New Journalism Ecologies in East and Southern Africa: Innovations, Participatory and Newsmaking Cultures (Palgrave Studies in Journalism and the Global South) 3031236246, 9783031236242

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PALGRAVE STUDIES IN JOURNALISM AND THE GLOBAL SOUTH

New Journalism Ecologies in East and Southern Africa Innovations, Participatory and Newsmaking Cultures Edited by Trust Matsilele Shepherd Mpofu · Dumisani Moyo

Palgrave Studies in Journalism and the Global South Series Editors

Bruce Mutsvairo Auburn University Auburn, AL, USA Saba Bebawi University of Technology Sydney Ultimo, NSW, Australia Eddy Borges-Rey Northwestern University Qatar Ar-Rayyan, Qatar

This series focuses on cutting-edge developments in journalism in and from the Global South and illuminates how journalism cultures and practices have evolved from the era of colonization to contemporary globalization. Bringing previously underrepresented research from the Global South to the English speaking world, this series will focus on a broad range of topics within journalism including pedagogy, ethics, history of journalism, press freedom, theory, propaganda, gender, cross-border collaboration and methodological issues. Despite the geographical connotations of the term ‘Global South’ the series will not be defined by geographical boundaries, as Western countries are home to millions of immigrants and the contributions of immigrant journalists will be covered.

Trust Matsilele Shepherd Mpofu  •  Dumisani Moyo Editors

New Journalism Ecologies in East and Southern Africa Innovations, Participatory and Newsmaking Cultures

Editors Trust Matsilele Media and Public Relations Cape Peninsula University of Technology Cape Town, South Africa

Shepherd Mpofu Communication Studies University of South Africa Pretoria, South Africa

Dumisani Moyo Faculty of Humanities North-West University Potchefstroom, South Africa

ISSN 2662-480X     ISSN 2662-4818 (electronic) Palgrave Studies in Journalism and the Global South ISBN 978-3-031-23624-2    ISBN 978-3-031-23625-9 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-23625-9 © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Cover illustration: ©zeljkosantrac/gettyimages This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG. The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

Contents

1 Social  Media Driven Journalism in Africa: Some Theoretical Perspectives  1 Shepherd Mpofu, Trust Matsilele, and Dumisani Moyo Social Media and Journalistic Reconfiguration in Africa   8 Chapter Summaries  10 References  12 Part I Newsmaking Cultures and Digital Media Innovations  15 2 Mobile  Digital Apps and News Production at NTV Uganda 17 Antonio Kisembo Elisha and Fred Kakooza Introduction  17 Literature: Mobile Digital Technologies and News Production  19 Digital Technologies and Citizen Journalism  21 Digital Technologies at NTV Uganda  22 Theoretical Framing  23 Methodology  24 Findings  25 Mobile Digital Technology and Citizen Journalism at NTV Uganda  25 Navigating Mobile Digital Technology and News Production at NTV Uganda  27

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Experiences of Mobile Digital Technology Adoption at NTV Uganda  29 Discussion  30 Conclusion  32 References  33 3 Urban  Commercial Radio and the Making of Apolitical Youth: Ethiopia in Focus 37 Abdissa Zerai, Getachew Dinku, and Desalegn Aynalem Introduction  37 Methodology  40 Literature Review  41 Urban Youth and Commercial Radio: The Unmet Promise  41 Infotainment as a Strategy for Status Quo Legitimization  43 Regulatory Mechanisms and Media Capture as Instruments of Status Quo Legitimization  44 Depoliticization as an Antidote to Dissent  46 Analysis  47 Media Content Appealing to the Urban Youth  47 Nexus Between Ownership Structure and Profit Imperatives, and the Nature of Media Content  51 Licensing and Regulatory Regimes Shaping Media Content  53 Conclusion  55 References  57 4 Social  Media Applications and the Changing Newsroom Cultures in Africa: A Case Study of Lesotho 59 Trust Matsilele, Blessing Makwambeni, and Shakeman Mugari Introduction  59 Social Media Integration in Mainstream Media Ecologies  60 Conceptual Framework  62 Methodology  63 Findings and Discussion  64 Journalists Attitudes Towards Social Media in Lesotho  65 Adoption and Use of Social Media Among Journalists in Lesotho  67 Social Media as a Fact-Checking and Verification Tool  68

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Social Media and News Dissemination  69 Patterns of Social Media Adoption and Use in Lesotho Newsrooms  69 Media Genre  70 Size of Media Institution  71 Media Ownership  72 Resource Constraints  72 Conclusion  73 References  73 5 The  Mediatisation and Media Practice of Citizen Media and GBV: A Case of etvScandal Soap Opera Facebook Page 77 Millie Phiri Introduction  77 Theoretical Framework  80 Black Feminism and Networked Feminism  80 What Is Citizen Journalism in the Context of Social Media: A Review of Related Literature  81 Soap Opera, Social Television, and Smart Devices  83 Methodology  84 Results and Discussion  84 Many Watching the Few  84 Is Technology Convergence Taking Citizen Journalism to a Whole New Level?  87 Citizen Journalism, Pedagogy, Cultural Power  88 Creativity  89 Rage and Misogyny  90 Conclusion  91 References  92 6 Online  Harassment of Journalists in Zimbabwe: Experiences, Coping Strategies and Implications 95 Mphathisi Ndlovu and Nkosini Aubrey Khupe Introduction  95 The Media in Zimbabwe: An Overview  97 Online Harassment of Journalists: Issues and Complexities  98 Theory 101 Online Harassment of Journalists in Zimbabwe: Surveillance, Vigilantism and Disciplinary Practices 103

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Strategies for Dealing with Online Harassment 105 Online Harassment and Implications for Democracy 107 Conclusion 108 References 109 7 ‘Digital  First’ as a Coping Measure for Malawi’s Print Newspapers113 Albert Sharra Introduction 113 Going Digital with Digital First 116 Mainstreaming Digital First in Newsrooms 118 Study Approach 121 Discussion of the Findings 122 Conclusion 129 References 130 8 Digital  Newspapers as Watchdogs of Corruption in ‘2nd Republic’ Zimbabwe: A Critical Analysis of ZimLive.com and Zim Morning Post’s ‘Covidgate’ Reports133 Mandlenkosi Mpofu, Lungile A. Tshuma, and Mbongeni J. Msimanga Introduction 133 The ‘2nd’ Republic’s ‘New Dispensation’ 135 The Rise of Digital Newspapers in Zimbabwe: ZimLive.com and Zim Morning Post  136 Methodology 139 Conceptual Framework and Literature Review 141 Visibility and Political Scandals 141 Discussion of Findings: Frames and Biases 144 Choreographing the Covidgate Scandal 145 Corruption Frame: Scandalising the First Family and Close Associates 147 Conclusion 150 References 150 9 Migrating  from Traditional to Online-Only News Delivery among Namibian Publications: An Assessment153 Eno Akpabio Introduction 153

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Profile of Namibian Online-Only Newspapers 154 Caprivi Vision 154 Namibia Economist 155 Informanté 156 Literature Review 156 Methodology 158 Findings and Discussion 158 Conclusion and Recommendations 161 References 162 Part II Social Media, Funding Models and Participatory Cultures 163 10 Exploring  the Attitude of Tanzanian Journalists to Citizen Journalism165 Shekha Ally Hussein and Eno Akpabio Introduction 165 Background to the Study 166 Statement of the Problem 167 Objectives of the Study 168 Literature Review 168 Research Design 171 Findings 171 Discussion of Findings 176 Conclusion 179 References 179 11 Monitoring  the Fourth Estate: A Critical Analysis of the Role of Audiences in Watchdogging Journalists183 Shepherd Mpofu Introduction 183 The Dynamics of the Media in South Africa: Thuma Mina Media, RET Forces and Bell Pottinger 187 Voice and Listening in the Digital Age 190 Conceptual Framing: The Fifth Estate 191 Mini-Cases of Fifth Estate’s Role in South Africa 193 Analysis and Conclusion 200 References 202

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12 Financial  Sustainability of Social Media-­Driven Publications in Zambia: The Practices, Threats and Opportunities at New Diggers and Kalemba207 Kamufisa Manchishi, Brian Pindayi, and Elastus Mambwe Introduction 207 Online Media Profitability and Social Media-Driven News Outlets: A Literature Review 210 Social Media-Driven News Outlets 210 Financial Survival 211 (Online) Media in Zambia 213 Methodology 215 Results: Financial Survival Strategies by Social Media-Driven Media Outlets in Zambia 216 Survival Strategies 216 Distribution 217 Threats 218 Opportunities and Sustainability 218 Discussion and Conclusion 219 References 221 13 Prospects  and Challenges for Indigenous African Language Media in the Digital Age225 Gilbert Motsaathebe Introduction 225 Background 227 Language and Media Landscape in South Africa 227 Current Media Landscape in South Africa 229 Theoretical Orientation 231 Findings 234 A Decline in Reading Culture 234 The Different Affordance of Radio, TV, and Print and Their Differing Prospects 236 The Scope for Growth of African Language Media 237 The Quality of Language Used 241 Discussion 243 Conclusion 246 References 247

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14 Diasporic  Media and the Appropriation of Technologies: The Case of Nehanda Radio and Zimbabwean Politics251 Trust Matsilele, Shepherd Mpofu, and Dumisani Moyo Introduction 251 Context 252 Media in Zimbabwe 254 Contextualising Social Media Activism in Contemporary Zimbabwe 256 Social Media and Citizen Journalism 257 Theoretical Framing 259 Methodology 260 Findings and Analysis 261 #ZimShutDown 261 Bond Notes 262 Profiling Activists 264 Conclusion 264 References 265 15 Reporting  on Everyday Life: Practices and Experiences of Citizen Journalism in Mozambique267 Dércio Tsandzana Introduction 267 Methodology 269 Citizen Journalism: The Emergence of New Creators 270 Mainstream Media Ecology and Operational Dynamics in Mozambique 273 Researching About Citizen Journalism in Global South: The Case of Mozambique 274 Olho do Cidadão: Observing and Monitoring the Society 275 Convergence, Ethical Issues and Challenges of Digital Divide in Mozambique 279 Conclusion 283 References 284

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16 Misfiring  Armoury in the Name of Citizen Journalism: Reliability of Xenophobia Reportage Through Social Media289 Khatija BiBI Khan Introduction 289 Methodology 290 Theoretical Perspectives on the Effects of Citizen Journalism and Visual Media 291 What Is Citizen Journalism? 293 Media and Xenophobia 295 Social Semiotics in Social Media News Imagery 297 Visual Rhetoric 298 Analysis of Xenophobic Images Posted by Citizens Through Social Media 300 Selection Consideration of Visual Images for Posting in Citizen Journalism 303 Digital Manipulation of Visual Images in Social Media News 308 Cultural and Ethical Implications 309 References 310 Index315

Notes on Contributors

Eno  Akpabio  holds BA(ED) in English, and MSc and PhD in Mass Communication. He was formerly a lecturer in the Department of Mass Communication at the University of Lagos, Nigeria. He served as a senior lecturer, associate professor and Head of Media Studies Department at the University of Botswana as well as a professor in the School of Journalism and Mass Communication at University of Dar es Salaam, before taking up his present appointment as Professor of Information and Communications Studies at University of Namibia.  Akpabio has authored three books (African Communications Systems and the Digital Age being the latest), many chapters in books as well as numerous articles in learned journals. He is a member of the International Communication Association (ICA), Association of Communication Scholars & Professional of Nigeria (ACSPN), African Council for Communication Education (ACCE) and International Association of Media and Communication Research (IAMCR), where he serves on the International Council. Desalegn  Aynalem is a lecturer in the Department of Media and Communication Studies at Jimma University, Ethiopia. He is currently a PhD candidate in Media and Communication Studies in the School of Journalism and Communication at Addis Ababa University. He holds a MA in International Communication from the Communication University of China and a second MA in Journalism and Communication from Addis Ababa University. His research interest includes media and politics, conflict reporting and the media, media and cross-boundary rivers and media polarisation, among others. xiii

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Getachew  Dinku PhD, is an assistant professor in the School of Journalism & Communication at Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia. He has over 20 years of experience in education, development communication, public relations, media policy, media law and the regulation of broadcast media. Aside from serving in international and local NGOs in different capacities, he has worked for various offices of the Ethiopian Government. Most notably, he served as the Director General of the Ethiopian Media Authority (formerly Ethiopian Broadcast Authority) from April 2019 to March 2021 where he led multiple media development initiatives, partnerships and institutional development activities. His research interest includes  rhetoric and public culture, communication for development, media and democracy and media and elections, among others. Antonio Kisembo Elisha  is the Head of Learning and Development at the Media Challenge Initiative in Kampala, Uganda. He is a Multimedia Trainer at United Media Consultant and Trainers (UMCAT) and Victoria University Uganda. Antonio holds a Master’s Degree in  Journalism and  Communication  and a Post-graduate Diploma in  Investigative Journalism from Makerere University. Shekha Ally Hussein  holds a Master of Arts in Mass Communication in the School of Journalism from the University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Fred Kakooza  (PhD) is a lecturer in the Department of Journalism and Communication at the Makerere University, Uganda. His areas of specialisation include broadcast media production, multimedia journalism and social media, visual communication and photography as well as media and communication research. He is an internal examiner on the graduate programme. Kakooza holds a Doctor of Philosophy in Cultural and Media Studies from the University of KwaZulu-Natal, a Master of Arts in Journalism and Communication, including a Bachelor of Mass Communication from Makerere University. Khatija BiBI Khan  is a full professor in the Department of Communication Science at the University of South Africa (UNISA), South Africa. She received her DLitt et Phil in the field of popular culture from UNISA from the Department of English Studies. Her main research interests are the intersections between popular 171 culture, literary studies and mainstream media. She has written in South African and international journals on hip hop, film and literature.

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Nkosini  Aubrey  Khupe  is a lecturer in the Department of Journalism and Media Studies at the National University of Science and Technology, Zimbabwe. He holds a Master of Science in Journalism and Media Studies from the same institution. His research interests are in digital media, identity politics and media policies and laws. Blessing Makwambeni  is a senior lecturer, acting Head of Department and Postgraduate Co-ordinator in the Media Studies Department at the Cape Peninsula University of Technology, South Africa. He also serves as the Faculty of Informatics and Design Research Ethics Chair. Blessing holds a PhD in Communication from the University of Fort Hare, South Africa, and has previously taught journalism and media studies at the National University of Science and Technology, Zimbabwe. His research interests lie in the broad areas of political communication, audience studies, development communication and strategic communication. Elastus Mambwe  (MMC, BMC) is a PhD student at the Centre for Film and Media Studies from the University of Cape Town, Cape Town, South Africa, and a research fellow in the Department of Media and Communication Studies at the University of Zambia. His research interests include screen studies, media industries, media studies and popular culture. He is a member of the South African Communications Association (SACOMM). Kamufisa  Manchishi (MMC, BMC) is a lecturer and researcher at Mulungushi University, Central Zambia. He holds a Master’s Degree in Mass Communication from the University of Zambia. His research interests include journalism, new media, internet governance, media law, and policy and development. Trust Matsilele  PhD, is a senior lecturer in the Department of Media and Communications at Cape Peninsula University of Technology, South Africa. He holds a DLitt et Phil in Communication Studies from the University of Johannesburg and an MPhil in Journalism from Stellenbosch University. Matsilele has extensively written in international journals and edited book volumes in areas of social media, journalism, education and cyber protest cultures. Some of his works have been featured in Digital Journalism, Media Culture and Society, Journal of Communication Inquiry and Journal of Science Communication journals. His monograph, Social Media and Digital Dissidence in Zimbabwe,

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published by Palgrave Macmillan traces dissidence intimacies from folklore, Chimurenga wars to the born-digital era. Matsilele has a wide experience in journalism practice having worked for Forbes Africa magazine, CNBC Africa Television, Voice of the People and The Zimbabwean newspaper, among others. Gilbert Motsaathebe  PhD, is an National Research Foundation (NRF)rated Research Professor of the Research Entity Indigenous Language Media in Africa at the North-West University, South Africa. He was until recently the Editor-in-Chief of the Journal for Communication Sciences in Southern Africa. Previously he taught journalism at the University of Johannesburg, the United Arab Emirates University in the UAE, the Cape Peninsula University of Technology and several institutions in Nagasaki, Japan. He also worked as Deputy Director of Media Relations in the Office of the Premier of the North-West province in South Africa. Prior to that, he worked as News Producer for Bop Television/SABC and ETV. He has written extensively in top-notch peer-reviewed journals in the area of journalism and mass communication. His latest co-edited books include  Television in Africa in the Digital Age  published by Palgrave Macmillan and  Radio, Public Life and Citizen Deliberation in South Africa. He is the recipient of several prestigious awards including the SEPHIS award which was tenable in India and the IVLP award which was tenable in the United States of America. Dumisani Moyo  PhD, is the Executive Dean Academic in the Faculty of Humanities at North-West University (NWU), South Africa. He holds a Doctoral Degree in Media and Communication Studies from the University of Oslo in 2006, after completing a Master of Philosophy from the same university in 1998. His previous professional experience includes senior lecturer and Head of Department at the University of the Witwatersrand. Prior to joining NWU in 2021, Moyo served as Vice Dean, Teaching and Learning at the University of Johannesburg. His major works include four co-edited books: Radio in Africa: Publics, Cultures, Communities (2011); Media Policy in a Changing Southern Africa: Critical Reflections on Media Reforms in the Global Age (2010); Mediating Xenophobia in Africa: Unpacking Discourses of Migration, Belonging and Othering (Palgrave, 2020) and Re-imagining Communication in Africa and the Caribbean: Global South Issues in Media, Culture and Technology (Palgrave, 2021). He serves as a board member for a number of international organisations, including the African

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Studies Association (ASA), the Institute for Pan-African Thought and Conversation (IPATC), the Media Monitoring Africa (MMA) and the Investigative Journalism Hub (IJ-Hub), where he is currently Board Chairperson. Mandlenkosi  Mpofu PhD, is a senior lecturer at the University of Eswatini, Eswatini. Shepherd  Mpofu PhD, is Associate Professor of Media and Communication Studies at the University of South Africa (UNISA). He holds a PhD in Media Studies from the University of the Witwatersrand and is a senior lecturer in the Department of Languages, Media and Communication at the University of Limpopo. He is also an African Humanities Programme Fellow. His research interests mainly include digital media; media, elections, protests and democracy; new media, diaspora, race and identity; media, violence and genocide. He has written several book chapters and journal articles in reputable local and international publications and journals on these matters. He is the editor of Digital Humour in the Covid-19 Pandemic (2021) and The Politics of Laughter in the Social Media Age (2021), both published by Palgrave. He has also offered media commentary to local and international media around issues that fall within his expertise. Mbongeni  J.  Msimanga  he holds a PhD and is a postdoctoral fellow with the Johannesburg Institute of Advanced Studies of the University of Johannesburg, South Africa. He researches on satire dissidence cultures in the Global South. His work has been published in local and international journals. Shakeman  Mugari is director and editor of The Post newspaper in Maseru, Lesotho. He is studying for his Master’s Degree in Digital Journalism from the Middlesex University, United Kingdom. Mphathisi Ndlovu  (PhD) is a research fellow at Stellenbosch University, South Africa. He is also a senior lecturer in the Department of Journalism and Media Studies at the National University of Science and Technology, Zimbabwe. Mphathisi holds a PhD in Journalism from Stellenbosch University. His research interests include media theory, national and ethnic identities, digital cultures, journalism cultures and Global South theories. Mphathisi is a recipient of the Africa No Filter (ANF) Academic Fellowship and the Alliance for Historical Dialogue and Accountability (AHDA) Fellowship from the Institute for the Study

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of Human Rights at Columbia University. He is a co-editor of a book titled The Idea of Matabeleland in Digital Spaces: Genealogies, Discourses and Epistemic Struggles (2022). Millie Phiri  PhD, is a former University of Johannesburg postdoctoral fellow and an independent researcher, and Consultant Trainer in Journalism and Media Studies. Her specialisation is on digital technologies, human rights journalism, freedom of expression, gender-based violence and health communication, focusing on health chatbots. She is also a Zimbabwean award-winning journalist who has worked extensively in various media organisations in Southern Africa. She also spearheaded the setting up of the Pan-African Network of Women Journalists under the auspices of the Graca Machel Trust. Brian  Pindayi  (BA, MA, PgDip) is Lecturer in Journalism and Media Studies at Rusangu University, Zambia. He holds a Master of Arts in Mass Communication and Media and is a PhD candidate at the Centre for Film and Media Studies from the University of Cape Town, Cape Town, South Africa. He is the Southern Africa ambassador for the International Association Media and Communication Research (IAMCR). His research interests include new media and its effects on politics, culture and society. Albert  Sharra is a doctoral candidate and sessional lecturer in the Department of Political Studies at the University of the Witwatersrand (Wits), Johannesburg, South Africa. He is a multi-award-winning journalist and scholar with decades of experience in the media and politics of the region. He is a three-time recipient of the Malawi’s Journalist of the Year Award which is administered by Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA)-Malawi. He has also received several academic scholarships and fellowships, and is currently on a Commonwealth Scholarship at The University of Edinburgh, Scotland, United Kingdom. His research interests intersect between politics and journalism with a bias in digital media and digital political activism in the Global South. He has also presented at several international conferences across the world. At University of Witwatersrand, he teaches two modules: comparative politics and conflict stability and state building in post-colonial Africa. Dércio Tsandzana  is a Mozambican PhD candidate in Political Science from the Sciences Po, France. He holds an MA in Political Science from the same university and has been working on digital rights in Mozambique,

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including online activism for Global Voices International. His PhD research examines the role of social media in the youth political participation in Mozambique. Among other publications, he has written ‘Using On-line Platforms to Observe and Monitor Elections: A Netnography of Mozambique’ (Journal of African Elections, 2019) and ‘Internet Social Networks as a Juvenile Escapism in the Political Urban Space in Mozambique’ (Cadernos de Estudos Africanos, 2020). Lungile  A.  Tshuma PhD, is a postdoctoral research fellow in the Department of Journalism, Film and Television at the University of Johannesburg, South Africa. He researches in the areas of photography and memory, social media protest and protest cultures and journalism. His work has been published in local and international journals. Abdissa Zerai  PhD, is an assistant professor in the School of Journalism & Communication at Addis Ababa University, South Africa, and teaches in the post-graduate division. Until recently, he was a visiting professor in the Department of Communication & Journalism at the University of New Mexico, USA. Previously, he had taught in the School of Journalism and Communication at Addis Ababa University and had also served as the Head of the School. His research interest includes media representation; political economy of media; digital media and the reconfiguration of the public sphere; ICT in state building, peace building and governance; the nexus between media, democracy and civil society; and post-colonial studies, among others. His work has been published and co-published in journal articles and book chapters on the subject of contemporary mass media, ICT and issues of freedom of mobility in ethnic-based political structure. Currently, he is actively engaged in research activities in the digital media sphere.

