New Zealand and the World: Past, Present and Future 9813232390, 9789813232396

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Table of contents :
Dedication
Acknowledgments
About the Editors
About the Contributors
Contents
Introduction: New Zealand and the World: Past, Presentand Future • Iati Iati and Robert G. Patman
Part I. History and National Identity
1. Building Foreign Policy in New Zealand: The Role of the University of Otago Foreign Policy School, 1966–1976 • Austin Gee, Robert G. Patman and Chris Rudd
2. The New Zealand Prime Minister and the 1985 Otago Foreign Policy School —A Pivotal Moment for the Labour Government’s Foreign Policy • Ken Ross
3. Gallipoli, National Identity and New Beginnings • Ian McGibbon
4. National Identity and New Zealand Foreign Policy • Terence O’Brien
5. Exporting Aotearoa New Zealand’s Biculturalism: Lessons for Indigenous-Settler Relations in Canada • David B. MacDonald
6. What Does New Zealand’s Changing Demography Mean for Its Place in the World? • Andrew Butcher
Part II. Economics and Regionalism
7. New Zealand and Its Asia-Pacific Destiny: Sailing the Waka in Ever-Widening Circles • Brian Lynch
8. New Zealand’s Evolving Response to Changing Asia-Pacific Trade and Economic Currents Since 1989 • Robert Scollay
9. New Zealand and the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement Negotiations: Strategy, Content and Lessons • Jane Kelsey
10. New Zealand’s Strategic Influence and Interests in an Increasingly Global Pacific • Anna Powles
11. Old Friends in the New Asia: New Zealand, Australia and the Rise of China • Hugh White
Part III. Morality
12. K¯awanatanga, Tino Rangatiratanga and the Constitution • Ranginui Walker and Tracey McIntosh
13. What Happened to the New Zealand Peace Movement? Anti-Nuclear Politics and the Quest for a More Independent Foreign Policy • Kevin P. Clements
14. The Globalisation of the Human Security Norm: New Zealand/Aotearoa Leadership and Followership in the World • Jacqui True and Maria Tanyag
15. The Price of the Club: How New Zealand’s Involvement in the “War on Terror” has Compromised Its Reputation as a Good International Citizen • Jon Stephenson
16. New Zealand, a Comprehensive Maritime Strategy, and the Promise of a New Atlantis • Peter Cozens
Part IV. Geopolitics and National Security Interests
17. New Zealand Foreign Policy and the Challenge of Leading United Nations Security Council in July 2015 • Murray McCully
18. Recalibration, Rapprochement and Resocialisation: US-New Zealand Relations and the Obama Administration’s “Pivot” to Asia • Joe Burton
19. Continuity and Change in New Zealand Defence Policymaking • Peter Greener
20. Informing the National Interest: The Role of Intelligence in New Zealand’s Independent Foreign Policy • Anthony L. Smith
21. Intelligence, Accountability and New Zealand’s National Security • Jim Rolfe
22. Foreign Policy Realignment, Issue Linkage and Institutional Lag: The Case of the New Zealand Intelligence Community • Paul G. Buchanan
Part V. Diplomatic Engagement and Multilateralism
23. The Contours of New Zealand Foreign Policy • Andreas Reitzig
24. The Evolving Role of the New Zealand Diplomat • Lucy Duncan
25. New Zealand’s 2014 Election to the UN Security Council: How Was It Achieved and What Does It Mean? • Colin Keating
26. New Zealand’s Climate Change Diplomacy: A Country Punching Above Its Weight or the Survival Strategy of a Small State? • Adrian Macey
27. The EuropeanUnion as “a Partner of First Order Importance” for New Zealand • Patrick Köllner
28. New Zealand, the Palestine Liberation Organization and the United Nations: 2012 and 1974 in Comparative Perspective • Nigel Parsons and James Watson
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NEW ZEALAND AND THE WORLD Past, Present and Future

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NEW ZEALAND AND THE WORLD Past, Present and Future

Editors

Robert G. Patman Iati Iati Balazs Kiglics University of Otago, New Zealand

World Scientific NEW JERSEY



LONDON

10773_9789813232396_TP.indd 2



SINGAPORE



BEIJING



SHANGHAI



HONG KONG



TAIPEI



CHENNAI



TOKYO

8/12/17 1:46 PM

Published by World Scientific Publishing Co. Pte. Ltd. 5 Toh Tuck Link, Singapore 596224 USA office: 27 Warren Street, Suite 401-402, Hackensack, NJ 07601 UK office: 57 Shelton Street, Covent Garden, London WC2H 9HE

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Patman, Robert G., editor. | Iati, Iati, editor. | Kiglics, Balazs, editor. Title: New Zealand and the world : past, present and future / edited by Robert G Patman, Iati Iati, Balazs Kiglics. Other titles: New Zealand and the world (World Scientific) Description: New Jersey : World Scientific, 2018. | Includes bibliographical references. Identifiers: LCCN 2017039478 | ISBN 9789813232396 (hardcover) Subjects: LCSH: New Zealand--Foreign relations--21st century. | New Zealand--Foreign economic relations. | New Zealand--Military relations. | National security--New Zealand. Classification: LCC JZ2015 .N39 2018 | DDC 327.93--dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017039478

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

Copyright © 2018 by World Scientific Publishing Co. Pte. Ltd. All rights reserved. This book, or parts thereof, may not be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or any information storage and retrieval system now known or to be invented, without written permission from the publisher.

