio n program s a t Duk e an d UCL A durin g th e 1970 s and 1980s , I kno w tha t som e o f th e student s wh o wer e helpe d b y affirmative actio n program s wer e whites . Other s wer e women , an d stil l others wer e person s o f color . Neithe r schoo l ha d affirmativ e actio n pro grams fo r black s only . In addition , man y o f my minorit y contemporarie s a t thos e school s were onl y first- o r second-generatio n colleg e students , mos t wit h modes t resources. Lik e me , the y borrowe d mone y t o finance college . But , critic s state, som e wer e th e son s an d daughter s o f doctor s an d lawyer s wh o could no t hav e bee n victim s o f discrimination . Tha t i s simpl y wrong : Until 1963 , a prestigiou s schoo l lik e Duk e di d no t recrui t o r admi t an y black, n o matte r wh o hi s o r he r parent s wer e o r wha t thei r incom e was. Likewise , Vivia n Malone-Jone s an d Jame s Hoo d di d no t en d th e University o f Alabama' s colo r barrie r unti l 1963 . They weren' t exclude d

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because o f poverty; the y just wer e no t white enough . Thus , eve n thoug h Justice Thurgoo d Marshall , a n honor s graduat e fro m Lincol n University , came fro m a home wit h bot h parent s working , h e wa s exclude d fro m th e University o f Marylan d Schoo l o f La w jus t becaus e i t di d no t admi t an y blacks. Race an d clas s hav e bee n an d ar e independen t base s fo r discrimina tion; the y canno t b e combined . Justic e Antoni n Scali a an d other s wh o maintain tha t clas s i s a better prox y fo r discriminatio n liv e a lie, refusin g to admit tha t eve n ric h black s experienc e racia l discriminatio n whe n the y move t o whit e neighborhoods , tr y t o joi n socia l clubs , o r compet e fo r business. So , eve n i f Justic e Scali a believe s hi s fathe r neve r earne d a dime of f th e swea t o f a black man , h e shoul d admi t tha t bein g classifie d white gav e hi s fathe r an d hi m opportunitie s i n Americ a close d t o mos t blacks, whatever thei r economi c status . As fo r th e charg e tha t affirmativ e actio n hurt s disadvantage d whites , many remedia l policies , suc h a s thos e examine d i n Adarand, alread y include socia l or economic disadvantag e a s a relevant factor . Thi s practic e also i s consisten t wit h Justic e Powell' s diversit y mode l i n Bakke. I f a n affirmative actio n pla n doe s no t includ e socia l o r economi c disadvantag e as a relevan t facto r i n decisio n making , it s absenc e i s no t a n argumen t against al l affirmative actio n but , rather , on e fo r a broader plan . In addition , plaintiff s lik e Bria n Weber , Pau l Johnson , o r Rand y Pec h cannot b e describe d a s poo r whit e mal e victim s o f affirmativ e action . Weber, fo r example , very likel y benefite d fro m a n officia l polic y at Kaise r that onl y whit e unio n me n woul d wor k i n certai n crafts . Kaise r an d th e union preferre d t o hir e an d promot e whit e men . Thu s Webe r claime d more seniorit y tha n newl y hire d blac k worker s had . Bu t h e ha d greate r seniority onl y becaus e o f past discriminatio n agains t black s an d s o shoul d not b e abl e t o res t a reverse discriminatio n clai m o n th e effect s o f racia l discrimination tha t benefite d him . Pau l Johnson , wh o sue d th e Sant a Clara Count y (California ) Departmen t o f Transportatio n fo r promotin g a woman ahea d o f him , benefite d fro m a cultur e i n whic h onl y me n di d transportation roa d cre w work , whic h bes t positione d the m fo r th e mor e lucrative positio n o f roa d dispatcher . An d Pec h los t th e guardrai l bi d no t solely becaus e o f hi s rac e bu t becaus e hi s ha d no t bee n certifie d a s a socially o r economicall y disadvantage d business . I t i s simpl y wron g t o charge tha t n o whit e coul d s o qualify . Wha t Weber , Johnson , Pech , an d other suppose d victim s o f remedia l affirmativ e actio n mus t recogniz e i s that whites-onl y hiring , promotion , an d trainin g opportunitie s directl y o r

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indirectly benefite d the m whil e limitin g blacks , othe r minorities , an d women. Rarely d o critic s o f affirmativ e actio n openl y se t working-clas s white s against middle - o r upper-clas s white s i n th e wa y tha t the y pi t working class peopl e o f colo r agains t middle - o r upper-clas s peopl e o f color , o r minorities agains t poo r whites . Thi s plo y i s a s ol d a s time : Divid e th e workers b y pitting the m agains t on e another . Poo r and middle-clas s whit e men hav e bee n taugh t fo r decade s tha t i f minoritie s o r whit e wome n advance, the y wil l not , an d no t surprisingly , the y hav e responde d b y supporting exclusiv e economi c an d politica l monopolies . Ironically, whe n Alla n Bakk e wa s denie d admissio n t o medica l school , he ha d muc h mor e competitio n fro m othe r whit e applicants , som e wit h scores lowe r tha n his , tha n h e di d fro m minorit y applicants. 118 Nonethe less, h e didn' t fram e hi s complain t i n term s o f merit , bu t i n term s o f unfair preference s fo r minorities . A claim o f merit would hav e implicate d the application s o f th e eighty-fou r whit e student s wh o wer e admitte d when Bakk e was rejected. H e mus t hav e known tha t h e coul d no t win o n the basi s o f merit . I f Davis' s medica l schoo l ha d admitte d on e hundre d white student s wit h lowe r rating s tha n Bakke's , h e woul d hav e ha d n o claim. For him, it probably would hav e been acceptabl e i f all one hundre d medical student s a t Davi s wer e white , n o matte r wha t thei r ratings . Bu t no black with lowe r rating s tha n hi s deserved admission . Affirmative Actio n Denie s White Male s Equal Opportunit y

Affirmative actio n ha s not meant tha t white me n hav e unequal opportuni ties; rather , i t ha s appropriatel y mandate d a n en d t o prio r quotas , prefer ences, an d monopolie s fo r whit e me n only . Non e o f th e curren t affirma tive actio n policie s i n thi s countr y exclude s whit e me n fro m an y occupation, limit s the m t o unskille d jobs , o r denie s the m educationa l opportunities. Non e prevent s white s fro m votin g o r dilute s thei r votin g strength belo w tha t o f thei r percentag e o f th e population . Instead , reme dial affirmativ e actio n doe s littl e mor e tha n tel l federa l agencie s an d private employer s tha t compet e fo r billion s o f dollar s i n governmen t contracts tha t the y mus t stud y thei r labo r marke t demographic s t o mak e sure the y ar e no t underutilizin g qualifie d minoritie s an d women . Wher e they find underutilization , the y mus t mak e good-fait h effort s t o eliminat e it. Tha t doe s no t see m lik e muc h t o require , give n th e pas t practice s o f such agencie s o r contractors.

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In addition , an y candi d scrutin y o f nationa l statistic s regardin g acces s to higher education , employment , housing , political representation, o r the allocation o f publi c contract s show s tha t whit e me n ar e no t routinel y losing opportunitie s t o less-qualifie d minoritie s o r women. 119 Tha t i s another myth . Minorities an d women—an d especiall y minorit y women—remai n i n caste. On e stud y confirm s tha t blatan t discriminatio n i s stil l a continuin g problem i n th e labo r market . Rando m testin g throughou t th e countr y b y professional discriminatio n "testers"—person s traine d t o presen t them selves similarl y an d t o as k certai n questions—reveal s tha t employer s faced wit h whit e an d minorit y candidate s wit h similar credentials ar e les s likely t o interview o r offer a job t o a minority o r female applicant: 120 • Tw o pair s o f mal e tester s visite d th e office s o f a nationally franchise d employment agenc y o n tw o differen t days . Th e blac k teste r i n eac h pair receive d n o jo b referrals . However , th e whit e tester s wh o ap peared minute s late r wer e interviewe d b y th e agency , coache d o n interviewing techniques , an d referre d t o an d offere d job s a s switch board operators . • A black femal e teste r applie d fo r employmen t a t a majo r hote l chai n in Virgini a an d wa s tol d tha t sh e woul d b e calle d i f i t wishe d t o pursue he r application . Althoug h sh e neve r receive d a call, an equall y qualified whit e counterpar t wh o appeare d a few minute s late r was tol d about a vacancy fo r fron t des k clerk , wa s interviewed , an d wa s offere d the job. • A blac k mal e teste r inquire d abou t a n a d fo r a sale s positio n a t a Maryland ca r dealership . H e wa s tol d tha t th e wa y t o ente r th e busi ness woul d b e t o star t b y washin g cars . A whit e counterpart , wit h identical credentials , wa s immediatel y interviewe d fo r th e sale s job . Similar result s were foun d i n test s involvin g Latin o an d Asia n testers . Consider anothe r 199 5 study sponsore d b y forme r Presiden t Bus h an d former Senato r Rober t Dole: 121 • Whit e male s continu e t o hol d 9 7 percen t o f th e senio r managemen t positions in Fortune 100 0 industrial an d Fortun e 500 service industries . Only 0. 6 percen t o f th e senio r managemen t ar e black , 0. 3 percen t ar e Asian, an d 0. 4 percent ar e Latino . • Ther e ar e only two women CEO s i n Fortun e 100 0 companies. • Th e fear s an d prejudice s o f lower-run g whit e mal e executive s wer e

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listed a s a principal barrie r t o th e advancemen t o f women an d minori ties. • Blac k unemployment remain s fragile , especiall y i n an economic down turn, whe n i t lead s th e downwar d spiral . Fo r example , i n th e 1981 / 1982 recession , blac k employmen t droppe d b y 9. 1 percent , bu t whit e employment fel l b y only 1. 6 percent . • A n averag e woma n wit h a master' s degre e earn s th e sam e amoun t a s does a n averag e ma n wit h a n associat e degree . Althoug h college educated blac k wome n hav e reache d earning s parit y wit h college educated whit e women , college-educate d blac k me n ear n 7 6 percen t of th e earning s o f thei r whit e mal e counterparts . Latin a wome n ear n less tha n 6 5 percen t o f th e incom e earne d b y whit e me n a t th e sam e educational level . There i s a perceptio n toda y tha t whites , especiall y men , d o no t hav e equal opportunities . Bu t tha t ide a conflict s wit h wha t w e se e aroun d us . At th e Universit y o f Alabama wher e I work, mor e tha n 9 6 percent o f th e faculty ar e white , an d nearl y 7 5 percen t ar e men . A s state d earlier , white me n continu e t o ear n a disproportionate numbe r o f al l college an d professional degrees . Accordin g t o th e Chronicle of Higher Education, i n 1992, whites earne d 84. 5 percent o f all doctoral degrees , an d me n earne d 63 percent. Base d o n report s fro m approximatel y 3,30 0 colleges , 456,31 6 of the 520,55 1 full-time facult y i n 1991/199 2 were white. 122 White me n stil l run th e economi c an d politica l institution s i n America. They stil l ar e overrepresente d i n th e uppe r level s o f industry , govern ment, an d th e academy . Thei r employmen t share , especiall y a t th e top , has diminishe d onl y slightly . Sinc e thos e a t th e to p ar e visible, on e mus t wonder wh o o r wha t fuel s th e perceptio n tha t whit e male s ar e losin g opportunities. Accordin g t o the Bush/Dol e study , mid-leve l whit e execu tives were th e mai n barrie r t o the advancemen t o f minorities an d women . Perhaps the y fee l mos t threatened . Ar e they responsibl e fo r perpetuatin g the myt h o f inequality ? This perceptio n als o arises i n par t fro m th e wa y affirmativ e actio n ha s in fac t diminishe d th e unfai r monopolie s tha t whit e me n onc e enjoyed . Americans mus t neve r forge t tha t n o jo b o r titl e ha s a rac e o r gender . Therefore, i t i s no t norma l tha t onl y tw o wome n ar e CEO s o f Fortun e 1000 companies . Sinc e curren t policie s d o no t exclud e whit e me n fro m economic an d politica l opportunities , ho w can anyone sa y they ar e unfair ?

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Affirmative Actio n Stigmatizes It s Beneficiaries and Worsens Racial Balkanizatio n

One hear s al l th e tim e ho w affirmativ e actio n supposedl y stigmatize s it s beneficiaries b y implyin g tha t the y canno t succee d withou t affirmativ e action, thereb y lowerin g thei r self-estee m o r makin g other s questio n their competence . Som e critic s lin k affirmativ e actio n t o increase d racia l polarization, balkanization , an d racia l tension . This i s only wordplay . Minorities an d women di d not gain equal educationa l an d employmen t opportunities withou t affirmativ e action . Dre d Scott , Home r Plessy , Myr a Bradwell, an d Virgini a Mino r al l wer e victim s o f whit e mal e privileg e during th e nineteent h century , wel l befor e remedia l policie s wer e en acted t o aid peopl e lik e them . Their exclusio n wa s not abou t thei r abilit y relative t o tha t o f whit e men ; i t wa s abou t preservin g quota s fo r whit e men. Thus , i t i s unclea r wh y a polic y tha t end s whit e mal e privileg e would stigmatiz e wome n o r minorities. Such contention s abou t stigm a wrongl y cas t affirmativ e actio n a s th e villain, th e sourc e o f contemporary racia l enmity . O f course , thi s assume s that i f i t wer e no t fo r affirmativ e action , suc h perception s o f inferiorit y and stigm a woul d no t exis t an d ther e woul d b e n o racia l balkanization . But our history is littered wit h example s demonstratin g tha t th e exclusio n of blacks, other minorities , and white wome n fro m economi c an d politica l opportunities wa s justifie d b y theorie s o f whit e mal e supremac y an d minority an d femal e inferiority . Lon g before President s Roosevelt , Eisen hower, Kennedy , Johnson , an d Nixo n adopte d contemporar y affirmativ e action policies , whites—especially whit e men—exclude d minoritie s an d women fro m economi c an d politica l participatio n throug h thei r ow n pro grams of affirmative action . Ethnic balkanizatio n ha s muc h mor e t o d o wit h raciall y restrictiv e covenants, preferentia l zonin g practices , an d discriminatio n b y lendin g institutions an d realtor s than wit h remedia l affirmativ e action . It simpl y is inaccurate t o attribut e racia l enmit y an d curren t segregatio n t o remedia l affirmative action . Rather , the y ste m fro m a long record o f perverse racia l animus towar d black s an d gende r patronizatio n o f white wome n tha t w e cannot deny. 123 Affirmativ e actio n i s no t a disease ; i t i s a remed y tha t needs mor e tim e t o work. Not surprisingly , n o on e eve r ha s claime d tha t th e numerou s racia l quotas fo r white s stigmatize d the m o r tha t suc h policie s cause d racia l balkanization o r antipathy . Imagin e tha t whe n American s g o t o a whit e

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male docto r o r dentis t today , the y ar e aske d whethe r h e wen t t o a school that exclude d blacks , women , o r othe r minoritie s o r whethe r h e wa s admitted unde r a quota. Sinc e American s don' t as k suc h questions , wh y does Justice Scali a think tha t the y would as k such question s abou t minor ity doctor s wh o hav e gaine d opportunitie s unde r remedia l policies? 124 Isn't thi s jus t anothe r par t o f th e privileg e o f whiteness—tha t eve n th e most extensive recor d o f racial privilege is not demeanin g o r stigmatizing, white me n ar e presume d worth y o r qualified, an d minoritie s an d wome n are unworthy an d unqualified ? Affirmative Actio n I s Quotas, Pure and Simpl e

Strict rac e quota s hav e no t bee n a component o f man y affirmativ e actio n policies sinc e th e Suprem e Cour t decide d Bakke i n 1978 . That decisio n made i t clear tha t rac e could no t b e th e sol e criterion fo r decision s b y th e government, withou t a finding o f invidiou s discriminatio n attributabl e t o the government . Thus , i t i s dishonest t o us e inflammator y cod e word s t o describe a policy that doe s no more than requir e broa d an d ope n advertis ing an d recruitmen t fo r ne w hires , recordin g an d reportin g effort s t o diversify th e workforce , o r settin g goal s fo r workplac e diversificatio n based o n labo r marke t demographics . An d eve n i n case s when a decisio n maker ha s used a quota, i t is not a justification fo r abandonin g al l affirma tive actio n but , rather , onl y proof tha t Bakke's principle ha s been violated . Quotas hav e bot h weaknesse s an d strengths . They shoul d no t operat e as ceilings fo r minoritie s o r women. A wise administrato r woul d no t hav e set asid e sixtee n place s a t Davis' s medica l school . Likewise , UCL A should no t hav e se t asid e 4 0 percen t o f th e admission s slot s i n th e la w school fo r diversit y admits . Bot h school s probabl y di d th e mos t the y believed the y coul d do , and wit h goo d intentions . However , ther e wa s an effective alternativ e wit h littl e o f th e intens e emotio n tha t ha s bee n coupled wit h eve n th e appearanc e o f a quota : th e diversit y approac h championed b y Justic e Powell . Fe w school s hav e followe d Powell' s pre scription, whic h i s wh y th e Universit y o f Texa s Schoo l o f La w wa s vulnerable t o a lawsui t i n 1992 . Suppos e tha t al l 10 0 ne w medica l stu dents a t Davi s an d al l 35 0 ne w la w student s a t UCL A wer e diversit y admits. Some would b e white, black, Native American, Asian, and Latino . Some woul d b e person s wit h disabilities . Som e woul d b e female . Som e would b e young , other s older . Som e woul d b e first-generatio n colleg e students, som e fifth . Bu t n o progra m woul d b e all-whit e o r all-blac k o r

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all-male o r all-femal e unles s n o on e els e applied . A s Powel l believed , under a diversit y model , ever y applican t woul d b e compare d wit h ever y other one . Why haven't mor e school s done what Powel l suggested ? I s it too muc h work fo r facult y o r administrator s t o rea d ever y fil e carefully ? Woul d alumni oppos e a complete diversit y model ? O r d o thos e wh o ru n Ameri ca's college s an d universitie s hav e onl y a lukewar m interes t i n endin g educational an d occupationa l segregation ? Whatever th e reason , i t is clear that man y institution s hav e yet t o try a real diversit y plan . On th e othe r hand , withou t realisti c numerica l goals , ther e i s n o wa y to ensur e tha t som e portio n o f a publi c benefi t lik e highe r educatio n accrues t o minoritie s an d wome n who , withou t it , ofte n ge t lef t out . Educational opportunit y i s a ke y ingredien t t o succes s i n ou r society . When a state' s principa l universitie s disproportionatel y enrol l white s o r men, i t track s other s int o les s rewardin g positions , sometime s int o caste . The governmen t shoul d b e abl e t o eliminate caste . Under th e mandat e o f affirmativ e action , i t i s assume d tha t economi c and politica l opportunitie s wil l b e opene d t o peopl e wit h divers e demo graphic characteristics . Thus , i f a societ y offer s on e hundre d jobs , affir mative actio n mean s tha t white s wil l no t b e give n al l o f them . An d therein lie s the ru b an d th e bes t explanatio n fo r th e aggressiv e campaig n against affirmativ e action . Affirmative Actio n Violates the Meri t Rul e

Critics o f affirmativ e actio n neve r explai n ho w remedia l antidiscrimina tion policies violate the rule of nondiscrimination- o r merit-based decisio n making. First , employer s wh o refuse d t o emplo y minoritie s an d wome n before the y wer e compelle d b y la w t o d o s o di d no t us e meritocrati c hiring criteria . Fa r fro m it : minoritie s an d wome n wer e tol d tha t eithe r they nee d no t appl y o r the y coul d wor k onl y i n low-payin g positions . Merit wa s equivalent t o whiteness an d maleness , with a n additiona l clas s modifier fo r som e positions . Affirmativ e action , however , require s tha t formerly all-whit e jobs b e ope n t o others. Opponents o f affirmativ e actio n rarel y offe r a proposa l tha t addresse s the economi c an d politica l opportunities , privileges , an d wealt h tha t many white s hav e obtaine d becaus e o f pas t race-consciou s preferences . They als o rarel y not e th e inheren t unfairnes s t o minoritie s an d whit e women o f no t adoptin g remedia l policies . To o muc h o f th e fairnes s