List of Figures

Fig. 11.1 A collage of tweets showing citizen perceptions of media that support the Cyril Ramaphosa presidency and how they mask incompetencies of the current administration 195 Fig. 11.2 Piet Rampedi’s Twitter screenshot on the appeals by the ‘mother of 10’ 198 Fig. 11.3 Tweets praising Rampedi and undermining Thuma Mina Media 199 Fig. 11.4 Tweets undermining RET forces and Independent Media journalism200

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List of Tables

Table 8.1 Table 8.2

ZimLive.com stories Zim Morning Post stories

140 141

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CHAPTER 1

Social Media Driven Journalism in Africa: Some Theoretical Perspectives Shepherd Mpofu, Trust Matsilele, and Dumisani Moyo

One of the critical issues one confronts when dealing with journalism in the current age is the definitional crises. Modern communications technologies have given rise to new forms of mass media that blur traditional boundaries with journalism (Flanagan, 2013, 2). The uptake of social media in news organizations is growing and today journalists are ‘romancing new communities by blogging and posting updates and stories on Twitter, YouTube and Facebook’ (Emmett, 2008). While journalism was easier to define prior to the advent of contemporary technologies and social media applications, over the recent years definitional aspects have become points of tensions coupled with the intensification of partisan divide. For countries emerging from colonial rule, especially in Africa, the new leaders expected a certain brand of journalism. This brand of

S. Mpofu (*) Communication Studies, University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa T. Matsilele Cape Peninsula University of Technology, Cape Town, South Africa D. Moyo Faculty of Humanities, North-West University, Potchefstroom, South Africa © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 T. Matsilele et al. (eds.), New Journalism Ecologies in East and Southern Africa, Palgrave Studies in Journalism and the Global South, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-23625-9_1

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journalism sought to decolonize, develop, and support the new dispensations. Thus an ‘Afro-centric’ brand of journalism which was devoid of any ‘westernized … values … unfit for local realities and norms’ was preferred (Rodny-Gumede, 2014, 55). However, these calls for ‘patriotic’ and ‘nation-building’ journalism were not without controversy, as this resulted in intolerance for critical and investigative journalism. Closely related to ‘Afro-centric’ journalism was developmental journalism that African journalists were encouraged to employ immediately after the African states became independent. Developmental journalism originated in the Philippines and was developed into a coherent doctrine in the 1960s across Asia and the Middle East (Ogan, 1980, 8). As Tshabangu (2013, 313) observes, ‘In the subsequent years, development journalism gained universal currency with a strong following in the Second and Third World.’ In most of the liberated African countries, this form of journalism entailed journalists playing a public relations-like role where journalists only covered developmental issues, in what the famed Zimbabwean journalist, Willie Musarurwa, termed ‘Minister and sunshine journalism’ as it painted the newly enthroned ministers in glossy terms. As Musarurwa put it, this simply meant, ‘The sun is shining, and the minister spoke.’ This view is supported by Tshabangu (2013, 315) who argues, ‘In Africa … development journalism should promote Pan-Africanism with such theorizing seeing the media as a revolutionary tool of African liberation from colonialism and imperialism.’ There is of course the conflation between being revolutionary and serving narrow and hegemonic liberational movements’ interests. This conflation is what made these new nations to see the media as extensions of government policies and infrastructure of social, economic, and cultural development and nation-building; creation of national consciousness; and unity. Of course, ‘we cannot pretend that definitions and operations of journalism(s) in the global North are homogeneous with those in the global South’ (Mpofu, 2019, 59) making it needful ‘to develop better ways of understanding the generic characteristic of journalism over time and across geo-political space’ (Conboy, 2010, 441). As Singer argues, [T]he current media environment—one in which anyone can publish anything, instantly and to a potentially global audience—demands a rethinking of who might be considered a journalist and what expectations of such a person might be reasonable. Journalists no longer have special access to the mechanisms of widespread production or distribution of information. Nor

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do they have special access to information itself or to the sources of that information. These and other practical notions of what defined a journalist in the past no longer apply. Instead, the contemporary media environment demonstrates the need to emphasize normative constructs for journalists seeking to delineate themselves from other online information providers. (Singer, 2006, 8)

What we can agree on is that the definitions of journalism ‘are slippery and, at a basic level, border around training, ethics, collecting, writing, editing and broadcasting news to various news customers, newsroom cultures and rituals’ (Mpofu, 2019, 61) and also because “it is common for professionals to find it impossible to articulate explicitly what is implicit in their practice” (Burns, 2002, 34). Blood (2004) somewhat settles the definitional crisis thus: ‘Journalism, it seems, is like pornography. The specific definition varies from person to person, but in general, you know it when you see it.’ For Andrews (2003), journalism ‘implies that a disinterested party is reporting facts fairly”. To do that job well requires considerable training and the cooperative work of many minds. Of course, these assertions are challengeable and do not hold in the current world of techno-influenced journalism. Digital technologies have placed us in a context where discourses on asking if someone is a journalist or asking about their journalistic work are predominant. However, as Daly (2005) argues, ‘The issue is not the job title but the activity.’ The entry of technology in the communicative space has altered the way we have viewed communication and journalism. This conundrum imposed by technology is best illustrated by the Finnish court ruling when it concluded that: medium … used to transmit the processed data, whether … classic in nature, such as paper or radio waves, or electronic, such as the internet, is not determinative as to whether an activity is undertaken ‘solely for journalistic purposes.’ Similarly, not preclusive is whether the publication is undertaken for profit-making reasons since commercial success may be essential to professional journalistic activity. Rather, the Court of Justice ruled that processing activities are to be considered as being ‘solely for journalistic purposes’ within Article 9, Directive 95/46/EC ‘if the sole object of those activities is the disclosure to the public of information, opinions or ideas.’ (Flanagan, 2013, 5)

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Journalism as a practice has become vulnerable to various alterations as we see the people formally known as audiences transformed into ‘prosumers’—producers and consumers at the same time (Rosen, 2006; Mpofu & Matsilele, forthcoming). Mutsvairo aptly summaries this when he observes that ‘it is impossible to ignore the dominance of an emerging new form of journalism characterized by rapid reporting, interminable interactivity and ubiquitous multimedia content sharing and customization’ (2016, 1). Consequently Moyo et al. (2019) point to a new form of journalism that is driven by use of metrics which they call analytics-driven journalism. Moyo, Mare and Matsilele (2019, 503) observe that ‘it is clear that there is a remarkable shift in news production processes and cultures, with increased reliance on analytics and social media for story ideas as well as multi-platform dissemination of news.’ Digital technologies have also introduced blogging cultures where people produce ‘easy to create Web pages with regularly updated information, commentary, and links of public interest, wide and narrow’ (Lowrey & Mackay, 2008, 64). The entry into the communicative or, to be more technical, journalistic space by the audiences has led to transformations in the understanding of the journalism profession and into the transformation of news gathering and distribution culture because of the instantaneity brought about by these technologies. ‘Citizen journalists’ have thus contributed to the transformation of journalism, and inadvertently to a new viral epidemic of ‘fake news.’ Fake news, defined by David O. Klein and Joshua R. Wueller, in the Journal of Internet Law, as the online publication of intentionally or knowingly false statements of fact (2017, p. 6), is a reality we must live with, and it has been critical that mainstream journalists and journalism in general tap into the digital world to fight competition and appeal to audiences who are migrating from traditional journalism platforms. If professional journalists ‘are expected to be news collectors and disseminators as well as watchdogs, monitoring excesses by those in power’ as suggested by Mpofu (2019, 62), then citizen journalists or accidental journalists (Allan, 2013) are capable of the same and more. Citizen journalism refers to ‘a range of web-based practices whereby “ordinary” users engage in journalistic practices … such as current affairs-based blogging, photo and video sharing, and posting eyewitness commentary on current events’ (Goode, 2009, 1289). However, even citizen journalism has its own branches with one such branch being whistle blowing, what Mpofu and Matsilele (forthcoming) characterize as whistleblower citizen journalism. Whistle blower

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citizen journalism entails the functioning of whistleblowers as investigative journalists mimicking the role played by investigative journalists for decades like ‘breaking news’ and exposing corruption among others. Citizen journalists can record, broadcast, and debate issues, taking actions if they deem necessary (Mutsvairo & Columbus, 2012). For instance, recent protests such as the #BlackLivesMatter, #ZimbabweanLivesMatter, #ThisFlag, #FeesMustFall, and many others draw from the wealth of citizen journalism’s capabilities of mobilization and agenda setting. Mainstream media analyzes and makes clear issues but has no organizational and ‘way forward’ approach to news and events in society. In a nutshell, a distinguishing feature between mainstream media journalism and citizen journalism is that the former is more circumscribed by traditions, rules and regulation, and norms of ‘professionalism,’ while the latter is largely unrestrained and often combines reporting and activism. Citizen journalism has largely flourished on social media. The realization of the importance of the social media space by mainstream media has led to social media and activities that obtain therein impactful to the activities of the former. As Gordon (2009, 7) observes, ‘[A] recent trend in online news is not merely having a website on the Internet where users come to browse your content, but literally reaching out to your audience and delivering news updates through different channels on the Internet— known as social media.’ Social media activities have set the agenda in society. In most cases, we have seen mainstream media basing their stories on social media content (Lowrey & Mackay, 2008). Similarly, in other instances social media draws from mainstream media. This symbiotic relationship becomes critical to scholars of journalism and media as they lead us to rethinking and re-evaluating the possible new directions that news production, journalism, and ‘audience-ship’ are taking. This implicates issues such as media law and media ethics as these are important in constraining communication in general to make sure it does not infringe of people’s rights and security. However, it must be noted that this is a difficult but important exercise to be carried out by authorities. Social media have made it possible for citizens to gather, edit, and disseminate news but most importantly for them to also make sense and commentary of the world as they see it being portrayed by mainstream news, corporates, and fellow citizens. Besides, social media magnifies identities and transcends boundaries making debates transnational and setting the agenda in diverse locales. The killing of George Floyd, a black American

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man, by a white police officer set the world agenda on issues of the positionality of black lives in the global village and this magnified the similar experiences of people of color globally. The murder was filmed by an American citizen and later uploaded on Facebook. In the process the Black Lives Matter movement and theme occupied center stage globally as the campaign for racial justice intensified. For that month, the movement set the news agenda and mainstream media had no option but follow the news as largely frames by citizens on social media. At one level citizen journalists challenge the dominant discourses and society especially when citizens or some communities feel undermined. This leads us to the important argument that journalism has, in the immediate past, been driven by social media. What does it mean then to have social media driven journalism? News gathering strategies by mainstream journalists have evolved as a result, while ordinary citizens have taken seriously their citizenship duties and married these to social media activism and reporting. Ordinary people increasingly understand their power to make events ‘trend’ and hence become the leading news of the moment and are willing and ready to pull out their cellphones and record whatever they deem as ‘news’ and share it. Social media ‘news’ ranges from the absurd, unacceptable, to the beautiful humane moments and events in society and the serious eye-witness reporting of important political, economic, or social events. It can be something that touches the core of humanity, such as the police killing of innocent citizens by firing a volley of live ammunition on a group of unarmed people protesting against poor service delivery, or a dog caring for a human new-born. Implied in this is the ability of society to communicate and share information using various platforms and the capability of judging whether something is news or not. However, there are instances where stories are deliberately embellished and fake news is spread, and this calls for different interventions by society and those in leadership position to preserve public peace, morality, and health. Social media driven journalism has altered the news cycle and concept of deadlines in traditional news settings and mainstream media find themselves having to be on their toes to break news first, before their competitors in the mainstream media and not before audiences. Recognizing the importance of co-creating news with citizens, some mainstream media have added columns/portals where citizen journalists can send their breaking news, thereby harnessing the labor of citizens into their news production processes.

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Social media has seen a marked transformation of journalism and the birth of start-up news organizations that mix citizen journalism and professionalized journalistic styles where news is verified and professionally reported. Often, conflicting parties are treated fairly and objectively with a right of reply where applicable. Citizen journalism is rarely bounded by ethical codes, since most citizens do not have such training. There have been some attempts to remedy this through social media literacy training in some countries. However, many challenges persist, such as use of parodies, aliases, and the ability of citizens to switch on and off their social media presence when it suits them. Hence the dismissals of citizen journalism as ‘pseudo’ journalism ‘caught up in concerns around authenticity, credibility and controversy’ (Banda, 2010, 26), whereby strangers have encroached ‘into the space previously a preserve of trained journalists’ (Mpofu & Barnabas, 2016, 120). There is a growing tendency of calling out those who spread fake news, as ordinary people become more aware of strategies and sites where they can verify, and fact check news they receive from their networks on social media. In some instances, especially in dictatorships, there is a tendency by political leaders to come up with social media laws that not only prevent the spread of fake news but are so overreaching that they impede and throttle freedoms of expression and association. While communication that exposes the public to danger and causes alarm and despondency should be curtailed, it remains critical that social media be given a certain leeway as it is central to various aspects citizen participation in social, political, and economic spheres. Most media laws used in some African countries seem to be premised on politicians’ fear of the power that these means of communication potentially confer on the citizenry, because an informed citizen is an empowered citizen who is not easily gullible. Investigative journalism and exposure of corruption in countries such as Zimbabwe has mainly been through social media in recent years. Legislating against these as journalistic spaces limits the power of investigative journalism and likely facilitates the spread of corruption undeterred and undetected. This book looks at the appropriation of social media for journalistic purposes in Africa, what we regard as social media driven journalism. While several scholars have recently focused on this topic, these have been mostly in stand-alone journal articles and book chapters. This book attempts to make a sustained and wholistic focus on social media driven journalism by bringing together scholars from diverse backgrounds and looking at a wide range of case studies from across the continent. In this

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volume we cover, among others, the political economy of social media journalism, theoretical perspectives, start-ups, and country case studies. The book provides insights into the complexity of the appropriation and incorporation of social media into the traditional news media mix in African journalism. The main aim is to examine what, how, and to what extent social media is reconfiguring and restructuring journalistic practice as we know it. The blurring of social media and news media content requires a closer investigation. If social media is reconfiguring journalism as a craft, to what extent is this aiding or undermining the profession. The studies in this book employ a wide range of methodological approaches, country case studies, and theoretical paradigms to assess trends and opportunities associated with the increasingly pervasive use of social media. The book opts to promote a new conceptualization of a certain type of journalism which is specifically born of and thrives through the social media applications in present-day sub-Saharan Africa.

Social Media and Journalistic Reconfiguration in Africa Few scholars have looked at the concept of social media journalism. Bor (2014), for example, has looked at how journalism educators are integrating social media into their curricula ensuring that those who leave training institutions are trained in what he regards as social media journalism. One of the conclusions from Bor’s study is that institutions of higher learning should include emphasis on ethics, technical skills, and the potential for career development in their curriculum as a result of this brand on journalism. Adornato (2017), on the other hand, places much emphasis on the role technologies are playing in the journalistic sphere, arguing that the advent of social media has brought with it a more engaged audience who challenge news media to produce content that is more engaging, contrary to the days of passive audience. The engaged and active audience has also led to a rise in analytics-driven journalism, as news media are now tracking the impact of their content on an hourly basis, and in some instances being forced to tell stories audiences want to see or read. As already alluded to earlier, several scholars (Carlson, 2018; Hirst & Treadwell, 2011; Newman, 2009; Alejandro, 2010) have looked at the intersection of social media and traditional journalism practice. Carlson looked at the public’s responsibility in trending topics, while Hirst and

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Treadwell have focused more on updating journalism curricula to ensure it speaks to the changing dynamics. Notable, these studies are entirely from the West—with a few having been done in Africa. In Africa, specifically, only a handful of studies (Bosch, 2010, 2014; Mabweazara, 2014; Paterson, 2013; Mare, 2013) conducted on social media journalism have looked at issues of ethics, appropriation, emerging cultures, and the role of social media in journalism. The major departure for this study is its interdisciplinary approach, geographical spread, country case studies, and multiple approach. Social media has brought fundamental changes with far-reaching implications for the field of journalism and news making in ways that we cannot ignore (Harcup, 2011). The growing trend in people consuming news more on digital platforms than through the traditional ways has continued to manifest across the world, raising fears about the future of traditional media, which has been in decline in many places (Hedman & Djerf-Pierre, 2013). Beyond the debates as to whether citizens are journalists or not, one more critical issue has been that of regulation. How do we regulate citizen journalistic activities carried on social media without taking away the unmistakable contribution that comes with this, and what standards must mainstream news stick to when breaking news in this competitive news market environment? Again, what do we make of social media based journalistic start-ups? How are they redefining the field of journalism? Social media driven journalism invites us to rethink legal and ethical frameworks in the communicative field. Another important aspect that we need to consider given the circumstances is journalism training. Added to this, journalism is increasingly becoming data driven where human behaviors must be monitored for different ends (Mutsvairo et al., 2019; Joakim & Stavelin, 2014). Again, we need to continue questioning where social media will lead journalism and mainstream media (Alfred, 2013). In 2020, at the time of conceptualizing this research project, we saw how the coronavirus disrupted and even led to the closure of newspapers, as businesses across the board took a knock. But the digital media platforms remained relevant as a source of news. Mutsvairo warns us that we must think about the ‘reliability and expediency of news and content produced by non-­ professional actors in a technologically deterministic and fast transforming world of journalism’ (Mutsvairo, 2016, 1). Besides we also need to further question: are they going to help mainstream and traditional media survive? Are mainstream media going to stand the test of time (despite, as noted elsewhere, some mainstream media were affected by the global

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COVID-19 pandemic and closed)? These are the questions which continue to be foremost in most researchers’ minds and scientific research agendas (Ju et al., 2014).

Chapter Summaries This edited book focuses on the concept of social media journalism and new journalism ecologies in East and Southern Africa. The book addresses issues of use of social media for sourcing, ethics, participation, changing journalism landscape as a result of the advent and proliferation of social media use. The book demonstrates how new journalism ecologies have reconfigured journalistic practices in Africa. To ensure that the narratives follow a logical and coherent sequence, this volume has been arranged in a manner that ensures some coherence. The book is going to ask three critical questions wherein lay the main contribution to the phenomenon of social media journalism and the new journalism ecologies: (1) how has social media and new journalism ecologies reconfigured traditional journalism practice?; (2) what are the new forms of journalisms or journalisms that are being spurred by social media platforms and new journalism ecologies?; and (3) with examples, what are the technical, mechanical, ethical, and viability challenges imposed by the advent and wide use of social media and new journalism ecologies in traditional media setting? These questions will assist this volume in making three critical knowledge contribution in the following areas: (1) re-­looking and proposing new ways of looking at the question of ethics in light of social media driven journalism; (2) issues of viability of media operations especially political-economy questions with focus on sustainability; and, finally, (3) propose new conceptualization of social media driven journalism in the global south. This chapter focuses on the conceptualization of a certain type of journalism which is specifically born and thrives through social media applications in present-day sub-Saharan Africa. This introductory chapter theorizes social media driven journalism and new journalism ecologies, maps the changing structure of journalism, and looks at new forms of journalisms enabled by advent and wide use of social media applications. Chapter 2 speaks to the effects of new media technology on news production practices in Uganda. The findings indicate customized mobile apps at NTV Uganda have enhanced the production and delivery of news, whereby it is easy to edit, produce, and share news content with the

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producer. Chapter 3 deals with digital start-ups in Ethiopia carefully examining the structure of ownership, the nature of the staffing and the supply of content, and the business model these start-ups adopt, and how all these factors affect their proper functioning as professional journalistic organizations. The next five chapters located under the theme of newsmaking cultures look at how social media has reconfigured new production practices in Lesotho (Chap. 4). The study concludes that there are a myriad of patterns that have emerged on the adoption and use of social media in Lesotho newsrooms which are shaped by and reflect the complexities and contradictions relating to the localized appropriation of digital technologies in African newsrooms. Chapter 5 looks at how social media, as a variant of citizen journalism, is becoming an alternative public sphere to articulate issues of gendered-based violence in South Africa. Chapter 6 looks at the issue of female journalists’ harassment on the cybersphere with Zimbabwe being the case study. Chapter 7 investigates whether (and in what ways has) the decision by Malawi’s leading print newspapers, Times Group (Times) and Nation Publications Limited (NPL), to adopt the digital first strategy of news reporting helped the news organizations to remain relevant and competitive in the fast-paced digital world. Chapter 8 looks at how social media and other digital affordances enhance accountability by elites through social media exposé with Zimbabwe being the case study. Chapter 9 investigates why Namibian online-only newspapers decided to abandon the traditional newspaper product for online-only delivery. The study found that this new model was intended to reach out to and engage audiences who are now online and much more because of financial reasons as publishing a traditional product was becoming an unsustainable burden. Chapter 10, under Part II ‘Social Media, Funding Models and Participatory Cultures,’ investigates Tanzanian journalists’ attitude toward citizen journalism. The next part deals with social media and participatory cultures. Chapter 11, with a sharp focus on South Africa, explores how ordinary citizens, using social media, are able to monitor and point out journalists and journalistic works that do not serve the interests of ordinary reading and viewing public but the interests of the ‘factions’ within the ruling African National Congress (ANC) and country book opens with the role of indigenous language media in South Africa. Chapter 12 focuses on the survival strategies used by social media driven online news outlets in Zambia. Chapter 13 explores the prospects and threats presented by the

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digital age to the newspapers and radios that use African languages in South Africa. The last part of the book deals with ethical considerations around social media appropriation in the news media space. Chapter 14 focuses how Zimbabwe’s diasporic media has appropriated social media for its news production, dissemination, and sustainability purposes. Chapter 15 discusses the experience of a citizen journalism movement emerged in 2013 called Olho do Cidadão—‘Citizen’s Eye.’ The main findings are that the Citizen’s Eye represents an innovation in the way of informing and reporting about politics in Mozambique, although problems such as digital divide, ethics and professional deontology, and fact-checking persist. Chapter 16 analyzes visual news utilizing media and linguistics techniques to ascertain how visuals may help or hurt the aim of news transmission, especially in gory and emotionally charged circumstances as xenophobic news images on various news channels and social media.