For photocopying of material in this volume, please pay a copying fee through the Copyright Clearance Center, Inc., 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. In this case permission to photocopy is not required from the publisher.

For any available supplementary material, please visit http://www.worldscientific.com/worldscibooks/10.1142/10773#t=suppl Desk Editor: Philly Lim Typeset by Stallion Press Email: [email protected] Printed in Singapore

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Dedication This book is dedicated to the memory of Mr. Arnold Entwisle, a senior lecturer at the University of Otago, who not only anticipated the emergence of an independent New Zealand worldview in the 1960s but also had the drive to expand the parameters of public education in international affairs to help prepare for that eventuality.

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Acknowledgments

The editors would like to express their gratitude to a number of people and institutions for their assistance in the preparation of this book. The idea for this volume evolved from the occasion of the 50th University of Otago Foreign Policy School. As co-directors of that School and editors of this book, we wish to fully acknowledge the support that helped transform this concept into a book. First, we would like to thank our colleagues on the Academic Committee of the 50th School: Ms Jan Brosnahan, the Coordinator, Associate Professor Jenny Bryant-Tokalau, Associate Professor Paola Voci, Associate Professor Jacqueline Leckie, Dr Maria Pozza, Mr Elliot Lynch, Dr SungYong Lee, Dr Marcelle Dawson, Professor David Fielding, Dr Heather Devere, Professor Henry Johnson, and Mr Simon Ancell. Second, we would like to thank all the contributors to this book. They constitute a formidable team of specialists on the foreign policy of New Zealand. They graciously accepted our editorial advice and took the time and effort to revise their drafts into polished and insightful chapters. Third, we wish to express our sincere thanks for the encouraging and patient support that was given to this book project by the staff at World Scientific Publishing. Such assistance was much appreciated by the editors of this volume. Fourth, we wish to thank those organisations whose support and generosity helped play a significant role in bringing together our team of contributors. Without this support, it would have been more difficult to develop the concept

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Acknowledgments

of this book. We are grateful to the Australian High Commission, Wellington; the New Zealand Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade, Wellington; the National Assessments Bureau, Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet, Wellington; and the University of Otago. Finally, and most significantly, we would like to thank our families, particularly our partners, Martha, Fara and Pattama. Their support was invaluable throughout the endeavour to produce this book. Robert G. Patman, Iati Iati and Balazs Kiglics University of Otago New Zealand 4 August 2017

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About the Editors

Robert G. Patman’s research interests concern US foreign policy, international relations, global security, great powers and the Horn of Africa. He was an editor for the journal International Studies Perspectives (2010–2014), and is the author or editor of 11 books. Recent publications include a volume called Strategic Shortfall: The Somalia Syndrome and the March to 9/11 (Praeger, 2010) and three co-edited books titled The Bush Leadership, the Power of Ideas, and the War on Terror (Ashgate, 2012); China and the International System: Becoming a World Power (Routledge, 2013); and Science Diplomacy: New Day or False Dawn? (World Scientific Publishing, 2015). He is a Fulbright Senior Scholar, an Honorary Professor of the NZ Defence Command and Staff College, Trentham, and provides regular contributions to the national and international media on global affairs and events. Iati Iati is a senior lecturer in the Department of Politics, at the University of Otago. His research covers good governance with a focus on civil society’s role in strengthening political transparency and accountability, New Zealand foreign policy, land tenure reform, regionalism and China-Pacific relations. Dr Iati has recently published on New Zealand foreign policy with a focus on security and trade, Pacific regionalism and the Polynesian Leaders Group, land alienation through the Torrens land registration system, and alternative perspective on China-Pacific relations. He was a co-director for the 48th and 50th University of Otago Foreign Policy Schools, and is the vice president of the Pacific Island Political Science Association (PIPSA).

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About the Editors

Balazs Kiglics works as a Japanese language and East Asian cultures tutor and lecturer in the Department of Languages and Cultures at the University of Otago, and is a PhD candidate. He holds a BA in Physical Education, a BA in Business Administration and a Postgraduate Diploma in International Economics. He is a founding member and former president of the Hungarian Philosophy of Sport Foundation. Kiglics has worked as the coordinator of the annual University of Otago Foreign Policy School since 2015. His research interests encompass Japanese studies, international relations of East and Southeast Asia, and the more general and pressing issues around the morality of power and human progress.