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analysis i n affirmativ e actio n commentar y overlook s th e innocenc e o f minorities an d whit e wome n wh o remai n froze n ou t withou t remedia l affirmative action . Because o f historica l racia l preference s fo r whites , severa l generation s of whites hav e attended th e bes t schools , taken th e bes t jobs, lived i n th e best communities , an d controlle d almos t al l th e politica l an d economi c power i n thi s country . They hav e thereb y bee n abl e t o pass thi s accumu lated wealt h t o subsequen t generations . O n th e othe r hand , tha t sam e race consciousnes s fo r white s ha s limite d th e accumulatio n o f wealth fo r blacks, wh o contro l th e leas t amoun t o f thi s country' s politica l an d eco nomic power . Fa r fewe r black s hav e bee n abl e t o transfe r wealt h t o subsequent generations . The resul t i s modern racia l caste. 125 Many oppo nents o f remedia l affirmativ e actio n sa y nothin g abou t th e connectio n between ou r discriminator y histor y an d curren t racia l caste. Moreover, i t i s a n exaggeratio n t o preten d tha t employmen t decision s today ar e mad e exclusivel y o n th e basi s o f merit . Recal l th e new s pro grams tha t sho w b y hidde n camer a wha t happen s whe n tw o applicant s with identica l credentials , on e blac k an d on e white , inquir e abou t th e same job : Th e blac k applican t i s tol d th e jo b ha s bee n filled. A fe w minutes late r the white applican t is interviewed an d offere d th e job. Such tests revea l consisten t result s throughou t th e country . Jobs ar e filled a s much , i f no t more , b y who m yo u kno w o r ho w yo u look, rathe r tha n wha t yo u kno w o r wha t yo u ca n do . Thus , segregate d housing, schools , and socia l networks , a s well a s word-of-mouth advertis ing b y thos e alread y o n th e jo b influenc e hirin g fa r mor e tha n doe s a comparison o f resumes . Also, many white s makin g hirin g decision s sho w a for m o f racia l affinit y t o othe r white s tha t the y d o no t affor d t o blacks . Many white s woul d hav e t o overcom e stereotype s o f black s befor e the y would fee l comfortabl e hirin g them . Some critics of affirmative actio n insis t that i t is reverse discrimination . But n o affirmativ e actio n pla n exclude s whit e me n fro m entir e jo b categories; non e relegate s the m t o unskilled , part-time , o r low-payin g jobs. N o pla n denie s whit e me n acces s t o educationa l opportunitie s o r the chanc e t o vote . Wha t exactly , then , i s revers e discrimination ? I t i s a charade! Through a kind o f shell game, critics charge that using race (or gender ) to ensur e tha t som e minoritie s (an d women ) ar e employed , promoted , o r admitted i s th e sam e a s usin g i t t o exclud e them . I n thi s way , then , intentionally drawin g a majorit y blac k o r Latin o legislativ e distric t i n

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North Carolina , Texas, Georgia , o r Florida i s the sam e a s drawing line s i n Tuskegee, Alabam a s o tha t al l bu t a handfu l o f th e five hundre d black s living ther e ar e exclude d fro m voting . Similarly , critic s insis t tha t usin g race a s one o f severa l factor s i n colleg e admission s i s constitutionally th e same a s a whites-onl y admissio n policy . Thi s i s ridiculous . Affirmativ e action promote s inclusion , no t racia l supremacy . Nothin g i n the Constitu tion say s tha t governmen t o r privat e employer s canno t valu e diversit y o r promote occupationa l an d educationa l integration . Indeed , th e Cour t i n Bakke held th e opposite . Affirmative Actio n Advances Unqualified Person s and Lowers Productivit y

Some affirmativ e actio n opponent s charg e tha t althoug h the y agre e wit h affirmative action' s abstrac t rationales , the y translat e int o th e hiring , pro motion, o r admissio n o f incompeten t peopl e ove r mor e competen t peo ple, t o the detrimen t o f the company , school , th e beneficiary , o r even th e national economy . Thi s clai m ma y b e on e o f th e mos t insidiou s charge s against affirmativ e action . What make s thi s clai m perniciou s i s th e implicatio n tha t affirmativ e action i s th e onl y proces s b y whic h unqualifie d person s ca n ge t hired , promoted, o r admitte d t o college . I f th e questio n i s whether affirmativ e action ha s mean t tha t som e peopl e wh o ar e unqualifie d o r les s qualifie d have advanced , th e answe r i s a firm yes . Bu t i t i s als o a qualifie d yes , qualified i n th e sens e tha t incompeten t o r semicompeten t peopl e ar e promoted everywhere , al l th e time , ove r mor e deservin g others . Affirma tive actio n i s not immune , no r can i t be, from thi s phenomenon . There exist s perhap s n o bette r exampl e o f thi s phenomeno n tha n former Vic e Presiden t Da n Quayle . A mediocr e student , a n inarticulat e speaker, a politician wit h suc h a suspect intellectua l backgroun d tha t h e was give n a "readin g list " b y hi s advisers , Quayl e spen t fou r year s a heartbeat awa y fro m th e presidenc y du e largel y t o th e circumstance s o f his birth . N o questio n Quayl e wa s scrutinize d an d mocked , bu t h e wa s rarely the objec t o f outrage o r resentment fo r hi s glaring lac k of qualifica tions. A speech i n whic h Quayl e di d no t misspea k o r a debat e i n whic h he wa s no t humiliate d b y hi s opponen t becam e a caus e fo r celebratio n among hi s advisers , wh o spu n barel y competen t performance s int o mas terpieces o f political oratory . Imagine ho w American s woul d respon d t o a blac k politicia n wh o

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couldn't spel l potato, who bumbled hi s way through debates , who horribl y mangled well-know n saying s suc h a s th e Unite d Negr o Colleg e Fun d credo, " A mind i s a terrible thin g to waste" (whic h Quayl e converte d int o "What a wast e i t i s t o los e one' s mind"). 126 A n inarticulate , poorl y edu cated Africa n America n wh o was catapulted t o high nationa l offic e owin g not t o hi s family' s politica l connection s o r hi s suppose d abilit y t o appea l to women (a s Quayle was) but t o affirmative actio n an d hi s ability to draw black vote s woul d b e see n a s a vindication o f and a justification fo r ever y critique o f affirmativ e action . Jus t a s i t i s no t difficul t t o imagin e Jess e Helms saying , "Yo u see , thi s i s what affirmativ e actio n get s you, " s o i t i s inconceivable fo r a politicia n o r talkin g hea d t o dismis s openl y a ma n such as Quayle with th e words "Yo u see, this is what white racial privileg e gets you. " I woul d argu e tha t give n th e scrutin y tha t affirmativ e actio n has ha d t o withstand , thos e hired , promoted , o r admitte d unde r affirma tive actio n program s ar e perhaps les s prone t o the Quayl e phenomenon . No affirmativ e actio n polic y require s an y employe r t o hir e o r promot e an unqualifie d worker . Non e require s a colleg e t o admi t unqualifie d students. Bu t the la w does require tha t federa l contractor s take good-fait h efforts t o hire qualified minoritie s and women who are available i n various occupational areas . O f course , ther e i s pressur e o n employer s t o investi gate labo r statistics , determin e utilizatio n patterns , an d correc t problem s of underutilization . Bu t n o polic y compel s an y employe r t o hir e person s without th e prope r training . Essentially , affirmativ e actio n goal s ar e aspi rational, no t mandatory . None o f th e argument s agains t affirmativ e actio n i s ultimately persua sive. I t i s good polic y an d constitutional ; withou t it , decisio n maker s wil l revert t o the ol d wa y of doing things , with minoritie s an d wome n gettin g only crumbs . RACIAL REALIS M

Statistical disparitie s i n th e Unite d State s betwee n black s an d white s stil l mirror thos e reporte d b y th e Kerne r Commissio n i n 1968 : we remai n a nation o f "tw o societies , on e black , on e white-separat e an d unequal. " And eve n thoug h ther e ar e man y cause s o f th e disparitie s i n th e live s o f blacks and whites today , most experts believ e that a central cause remain s racial discrimination. 127 Black childre n ar e bor n t o unwe d mother s thre e an d one-hal f time s more ofte n tha n whit e childre n are . Mor e tha n hal f o f blac k familie s ar e

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couldn't spel l potato, who bumbled hi s way through debates , who horribl y mangled well-know n saying s suc h a s th e Unite d Negr o Colleg e Fun d credo, " A mind i s a terrible thin g to waste" (whic h Quayl e converte d int o "What a wast e i t i s t o los e one' s mind"). 126 A n inarticulate , poorl y edu cated Africa n America n wh o was catapulted t o high nationa l offic e owin g not t o hi s family' s politica l connection s o r hi s suppose d abilit y t o appea l to women (a s Quayle was) but t o affirmative actio n an d hi s ability to draw black vote s woul d b e see n a s a vindication o f and a justification fo r ever y critique o f affirmativ e action . Jus t a s i t i s no t difficul t t o imagin e Jess e Helms saying , "Yo u see , thi s i s what affirmativ e actio n get s you, " s o i t i s inconceivable fo r a politicia n o r talkin g hea d t o dismis s openl y a ma n such as Quayle with th e words "Yo u see, this is what white racial privileg e gets you. " I woul d argu e tha t give n th e scrutin y tha t affirmativ e actio n has ha d t o withstand , thos e hired , promoted , o r admitte d unde r affirma tive actio n program s ar e perhaps les s prone t o the Quayl e phenomenon . No affirmativ e actio n polic y require s an y employe r t o hir e o r promot e an unqualifie d worker . Non e require s a colleg e t o admi t unqualifie d students. Bu t the la w does require tha t federa l contractor s take good-fait h efforts t o hire qualified minoritie s and women who are available i n various occupational areas . O f course , ther e i s pressur e o n employer s t o investi gate labo r statistics , determin e utilizatio n patterns , an d correc t problem s of underutilization . Bu t n o polic y compel s an y employe r t o hir e person s without th e prope r training . Essentially , affirmativ e actio n goal s ar e aspi rational, no t mandatory . None o f th e argument s agains t affirmativ e actio n i s ultimately persua sive. I t i s good polic y an d constitutional ; withou t it , decisio n maker s wil l revert t o the ol d wa y of doing things , with minoritie s an d wome n gettin g only crumbs . RACIAL REALIS M

Statistical disparitie s i n th e Unite d State s betwee n black s an d white s stil l mirror thos e reporte d b y th e Kerne r Commissio n i n 1968 : we remai n a nation o f "tw o societies , on e black , on e white-separat e an d unequal. " And eve n thoug h ther e ar e man y cause s o f th e disparitie s i n th e live s o f blacks and whites today , most experts believ e that a central cause remain s racial discrimination. 127 Black childre n ar e bor n t o unwe d mother s thre e an d one-hal f time s more ofte n tha n whit e childre n are . Mor e tha n hal f o f blac k familie s ar e

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headed b y women , wherea s fewe r tha n on e i n fiv e whit e familie s are . And o f th e familie s heade d b y women , 6 0 percen t o f th e blac k familie s live in central cities , but les s than hal f tha t numbe r o f white familie s do . Blacks di e o f tuberculosi s seve n time s mor e ofte n tha n white s do ; blacks di e o f AIDS , meningitis , anemias , kidne y diseases , alcohol-in duced causes , infan t deaths , nutritiona l deficiencies , diabetes , an d drug induced cause s a t rate s betwee n tw o t o thre e time s th e whit e rates . Blacks di e fro m homicide s a t a rat e si x an d one-hal f time s greate r tha n that for whites. Among young black males , murder i s the leadin g cause of death. A t th e startin g an d finishing line s o f lif e i n th e Unite d States , blacks an d white s hav e dramaticall y differen t experiences . Important definin g racia l disparitie s exis t throughou t life . Fou r an d one-half percen t o f black s betwee n th e age s o f twenty-fiv e an d thirty four wh o complete d colleg e ar e unemployed , wherea s onl y 2 percent o f whites are . For persons i n that sam e age range who did no t complete hig h school, a ful l quarte r o f black s ar e unemployed , a s oppose d t o slightl y more tha n 1 0 percent o f whites. Similarly, of the blac k an d whit e familie s living belo w th e povert y lin e i n th e Northeast , Midwest , South , an d West, th e rat e fo r black s i s four t o five times greate r tha n fo r whites . Eighty-two percen t o f al l black s betwee n th e age s o f twenty-fiv e an d thirty-five complete d hig h school , but nearl y 9 0 percent o f all whites did . However, onl y 1 3 percent o f blacks i n tha t grou p completed fou r o r more years o f college , twic e th e percentag e o f white s wh o did . Black s earne d less tha n 6 percen t o f th e bachelor' s degree s conferre d i n 1989 , an d whites earne d abou t 8 5 percent. Black s als o receive d onl y 3. 5 percen t o f the doctorate s conferre d i n 1989 , an d white s receive d 9 0 percent . Simi larly, black s earne d 5 percen t o f th e medica l an d la w degree s grante d i n 1989, and whites earned 8 6 percent o f the medical degree s and 90 percent of the la w degrees . Black familie s ear n $58 0 fo r ever y $1,00 0 earne d b y whit e families . The 199 0 media n incom e fo r whit e familie s wa s $36,915 , an d fo r blac k families, $21,423 . Working whit e me n ha d a media n incom e o f $21,170 ; working blac k men , $12,868 . White wome n ha d a 1990 median incom e of $10,317; blac k women , $8,328 . Eve n whe n blac k me n reac h th e sam e academic leve l a s whit e me n do , thei r income s remai n severa l step s behind tha t o f thei r whit e counterparts . Interestingly , blac k wome n ear n almost th e sam e incom e a s thei r whit e femal e counterpart s wit h on e t o four year s o f college . Becaus e wome n ar e underpai d i n compariso n t o men anyway , i t i s easie r fo r blac k wome n t o gai n equity . I n 1990 , whit e

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unemployment wa s 4 percent , fo r blacks , 1 1 percent . "T o b e blac k i n America i s to kno w tha t yo u remai n las t i n lin e fo r s o basic a requisite a s the mean s fo r supportin g yourself an d you r family. " 128 In 198 9 a report b y th e Committe e o n th e Statu s o f Blac k American s stated: [T]he grea t gul f tha t existe d betwee n blac k an d white Americans i n 1939 has onl y narrowed ; i t ha s no t bee n closed . On e o f thre e black s liv e i n households with incomes below the poverty line. Even more blacks live in areas where ineffectiv e schools , high rate s of dependence o n public assistance, sever e problem s o f crim e an d dru g abuse , an d lo w an d declinin g employment prevail. 129 The committe e conclude d tha t foremos t amon g th e reason s fo r th e pres ent stat e o f black-white relation s ar e two continuing consequence s o f th e nation's lon g and recen t histor y of racial inequality: the negativ e attitude s toward black s and th e actua l disadvantage d condition s unde r whic h man y blacks live . Given th e pervasivenes s o f racia l caste , American s invariabl y wonde r whether ther e i s not somethin g peculia r abou t black s tha t ha s positione d them perpetuall y a t the botto m o f America's economi c ladder . I f so, what is th e cause ? I s i t cognitiv e inferiority , a s Charle s Murray' s boo k The Bell Curve would hav e u s believe ? A n excessiv e victi m mentality , a s Shelb y Steele write s i n The Content of Our Character? Do black s hav e a poor wor k ethic? Hav e the y faile d t o embrac e traditiona l America n values , a s im plied i n Thomas Sowell' s Race and Culture?™ Murray's thesi s i s tha t cognitiv e abilit y i s a bette r predicto r tha n discrimination i s of socially undesirable behavior s suc h a s having childre n out o f marriage , welfar e dependency , unemployment , o r poverty . Sinc e whites hav e highe r cognitiv e abilit y tha n black s do , h e asserts , the y engage in socially desirable behaviors , less unemployment, greate r educa tional attainment , fewe r out-of-wedloc k babies , and s o forth. I agree wit h Murray tha t Americ a i s a land o f a t leas t tw o nations , bu t I don' t believ e that th e divisio n i s betwee n smar t peopl e an d dum b people . Instead , shouldn't Murra y as k wh y Americ a ha s educationa l tracks , blac k schools , and whit e schools ? M y lif e experienc e ha s show n m e tha t I wa s no t dumb, only undereducated an d undernurtured . Whe n I should hav e bee n mastering reading and languag e skills , I was starving and perfectin g theft . Murray fail s t o tel l hi s reader s tha t Americ a ha s a uniqu e histor y o f

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denying black s equa l opportunitie s fo r cognitiv e development . Bu t h e cannot overloo k th e long-standin g America n polic y no t t o educat e black s and othe r minoritie s equall y wit h whites . How , then , ca n h e b e sur e tha t if white s wer e undereducate d i n th e wa y tha t black s hav e been , the y would no t hav e th e score s the y d o toda y o n intelligenc e tests ? An d i f h e is correc t tha t cognitiv e abilit y i s 4 0 t o 8 0 percen t heritable , i t shoul d matter t o him and othe r Americans tha t my mother, he r parents, and thei r parents were colore d person s exclude d fro m equa l publi c education . Shelby Steele' s writin g i s likewis e flawed becaus e h e make s n o at tempt t o groun d i t i n America's history . H e write s a s though white s hav e measured themselve s o r other s b y th e conten t o f thei r characte r rathe r than b y th e colo r o f thei r skin . No t s o i n Ohio . No t s o i n America . I t i s difficult fo r Steel e t o use th e words o f Martin Luthe r Kin g Jr., a man wh o literally gav e hi s lif e fighting whit e privilege , i n a boo k tha t argue s tha t blacks mak e excessiv e claim s t o victimhood . Steel e recast s King' s idea s by makin g fleeting reference s t o America' s histor y o f whit e supremacy . King understoo d fa r bette r tha n Steel e doe s tha t al l black s ar e victims o f whites-only policies . Indeed , Kin g believe d tha t theorie s o f racia l su premacy wer e dangerou s fo r al l Americans . Steele' s boo k i s a t bes t a placebo that makes som e people fee l bette r abou t America's current racia l crisis. Bu t lik e a placebo , i t lack s substance . Th e issu e isn' t whethe r blacks manipulate whites ' guilt. Rather , i t is whether America ca n surviv e its racial caste, whatever it s causes. Thomas Sowell' s globa l tou r o f occupationa l segregatio n i n n o wa y diminishes th e significanc e o f whit e privileg e i n th e Unite d States . No r does i t disprov e tha t whites-onl y policie s fro m a s recentl y a s th e 1960 s still reverberat e throughou t th e country . Sowell' s thesi s i s tha t cultur e and values , mor e tha n environment , explai n povert y o r prosperity . Som e cultures, h e claims , hav e bette r skills , wor k habits , saving s propensities , and attitude s towar d educatio n an d entrepreneurship . Thus , i n Sowell' s mind, cultural value s hav e th e sam e functio n a s cognitive abilit y doe s fo r Murray: Smarter peopl e hav e bette r cultura l values . Like Murray , Sowel l write s a s i f America' s histor y neve r happened : there wa s n o racia l discriminatio n i n educatio n o r employment . Sowel l should kno w tha t cultur e di d no t kee p Thurgoo d Marshal l ou t o f th e University o f Maryland' s la w schoo l an d tha t poo r attitude s di d no t kee p Autherine Luc y ou t o f the Universit y o f Alabama. Poo r cultura l value s o r work habit s di d no t kee p black s ou t o f all-whit e union s o r white job s o r

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keep the m fro m participatin g i n th e politica l process . Sowell' s "worl d perspective" doe s littl e t o explai n wh y s o man y white s i n th e Unite d States hav e directe d thei r racia l prejudic e agains t black s fo r s o long. Murray, Steele , an d Sowel l simpl y don' t understan d racia l prejudic e o r admit it s significance . Racia l prejudic e ha s flourished becaus e o f th e advantages an d materia l benefit s i t yields t o thos e wh o practic e it . Preju dice als o provide s a n excus e o r rationalizatio n fo r th e exploitatio n o f blacks.131 Jonathan Kozo l (Savage Inequalities), Sylveste r Monroe (Brothers) and Ale x Kotlowit z (There Are No Children Here) graphicall y describe d th e life-and-death consequence s o f racial prejudice. Bu t surprisingl y littl e ha s been writte n abou t th e cost s o f racia l prejudic e t o thos e i n th e dominan t group—whites. Wha t ar e the cost s to America fro m blac k teenag e unem ployment, malnutrition , disease , violence , an d crime ? Ho w muc h tim e and mone y ar e spen t o n controversie s an d litigation s i n whic h on e part y claims discriminatio n whil e th e othe r attempt s t o prov e non e exists ? Murray, Steele , an d Sowel l writ e a s i f racia l prejudic e i s imaginary . No t so. It inhibit s ou r nationhood . Since we Americans canno t tur n bac k th e clock t o 1619 , 1787 , 1896 , or 1965 and begi n agai n a t th e same , unweighte d startin g line , we mus t as k what we can do now under th e Constitution t o remedy th e current effect s of pervasive racial caste. Surely, the answer isn't that we can't do anything. ELIMINATING CAST E