References Adornato, A. (2017). Mobile and Social Media Journalism: A Practical Guide. CQ Press. Alejandro, J. (2010). Journalism in the Age of Social Media. Reuters Institute Fellowship Paper, 5. Allan, S. (2013). Citizen Witnessing: Revisioning Journalism in Times of Crisis. Polity Press. Andrews, P. (2003). Is Blogging Journalism? https://nieman.harvard.edu/articles/is-­blogging-­journalism/ Banda, F. (2010). Citizen Journalism and Democracy in Africa: An Exploratory Study. Highway Africa. Blood, R. (2004). A Few Thoughts on Journalism and What Can Weblogs Do About It. Rebecca’s Pocket, 15 April. Retrieved January 8, 2006, from http:// www.rebeccablood.net/essays/what_is_journalism.html Bor, S. E. (2014). Teaching Social Media Journalism: Challenges and Opportunities for Future Curriculum Design. Journalism & Mass Communication Educator, 69(3), 243–255. Bosch, T. (2014). Social Media and Community Radio Journalism in South Africa. Digital Journalism, 2(1), 29–43. Bruce, M., & Simon, C. (2012). Emerging Patterns and Trends in Citizen Journalism in Africa: The Case of Zimbabwe. Central European Journal of Communication, 5, 121–135. Burns, L. S. (2002). Understanding Journalism. Sage.

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Carlson, M. (2018). Facebook in the News: Social Media, Journalism, and Public Responsibility Following the 2016 Trending Topics Controversy. Digital Journalism, 6(1), 4–20. Conboy, M. (2010). The Paradoxes of Journalism History. Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television, 30(3), 411–420. Daly, C. (2005). Are Bloggers Journalists? Let’s ask Thomas Jefferson. https:// www.bu.edu/cdaly/whoisajournalist.html Flanagan, A. (2013). Defining ‘Journalism’ in the Age of Evolving Social Media: A Questionable EU Legal Test. International Journal of Law and Information Technology, 21(1), 1–30. Goode, L. (2009). Social News, Citizen Journalism and Democracy. New Media & Society, 11(8), 1287–1305. Harcup, T. (2011). Questioning the ‘Bleeding Obvious’: What’s the Point of Researching Journalism? Journalism, 13(1), 21–37. Hedman, U., & Djerf-Pierre, M. (2013). The Social Journalist: Embracing the Social Media Life or Creating a New Digital Divide? Digital Journalism, 1(3), 368–385. Hermida, A. (2013). #Journalism: Reconfiguring Journalism Research About Twitter One Tweet at a Time. Digital Journalism, 1(3), 295–313. Hirst, M., & Treadwell, G. (2011). Blogs Bother Me: Social Media, Journalism Students and the Curriculum. Journalism Practice, 5(4), 446–461. Ju, A., Jeong, S. H., & Chyi, H. I. (2014). Will Social Media Save Newspapers? Examining the Effectiveness of Facebook and Twitter as News Platforms. Journalism Practice, 8(1), 1–17. Karlsen, J., & Eirik, S. (2014). Computational Journalism in Norwegian Newsrooms. Journalism Practice, 8(1), 34–48. Klein, D. O., & Wueller, J. R. (2017). Internet Law. Lowrey, W., & Mackay, J. B. (2008). Journalism and Blogging: A Test of a Model of Occupational Competition. Journalism, 2(1), 64–81. Mabweazara, H. (2014). Zimbabwe’s Mainstream Press in the ‘Social Media Age’: Emerging Practices, Cultures and Normative Dilemmas. In H. M. Mabweazara, O.  F. Mudhai, & J.  Whittaker (Eds.), Online Journalism in Africa: Trends, Practices and Emerging Cultures (pp. 65–85). Routledge. Mare, A. (2013). A Complicated But Symbiotic Affair: The Relationship Between Mainstream Media and Social Media in the Coverage of Social Protests in Southern Africa. Ecquid Novi: African Journalism Studies, 34(1), 83–98. Moyo, D., Mare, A., & Matsilele, T. (2019). Analytics-Driven Journalism? Editorial Metrics and the Reconfiguration of Online News Production Practices in African Newsrooms. Digital Journalism, 7(4), 490–506. Mpofu, S. (2016). Participation, Citizen Journalism and the Contestations of Identity and National Symbols: A Case of Zimbabwe’s National Heroes and the Heroes’ Acre. African Journalism Studies, 37(3), 85–106.

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Mpofu, S., & Barnabas, S.  B. (2016). Citizen Journalism and Moral Panics: A Consideration of Ethics in the 2015 South African Xenophobic Attacks. African Journalism Studies, 37(4), 115–136. Mutsvairo, B. (Ed.). (2016). Participatory Politics and Citizen Journalism in a Networked Africa: A Connected Continent. Palgrave. Mutsvairo, B., Bebawi, S., & Borges-Rey, E. (Eds.). (2019). Data Journalism in the Global South. Palgrave. Newman, N. (2009) The Rise of Social Media and Its Impact on Mainstream Journalism. Ogan, C. L. (1980). Development Journalism/Communication: The Status of the Concept, (2009). Retrieved July 5, 2007. Paterson, C. (2013). Journalism and Social Media in the African Context. In Journalism and Social Media in Africa (pp. 1–6). Routledge. Rosen, J. (2006). The People Formerly Known as the Audience. Press Think. Singer, J. (2006). The Socially Responsible Existentialist—A Normative Emphasis for Journalists in a New Media Environment. Journalism Studies, 7(1), 2–18. Tshabangu, T. (2013). Development Journalism in Zimbabwe: Practice, Problems, and Prospects. Journal of Development and Communication Studies, 2(2–3), 312–328.

PART I

Newsmaking Cultures and Digital Media Innovations

CHAPTER 2

Mobile Digital Apps and News Production at NTV Uganda Antonio Kisembo Elisha and Fred Kakooza

Introduction The last two decades have been referred to as “the digital age” in relation to constant use of new gadgets, formats, and applications (ECLAC, 2022). This has been as a result of evolving technology, which has enabled innovation to become of intrinsic value to the growth and development of the media throughout the world (Cascio & Montealegre, 2016). Several studies have shown that innovations in communication and particularly the use of mobile technologies have drastically changed the landscape of journalism, and at the same time, the mediums have re-defined the relationship between the news media and the consumers (Wakoba, 2015). The impact of the new technology on journalism has been termed as the digital

A. K. Elisha Media Challenge Initiative, Kampala, Uganda F. Kakooza (*) Department of Journalism and Communication, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 T. Matsilele et al. (eds.), New Journalism Ecologies in East and Southern Africa, Palgrave Studies in Journalism and the Global South, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-23625-9_2

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revolution. This connotes to the evolution of the internet, the emergence of new forms of media, and the rise of online social networks which have reshaped the media landscape and turned news practice to a genre never imagined before (Alejandro, 2010). These are new frontiers for enriched news and information and, therefore, it is paramount for media organizations to mine this opportunity. New digital tools and device are growing exponentially that sometimes it appears to cause an excess of choices and opportunities that journalists and audience don’t know yet (Anderson et  al., 2015). This study shares experiences of how journalists at NTV Uganda have interacted with mobile digital tools in the production of news while highlighting the involvement of the audience in the same process of news production. To fully appreciate the relevance of mobile digital technology on journalism and the growth of news media in Africa, there must be a consideration of the continuous development of these technologies as embedded within the existing social, cultural, political, and economic environment (Mabweazara, 2009) within which journalism is practiced. For instance, the recent improvement in mobile communication technology has seen a great shift in television news production across board, making it is an intrinsic part of the news production process (Keirstead, 2004). The use of digital technologies especially the mobile phone has registered a significant growth in Africa and is fully integrated within the socio-economic spheres of life and livelihood (Enwefah, 2016). Within the journalism sphere, mobile digital technologies continue to provide news organizations with tools that have disrupted the newsroom structure through continuous innovation (Anderson et  al., 2015). These have created new possibilities and challenges for journalists in terms of packaging and delivery of news whereby media organizations are now challenged to be innovative and fit within the digital information age (Wilding et  al., 2018). This study highlights how news production at NTV Uganda has been disrupted using mobile digital innovations such as NTV Go, LiveU, and Octopus. It has been noted that mobile digital technologies have introduced changes in both news organizational structures and news production procedures to which journalists must adapt (Tong & Lo, 2017). These changes range from how news is gathered, produced, and packaged. News production remains a key focus for any media organization which makes it imperative to interrogate the interaction and relationship between mobile digital technologies and the production of news. Suffice to note is

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that due to digital transformations, the mobile phone has been used in the production of journalistic content, whereby news stories, photos, and videos can be produced or even published straight from the field by either the reporter or the citizen where the journalist is absent (Umair, 2016). At NTV Uganda, the mobile apps used in the production of news include NTV Go, Octopus, and LiveU.

Literature: Mobile Digital Technologies and News Production Technological innovations in the practice of journalism in Africa have been attributed to values or business models designed to streamline and enhance the production and consumption of journalistic information on the continent (Wilding et al., 2018). This encompasses among others the changes in techniques, technologies, processes, languages, formats, teams, devices, and applications. The processes of news making and publishing have now been altered by digital technologies and social media innovation, which has resulted into more avenues for news reporting and information sharing, news consumption, production, and delivery among the population (Karlsen & Aalberg, 2021). For a long time, news production had been defined as a generic in-house process that includes five stages––access and observation of content, selection and filtering, processing and editing, distribution, and interpretation (Hanitzsch & Hoxha, 2014). Although these five distinct stages provide inroads into examining the integration of mobile digital technologies in the production of news, they leave out the citizen reporter and their craft in the modern times. This study interrogates how citizens are involved in the production of news at NTV Uganda The advancement in mobile digital technology is changing the way journalists are reporting live news and stories (Umair, 2016). The use of smartphones in news production has increased the speed and capacity for reporters to share content much quicker than before in the form of video, pictures, text, and any other content (Wilding et al., 2018). This means that mobile digital technologies have given journalists new tools that have changed newsroom processes. Some of the current practices that have been influenced by the adoption of mobile digital technology include newsgathering and production, news reporting, citizen reporting, and lastly publishing (Pavlik, 2008). This means that journalists in the field can record interviews, take pictures, and transfer files to the newsroom

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instantly, thus producing and processing news at top speed. Therefore, mobile digital technologies have enabled reporters and citizen journalists to file stories, edit and communicate with their producers and fellow journalists, and contact sources in a timely manner. As argued by Jamil and Adjei (2019), reporters now use the smartphone to write copy, edit photographs, and record audio or video with wireless internet connectivity. With this, reporters are now able to share multi-media reports with the editor for timely review or publication. Further, mobile digital technologies have been used to find, search, or receive information with relative ease. Therefore, for news production, mobile digital technologies have been used for live reporting and multi-­ media reporting. News organizations are now able to practice multi-media journalism, with journalists ready to trade off new capabilities offered by digital technology to improve the efficiency in news reporting and production (Saltzis & Dickinson, 2008). For instance, at the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), mobile digital technology allows “journalists and editors to access material by immediately logging in to use all the BBC digital platforms” (Fenton, 2009). This integration of digital media and the multi-media functionality eases the production of news. The convergence of digital technologies has ushered in new ways of storytelling to allow for immediate publishing and engagement with the viewers. This is an opportunity for the audience to react or shape content of the story and even supply the content themselves (Kawamoto, 2003). This transformation in the practice of journalism has encouraged the emergence of new actors and citizen journalists who can report a story from anywhere using digital devices (Umair, 2016). Mobile phones among other things provide audiences with “the freedom to choose what they want to read, view, and listen to” and also a chance to have “the tools to produce, post, and share content” (Sundet & Ytreberg, 2009). This is also evident in Uganda with the NTV Go app that allows members of the public to share breaking stories with the news team at NTV Uganda. Although mobile digital technologies continue to change news production practices, they have stripped reporters of the news custodian role whereby citizen reporters (community journalists) often beat the media organizations on breaking and developing news stories (Umair, 2016) which has been perceived as a threat to journalism. Despite this criticism, new media technologies are credited for many changes in journalism including the reduction in the cost of news dissemination and new possibilities for

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researching and capturing newsworthy material (Lee-Wright et al., 2011), as well as the involvement of citizens in news making.

Digital Technologies and Citizen Journalism Mobile digital technologies have challenged news making and journalism in different ways such as the way journalists do their job, nature of news content, structure and organization of the newsroom, and the nature of relationships between and among news organizations, journalists, and their many publics (Preston, 2008). The media world is now beset by an unprecedented range of professional opportunities and challenges because the process of news gathering has got on itself the uninvited guest—the audience as citizen journalists (Howard, 2019). Citizen journalism is a form of journalism that is produced by non-professionals using tools like mobile phones, computers, audio recorders, or even mere pen and paper (Lang, 2010). It may take the form of texts, images, videos, and audios. According to Allan (2013), citizen journalism is considered when an individual practically does the “job” of what professional reporters—journalists—do by reporting information. According to Rosen (2008) citizen journalism is a phenomenon in which citizens become contributors to the media, using many different forms of distributing information. The use of mobile digital devices by media professionals has transformed many aspects of news gathering, reporting, and dissemination (Sueres, 2016). The news consumer is also the producer of the information content. The audience using various press tools they possess in order to inform one another (Rosen, 2008). Mobile digital devices, social media, and citizen journalism have become commonplace in newsroom settings, resulting in faster growth of news reporting software applications (apps). Numerous apps are now available to support the citizen journalists and the production of news through multiple media functions such as collecting information, reporting, and dissemination (Xu, 2019). This has significantly increased access to news, support better news coverage, and improved news dissemination. To ascertain the growing importance of mobile digital technologies in news production, Nacos (2008) observed that news organizations are constantly calling upon people in communities to share phone recordings and photographs in case of catastrophic news stories and other events. Citizen journalism is not new to journalism although it has weakened the role and power of the journalist over the audience (Hughes, 2011). How mobile

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digital technologies have affected news production in media organizations is a subject of interest in contemporary media scholarship globally as reinforced by the foregoing literature. Therefore, a study on the integration of mobile digital technology on news production at NTV Uganda provides insight on how these technologies have been utilized in a local context.

Digital Technologies at NTV Uganda NTV Uganda is owned by the Nation Media Group operating in East Africa and has been on air since 2006 (Committee for the Protection of Journalists, 2007). The station is popular with its news programming that comprises NTV Akawungeezi (vernacular news), NTV at One, NTV tonight, and NTV Weekend Edition. Of these, NTV Akawungeezi and NTV tonight have the highest audience share at 18% in comparison to other television stations (McCrocklin, 2020) NTV Uganda leads television audience ranking in Uganda with 17% audience share (Stoll, 2021). NTV Uganda employs mobile digital technologies to produce news through the NTV Go, LiveU, and Octopus applications (apps). The use of these digital innovations in news production has been triggered by the growth of the internet and mobile phone usage in Uganda. In Uganda, internet penetration stands at 42% with up to 19 million Ugandans now connected to the internet, out of an estimated population total of 44.5 million people (Kanaabi, 2020). This percentage (42%) of the total population that has access to the internet has been boasted by mobile phone penetration. According to a 2018 survey report by the National Information Technology Authority, 70.9% of people in Uganda own a mobile phone, while 15.8% have smartphones. The smartphone is growing as a preferred device for accessing and disseminating information in Uganda (Kibuacha, 2021). The rapid diffusion of smartphones and the increasing popularity of mobile applications (apps) are an enticement for digital content producers to capitalize on the “apps” phenomena. For example, the NTV Go mobile app has been used in accessing and disseminating information while engaging with the audience as direct participants in the making and consumption of news. The NTV Go app is an innovative digital product developed by the NTV ideas lab to improve how news is collected and disseminated, while engaging with the audience in the production of news (Wakoba, 2015). The NTV Go app has over 100,000 downloads with a four-star rank (Google Commerce Ltd, 2020). This app was designed to enable users to

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engage and contribute content with their smartphones. The NTV Go app has a text box for writing story text and a section that lets you capture or upload a video or audio of what you think will make the news (Muhinda, 2015). In addition, the LiveU app is used to stream live videos and offers a portable solution for live video production. The LiveU app is integrated with advanced technology that enables reporters to relay news as it happens from their smartphones. On the other hand, the Octopus software provides an automation system that helps in processing text, audio, and video that is shared easily with the producer for on-air delivery. These tools make it possible for the editor, reporter, and newscaster to access any story in real-time.

Theoretical Framing Theorizing the integration between mobile digital technology and news production at NTV Uganda can best be appreciated through the diffusion of innovations (DI) theory developed by Everett Rogers in 1962. This theory addresses how new technologies and practices are introduced and adopted by actors within social systems. According to Rogers an innovation is communicated through certain channels over time and among the members of a social system (Orr, 2003). The theory recognizes that adoption of technological innovations takes time which is important in examining user experiences with these innovations as is the case with NTV Uganda news staff. New technologies develop in dynamic environments where users, designers, manufacturers, investors, regulators, distributors, and others work out their interrelated and competing interests, cultural assumptions, desires, and visions (Garrison & Akyol, 2009). In this process, the adoption of technologies occurs in five stages: exposure to or knowledge of the new innovation; persuasion—the formulation of attitudes, either positive or negative, about the innovation; decision of either adoption or rejection; use; and the confirmation stage (Rogers, 1995), where the adoption-decision is evaluated and either reinforced or reversed. These five stages of the adoption of technology are critical for this study on the integration of mobile digital technology in news production, as they illustrate possibilities at different levels of how technology can be adopted and used. For most individuals, whom Rogers calls members of a social system, the decision to adopt or reject an innovation depends heavily on the adoption decision made by fellow members of their social system

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(Rogers, 1995). For NTV Uganda, members of the social system include those who interact within the newsroom and the news production process. Rogers (1995) classified the individuals of a social system into five groups based on their attitudes toward innovation: innovators, earlier adopters, earlier majority, late majority, and laggards. The early adopters’ category mainly includes individuals that have the highest degree of opinion leadership in a social system and are therefore more likely to influence the adoption of a new idea (Orr, 2003). Mobile digital technologies incorporate not just devices, but the practices, knowledge, and social arrangements that surround them (Garrison & Akyol, 2009). Moreover, an examination of technological innovations must consider how their diffusion is intended to unfold, how it occurs, and its place in the process of technical construction to adoption (Boczkowski, 2005). However, the theory denotes that it is difficult to measure complete adoption or rejection because adoption is a continuous process but provides a framework for this study to examine how mobile digital technologies (NTV Go, LiveU, and Octopus app) have facilitated news production at NTV Uganda. The theory offers an understanding of user experiences at different levels of technology use.

Methodology Research methodology guides the techniques of data collection and forms of data analysis in the planning and execution of a given study (Silverman, 2013). A case study research design was adopted to get experiences of news reporters, news editors, and managers on mobile digital technologies in news production. The case study design was used to set questions to be answered, so that a set of conclusions is derived from these questions (Neergaard & Ulhøi, 2007). In order to obtain information that was relevant to the study, the researcher employed the qualitative approach through in-depth interviews where the aim was to invite informants for a lengthy discussion on matters that are broadly relevant to the research (Hammersley, 2013). The qualitative approach enables inquiry in natural surroundings and tries to capture the normal flow of events (Doyle & Frith, 2006) in detail based on verbal forms of analysis (Hammersley, 2013). This was achieved through the case study design since it facilitates applicability to real-life, contemporary, human situations and its public accessibility through written reports. Findings from the case study relate

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directly to the common reader’s everyday experience and facilitate an understanding of complex real-life situations (Simons, 2009). In employing in-depth interviewing, thorough individual discussions were held with a small number of respondents to explore their perspectives (Rubin & Rubin, 2005) on the integration of mobile apps at NTV Uganda. During the sessions, the respondents were asked to outline how mobile apps have affected the news production process. The respondents included reporters, editors, news anchors, and news producers who were engaged on their experiences and views on the use of mobile digital technologies and how it has affected the process of news gathering, processing, and delivery at NTV Uganda. This purposively selected sample comprised six news reporters/editors, two news producers, one news manager, and one news anchor. These respondents were purposively sampled because they are directly involved in using mobile digital technologies in news production. An interview guide lists the topics or questions you want to raise during the in-depth interviews (Gray et al., 2020). An interview guide for each category of respondents was designed to enlist different sets of data in relation to the research question on the use of digital mobile technologies in news production at NTV Uganda. Interviews were recorded to enable their transcription into text for analysis (Bhattacherjee, 2012). These responses were analyzed to establish similarities and differences with a key focus on establishing themes presented as findings.

Findings Mobile Digital Technology and Citizen Journalism at NTV Uganda NTV has over the years buffered its news production process through the adoption of various technologies and acquisition of mobile digital software. For instance, the station introduced the NTV Go application (NTV Go app) in its quest to make news production participatory, whereby citizens of Uganda can participate in the news making and production process through citizen reporting. The introduction of the app was to bolster citizen journalism in the era of social media where almost everyone is a journalist in communities where they live. As one respondent alluded, “It was a way of interacting with the community and make them feel part of the newsroom through their contribution of stories in their communities”

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(R1). Using the NTV Go app, citizen journalists do send in videos of about 2–3 minutes of newsworthy issues in their communities. Sometimes viewers contribute videos that may be used in the bulletin especially for instant stories like accidents, because as a reporter you may not be in that particular area at that time so someone has a smartphone and they can take pictures and send instantly. (R2)

Based on these submissions, reporters/editors reach out to them (citizens) for extra detail to fit the editorial policy of the station. The NTV Go app has been used for information gathering and sharing in the fastest way possible. The application has proved that technology is the engine of new journalism whereby the NTV Go app has been relied on to break the station’s big stories (R3). The NTV Go app is visibly one way of engaging the public in a participatory approach. However, to ensure that content is authentic, gate keeping is done before any pictures are used. It calls for checking the sources in the story and the source’s intention. One of the key things we do to ensure that we remain authentic is attribution. We tell the audience, for example, that you can get shaky pictures, or not of the quality you want but you have no option, you have to run it on air, so you have to attribute saying ‘amateur video or phone pictures’ so that the audience doesn’t hold you fully accountable for anything bad that can happen on-air. (R4)

With this app, NTV Uganda gets instant feedback from people on the stories aired and their opinion about news bulletin, including its errors and omissions on the issues around them and their community. Since its introduction, “people don’t have time to go home and watch the news at 7 or 9 but they can be in a taxi or at their workplaces and watch the news and send live feedback as the cast goes on” (R1). This has enabled the station to keep ahead of the competition by bringing its audience closer, thereby building trust and a cordial relationship with the public (R5) in a bid to stay relevant within the mobile digital technologies’ environment.