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About the Contributors

Paul G. Buchanan (MA Georgetown, PhD Chicago) is the founding director of 36th Parallel Assessments, a geopolitical and strategic analysis consultancy headquartered in Auckland, New Zealand. Prior to entering the private sector, he alternated US government service with academic appointments in the United States, Argentina, Brazil, Chile, New Zealand, Portugal and Singapore. An independent consultant to private and public agencies, he is the author of three books and dozens of scholarly articles. He specialises in comparative politics and foreign policy, intelligence analysis, strategic thought and the study and practise of terrorism and unconventional warfare. Joe Burton is senior lecturer in the Political Science and Public Policy Programme and the New Zealand Institute for Security and Crime Science, University of Waikato, New Zealand. Dr Burton has a Doctorate in International Relations and a Master of International Studies degree from the University of Otago and an undergraduate degree in International Relations from the University of Wales, Aberystwyth. His research focuses on regional responses to global security challenges, the evolving role of NATO and its partners, US foreign and security policy, cyber security, and the impact of science and technology on international security. Andrew Butcher is CEO and dean of Bethlehem Tertiary Institute in Tauranga, New Zealand. His PhD in sociology is from Massey University. Dr Butcher was previously Director of Research and Policy at the Asia New Zealand Foundation and president of the Population Association of New Zealand. He has held visiting fellowships in migration studies at Otago University and Massey University, and in international relations at Victoria University of Wellington xi

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About the Contributors

and the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore. He is an alumnus of the International Visitor Leadership Program at the US State Department. Kevin P. Clements is the foundation chair of Peace and Conflict Studies and former director of the New Zealand Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies at the University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand. Professor Clements is also director of Toda Peace Institute, Tokyo, Japan. Prior to taking up these positions, he was the professor of Peace and Conflict Studies and foundation director of the Australian Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies at the University of Queensland, Brisbane, Australia. Secretary General of International Alert London and Professor and Director of the Institute for Conflict Analysis and Resolution at George Mason University. He has written or edited eight books and over 160 chapters/articles on conflict transformation, peacebuilding, preventive diplomacy and development with a specific focus on the Asia-Pacific region. His most recent publication is Trust, Identity and Reconciliation in East Asia: Dealing with a Painful Past to Create a Peaceful Present (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017). Peter Cozens joined the Centre for Strategic Studies at Victoria University of Wellington in 1995, after a lengthy maritime and naval career. He retired after nearly nine years as the director in 2010. He maintains a lively interest in the maritime affairs and foreign policy issues of New Zealand and the Indo-Pacific. Lucy Duncan was a member of the Senior Leadership Team of the New Zealand Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade from 2012 to 2017 responsible initially for the Strategy and Governance portfolio followed by the Multilateral and Legal Affairs Group. The latter included responsibility for New Zealand’s term on the United Nations Security Council 2015–2016, as well as counter-terrorism, disarmament and arms control, climate change negotiations, Antarctica and the Southern Ocean and international resources, humanitarian and trade law. She was Ambassador in Argentina accredited to Uruguay and Paraguay from 2006 to 2009. She is currently Chargé d’Affaires ad interim at the New Zealand Embassy in Mexico and will take up the position of New Zealand’s first resident Ambassador in Colombia in early 2018 upon the opening of a new Embassy. Previous postings include Geneva (Deputy Permanent Representative to the United Nations and Conference on Disarmament), Vienna (Deputy Permanent Representative to the United Nations and International Atomic Energy Agency) and Singapore (Deputy High Commissioner,

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accredited to Sri Lanka and the Maldives). She has a First Class Honours degree in History from the University of Otago (1982) and is a graduate of the Executive Fellows Programme of the Australia/New Zealand School of Government (2013). She is fluent in Spanish. Austin Gee is an historian of 18th-century Britain who has taught courses in international and early modern European history at the University of Otago. He is the author of The British Volunteer Movement 1794–1814 (Oxford: Clarendon, 2003) and several articles in local and regional New Zealand history. Peter Greener is a senior fellow at the Centre for Strategic Studies, Victoria University of Wellington and an Honorary Professor at the Command and Staff College of the New Zealand Defence Force, where he was previously academic dean and has taught since 2008. Dr Greener is also an adjunct professor in the Faculty of Health and Environmental Sciences at AUT University. His research interests include international peacekeeping and the aetiology, management and resolution of conflict; capability development; and the politics of defence acquisition decision-making. He brings to these interests the perspective of his many years’ experience as a psychoanalytic psychotherapist. Colin Keating was Special Envoy for the Prime Minister of New Zealand from 2012 to 2016 in support of the NZ campaign for election to the Security Council. Previously he was the founding executive director of the Security Council monitoring organisation in New York, Security Council Report (www.securitycouncilreport.org). He was concurrently a senior research fellow at Columbia University. From 1993 to1996, he was the New Zealand Ambassador to the UN in New York and represented New Zealand on the Security Council. In 1997, he was appointed New Zealand Secretary for Justice. From 2000 to 2004, he worked in New Zealand as a partner in legal practise. Jane Kelsey is a professor of law, policy and international economic regulation at the Faculty of Law at the University of Auckland, New Zealand where she specialises in the political economy of international trade and investment agreements. She has actively monitored the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement and other new generation mega-regional agreements, and written extensively on them for a wide range of international and New Zealand audiences.