Remedial affirmativ e actio n aros e i n respons e t o America's sordi d histor y and traditio n o f white racia l privilege . Becaus e i t i s remedial i n nature , i t is no t constitutionall y equivalen t t o pas t policie s promotin g whit e su premacy. Moreover, th e Suprem e Cour t ha s said numerou s time s tha t th e equal protectio n claus e doe s no t deman d tha t thing s tha t ar e different b e treated unde r th e la w a s thoug h the y ar e th e same . Therefore , sinc e remedial affirmativ e actio n doe s no t promot e racia l supremacy , a s prio r whites-only policie s did , i t doe s no t violat e th e Constitution' s equalit y mandate. Critics o f remedial affirmativ e actio n shoul d recal l th e word s o f Justice Harlan, wh o wrot e afte r th e Civi l Wa r amendment s wer e adopte d tha t "[t]here i s n o cast e here . Ou r Constitutio n i s colo r blind , an d neithe r knows no r tolerate s classe s amon g citizens. " The y shoul d explai n wh y the Constitution , especiall y th e equa l protectio n claus e of the Fourteent h

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keep the m fro m participatin g i n th e politica l process . Sowell' s "worl d perspective" doe s littl e t o explai n wh y s o man y white s i n th e Unite d States hav e directe d thei r racia l prejudic e agains t black s fo r s o long. Murray, Steele , an d Sowel l simpl y don' t understan d racia l prejudic e o r admit it s significance . Racia l prejudic e ha s flourished becaus e o f th e advantages an d materia l benefit s i t yields t o thos e wh o practic e it . Preju dice als o provide s a n excus e o r rationalizatio n fo r th e exploitatio n o f blacks.131 Jonathan Kozo l (Savage Inequalities), Sylveste r Monroe (Brothers) and Ale x Kotlowit z (There Are No Children Here) graphicall y describe d th e life-and-death consequence s o f racial prejudice. Bu t surprisingl y littl e ha s been writte n abou t th e cost s o f racia l prejudic e t o thos e i n th e dominan t group—whites. Wha t ar e the cost s to America fro m blac k teenag e unem ployment, malnutrition , disease , violence , an d crime ? Ho w muc h tim e and mone y ar e spen t o n controversie s an d litigation s i n whic h on e part y claims discriminatio n whil e th e othe r attempt s t o prov e non e exists ? Murray, Steele , an d Sowel l writ e a s i f racia l prejudic e i s imaginary . No t so. It inhibit s ou r nationhood . Since we Americans canno t tur n bac k th e clock t o 1619 , 1787 , 1896 , or 1965 and begi n agai n a t th e same , unweighte d startin g line , we mus t as k what we can do now under th e Constitution t o remedy th e current effect s of pervasive racial caste. Surely, the answer isn't that we can't do anything. ELIMINATING CAST E

Remedial affirmativ e actio n aros e i n respons e t o America's sordi d histor y and traditio n o f white racia l privilege . Becaus e i t i s remedial i n nature , i t is no t constitutionall y equivalen t t o pas t policie s promotin g whit e su premacy. Moreover, th e Suprem e Cour t ha s said numerou s time s tha t th e equal protectio n claus e doe s no t deman d tha t thing s tha t ar e different b e treated unde r th e la w a s thoug h the y ar e th e same . Therefore , sinc e remedial affirmativ e actio n doe s no t promot e racia l supremacy , a s prio r whites-only policie s did , i t doe s no t violat e th e Constitution' s equalit y mandate. Critics o f remedial affirmativ e actio n shoul d recal l th e word s o f Justice Harlan, wh o wrot e afte r th e Civi l Wa r amendment s wer e adopte d tha t "[t]here i s n o cast e here . Ou r Constitutio n i s colo r blind , an d neithe r knows no r tolerate s classe s amon g citizens. " The y shoul d explai n wh y the Constitution , especiall y th e equa l protectio n claus e of the Fourteent h

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Amendment, prohibit s governmenta l policie s designe d t o eliminate racia l caste. The curren t attac k o n affirmativ e actio n threaten s t o enlarg e th e gul f in thi s countr y i n politica l an d economi c powe r amon g th e race s an d between th e sexes . Th e principa l proble m i n thi s countr y i s racia l caste , a produc t o f thi s nation' s racia l preference s favorin g whites , especiall y white men , t o varyin g degrees , fo r nearl y fou r centuries . Indeed , th e greatest traged y o f America' s histor y i s it s romanc e wit h theorie s o f white supremacy , includin g th e incorporatio n o f suc h principle s int o th e American Constitution . Critics o f affirmativ e actio n presen t n o workabl e polic y alternativ e t o reduce racia l caste . Som e declar e the y woul d suppor t a class-based affir mative actio n plan . Bu t tha t woul d d o littl e abou t race-base d discrimina tion, especiall y fo r person s wh o ar e no t poor . Other s woul d hav e suc h plans b e voluntary. Bu t sinc e nothin g prevent s voluntar y effort s now , tha t would no t b e a solution either . I f someone criticize s a policy, shouldn't h e or sh e offe r a bette r alternative ? On e ha s th e feelin g wit h critic s o f affirmative actio n tha t thei r alternativ e i s t o d o nothin g excep t maintai n the statu s quo . Moreover, American s shoul d suppor t class-base d affirmativ e actio n a s well as—an d separat e from—race - o r gender-base d plans . Class-base d plans alon e wil l not remed y rac e an d gende r discrimination . I f America i s to kee p it s goa l o f remedia l affirmativ e action , i t mus t adop t policie s ensuring tha t minoritie s an d wome n hav e equa l opportunities . Onl y tha t will reduc e caste . Whether o r no t whit e American s admi t it , to o man y o f them frequentl y us e nonwhitenes s a s a negativ e disqualifier. Therefore , the questio n i s wh y the y canno t o r shoul d no t us e nonwhitenes s a s a positive qualifie r t o desegregat e educationa l an d occupationa l track s an d thereby reduc e racia l caste. Justice Powel l offere d on e solutio n t o racia l cast e an d th e colo r blind ness tra p i n hi s Bakke opinion. Powell' s concer n wa s tha t ever y applican t to Davis' s medica l schoo l receiv e th e sam e treatment . Th e Harvar d pla n achieved tha t en d i n tw o ways : every applican t coul d compet e fo r ever y slot, and rac e was one of many factor s considere d b y the committee . Thi s model eliminate d an y charge s o f quotas . I t als o mad e sur e tha t n o appli cant wa s exclude d fro m th e poo l solel y o n th e basi s o f race . I n addition , every admitte d studen t wa s a diversit y admit , s o ther e wa s n o unneces sary labelin g o f students . What' s wron g wit h a diversit y approach ? Wh y

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can't employer s o r admission s officer s decid e o n a rang e o f parameter s and appl y the m t o everyone ? What offende d th e Constitutio n i n Bakke wa s th e creatio n o f tw o admissions policie s an d th e quot a fo r minorities . Bu t suppos e a universit y stated th e following : This schoo l i s committe d t o diversity . An y studen t wit h a 2. 5 o r highe r overall grad e poin t averag e an d a score o f 100 0 or abov e o n th e SA T o r 1 8 or abov e o n th e AC T ca n appl y fo r admission . I n additio n t o thes e num bers, th e applican t ca n submi t letter s o f recommendatio n an d a persona l essay describin g hi s o r he r famil y history . Applicant s ma y als o b e inter viewed b y the admission s staf f o r by an alumni representative . Base d o n all these data , eac h applicatio n wil l be rate d o n a scale of 1 to 100 . In thi s scenario , ever y applican t compete s fo r ever y place . T h e r e ar e n o quotas. Bu t th e schoo l ca n stil l achiev e educationa l diversity , an d n o individual coul d clai m denia l o f equa l protectio n o f th e law . I se e n o reaso n tha t th e Sa n Francisc o Fir e Department , th e Alabam a state troopers , Kaiser , U S West , o r Sar a L e e Mill s canno t establis h simila r criteria fo r hirin g o r promotion . Nothin g i n th e America n Constitutio n requires an y employe r t o follo w a numeric hirin g scheme . Antidiscrimina tion law s d o n o mor e tha n forbi d employer s fro m arbitraril y excludin g prospective employee s becaus e o f invidiou s discrimination . Another solutio n availabl e t o th e Cour t i s t o appl y it s differenc e mode l for gende r discriminatio n case s t o race-base d affirmativ e actio n cases . Fo r more tha n twent y years , th e Cour t ha s consistentl y hel d tha t a gende r classification "mus t b e reasonable , no t arbitrary , an d mus t res t upo n som e ground o f differenc e havin g a fai r an d substantia l relatio n t o th e objec t o f the legislation , s o al l person s similarl y circumstance d shal l b e treate d alike." 13 2 According t o tha t revie w standard , th e Cour t ha s uphel d statute s favoring wome n i n situation s i n whic h societa l discriminatio n agains t them ha s lef t the m disadvantaged . Fo r example , th e Cour t validate d a Florida statut e tha t grante d a $50 0 propert y ta x exemptio n fo r widow s but no t fo r widowers . I t conclude d tha t th e statut e reste d o n a "groun d of differenc e havin g a fai r an d substantia l relatio n t o th e objec t o f th e legislation"—the reductio n o f th e disparit y betwee n th e economi c capa bilities o f a ma n an d a woman . T h e Cour t di d no t requir e th e stat e t o prove tha t a particula r woma n ha d bee n discriminate d agains t bu t instea d recounted ho w society' s "male-dominate d culture " reduce d th e economi c opportunities availabl e t o women . T h e Cour t als o uphel d a federal statut e

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that permitte d women , whe n computin g thei r retiremen t benefit s unde r Social Security , t o deduc t thre e mor e lower-earnin g year s tha n a mal e wage earne r could . Th e Cour t wrote : "Reductio n o f th e disparit y i n th e economic conditio n betwee n me n an d wome n cause d b y th e lon g histor y of discriminatio n agains t wome n ha s bee n recognize d a s a n importan t governmental objective. " 133 It woul d no t b e a significant ste p fo r th e Cour t t o appl y it s differenc e model t o race cases. Stated simply , i f the equa l protectio n claus e doe s no t require gende r blindness , wh y mus t American s interpre t i t t o requir e color blindness ? Wh y can' t th e governmen t enac t policie s t o eliminat e the economi c disparitie s betwee n blacks , othe r minorities , an d whit e women an d whit e men ? Surely , societa l discriminatio n agains t black s ha s been n o less harmful tha n tha t agains t women, s o why a double standard ? Doesn't America's still-prevailing racial caste prove that in some situation s there i s a differenc e betwee n white s an d minoritie s tha t coul d justif y remedial affirmativ e actio n fo r minorities ? I n th e curren t cases , i t i s conceivable tha t i n a cas e lik e Adarand o r Croson, the Suprem e Cour t might uphol d a gender-base d pla n bu t strik e dow n th e sam e pla n i f i t were rac e based . Ther e i s no justification fo r tha t anomal y i n th e Consti tution o r American history . Application o f eithe r th e diversit y theor y o r th e differenc e mode l would enabl e th e Cour t t o advance th e centra l purpos e o f the Fourteent h Amendment—the eliminatio n o f racia l caste . Ultimately , a s we evaluat e the argument s fo r an d agains t affirmativ e action , we mus t decid e whethe r the Constitutio n champion s inequalit y o r equality. The America n Consti tution shoul d d o as much t o eliminate racia l caste as it once did t o protec t slavery, segregation, an d whit e supremacy . Before American s ca n hav e a color-blind societ y o r government , the y must repudiat e myth s o f racia l supremac y an d affirmativel y dismantl e racial caste . When the y hav e don e so , race will n o longe r b e th e obstacl e it ha s become . Bu t unti l the y do , colo r blindnes s wil l b e a proble m i n America.

V AFTERWORD

Because my famil y stil l live s i n Columbus , I visi t severa l time s a year. Family gathering s toda y ar e happy , festiv e times . De e n o longe r work s but spend s muc h o f he r tim e visitin g he r family . Sh e ha s nearl y tw o dozen grandchildre n an d a half-doze n great-grandchildren . M y sibling s and I hel p suppor t he r financially. Sh e stil l cook s regularly , bu t no w a t home fo r m y brother s o r sister s wh o woul d rathe r ea t he r cookin g tha n their own . All my sister s an d brother s hav e bette r live s today . The y hav e smal l families an d wor k i n various occupations. Two wor k a t the sam e hospital ; one doe s cosmetology ; on e manage s a pizza place ; on e work s a t a paint and-glass factory ; on e direct s foo d service s a t a retiremen t center ; an d one drive s a city bus . One ha s serve d tim e fo r chec k forgery . I hav e som e fear tha t on e othe r i s headed i n tha t direction , an d ther e seem s littl e tha t I ca n d o abou t i t becaus e h e believe s tha t tha t lif e i s hi s bes t option . None o f the m ha d th e affirmativ e actio n opportunitie s tha t I did . Duk e and UCL A coul d accommodat e onl y a few peopl e lik e me . Simila r affir mative actio n program s hav e alway s bee n limited . W e nee d mor e pro grams, not fewer . I als o visit th e teachers , parent s o f clos e friends , an d employers , bot h black and white , who cared fo r m e and helpe d m e escape m y ghetto. And 177

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I se e m y bes t friends , mos t o f who m als o lef t Columbus , wh o kep t m e preoccupied wit h noncrimina l activities . I ow e al l o f the m my life . Yo u see, i t wasn't jus t affirmativ e action , o r just welfare , o r just har d wor k o n my par t tha t go t m e out . M y brother s an d sisters , teachers , employers , friends, an d thei r parent s al l made sacrifice s fo r me . I stand o n thei r gifts . Yet whenever I visit , I a m als o reminde d o f crue l deprivatio n tha t n o child shoul d endure , especiall y i n a lan d a s ric h a s ours . I canno t driv e past m y ol d house s an d no t recal l ho w littl e w e had , an d I canno t forge t the freezin g night s o r empt y refrigerators . I canno t forge t th e lon g day s when I was weary fro m hunger . Whe n I se e m y ol d schools , I remembe r how poo r my primar y educatio n wa s an d ho w a s a teenager , I wa s jus t learning t o read . I gre w u p hatin g Columbus , hatin g th e squali d condition s i n whic h I lived. M y disdai n increase d whe n I sa w al l aroun d m e comfor t an d opulence, especiall y i n whit e Columbus . Ha d I don e somethin g t o de serve thos e horri d circumstances ? Wa s I inferior ? I di d no t understan d then tha t I wa s sufferin g i n par t becaus e som e Ohioan s continue d t o promote whit e privileg e an d t o ignor e th e ghetto . I learne d abou t Ohio' s legacy of white supremac y onl y b y leaving blac k Columbus . I ofte n wonde r whethe r thos e earl y whit e Ohioan s coul d hav e know n that th e racia l privilege s tha t the y assigne d themselve s woul d produc e s o much despai r fo r blacks . I f the y coul d hav e see n int o th e future , woul d they hav e acted differently ? I f you coul d g o back i n time, faced wit h thei r choices, wha t woul d yo u do ? Unfortunately , fe w whit e Ohioan s lear n i n local histor y classe s abou t thei r state' s endorsemen t o f whit e supremacy . Therefore, man y woul d probabl y den y tha t the y hav e benefite d fro m racial privileges . Bu t I suspec t fe w hav e aske d thei r fathers , mothers , o r grandparents whethe r the y benefite d fro m racia l privileges . I t i s a s i f many o f the m believ e tha t b y no t thinkin g o r talkin g abou t them , suc h privileges neve r existed . Thi s conspirac y o f silenc e sustain s whit e su premacy a s effectively a s prior la w does. How man y American s livin g toda y hav e benefited , directl y o r indi rectly, fro m som e for m o f affirmativ e actio n o r preferentia l treatment , including preference s fo r relatives , alumni , financia l donors , veterans , o r those base d o n religion , class , sex, o r race? I don't thin k man y American s have examine d thei r ow n live s fo r preferences . Bu t thei r failin g t o d o s o prevents a candi d discussio n abou t th e merit s o f remedia l affirmativ e action. I t als o make s possibl e th e fals e idea s tha t al l preference s ar e th e same an d tha t without the m meri t will prevail .

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Some American s believ e i n a recent myt h calle d merit: neutra l qualifi cations suc h a s grade s an d standardize d tes t scores . Today , meri t mean s that those who have the best grades and score s are the smartest, deservin g the bes t opportunities . Wh y i s i t a t al l shockin g tha t o n average , black s have lowe r grade s o r tes t scores , give n thei r pas t cumulativ e educationa l deprivation an d th e continue d underfundin g o f thei r schools ? Mor e im portant, ho w could grade s an d tes t score s b e considere d neutra l factor s i n America? And wh y th e relianc e o n merit toda y when fo r centuries Ameri ca's graduate school s were fille d wit h whit e me n wh o ha d n o more abilit y than man y black s o r women did ? Di d givin g the m trainin g hur t the m o r stigmatize them ? Th e continuin g relianc e o n grade s an d score s wil l ex tend, no t eliminate , caste . American histor y ha s convince d m e tha t with out affirmativ e action , meri t wil l agai n b e equate d primaril y wit h white ness an d maleness , leavin g mos t Americans a t the bac k door . Have nationa l leader s lik e Bob Dole , New t Gingrich , o r Bil l Clinto n benefited fro m affirmativ e actio n preferences ? Ar e they , a s Stephe n Car ter refer s t o himself, "affirmativ e actio n babies" ? I would lik e t o ask eac h of the m i f they—o r thei r parents , o r thei r parents ' parents—benefite d from preference s o r if they eve r hav e bothere d t o think o r ask about it . Is it possibl e tha t al l th e race , gender , religion , o r clas s preference s dow n through America' s histor y someho w misse d them ? Wh y don' t the y tal k about them ? Thei r silenc e implie s tha t the y ar e no t product s o f prefer ences, an d t o discus s preferences , o f course , woul d requir e the m t o determine whethe r the y benefited fro m thos e fo r whites onl y or for male s only. Then the y woul d hav e t o concede tha t moder n affirmativ e actio n i s fundamentally differen t fro m previou s preference s fo r whit e men . Wh y don't the y admi t tha t eliminatin g whit e supremac y i s no t th e sam e a s promoting it ? Isn' t i t obviou s tha t valuin g America' s diversit y i s no t th e same a s valuing only its whiteness ? Clinton, Dole , an d other s wan t u s t o believ e tha t the y earne d al l tha t they have , tha t the y worke d har d an d playe d b y th e rules , an d tha t the y are self-made . D o yo u reall y believ e that ? An d doesn' t tha t impl y tha t those wh o hav e no t "mad e it " hav e no t worke d har d an d don' t deserv e any more tha n the y have ? Don' t yo u kno w a lot of people wh o work har d and wh o nonetheles s ar e poor ? I s i t possibl e tha t som e o f the m ar e victims o f caste? What abou t Clarenc e Thomas , Thoma s Sowell , o r Shelb y Steele ? Have the y navigate d lif e withou t benefitin g fro m remedia l preferences ? Did the y g o t o graduat e school s tha t di d no t us e preferences ? D o the y

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talk abou t th e benefit s tha t affirmativ e actio n gav e them ? Di d Antoni n Scalia, Sandra Da y O'Connor, o r any other member o f the Suprem e Cour t get ther e withou t benefi t o f preferences ? Ha s an y America n escape d th e effects o f America's cast e legacy ? If th e critic s o f remedia l affirmativ e actio n too k a long , har d loo k i n the mirror , I suspec t the y woul d fin d tha t alon g life' s way , the y o r some one the y depende d o n benefite d fro m a caste-producing preferenc e o r a remedial preference . Wh y i s i t s o difficul t fo r the m t o distinguis h be tween th e two ? Som e o f them d o not conside r thei r pas t privilege s t o fal l within thei r definitio n o f affirmativ e action , an d the y argu e tha t affirma tive actio n i s harmfu l an d stigmatizing . I s tha t true ? Whe n wa s th e las t time tha t yo u hear d someon e clai m tha t preference s stigmatize d whit e men, who for tw o centuries wer e America's perennia l favorites ? Hav e yo u ever hear d tha t affirmativ e actio n harm s th e self-estee m o f athletes o r th e children o f rich people ? Affirmativ e actio n canno t b e define d i n on e wa y for minoritie s bu t i n anothe r wa y fo r others . An d w e canno t forge t tha t remedial affirmativ e actio n i s designe d t o eliminat e caste , nothin g more . Why would i t be stigmatic ? Without affirmativ e action , I coul d easil y hav e bee n trappe d b y racia l caste. I needed opportunitie s t o improve myself, to hone m y intellect an d skills. I neede d (bu t di d no t have ) a schoo l boar d tha t care d a s muc h about blac k children lik e m e a s it did abou t white childre n i n the Colum bus schools , a boar d tha t care d whethe r I to o becam e a knowledgeable , skilled, productiv e citizen , on e tha t woul d no t allocat e mor e mone y t o white school s tha n t o blac k school s o r woul d fun d school s i n a way tha t produced hug e disparitie s i n pe r pupi l expenditures . I neede d a schoo l board tha t wa s committe d t o racia l equalit y an d mor e teacher s wh o believed tha t blac k childre n coul d lear n anythin g whit e childre n coul d learn, wh o demande d har d wor k an d academi c excellenc e fro m them selves an d al l thei r students , no t teacher s wh o though t blac k childre n were inferio r an d goin g nowhere . I neede d a loca l welfar e agenc y tha t cared whethe r I was hungr y whe n I went t o schoo l o r if I had hea t i n m y home durin g th e col d winters , no t on e staffe d b y socia l worker s wh o resented tha t my mothe r ha d s o man y childre n an d receive d welfare . I needed a n agenc y t o hel p m e dea l wit h m y feeling s o f sham e an d embarrassment abou t my family' s poverty . I neede d help , no t spit e o r blame. It i s a miracl e tha t anyon e survive s suc h a n upbringing . I n fact , a n increasing numbe r o f Americans d o not, an d th e growing dangers o f racial