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Navigating Mobile Digital Technology and News Production at NTV Uganda With the NTV Go app, reporters can work remotely on assignments in distant places by sending video clips to the news producer to ensure that the submitted video clips are well edited to accurately tell the story. The outcomes of this innovation have informed NTV Uganda’s decision to invest in related newsgathering digital technologies and software. The station has now acquired LiveU and Octopus to supplement the NTV Go app in the gathering, production, and delivery of news. Reporters at NTV Uganda have used LiveU to stream videos live from their field assignment without using a broadcasting van as the case was with traditional television production. In so doing, reporters are on some occasions able to connect communities to the newsroom (and sometimes on-air) to share with the world the issues that affect them. Octopus is used in producing news where reporters can write their scripts and send them to producers for feedback in real-time. The station has relied on this concept to create a network server for proper news management and accountability whereby one can trace stories that they have done through the year. The station has facilitated its news team with mobile digital equipment as smartphones to enhance the use of technology and speed up the news production process. The smartphone technology has been an extra blessing, that even without a camera you can record. With applications like WhatsApp, you can create a common network group that you can use to share views and information. Mobile digital technologies supplement the station software and gadgets and have thus complimented my work. I can deliver a story in the shortest time possible. (R6)

Additionally, the LiveU platform has helped reporters to sync with the real live view of the broadcast which helps to transmit live videos to the studio. The use of this technology makes it easy for reporters to work easily because of their portability and effectiveness because this app can be downloaded on the phone and journalists can connect to it from anywhere. NTV Uganda has shown a significant shift in news gathering and how journalists have quickly made adjustments to meet the mobile digital technology demands in order to live up to the changing times. The changing media technology environment dictates that NTV Uganda must keep at par with this wind of change. The current mobile apps have for instance improved the reporters’ skills in mobile digital

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reporting and mobile content creation, yet the innovators had only looked at the NTV Go app as a tool to raise awareness and encourage citizen participation in reporting news. When the new technology was introduced, reporters challenged themselves to learn how to use it on the job and went on gaining experience with time. However, with the introduction of new mobile digital technologies, NTV Uganda had to conduct in-house training on how to use the apps. (R5)

Furthermore, the station introduced related measures to encourage reporters to use other social media tools like Facebook, Twitter, and WhatsApp to share newsworthy video clips. This has enabled fast delivery of news. The introduction of this technology has not disrupted the news reporting roles but has created more avenues for effective and efficient news production. Mobile apps have largely had a positive impact on news production at NTV Uganda. For instance, it has connected reporters to communities and communities to the television station. It has also eased the art of news reporting and facilitated reporters to file stories in a timely and efficient manner while in the field. One respondent observed that they do not have to necessarily run back to the station to start editing stories. The adoption of digital technology, particularly the NTV Go app, has disrupted the traditional news production process where reporters were the custodians of news gathering and dissemination. Much as the reporters remain the lead actors of the process, the audience is now involved in making their own stories and how they want to be portrayed to the world outside their communities. NTV Uganda has set up general standards to ensure that fact-­ checking procedures apply to all stories shared through the NTV Go app. Reporters are now assigned the role of fact-checking videos from citizen reporters and polishing them to meet the NTV Uganda editorial policy and programming which has demystified the role of editors as in-house gate keepers yet facilitating multi-tasking at the station. The adoption of mobile apps at NTV Uganda comes with a challenge of establishing the authenticity of content. In maintaining its editorial standards “veracity and accuracy in reporting are an integral part of the editorial policy and editors will only publish stories that they believe to be true, fair and accurate” (R7). NTV has now expanded its budget to create special desk editors to handle online content. This was not the case before the introduction of mobile apps. Mobile digital technologies have,

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however, disrupted the newsroom structure in that reporters are now required to compile stories from the field and have a good online presence through Facebook, WhatsApp, and Twitter which is quite challenging. However, mobile digital technologies have successfully revitalized journalism at NTV, leading to significant improvement in individual performance of journalists and the station. It has strengthened news production to match technological trends, and the inclusion of communities where the news comes from. This is a significant asset in the news production chain. Experiences of Mobile Digital Technology Adoption at NTV Uganda According to Pavlik (2008), mobile digital technologies have given journalists new tools which have changed newsroom processes. The introduction of mobile digital innovations in the NTV newsroom had the aim of ensuring effectiveness, efficiency, and citizen participation in news production. There was also a desire from NTV Uganda management to stay relevant with the current technology to improve and support current practices. All the newsroom staff were encouraged by management to learn how to use the new technologies, leading to the realization that mobile digital technologies like LiveU and Octopus were much better than the manual system previously used in the news production. If the innovation is compatible with existing knowledge and experiences of newsroom staff, they are likely to adopt it. It was established that NTV Go, LiveU, and Octopus did not alter the daily routines of news reporters but rather provided them with a seamless platform for producing news scripts and sharing video content. A respondent denotes: [T]he new technology introduced in the newsroom has not affected my competence but the only effect is that it’s demanding, you have to do a story within little time and a decision has to be taken, you have few seconds to record your video. (R4)

NTV Uganda’s approach of introducing technology in the newsroom fits into Rogers’ perspective on “attitude formation and change” on the part of the individual (Rogers, 2003). If all individuals form a positive attitude toward an innovation, they are more likely to adopt it. When mobile technologies were introduced at NTV Uganda, “journalists had to accept it and started learning on the job to explore how the new

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technology works” (R1). When Octopus was introduced in the newsroom, reporters noted that it did not just provide a similar experience with the existing technology but also improved work output (R8). The introduction of the new technology and its acceptance in the newsroom indicates that “any innovation in the newsroom that is meant to improve work effectiveness and efficiency of the staff should be quickly adopted for the professional growth of reporters” (R1). This implies that mobile digital technologies become part and parcel of a progressive news outlet only if the results of a selected innovation can be discovered to cause a straightforward diffusion to affect the rate of adoption (Rogers, 2003). The acceptance and use of mobile digital technologies at NTV Uganda were as a result of tangible visible benefits to news production. Based on how the NTV Go app was used to report important stories, the news producer at NTV Uganda recalls a memorable video story shot by a citizen journalist standing on top of a building. The video depicted an incident in which a police truck following Dr. Kiiza Besigye1 along Gayaza Road intentionally knocked down a man. This video “caused a lot of heated debate about the conduct of the Police force” (R5). Despite such gains, the introduction of mobile digital technology at NTV Uganda has had some challenges. For instance, the main purpose of introducing the NTV Go App was to allow “participation by the ‘citizen’—through citizen reporting since the television station had gone mobile” (R5). However, this has presented a challenge of ascertaining the authenticity of the content and debasing the role of reporters as earlier discussed. This has created “more work for the reporters outside their known duties and is now required to multi-task” (R4). Furthermore, there were concerns over the quality of videos obtained through the NTV Go app; the station has in place a gate-keeping mechanism and attributes the video as amateur video or phone camera footage to maintain the reporting standards of the station.

Discussion As observed at NTV Uganda, adoption of mobile digital technologies in the newsroom was a deliberate effort of the media organization to tap into the opportunities that these technologies offer to news production. This 1  Dr. Kiiza Besigye is an opposition political activist of the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) party.

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validates an observation by Preston (2008) that the appropriation of technology into newsrooms requires managerial strategies to be able to handle the multiple changes that the new technology may cause in the media organizations. When mobile apps were introduced at NTV Uganda, reporters challenged themselves to learn how to use this technology on the job and thus gained experience over time. Reporters now plan their stories based on the new digital tools to bolster news production. This kind of attitude by the newsroom staff supports Rogers’ suggestion that individuals “tend to expose themselves to ideas that are in accordance with their interests, needs and existing attitudes” (Rogers, 2003). The respondents noted that the innovation of digital mobile technology has enhanced and supported their work output. Further, the role of the editor has also been demystified, whereby reporters have now taken on the fact-checking of videos from citizen reporters and polishing them to meet the NTV Uganda editorial policy. Any reporter can now be assigned to do story follow-ups and edits which has boosted multi-tasking in the newsroom. This has thus enabled the timely sharing of news stories with the production team resulting into more avenues for effective and efficient news production. Mobile apps have thus disrupted the traditional news production process in that the audience is now able to file stories from their communities but also influence how they are portrayed to the world outside their communities. From the NTV Uganda experience, citizen journalism is a gem that media outlets had left unmined. This resonates with what Sundet (2017) noted that the importance of digital technologies does not all apply to avenues of improving efficiency in accessing information but also producing content. Newsroom staff at NTV Uganda noted that they no longer must come back to the station to work on the story. They can now work on their stories and send them or relay information live from the field. They were also excited that the news scripting system (Octopus) made it easy to share news stories through a network with editors, who in return provide feedback. Due to digitalization and complexification of data communication networks the practice of journalism is going through a restructuring process (Aguado, 2015). This implies that there is need for media organizations to continuously bring all their reporters on board with new technologies. This explains why the newsroom staff at NTV Uganda were trained in the use of mobile apps to improve performance and efficiency. Key staff who were trained in the use of NTV Go, LiveU, and Octopus apps trained

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other news staff in the usage of these applications. This process of knowledge transfer is presented as the adopter’s category in the diffusion process. Innovations are not adopted by all individuals at the same time in a social set up (Orr, 2003); instead, the adoption happens in a phased manner. In the adoption of innovations, more observable results will attract even skeptics to take up an innovation; however, where one cannot easily see the evidence, it is deemed that the rate of adoption is slow (Rogers, 2003). The study established that staff in editorial positions influenced the training of key staff as a critical mass for the adoption of mobile digital technology. As highlighted by Rogers (1995), the editorial staff represents the category of early adopters with the highest degree of opinion leadership in a social system to influence the adoption of a new idea (Orr, 2003). The mobile apps at NTV Uganda (NTV Go, LiveU, and Octopus) represent a newsroom automation system as described by Haim and Graefe (2017) to reflect a dynamic, collaborative, and integrated work environment. Within this structure, news journalists, photographers, producers, directors, copy runners, and other support staff run their entire news creation, production, and newscast enterprise. This chain of activities is evidence of how results of a selected innovation can be discovered by others, hence straightforward diffusion (Rogers, 1995). Mobile digital technologies have given journalists new tools that are in tandem with the current newsroom processes and practices (Pavlik, 2008). The introduction of the NTV Go, LiveU, and Octopus apps at NTV Uganda had the aim of ensuring effectiveness, efficiency, and citizen participation in news production while keeping abreast with the current technology.

Conclusion Newsrooms have now adopted new approaches to news gathering, delivery, and production with audience participation as a key factor in the production of news. The adoption of technology has disrupted the traditional news production process and changed how journalists gather and produce news. The internet, for example, allows journalists to access and produce information across different news platforms. Reporters are now required to multitask—edit video, audio, and be up to date with the new technology including use other social media tools like Facebook, Twitter, and WhatsApp to share video clips. Within these changing roles of news gathering is the speed of news and information delivery, yet the accuracy of information delivered through mobile digital technology remains a big

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challenge. The findings of the study show that NTV Uganda has several mobile digital technologies that are used in news production to ensure that there is efficiency and effectiveness in news production. This study also established that the availability of mobile digital technology has made news gathering and reporting not only possible but also quick and easy. There is generally a positive feeling among reporters at NTV Uganda about the use and adoption of the new technologies. There are still challenges with the quality of videos shared, high costs of digital devices, and poor internet connection, which limit community participation in the news production. The focus of this study was to examine how mobile digital technologies have affected news production at a media organization. The experiences shared are within such a setting. The study recognizes the growing participation of citizen journalists engaging in the news production process through the NTV Go app which points to new areas of inquiry into audience user experiences with mobile digital technology attached to media organizations.

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Rogers, E. M. (2003). Diffusion of Innovations. New York: Free Press. Rosen, J. (2008). A Most Useful Definition of Citizen Journalism. Pressthink.org. http://archive.pressthink.org/2008/07/14/a_most_useful_d.html Rubin, H. J., & Rubin, I. S. (2005). Qualitative Interviewing: The Art of Hearing Data (2nd ed.). Sage. Saltzis, K., & Dickinson, D.  D. (2008). Inside the Changing Newsroom: Journalists’ Responses to Media Convergence. ASLIB Proceedings, 60(3). https://doi.org/10.1108/00012530810879097 Silverman, D. (2013). Doing Qualitative Research: A Practical Handbook. SAGE Publications. Simons, H. (2009). Case Study Research in Practice. Sage. https://doi. org/10.4135/9781446268322 Stoll, J. (2021). Audience Share of Television Stations in Uganda in 3rd Quarter 2017. https://www.statista.com/statistics/909449/uganda-­tv-­stations-­ audience-­share/ Sueres, J. (2016). The Impact of Digital Technologies on the Gathering, Production and Dissemination of News. University of Salford. https://medium.com/ international-­online-­journalism/the-­impact-­of-­digital-­technologies-­on-­the­gathering-­production-­and-­dissemination-­of-­news-­7b22142af26e Sundet, V.  S., & Ytreberg, E. (2009). Working Notions of Active Audiences: Further Research on the Active Participant in Convergent Media Industries. Convergence, 15(4), 383–390. https://doi.org/10.1177/1354856509342339 Tong, J., & Lo, S. H. (2017). Digital Technology and Journalism: An International Comparative Perspective (1st ed.). Palgrave. Umair, S. (2016). Mobile Reporting and Journalism for Media Trends, News Transmission and its Authenticity. Mass Communicat Journalism, 6(323), 6. https://doi.org/10.4172/2165-­7912.1000323 Wakoba, S. (2015). Introducing Creative DNA’s NTV Go Mobile App. https:// techmoran.com/2014/11/11/introducing-­creativednas-­ntv-­go-­mobile-­app/ Wilding, D., Fray, P.  S., Molitorisz, S., & McKewon, E. (2018). The Impact of Digital Platforms on News and Journalistic Content. University of Technology Sydney. Xu, X. (2019). Impacts of Mobile Use and Experience on Contemporary Society. IGI Global.

CHAPTER 3

Urban Commercial Radio and the Making of Apolitical Youth: Ethiopia in Focus Abdissa Zerai, Getachew Dinku, and Desalegn Aynalem

Introduction Following the new democratic political dispensation that had ushered in with the coming to power of the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) in 1991, the political and communicative spheres began to liberalize for the first time in modern Ethiopian history. In the communicative sphere in particular, the transitional government nullified the existing pre-censorship laws and duly recognized citizens’ right to freedom of expression and freedom of the press in 1992, and further codified such rights in the 1995 constitution (Abdissa & Fitih, 2018). The new found political and communicative freedom gave birth to the proliferation of commercial press. Contrary to the constitutional stipulation, however, the new government fiercely resisted the liberalization of the broadcast media, and this sector effectively remained under the government monopoly until 2007. Pressured by both internal and external political dynamics, in 2007 the

A. Zerai (*) • G. Dinku • D. Aynalem Addis Ababa University, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 T. Matsilele et al. (eds.), New Journalism Ecologies in East and Southern Africa, Palgrave Studies in Journalism and the Global South, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-23625-9_3

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EPRDF decided to award a couple of commercial FM radio licenses to a carefully selected pro-government entities in view of ensuring that they played system support roles. Such pattern of slow and selective awarding of commercial FM radio licenses continued until after the 2015 national election. Soon after the ruling party declared electoral victory by claiming to have won almost all the parliamentary seats, violent public protests erupted in various parts of the country, especially in the Oromia and Amhara regional states—the two largest regional states in the Federation. Following the ever-growing intensity of the violent protests that went on for more than two years, the-then Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn resigned in February 2018  in view of ending the ongoing unrest and political upheaval and thereby allowing a room for politico-economic reform. Following the resignation of Prime Minister Hailemariam, Abiy Ahmed became the new prime minister in April 2018 with a raised hope that his government would take the necessary measures to reform the already decadent system. Dubbed as the reform team, Prime Minister Abiy’s new government embarked on a series of reforms in the early stages of his government’s tenure. One of Abiy’s reform endeavors praised by many was the liberalization measure his administration took in the communicative sphere. Soon after he assumed power, his government passed decisions to unblock hundreds of diaspora-based websites, blogs, portals, satellite TV, and radio channels that had been blocked or jammed by the EPRDF. He allowed diaspora-based political dissidents, opposition political parties, exilees, journalists, activists, and media organizations to return home and legally operate in the country. On the domestic front, Abiy’s government stepped up issuing licenses for commercial FM radio stations and started issuing licenses for operating commercial television stations. In recognition of such transformations in the politico-communicative spheres brought about by the new government, UNESCO decided to host the 26th edition of World Press Freedom Day in the Ethiopian capital in 2019. Unfortunately, however, the new government has not been able to maintain the initial reform momentum owing to internal and external political dynamics. As a result, the process has ebbed and flowed with varying intensity over the last four or five years. Despite such setbacks, however, there is no denying the fact that since Abiy’s government assumed power, encouraging changes have taken place in the media and

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communicative sphere. As a result, commercial broadcasting stations have expanded. Such expansion includes the commercial radio sector. For instance, so far about ten commercial FM radio stations have gone operational. Owing to various reasons, almost all these stations are located in the capital city—the largest city in the country—and they have been able to attract significant audience on a regular basis. As is known, Ethiopia is a country of more than 115 million inhabitants, of which close to 70% is below the age of thirty. This indicates how most of the population is constituted by youth. However, significant proportion of the youth resides in rural areas as only about 20% of the Ethiopian people reside in urban areas. Due to technological and educational divide, urban youth is technologically savvier and politically more sophisticated than its rural counterpart. And one would naturally assume that the urban youth would be the natural constituent for the urban-based media in terms of active participation and civic engagement. But looking at the trend over the last four to five years, political activism and civic engagement in the form of demanding political change and respect for rights has largely been the domain of the youth of rural origin. On the other hand, the urban youth, especially the youth in the capital city, tend to be politically inactive and docile although almost all the commercial radio stations are based in the capital city. There is paucity of serious research work undertaken in order to account for such situations, and this chapter is an attempt to fill this gap. Through the theoretical lens of political economy and public sphere, the chapter investigates the production and consumption of commercial radio contents, the ownership structure of commercial radio stations, and the regulatory structure of commercial broadcast media. To this end, the study set out to address the following specific research questions: • What type of content produced by the urban commercial radio stations is most appealing to the Ethiopian Urban youth? • How do ownership structure and profit imperatives of the broadcast media influence the nature of content produced by the urban commercial radio stations in Ethiopia? • How do the licensing and regulatory frameworks of the broadcast media affect the nature of content produced by the urban commercial radio stations in Ethiopia?

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Methodology In order to gain a better insight into the radio content consumption pattern and political participation and civic (dis)engagement of the urban youth in Ethiopia, the study employed a qualitative method. So as to gather a qualitative data, semi-structured interviews were conducted from August 2021 to September 2022, with fifteen active radio listeners (ten male and five female) and nine key informants (eight male and one female) who held important decision making positions with respect to the contents of the five commercial radio stations selected for a closer examination. The study participants on the radio content production side included media managers, heads of news and programs departments, chief-editors, and senior editors. Out of the total ten commercial radio stations currently operating in Ethiopia, five (50%) stations that have been on air for a minimum of five years at the time of data collection were purposively selected by the researchers. These were Ahadu Radio, Awash Radio, Bisrat Radio, Ethio FM, and Sheger FM. Two FM stations (Arada and Afrihealth) were excluded from this study because they were both older than five years. The other three (Fana FM, Walta Radio, and Tsedey FM) were dropped because of their party/government affiliation. In the context of this study, an active radio listener is understood as someone who was identified by the radio personnel as a regular listener of at least one regular radio show where he/she participates on phone-in sessions to the extent of being recognized by program producers at the five commercial radio stations in focus and by their respective listeners. From the list of six active radio listeners provided by each radio station, the researchers selected the young ones that fell in the age bracket of 18–30 years. The short-listed subjects had to be residents of Addis Ababa city who have lived in the city for at least five years. A total of nineteen potential candidates who met the selection criteria were contacted through phone and were requested to participate in the study after the purpose was thoroughly explained to them. Fifteen of them agreed to be interviewed. Interviews were conducted face-to-face at private places of participants’ choice and each interview lasted approximately 40 minutes. Answers were recorded by a digital voice recorder with participants’ consent. Data were transcribed verbatim and coded using ATLAS ti version 22 software. The major themes were interpreted qualitatively and presented under the three research questions that guided the study. The audio and transcribed data

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were kept carefully with the researchers alone, with all confidentiality protocols observed. In the report, the original names and positions of the study participants were used because they agreed to be identified by their names. Additionally, documents pertaining to the profile and ownership structure of each radio station, and government licensing conditions were sought from the Ethiopian Media Authority (EMA), the government body that is mandated with regulating all electronic media in Ethiopia.