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Patrick Köllner is vice president of the Hamburg-based GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies and director of the GIGA Institute of Asian Studies. He is also professor of political science at the University of Hamburg. In 2013 and 2015, he was a visiting scholar at the University of Otago, New Zealand. His research interests revolve around political organisations, institutions, and regimes in Asia and from a comparative perspective. He currently works on think tanks in Asia and is co-editor of a forthcoming volume on comparative area studies (Oxford University Press, 2018). Brian Lynch is a former member of the New Zealand Foreign Service, with postings in New York (United Nations), Singapore and London. For 10 years, he was deputy chief executive of the New Zealand Ministry of Transport and following that for 12 years as chief executive of the New Zealand meat industry association. He subsequently held government appointments in the horticulture and meat industries. From 2004 to 2012, he was director of the New Zealand Institute of International Affairs. He is currently chair of the New Zealand chapter of the Pacific Economic Cooperation Council (PECC), and a Senior Fellow in Strategic Studies at Victoria University of Wellington. David B. MacDonald is professor of political science, and the research leadership chair for his college, at the University of Guelph, Canada. He has written three books related to issues comparative indigenous politics and the politics of memory, as well as numerous book chapters and articles. His books include Thinking History, Fighting Evil (Lexington/Rowman & Littlefield) and Identity Politics in the Age of Genocide (Routledge). His work is funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. He has also been a faculty member at the University of Otago and the Graduate School of Management, Paris. Adrian Macey is adjunct professor at the New Zealand Climate Change Research Centre and a senior associate of the Institute for Governance and Policy Studies, Victoria University of Wellington. Dr Macey was New Zealand’s first climate change ambassador, and served as vice-chair then chair of the UN Kyoto Protocol negotiations in 2010–2011. He earlier served as chief trade negotiator, and was ambassador in Bangkok and Paris. Murray McCully is the Member of Parliament for East Coast Bays. Mr McCully first entered Parliament in 1987 after winning the Auckland seat of East Coast Bays and was appointed a Minister in October 1991.

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He has held a number of cabinet portfolios including Foreign Affairs, Customs, Housing, Tourism, ACC, Rugby World Cup, and Sport, Fitness and Leisure (which included responsibility for the America’s Cup and Millennium events). Mr McCully was born in Whangarei and has lived in the East Coast Bays electorate for over 30 years. He holds an LLB from the University of Auckland and is a qualified barrister and solicitor. Prior to entering Parliament, he was a principal of a public relations company. Ian McGibbon ONZM, formerly general editor (War History) at the Ministry for Culture and Heritage, wrote official histories of New Zealand involvement in the Korean and Vietnam wars and edited the Oxford Companion to New Zealand Military History. From 2009 to 2014, Dr McGibbon was New Zealand’s representative on the tri-nation Joint Historical and Archaeological Survey of the Anzac Battlefield at Gallipoli. His most recent publication is New Zealand’s Western Front Campaign (2016). In 1997, he was appointed an Officer of the New Zealand Order of Merit for services to historical research. He is managing editor of New Zealand International Review Tracey McIntosh (T¯uhoe) is a professor of Indigenous Studies and co-head of Te W¯ananga o Waipapa (School of M¯aori Studies and Pacific Studies) at the University of Auckland. She is the former co-director of Ng¯a Pae o te M¯aramatanga New Zealand’s M¯aori Centre of Research Excellence. Her recent research focused on incarceration (particularly of M¯aori and indigenous peoples) and issues pertaining to poverty, inequality and social justice. Terence O’Brien is a former NZ diplomat, served as NZ Ambassador to EU; as Ambassador to GATT/WTO and UN Office in Geneva; and as Ambassador to UN in New York during which represented NZ on UN Security Council and acted as Council President. He completed other diplomatic assignments in Bangkok, London, Rarotonga. He led several official NZ delegations including to the Rio Environment Summit. He was founding director of the Centre for Strategic Studies (CSS:NZ) and remains a senior fellow at the Centre. He taught international relations at graduate level for seven years at Victoria University of Wellington (VUW) in NZ. He writes and broadcasts on NZ foreign policy and international relations and has contributed chapters to numerous books and magazines. He is author of Presence of Mind: NZ in the World (2009).