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caste put al l of us at risk. Every day , I experienced man y of the symptom s of racial cast e whil e growin g u p i n blac k Columbus , an d I know bot h th e anger an d th e hopelessnes s tha t i t engenders . N o on e ca n tel l m e tha t people wh o gre w u p i n ghetto s ha d equa l opportunity . I coul d jus t a s easily hav e grow n u p t o b e a pimp o r dru g dealer . I di d not . M y rescue r was remedial affirmativ e action . Somehow, thos e day s of despair di d no t mak e m e hat e white people . I sometimes wonde r why , bu t I thin k tha t my experience s wit h white s a t Johnson Park , Duke , an d UCL A ar e part o f the reason . I still want t o live in a n integrate d America , bu t I constantly reflec t o n why s o many white s have treate d s o man y black s s o inhumanel y throughou t ou r history , onl y now t o insis t tha t nothin g ca n b e don e abou t racia l caste , tha t w e shoul d be colo r blind , an d tha t remedia l affirmativ e actio n i s unfair. Suc h white s take n o responsibilit y fo r th e racia l cast e tha t i s killin g innocen t people . James Baldwi n wrot e abou t suc h white s tha t "i t i s th e innocenc e whic h constitutes th e crime." 1 I t take s deliberat e indifference , ignorance , an d gall t o sa y to black s tha t ther e i s just on e rac e i n America o r that moder n racial caste cannot b e trace d t o conduct b y whites. Affirmative actio n opene d door s for me tha t were closed t o blacks suc h as Thurgoo d Marshall , Autherin e Lucy , Lloy d Gaines , an d Ad a Sipuel , all o f who m wer e exclude d fro m graduat e o r professiona l school s i n Maryland, Alabama , Missouri , an d Oklahom a durin g th e 1930 s throug h the 1950s , despit e thei r prove n ability , solel y becaus e thos e universitie s were fo r white s only . Becaus e o f th e courag e o f Vivia n Malone-Jones , James Hood , an d th e thousand s o f other s wh o challenge d thei r denia l o f equal educationa l opportunitie s throughou t th e country , I di d no t fac e identical barriers . Affirmative actio n ha s als o worke d fo r man y others , includin g som e current member s o f the Suprem e Cour t wh o see m t o have forgotte n tha t their race or gender onc e presumptively disqualifie d the m fro m a position on th e Court . Justic e Thurgoo d Marshall , wh o brok e th e colo r barrie r o n the Cour t i n 1967 , supporte d remedia l affirmativ e actio n an d frequentl y noted fo r hi s colleague s th e distinctio n betwee n i t an d preference s pro moting caste . Similarly, Charles Daye , a distinguished la w professor a t the Universit y of North Carolina , Chape l Hill , i s correct whe n h e explain s tha t remedia l affirmative actio n gav e hi m a n opportunit y t o atten d Columbi a La w School i n the lat e 1960 s but tha t i t did no t mak e hi m a n honor s graduate . He earne d tha t distinctio n an d ever y outstandin g grad e i t required. 2

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Remedial affirmativ e actio n gav e m e a chanc e fo r a productiv e life . But I ha d t o mak e somethin g o f it , knowin g tha t th e pric e o f failur e wa s high! Unlik e Justice Clarenc e Thoma s an d others , I am no t ashame d tha t I benefite d fro m remedia l affirmativ e action . I t helpe d m e improv e m y life. I hav e confidenc e an d self-estee m an d gaine d more , i n part , b y completing colleg e an d la w school . Moreover , unlik e Stephe n Carter , I am no t a n "affirmativ e actio n baby " wh o now , belatedly , disdain s i t an d its suppose d stigma . Mor e accurately , I a m on e o f America's "racia l cast e babies," wh o someho w survive d a ghett o an d wh o support s remedia l policies designe d t o eliminat e caste . I woul d neve r pul l u p th e ladde r that helpe d m e clim b ou t o f racial poverty . The Unite d State s canno t surviv e anothe r centur y o f white supremac y and blac k caste ; i t cannot surviv e th e continuatio n o f substantially segre gated educationa l an d occupationa l tracks , segregate d communities , o r the myria d scheme s currentl y use d t o dilut e minorit y politica l power . They mak e a mockery o f the ide a o f racial equalit y whil e weakenin g th e country politicall y an d economically . America canno t continu e t o trea t som e o f it s citizen s a s throwaways . There ar e n o "extra " people . Th e countr y mus t find a wa y t o offe r everyone rewardin g lif e opportunities , an d a s lon g a s suc h opportunitie s remain limited , i t canno t continu e actin g a s i f th e bes t opportunitie s ar e for whites o r men only . Put simply , Americans must share . People o f color, white women , an d othe r workin g poo r i n America wil l eithe r hav e acces s to th e bes t educationa l an d employmen t opportunitie s tha t hav e lon g been th e prerogativ e o f whit e mal e elites , o r Americans wil l likel y se e a return t o th e marche s an d riot s tha t indelibl y scarre d th e Unite d State s during th e 1960s . Now , a s then , man y o f it s citie s sho w sign s o f grea t racial tension . A s th e aftermat h o f th e Rodne y Kin g beatin g tria l illus trated, the y ca n explod e a t an y moment . Whit e male s ar e no t th e onl y Americans wh o are angry . I want s o much t o be prou d o f America. Bu t I cannot i f I am viewed a s nothing mor e tha n a vulgar caricature . I want a dollar i n my han d t o bu y the sam e thin g tha t a whit e perso n can . I wan t t o bu y a hous e o r ca r under th e sam e credi t requirement s se t fo r whites . I wan t t o mov e int o any communit y an d hav e neighbor s welcom e m e wit h a casserole, no t a burning cros s or a For Sale sign . I want school s fo r blac k childre n tha t ar e as wel l funde d an d rigorou s a s thos e fo r whites . I wan t Americ a t o repudiate it s romance with whit e supremacy . I want America t o celebrat e its diversity , no t jus t it s whiteness . I wan t ever y privileg e o f whitenes s

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extended t o Americans with darke r skin . I want to sing America's nationa l anthem an d no t fee l betrayed . I want t o salut e it s flag and kno w tha t th e principles i t supposedl y symbolize s exten d t o American s wit h darke r skin. I wan t America' s Constitution' s protectio n an d eloquenc e t o appl y to me , too . I n a word, I wan t t o belong . I canno t respec t a countr y tha t treats m e with disdain ; I cannot b e America's problem .

V NOTES

NOTES T O PREFAC E

1. Adaran d Constructors , Inc . v . Pena, 11 5 S.Ct . 209 7 (1995) . 2. Payn e v . Tennessee, 50 1 U.S . 808 , 84 4 (1991) . 3. Danie l C . Maguire , A New American Justice (Garde n City , N.Y. : Doubleday , 1980), 3 . 4. Justic e Harla n pointe d ou t thi s iron y a s earl y a s 1883 , when h e wrot e With al l respec t fo r th e opinio n o f others, I insis t tha t th e Nationa l Legisla ture may , without transcendin g th e limit s o f the Constitution , d o for huma n liberty an d th e fundamenta l right s o f America n citizenship , wha t i t did , with th e sanctio n o f thi s court , fo r th e protectio n o f slaver y an d th e right s of th e master s o f fugitiv e slaves . T h e Civi l Right s Cases , 10 9 U.S . 3 , 50-5 3 (1883 ) (Harlan , J. , dissenting) . 5. Pless y v . Ferguson , 16 3 U.S . 537 , 55 8 (1896 ) (Harlan , J. , dissenting) . 6. Harla n coul d no t hav e mean t tha t i t wa s unconstitutiona l fo r th e govern m e n t t o tak e rac e int o account , becaus e h e acknowledge d tha t th e Civi l Wa r a m e n d m e n t s wer e i n fac t adopte d t o secur e fo r th e newl y free d black s al l th e civil right s enjoye d b y whites , an d h e als o ha d writte n thirtee n year s earlier : If th e constitutiona l Amendment s b e enforced , accordin g t o th e inten t with which , a s I conceive , the y wer e adopted , ther e canno t b e i n thi s Republic, an y clas s of huma n being s i n practical subjectio n t o anothe r class , with powe r i n th e latte r t o dol e ou t t o th e forme r jus t suc h privilege s a s they ma y choos e t o grant .

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The Civi l Right s Cases , 10 9 U.S . a t 59-6 2 (Harlan , J. , dissenting ) (emphasi s added). 7. Plessy , 16 3 U.S. at 558-61 . 8. Regent s o f th e Universit y o f California v . Bakke, 438 U.S . 265, 289-90, 29 1 (1978). Justic e Powel l agree d wit h fou r othe r member s o f th e Cour t tha t rac e could b e on e o f man y factor s considere d b y admission s officer s i n thei r selectio n among applicants fo r medica l schoo l (265 , 325-26, opinion o f Brennan, J.). 9. On e recen t definitio n o f the colo r blindnes s principl e hold s tha t a state ma y use th e criterio n o f race onl y when i t acts t o undo th e effect s o f it s own discrimi nation o r when i t acts in a social emergency , suc h a s a prison rac e riot. Se e Cit y of Richmond v . J. A . Croson Co. , 488 U.S . 469, 521-24 (1989 ) (Scalia , J., concurrin g in judgment). 10. Th e write r wh o ha s mos t significantl y influence d m y thinkin g regardin g race i s Willia m E . B . D u Boi s (1868-1963) . M y concludin g sentenc e i s para phrased fro m D u Bois' s prophetic words publishe d i n 1903: The proble m o f the twentiet h centur y i s the proble m o f the color-line, — the relatio n o f the darke r to the lighte r race s of men i n Asia and Africa, i n America an d th e island s o f th e sea . I t wa s a phas e o f thi s proble m tha t caused th e Civi l War ; an d howeve r muc h the y wh o marche d Sout h an d North i n 186 1 may hav e fixe d o n th e technica l point s o f unio n an d loca l autonomy a s a shibboleth, al l nevertheles s knew , an d w e know , tha t th e question o f Negro slavery was the real cause of the conflict . See W. E. B . Du Bois , The Souls of Black Folk (New York : New America n Library , 1969) (1903) , 54-55 . Fo r a concise, informativ e bibliographi c essay an d selecte d bibliography fo r D u Bois , se e Mannin g Marable , W. E. B. Du Bois: Black Radical Democrat (Boston: Twayne, 1986) , 267-80. NOTES T O PAR T ON E

1. Hele n Tunniclif f Catterall , Judicial Cases Concerning American Slavery and the Negro, vol . 5 (New York: Octagon Books , 1968) , 2. 2. Se e Gra y v . Ohio, 4 Ohio 35 3 (1831); Williams v . School District , 1 Wright's Ohio Report s 57 8 (Ohio 1834) . 3. Monro e v . Collins , 1 7 Ohi o St . 66 5 (1867) . Se e als o Jeffrie s v . Ankeny , 1 1 Ohio 37 2 (1842) ; Thacker v . Hawk , 1 1 Ohio 37 6 (1842) ; Lan e v . Baker , 1 2 Ohi o 237 (1843) ; E x part e Robinson , 6 McLean 35 5 (Ohi o 1855) ; E x part e Sifford , 2 2 Fed. Cas. 10 5 (1857). 4. Va n Camp v . Logan, 9 Ohio St . 406 (1859). 5. Ibid. , 408-10 . 6. Ibid. , 411-14 . 7. Ibid. , 415-25. 8. Jame s Baldwin , The Fire Next Time (New York: Dial Press, 1963) , 118. 9. Ia n F . Haney Lopez , White by Law: The Legal Construction of Race (New York: New Yor k University Press , 1996) , 10. 10. Chery l Harris , "Whitenes s a s Property, " Harv. L. Rev. 10 6 (1993) : 1707 , 1725. See als o Lopez, White by Law, 10-19 .

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11. Andre w Hacker , Two Nations: Black and White, Separate, Hostile, Unequal (New York: Scribner, 1992) . 12. ^ 4 Citizens Guide to the Federal Budget (Washington, D.G. : U.S . Governmen t Printing Office , 1996) , 8 ; Budget of the United States Government, Fiscal Year 1996 (Washington, D.C. : U.S. Government Printin g Office) , 25-30 . 13. Kath e Sandler , A Question of Color (Sa n Francisco : Californi a Newsreel , 1992). 14. See , for example , Missour i v . Jenkins, 11 5 S.Ct. 2038 , 2061-73 (1995). 15. Pegg y Mcintosh , "Whit e Privileg e an d Mal e Privilege : A Personal Accoun t of Comin g t o Se e Correspondence s Throug h Wor k i n Women' s Studies, " i n Margaret Anderso n an d Patrici a Hil l Collins , eds. , Race, Class, and Gender (Bel mont, Calif.: Wadsworth, 1995) , 76-87. 16. W . E. B . Du Bois , The Souls of Black Folk (New York: New American Library , 1969) (1903), 45. 17. I borrowe d th e languag e fo r thi s pledg e fro m concept s i n a n articl e b y William Va n Alstyne , "Rite s o f Passage , th e Suprem e Court , an d th e Constitu tion," U Chi. L. Rev. 46 (1979): 723, 809-10. 18. Se e generall y Derric k A . Bel l Jr. , Race, Racism and American Law, 3r d ed . (Boston: Little , Brown , 1992 ) (currentl y th e onl y nationa l la w schoo l caseboo k analyzing racism i n the Unite d States) . See als o John Hop e Franklin , From Slavery to Freedom, 7t h ed . (Ne w York : Knopf, 1994) ; Clayborne Carso n e t al. , The Eyes on the Prize, Civil Rights Reader: Documents, Speeches, and Firsthand Accounts from the Black Freedom Struggle, 1954-1990 (Ne w York : Vikin g Press , 1991) ; Donal d Nie man, Promises to Keep (New York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1991) ; A. Leon Higgin botham Jr. , In the Matter of Color (New York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1978) ; C . Vann Woodward , The Strange Career of Jim Crow (New York : Oxfor d Universit y Press, 1974) ; Leo n Friedman , The Civil Rights Reader (New York : Walke r Press , 1967). 19. Andre w Kull , The Color-Blind Constitution (Cambridge , Mass. : Harvar d Uni versity Press, 1992) . 20. Adarand , 11 5 S.Ct. a t 2119. 21. Se e Anthon y Downs , U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, Racism in America and How to Combat It (Washington , D.C. : U.S . Governmen t Printin g Office , 1970) , 5-6. 22. Ibid. , 7 . 23. Charle s Lawrence , "Th e Id , th e Ego , an d Equa l Protection : Reckonin g with Unconsciou s Racism," Stan. L. Rev. 39 (1987): 317, 330. NOTES T O PAR T TW O

1. Ne w Yor k Trust Co . v. Eisner, 25 6 U.S. 345, 349 (1921). 2. Winthro p D . Jordan , White over Black: American Attitudes Toward the Negro 1550-1812 (Chape l Hill : University o f North Carolin a Press , 1968) , 4-11. See als o Ronald Sanders , Lost Tribes and Promised Lands (Boston : Little , Brown , 1978) , which trace s th e earl y histor y o f contacts betwee n African s an d Europeans . 3. Jordan , White over Black, 8-32.

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4. Georg e M . Frederickson , The Black Image in the White Mind (Middletown , Conn.: Wesleyan Universit y Press , 1971) . 5. Marlo n T . Riggs , Ethnic Notions (San Francisco : California Newsreel , 1987) , traces th e evolutio n o f black caricatures ove r a century. 6. Garne r v. Louisiana, 36 8 U.S. 157 , 179-81 (1960) (Douglas, J., concurring) . 7. Ulric h B . Phillips, American Negro Slavery (Ne w York : Appleton, 1918) , 4 145, 309 . See als o William A . Dunning, Reconstruction, Political and Economic 18651877 (Ne w York : Harpe r Torchbooks , 1907) . Eri c Fone r provide s a forcefu l cri tique o f th e Dunnin g schoo l i n hi s Reconstruction: Americas Unfinished Revolution 1863-1877 (Ne w York: Harper & Row , Publishers, 1988) , xix-xxvii. 8. Joh n Hop e Franklin , From Slavery to Freedom, 7th ed . (Ne w York : Knopf , 1994). 9. Richar d Delgado , "Storytellin g fo r th e Oppositionist s an d Others : A Plea fo r Narrative," Mich. L. Rev. 87 (1989): 2411, 2417. 10. Scot t Clark , "Whe n 'Wait ' Mean s 'Never' : America n Toleranc e o f Racia l Justice," Nat'l Black L.J. 1 3 (1993): 123. 11. A . Leon Higginbotha m Jr. , In the Matter of Color (New York : Oxford Univer sity Press , 1978) , 19-6 0 (Virginia) , 61-9 9 (Massachusetts) , 100-5 0 (Ne w York) , 151-215 (Sout h Carolina) , 216-6 6 (Georgia) , an d 267-31 0 (Pennsylvania) ; Frank lin, Slavery to Freedom, 56-67 . 12. Higginbotham , Matter of Color, 19 . 13. Kennet h M . Stampp , The Peculiar Institution: Slavery in the Ante-Bellum South (New York: Vintage Books , 1956) , 5-6 . 14. Higginbotham , Matter of Color, 20 . See als o Jordan, White over Black, 44-48. 15. Higginbotham , Matter of Color, 21 . Higginbotham conclude s tha t th e weigh t of th e historica l evidenc e suggest s tha t th e first black s i n colonia l Americ a wer e identified an d treate d a s servants rathe r tha n slaves . 16. Franklin , Slavery to Freedom, 56 . 17. Eugen e Genovese , Roll Jordan Roll: The World the Slaves Made (Ne w York : Vintage Books , 1976) , 31. 18. Stampp , Peculiar Institution, 5. 19. Franklin , Slavery to Freedom, 56-57 . 20. Hele n Tunniclif f Catterall , Judicial Cases Concerning American Slavery and the Negro, vol . 1 (New York: Octagon Books , 1968) , iv-v. 21. Ibid. , 53-54 . Fo r a summar y o f Virgini a case s betwee n 162 4 an d 1875 , se e ibid., 76-265 , and als o Higginbotham, Matter of Color, 19-60 . 22. Higginbotham , Matter of Color, 22-23 . 23. Lovin g v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1 (1967). 24. Higginbotham , Matter of Color, 24 . 25. Unite d State s v. Armstrong, no . 95-157 (U.S . 1996). 26. McCleske y v . Kemp, 481 U.S. 279, 285, 325-37 (1987). 27. Professor s Davi d C . Baldus , Charle s Pulaski , an d Georg e Woodwort h per formed th e stud y an d publishe d thei r findings i n severa l relate d works . Baldus e t al., Equal Justice and the Death Penalty (Boston : Northeaster n Universit y Press , 1990), 80-139 , 198-228 , 306-425. This boo k present s th e result s o f tw o overlap -