Literature Review Urban Youth and Commercial Radio: The Unmet Promise The youth generation also referred to as the Millennials in the industrial West and their urban counterparts in the developing world are often believed to be well positioned in terms of being able to actively participate in politics and other issues of vital national importance, given the educational and technological opportunities they enjoy compared to their elders. In comparison to their predecessors, the Millennials live in a media-­ saturated world of cities. And the media have a vital role in nurturing cosmopolitan openness within everyday rituals and practices. The media can endow people with the necessary skills and predispositions to develop the cosmopolitan outlook by the mobilities they offer—these include mobility of information and images, as well as mobility of people, through real and virtual travel. Media and communication technologies help to inhabit the world from a distance by encouraging the formation of new virtual imaginaries and symbolic geographies (Yilmaz et al., 2014). However, often times the Millennials and urban youth have not been seen in harnessing these opportunities to actively engage in political and civic affairs. Along this line, Fox (2015, p. 255) notes that “[w]hile the Millennials have the potential to be the most politically interested, sophisticated and active generation, they are not realizing that potential.” According to Fox (2015, p. 255), the explanation for this state of affairs lies in another distinctive characteristic stemming from the formative socialization of the Millennials, that is, “their unique habits of political news media consumption. As a result of the way they interact with and consume political news media, the Millennials do not access political information in a way which facilitates political interest or knowledge. This,

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in turn, means they participate in politics less than their elders, and so are ultimately likely to be less engaged and active throughout their adult lives.” Such diminished political and civic engagement of the urban youth could be traced back to either the demand or supply side of the media content or to both. With respect to the supply side, private commercial broadcasting stations usually operate for profit and are heavily dependent on product advertising revenue (Lwanga, 2002). It is axiomatic that the economic imperative of the media often shapes content of the media industries. According to Lwanga (2002, 50), most significant and apparent influences in this regard include “the replacement of non-sponsored programs with sponsored programs, an increase in commercial airtime, commercialized content programming, a change in program formats and scheduling.” As argued by Gicheru (2014), for instance, most of the radio stations in urban areas favor contents that meet the interest of urbanites in African cities. What is more, Gicheru (2014, 8) is of the opinion that “many of the private commercial radios tend to concentrate their programming and content in favor of the ‘urbanites’ and less on the concerns of the majority who reside in rural areas.” Such programming influences would have important implications for the evolution of a genuine public sphere that could foster the exchange of views on issues of import to the well-­ functioning of a democratic society. The implications become even more serious for fledgling democracies like ours where there are enduring socio-­ political challenges. The commercialization of the media and its perennial dependence on revenue streams generated from advertisement and sponsorship has given rise to a progressive displacement of the public sphere with entertainment and trivia (Muswede & Lubing, 2018). As further noted by Muswede and Lubinga (2018, 6), “The displacement of the public sphere resonates with the commercialization of the media where forms of industry regulation based on public interest and public service are replaced by market standards.” As a result, for the media industry market position and profitability matter more than serving the public good. Such conduct of the media goes against “the founding media imperatives of providing information, education and entertainment as public goods” (Muswede & Lubing, 2018, 6). In such an environment, the content of the media is filled by uncontroversial topics at the expense of critical topical issues such as politics, land issues, peace and security affairs, and community development programs, among others. Thus, in-depth coverage of hard news, analyses of public

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affairs, debates, and documentaries tend to disappear from prime-time viewing or listening hours (Muswede & Lubing, 2018). This leads to the media’s privileging of entertainment content over public affairs content. As a result, the airtime is often dominated by “happy news, infotainment, reality news, talk shows, and magazine shows that stress on personalities/ celebrities” (Muswede & Lubing, 2018, 6). Such media content largely represents entertainment and is not “informative enough to stimulate political consciousness” (Muswede & Lubing, 2018, 7). Such dependence on entertainment content would lead to the depoliticization of audience and the creation of apolitical youth. Along a similar line, Chibita (1999) asserts that there is a shift from emphasis on programming that addresses citizens’ needs toward a more commercial or market-oriented programming where there is more emphasis on entertainment programs with the style of presentation shifting in favor of more talk shows and live broadcasts. In other words, owing to economic imperatives, such shift is characterized by the shift from the ‘public interest’ to ‘what the public is interested in.’ From Chibita’s (2001, 28) point of view, “[S]ome people have hijacked the phrase ‘public interest’ to mean ‘what the public is interested in’ rather than what is in the best interest of the majority of the society.” Complaining about the situation in Africa, Eko (2003) notes that despite some efforts in providing serious contents that reflect the lived experiences of the society in African media, newly opened urban commercial broadcasting stations often shunned the effort by increasingly opting for American-style, popular music and entertainment formats.

Infotainment as a Strategy for Status Quo Legitimization The urban media in general and radio are accused of creating a utopian kind of cities focusing on entertainment programs instead of dealing with political and socio-economic issues of vital societal importance. In this regard, Struppek (2014, p. 2) argues that “[t]he city becomes a theatre stage which carefully produced an enjoyable infotainment for the ‘society of the spectacle.’” The expansion of such absolute infotainment programs in urban media, Struppek (2014) further argues, restrained the space for the public to discuss genuine issues of importance. In suggesting what is needed to be done so as to address the problem, Struppek (2014, 4)

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stresses the fact that “[w]e … need to realize that people need space, time, spirit and trust for following the political urban agendas and becoming active themselves by joining ideas such as a DIY [Do-It-Yourself] urbanism.” To this end, Struppek (2014) advises that the urban dweller has to be more radical in experimenting with models different from a society based on entertainment, consumption, and growth, the main distraction preventing us to think and actively invent a new urban lifestyle. Hence, creating a deep and long-term culture of participation and engagement in urban issues to fight the dominance of the ‘business solution’ and how to inspire citizens to think, co-create, to be political, participate, and share their experiences, should be a question of urgency.

Regulatory Mechanisms and Media Capture as Instruments of Status Quo Legitimization Individuals, regardless of their locations within the embedded power structure, tend to believe in the status quo as being fair and legitimate. One of the ways the legitimization of the existing power arrangement is done is through the inculcation of the narrative restoration of nationalism, pride, and identity. According to Hyun and Kim (2015, 768), “Authoritarian regimes suffering from weak legitimacy resort to nationalism to divert public criticism and challenges to their rules.” Media play a crucial role in the legitimization of the status quo, especially in societies living under autocratic rule (Hyun & Kim, 2015; Wojcieszak et al., 2019). As Wojcieszak, et al. (2019, 70) stress, media are used by “autocratic leaders to bolster their legitimacy and to propagandize dominant narratives about the nation.” Similarly, Johannes (2018) shares the view that the media are ideal channels to maintain and legitimize the status quo and fend off political interest of the youth to join movements for change. In order to achieve this goal, governments often employ different strategies in terms of using the media to bring about the desired effect. One of such strategies includes using soft power and regulations. According to Wojcieszak et al. (2019, 72), “Such regimes use soft power or regulations and monopolies to assure that national media sell their imagery and justify the status quo.” On the other hand, Levitsky and Way (2002, 58) argue that semi-authoritarian governments use different mechanisms to use the commercial media to help them legitimize the status quo. These methods often include “bribery, the selective allocation of

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state advertising, the manipulation of debts and taxes owed by media outlets, the fomentation of conflicts among stockholders, and restrictive press laws that facilitate the prosecution of independent and opposition journalists.” Another tool regime uses to legitimize the status quo is through media capture. Media capture is defined as “a situation in which the media have not succeeded in becoming autonomous in manifesting a will of their own, nor able to exercise their main function, notably of informing people. Instead, they have persisted in an intermediate state, with vested interests, and not just the government, using them for other purposes” (Shirffin, 2017, 3). According to Shirffin (2017), states pursue different media capture strategies: censorship, ownership, financial, and cognitive capture. Ownership capture takes place when economic tycoons either supportive of the government or their own interest buy media industries and use them to advance the government’s or their political philosophies. Ownership capture is different from government ownership of the media. Capture through incentives is related to the capture of the media with advertising and access incentives from the government. The media under such capture will comply with the interest of who rendered those incentives, for example, the government, because they are “aware that adverse stories may lead to a denial of access to information, leaving them at a disadvantage relative to competitors” (Shirffin, 2017, 14). Censorship capture, on the other hand, takes place in the media when they start self-censoring their contents due to concerns that they may lose their advertising from the government. “Concern about losing advertising revenues (whether from the government or the private sector) or subscribers, as well as access to vital news that is necessary if they are to remain competitive, induces media organizations to pull their punches, to soften what they might say, and not to undertake some investigations that they might otherwise have” (Shirffin, 2017, 14). Cognitive capture is related to how reporters perceive the world, and therefore how they write about it. Cognitive capture is uniquely important because “cognitive capture by media can lead to cognitive capture by society. The media help shape the views of the members of society, and if the media are captured, their reporting can give rise to the acceptance of views within society that reflect those interests” (Shirffin, 2017, 14). Thus, powerful entities affiliated with political elites often seek to capture media to limit the scope for political debate in developing democracies.

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Depoliticization as an Antidote to Dissent Depoliticization and control refers to elite actions of fostering political disengagement among youth with the goal of preventing the emergence or recurrence of youth dissent against the state (Yom et al., 2019). The depoliticization of the youth is critical in the Middle East and Africa (Yom et al., 2019). Media in general and radio play a significant role in depoliticizing audiences in two ways. The first way is by portraying the youth as actors who do not have political aim and active political engagement. The second way is by focusing on entertainment programs (sport, music, amusement, and other forms of entertainment) and shifting their focus from political issues, as noted earlier. The media discourse about youths’ political engagement tends to take twofold dimensions. The first view about youth notes how youth are central to contemporary democracies. Scholars frequently refer to the role the youth and social media play in the Arab Spring to show active role of the youth played. The second view depicts them as actors who do not have political aims or, perhaps more precisely, they tend to focus on other characteristics and categories rather than political ones. To Giugni and Grasso (2020), most of the media discourse about youth depicts them as a category that does not have political aim and involvement. Such a depiction in turn affects the political engagement of the youth. In this regard, Giugni and Grasso (2020, 16) reiterate that “[t]his process of depoliticization of youth in the public domain is likely to have important implications on their potential for acting as political agents and for their political activism.” Along a similar line, Yom, Lynch, and al-Khatib (2019, 27) cite examples in Africa and the Middle East where the media narratives have had self-fulfilling prophetic effects with respect to contributing to the making of apolitical youth. According to these scholars, the dominant narratives of the media in Morocco, for example, “had often portrayed youth as politically inactive” and such media portrayals have led youth to political apathy. They go on to argue that if youth are mainly considered as an object and largely deprived from their agency as protagonists of social and political change, including by political elites, this is likely to lead to policy platforms which leave little room for them to be an active part in reshaping the society. Such metaphor of making the youth apolitical is done via the media, especially the urban radio. Scholars such as Lynch (2015), for instance, lament the negative role of media for the failure of the Arab Spring to consolidate democratic

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institutions and genuine democracy. According to Lynch (2015, 90–91), “[T]he intense fear triggered by radical institutional uncertainty, and struggles over the identity and power structures of transitional states played out within an ecosystem of partisan and polarized media that helped to drive social polarization and political disenchantment.” Such political disenchantment frames in the media, further argues Lynch (2015), create loss of hope in politics for the youth. Political capture, the marketing of fear, and polarization were among the reasons for the destructive role of the media during the transition. Hence, the media begin to heighten fear of future uncertainty, which, in turn, lead to loss of hope for the anticipated revolution. In general, contrary to a much hyped role of urban commercial media in the creation of more politically active and civically engaged youth, there seems to be contexts in which the valorized urban commercial media could end up in producing apolitical youth due to factors such as production and consumption of media content, commercial or profit imperatives, ownership structure, and regulatory frameworks, among others.

Analysis Media Content Appealing to the Urban Youth In pluralistic media environment, audiences, as active agents, select media outlets and contents that they would prefer to access and consume; the selection is said to be predicated on real or perceived needs gratification that could accrue from such an exposure and consumption. As originally posited by Blumler and Katz (1974), people seek communication to satisfy their needs, which in turn stem from social and psychological states and conditions. In other words, their needs are said to affect their communicative behavior. On the other hand, the provision of contents that would satisfy audience’s needs largely depends on the media. Thus, while addressing the issue of contents that appeal to the Ethiopian urban youth, it would be important to scrutinize the phenomenon on both the audience and production perspectives. In order to gauge the perspectives of the urban youth audience and commercial radio content producers, interviews were conducted with the two groups, and the analysis of the data is presented below: With respect to the nature of commercial radio stations that the youth audience are most attracted to, the interviewees invariably identified Bisrat

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FM, Ahadu FM, Ethio FM, and Sheger FM as their favorite commercial radio stations. For instance, Hawa said that the youth are more attracted to Bisrat FM, Ahadu FM, and Ethio FM. In expressing her own personal preference, Hawa notes, “Without any exaggeration, Bisrat FM is my preferred station. However, Ahadu FM and Ethio FM are also the favorite among the youth.” Similarly, Samrawit confirms that most young audience including her five friends of the same age prefer Bisrat FM and Ethio FM. “We prefer Bisrat FM and Ethio FM. We even call each other to remind the start of our favorite programs at these stations.” As far as Tedla is concerned, Bisrat FM is the most popular with the youth, and with Sheger FM coming as the second-best station. To him, although there are other FM stations that focus on similar issues, too, Bisrat FM is still the leading station among the youth. With respect to the commercial radio contents they enjoy the most, the urban youth audience interviewed concurred that they enjoy contents that focus on sports and entertainment. According to Be’idemariyam, “Live sports transmissions, sport programs, music, celebrity stories (especially stories from abroad), programs that focus on chilling, dancing, and comedy are the most preferable ones among the youth. The youth are not cultivated or nurtured to pay attention to issues of national import, such as nation-building issues.” Along a similar line, Aster affirms that FM stations which focus on soft issues like music, entertainment, and sports are the favorite ones among the youth. According to Aster, the youth at this moment are not interested in stations that provide serious content. She adds that it is not uncommon to see most youth audience attracted to FM stations which are in the trial period, transmitting music only. Another young audience by the name Martha shares her experience that if one were to see a youth audience tuning to a radio program, one would certainly predict that he/she would be tuning to sports program. “I can see the youth who are younger than me singularly focusing on programs such as ‘Tribune sports,’ ‘Bisrat sports’ or live football radio coverage,” notes Martha. Concurring with Martha’s views, Anley observes that “FM stations that focus on sports are most widely listened to. You can easily observe this if you frequently move across the city using public transportation. You could almost listen to similar stations and programs that primarily focus on sports.” In a similar note, Muluken observes that “the youth are more interested in sports and entertainment. … Most of the youth in my age tune to stations focusing on sports and entertainment programs.”

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As noted earlier, since the media are the ones that supply the content, interviews were also conducted with content producers at the commercial radio stations in order to solicit their views on the type of content the urban youth are most drawn to. With reference to the nature of content that the station thinks the youth are most attracted to and, hence, it steadily supplies, Girma Fisseha, head of the program division at Sheger FM, notes the following: “Close to 70% of our programs are entertainment programs. For example, our sports, music and ‘the language of the world’ programs which are all light, and entertainment programs appeal to the youth better. We also do a lot of literature, theatre, drama and music shows. In addition to those contents we produce here at Sheger, we outsource airtime and a good part of the contents produced by our partners are entertainment-based programs.” On the other hand, Eshete Assefa, head of News and Current Affairs Department at Sheger FM, believes that the young generation is interested not only in entertainment content but also in current affairs and national history. However, he concedes that the supply side is more tilted toward entertainment content. In his words, “A lot of our audiences belong to the young generation. Some people think the youth are attracted only towards light, entertainment programs. But I think they need a variety of content, as the audience study we had carried out indicated. Most youngsters want to know about the history of our country and current affairs. However, we also have plenty of programs that focus on soft, social issues, presented in the form of entertainment” For Lidya Abebe, editor-in-chief at Ahadu Radio, the youth increasingly listen to the radio for its convenience and availability through digital gadgets. According to her, “The expansion of sports and entertainment has also contributed. The youth like sports and entertainment. They get contents like this on various radio stations” and she added that a significant proportion of Ahadu Radio content appeals to the youth. According to Simon Dereje, head of News division at Bisrat Radio—a station well known for its entertainment-dominated programming— attending to the interest of the audience (which is predominantly constituted by youth) is of prime importance at their station. He notes, “If I am not exaggerating, over 90% of our programs are youth-focused. Mostly, we are economic, social and entertainment oriented. These are largely the things that get the attention of the youth. Being youth-focused and providing the information they need is one of the guiding principles reflected

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in our editorial policy. We also value the usefulness of the content to our listeners.” On a different note, Mohammed Siraj, manager of Awash FM—which claims to focus on serious content—is critical of the way the urban commercial radio operates in the Ethiopian context. According to Mohammed, “Radio nowadays has become a business enterprise. Like the social media, our radio stations have become ‘killers’ of the generation. These days, it has increasingly become difficult to find the youth engaged in serious stuff other than soccer, sports, entertainment, DJ music and the like. If you look at the radio landscape, our stations are preoccupied with sports programming and contents that have nothing to do with our lived experiences; they supply such contents just because they happen to be the ones that sell.” As can be seen from the preceding discussion, the views on both the audience and the producer’s sides seem to converge with respect to the content of the commercial radio stations the Ethiopian urban youth are most attracted to and supplied to. From both groups, the interviewees almost invariably concurred that sports and entertainment contents are the ones that are most popular with the urban youth and which the commercial radio stations strive to supply. One of the issues that stands out in the discussion is the confusion between audience interest and audience need. The interviewees on both the side of the audience and the side of the producers often referred to the audience being interested in sports and entertainment contents the most, and the media being duty-bound to supply such a content. However, there is a distinction between what the audience is interested in and what the audience need or what is in the best interest of the audience (Chibita, 2001). As a socially responsible institution, media is duty-bound to supply what the audience need in order to be informed, free, and self-governing citizens, and not just with what appeals to or interests the audience. Another important issue has to do with whether it is the demand that generates the supply or whether it is the supply that creates the demand, or if it works both ways. In other words, is it because of the interest of the audience in a media content that the media make such a content available, or is it through making a certain media content available that the media create demand for such a content? Or is the relationship between media content demand and supply constitutive? Without taking such serious questions into account, the media could end up pandering to the interest

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of the audience in the name of responding to the demands of the audience, and in doing so shirk its social responsibility. Nexus Between Ownership Structure and Profit Imperatives, and the Nature of Media Content From political-economic theoretical perspective (Chomsky & Herman, 2008; Mosco, 2009), the structure of media ownership has a bearing on the nature of media content made available to the audience. In order to examine the nature of the impact of the ownership of urban radio and the resultant profit imperative of the owners on the content the radio stations produce, interviews were conducted with managers and/or editor-in-­ chiefs of the radio stations under investigation. With respect to this critical issue, the interviewees from different commercial FM radio stations noted that since the radio stations are privately owned commercial media enterprises established to generate profit, there is no doubt that the financial imperatives of the stations affect the nature of content made available by the stations. The interviewees noted that both the audience and the market demand entertainment, sports, talk shows, and other ‘soft’ issues forcing them to steer clear of focusing on serious issues of social import. Since the commercial media are dependent on advertisement revenue for their income, they would have to weigh in the interests of the advertisers in producing media content. According to the interviewees, sometimes the advertisers’ interests even go to the extent of demanding the media houses of shifting their content from hard issues to soft infotainment issues if the media houses need their advertisement. They concurred that most of the advertisers need entertainment, sports, talk shows, and ‘soft issues’ instead of programs that deal with serious political, administrative, and national issues. In this regard, Wosenyeleh, manager of Ethio FM, has the following to say: “Sponsors and advertisers who want to do business with the media do not want serious programs. Content wise, for instance, ‘Yelijochachin Ethiopia’ [roughly translated as ‘Our children’s Ethiopia],’ is the most highly rated program at our station. Ironically, however, it is the weakest program when it comes to attracting advertisers.” Another interviewee by the name Mesele Mengistu, founder and CEO of Bisrat FM, in concurrence with Wosenyeleh’s views, admits that “[g]enerating revenue and attracting advertisers is not related to quality of programs. For instance, we have a program called ‘Kesefer eske Tefer’ [roughly translated as ‘from village to space’] which I would rate as

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number one among the programs at our station. However, I have never seen a time when this program has attracted an advertiser. When folding programs are considered, one of the primary factors often considered would become the position of a particular program in relation to attracting advertisement; and such advertisement hungry programs become first casualties.” The financial imperatives such as these have forced most of the commercial FM stations to focus on light entertainment programs in such a time when the nation is in desperate need of media institutions that would create platforms for citizens’ deliberation on issues of national import as well as play a serious oversight role. According to Surafel, head of associate producers and communication at Ahadu FM, “Almost 70% of our FM stations focus on sports, entertainment and the airing of DJ live music. Agents who have brought these advertisers have no appetite for political, sensitive and critical contents. They often try to push us to reconsider our programs in favor of entertainment programs so that they could keep their clients.” Mohammed, editor-in-chief at Awash FM, shares Surafel’s views. According to Mohammed, “[A]dvertisers prefer trivial and generation ‘killing’ programs to market their products. Substantive programs which could help transform the society, could bring about attitudinal change among the generation and thereby promote peace and harmony among citizens rarely capture the attention of the advertisers.” The financial challenges related to securing advertisements for the contents they produce have left the FM radio stations with difficult options. The first option has to do with caving into the demands of the advertisers and reshaping their contents in line with the wishes of the advertisers. Most media organizations have been forced to adopt this option by reshaping their program contents and scheduling. In this regard, Lidiya, editor-in-chief at Ahadu FM, has the following to say: “As commercial station, we need to generate profit and improve the benefits of our staff. Hence, we plan to devote Saturday afternoon and the whole Sunday for entertainment programs as of the coming September.” On the other hand, Wosenyeleh, general manager of Ethio FM, admits that “[y]ou can’t ignore audiences and advertisers’ demands. We didn’t have live football coverage when we began broadcasting. From the get-go, we decided that it wasn’t necessary. However, most FM stations have carried such live football coverage; and we got to the point where we could no longer ignore it. So we too started airing live coverage of football games.”

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The second option has to do with the media houses being forced to cancel their own program proposals and opt for outsourcing the airtime for associate producers. As Mohammed from Awash FM, for example, notes, “We outsourced most of our airtime for associate producers due to financial constraints we have encountered. If we were to decide to produce the programs as per our original proposals, it would require us to hire over 30 journalists; and you could imagine how much cost we would have to incur to hire such number of employees.” The third option has to do with media houses having to try their best hoping that the public and advertisers would sooner or later come to the understanding that serious and critical contents are important for the well-­ functioning of society so that they would start supporting them. For most of the interviewees, this option has not been a viable one. What is clear from the above discussion is that the ownership structure of the media and the financial imperatives of the media houses have had serious implications for the nature of media contents the media houses produce for the audience consumption. Licensing and Regulatory Regimes Shaping Media Content As stated in the introductory section, the broadcast sector had been under the state monopoly until 2007. The Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) led government started issuing broadcasting license for the operation of commercial radio in 2007; the television sector still remained under the exclusive government control until 2016. Because of the sense of insecurity of the regime, the selection process for awarding commercial broadcasting license was stringent. Since applicants knew that the licensing and regulatory body would never issue license for applications accompanied by serious program content proposals, they would often resort to almost purely entertainment contents. Even then, only those entities the regime deemed friendly or its affiliates were the ones that used to secure the broadcast license in the early stages. Thus, in the broadcast sector, the screening and licensing procedure has been used in order to keep off those entities that could potentially engage in carrying serious and critical programming. Once the license has been issued, the threat of revocation or refusal of renewal has functioned as a deterrence against the possible engagement of media houses in producing serious and critical programming.