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Nigel Parsons is senior lecturer at the School of People, Environment and Planning, Massey University. Dr Parsons was awarded a Special Commendation in the College of Humanities and Social Sciences Teaching Excellence Awards for 2013, received the Vice-Chancellor’s Award for Sustained Commitment to Teaching Excellence in 2011 and was voted Massey University Students’ Association Lecturer of the Year in 2009. His work has been published in peer-reviewed outlets including the Middle East Journal, Geopolitics, Social Theory and Practice and translated for the Arabic journalOmran. He has also published, The Politics of the Palestinian Authority: from Oslo to al-Aqsa (Routledge, 2005 and 2012) and a follow-up volume, Palestine: Evolution toward Statehood? is underway. Anna Powles is a senior lecturer in Security Studies with the Centre for Defence and Security Studies and specialises in geopolitics and security in the Pacific, security governance, peacekeeping and civil-military relations. Dr Powles is one of the founding members of the Security, Politics and Development Network (SPDN) at Massey University which focuses on security, political and development issues and provides a critical nexus between rigorous multidisciplinary academic research and policy. She was formerly with the United Nations Development Programme as a Security Sector Reform Monitoring Specialist, the International Crisis Group’s Timor-Leste Analyst, and an advisor to the Timorese Government on the 2006–2007 humanitarian emergency. She has consulted widely on humanitarian, civil-military and protection issues including for the Australian Civil Military Centre, the Norwegian Refugee Council, Oxfam and World Vision. Recent publications include United Nations Peacekeeping Challenge: The Importance of the Integrated Approach (Ashgate: 2015); Ungoverned Spaces: Private Security in the Pacific (forthcoming: 2018); Securing the Neighbourhood. When Regional Peacekeeping Works: Lessons from the Pacific and Southeast Asia (forthcoming: 2018). Andreas Reitzig specialises in defence and security studies and has lectured in International Relations at the University of Otago and Victoria University of Wellington. Dr Reitzig’s publications include Trans-Tasman Defence Relations: The Anzacs, ANZUS and Beyond (Lambert Academic Publishing, 2010) as well as a co-edited volume entitled Public Participation in Foreign Policy (Palgrave Macmillan, 2012). He currently works as director at Lingua, a language school based in New Plymouth, New Zealand.

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Jim Rolfe is a senior fellow at the New Zealand Centre for Strategic Studies, Victoria University of Wellington. Dr Rolfe’s work focuses on a range of security issues relevant to New Zealand and the Asia-Pacific region. He has previously worked in the public service, in think tanks in Australia, Indonesia and Hawaii and with the UN in East Timor and Libya. Ken Ross was an analyst with the External Assessments Bureau, Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet from 1976 until 2012. He has been a research associate at the International Institute for Strategic Studies, London and at the Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, Canberra. Ross is writing a book evaluating New Zealand and Australian prime ministers engagement in global diplomacy since 1945. Christopher Rudd is a senior lecturer in the Department of Politics at the University of Otago. He is co-editor of Politics and the Media (2016), Informing Voters (2009) and Political Communications in New Zealand (2004). Robert Scollay is director of the New Zealand APEC Study Centre and associate professor of economics at the University of Auckland, New Zealand. He has researched and written extensively on regional trade agreements and regional economic integration, including recent initiatives such as the TransPacific Partnership (TPP), the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), and the proposed Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific (FTAAP), as well as on APEC, multilateral liberalisation, the global trade architecture, and trade issues and agreements in the Pacific Islands. Anthony Smith is a manager of assessed intelligence products in the National Assessments Bureau (which forms part of the Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet). His immediate previous role was a diplomatic posting to Washington, DC as Deputy Head of Mission. Prior to joining New Zealand government service, Dr Smith held various academic roles, including at the Institute for Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore and the Asia Pacific Center for Security Studies in Hawai’i (a think tank within the US Pacific Command). He has degrees from Waikato University and Victoria University, and a PhD in political studies from Auckland University. Jon Stephenson is a New Zealand journalist with extensive experience reporting on conflict and trauma. Since the “9/11” terrorist attacks his work has

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focused on issues and events related to America’s “war on terror” — in particular, New Zealand’s involvement in the transfer of detainees to authorities with a record of mistreatment and torture. Maria Tanyag is a PhD candidate in the School of Social Sciences at Monash University, Australia. She is also a member of the Monash Gender, Peace and Security (GPS) Centre. Her research explores the intersections of global political economy processes, religious fundamentalisms and the politics of women’s bodies and health in crisis settings. She has published in the journals Women’s Studies International Forum, Gender & Development and the International Feminist Journal of Politics. Jacqui True is an Australian Research Council Future Fellow, professor and director of the Gender Peace and Security Centre at Monash University. She is also a Global Fellow, Peace Research Institute (PRIO), Oslo. Her current research is focused on women’s participation after conflict and the implementation of the gender provisions of peace agreements with the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. Her book, The Political Economy of Violence against Women (Oxford, 2012) won the American Political Science Association’s 2012 biennial prize for the best book in human rights. She is co-editor of the Oxford Handbook on Women, Peace and Security (2018). James Watson has recently retired as associate professor in history at the Palmerston North Campus of Massey University. His research interests are largely focussed on the relationship between New Zealand and the United Kingdom, particularly in the 20th century. Dr Watson’s most recent book was W.F. Massey: New Zealand in the Haus Makers of the Modern World series on the Paris Peace Conference (London, 2010). He is currently writing a book on the “home front” in New Zealand during the First World War. Hugh White AO is professor of Strategic Studies at the Australian National University. He has worked on Australian strategic, defence and foreign policy issues since 1980. He has been a journalist, a ministerial adviser and a senior official in the Defence Department. His recent publications include Power Shift: Australia’s Future between Washington and Beijing published in September 2010, and The China Choice: Why America Should Share Power, first published in 2012 and since republished in Chinese, Japanese and Korean. In the 1970s, he studied philosophy at Melbourne and Oxford Universities.