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ping empirica l studie s o f post-Furma n legislativ e reform s regardin g whethe r th e new standard s an d guideline s t o channe l th e exercis e o f jur y discretio n wer e effective an d whethe r comparativ e proportionalit y revie w b y stat e appellat e courts ensure d tha t death-sentencin g system s wer e operatin g i n a consistent , nondiscriminatory fashion . T h e author s foun d tha t althoug h th e level s o f arbitrari ness an d racia l discriminatio n i n capita l sentencin g ha d decline d sinc e 1972 , ther e still wa s evidenc e o f a racia l disparit y i n th e applicatio n o f th e deat h penalt y an d of arbitrary , excessiv e sentence s (1-6 , 394-425) . Fo r a summar y o f othe r statewid e studies, se e ibid. , 229-65 . 28. McCleskey , 48 1 U.S . a t 287 . Se e als o Baldu s e t al. , Equal Justice, 4 0 0 - 8 . 29. McCleskey , 48 1 U.S . a t 297 , 298 , 313 , 319 . H e r e th e Cour t applie d th e difficult-to-prove standar d se t ou t i n case s followin g Washington v. Davis, 42 6 U.S . 229 (1976) , an d Personnel Adm'r of Massachusetts v. Feeney, 442 U.S . 256 , 27 9 (1979) . 30. McCleskey , 48 1 U.S . a t 329-3 6 (Brennan , J. , dissenting ) (citin g Ga . Pena l Code, par t 4 , titl e 1 , div . 4 , § § 4704 , § 424 9 (1861) . Se e generall y Higginbotham , Matter of Color, 24-25 ; Pau l Finkelman , " T h e Crim e o f Color, " Tulane L. Rev. 6 7 (1993): 2063 , 2064-66 . 31. Higginbotham , Matter of Color, 25 . 32. Catterall , Judicial Cases, vol. 1 , 79 . 33. Higginbotham , Matter of Color, 26. 34. Catterall , Judicial Cases, vol. 1 , 77 . 35. Ibid. , 78 . 36. Franklin , Slavery to Freedom, 56-59 ; Catterall , Judicial Cases, vol. 1 , 59 . 37. Se e Willia m W . Hening , Henings Statutes at Large, vol . 1 ( N ew York : R . an d W. an d G . Bartow , 1823) , 540 . Accordin g t o th e 165 9 act , Dutch an d al l stranger s o f Christia n nation s ar e allowe d fre e trad e i f the y give bon d an d pa y impor t o f te n shilling s pe r hogshea d lai d upo n al l tobacco exporte d t o an y foreig n dominions ; alway s provide d tha t i f Dutc h or othe r foreigner s shal l impor t an y Negr o slave s they , th e sai d Dutc h o r other foreigners , shal l fo r th e tobacc o reall y produce d b y th e sai d Negroes , pay onl y th e impos t o f tw o shilling s pe r hogshead , th e lik e bein g pai d b y our ow n nation . 38. Higginbotham , Matter of Color, 37 . Se e als o Franklin , Slavery to Freedom, 74 . 39. Kennet h Stamp p wrot e tha t "th e maste r class , fo r it s ow n purpose s wrot e chattel slavery , th e cast e syste m an d colo r prejudic e int o America n custo m an d law." Stampp , Peculiar Institution, 23 . 40. Willia m W . Hening , Hening' s Statutes at Large, vol . 2 ( N e w York : R . an d W and G . Bartow , 1823) , 492 . T h e 168 0 ac t prove d t o b e ineffective , an d s o i t wa s followed b y additiona l provision s i n 1682 : Whereas th e ac t o f 168 0 o n Negr o insurrectio n ha s no t ha d th e intende d effect, i t i s enacte d tha t churc h warden s rea d thi s an d th e othe r act , twic e every year, i n the tim e o f divine service , or forfeit eac h o f them si x hundre d pounds o f tobacco , an d furthe r t o preven t insurrection s n o maste r o r over seer shal l allo w a Negro slav e o f anothe r t o remai n o n hi s plantatio n abov e four hour s withou t leav e o f th e slave' s ow n master .

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41. Willia m W . Hening , Hening' s Statutes at Large, vol . 3 (Ne w York : R . an d W . and G . Bartow , 1823) , 459 . Anothe r sectio n o f th e 170 5 la w gav e th e maste r greater contro l ove r th e lif e o f hi s slave : And i f an y slav e resis t hi s master , o r owner , o r othe r person , b y hi s o r he r order, correctin g suc h slave , an d shal l happe n t o b e kille d i n suc h correc tion, i t shal l no t b e accounte d felony ; bu t th e master , owner , an d ever y such othe r perso n s o givin g correction , shal l b e fre e an d acqui t o f al l punishment an d accusatio n fo r th e same , a s i f suc h acciden t ha d neve r happened. 42. Fo r a comprehensiv e collectio n o f nineteenth-centur y slav e statutes , se e Paul Finkelman , Statutes on Slavery: The Pamphlet Literature (Ne w York : Garland , 1988), an d Pau l Finkelman , State Slavery Statutes: A Guide to the Micro-Fiche Collection (Ne w York : Garland , 1989) . T h i s collectio n review s i n par t al l slav e code s from th e fifteen souther n state s enacte d betwee n 178 9 an d 1865 , coverin g mor e than 7,10 0 statutes . Fo r a summar y o f Virginia' s slav e codes , se e Revised Code of Virginia ( 2 vols , wit h supp. ) (1819) . 43. Franklin , Slavery to Freedom, 69-70 . 44. Henr y Steel e Commager , Documents of American History ( N e w York : Apple ton-Century-Crofts, 1968) , 103 . Virginia's bil l o f right s wa s presente d o n Jun e 12 , 1776. T h e first sectio n provide d 1. Tha t al l me n ar e b y natur e equall y fre e an d independent , an d hav e certain inherite d rights , o f which , whe n the y ente r int o a stat e o f society , they canno t b y an y compac t depriv e o r dives t thei r posterity ; namely , th e enjoyment o f lif e an d liberty , wit h th e mean s o f acquirin g an d possessin g property, pursuin g an d obtainin g happines s an d safety . 45. T h e Declaratio n o f I n d e p e n d e n c e , < H 1 and 2 (U.S . 1776) . 46. T h o m a s Jefferson , Writings (Ne w York : Pengui n Books , 1984) , 267 . Jeffer son's Notes on the State of Virginia contain s repeate d reference s t o whit e superiorit y and blac k degradation . Se e Jefferson , Writings, 256-75 . 47. Derric k Bel l elegantl y describe d thi s conceptio n o f involuntar y sacrifice . See Derric k A . Bel l Jr. , Race, Racism and American Law, 3r d ed . (Boston : Little , Brown, 1992) , 34-36 . 48. T h e leadin g authorit y o n record s o f th e Constitutiona l Conventio n i s Ma x Farrand, The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787, 4 vols . ( N e w Haven , Conn. : Yale Universit y Press , 1937) ; a lis t o f th e delegate s attendin g th e Conventio n i s i n vol. 3 , app . B , 555 . Se e als o Jame s H . Hutson , Supplement to Max Farrand s The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787 (Ne w Haven , Conn. : Yal e Universit y Press, 1987) ; Arthu r Taylo r Prescott , Drafting the Federal Constitution (Ne w York : Greenwood Press , 1968) , especiall y 22-36 , hi s lively , contemporaneou s sketche s of th e delegates ; Jame s Madison , Notes of Debates in the Federal Convention of 1787 (Athens: Ohi o Universit y Press , 1966) . 49. B y Jun e 13 , ther e wer e ninetee n resolutions . Se e Farrand , Records, vol . 1 , 18-23, 235-37 ; Madison , Notes, 23-33 , 115-17 . 50. Farrand , Records, vol . 1 , 249-57; Madison , Notes, 121-29 . O n Jun e 18 , Alexan der Hamilto n propose d anothe r plan , nationa l i n natur e bu t differen t fro m t h e Virginia plan . Fo r example , member s o f th e federa l senate , executive , an d judi -

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ciary woul d serv e withou t pay . Se e Farrand , Records, vol . 1 , 282-93 ; Madison , Notes, 129-39 . 51. Derric k A . Bel l Jr. , And We Are Not Saved: The Elusive Quest for Racial Justice ( N e w York : Basi c Books , 1987) , 22-24 , 34-35 . Bel l cite s th e historia n Willia m Wiecek fo r th e followin g lis t o f direc t an d indirec t accommodation s t o slaver y that ca n b e foun d i n th e Constitution : 1. Articl e I , Sectio n 2 : representative s i n th e Hous e wer e apportione d among th e state s o n th e basi s o f population , compute d b y countin g al l free person s an d three-fifth s o f th e slave s (th e "federa l number, " o r "three-fifths," clause) ; 2. Articl e I , Sectio n 2 , an d Articl e I , Sectio n 9 : tw o clause s requiring , redundantly, tha t direc t taxe s (includin g capitations ) b e apportione d among th e state s o n th e foregoin g basis , th e purpos e bein g t o preven t Congress fro m layin g a head ta x o n slave s t o encourag e thei r emancipa tion; 3. Articl e I , Sectio n 9 : Congres s wa s proh ' jited fro m abolishin g th e inter national slav e trad e t o th e Unite d Sta t s before 1808 ; 4. Articl e IV , Sectio n 2 : th e state s wer e piohibite d fro m emancipatin g fugitive slaves , who wer e t o b e returne d o n deman d o f th e master ; 5. Articl e I , Sectio n 8 : Congres s wa s empowere d t o provid e fo r callin g u p the states ' militi a t o suppres s insurrections , includin g slav e uprisings ; 6. Articl e IV , Section 4 : th e federa l governmen t wa s oblige d t o protec t th e states agains t domesti c violence , includin g slav e insurrections ; 7. Articl e V : th e provision s o f Articl e I , Sectio n 9 , clause s 1 an d 4 (per taining t o th e slav e trad e an d direc t taxes ) wer e mad e unamendable ; 8. Articl e I , Sectio n 9 , an d Articl e I , Sectio n 10 : these tw o clause s prohib ited th e federa l governmen t an d th e state s fro m taxin g exports , on e purpose bein g t o preven t the m fro m taxin g slaver y indirectl y b y taxin g the exporte d produc t o f slav e labor . See Willia m M . Wiecek , The Sources of Antislavery Constitutionalism, 1760-1848 (Ithaca, N.Y. : Cornel l Universit y Press , 1977) , 62-63 . 52. Farrand , Records, vol . 1 , 201 ; Madison , Notes, 103 . See , fo r example , th e delegate Gerry' s comments : "Wh y shoul d blacks , wh o ar e propert y i n th e South , be counte d i n th e rul e o f representatio n mor e tha n cattl e & horse s o f th e North? " Also se e th e motio n b y Wilso n an d Pinckne y t o calculat e taxe s an d representatio n in proportio n t o th e whol e numbe r o f whit e an d othe r fre e citizen s an d inhabitants o f ever y age , se x an d condition , includin g thos e boun d t o servitude fo r a ter m o f years , an d three-fifth s o f al l othe r person s no t comprehended i n th e foregoin g description , excep t Indian s no t payin g taxes. T h i s languag e i s remarkable . T h e term s white, free, an d three-fifths illustrat e tha t our organi c la w employe d rac e label s t o delineat e superio r right s fo r white s ove r blacks. T h u s , fro m th e ver y beginning , ou r Constitutio n embrace d race-consciou s privileges advantagin g whites . Subsequent iteration s o f th e Virgini a pla n b y th e C o m m i t t e e o f th e Whole , the C o m m i t t e e o f Detail , an d th e C o m m i t t e e o f Styl e substantiall y modifie d

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what ha d bee n articl e III , bu t eac h include d th e compromis e t o coun t fiv e slave s as thre e person s fo r purpose s o f determinin g proportiona l representatio n i n th e national legislature . T h i s compromis e i s onl y on e exampl e o f race-consciou s affirmativ e actio n agreed t o a t Philadelphia . Whit e m e n agree d tha t blac k slave s woul d coun t partially i n determinin g th e n u m b e r o f eac h state' s representative s i n Congres s and th e amoun t o f direc t taxe s owed . T h e y als o decide d tha t th e ne w Constitu tion woul d no t ba n slaver y o r prohibi t i t befor e 1808 , woul d prohibi t state s fro m emancipating fugitiv e slaves , an d empowe r Congres s t o pu t dow n insurrections , including slav e uprisings . 53. Farrand , Records, vol . 1 , 559-97; Madison , Notes, 256-82 . 54. T h e final draf t o f articl e I , sectio n 2 , claus e 3 , read s i n part : Representatives an d direc t taxe s shal l b e apportione d amon g th e severa l states whic h ma y b e include d withi n thi s Union , accordin g t o thei r respec tive numbers , whic h shal l b e determine d b y addin g th e whol e numbe r o f free persons , includin g thos e boun d t o servic e fo r a ter m o f year s an d excluding Indian s no t taxed , three-fifth s al l othe r persons , (art . I , § 2, cl. 3 ) 55. Farrand , Records, vol . 1 , 561; Madison, Notes, 259 . 56. Farrand , Records, vol . 1 , 562-66; Madison , Notes, 260-61 . 57. Farrand , Records, vol . 1 , 580; Madison , Notes, 268 . 58. Delegat e Williamso n mad e a simila r poin t whe n h e approve d o f th e rati o o f three-fifths. Farrand , Records, vol . 1 , 580-88; Madison , Notes, 269-76 . 59. Farrand , Records, vol . 1 , 586-97; Madison , Notes, 275-82 . 60. Farrand , Records, vol . 1 , 592-97; Madison , Notes, 277-80 . 61. Farrand , Records, vol . 1 , 605 ; Madison , Notes, 286 . Mr . Wilso n move d "tha t a Republican for m o f Governmen t shal l b e guarantie d t o eac h Stat e 6 c tha t eac h State shal l b e protecte d agains t foreig n & domesti c violence. " T h e motio n passe d unanimously. Se e Farrand , Records, vol . 2 , 4 7 ^ 9; Madison , Notes, 322 . 62. Farrand , Records, vol . 2 , 106 ; Madison, Notes, 362 . 63. Farrand , Records, vol . 2 , 176-89 , 220 ; Madison , Notes, 385-96 , 409 . 64. Farrand , Records, vol . 2 , 221-23 ; Madison , Notes, 413 . T h e quotatio n con tinues: And wha t i s th e propose d compensatio n t o th e Norther n State s fo r a sacrifice o f every principl e o f right , o f ever y impuls e o f humanity. The y ar e to bin d themselve s t o marc h thei r militi a fo r th e defenc e o f th e Souther n States; fo r thei r defenc e agains t thos e ver y slave s o f who m the y complai n . . . the Legislatur e wil l hav e th e indefinit e powe r t o ta x the m b y excises , and dutie s o n imports : bot h o f whic h wil l fal l heavie r o n the m tha n o n th e Southern inhabitants ; fo r th e bohe a te a [ a blac k tea ] use d b y a Norther n freeman, wil l pa y mor e ta x tha n th e whol e consumptio n o f th e miserabl e slave, which consist s o f nothin g mor e tha n hi s physica l subsistenc e an d th e rag tha t cover s hi s nakedness . O n th e othe r sid e th e Souther n State s ar e not t o b e restraine d fro m importin g fres h supplie s o f wretche d Africans , a t once t o increas e th e dange r o f attack , an d th e difficult y o f defence ; na y they ar e t o b e encourage d t o i t b y a n assuranc e o f havin g thei r vote s i n th e National Governmen t increase d i n proportion , an d a t th e sam e tim e t o

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have thei r export s & thei r slave s exemp t fro m al l contribution s fo r th e public s e r v i c e . . . . Fo r wha t the n ar e al l thes e sacrifice s t o b e made ? H e would soone r submi t himsel f t o a ta x fo r payin g fo r al l th e Negroe s i n th e U. States , tha n saddl e posterit y wit h suc h a Constitution . 65. Farrand , Records, vol . 2 , 364-65 ; Madison , Notes, 502-3 . 66. Farrand , Records, vol . 2 , 369-72 ; Madison , Notes, 503-6 . 67. Farrand , Records, vol . 2 , 372-73 ; Madison, Notes, 506-7 . 68. Farrand , Records, vol . 2 , 373 ; Madison, Notes, 507 . 69. Farrand , Records, vol . 2 , 374-75 ; Madison , Notes, 507-9 . T h e committe e members appointe d wer e Langdon , King , Willia m Sa m Johnso n o f Connecticut , William Livingsto n o f N e w Jersey , Georg e Clyme r o f Pennsylvania , Dickinson , L. Martin , Jame s Madiso n o f Virginia , Williamson , C . C . Pinckney , an d Baldwin . 70. Farrand , Records, vol . 2 , 400; Madison , Notes, 522 . 71. Farrand , Records, vol . 2 , 415-16; Madison , Notes, 531-32 . 72. Farrand , Records, vol . 2 , 443, 453-54; Madison , Notes, 545-46 , 552 . 73. Farrand , Records, vol . 2 , 553 , 585-603; Madison , Notes, 608 , 616-27 . 74. Farrand , Records, vol . 2 , 632-33 ; Madison , Notes, 650-62 . 75. Frederic k Douglass , "Wha t t o th e Slav e I s th e Fourt h o f July," cite d i n Alic e Moore Dunbar , ed. , Masterpieces of Negro Eloquence ( N e w York : Booker y Publish ing, 1914) , 46-48 . Fo r contemporar y treatment s o f th e thought s o f Douglass , se e Waldo E . Marti n Jr. , The Mind of Frederick Douglass (Chape l Hill : Universit y o f North Carolin a Press , 1984) , an d Willia m S . McFeely , Frederick Douglass ( N e w York: Norton , 1991) . 76. Thurgoo d Marshall , "Reflection s o n th e Bicentennia l o f t h e U.S . Constitu tion," Harv. L. Rev. 10 1 (1987) : 1 , 2 , 5 . 77. 3 Stat . 54 5 an d 3 Stat . 64 5 (1820) . T h e Missour i Compromis e o f 182 0 provided i n part : And b e i t furthe r enacted , Tha t i n al l tha t territor y cede d b y Franc e t o th e United States , unde r th e nam e o f Louisiana , whic h lie s nort h o f thirty-si x degrees an d thirt y minute s nort h latitude , no t include d withi n th e limit s of th e state , contemplate d b y thi s act , slaver y an d involuntar y servitude , otherwise tha n i n th e punishmen t o f crimes , whereo f th e partie s shal l hav e been dul y convicted , shal l be , an d i s hereby , foreve r prohibited : Provide d always, Tha t an y perso n escapin g int o th e same , fro m who m labou r o r service i s lawfull y claimed , i n an y stat e o r territor y o f th e Unite d States , such fugitiv e ma y b e lawfull y reclaime d an d conveye d t o th e perso n claiming hi s o r he r labou r o r servic e a s aforesaid . 78. 9 Stat . 46 2 (1850) , repeale d b y 1 3 Stat . 20 0 (1864) . T h e Fugitiv e Slav e Ac t of 185 0 provide d tha t i f a fugitiv e slav e escape d int o an y stat e o r territor y i n th e United States , th e slav e coul d b e reclaime d b y th e slave' s owne r o r th e owner' s agent. I n addition , th e ac t gav e th e slav e owne r a right o f actio n i n th e U.S . circui t courts t o reclai m fugitiv e slaves . Interestingly, sectio n 5 o f th e ac t commande d goo d citizen s t o assis t wit h th e slave's recapture . Unde r sectio n 6 , th e testimon y o f th e allege d fugitiv e wa s inadmissible. Sectio n 7 mad e i t a crimina l offens e t o hinde r th e arres t o f o r retur n of a slave .