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The managers and/or editor-in-chiefs of the radio stations interviewed for the study invariably shared the view that the regulatory body has been successful in systematically preventing the establishment of stations that would focus on serious issues. For instance, Mesele Mengistu, founder and CEO of Bisrat FM, has the following to say: “I think the Broadcast Authority has been skeptical about electronic media. They would prefer stations that focus on entertainment and soft social issues. The government seems to be interested in attracting the attention of the youth and gradually getting its messages across. Thus, they would welcome proposals like mine. My proposal emphasized sports, entertainment, stories and radio documentaries on current affairs, women and people with disabilities.” What is more, Mohammed Siraj, manager of Awash FM, shares Mesele’s views on the regulatory body’s systematic marginalization of serious contents. He said, “I was among the founders of EBS [Ethiopian Broadcasting Service—a television station]. When the media organization secured its license, it was instructed to steer clear of political issues and other issues of national import, and this has made it difficult to entertain serious issues.” According to Lidiya, editor-in chief, at Ahadu FM, licenses were used to be granted to either media organizations with entertainment focus or organizations that were willing to serve as the mouthpiece of the government. As an attestment to this fact, she notes, You can see that from the media organizations which were licensed at the time. Bisrat FM was, for example, granted operating license because its proposed programs basically focused on sports and entertainment, which the government thought would help to completely divert the attention of the youth away from serious issues. Similarly, Abay FM—a defunct radio station—was the right hand of the government. Whether it was in the choice of language, content selection, and even in the selection of the motto of the station, it was indistinguishable from the government station; in other words, it was the voice of the government masquerading as a commercial station.

In looking back, Wosenyeleh, general manager of Ethio FM, was of the opinion that the influence of the regulatory body on the content of the broadcast sector could be divided into three time frames: the pre-reform period, the reform period, and the period that followed the withdrawal of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) from the new reform

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government of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. In the first-time frame, the broadcast sector was frustrated due to the heavy-handedness of the regulatory body. During this period, argues Wosenyeleh, “it was not uncommon to receive series of letters from the regulatory body accusing the media organizations of saying this or that. And the media houses had to be careful about each and everything they do.” According to Wosenyeleh, the second time frame coincided with the coming to power of the reform government of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. This period was characterized by the convergence of perspectives and the emergence of what appeared to be a national consensus, which was invariably shared among almost all media houses. The third time frame followed the disagreement between the TPLF and Abiy’s Prosperity Party (PP) resulting in not only the eventual withdrawal of the TPLF from PP but also military confrontation between them, and from which the country has yet to recover. It has been a difficult time for the commercial media in this third period, as the regulatory body has increasingly become intolerant of any dissenting views justifying its behavior in the name of national security. It is clear from the preceding discussion that the licensing and regulatory framework is still playing a constraining role in terms of shaping the content of the commercial radio sector in favor of filtering out critical programming that could help produce active and well-informed citizenry.

Conclusion The chapter sets out to examine the interaction between urban commercial radio and urban youth in the Ethiopian context, and how such interaction might have impacted the political (dis)engagement of the urban youth. The analysis reveals that the Ethiopian urban (particularly Addis Ababa-based) youth have been preoccupied with consuming commercial radio content that mainly focused on sports and entertainment, and in doing so, they have steered clear of content that could have helped boost their active political participation and civic engagement. This situation could be attributable to various factors. One of these could be considered internal to the urban youth. As residents of a cosmopolitan city, Addis Ababa-based youth have a much wider access, relative to their rural counterparts, to the lifestyles of the transnational and global youth largely via the consumption of virtual imagery. As a sign of modernity and a perceived sense of identification with the global youth, Ethiopia’s urban

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youth, particularly of Addis Ababa origin, have been engaged in the consumption of sports and entertainment content that have mainly originated in the West. Another external factor that could explain Ethiopia’s urban youth’s apathy of political content and their apparent infatuation with sports and entertainment content could have something to do with the incompatibility of ethnic-based political structure with their cosmopolitan identity. As is known, the political dispensation that ushered in since 1991 has fundamentally reorganized the Ethiopian state along ethno-linguistic cleavages. As a result, Ethiopia has been constituted by federal states that are divided based mainly on ethno-linguistic identity. This means that access to power and resources is predicated on ethno-linguistic belonging. Such a political arrangement has virtually made Addis Ababa-based youth aliens in their own country, as they are far removed from ethnic consciousness and as they have considered themselves having a pan-Ethiopian identity. Since they lack common vocabulary to effectively participate in a polarized ethno-linguistic political discourse market, they find comfort in sports and entertainment content that makes a shared vocabulary possible, hence, their unconditional embrace of such a content. Ownership structure and the associated profit imperatives of the commercial media is another contributing factor to the situation. As the urban commercial media are private enterprises established to generate profit, their business imperative has outweighed the journalistic imperative, and hence, churning out content that panders to the interest of the audience as opposed to supplying content that meets their needs. What is more, the licensing and regulatory framework has systematically contributed to the proliferation of sports and entertainment content at the expense of critical and substantive content among the urban commercial radio stations. The overall cumulative effect of these factors is that contrary to the normative expectation that the urban youth, by virtue of their favorable position to access a wide range of media contents, would be at the forefront of political participation and civic engagement, a cursory review of the experience over the last four to five years reveals otherwise. In the last several years, it was the rural youth that have consistently engaged in political and civic engagement while the urban youth have largely remained inactive. Considering such a phenomenon, it might be safe to argue that the urban commercial radio might have inadvertently contributed to the making of politically inactive and civically disengaged apolitical urban youth.

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References Abdissa, Z., & Fitih, A. (2018). The Journalistic Field in Ethiopia: Where Partisanship and Credibility Cohabit. In H. M. Mabweazar (Ed.), Newsmaking Cultures in Africa: Normative Trends in the Dynamics of SocioPolitical & Economic Struggles (pp. 291–312). Palgrave Macmillan. Blumler, J. G., & Katz, E. (Eds.). (1974). The uses of mass communications: Current Perspectives on Gratifications Research. Sage. Chibita, B. (1999). Survival for the Entertainingest? In Search of a Balanced Diet in Broadcasting in Uganda. Journalism Review, 1, 28–29. Chibita, B. (2001). Regulating Content to Ensure Diversity and Pluralism. Unpublished paper, presented at the Policy and Regulation Conference, Stanley Hotel, October 2001, , Kenya. Chomsky, N., & Herman, E.  S. (2008). Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media. The Bodley Head Random House. Eko, L. (2003). Globalization and the Mass Media in Africa. Texas Tech University. Fox, S. (2015). Apathy, alienation and young people: The political engagement of British millennials. PhD Dissertation, University of Nottingham. Giugni, M., & Grasso, M. (2020). Talking About Youth: The Depoliticization of Young People in the Public Domain. American Behavioral Scientist, 64, 591–607. ISSN 0002-7642. Gicheru, C. (2014). The Challenges Facing Independent Newspapers in Sub-­ Saharan Africa. Reuters Institute Fellowship Paper, University of Oxford. Hyun, K., & Kim, J. (2015). The Role of New Media in Sustaining the Status Quo: Online Political Expression, Nationalism, and System Support in China. Information, Communication & Society, 18, 766–781. https://doi.org/1 0.1080/1369118X.2014.994543 Johannes, G. (2018). Legitimacy in Autocracies: Oxymoron or Essential Feature? Perspectives on Politics. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 16, 652–665. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537592717002183 Levitsky, S., & Way, L. (2002). Elections without Democracy: The Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism. Journal of Democracy, 13, 1. Lwanga, M. (2002). The Impact of Media Commercialization on Programming: A Study of Radio Uganda. MA Thesis, Rhodes University Lynch, M. (2015). After the Arab Spring: How the Media Trashed The Transitions. Journal of Democracy, 26, 89–99. Mosco, V. (2009). The Political Economy of Communication (2nd ed.). Sage Publications Ltd.. Muswede, T., & Lubing, E. (2018). Global Media Hegemony and the Transformation Bliss in Post-colonial Africa: Real Independence or Mere Change of Masters? University of Johannesburg.

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Shirffin, A. (2017). In the Service of Power: Media Capture and the Threat to Democracy. National Endowment for Democracy. Struppek, M. (2014). Urban Media Cultures Reflecting Modern City Development. Screencity Journal, 4, 1. Wojcieszak, et  al. (2019). What Drives Media Use in Authoritarian Regimes? Extending Selective Exposure Theory to Iran. The International Journal of Press/Politics, 24, 69–91. https://doi.org/10.1177/1940161218808372 Yilmaz, A., Trandafoiu, R., & Mousoutzanis, A. (Eds.). (2014). Media and Cosmopolitanism. Peterlang. Yom, S., Lynch, M., & al-Khatib, W. (2019). Youth Politics in the Middle East and North Africa. POMEPS Studies.

CHAPTER 4

Social Media Applications and the Changing Newsroom Cultures in Africa: A Case Study of Lesotho Trust Matsilele, Blessing Makwambeni, and Shakeman Mugari

Introduction This chapter investigated the adoption of social media into journalistic ecologies and attitudes towards various aspects of social media into journalistic practices in Lesotho’s media markets. It particularly probed how Twitter and Facebook are shaping the sourcing, production and dissemination practices. Theoretically, the chapter employed the sociology of news production lens with semi-structured interviews informing the methodological approach. The interviews were conducted with editors and journalists from The Post, News Day and Lesotho Times newspapers.

T. Matsilele (*) • B. Makwambeni Cape Peninsula University of Technology, Cape Town, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] S. Mugari Independent, Maseru, Lesotho © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 T. Matsilele et al. (eds.), New Journalism Ecologies in East and Southern Africa, Palgrave Studies in Journalism and the Global South, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-23625-9_4

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This qualitative study confirmed seminal findings of Heravi and Harrower (2016) who established that the relationship between trust, sourcing and verification reveals broader patterns about journalistic values, and how these values and practices may operate in the field of journalism. African countries present interesting cases of study, especially countries that maintain monarchical structures that in the Western world continue to be viewed as backward. Mabweazara, (2014b, p. 2) aptly captures this thinking arguing that: While this sense of backwardness aptly relates to setbacks associated with the realities of “access” to digital technologies, it also connects to the complexities and contradictions connected to the “localised” diffusion and permeation of digital technologies in African newsrooms.

Lending credence to Berger (2005), Mabweazara adds that “collectively, these challenges, as Berger argues, inform much thinking about Africa in the global ‘Information Society,’ and often project an image of helpless journalists, who operate in conditions well below the purported level of their colleagues in the global North.” Carr and Hayesr observed that “often social media are referred to by channel characteristics, either identifying directionality of messages or using specific tools like Facebook or Twitter to exemplify modes of interaction” (2015, p.  47). For this study we relied  on Howard and Parks (2012, p. 362) who gave a more nuanced and complex definition of social media as consisting of three parts: (a) the information infrastructure and tools used to produce and distribute content; (b) the content that takes the digital form of personal messages, news, ideas and cultural products; and (c) the people, organisations and industries that produce and consume digital content. It is this wholesale infrastructure that informs our study, critically investigating how its appropriation by journalists is reconfiguring journalistic practices and ecologies.

Social Media Integration in Mainstream Media Ecologies Since the turn of the millennium, there has been a radical shift in most spheres of our social life as a result of the advent and wide use of new media technologies (Mpofu, 2016). These changes have been seen in fields like political campaigns, e-commerce, transport and logistics and

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media ecologies (Wu et al., 2019; Matsilele, 2019; Matsilele & Mutsvairo, 2021;  Matsilele & Ruhanya, 2021; Mpofu, 2013; Tshuma & Ndlovu, 2020). While these changes have introduced new modes of human interaction, work cultures and commercial entities, they have also facilitated the dearth of old economies and professions (Adebayo et al., 2020). While news media has survived these changes, this has happened at the behest of major reconfigurations on media ecologies, media practices and has brought new measurements for journalistic work value beyond producing news articles (Moyo et al., 2019). These changes that have taken place have been captured in a study by Wu et al. (2019, p. 1440) who argued that “newsrooms are increasingly using automated technologies to manage the data deluge in this era of ‘big data’—tasks traditionally performed by human journalists are being taken over by machines, including the aggregation, prioritization, and writing of news.” It is not just in the issue of automation where changes have been seen, but the appropriation of social media for audience engagement, news sourcing and news distribution has been another phenomenon. Social media has also been credited for its role in accelerating trust deficit on mainstream media or introduction of alternative news in the cybersphere. Researching on this phenomenon has been Bradshaw et al. (2020, p. 173) who argued that “during the 2016 US presidential election, social media platforms emerged as a breeding ground for influence campaigns, conspiracy, and alternative media.” While earlier scholars (Mutsvairo, 2016; Mutsvairo & Salgado, 2020) have credited social media for its enabling capabilities on citizen journalism and amateur journalists, the same applications have been a challenge as observed by later scholars (Bradshaw et al., 2020). This ambivalence is what makes social media role in media ecologies to remain a relevant area of academic inquiry, especially in countries in the global South often understudied. Social media, as part of the internet society, has been widely adopted into journalistic ecologies (Msimanga et al., 2022), as it provides instant and widespread access to several contents about breaking news events, while also serving to disseminate reporting on those events (Heravi & Harrower, 2016). Commenting on the internet society, Newman et al. (2012, p. 6) observed that “the Internet’s increasing centrality to everyday life and work in network societies has raised many questions over its implications for the production and consumption of news.” This view is bolstered by Alejandro (2010) observing that what makes social media of interest to journalism is how it has become influential as a

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communication and news-breaking tool. This phenomenon of social media use in journalistic workflows has been on an upward trend in the global South considering that this affordance has reconfigured the political economy of news gathering making previous inaccessible sources to be available at a lower cost (Mabweazara, 2014a; Bosch, 2014; Mwongela, 2015). However, social media content poses several challenges for journalists; as Heravi and Harrower (2016) argue, it arrives unfiltered, full of noise and at an alarming velocity. The rise of the internet and social media provides further avenues and possibilities for participatory citizenship, with citizens actively involved in creating and sharing information and knowledge (Makwambeni, 2022;  Mthembu & Lunga, 2020, p.  179). However, for countries like Lesotho, the potential might face challenges considering the macro environmental factors. Lesotho is a kingdom with a population of just over 2 million (Lesotho’s Bureau of Statistics, 2016) located inside the Republic of South Africa. The country is faced with many technological challenges ranging from poor science and technology, inadequate technical workforce, high cost of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) to lack of ICT policies (Mapeshoane & Pather, 2016). Disruptive technologies are already altering traditional business models and pathways to development, yielding significant efficiency and productivity gains, and increased convenience, as well as supporting better access to services for consumers (Hanna, 2020).

Conceptual Framework Our analysis of social media and the reconfiguration of news cultures in Lesotho were broadly informed by the sociology of news production. The sociology of news explains the processes that influence news production using a wide range of approaches that include economic, organisational, cultural, historical and political perspectives (Schudson, 2000, 2003). The theoretical framework provides important insights for conceptualising the interplay between journalists, their everyday practices and social factors that shape their professional practices. The sociology of news contends that reality is a social construction that is mediated by processes that can be identified and analysed (Tuchman, 1978). In this light, research that is informed by the sociology of news grapples with questions of what is news and the factors that shape it. It explores the different ways in which news is produced as well as the pressures exerted on journalists to follow established

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routines of newsmaking. Research on the sociology of news also examines personal views and roles of journalists, media routines, media organisations, external pressures and ideology. The sociology of news approaches news as a social product that is shaped by the complex interactions between media professionals, media organisations and society (Mabweazara, 2011). It views journalism as intertwined with society by acting on as well as acted upon by the surrounding environment. Thus, editorial policies as well as the wider socio-­ political and economic context in which journalists operate are viewed as critical in defining and understanding newsmaking cultures and patterns. The sociology of news conceptualises journalists’ daily routines, practices and values as largely similar in terms of daily search for stories, pressures of deadlines, proprietary demands and editorial policies (see Mabweazara, 2011). Although there are similarities in newsmaking cultures of private and state-controlled media institutions, some theorists contend that there are some differences in their newsmaking cultures. The sociology of news posits that newsmaking processes are accomplished through both institutionalised routine practices that constitute newsmaking cultures and unplanned factors that are not linear or routine. These factors relate to the material conditions in which journalists operate as well as the dynamics of the surrounding body politic (Mabweazara, 2011). Cottle (2000) posits that an examination of these factors necessitates an examination of the constraints imposed by both internal newsroom cultures and the broader context in which journalists operate.

Methodology This qualitative study employed interviews with news editors of select media houses in Lesotho. Semi-structured interviews were used to solicit for responses from identified interviewees. As Longhurst (2003, p.  103) observes, “a semi-structured interview is a verbal interchange where one person, the interviewer, attempts to elicit information from another person by asking questions. Although the interviewer prepares a list of predetermined questions, semi-structured interviews unfold in a conversational manner offering participants the chance to explore issues they feel are important.” Commenting on the advantage of using semi-structured interviews, Borg and Gall (1983, p. 442) noted that “the semi-structured interview, therefore, has the advantage of being reasonably objective while still permitting a more thorough understanding of the respondent’s opinions

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and the reason behind them than would be possible using the mailed questionnaire.” To identify interviewees, we used the snowball sampling. Coleman (1958) and Makwambeni (2013) described snowball sampling as one method of interviewing a man’s immediate social environment is to use the sociometric questions in the interview for sampling purposes. More recently, as Handcock and Gile (2011, pp. 368–369) intimate, “the term ‘snowball sampling’ has been taken to refer to a convenience sampling mechanism with motivation more like that of Trow: collecting a sample from a population in which a standard sampling approach is either impossible or prohibitively expensive, for the purpose of studying characteristics of individuals in the population.” In this instance, researchers had no easier way to interview journalists and news editors in Lesotho due to language, geographical and cultural barriers; hence, they had to rely on recommendations.

Findings and Discussion This section of the chapter presents and discusses our findings on Lesotho journalists’ attitudes towards social media as well as how they are adopting social media into their journalistic practice. Extant literature shows that social media such as Twitter and Facebook have been widely adopted into journalistic ecologies (Heravi & Harrower, 2016). Social media provide journalists with instant and widespread access to several contents about breaking news events while also serving to disseminate reports on those events (Alejandro, 2010; Heravi & Harrower, 2016). Studies by Mabweazara (2014b), Bosch (2014) and Mwongela (2015) have shown that the use of social media in journalistic workflows has been on an upward trend in the global South. Social media platforms have fundamentally reconfigured the political economy of news gathering making previous inaccessible sources to be available at a relatively lower cost. However, despite its growing uptake, social media content poses several challenges for journalists in the global South and more particularly on the African continent. Information on social media arrives unfiltered, full of noise and at an alarming velocity (Heravi & Harrower, 2016). This poses several challenges in terms of news verification at a time when the credibility of professional journalism is under threat.

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Journalists Attitudes Towards Social Media in Lesotho Our findings show two contesting perspectives or discourses towards the adoption of social media as part of newsroom cultures among professional journalists in Lesotho. This contest reflects a clear dichotomy between journalists who view social media as a threat to professional journalism and those who view social media as a positive tool that is augmenting their practice. This emerging pattern corresponds with Saldaña et al.’s (2017) findings on the appropriation of social media in Latin America. The data analysed in the study shows that it is predominantly older journalists who have been practising for decades in mainstream journalism who are dismissive and contemptuous of social media and are resisting its integration as part of newsroom culture in Lesotho. These journalists view social media as a threat and deviation from traditional journalism that is premised on the sanctity of ethics and accountability. As reflected in the sentiments of one Lesotho journalist, social media is a threat to journalism practice due to the disinformation that permeates the media ecology in Lesotho: Social media is a deviation from the old-school way of doing things. It is a field with no ethics, where everything goes. Anybody can post anything on Facebook, Twitter, WhatsApp, etc, with no consequences.

The negative attitude towards social media and its adoption into newsroom cultures in Lesotho that is reflected in the above quotation is underpinned by quotidian contextual experiences of disinformation and fake news that permeate the media in the politically polarised country. Mabweazara (2011) argues that news approaches and cultures are heavily influenced by the complex interactions between media professionals, media organisations and society. In Lesotho, disinformation has become a key part of the media ecology that is impacting negatively on news circulation as well as the credibility of professional journalism. This finding resonates with Saldaña et al.’s observation that local journalistic cultures have an impact on the adoption of social media into mainstream journalism practice countries such as Brazil (2017). Notably, journalists who share the discourse of social media as a catastrophe in Lesotho view social media as vehicles for peddling rumours. Their attitude towards social media is shaped by their quotidian experiences in Lesotho where “unbalanced stories which are not based on facts” are a common occurrence in the country:

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People in Lesotho are not trusting journalists anymore because some journalists use the information from social media without authenticating it.

It is significant to note that although a section of Lesotho journalists has a negative attitude towards the adoption of social media in newsroom cultures, they have appropriated social media platforms for their personal uses. Their negative attitude towards the appropriation of social media into newsrooms is based on the mistrust of the information shared on the platforms. This contradiction on the part of journalists who see social media as a threat to their profession is not unique to the Lesotho context. Weaver and Willnat (2016) observe that although most American journalists see the benefits of social media at a personal level, very few of them are convinced that these new social media platforms are of benefit to journalism (Weaver & Willnat, 2016). Writing in the context of Latin America, Saldaña et  al. (2017) note that Latin American reporters mistrust social media and have questioned its utility in journalistic practice. Despite the negative attitude shared by a section of journalists who are predominantly old, more experienced and working for the public media in Lesotho, our findings show that younger journalists working for smaller private media institutions largely view social media as a positive and useful tool that augments traditional journalism. Journalists who share this perspective see their profession as moving to a new phase where it needs to take advantage of new digital platforms. This view is captured below by one young journalist: Some of us view social media as new tools to be embraced. Others view it as a medium that has come to dilute the news product. For me and others, we see social media as a tool to diversify and broaden the scope of our profession and the news service.