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Contents

Dedication

v

Acknowledgments

vii

About the Editors

ix

About the Contributors

xi

Introduction: New Zealand and the World: Past, Present and Future

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Iati Iati and Robert G. Patman Part I.

History and National Identity

Chapter 1.

Building Foreign Policy in New Zealand: The Role of the University of Otago Foreign Policy School, 1966–1976

1

3

Austin Gee, Robert G. Patman and Chris Rudd Chapter 2.

The New Zealand Prime Minister and the 1985 Otago Foreign Policy School — A Pivotal Moment for the Labour Government’s Foreign Policy

25

Ken Ross Chapter 3.

Gallipoli, National Identity and New Beginnings Ian McGibbon xix

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Contents

Chapter 4.

National Identity and New Zealand Foreign Policy

55

Terence O’Brien Chapter 5.

Exporting Aotearoa New Zealand’s Biculturalism: Lessons for Indigenous-Settler Relations in Canada

67

David B. MacDonald Chapter 6.

What Does New Zealand’s Changing Demography Mean for Its Place in the World?

83

Andrew Butcher Part II.

Economics and Regionalism

Chapter 7.

New Zealand and Its Asia-Pacific Destiny: Sailing the Waka in Ever-Widening Circles

101

103

Brian Lynch Chapter 8.

New Zealand’s Evolving Response to Changing Asia-Pacific Trade and Economic Currents Since 1989

121

Robert Scollay Chapter 9.

New Zealand and the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement Negotiations: Strategy, Content and Lessons

145

Jane Kelsey Chapter 10.

New Zealand’s Strategic Influence and Interests in an Increasingly Global Pacific

169

Anna Powles Chapter 11.

Old Friends in the New Asia: New Zealand, Australia and the Rise of China Hugh White

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Part III.

Morality

Chapter 12.

K¯awanatanga, Tino Rangatiratanga and the Constitution

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Ranginui Walker and Tracey McIntosh Chapter 13. What Happened to the New Zealand Peace Movement? Anti-Nuclear Politics and the Quest for a More Independent Foreign Policy

221

Kevin P. Clements Chapter 14.

The Globalisation of the Human Security Norm: New Zealand/Aotearoa Leadership and Followership in the World

239

Jacqui True and Maria Tanyag Chapter 15.

The Price of the Club: How New Zealand’s Involvement in the “War on Terror” has Compromised Its Reputation as a Good International Citizen

255

Jon Stephenson Chapter 16.

New Zealand, a Comprehensive Maritime Strategy, and the Promise of a New Atlantis

281

Peter Cozens Part IV.

Geopolitics and National Security Interests

Chapter 17.

New Zealand Foreign Policy and the Challenge of Leading United Nations Security Council in July 2015 Murray McCully

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Contents

Chapter 18.

Recalibration, Rapprochement and Resocialisation: US-New Zealand Relations and the Obama Administration’s “Pivot” to Asia

307

Joe Burton Chapter 19.

Continuity and Change in New Zealand Defence Policymaking

323

Peter Greener Chapter 20.

Informing the National Interest: The Role of Intelligence in New Zealand’s Independent Foreign Policy

343

Anthony L. Smith Chapter 21.

Intelligence, Accountability and New Zealand’s National Security

359

Jim Rolfe Chapter 22.

Foreign Policy Realignment, Issue Linkage and Institutional Lag: The Case of the New Zealand Intelligence Community

373

Paul G. Buchanan Part V.

Diplomatic Engagement and Multilateralism

Chapter 23.

The Contours of New Zealand Foreign Policy

391 393

Andreas Reitzig Chapter 24.

The Evolving Role of the New Zealand Diplomat

411

Lucy Duncan Chapter 25.

New Zealand’s 2014 Election to the UN Security Council: How Was It Achieved and What Does It Mean? Colin Keating

419

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Contents

Chapter 26.

New Zealand’s Climate Change Diplomacy: A Country Punching Above Its Weight or the Survival Strategy of a Small State?

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Adrian Macey Chapter 27.

The European Union as “a Partner of First Order Importance” for New Zealand

439

Patrick Köllner Chapter 28.