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79. 1 0 Stat . 27 7 (1854) . Th e Kansas-Nebrask a Ac t o f 185 4 provide d tha t th e territories o f Kansas an d Nebrask a coul d organiz e int o states an d tha t th e issu e of slavery was to be decide d locall y under th e doctrin e o f popular sovereignty . 80. 6 0 U.S. (19 How. ) 691 (1857). This cas e was one o f the mos t importan t eve r decided b y th e Court . First , i t wa s extremel y rar e fo r th e Cour t t o invalidat e federal laws , an d Dred Scott wa s a direc t challeng e t o congressiona l powe r t o regulate U.S . territories . I n tha t sense , i t compare s wit h th e importanc e o f Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. (1 Cranch) 13 7 (1803). Second, i n Dred Scott, the Suprem e Court define d person s o f African ancestr y a s noncitizens fo r purpose s o f suin g i n federal courts . Th e Cour t state d fo r th e first tim e tha t blacks , whethe r slav e o r free, wer e no t citizen s withi n th e meanin g o f th e Constitution . Third , th e Dred Scott decisio n reflecte d th e dee p divisio n i n th e countr y ove r slaver y an d prompted th e fear s o f many whites tha t i t would expan d throughou t th e country . 81. Do n E . Fehrenbacher , The Dred Scott Case (New York : Oxfor d Universit y Press, 1978) , 239-49 . Se e als o Walte r Ehrlich , They Have No Rights: Dred Scott's Struggle for Freedom (Westport, Conn. : Greenwoo d Press , 1979) . 82. Fehrenbacher , Dred Scott, 250, 51-56. 83. 4 Mo. 354(1837). 84. 1 0 How. 82, 1 3 L. 337 (1850). 85. Se e Emerso n v . Scott, 1 5 Mo. 576 (1852). 86. Dre d Scott , 6 0 U.S. (19 How.) 691 (1857). 87. Fehrenbacher , Dred Scott, 235. 88. Ibid. , 323 . Fo r a n interestin g recen t discussio n o f Dred Scott i n whic h th e author analyze s th e lega l statu s o f blacks i n Chie f Justice Taney's hom e state , se e David Skille n Bogen , "Th e Marylan d Contex t o f Dred Scott : The Declin e i n th e Legal Statu s o f Marylan d Fre e Black s 1776-1810, " Am. J. of Legal History 3 4 (1990), especially 381 , arguing that th e right s of free black s in Maryland worsene d during thi s period . There wer e severa l differen t opinion s delivere d b y th e Court . Chie f Justic e Taney's opinio n i s th e mos t famou s becaus e o f it s characterizatio n o f person s o f African descent . Justic e Benjami n Curti s o f Massachusett s presente d th e mos t persuasive challeng e t o Chie f Justic e Taney' s view . Se e Dre d Scott , 6 0 U.S . (1 9 How.) at 76 7 (Curtis, J., dissenting) . 89. Dre d Scott , 60 U.S. (19 How.) at 70 0 (emphasis added) . 90. Dre d Scott , 6 0 U.S . (1 9 How. ) a t 703-10 . Chie f Justic e Tane y wrote : "Th e court i s of th e opinio n that , upo n th e fact s state d i n th e ple a o f abatement, Dre d Scott wa s no t a citizen o f Missouri withi n th e meanin g o f th e Constitutio n o f th e United States , and no t entitle d a s such t o sue i n it s courts." 91. Dre d Scott , 60 U.S. (19 How.) at 702-21 . 92. Dre d Scott , 60 U.S. (19 How.) at 701- 2 (emphasi s added) . 93. Dre d Scott , 60 U.S. (19 How.) at 770-9 5 (Curtis , J., dissenting) . 94. Ro y P . Basler , ed. , The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, vol . 3 (Ne w Brunswick, N.J. : Rutgers Universit y Press , 1953) , 145-46 . 95. Edwar d B . Callender , Thaddeus Stevens: Commoner (Ne w York : AM S Press , 1972); Moorfiel d Storey , Charles Sumner (Ne w York : AMS Press , 1972) ; Davi d H . Donald, Charles Sumner and the Coming of the Civil War (New York : Knopf , 1960) ,

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108; Ralph Korngold , Thaddeus Stevens: A Being Darkly Wise and Rudely Great (New York: Harcourt, Brace , 1955) . 96. Eri c Foner , Freedoms Law Makers: A Directory of Black Officeholders During Reconstruction (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1993) ; Bruce A . Ragsdal e an d Joel D . Treese , Black Americans in Congress 1870-1989 (Washington , D.G. : U.S . Government Printin g Office , 1990) ; Ann Jenette Sophi e McFarlin , Black Congressional Reconstruction Orators and Their Orations 1869-1879 (Metuchen , N.J. : Scarecrow Press, 1976) . 97. Th e Reconstructio n perio d extende d Decembe r 8 , 1863 , wit h Lincoln' s Proclamation o f Amnest y an d Reconstructio n t o th e withdrawa l o f troop s fro m the Sout h i n 1877 . Se e W . E . B . D u Bois , Black Reconstruction in America, 18601880 (New York : Russell an d Russell , 1935) . See als o Melvin Urofsky , A March of Liberty: A Constitutional History of the United States (New York : Knopf , 1988) , 436; Eugene Gressman , "Th e Unhapp y Histor y o f Civi l Right s Legislation, " Mich. L. Rev. 50 (1952): 1323. 98. Franklin , Slavery to Freedom, 228 . 99. 1 4 Stat . 2 7 (1866) . Th e complet e act , alon g wit h othe r postwa r civi l right s statutes, ca n b e foun d i n Theodor e Eisenberg , Civil Rights and Employment Discrimination Law: Selected Statutes and Regulations (Charlottesville, Va.: Miche, 1991) . 100. Franklin , Slavery to Freedom, 225. Se e als o Urofsky , A March of Liberty, 436-37. 101. Smit h v . Allwright, 32 1 U.S. 649 (1944). 102. Terr y v. Adams, 345 U.S. 461 (1953). 103. 1 8 Stat. 335 (1875). 104. 8 3 U.S. (16 Wall.) 36 (1873). 105. 9 2 U.S. 542, 548-55 (1876). 106. U.S . Const. Amend. XII : The perso n having the greatest numbe r of votes for President, shall be the President, i f such numbe r b e a majority o f th e whol e numbe r o f Elector s appointed; an d i f n o perso n hav e suc h majority , the n fro m th e person s having the highes t number s no t exceeding three o n the list of those voted for a s President, th e Hous e o f Representative s shal l choos e immediately , by ballot, the President . 107. Foner , Reconstruction, 564-83 . Perhaps th e greates t iron y i n th e racia l histor y of blacks an d whites i n the Unite d State s i s that black s hav e had t o turn t o whites for protectio n agains t an d relie f fro m whit e supremac y an d racia l subordination . This fac t certainl y help s explain why three constitutiona l amendment s an d a halfdozen federa l statute s faile d t o eradicat e whit e supremac y an d racia l subordina tion. See Genovese , Roll Jordan Roll, 48-49. 108. 10 9 U.S. 3 (1883). 109. Th e Civi l Right s Cases , 10 9 U.S. at 20-26 . 110. Pless y v . Ferguson , 16 3 U.S . 53 7 (1896) . Unde r th e Louisian a statute , al l railway companie s ha d t o provid e equa l bu t separat e accommodation s fo r white s and black s o r t o partitio n a singl e coach . Th e conducto r directe d person s t o th e proper area . Failur e t o compl y wit h th e conductor' s orde r wa s punishabl e b y a fine o f $2 5 o r imprisonmen t fo r no t mor e tha n twent y days . I f th e conducto r

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assigned a passenge r t o th e wron g compartment , th e conducto r coul d b e fined $25 o r imprisone d fo r twent y days . T h e conducto r coul d refus e t o carr y a passen ger wh o refuse d t o follo w hi s order , withou t an y ris k o f liabilit y t o th e conducto r or th e railwa y compan y (540-41) . Plessy wa s apparentl y seven-eighth s Caucasia n an d one-eight h African . H e claimed tha t hi s Africa n bloo d wa s no t discernible , an d s o h e too k a vacant sea t i n the coac h fo r whites . Afte r h e refuse d a n orde r t o move , Pless y wa s forcibl y ejected an d arreste d (541) . 111. Ibid. , 543 . 112. Ibid. , 544 . 113. Ibid. , 54 8 (emphasi s added) . 114. Ibid. , 555 . Justic e Harla n continue d b y sayin g tha t th e T h i r t e e n t h , Four teenth, an d Fifteent h A m e n d m e n t s remove d th e rac e lin e fro m ou r governmen t systems: They had , a s thi s cour t ha s said , a common purpose , namely , t o secur e "t o a rac e recentl y emancipated , a rac e tha t throug h man y generation s hav e [sic] bee n hel d i n slavery , al l th e civi l right s tha t th e superio r rac e enjoy. " T h e y declared , i n lega l effect , thi s cour t ha s furthe r said , "tha t th e la w i n the state s shal l b e th e sam e fo r th e blac k a s fo r th e white ; tha t al l persons , whether colore d o r white , shal l stan d equa l befor e law s o f th e states , and , in regar d t o th e colore d race , fo r whos e protectio n th e amendmen t wa s primarily designed , tha t n o discriminatio n shal l b e mad e agains t the m b y law becaus e o f thei r color " (555-56 , citation s omitted) . 115. Ibid. , 556 . T he quote d languag e provide s a n interestin g contex t fo r interpre ting Justic e Harlan' s assertio n tha t ou r Constitutio n i s colo r blind . Justic e Harla n was concerne d abou t racia l subordinatio n an d law s tha t implie d inferiorit y o f blacks. Simila r languag e i s quote d i n Strauderv. West Virginia, 10 0 U.S . 303 , 307- 8 (1880). 116. Plessy , 16 3 U.S . a t 556 . I n th e contex t o f th e fact s i n Plessy, Justic e Harla n must hav e mean t tha t Louisian a coul d no t enforc e it s statut e becaus e th e statut e violated th e constitutiona l right s o f blac k citizen s t o occup y th e sam e publi c conveyance a s white s i f the y chos e t o d o so . However , i f on e remove s Justic e Harlan's statement s fro m thei r context , the y see m t o establis h a universa l consti tutional colo r blindnes s standard . 117. Ibid. , 560 . 118. Andre w Kull , The Color-Blind Constitution (Cambridge , Mass. : Harvar d Uni versity Press , 1992) , 151-63 ; William Va n Alstyne , "Rite s o f Passage , th e Suprem e Court, an d th e Constitution, " U. Chi. L. Rev. 4 6 (1979) : 809 . 119. Fo r additiona l suppor t fo r th e vie w tha t Justic e Harla n wa s concerne d abou t racial subordination , se e hi s dissen t i n th e Civil Rights Cases, 10 9 U.S . 3 , 3 5 (1883) : But I hol d tha t sinc e slavery , a s th e Cour t ha s repeatedl y d e c l a r e d , . . . was th e movin g o r principa l caus e o f th e adoptio n o f [th e Thirteent h Amendment], an d sinc e tha t institutio n reste d wholl y upo n th e inferiority , as a race , o f thos e hel d i n bondage , thei r freedo m necessaril y involve d immunity fro m an d protectio n against , al l discriminatio n agains t them , because o f thei r race , in respec t o f suc h civi l right s a s belong t o freeme n o f

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other races . Congress , therefore , unde r it s expres s powe r t o enforc e tha t amendment, b y appropriat e legislation , ma y enac t law s t o protec t tha t people agains t th e deprivation , becaus e o f thei r race , o f an y civi l right s granted t o other freemen i n the same State, and such legislation ma y be of a direct and primary character. 120. Bakke , 438 U.S. at 326-27 (opinio n o f Brennan, White, Marshall, an d Black mun, JJ., concurring i n part an d dissentin g i n part). 121. 34 7 U.S. 483 (1954). 122. Jame s M . Washington , ed. , A Testament of Hope: The Essential Writings of Martin Luther King, Jr. (San Francisco : Harper & Row , 1986) , 219. 123. W E . B. Du Bois , The Souls of Black Folk (New York: New American Library , 1969), 54-55. 124. Se e C . Van n Woodward , The Strange Career of Jim Crow (New York : Oxfor d University Press , 1974) , 6-7. 125. Addres s o f Booke r T . Washingto n a t th e Atlant a Expositio n i n 1895 , cite d in Thoma s Reed , ed. , Modern Eloquence (Philadelphia: Joh n D . Morris , 1900) , 1136-40. 126. Randal l W . Bland , Private Pressure on Public Law: The Legal Career of Justice Thurgood Marshall1934-1991, 2n d ed . (Lanham, Md : Universit y Pres s o f America, 1993), 3 . Regardin g Marshall' s yout h i n Baltimore , se e Michae l D . Davi s an d Hunter Clark , Thurgood Marshall (New York : Carol Publishin g Group , 1992) , 30 46. See also Carl T. Rowan , Dream-Makers, Dream-Breakers (Boston: Little, Brown , 1994); Mark Tushnet , Making Civil Rights Law: Thurgood Marshall and the Supreme Court (New York : Oxford Universit y Press , 1994) . 127. Bland , Private Pressure on Public Law, 3-4 ; Davi s an d Clark , Thurgood Marshall, 30-46. 128. Robert s v . City o f Boston, 5 9 Mass. (Cush.) 19 8 (1850). 129. Brow n v . Board o f Education , 34 7 U.S. 483 (1954). 130. Murra y v. Maryland, 18 2 A.2d 59 0 (1936). 131. Tushnet , Making Civil Rights Law. 132. 32 1 U.S. 649 (1944). See als o Terry v. Adams, 345 U.S. 461 (1953). 133. 33 4 U.S. 1 (1944). 134. Se e Boynto n v . Virginia, 36 4 U.S . 454 (1960) ; McLauri n v . Oklahoma , 33 9 U.S. 637 (1950); Sweatt v. Painter, 339 U.S. 629 (1950); Sipuel v. Board o f Regent s of Universit y o f Oklahoma , 33 2 U.S . 63 1 (1948) ; Missour i e x rel . Gaine s v . Canada, 30 5 U.S. 337 (1938). 135. Luc y v. Adams, 350 U.S. 1 (1955). 136. 34 7 U.S. 483 (1954). 137. Brow n v. Board o f Education , 34 7 U.S . at 493-95. 138. Perhap s th e mos t famou s criticis m cam e fro m Herber t Wechsler , "Towar d Neutral Principle s o f Constitutiona l Law, " Harv. L. Rev. 7 3 (1959) : 15 . Professo r Wechsler wrote , "[Courts ] mus t b e genuinel y principled , restin g wit h respec t t o every ste p tha t i s involve d i n reachin g judgmen t o n analysis an d reason s quit e transcending th e immediat e resul t tha t i s achieved. " 139. Coope r v. Aaron, 358 U.S. 1 , 17 (1958). 140. Clayborn e Carso n e t al. , The Eyes on the Prize, Civil Rights Reader: Documents,

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Speeches, and Firsthand Accounts from the Black Freedom Struggle, 1954-1990 (Ne w York: Viking Press , 1991) , 97-106. Se e als o Tony A . Freyer , The Little Rock Crisis: A Constitutional Interpretation (Westport, Conn. : Greenwoo d Press , 1984) . 141. Carso n e t al. , Eyes on the Prize, 37-43. 142. Leo n Friedman , The Civil Rights Reader (Ne w York : Walke r Press , 1967) , 63-70. 143. Set h Cagi n an d Phili p Dray , We Are Not Afraid: The Story of Goodman, Schwerner and Chaney and the Civil Rights Campaign for Mississippi (Ne w York : Macmillan, 1988) . 144. See , for example , Van Alstyne, "Rite s o f Passage," 809, arguing in support of color blindness ; Pau l Brest , "Foreword : I n Defens e o f th e Antidiscriminatio n Principle," Harv. L. Rev. 9 0 (1978) : 1 , 1-2 , 16-23 , arguin g agains t th e colo r blindness standard ; Joh n Har t Ely , "Th e Constitutionalit y o f Revers e Racia l Discrimination," U. Chi. L. Rev. 4 1 (1974) : 723 , arguin g agains t us e o f a stric t color blindnes s mode l whe n a political majorit y discriminate s agains t itself ; Joh n Kaplan, "Equa l Justic e i n a n Unequa l World : Equalit y fo r th e Negro—Th e Problem o f Specia l Treatment, " Nw. U.L. Rev. 61 (1966): 363, arguing agains t us e of race a s the basi s for specia l treatmen t fo r black s i n the employmen t context . 145. Se e als o Charles Fried , "Metr o Broadcasting , Inc . v. FCC: Two Concept s o f Equality," Harv. L. Rev. 10 4 (1990) : 107 , 110-11 , critiquin g th e group-right s conception o f equa l protectio n analysis ; Randal l Kennedy , "Racia l Critique s o f Legal Academia, " Harv. L. Rev. 10 2 (1989) : 1745 , contendin g tha t recen t race conscious scholarshi p of authors suc h a s Bell, Matsuda, an d Delgad o lacke d merit ; Morris B . Abram, "Affirmativ e Action : Fai r Shaker s an d Socia l Engineers, " Harv. L. Rev. 9 9 (1986): 1312 , arguing agains t affirmativ e action ; an d Randal l Kennedy , "Persuasion an d Distrust : A Comment o n th e Affirmativ e Actio n Debate, " Harv. L. Rev. 99 (1986): 1327 , arguing i n favor o f limited affirmativ e action . 146. Se e als o T. Alexande r Aleinikoff , " A Case fo r Race-Consciousness, " Colum. L. Rev. 9 1 (1991) : 1060 , 1062-63 , maintainin g tha t Americ a i s no t a color-blin d society an d tha t rac e ha s a deep socia l significanc e tha t continue s t o disadvantag e blacks an d othe r Americans o f color; Neil Gotanda , " A Critique o f 'Ou r Constitu tion I s Color-Blind, ' " Stan. L. Rev. 4 4 (1991) : 1 , 1-3 , examinin g th e ideologica l content o f th e phras e "ou r constitutio n i s colo r blind" ; Donal d Livel y an d Ste phen Plass , "Equa l Protection : The Jurisprudenc e o f Denial an d Evasion, " Am. U. L. Rev. 40 (1991): 1307, 1312-46, discussing how equal protectio n jurisprudence i s characterized b y pattern s o f denia l an d evasion ; Ala n Freeman , "Antidiscrimina tion Law : Th e Vie w fro m 1989, " Tulane L. Rev. 6 4 (1990) : 1407 , 1408-9 , arguin g that th e U.S . Suprem e Cour t ha s enshrine d a vision o f Americ a tha t normalize s existing pattern s o f inequalit y an d hierarchy ; Dunca n Kennedy , " A Cultura l Pluralist Cas e fo r Affirmativ e Actio n i n Lega l Academia, " Duke L.J. 1990 : 705 , 705-12, discussin g th e politica l an d cultura l argument s fo r affirmativ e actio n i n legal academia ; Gar y Peller , "Rac e Consciousness, " Duke L.J. 1990 : 758 , 760 , exploring th e ideologica l root s o f th e critica l rac e theor y movement ; Patrici a J . Williams, "Metr o Broadcasting , Inc . v . FCC : Regroupin g i n Singula r Times, " Harv. L. Rev. 10 4 (1990) : 525 , discussin g th e significanc e o f an d necessit y fo r group claim s i n ou r lega l syste m an d th e cost s o f pittin g individua l right s agains t

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group interest s a t a momen t i n histor y whe n suc h categorie s a s rac e an d clas s intersect s o that rac e define s class ; Kimberle William s Crenshaw , "Race , Reform , and Retrenchment : Transformatio n an d Legitimatio n i n Antidiscrimination Law, " Harv. L. Rev. 10 1 (1988): 1331 , 1334-35, criticizing bot h neoconservativ e scholar s and critica l lega l studie s scholar s fo r failin g t o analyz e th e significanc e o f rac e i n the lega l an d politica l subordinatio n o f blacks ; Davi d A . Strauss , "Th e Myt h o f Colorblindness," Sup. Ct. Rev. 1986 : 99 , 100-13 , discussin g th e doctrina l consis tency betwee n affirmativ e actio n an d antidiscriminatio n principles ; Laurenc e H . Tribe, "I n Wha t Visio n o f th e Constitutio n Mus t th e La w B e Color-Blind, " / . Marshall L. Rev. 2 0 (1986) : 201 , 203 , examinin g Justic e Harlan' s vie w tha t th e Fourteenth Amendmen t prohibit s government law s enshrining white supremacy) ; Suzanna Sherry , "Selectiv e Judicia l Activis m i n th e Equa l Protectio n Context : Democracy, Distrus t an d Deconstruction, " Geo. LJ. 7 3 (1984): 89, 91-99, analyz ing th e implication s o f replacin g th e suspec t classification s doctrin e wit h a disfa vored clas s doctrin e i n th e context s o f rac e an d gende r cases ; and Ala n Freeman , "Legitimizing Racia l Discriminatio n Throug h Antidiscriminatio n Law : A Critical Review o f Supreme Cour t Doctrine, " Minn. L. Rev. 62 (1978): 1049 , showing ho w antidiscrimination la w has , a t th e sam e time , outlawe d racia l discriminatio n an d legitimized th e subordinat e statu s o f blacks. 147. Gotanda , " A Critique, " 1-3 . Se e als o Kull , Color-Blind Constitution, 112-30, 151-63. 148. Se e Va n Alstyne , "Rite s o f Passage, " 809-10 ; Kaplan , "Equa l Justic e i n a n Unequal World, " 379. 149. Se e Alexande r M . Bickel , The Morality of Consent (New Haven , Conn. : Yal e University Press , 1975) , 133. 150. Strauss , "Myt h o f Colorblindness, " 100-3 . H e conclude d tha t th e failur e t o engage i n race-consciou s affirmativ e actio n ma y sometime s b e unconstitutional . 151. Se e Crenshaw , "Race , Reform , an d Retrenchment, " 1358-64 ; Gotanda , " A Critique," 43-52 ; Aleinikoff, " A Case fo r Race-Consciousness, " 1062-63 . 152. Se e Andre w Hacker , Two Nations: Black and White, Separate, Hostile, Unequal (New York: Scribner, 1992) , 4. 153. Gotanda , " A Critique," 46. 154. Gotanda , " A Critique," 26 ; Hacker, Two Nations, ix. 155. Shelb y Steele , The Content of Our Character: A New Vision of Race in America (New York : Harpe r Perennial , 1990) , 57-75 ; Thomas Sowell , Race and Culture: A World View (Ne w York : Basi c Books , 1994) ; Dines h D'Souza , Illiberal Education: The Politics of Race and Sex on Campus (New York : Free Press , 1991) . 156. Se e Hacker , Two Nations, 6. 157. Se e Walter Goodman , "Lookin g Racis m i n th e Fac e i n St . Louis, " New York Times, September 26 , 1991 , C22 . Th e progra m i s als o availabl e o n video : True Colors (Deerfield, 111. : MTI Fil m an d Video , 1991) . 158. Se e Brest , "Foreword, " 14-15 . 159. Se e Williams , "Metr o Broadcasting, " 528-33 ; Strauss, "Myt h o f Colorblind ness," 114-15 ; Hacker, Two Nations, 19-22 . 160. Compare , fo r example , th e wor k o f Professo r Pete r Westen , "Th e Empt y Idea o f Equality," Harv. L. Rev. 95 (1982): 537, 542-43, arguing that statement s o f