Our findings show that journalists who are positive about social media and its adoption in newsrooms view digital platforms such as Twitter and Facebook as useful in syndicating their work, researching stories and “promoting their work and connecting with sources.” The insights gleaned from this study correspond with those in Weaver and Willnat’s (2016) study which found that about a third of the journalists who participated in their research in the United States of America were of the opinion that social media has a positive influence on the journalistic

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profession. The findings further reflect that digital technologies are slowly being embraced into African newsrooms and being adapted by professional journalists in various ways into the new media ecology (Mabweazara, 2014a). Adoption and Use of Social Media Among Journalists in Lesotho Despite the conflicting journalists’ attitudes towards the adoption of social media as a part of newsroom culture in Lesotho, the findings of the study confirm that a number of countries on the continent reflect some dimensions of newsroom adaptations to the digital revolution (see Mabweazara, 2011; Mudhai, 2011). The data analysed in the study shows that Twitter and Facebook have become a major source of news for journalists in Lesotho. Journalists are using social media platforms such as Twitter “to get news tips on events happening in the country that used to be accessed through official sources”. These events are posted on social media platforms of newsmakers such as government ministers and politicians. As observed by one editor below, Twitter, unlike other social media platforms “generally attracts an elite audience that was previously inaccessible to journalists”. Social media creates an opportunity to reach senior government officials and other captains who often post on the platform. Like Facebook, Twitter creates a rich database of information on general issues and people’s views on certain issues, all of which are useful to journalists in story construction, investigations and verification.

Unlike in the past, where journalists had to rely on their ingenuity to access news, social media platforms such as Twitter and Facebook have brought news sources closer to journalists making it easier for journalists to connect with leading newsmakers and organisations in Lesotho. Saldaña et al. (2017) contend that Twitter has also become an important platform for daily newsgathering and journalistic work in Latin America. Weaver and Willnat’s (2016) study further corroborates our findings. Their study’s findings show a growing uptake of social media use as an information gathering tool by journalists in the United States of America. Similarly, there is a growing trend in the journalism ecosystem in Lesotho where journalists are picking news tips for follow-ups or direct reporting from

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influential citizens in society and non-news organisations who will be doing their own live streaming on platforms such as Facebook and Twitter. The adoption and use of social media are disrupting traditional journalism in Lesotho. Social media are now allowing audiences who were previously passive consumers of news to become agenda setters (Vobič & Dahlgren, 2013). Our findings indicate that social media is now a critical source of news for some journalists in Lesotho. Consequently, journalists are no longer the first ones to break news but have rather become more of interpreting news with citizens and non-news organisations now pointing the media to the news through their social media platforms: As journalists we can no longer claim to be the first with the news. Rather, we now interpret the news for the readers. Non-news organisations are pointing the media to the news on social media instead of the other way around.

Social Media as a Fact-Checking and Verification Tool The advent of the internet and new digital platforms has brought new challenges for the journalism profession with disinformation and fake news being the main ones (Vraga & Bode, 2020). These challenges that lie at the heart of new media ecologies are threatening the legitimacy and credibility of the journalism profession. Professional journalists are adapting to these new challenges by adopting fact-checking and news verification practices. Our findings show that beyond using social media to source for news, journalists are using social media for fact-checking and news verification. Twitter and Facebook are the main social media platforms that journalists are using to corroborate their stories, check facts and verify basic information about news sources and subjects. This emergent role of social media in Lesotho news cultures is explained below: We verify pictures at weddings, parties and funerals. Facebook creates a rich database for us to mine if we want to check on a news source or subject.

Social media has assumed an important role in investigative journalism in Lesotho. It is also being used to verify facts on investigative pieces that journalists write. As argued by one editor, platforms such as Instagram and Facebook assist journalists in Lesotho to “establish links and connections” between people who may be entangled in corruption. By doing so, social

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media is contributing towards the strengthening of the watchdog role of journalism. According to Didiugwu et al. (2015) the use of social media for constant verification of the authenticity of stories is helping to reinvent the media to remain relevant in this digital age.

Social Media and News Dissemination Our findings on the adoption and use of social media by journalists in Lesotho indicate that African newsrooms are experiencing the disruptive impact of new digital technologies in terms of how news is generated and disseminated (Mabweazara, 2014b). Journalists in Lesotho have embraced Twitter and Facebook as alternative tools to disseminate news to their audience. While Twitter is being specifically used as a teaser for directing audiences towards breaking news, Facebook is being used more generally to disseminate news in its long form. These affordances provided by social media are captured below: We are using Facebook as a publishing platform for complete stories or videos. We also use it to post shorter stories that we use to announce breaking news and advertise unfolding stories.

Journalists in Lesotho are also increasingly using social media as a cost-­ effective vehicle for disseminating news to audiences through live streaming. Broadly, our findings on the adoption and use of social media by journalists in Lesotho confirm Accone’s sentiments (2000, p. 69) that “far from being mired in ‘backwardness’ or passively awaiting external salvation in regard to attempts to use digital technologies, African journalists should hardly be viewed as second class.” They are moulding social media and other digital tools to suit their specific needs and overcome the idiosyncrasies of their situation. Patterns of Social Media Adoption and Use in Lesotho Newsrooms This study contends that there is a myriad of patterns that have emerged on the adoption and use of social media in Lesotho newsrooms. As argued by Mabweazara (2014a), these patterns are shaped by and reflect the complexities and contradictions relating to the localised appropriation of digital technologies in African newsrooms. By and large, the emergent patterns of social media adoption and use on the continent are informed by varied

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contextual influences (social, cultural, political and economic factors), some of which lie outside the professional context of journalism (Conboy, 2013). These factors invariably shape and constrain the appropriations of new digital technologies by journalists in Africa (Mabweazara, 2010). The findings of the study show that there are key patterns that shape the adoption and use of social media in Lesotho. The findings show that the age of the journalist, length of practice, the nature of the media institution, traditional or digital start-up are the main factors that influence the adoption and use of social media among journalists in Lesotho. Age is one of the main determinants of social media use in Lesotho. The findings of the study show that younger journalists are gravitating towards the use of social media in newsrooms: I would say to some extent the sector, length of professional career and size of the organisation influence patterns of social media use among journalists. It is widely seen among those who work for Radio Stations. Media houses with younger journalists at the helm tend to use social media platforms. The younger journalists you have, the more they would want to make use of social media. Established reporters resist change. Journalists who have been in the media for a long time are slow to take up social media. Whenever they are tasked with employing social media in their work, they view it as extra work, yet this is where journalism is going.

On the flip side, journalists with longer professional careers are more resistant to adopting social media in their journalism practice. Besides age, another key influence in embracing social media in newsrooms in Lesotho is based on whether the establishment is new or old. Older and more established media institutions have been slower in embracing the use of social media in newsrooms while newer establishments that are set up with social media in mind have embraced social media as part of their journalism practice. This view is captured by one editor below: The biggest media houses appear not so keen to make use of the new media. They appear content in the old traditional ways of gathering and distribution of news.

Media Genre Our findings show differences in the adoption of social media in newsrooms in Lesotho based on the media genre. Electronic media, radio and

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television, appear quite limited on their social media use. They have remained stuck in the old, traditional ways of doing business. Only newspapers have active social media accounts with their journalists also being active on social media. Those who work for Radio today have adopted the use of Facebook Live Broadcasts to go hand in glove with their programs and they seem to be gaining a lot of following on their programs through the live broadcasts of their programs. Usage of Facebook for print Media is also still dominant but they do not use the live broadcast streaming option often like their counterparts in Radio. Furthermore, those in Print media are also interested in sharing links to their organisation’s electronic copy of their stories to gain them readership. The print media journalists also use twitter more than the Radio Journalists.

Size of Media Institution Our findings further show an interesting pattern where there are variations in the adoption and use of social media in newsrooms based on the size of media organisations in Lesotho. The data analysed in the study indicate that the biggest media institutions in the country such as the Lesotho Times have been slow in embracing social media as part of their newsroom cultures. In contrast, smaller and newer news organisations like The Reporter have been more receptive to using social media in their newsrooms. Unlike news organisations such as The Reporter that have a heavy social media presence, older and bigger news organisations have been slow and lethargic to use social media to produce and disseminate news. Chuma et al. (2020) argues that these variations in the adoption of digital technologies between organisations can be explained by structural constraints. In the same vein, Mabweazara (2014b) posits that the adoption and deployment of new digital technologies in newsrooms should be viewed as part of a complex social and institutional matrix that is sensitive to the complex interplay between multiple elements that are at play in the everyday context in which new digital technologies are used in African newsrooms (Mabweazara, 2010).

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Media Ownership According to Cottle (2000), news cultures are shaped not only by internal newsroom dynamics but also by the broader context in which journalists operate. In the context of Lesotho, media ownership serves as an important factor that influences media institutions’ willingness to adopt social media as part of their newsroom culture. The journalists who participated in this study pointed out that state-controlled media in Lesotho are less willing to adopt social media as opposed to their private media counterparts: Those working for the state controlled media, whether it’s to further the interests of the day or not, do often view social media platforms in a negative light as it offers a platform for critics to hide their identities and critique the government without much detection and or being threatened. For those working in the commercial or private media houses, the social media platforms matter.

State-controlled media are reluctant to embrace social media due to their affordances. These differences in social media adoption and uses between state-controlled media and private media in Lesotho resonate with Mabweazara’s argument that there are often differences in the newsmaking cultures of private and private-controlled media in Africa (2011). In the case of Lesotho, these differences are shaped by the broader authoritarian political context in which social media is viewed as both subversive and an alternative public sphere that allows citizens to question and critique hegemonic views that are peddled by state-controlled media. Resource Constraints The adoption and use of social media in Lesotho newsrooms are shaped by the unique professional and social dynamics in which journalists operate (see Mabweazara, 2014a). Resource constraints are a major factor that impact on the adoption and use of social media in Lesotho newsrooms. The limiting context in which journalists operate in Lesotho prevents media institutions from investing in social media integration within their newsrooms. This limitation corresponds with Mabweazara’s observation that material conditions in which journalists operate impose constraints on internal newsroom cultures (2014b). The challenging environment in which journalists operate in Lesotho is articulated by one journalist:

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For Lesotho, media organisations are basically focused on survival where the government is the biggest advertiser. They are therefore very much unlikely to allocate enough resources to new social media projects because of this reality. Setting up desks focused on social media is seen as an unnecessary extra cost. A few media houses, however, have allocated resources and see this new sector as the future of the industry.

These findings contribute towards understanding how the peculiar circumstances and contexts in which African journalists operate have led to the development of unique patterns on the impact of digital technologies on traditional journalism (see Mabweazara, 2014a).

Conclusion This chapter investigated the adoption of social media into journalistic ecologies and the attitudes towards various aspects of social media into journalistic practices in Lesotho’s media markets. The chapter particularly investigated how Twitter and Facebook are shaping cultures around the sourcing, production and dissemination practices. Our findings on the adoption and use of social media by journalists in Lesotho indicate that African newsrooms are experiencing the disruptive impact of new digital technologies in terms of how news is generated and disseminated. Our findings also show that differences in the adoption of social media in newsrooms in Lesotho are based on the media genre. Electronic media, radio and television, appear quite limited on their social media use. They have remained stuck in the old, traditional ways of doing business. Only newspapers have active social media accounts with their journalists also being active on social media. In conclusion, this study contends that there is a myriad of patterns that have emerged on the adoption and use of social media in Lesotho newsrooms. As argued by Mabweazara (2014b), these patterns are shaped by and reflect the complexities and contradictions relating to the localised appropriation of digital technologies in African newsrooms.

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CHAPTER 5

The Mediatisation and Media Practice of Citizen Media and GBV: A Case of etvScandal Soap Opera Facebook Page Millie Phiri

Introduction Do social media conversations on GBV constitute journalism, and if so, how? This is a critical question in a country like South Africa where gender-­ based violence (GBV) results in one woman being murdered every three hours. The chapter thus puts feminist science at the centre as women suffer from GBV than men. According to Jenkins (2008, p.  239), citizen journalists are part of “meaningful public culture”. Public culture refers to a set of communication practices that include news, social media, and other representational forms, within which public opinion is formed. Culture in this sense is public opinion that is dependent on contextual factors that emerge from multiple media (Hariman, 2016). The chapter argues that social media citizen journalism has capacity to sustain feminist debates and conversations on topics such as GBV

M. Phiri (*) Independent Researcher, Johannesburg, South Africa © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 T. Matsilele et al. (eds.), New Journalism Ecologies in East and Southern Africa, Palgrave Studies in Journalism and the Global South, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-23625-9_5

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maintaining them high on the public agendas through critical visibility and awareness. It is more than journalism because social media platforms discussing critical social issues such as GBV often develop into identity cultural movements where people congregate to share similar personal stories allowing a democratic production knowledge process to take place and offering space to voices of resistance. It acts as a tool to fight taboos that cannot be named such as GBV, giving women a cultural power that yields courage and encourages more female voices to be heard. The form of journalism it practises is a shared process with the public contributing to the news agenda. Critically important is that it offers space for indigenous languages and knowledge. What it has in common with the mainstream media is shaping and reshaping ideologies and additionally it is just as a misogynistic platform for women as mainstream media spaces. Its weaknesses can be viewed as slacktivism or clicktivism because it must be accompanied by offline activism. Conversations can just be as manipulative as in the mainstream media spaces. The chapter also argues that it is through examining media practices of self-performance and mediation processes of citizen journalists on these platforms that we may get understanding of how digital technologies matter in discussing topics such as GBV. Presently our understanding of the mediatisation process and citizen media journalists’ practice is limited as research on the African tradition of how citizens interact in digital spaces is still in its infancy and still lack canons that we can learn from. It draws from (Couldry, 2012; Shove et al., 2012) mediation and citizen media practice approach that forms a new paradigm in media research focusing on what people do with media and how these media-related practices combine and intersect with other social practices—thus facilitating an analysis of the broader social processes of media practices (Couldry, 2004, 2012). A media practice and mediation approach forms part of a branch of social theories that address the study of activism media practice as an alternative to focusing on structures, systems, or individuals. These citizen media practices contribute to the emergence of civic culture and collective spaces of knowledge that are “true laboratories for innovation” (Barbas, 2019, p.  77). Mediation is defined as meaning making that is “openended” and “ongoing” through the agency of audiences, users, citizens, and subordinate or marginalised groups (Cammaerts et al., 2013, p. 4). Shove et al. (2012) assert that citizen media practices are on three levels: materials (objects, technologies, tangible, physical entities), competences (skill, know-how, technique), and meanings (symbolic meanings, ideas,

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aspirations). These practices provide a holistic understanding of the media’s social significance and help us to understand not only how people use them but also how the media technologies are utilised. The intersection of social media and social television and the proliferation of smart gadgets are opening spaces for women’s issues to be heard. Soap operas have taken advantage of the digital technology wave, enabling viewers to share their television experience through social media platforms in real time without the constraint of space, making messages more spreadable than they used to be in pre-social media era. The intersection of humans and technology opens mediation possibilities that may result in “novel, unforeseen usages and applications” (Cammaerts et  al., 2013, p. 4). This has enabled networked feminism that opens to a wider net of all kinds of audiences whose goal is to fight for women’s justice. The chapter uses GBV episodes shown by South Africa’s e-tv soap opera Scandal during the 16 days of activism against violence targeted at women in 2015 as a case study. The 16 days of activism are internationally observed with an aim to eradicate violence against women. Phiri (2019) shows us that in some countries, such activism has been successfully used to get governments to “pay attention” to violations of women’s human rights and take action to protect women (Antrobus, 2004, p. 94). Scandal depicts different forms of intimate partner violence perpetrated against the character of Gloria, by her second husband. Often victims of intimate partner violence such as Gloria do not leave their abusive relationships because it happens in the privacy of their homes. Furthermore, cultural barriers prevent women from reporting and talking about violence against them (Sibanda-Moyo et  al., 2017). The episodes show a full cycle of domestic violence that follows a pattern in this form: an incident occurs that builds tension and an argument ensues; it is followed by the abusive stage, which is verbal, emotional, physical, or sexual. This stage can last for minutes or days. After the abusive stage comes a honeymoon stage where the abuser apologises, proclaims love, buys gifts, and promises not to do it again. As the relationship progresses, the abuse gets worse and the intervals shorter and do not progress to honeymoon stage anymore. The abuser no longer apologises or cares. Some unlucky women never go past the last abusive stage; they end up dead. Some are killed the moment they decide to end the relationship (Ackroyd, 2015). Gloria undergoes some of these stages as she experiences psychological abuse where her second husband, Obakeng, habitually and constantly lashes out at her before the violence turns physical. This chapter pins itself

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in black feminist theoretical framework as Gloria epitomises black township women experiencing GBV in South Africa while Obakeng represents men who abuse women. The issue of violence against women is topical in contemporary South Africa and generates varied political, social, religious, and cultural perspective and controversies. Gender violence, and Violence Against Women (VAW) in particular, is an important social change theme which has not been rewarded with adequate attention from communication studies perspectives.

Theoretical Framework Black Feminism and Networked Feminism The study of violence against Gloria fits the frame of the main issues identified by feminists as oppression. By putting the spotlight on violence on Gloria who is a black woman in the township, Scandal was focusing on the margins and making the violence there interesting and worth our attention. Mainstreaming the topic of gender violence in the “lower” classes that is not normally seen forces us to reckon with it. It is especially important because violence against women all too often remains invisible, whereas violence against poor women remains singularly invisible. South Africa has a strong constitutional guarantee of freedom of expression and a vibrant civil society which contributes to a democratic debate (Wasserman, 2020). Wasserman postulates that there is a strong contestation that the mainstream media in South Africa is not inclusive and serves mainly the elite. The issues of women and the marginalised are thus peripheralised in conventional journalism media spaces. Only 1 per cent of stories about GBV, for example, are covered by media in Southern African Development Community (SADC) media. The coverage is mainly “reactionary” and “inconsistent” (Lowe et  al., 2018, p.  265). Social media seems to be an opportunity to change these negative narratives in the mainstream media. The #metoo and #blacklivesmatter social media movements and even localised hashtag movements such as #AMInext and #Total Shutdown are helping to break the patriarchal boundaries that silence women and challenge toxic masculinity that results in GBV. Citizens are occupying these media spaces to contribute to their causes. For example, the #metoo movement resulted in more than 200 powerful men losing their jobs in the USA within a year of the movement’s operation (El-Faizy, 2021). This

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was after a process that had begun decades ago. These incremental gains to what start as minuscule feminist revolutionary processes is what makes research on an unlikely platform such as etvScandal Facebook page curiously interesting. Locally, South Africa’s #totalshutdown is one notable example of networked feminism hashtag that was taken to an offline platform by citizen journalists. Protestors used this movement to remember the victims of femicide in South Africa by marching against GBV. In a way social media activists take credit for such milestones and for assisting in helping to push the personal to become political. GBV has always been perceived as a domestic matter that happens behind closed doors. The home belongs to the politics of the private realm which is associated with women’s work such as childbearing and household chores compared to the public realm which involves paid work and is male-dominated (Phiri, 2019). The black feminism theory thus is an enabling tool to define black women’s issues in their own narratives and helps to nullify their misrepresentations (Love, 2019). It puts black women at the centre of their conversations which is what makes it feminist. They (citizen media activists) become sites of knowledge as it originates in them (Love, 2019). This is part of what Freire (1970) calls democratic production of knowledge. Digital activism may also look like “guerrilla communication” (Blissett & Brünzels, 1997) or “tactical media interventions” (Lovink, 2002) that may appear to be perverted. What Is Citizen Journalism in the Context of Social Media: A Review of Related Literature There is recognition that social media audiences who take advantage of social television to spread their views and experiences on social media as a reaction to what they would have watched on their favourite programme and who at times share their real-life experiences are helping to “talk back” and “lobby” for topics such as GBV to be on the national agenda. This is albeit in a different way from the traditional masculinized journalism narratives we are accustomed to all over the world. Jenkins (2008) argues that social media audiences like the ones who take part in the etvScandal Facebook talk in question are more than just audiences who come to read comments or who just want “likes” and followership; they are fans who go beyond and make others interested in issues that may otherwise not receive attention. It is for this reason that the words fan, social media citizen

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journalists, and audiences may be used interchangeably in this chapter. These terms should however not be mistaken for social journalism which has a different meaning and refers to when professional journalists deliberately seek using citizen journalists to cover difficult to access conflict zones such as what we have witnessed in Syria and Palestine. What social journalism and citizen journalism have in common is that their media practices have led to the moulding of mass media organisations by altering their own practices. “The intersection of professional and amateur news gathering and publishing” such as those we see in social journalism is practiced by mainstream media organisations as they strive for innovation and find ways of harnessing the power of social media to enhance their news products (Hirst, 2018, p. 127). The concept of social journalism, however, differs with citizen media journalists’ practices that are being discussed in this chapter. The media practices of citizen journalists discussed in this chapter refer to the organisation and sharing information on social media without any controlling intervention by professional journalists. It is important to make this distinction because in some cases, social journalism is somewhat used interchangeably with citizen journalism. In recent years there has been no universal agreement to the definition of the term citizen journalism on social media. Others define it as anyone who comments on social media about any topic or subject. Hermida (2010) once coined the term ambient news which means news is around us every day. To him everyone on social media who participates in the telling and retelling of news is a citizen journalist. Even his definition is considered inadequate. Some definitions include anyone who reposts, tag, or link to content, use of videos, participation in comments threads, or the actual production of news and “news like” content and items created by non-professionals (Hirst, 2011, p.  151). Others say it is when ordinary users engage in journalistic practices (Goode, 2009). Yet another definition is that it must refer to news and news-like information directly produced by non-professionals for the specific purpose of advancing a social or political cause (Hirst, 2011). Wall (2019) goes further to describe citizen journalists as those who lack the technical ability or knowledge to produce a coherent story. They happen to be present when extraordinary events take place (Wall, 2019, p. 3). Yet others label social journalism as citizen journalism only if it is occurring outside the structure of mainstream journalism. For some, citizen journalists are those who help build community and sustain public debates according to Wall (2019), and this definition suits the context of

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this chapter. This definition contends that what the citizen journalists do help to define who they are. For example, challenging authority, becoming an identity and a representative of resistance, voice of the voiceless, chronicling everyday life of the marginalised or the overlooked as what was happening on etvScandal Facebook page. To Wall a definition of citizen journalist is contextual. I would add that in the context of the etvScandal Facebook page citizen journalism also meant enlightening, broadening, and heightening visibility about GBV that affects the marginalised black women in the townships. The audiences following the etv soap opera that form the basis of this chapter ask pertinent questions like why Gloria is putting up with her husband’s abuse or why is the husband not being arrested. I would also call what citizen journalists do as self-­representations undistorted by mass media gatekeepers to wider publics as Uldam (Uldam & Askanius, 2013) would describe them. The citizen journalists help to move issues like GBV at the centre of contemporary feminist politics. In South Africa such activism has led to legislation changes. When Cape Town student Uyinene Mrwetyana was raped and murdered in 2019, the #AmINext movement led a digital activism campaign that resulted in the government of South Africa enacting three news laws on domestic violence. Citizen journalists are thus fans who are beyond just being an audience and take part in activism that is designed to lead to societal change of behaviour towards a social phenomenon such as GBV. I agree with Largent and Burnett (2015) who further point out that the thoughts, questions, quotes citizen journalists pose on social media are all part of interaction. Not only are they sharing content but are adding to it (Largent & Burnett, 2015, p. 283). It is part of performative identity where story narratives about experiences are constantly changing depending on the “sociocultural contexts” in which that exchange takes place (Largent & Burnett, 2015, p. 285). The media practices of citizen journalists are fundamentally different from mainstream media’s where journalists are largely mediators of other people’s thoughts, views, and opinions especially that of authorities. Soap Opera, Social Television, and Smart Devices Social television enables one to have easy access to social media with broadcasters ensuring that the Facebook or Twitter buttons are within reach. Without soap opera, social television would, for example, be dead

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in South Africa because soap opera is the most popular genre on South Africa’s television after advertisements, news, reality, sports, and music (Thelwell, 2014). Scandal is currently watched by over 6 million people in South Africa alone (Mlambo, 2019). EtvScandal Facebook page has more than a million likes. This just goes to show that people, which in this case are the citizen journalists, are prime movers of messages and not technology. Statistics show that South Africans spend over 9 hours or more on Internet and more than 4  hours on television (de Villiers, 2019; Sewnarain, 2020).