New Zealand, the Palestine Liberation Organization and the United Nations: 2012 and 1974 in Comparative Perspective Nigel Parsons and James Watson

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b2530   International Strategic Relations and China’s National Security: World at the Crossroads

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INTRODUCTION New Zealand and the World: Past, Present and Future Iati Iati and Robert G. Patman

The aim of this book is to provide the reader with an overview of New Zealand’s international relations. New Zealand is a relatively small and isolated settler society. Yet it is a country that has often shown an international presence that is out of proportion to the modest spectrum of national economic, military and diplomatic capabilities at its disposal. A useful starting point for understanding New Zealand’s relations with the external world is its domestic context. Geographically, New Zealand is about 1250 miles (2012 km) southeast of Australia and consists of two main islands and a number of smaller, outlying islands. The country has a population of 4.83 million people as of 2 November 2017, according to Statistics New Zealand’s online population clock, and is dominated by two cultural groups: New Zealanders of Caucasian descent and Polynesian M¯aori. According to M¯aori oral history, M¯aori arrived in New Zealand about 800 years ago. European settlement of New Zealand during the 19th century led to the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840 between representatives of the British Crown and M¯aori chiefs. The pact formed the basis of the British annexation of New Zealand, but conflicting land claims gave rise to the “New Zealand Wars”. The British colony of New Zealand became a self-governing dominion in 1907 and in 1947 obtained the status of a fully independent, sovereign state. The size of the New Zealand economy remains quite small. The Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is estimated to be $186.4 billion in 2017 (International Monetary Fund, 2017), and the economy is based largely on agriculture. xxv

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The main exports are currently wool, food and dairy products, wood and paper products. Natural resources include natural gas, oil, iron ore, sand, coal, timber, hydropower, gold and limestone. Not surprisingly, the military capabilities of New Zealand are decidedly limited. The country has a small, but well-trained army of 7000 soldiers. New Zealand is a democratic society that is based on political and legal traditions derived from the Westminster parliamentary model of governance. The Cabinet is the formal foreign policy decision-making body, consisting of the senior ministers of the governing party or coalition. Unless a foreign policy decision requires the ratification of a treaty or the enactment of legislation, the Cabinet can largely bypass Parliament in the decision-making process. While the Prime Minister and the relevant ministers for foreign affairs may choose to consult with interested parties such as business, academic, interest groups or the wider public, they are under no obligation, in institutional terms, to do so in what appears to be a centralised model of foreign policy decision-making. And, as might be expected, polling evidence indicates that the New Zealand public remains much less focused on foreign than on domestic policy. Moreover, New Zealand government ministers are heavily dependent on the advice of public officials, in this case the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade (MFAT), in the making of foreign policy. Although organisations such as the New Zealand Institute of International Affairs (NZIIA), the Centre of Strategic Studies (CSS) in Wellington, and the annual University of Otago Foreign Policy School have enhanced the level of foreign policy debate, they are too small and too few in number to seriously reduce MFAT’s dominance as the major source of advice for government on foreign policy (Patman, 2003, p. 533). Nevertheless, New Zealand has some quite distinctive national features that may offset the lack of institutional pluralism in the foreign policy-making process. For one thing, the intimacy and transparency of the New Zealand political system means that public opinion is potentially a far more potent factor in the shaping of foreign policy than is often the case in larger democracies. In addition, New Zealand has developed some quite distinctive national characteristics not typically associated with a small state. These include a set of values commonly described as “the No. 8 wire mentality” or “Kiwi ingenuity” — an ability to improvise and innovate within the constraints imposed

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by limited resources and the vast physical distance from what was historically its political and economic centre of gravity in Britain. In many ways, New Zealand’s experience as a colony defied conventional interpretations of hegemony. It demonstrated considerable autonomy in a number of areas. It was the world’s first country to give women the right to vote (1893); adopted old-age pensions (1898); introduced a 40-hour workweek and unemployment and health insurance (1938); and socialised medicine (1941). Meanwhile, New Zealand citizens often enjoyed a higher standard of living than their British counterparts. By 1953, New Zealand was ranked as the third richest country in the world in terms of per-capita GDP (Gould, 1982, p. 21). Nevertheless, New Zealand’s strong sense of political identification with Britain slowed the emergence of a fully independent New Zealand foreign policy. Wellington had supported the UK militarily in both world wars. But three factors ensured that the pattern of New Zealand’s external relations began to change significantly after 1945. First, there was a gradual realisation that Britain was no longer in a position to defend New Zealand in military terms. Doubts had surfaced with the British defeat in Singapore in 1942. In 1944, New Zealand and Australia signed their first major bilateral agreement without Britain when they concluded a mutual defence pact in Canberra (Catley, 2001, pp. 51–52). The Australian and New Zealand Army Corps (ANZAC) Treaty, as it was known, provided for cooperation in the South Pacific and progressively expanded as the two allies fought together in wars in Korea, Malaya and Vietnam. Second, international pressures stemming from the Cold War propelled both New Zealand and Australia into a strategic alignment with the United States. In 1951, New Zealand, Australia and the United States signed the Australia, New Zealand, United States (ANZUS) Security Treaty. Over the next 30 years, the United States displaced Britain as the principal strategic partner of the ANZAC countries as the former colonial power retreated to Europe following the Suez Crisis of 1956 and the 1968 decision to withdraw the British Royal Navy from stations “East of Suez” (Patman, 1997, p. 13). New Zealand contributed troops to the American-led efforts to contain communism in Korea, 1950–1953, and South Vietnam, 1964–1975. Third, New Zealand had to deal with the consequences of Britain joining what was then called the European Economic Community (EEC) in January