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equality logicall y and necessaril y collaps e int o simpler statement s o f rights s o that the additiona l ste p o f transforming simpl e statement s o f rights int o statement s o f equality no t onl y involve s unnecessar y wor k bu t als o engenders profoun d confu sion; Kennet h Karst , "Wh y Equalit y Matters, " Ga. L. Rev. 1 7 (1983): 245, 247-48. Karst contend s tha t th e equa l citizenshi p principl e tha t i s th e cor e o f th e Four teenth Amendmen t doe s hav e substantiv e content ; tha t is , a perso n shoul d b e treated b y a n organize d societ y a s a respectable , responsible , an d participatin g member o f th e nationa l community . Kars t say s th e principl e i s violated whe n th e organized societ y treat s someon e a s an inferior , a s part o f a dependent caste , or as a nonparticipant . H e expande d thi s discussio n o f equalit y i n hi s Belonging to America: Equal Citizenship and the Constitution (Ne w Haven , Conn. : Yale Universit y Press, 1989) . See als o Erwi n Chemerinsky , "I n Defens e o f Equality : A Reply t o Professor Westen, " Mich. L. Rev. 81 (1983): 575, 576. Chemerinsky argue s tha t th e concept o f equality i s morally necessar y becaus e i t compel s u s t o care abou t ho w people ar e treate d i n relatio n t o on e another , i s analyticall y necessar y becaus e i t presumes tha t peopl e shoul d b e treate d alik e an d put s th e burde n o f proo f o n those wh o wish t o discriminate, an d finall y i s rhetorically necessar y becaus e i t is a powerful symbo l tha t help s convinc e peopl e t o safeguar d thei r rights , whic h otherwise woul d no t b e protected . Ken t Greenawalt , "Ho w Empt y I s th e Ide a o f Equality?" Colum. L. Rev. 8 3 (1983) : 1167 , 1168-69 . Greenwal t state s tha t rathe r than banis h th e concep t o f equalit y fro m mora l an d lega l argument , i t i s mor e promising t o gai n a fulle r understandin g o f th e significanc e o f existin g concept s of equality . Pete r Weste n replie d t o som e o f thes e commentators ' critique s o f hi s seminal articl e i n "O n 'Confusin g Ideas' : Reply, " Yale LJ. 9 1 (1982) : 1153 ; Peter Westen, "Th e Meanin g o f Equalit y i n Law , Science , Math an d Morals : A Reply," Mich. L. Rev. 81 (1983): 604; Peter Westen, "T o Lur e th e Tarantul a fro m It s Hole : A Response," Colum. L. Rev. 83 (1983): 1186. 161. Hacker , Two Nations, 17-49 , 93-106, 134-46 , 179-98 . See als o Gunnar Myr dal, An American Dilemma (New York : Harper & Row , 1962 ) (1944), who discusse s how th e Negr o proble m i s intertwine d wit h al l othe r social , economic , political , and cultura l problem s i n Americ a an d hi s optimism abou t futur e rac e relation s i n America. Geral d Davi d Jayne s an d Robi n M . Williams Jr., eds., A Common Destiny: Blacks and American Society (Washington, D.C. : Nationa l Academ y Press , 1989) , examine th e unfinishe d agend a o f a nation stil l strugglin g t o com e t o term s wit h the consequence s o f its history o f relations betwee n black s an d whites . NOTES T O PAR T T H R E E

1. Se e Brow n v . Boar d o f Educatio n 34 7 U.S . 483 (1954 ) an d Swan n v . Char lotte-Mecklenburg Boar d o f Education 40 2 U.S. 1 (1971). 2. Se e Jone s E . Jone s Jr. , "Th e Origin s o f Affirmativ e Action, " U.C. Davis L. Rev. 2 (1988): 383, 389-403. See also Jones E . Jones Jr., "Th e Genesi s an d Presen t Status o f Affirmativ e Actio n i n Employment : Economic , Legal , an d Politica l Realities," Iowa L. Rev. 70 (1985): 901; Jones E . Jones Jr., "Revers e Discriminatio n in Employment : Judicia l Treatmen t o f Affirmative Actio n Program s i n th e U.S., " Howard LJ. 2 5 (1982) : 217 ; Ronal d Turner , The Past and Future of Affirmative

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Action (New York: Quorum Books , 1990) , 4-5; Daniel C . Maguire, A New American Justice (Garden City , N.Y : Doubleday , 1980) , 27-51 , 127-68 ; Gertrud e Ezorsky , Racism and Justice (Ithaca, N.Y : Cornell Universit y Press , 1991) , 9-27. 3. Herber t Hill , Black Labor and the American Legal System (Washington, D.C. : Bureau o f National Affairs , 1977) , 7-27. Se e als o William B . Gould, Black Workers in White Unions (Ithaca , N.Y : Cornel l Universit y Press , 1977) ; Alfred W . Blumro sen, Moder n Law : The Law Transmission System and Equal Opportunity (Madison: University o f Wisconsi n Press , 1993) , vii-viii , 289-317 . Other s containe d a re quirement tha t th e applican t b e a Christian o r believer i n God . Hill , Black Labor, 19-20. See also Herbert Hil l and James E . Jones, eds., Race in America: The Struggle for Equality (Madison : Universit y o f Wisconsin Press , 1993) , 263-369. 4. Hill , Black Labor, 274-308. 5. Ibid. , 296. 6. Joh n Hop e Franklin , From Slavery to Freedom, 7th ed . (Ne w York : Knopf , 1994), 455. 7. Jones , "Origins, " 389-403. 8. Ibid. , 392-94 . See als o Turner, Past and Future, 4-5 . 9. Executiv e Orde r 8802 , 3 C.F.R. 95 7 (1938-43 Comp.). 10. Jones , "Origins, " 394. 11. Ibid. , 395 . See als o President' s Committe e o n Governmen t Contracts , Patterns for Progress: Final Report to President Eisenhower (Washington, D.C. : U.S . Government Printin g Office , 1960) . 12. 3 C.F.R. 33 9 (1964-65 Comp.), reprinted i n 42 U.S.C. § 2000e (1982); Jones, "Origins," 396. 13. Michae l I . Sovern , Legal Restraints on Racial Discrimination (Ne w York : Twentieth Centur y Fund , 1966) . 14. Jones , "Origins, " 396-97. Sovern, Legal Restraints, 110-13. 15. Civi l Right s Ac t o f 1964 , Pub . L . No . 88-352 , 7 8 Stat . 24 1 (1964) . Fo r current statute s se e 42 U.S.C. 2000a-2000h (St . Paul: West Publishing, 1994) . 16. Civi l Right s Ac t o f 1964 , Pub . L . No . 88-352 , 7 8 Stat . 24 1 (1964 ) (se e 4 2 U.S.C. 2000e-5(g)) . 17. 3 C.F.R . 33 9 (1964-6 5 Comp.) . Executiv e Orde r 11,24 6 wa s amende d t o cover discriminatio n o n th e basi s o f sex o r religio n b y Executiv e Orde r 11,375 , which state s tha t "th e contracto r wil l tak e affirmativ e actio n t o ensur e tha t applicants ar e employed , an d tha t employee s ar e treate d durin g employment , without regar d t o their race , color, religion, se x or national origin. " 18. Jones , "Origins, " 398; Sov-em, Legal Restraints, 227-28 . 19. Jones , "Origins, " 399-402 . 20. Se e Contractor s Ass' n o f E . P A v. Secretary o f Labor , 44 2 F.2 d 159 , 16 5 (3d Cir.), cert, denied , 40 4 U.S. 854 (1971). 21. Ibid. , 171-77 . 22. Ibid. , 173 . 23. Bakke , 438 U.S. 265, 269-81 (1978) . 24. Ibid. , 281-87 . 25. Ibid. , 285-86 , citing Representativ e Emanue l Celler , chairman o f the Hous e Judiciary Committee , 11 0 Cong. Rec . 151 9 (1964).

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26. Bakke , 438 U.S. at 287. 27. Ibid. , 289-91 . T o trac e th e developmen t o f th e level s o f scrutin y reflecte d in modern rac e cases, one ha s t o go back a t leas t t o 193 8 when th e Cour t decide d United States v. Carolene Products, 30 4 U.S . 14 4 (1938). I n a now famou s footnote , Justice Harla n F . Ston e wrot e tha t th e presumptio n o f constitutionalit y tha t applied t o legislatio n adopte d t o achiev e publi c healt h concern s migh t hav e a narrower scop e o f operatio n whe n legislatio n appear s o n it s fac e t o b e withi n a specific prohibitio n o f th e Constitutio n o r whe n th e legislatio n i s directe d a t particular religious , national , o r racia l minorities . Justice Ston e implie d tha t suc h legislation ma y cal l fo r a correspondingl y mor e searchin g judicia l inquiry . Car olene Products , 304 U.S. at 152 , n. 4. Six years later , i n Korematsu v. United States, 323 U.S . 214 (1944), Justice Hug o Black sai d fo r th e Court , "[A]l l lega l restriction s whic h curtai l th e civi l right s o f a single racia l grou p ar e immediatel y suspect . Tha t i s no t t o sa y tha t al l suc h restrictions ar e unconstitutional . I t i s to say tha t Court s mus t subjec t the m t o th e most rigi d scrutiny " (216) . The Cour t ha s state d tha t unde r th e stric t scrutin y test , a government practic e or statut e tha t restrict s "fundamenta l rights " o r tha t contain s "suspec t classifica tions" i s subject t o "stric t scrutiny " an d ca n b e justified onl y i f n o les s restrictiv e alternative i s available . Se e Sa n Antoni o Independen t Schoo l Distric t v . Rodri quez,411 U.S . 1 , 16-17(1973) . 28. Bakke , 438 U.S. at 292. 29. Ibid. , 294 . 30. Th e Civi l Right s Cases , 10 9 U.S. at 24-27. 31. Bakke , 438 U.S. at 295 n. 34 (citations omitted) . 32. Ibid. , 298 . Justice Powel l faile d t o understan d tha t someon e bear s th e bur den o f our society' s racia l subordination . An d h e di d no t explai n wh y someon e i n Bakke's positio n shoul d b e exemp t fro m bearin g som e portio n o f th e burden . The fac t i s tha t Bakk e di d no t bea r a burden greate r tha n th e burde n o f a blac k applicant wh o unde r Davis' s admission s policie s ha d virtuall y zer o chanc e o f gaining on e o f th e eighty-fou r "open " slot s i n th e first-year class . Davis' s admis sions policie s favore d Alla n Bakk e becaus e h e ha d th e kin d o f credentials sough t in applicants . Bakke is an excellen t exampl e o f government's us e o f race-neutra l criteri a tha t clearly subordinate s black s an d othe r minorities . Whe n selectin g it s admission s criteria, Davi s knew , o r should hav e known , tha t virtuall y n o blacks would satisf y them. Th e resul t i s tha t black s remai n close d ou t o f man y profession s unde r th e guise of color blindnes s rac e neutrality . 33. Ibid. , 306-7 . 34. Ibid. , 317 . Sinc e 1978 , mos t college s an d universitie s hav e operate d som e form o f diversity admission s programs . 35. Ibid. , 317-19 . 36. Unite d Steelworker s o f America v. Weber, 443 U.S. 19 3 (1979). 37. Ibid. , 197-99 , 208 , 201 , 202 , 203 . B y 1978 , th e blac k unemploymen t rat e was 12 9 percent highe r tha n th e white rat e (204 , n. 4).

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38. Ibid. , 208-9 . 39. Ibid. , 217-19 , 254-55. 40. Fullilov e v . Klutznick, 44 8 U.S. 448, 453-54, 492 (1980). 41. Chie f Justic e Burge r announce d th e judgmen t i n a n opinion , joine d b y Justices Whit e an d Powell . Justice Powel l als o wrote a separate concurrence , an d Justice Marshall concurre d separatel y i n the judgment, joined b y Justices Brenna n and Blackmun . Justic e Stewar t dissented , joine d b y Justic e Rehnquist . Justic e Stevens dissente d separately . 42. Th e MB E provisio n wa s adde d t o th e ac t afte r $ 2 billio n ha d alread y bee n distributed an d minorit y applicant s ha d raise d question s abou t th e fairnes s o f th e distribution procedures . Presumably , a significan t portio n o f th e first $ 2 billio n went t o non-minority-controlled businesse s (eithe r contractor s o r subcontractors) . The sponso r o f th e amendmen t state d tha t it s objectiv e wa s t o direc t fund s into th e minorit y busines s community , whic h coul d no t b e expecte d t o benefi t significantly fro m th e publi c works program a s formulated. Se e Fullilove , 448 U.S. at 459, n. 20, and 472. 43. Ibid. , 48 2 (citation s omitted) . Recal l tha t Chie f Justic e Burge r wrot e th e majority opinio n i n Swann. 44. Ibid. , 483 (citation omitted) . 45. Ibid. , 484. 46. Th e Cour t conclude d tha t give n th e broad power s o f Congres s an d th e means chose n t o achiev e it s objectives , th e MB E provisio n di d no t violat e th e Constitution. Chie f Justic e Burge r suggeste d tha t th e constan t administrativ e review syste m an d th e waive r provisio n tha t permitte d a grantee o r contractor t o demonstrate a good-fait h effor t t o compl y wit h th e set-asid e gav e reasonabl e assurance tha t th e progra m woul d operat e constitutionally . Ibid. , 490. 47. Ibid. , 492 . Chief Justic e Burge r appeare d t o appl y clos e scrutin y an d appro priate congressiona l deferenc e i n decidin g Fullilove. However, hi s languag e sug gests tha t th e issu e o f which standar d o f review shoul d appl y t o affirmative actio n cases remained unresolved . 48. Ibid. , 52 3 (Stewart, J., dissenting) . 49. Ibid . 50. Wygan t v . Jackson Boar d o f Education , 47 6 U.S . 267, 270-72, 269-70 , 273 74 (1986). 51. Ibid. , 274 . 52. Ibid. , 274 , 275-77, 279-84. 53. Ibid. , 28 4 (O'Connor, J., concurring in part an d concurrin g i n the judgment), 294 (White, J., concurring i n the judgment), 295. 54. Ibid. , 29 5 (Marshall , J. , joine d b y Brenna n an d Blackmun , JJ. , dissenting) ; 313 (Stevens, J., dissenting) , 318-20. 55. Unite d State s v. Paradise, 480 U.S. 149 , 153-66, 167 , 166 , 167 (1987). 56. Ibid. , 171. 57. Ibid. , 171-72 . 58. Ibid. , 171-72 , 19 6 (O'Connor , J. , joine d b y Rehnquist , C.J. , an d Scalia , J. , dissenting) (Justic e Whit e dissente d separately) , 197 .

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59. Ibid. , 201 . Justice O'Conno r argue d tha t nonracia l remedie s wer e availabl e to th e distric t court , includin g appointin g a trustee t o monito r th e departmen t o r holding th e departmen t i n contempt (200-1) . Two year s late r i n a simila r cas e involvin g blac k an d whit e firefighter s i n Birmingham, Alabama , five justices hel d tha t whit e firefighters wh o claime d tha t they wer e bein g denie d promotion s i n favo r o f les s qualifie d black s wer e no t precluded fro m challengin g th e employmen t decision s mad e i n accordanc e wit h consent decree s fro m prio r litigatio n t o whic h the y wer e no t parties . Se e Marti n v. Wilks, 490 U.S. 755, 758-69 (1989). 60. 48 8 U.S . 46 9 (1989) . Fo r a summar y o f eac h opinion , se e 469-75 , 477-86 . The Richmon d Cit y Counci l (wit h a blac k majority ) issue d a bi d reques t fo r plumbing fixtures a t the cit y jail. Croson bi d fo r th e job and attempte d t o compl y with th e set-asid e b y securin g th e partnershi p o f a n MBE . Whe n th e bid s wer e opened, Croso n was the onl y bidder; however , th e MBE tha t Croso n ha d selecte d could no t obtai n th e necessar y credi t approval . Thereafter , Croso n sough t a waiver fro m th e city of the minorit y set-asid e provision . After th e cit y refused th e waiver reques t an d decide d t o rebid th e project , Croso n sued . Bot h lowe r federa l courts applie d th e reasonin g o f Fullilove an d conclude d tha t th e sam e resul t should follo w i n Croson. However, sinc e Fullilove, the Cour t ha d decide d Wygant, i n whic h th e Cour t had invalidate d a collectiv e bargainin g agreemen t unde r th e equa l protectio n clause. Th e agreemen t provide d tha t i f layoff s becam e necessar y i n th e Jackso n school district , a t n o tim e woul d a greater percentag e o f minority teacher s b e lai d off tha n th e percentag e o f minorit y teacher s employe d i n th e schoo l a t th e tim e of th e layoff . Accordingly , whe n layoff s becam e necessary , Wygan t an d other s were lai d of f befor e minorit y teacher s wit h les s seniority . Ther e wa s n o majorit y opinion. Whe n th e U.S . Suprem e Cour t note d probabl e jurisdictio n i n Croson, it vacated th e Fourt h Circuit' s judgmen t an d ordere d reconsideratio n i n ligh t o f Wygant (see Wygant, 476 U.S. at 267). On reconsideratio n o f Croson, i n ligh t o f Wygant, th e Fourt h Circui t invalidate d the Richmon d set-asid e program . I t wa s agai n appeale d t o th e U.S . Suprem e Court. 61. Croson , 488 U.S. at 486, 490, 491-92. Justice O'Conno r sai d tha t sectio n 2 of the Fifteent h Amendmen t ha d bee n give n a simila r reading . Sh e di d no t argu e that a state o r local subdivisio n coul d no t eradicat e th e effect s o f private discrimi nation. I n fact , sh e argue d th e opposite , bu t sh e wrot e tha t th e powe r mus t b e exercised i n a manner consisten t wit h sectio n 1 of the Fourteent h Amendment . 62. Ibid. , 492 (citations omitted) . 63. Justic e O'Connor , lik e Justic e Powel l i n Bakke, appeare d t o accep t th e reasoning i n Washington v. Davis fo r wha t mus t b e prove d t o establis h racia l discrimination. Pas t industrywid e discriminatio n wa s no t sufficient . Sinc e Croson, the governmen t ha s ha d t o sho w tha t ther e ha s bee n discriminatio n i n th e loca l market agains t th e person s t o benefit fro m th e set-aside . Ibid., 493-98. 64. Ibid. , 493. Four o f the justices i n Wygant had als o argued fo r stric t scrutiny . 65. Ibid. , 497. The proponent s o f the Richmon d pla n ha d argue d tha t onl y 0.6 7

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percent o f al l prim e contract s ha d gon e t o minorit y businesses . Althoug h th e minority populatio n wa s 5 0 percent , ther e wer e ver y fe w minorit y businesse s i n the loca l or state contractors' associations . Congress ha d mad e substantia l findings showing ho w th e effect s o f pas t discriminatio n ha d stifle d minorit y participatio n in the constructio n industr y nationall y (504). 66. Ibid. , 504. 67. Ibid. , 502 . Since th e Croson decision , numerou s state s an d cit y government s have undertake n o r commissioned Croson disparit y studie s t o determin e whethe r there i s evidenc e o f loca l discriminatio n i n th e lettin g o f publi c contracts . Fre quently, th e studie s ar e performe d b y accountanc y expert s wh o bi d o n th e projects. Justice O'Conno r wrot e tha t t o prove discrimination , on e ha d t o focus o n the disparit y betwee n th e numbe r o f minorit y businesse s qualifie d t o undertak e the tas k an d th e percentag e o f total cit y construction dollar s received b y minorit y firms. 68. Ibid. , 505-6 . 69. Ibid. , 50 6 (emphasis added) . 70. Ibid. , 507 . I t seeme d equall y significan t t o th e Cour t tha t five o f th e nin e city counci l member s i n Richmon d wer e black . Th e Cour t suggeste d severa l times tha t th e blac k politica l majorit y wa s playin g racia l politics , ye t th e Cour t never quit e explaine d wh y th e percentag e o f publi c contract s fo r black s wa s s o small. Also , i t seem s ironi c tha t th e Cour t woul d underscor e th e rac e o f th e majority o f council member s whil e espousin g th e doctrin e of color blindness. Th e members o f the Court , lik e the res t of us, are simply no t color blind . To justify a racial classification , th e governmen t mus t sho w tha t th e classifica tion serve s a compelling stat e interes t an d tha t th e mean s ar e narrowly tailore d t o achieve th e state' s objectiv e (511) . 71. Ibid. , 509. 72. Ibid. , 528 , 551-54. 73. Ibid. , 551-52 . 74. Metr o Broadcastin g v . FCC , 49 7 U.S . 547 , 45 5 (1990) . Th e tw o policie s under disput e wer e (1 ) a progra m awardin g applicant s fo r ne w license s a n en hancement fo r substantia l minorit y ownershi p an d (2 ) the minorit y "distres s sale " program, permittin g th e transfe r o f a limite d categor y o f existin g radi o an d television broadcas t station s onl y t o minority-controlle d firms. Congres s enacte d the policie s afte r i t foun d tha t minoritie s owne d les s tha n 1 percent o f al l radi o and televisio n station s (456) . 75. Ibid. , 459-62 . Th e plaintiff s i n th e consolidate d case s wer e Metr o Broad casting o f Orlando an d Shurber g Broadcastin g o f Hartford, eac h o f which ha d los t a bid t o obtain a television station . Metr o Broadcastin g challenge d th e awar d o f a station t o a firm tha t receive d a n enhancemen t unde r th e first polic y becaus e i t was 9 0 percen t Latin o owned . Shurber g challenge d th e awar d o f a televisio n station t o a minority-controlled entit y via a distress sale program unde r th e secon d policy. 76. Ibid. , 462-6 3 (citation s omitted) . 77. Ibid. , 463-64 . Th e Cour t the n announce d tha t th e FCC' s policie s wer e

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constitutional unde r th e intermediat e standar d o f revie w becaus e the y serve d th e important governmenta l objectiv e o f broadcas t diversit y an d th e policie s wer e substantially relate d t o tha t objective . 78. Ibid. , 465-68 . Justic e Brenna n borrowe d fro m Justic e Powell' s reasonin g i n Bakke regardin g th e benefit s o f a divers e studen t bod y t o argu e tha t bot h broad cast diversit y an d studen t diversit y serv e importan t governmenta l interests . Jus tice Brenna n reasone d tha t th e genera l publi c benefite d fro m wide r informatio n sources. H e deferre d t o congressiona l finding s o n th e correlatio n b e t w e e n minor ity ownershi p an d divers e programming : T h e judgmen t tha t ther e i s a lin k betwee n expande d minorit y owner ship an d broadcas t diversit y doe s no t res t o n impermissibl e stereotyping . Congressional polic y doe s no t assum e tha t i n ever y cas e minorit y owner ship an d managemen t wil l lea d t o mor e minority-oriente d programmin g o r to th e expressio n o f a discret e "minorit y viewpoint " o n th e airwaves . Neither doe s i t preten d tha t al l programmin g tha t appeal s t o minorit y audiences ca n b e labele d "minorit y programming " o r tha t programmin g that migh t b e describe d a s "minority " doe s no t appea l t o nonminorities . Rather, bot h Congres s an d th e FC C maintai n simpl y tha t expande d minor ity ownershi p o f broadcas t outlet s will , i n th e aggregate , resul t i n greate r broadcast diversity . A broadcastin g industr y wit h representativ e minorit y participation wil l produc e mor e variatio n an d diversit y tha n wil l on e whos e ownership i s draw n fro m a singl e raciall y an d ethnicall y homogeneou s group (472) . See als o ibid. , 473 , n . 31-32 . 79. Ibid. , 47 4 (citation s omitted) . 80. Ibid. , 478 , 481-85 . 81. Ibid. , 486-8 7 (O'Connor , J. , dissenting) . Chie f Justic e Rehnquis t an d Jus tices Scali a an d Kenned y joine d i n he r dissent . Bu t O'Connor' s criticis m seem s disingenuous. First , th e fact s o f Metro Broadcasting ar e muc h mor e lik e thos e o f Fullilove tha n thos e o f Croson. Second , a s i n Fullilove, th e majorit y i n Metro Broadcasting deferre d t o congressiona l source s o f powe r an d evidentiar y findings . Third, th e reasonin g presente d i n Metro Broadcasting track s tha t presente d b y th e principal opinio n i n Fullilove an d meet s mos t o f th e criticis m agains t Richmond' s set-aside pla n tha t Justic e O'Conno r mad e i n Croson. 82. Ibid. , 491-92 . 83. Ibid. , 491-93 . 84. Adaran d Constructors , Inc . v . Pena, 11 5 S.Ct . 2097 , 2102- 4 (1995) . 85. Ibid. , 2103-4 . 86. Ibid. , 2104-6 . 87. Ibid. , 2097 , 2106-12 . 88. Ibid. , 2111 . 89. Ibid . 90. Ibid. , 2112 . 91. Ibid. , 2118 . 92. Ibid. , 2122-23 , 2133-36 . 93. Pau l Brest , "Foreword : I n Defens e o f th e Antidiscriminatio n Principle, "

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7

Harv. L. Rev. 90 (1978): 16-23 ; John Har t Ely , "Th e Constitutionalit y o f Revers e Discrimination," U. Chi. L. Rev. 41 (1974): 727-39. 94. Adarand , 11 5 S.Ct. a t 2136. 95. Se e Missour i v . Jenkins, 11 5 S.Ct. 203 8 (1995) ; Miller v . Johnson, 11 5 S.Ct . 2475 (1995). 96. Bakke , 438 U.S. at 407 (Blackmun, J., separat e opinion) . 97. Croson , 488 U.S. at 494. 98. Tex t o f "Affirmativ e Actio n Review " Repor t t o Presiden t Clinto n Release d July 19 , 1995 , Dail y Lab . Rep . (BNA ) No . 139 , a t D-3 0 (Jul y 20 , 1995 ) (specia l supplement). 99. Ibid . 100. Ibid . 101. Ibid . 102. Ibid . 103. Ibid . 104. Grigg s v. Duke Powe r Co., 401 U.S . 424 (1971). 105. Nichola s Lemann , "Wha t Happene d t o th e Cas e fo r Affirmativ e Action? " New York Times Magazine, June 11 , 1995, 36-66. 106. Podberesk y v . Kirwan , 3 8 F.3 d 14 7 (4t h Cir . 1994) , cert , denied , 11 5 U.S . 2001 (1995). 107. Birmingha m Fire-Fighter s Ass' n 11 7 v . Cit y o f Birmingham , 3 1 F.3 d 154 8 (11th Cir . 1994) . 108. Whit e v . Alabama, 86 7 F . Supp. 157 1 (M.D . Ala . 1994) , 7 4 F.3 d 105 8 (11t h Cir. 1996 ) 109. Hopwoo d v . Texas, 861 F. Supp. 551 (W.D. Tex. 1994) , 78 F.3d 93 2 (5th Cir . 1996). 110. Lemann , "Wha t Happened, " 39-40 . 111. See , for example , Johnson v . Santa Clar a County Transportation Agency , 480 U.S. 616(1987) . 112. Stephe n L . Carter , Reflections of an Affirmative Action Baby (New York : Basi c Books, 1991) , 47-69. 113. Ric h Connel l an d Soni a Nazario , "Affirmativ e Action : Fairnes s o r Favorit ism?" Los Angeles Times, Septembe r 10 , 1995, part A, 1. 114. Maguire , New American Justice, 27-38 . 115. Da n Maguir e present s a comprehensive lis t of the myria d argument s agains t affirmative actio n an d a critique o f each. See ibid. , 32-38, 167-88 . 116. Se e Carter , Reflections, 4-5 . 117. Connel l an d Nazario , "Affirmativ e Action, " 1 . See als o Repor t t o Presiden t Clinton. 118. Maguire , New American Justice, 174 . 119. Se e Chronicle of Higher Education, Almana c Issue , Septembe r 1 , 1995 , 5-33, which confirm s tha t • I n 1992 , more tha n 9 0 percent o f full-time facult y a t American universi ties were white. • I n 1992 , nearl y 119,00 0 o f th e 137,00 0 executiv e administrator s wer e white.

208 \f

Note

s t o Afterwor d

• I n 1993 , whites earned 26,70 0 doctorates, and blacks earned 1,352 . • I n 1993 , whites earne d 60,83 0 professiona l degrees , an d black s earne d 4,100. 120. Repor t t o President Clinton . 121. Federa l Glas s Ceilin g Commission , Good for Business: Making Full Use of the Nations Human Capital (Washington , D.C. : U.S . Government t Printin g Office , March 1995) . 122. Ibid. , 18 , 33. 123. Donal d Livel y an d Stephe n Plass , "Equa l Protection : Th e Jurisprudenc e o f Denial an d Evasion, " Am. U L. Rev. 40 (1991): 1307 , 1312-46 . 124. Antoni n Scalia , "Th e Diseas e a s Cure: I n Orde r t o Ge t Beyon d Racis m W e Must Firs t Take Accoun t o f Race, " Wash. U. L. Q., 1979: 147, 152. 125. Andre w Hacker , Two Nations: Black and White, Separate, Hostile, Unequal (New York : Macmillan , 1992) . Se e als o Geral d Davi d Jayne s an d Robi n M . Williams Jr. , eds. , A Common Destiny: Blacks and American Society (Washington, D.C.: National Academ y Press , 1989) . 126. Robi n Abcarian , "Quayle' s Opportunity : A Terribl e Thin g t o Waste, " Los Angeles Times, Ma y 22 , 1992 , Part E , 1 . 127. Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (Washington, D.C.: U.S . Governmen t Printin g Office , 1968) , 1 . Se e als o Hacker , Two Nations, ix; Jaynes an d Williams , eds., A Common Destiny, 5 . 128. Hacker , Two Nations, 223-36, 104 . 129. Jayne s an d Williams , eds., A Common Destiny, 3 . 130. Charle s Murra y an d Richar d J . Herrnstein , The Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Structure in American Life (Ne w York : Fre e Press , 1994) ; Shelb y Steele , The Content of Our Character: A New Vision of Race in America (Ne w York : Harpe r Perennial, 1990) ; Thomas Sowell , Race and Culture: A World View (New York: Basic Books, 1994) . 131. Arnol d M . Rose , The Roots of Prejudice (Paris: UNESCO, 1951) . 132. Ree d v . Reed, 40 4 U.S. 71, 76 (1971). 133. Kah n v . Shevin, 41 6 U.S . 351 , 353-55 (1974) , an d Califan o v . Webster, 43 0 U.S. 313 , 31 7 (1977) . Fo r a fulle r discussio n o f gende r blindness , se e Brya n K . Fair, "Foreword : Rethinkin g th e Colorblindnes s Model, " Nafl Black L.J. 1 3 (1993): 73-81 . NOTES T O AFTERWOR D

1. Jame s Baldwin , The Fire Next Time (New York: Dial Press, 1963) , 20. 2. Charle s Daye , "O n Blackberr y Picking , Generation s o f Affirmativ e Action , and Les s Dangerou s Enterprises : An Open Lette r t o Stephen Carter, " StanfordL. Rev. 4 5 (1993) : 485 . Thi s i s a discussio n o f Stephe n Carter' s Reflections of an Affirmative Action Baby (New York: Basic Books, 1991) .

INDEX

Adarandv. Pena, xxii, 144-4 9 AFDC (Ai d fo r Familie s with Dependen t Children), 15 ; welfare reform , 19-2 0 American Anti-Slaver y Society , 91 American Colonizatio n Society , 91 Articles of Confederation, 8 3 Attucks, Crispus, 37, 81 Bakke, Allan, xx, 121 , 160 Baldwin, Abraham, 87-8 8 Baldwin, James, 4-5, 18 1 Battelle Memoria l Institute , 25 Blackmun, Harry , xxiii Blair, Ezelle, Jr., 99 Blow, Peter, 9 2 Brennan, William, 76-7 8 Brotherhood o f Sleeping Car Porters, 11 7 Brown v. Board of Education, 103 , 107-8 Brown, Henry , 10 1 Brown, Linda , 10 5 Bruce, Blanche, 96 Bush, George, 152 , 161-6 2 Butler, Pierce , 85 , 86 California Civi l Right s Initiative , 15 3 Carmichael, Stokely , 10 4

Carter, Stephen , 148 , 179, 182 Chaney, James, 99, 109 Charity Newsies , 1 6 Chavis, Patrick, 12 7 City of Richmond v. Croson, 138^4 1 Civil Right s Act of 1866 , 97 Civil Right s Act of 1870 , 100 Civil Right s Act of 1875 , 99, 100 Civil Right s Act of 1964 , 119 Civil Rights Cases, 10 0 Clinton, Bill , xvii Color Blindness , 60-65, 109-1 3 Constitutional Conventio n o f 1787, 82-91 Curtis, Benjamin , 9 5 Custred, Glynn , xvii, 15 3 Daye, Charles, 18 1 Declaration o f Independence, 81 , 90, 112 Defunis, Marco , xx DeLarge, Robert , 9 6 Deschler Elementar y School , 26, 29, 36 Dickinson, John, 8 8 Dole, Bob , xvii, 161-6 2 Douglas, William O. , 70 Douglass, Frederick , 9 0

209

210 y

Inde

x

Dred Scott v. Sandford, xvii, 68, 92-96, 194 nn. 80, 88 D'Souza, Dinesh , 11 1 Du Bois , W. E. B., 103-4, 18 6 n. 1 0 Duke University , 47-5 6 East Hig h School , 29, 34, 41-47 Eastmoor Hig h School , 41-4 2 EEOC (Equa l Employmen t Opportunit y Commission), 15 1 Eisenhower, Dwigh t D. , 108 , 118 Elliot, Rober t Brown , 96 Ellsworth, Oliver , 8 6 Emerson, John, 92-9 3 Evers, Medgar, 10 8 Executive Orde r 8802 , 117 Executive Orde r 10925 , 118 Executive Orde r 11246 , 119-20 , 151-52 , 201 n. 17 Fairwood Elementar y School , 29-33 , 34, 37, 43 Farrakhan, Louis , 104—5 Fifteenth Amendment , text , 9 8 Fourteenth Amendment : citizenshi p claus e and privilege s an d immunitie s clause , xix; equality, xxi, 100 , 112 ; text, 9 8 Franklin Junior Hig h School , 33 Freedmen's Burea u Act , 97 Fugitive Slav e Act of 1850 , 92 Fullilovev. Klutznick, 130-34, 203 n. 42 Gaines, Lloyd, 10 6 Garvey, Marcus, 10 4 Gerry, Elbridge , 88-8 9 Gingrich, Newt, x, xvii, 82 Goodman, Andrew , 99, 109 Gorham, Nathaniel , 8 6 Gotanda, Neil , 10 9 Graweere, John, 7 8 Hamer, Fanni e Lou , 9 9 Hamilton, Alexander , 8 9 Harlan, John Marshall , 102-3 , 107 , 110-11 , 113, 172 , 185 nn. 4, 6, 19 6 nn. 116 , 119; color blindnes s principle , xxii, xxiii Harris, Cheryl, 5 Hayes-Tilden Compromise , 10 0 Helms, Jesse, 154 , 168 Holmes, Olive r Wendell, 67

Hood, James, 15 8 Houston, Charle s Hamilton , 10 6 Jackson, Jimmy Lee , 10 9 Jaybird Democrati c Association , 98-9 9 Jefferson, Thomas , ix , 68, 74, 82 Johnson, Lyndo n B. , 119 Johnson Par k Junior High , 29 , 33-43, 45 Johnson, Paul , 15 9 Johnson, William Samuel , 8 9 Kansas-Nebraska Ac t of 1854 , 92 Kennedy, John F , 11 8 Kerner Commission , 16 8 Keyes, Alan, 95 King, Martin Luther , Jr. , xx, 10 3 King, Rufus , 84-86 , 88-8 9 Kotlowitz, Alex, 10 , 172 Kozol, Jonathan, 10 , 172 Kull, Andrew, 10 9 Langdon, John, 8 8 Lemann, Nicholas , 15 2 Liuzzo, Violla, 10 9 Lockheed Aircraf t Corporation , 11 8 Long, Jefferson F , 96 Lopez, Ia n Haney , 5 Lucy, Autherine, 107 , 171 Madison, James, 82, 89 Malone-Jones, Vivian, 15 8 Marshall, Thurgood, xxi , 90, 105-7 , 159, 171 Martin, Luther , 8 7 Mason, George , 87 McCain, Franklin , 99 McCleskey v. Kemp, 76 McCleskey, Warren, 76-7 8 McNeill, Joseph, 9 9 Metro Broadcasting v. FCC, 141-44, 205 n. 74 Miller, Samuel E , 10 0 Mississippi Freedo m Democrati c Party , 99 Missouri Compromis e o f 1820 , 92 Monroe v. Collins, 2-3 Monroe, Sylvester, 10 , 172 Moore v. Light, 78 Morris, Gouverneur, 85-86 , 89 Murray, Charles, 170-7 2 Murray, Donald , 10 6

Index y

NAACP (Nationa l Associatio n fo r th e Ad vancement o f Colored People) , 105 , 118 NAACP Lega l Defens e an d Educationa l Fund, 10 6 Napper's Hous e o f Ribs , 21-2 2 Negro Mozingo v. Stone, 78 Nixon, Richar d M , 118 , 120, 152

21

1

Sandler, Kathy , 29 Schwerner, Michael , 99, 109 Shelley v. Kraemer, 10 6 Sherman, Roger , 87-8 8 Siblings, 6 Sipuel, Ada, 10 6 Sixteenth Stree t Baptis t Church , 10 9 Slaughter-House Cases, 10 0 Order o f Sleeping Ca r Conductors, 11 6 Slavery clause s o f the Constitution , 19 1 n. 51 Ordinance o f 1787 , 93 Smith v. Allright, 106 Sovern, Michael, 118-1 9 Patterson, William, 83-8 4 Sowell, Thomas, 111 , 170-72 Pech, Randy , xvii, 15 9 Steele, Shelby , 111 , 170-72 Philadelphia Plan , 120 , 152 Stevens, Thaddeus, 9 6 Philadelphia Transi t Company , 116-1 7 St. John, Margaret , 2 3 Phillips, Ulric h B. , 72 St. John's Grocery , 23-25 , 38 Pinckney, Charles , 86-8 7 Straderv. Graham, 9 3 Pinckney, Genera l Charle s Cotesworth , 87 Strauss, David , 11 0 89 Sumner, Charles , 96 Plans for Progress , 118-1 9 Plessy v. Ferguson, xxii , 101-3 , 107 , 195-9 6 n. Sweatt, Heman , 10 6 110 Powell, Lewi s E , Jr., 122-28 , 173 , 202 n. 32; Taney, Roger , xviii, 94—96 color blindness , xxii v Thirteenth Amendment , text , 9 7 Primetime Live , 11 2 Thomas, Justice Clarence , 46 Till, Emmett , 10 8 Quayle, Dan , 167-6 8 UCLA La w School , 56-6 0 Rachel v. Walker, 9 3 United States v. Cruikshank, 100 Racism, 64; defined, 62-6 3 United States v. Paradise, 136-38 Rainey, Joseph, 9 6 United Steel Workers of America v. Weber, 129 30 Randolph, A . Phillip, 11 7 Universal Negr o Improvemen t Association , Randolph, Edmund , 83 , 86 104 Re Davis, 75 Reeb, James, 10 9 Regents of the University of California v. Bakke, Van Camp v. Logan, 3-4 xxiii, 121-28 , 164-65 , 18 6 n. 8 Voting Right s Act of 1965 , 98 Re John Punch, 7 9 Walls, Josiah, 96 Remedial affirmativ e action , 115 , 117-20; Warren, Earl , xix, 10 7 Clinton report , 150-52 ; opponents, 155 Washington, Booke r T., 103^ 1 68 Washington, George , 74 Re Sweat, 76 Weber, Brian , 129-30 , 15 9 Revels, Hiram, 9 6 Williamson, Hugh , 8 8 Re Warwick, 79-8 0 Wilson, James, 85-86, 88 Richmond, David , 9 9 Wood, Tom, xvii , 15 3 Roberts, Sarah, 10 5 Wygantv. Jackson Board of Education, 134— Rolfe, John, 7 4 36 Roosevelt, Frankli n Delano , 6, 11 7 Wygant, Wendy, 13 4 Rutledge, John, 86-8 8