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1973. This move had been foreshadowed by Britain’s unsuccessful EEC application in 1961. Forewarned, New Zealand was able, with British support, to negotiate a special access agreement with the Community for its farm produce when Britain obtained full membership (Brown, 1997). In these new and challenging circumstances, New Zealand developed new markets and trade links, notably in Australia, the United States and Japan. Taken together, these factors marked the beginning of a New Zealand perspective that was increasingly centred in Wellington rather than London. Thus, in the pre-globalisation era, New Zealand manifested some, though by no means all, of the characteristics commonly associated with the foreign policy of an independent small state. The scholarly literature suggests that two of the typical characteristics of small states are an internationalist orientation, consisting of keen participation in international and regional organisations, and a moral emphasis in external policy (Henderson, 1991, p. 6). Certainly, New Zealand’s strong support for the UN and multilateralism, in general, has been consistent with this pattern. However, when viewed in the regional context of the South Pacific, New Zealand appeared to be a relatively significant power in its own right. As well as retaining the status of an administrative trustee power, and having constitutional responsibilities towards the Cook Islands, Niue and Tokelau, New Zealand was also notable for its distinctive colonial experience, the absence of any direct security threat to its territory, and the fledgling nature of its independent foreign policy. By the early 1980s, New Zealand’s consciousness as a sovereign state had matured and deepened. Wellington still had close links with Britain, but the nature of this linkage had been significantly changed. New Zealand had intellectually moved from a world-view that was rooted in London to one that was increasingly centred in Wellington. This development intersected with the emergence of the complex, multifaceted and contested globalisation process. Globalisation is the term popularised during the 1980s to describe revolutionary changes in communication and information technologies during this period — advances in personal commuting and the development of the Internet — that have intensified links between societies, institutions, cultures and individuals on a worldwide basis. This dynamic process has had a particularly significant impact on a geographically remote country like New Zealand (Patman and Rudd, 2005).

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In this volume, the editors have called upon a range of specialists representing a variety of views drawn from the worlds of academia, policy making and civil society. It is an attempt to present a rounded picture of New Zealand’s place in the world, one that does not rely exclusively on any particular perspective. The book does not claim to be exhaustive. But it does seek to present a more wide ranging treatment of New Zealand’s foreign relations than has generally been the case in the past. Five broad themes help shape and organise the contributions to the text.

History and National Identity The first major theme concerns the significance of the domestic context for understanding New Zealand’s foreign relations. In recent decades, New Zealand has been redefining itself and how it relates to the external world. Extraordinary changes in New Zealand challenge the old view, once held, that it is a “small corner of England out in the Pacific” (Woods, 1997, p. 27). Above all, there has been some recognition of the special constitutional and cultural position of M¯aori people (expressed in the Treaty of Waitangi in terms of rangatiratanga [dominion] and k¯awanatanga [government]). New Zealand now has two official languages: English and M¯aori. Concepts from M¯aori culture have also been extended into law, policy and social institutions. And there has been a general acceptance of the idea of compensation for lands unjustly taken or purchased and for the recognition of rights conferred under the Treaty of Waitangi to the M¯aori people (Woods, 1997, p. 38). In 1995, there was even a formal apology from Queen Elizabeth II for the previous actions of the Crown. Then, in March 2004, New Zealand’s first dedicated M¯aori Television station was launched (New Zealand Herald, 2004b). It should be emphasised that globalisation is an important driver in the revival of indigenous rights and culture of New Zealand. While access to symbols of globalisation, such as the Internet, remains uneven, particularly in rural New Zealand, this technology has, in the words of one observer, provided “unprecedented opportunities” for M¯aori to project its language and culture, nationally and internationally (Zwimpfer, 2001). But the forces of globalisation have also eroded the social position of M¯aori. Between 1986 and 1996, New Zealand moved from being a fairly egalitarian society to becoming one of the more unequal ones behind the United

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States and Italy. The growth of social inequality impacted more on M¯aori than P¯akeh¯a, a M¯aori language term for New Zealanders who are of European descent. The re-distribution of income and the decline of the welfare state, in terms of subsidised state housing and accessible medical care, contributed to this (O’Dea, 2000, pp. 38, 103; Flynn, 2002). It should be added that new social divisions were linked to a prog