Methodology Data was collected from Facebook threads relating to six purposively sampled episodes of the e-tv soap opera Scandal using the netnography mostly associated by Robert Kozinets. Apart from watching the Scandal soap opera episodes in question to familiarise myself with the whole action, I followed social media talk on the e-tv Scandal episodes in question, observing who commented, how they commented, and what they said. Data analysis was conducted using a combination of thematic and a loose form of discourse-theoretical approach (Sayyid & Zac, 1998, p. 249), filtered through the interpretive lens of netnography and the feminist theoretical framework.

Results and Discussion Many Watching the Few The chapter sought to answer the following questions: (1) What was the type of journalism that shaped the talk that happened on etvScandal Facebook when it showed GBV episodes in 2015? (2) How did the technology convergence of social television, social media, and second screens help to shape this social media talk? (3) What did this journalism on “social media talk” reveal in terms of participants’ awareness of intimate partner violence? The kind of citizen journalism we see on etvScandal Facebook page is a form of feminist political action that instils an awareness among citizens that GBV is not right and a statement that those who commit it will be exposed in the public domain. It is part of the “many watching the few” (Mathiesen, 1997). It echoes what Love (2019) says that it puts women experiences at the centre. It allows for the flourishing of more

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passive forms of engagement. For example, the sharing of comments about GBV on an entertainment page, such as etvScandal Facebook page, can be viewed as “slacktivism or clicktivism” as Morozov (2009) calls it, but from a mediation perspective, it is a form of resistance. Fuchs (2017, p. 190) views liking as an ideology. His explanation is that the like button is a way of Facebook to allow users to express empathy. For example, for one to qualify as a participant observer even when participating in the conversations, citizen media journalists first must “like” the etvScandal Facebook page. Of course, no social media causes revolutions and protests on its own. It’s only when mediated communication morphs with offline interaction such as in the 2011 Egypt revolution, where fan communities played no significant role on their own. It is also true that networked feminism does not always produce tangible results. Morozov (2009) in his online article calls it “feel good online activism” where there is no social impact. In South Africa critics say that feminist activism around GBV only happens when a woman has been murdered and her story shared online. Findings of the research that forms the basis for this chapter reveal that while social media citizen journalists commenting on etv’s GBV episodes on social media did not cause a physical revolution, such conversations help to construct feminist identity culture similar to what we have seen with the #metoo and #blacklives matter feminist global social media movement campaigns where women’s issues and in this case GBV are kept high on agenda. By so doing, digital activism by citizen journalists contributes to critical visibility and awareness that is needed for the eradication of GBV and its positioning on the social change agenda. Citizen social media journalism often relies on accounts of lived experiences. Citizen media activists see Gloria’s experience as believable and relatable through the sharing of their own similar personal stories. The fictitious becomes reality as Gloria mirrors the experiences of the Facebook audience. This self-performative identity by Gloria is used by citizen journalists to sustain months-long discourses. These discourses provide what Freire (1970) terms as a democratic production of knowledge which helps to define what citizen media does—which is to become the voice of resistance. In a way citizen journalism helps to give people a sense of the magnitude of the problem (Fileborn & Loney-Howes, 2019). The action by etvScandal fans thus becomes “symbolic and spectacular” in nature meaning that even though it is not designed nor intended to have any structural impact or to have revolutionary systemic change

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(Cammaerts et al., 2013, p. 12), it helps to discredit GBV media rhetoric particularly by politicians. It frames GBV as a patriarchal problem where, for example, some women cannot report violence against them to the police because of lack of trust in the police and justice system including the fact that those police stations are far away (Health e-news, 2020). The patriarch system that runs through institutions creates structural violence against women, making GBV problematic to solve, but the way citizen social journalism interweaves the “outside” (real life) with the “inside” (social media) helps people to talk about issues that affect them. There is somewhat a shared understanding that by sharing traumatic stories, lives will be saved. There is also an impression that talking gives power and voice back to victims. Mainstream media has no capacity nor space to accommodate that many views as we see on social media platforms. It is considered a brave act for those who talk in digital spaces. It also helps for justice to be served (El-Faizy, 2021). It is also a message that you fight a taboo by naming it, which we have seen on etvScandal Facebook, #AmINext, and #metooincest more than we see in the mainstream media eco-system. Naming according to Love (2019) is part of truth and narrative telling that is consistent with black feminism. Hearing other people speak makes one feel less alone. By speaking out in numbers as what social media citizen journalists do make others understand that it is their right to be heard. Social media citizen journalists show that even if social media is a private sphere, it helps to connect and not to isolate. It helps link the personal to the political (Papacharissi, 2010, p. 21). So, there is a tendency to bring about radical change. For example, citizen journalists demanded that Gloria file a divorce to create a “safe” ending which in mainstream media will be like manipulating news sources to say what people want to hear. Manipulation of sources is an unethical practice in the mainstream media. In digital activism, it is a tool to help send a strong message that abuse of women is not right. Obakeng is ultimately sent to jail as part of the citizen journalists’ “suggestions”. The producers of Scandal were also “advised” to find Gloria another man. This kind of audience participation introduces a level of participation that is impossible in mainstream media, but which is nevertheless part of communication. It is not consistent with mainstream journalism practices as we know it but its role of “share, cooperate and act together” (Shirky, 2008, p.  304) is a powerful tool that drives conversations and foster debate.

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Is Technology Convergence Taking Citizen Journalism to a Whole New Level? This kind of discourse which we see on etvScandal Facebook page helps with construction of women’s online identity. Identity is “what we are doing, where with whom” and less of who we are (Largent & Burnett, 2015, p. 285). These authors contend that each comment made shapes and reshapes our lives. The self-representation or story-telling experiences by social media journalists help to give GBV representation in the media fresh impetus. The critical public debate it offers is key to changing knowledge, attitudes, and practices. It is a mirror to those facing the same abuse or those who do not realise that certain taken-for-granted norms and relations in their lives are abusive. It is no surprise that Gloria’s perceived “blindness” and passivity in the face of abuse attracted the most attention. Mainstream media have no capacity to sustain a debate of that nature because they must move on to other topics and it is concerned with making money. The social media citizen journalism elicits stories from the margins represented by Gloria. This differs from the mainstream media that normally shares stories featuring voices of authorities (Habermas, 1989, p. 177). In South Africa, media is awash with government GBV rhetoric considered by critics as empty because it does not match what happens on the ground. The mainstream media generally does not provide many opportunities for survivors to share their experiences in the magnitude we see on social media. Social media discourses give other abused women hope that they will also recover (Walter, 2011). Although not a movement, the citizen journalism we see on etvScandal Facebook unite through a common goal—it can be viewing Scandal, posting, or reading comments on the social media page. Sometimes this citizen journalism goes unnoticed. These fans of Scandal or citizen journalists are more than just audiences. What makes them unique is that they make news in new and disruptive ways (Cassella, 2015, p. 7). For example, on the etvScandal Facebook page commenters would feel like “clapping” Gloria, just to help her to “wake up” to the reality that being beaten does not constitute love. Another wished to meet with Obakeng for “advice”. Another remarked that if no one rescued Gloria, they would do it themselves. This type of journalism does not just end with commenting, but it suggests solutions and actions, making the role of social media citizen journalists critical and different from conventional journalism practices.

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Citizen Journalism, Pedagogy, Cultural Power Networked feminism has a pedagogical political function that helps with rich and nuanced understandings of citizen media activism (Della Porta & Diani, 2011). It drives the point home to men that commit GBV more than women that it is wrong. It is also another way of scrutinising humanity. For example, how do men and women perceive each other? Some viewed Gloria as a gold digger and wayward woman because she liked living lavishly even when she was a mere cleaner. Her critics judge her for acting without her husband’s consent, especially when she refuses to sell her property against her husband’s wishes. This group of citizen journalists believe the world is fast-paced, individualistic, trendy, and more postmodern than modern. They prefer feminism in a postmodern key, since it allows for the opening of a new set of possibilities for the representation of women, in work and in family, in public and in private, and in “real life” and on television. It creates space for new and cross-pollinated narratives to sprout and offers creative possibilities for women rather than try to put women in a box as if they have no rights, which is what mainstream media often does. Statistics tells us that only less than 20 per cent of women speak to the media in Africa. Evidence shows that soap operas help networked feminism to gain cultural power which can only happen when audiences speak in numbers and in solidarity as what the social media talk often does and which is impossible in the mainstream media. In doing so, the activism on etvScandal page helps participants to be aware that violence against women is wrong. For example, they are aware of the complex nature of gender violence, awareness of Obakeng as an abusive partner, awareness of stages of abuse, awareness of the nature of violence and control, awareness of “representation tensions”, and awareness of Gloria’s predicament and Gloria as the victim of abuse. In addition, media including social television and social media are terrains for ideological violence where views can be used to manipulate people’s minds. We saw this during the US Capitol attack by former US President Donald Trump’s supporters who were disputing President Joe Biden’s win of the US 2020 elections after tweets by Trump (Mascaro et al., 2021). Broadcasters harness this power that digital technologies have on people’s minds to use them to change behaviour something mainstream media may be weak on. The power of social media helps citizen journalism that takes place there build new feminist ideologies, placing women’s issues that have been long deemed private in the political

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sphere. For example, Gloria’s abuse draws debates about property inheritance and definitions of marriage resonating with Love’s (Love, 2019) assertions that the audiences who participate in these forums are knowledge themselves. It also provides the patriarchal power knowledge of GBV. For example, Obakeng shames Gloria, for instance, for not conducting household chores and doing her “wifely duties” such as cooking for him. This is not only a form of stereotyping of woman as a stay-at-home spouse. It is also an attempt to inscribe her body as good only for domestication and for gratification of male needs. This type of journalism is impossible to imagine in the mainstream media and provides a good example of how media technologies help to bring the personal into the public realm. Social media has reinvented the power dynamic between viewer and producer. Whereas in the past traditional journalists had the job of reviewing and critiquing films and television programmes. Social media citizen journalists such as we see in the Scandal media talk have also assumed that role. For example, they take part in commenting about their favourite characters in the soap and carry opinions on what they think they represent. For example, commenters were angry with Gloria for being blind to her situation and accused Obakeng of being a serial abuser. This form of critique is like what film or television critics may do. Social media content influences the show’s television content. For instance, when commenters demand that Gloria be granted a divorce and that Obakeng be sent to jail or that Gloria finds another man. The relationship of social television and social media becomes symbiotic. Television becomes this “multifaceted media source” that “attack from all angles with material” (Cassella, 2015, p. 16). By contributing suggestions citizen journalists view themselves as part of the bigger picture as they see themselves as shareholders who not only make decisions but participate in content writing and this helps in spreading feminist knowledge. Creativity The mediatisation process analysed not only helps us to learn about media practice, but it helps uncover creativity within citizen journalists. News construction frameworks in the mainstream media are steeped in Western capitalist and patriarch news values and norms that sometimes commoditize news to sustain the industry or meet agenda of owners of production. Citizen media journalism news agenda is not derived from an agenda of

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selling news (although it can be self-performative such as wanting to be seen and out of fear of missing out). I noticed that it is more driven by the agenda of the owner of the platform. Producers of Scandal used hooks such as asking questions that trigger conversations or using trailers or teasers to excite audience to go to the social media pages. The producers and marketing team of Scandal used the Facebook platform primarily to drop excerpts, teasers, and trailers deliberately and strategically to cause suspense and attract viewership. They also placed “Last Night on Scandal” teasers to provoke audiences to talk and to mine such feedback. Feedback is crucial in improving shows in the cut-throat ratings game. The producers would draw these trailers, cliff hangers, and teasers as marketing gimmicks, from what they perceive to be the most moving, funny, and noteworthy parts of the soapie’s episodes, but without producing spoilers. This goes to show that citizen journalism can just be manipulated as in mainstream media. There is also no conformity or style. Indigenous languages are mixed with the English language and conversations are syntactically complex and appear chaotic although they carry a meaning. Citizen journalism comments use abbreviated words, which if one is not familiar with, audiences can lose the essence of what is being talked about. Use of indigenous languages and expressions common in sub-Saharan Africa such as the ones used on the platform however gives GBV in the global South a new kind of nuance and more understanding to those whose English is not their mother tongue. Such language flexibility that allows more audience to follow the story cannot be found in mainstream media journalism. Rage and Misogyny Citizen journalism we see on platforms like Scandal are useful in expressing dissatisfaction. In the case of etvScandal Facebook the anger was about Gloria not being able to make quick decisions and putting up with Obakeng’s violent streak for too long. Citizen journalists complained about Gloria’s representation saying it was “weak” and stereotypic and angry at Obakeng for being an abusive man. This is a rejection and a challenge to patriarchal and cultural norms that expect women to be subordinates that we do not often see in the mainstream journalism. Without these views by citizen journalists, Scandal would not be that popular just like there would not be any media organisation to talk about if there are no journalists. The citizen journalists contribute to providing answers to one of the most topical issues affecting women in South Africa.

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Women, however, still face misogyny, and this is true for citizen and mainstream journalists. The misogyny witnessed on the platform shows how patriarch power that peripheralises women in all sectors extends to cyber spaces. Vitriolic attacks took the direction of “how can you, as a woman”, say that? Others stated “[T]his, coming from you a woman, is sickening”, “[S]ad to read a comment like yours, especially coming from a woman”, “[S]tupid comment from a female”, “I didn’t realise that you are a woman, it makes it worse”, “[W]hat kind of an animal are you, you are not human”, and “[Y]ou are mad, if it were your mother how would you feel?” (Phiri, 2019). Similarly, women in mainstream newsrooms face harassment physically or online.

Conclusion The self-mediation practices by citizen journalists in digital spaces such as etvScandal are a form of social media journalism that helps to give visibility, to create awareness, and to broaden and define GBV issues in ways that are different from conventional mainstream media journalism. It gives more scope of learning an issue through multiple conversations that can be sustained over a long period than what mainstream journalism does. It provides several perspectives and offers several themes. While the talk was about Gloria, this was not about an individual black woman but the bigger injustice behind it. Technology is helping us to see long-standing tradition of oppression among black South African women. Citizen journalists go beyond mainstream journalism as they help to redefine and break down male hegemony structures that still exist and are often used to define meaning about women, resulting in less attention and visibility given to women’s issues such as GBV. As much as technology poses an opportunity for networked feminism, women also face new exclusion such as access and recognition. Technology also brings contradictions to the role of citizen journalism, which is why we see, on the one hand, digital technologies seem like revolutionary tools but, on the other hand, they result in misogyny that is a form of violence against women and curtails freedom of speech. The strength of this research was that it relied on views of the people rather than interviewing the broadcaster Scandal, but it was weak in that it focuses on one space so perhaps a wider scale research can provide different perspectives. Focus on mediation and media practices on social media is a necessity and helps us to study what people do rather than just what they say.

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CHAPTER 6

Online Harassment of Journalists in Zimbabwe: Experiences, Coping Strategies and Implications Mphathisi Ndlovu and Nkosini Aubrey Khupe

Introduction Journalists across the globe are confronted with safety risks whilst carrying out their professional work (Waisbord, 2020a; Jamil, 2019). Given how journalists are increasingly relying on digital tools for news gathering, production and distribution, it is timely to interrogate the safety threats and risks that they face in this digital era. Journalists occupy a “vulnerable position” as a result of the endangered nature of their profession (Perreault & Perreault, 2021, 976). They are at risk of being abused and harassed online by hostile social actors. Online harassment of journalists tends to be conducted through website posts, emails and instant messages (Waisbord, 2020a). As such, making the work of journalists online “less vulnerable” has become a pertinent issue in various discourses (Waisbord, 2020a,

M. Ndlovu (*) Stellenbosch University, Stellenbosch, South Africa N. A. Khupe National University of Science and Technology, Bulawayo, Zimbabwe © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 T. Matsilele et al. (eds.), New Journalism Ecologies in East and Southern Africa, Palgrave Studies in Journalism and the Global South, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-23625-9_6

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1040). Scholarship in Western contexts demonstrates that online attacks in times of “digital hate” are on the rise (Waisbord, 2020a, 1030). This “demonization”, “disciplining” and “silencing” of journalists constitute “mob censorship” (Waisbord, 2020a, 1030). However, literature on online harassment of journalists in Africa is scarce. African newsrooms are increasingly adopting and utilising analytics for news production and distribution (Moyo et al., 2019). The deployment of analytic tools has “altered how news organizations in different parts of Africa monitor, track, engage in digital listening and interact with their audiences” (Moyo et al., 2019, 490). These developments have produced a new phenomenon called “analytics-driven journalism” (Moyo et  al., 2019, 490). With an emphasis on metrics and audience engagement, newsrooms have created new positions such as “Engagement Editor, Social Media Manager and Audience, and Growth Editor” (Moyo et al., 2019, 493). This impetus for engaged journalism is placing journalists at risk of harassment by the audiences they serve (Holton et al., 2021; Lewis et al., 2020). With newsrooms focusing on “audience interactivity”, journalists have become “more exposed to attacks online or trolling” (Waisbord, 2020b, 1). This chapter analyses the form and nature of online harassment experienced by Zimbabwean journalists. It considers the socio-political, cultural and economic contexts that are shaping this phenomenon. In addition, it identifies the coping strategies and tactics used by Zimbabwean journalists to deal with online attacks. Waisbord (2020a, 1040) poses a fundamental question: “[H]ow does journalism work when mob censorship is lurking and trolls are ready to pounce?”. This chapter, therefore, probes the implications of online harassment for journalist-­ audience relationship and for democracy. This qualitative research utilised data from 18 participants drawn from local newsrooms and civil society. These included 15 journalists and 3 digital security trainers. Data were collected from December 2021 to February 2022. In-depth interviews were held with 15 journalists from mainstream newsrooms in Zimbabwe (Daily News, NewsDay, The Chronicle, The Sunday News and CITE). Additionally, in-depth interviews were also held with three digital security trainers to provide a deeper understanding of online harassment in the journalism field.

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The Media in Zimbabwe: An Overview The media environment in the country is dominated by state-owned institutions (The Herald Chronicle, Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation etc.) which propagate the narrative of the ruling party. On the other hand, privately-owned press such as NewsDay tend to articulate pro-opposition politics. Most Zimbabweans are connecting to the Internet via mobile phones (Mare, 2020, 4251). Scholarship demonstrates that digital tools are transforming newsroom practices in African contexts as journalists are forging creative ways of newsmaking (Tshuma et  al., 2022; Ndlovu & Sibanda, 2021). Thus, digital technologies are shaping the processes of news gathering and reporting (Ndlovu & Sibanda, 2021). In Zimbabwe, journalists are increasingly utilising mobile phones in their day-to-day professional routines to strengthen ties with sources and audiences (Mabweazara, 2014). A case study of leading print newsrooms in Zimbabwe indicates that readers’ comments are transforming newsmaking practices in the country (Mabweazara, 2014). However, the challenge with user comments is the lack of clear “gatekeeping strategies” which has resulted in the opening of “floodgates of abuses and extremist views that pose serious threats to the core values of news as well as the normative ideals of traditional journalism” (Mabweazara, 2014, 44). Further, the adoption and appropriation of digital technologies in Zimbabwe has resulted in the “blurring of the boundaries between the work and the private life of journalists” (Mabweazara, 2011, 692). During the COVID-19 era, Zimbabwean journalists “increasingly relied on interactive digital tools such as WhatsApp and Twitter to generate story ideas, conduct diary meetings, and for virtual sourcing” (Ndlovu & Sibanda, 2021, 1). Despite the significance of digital tools in shaping journalism practice in Zimbabwe, media practitioners must deal with obstacles such as state-ordered Internet shutdowns (Mare, 2020, 4244) and exorbitant Internet costs (Ndlovu & Sibanda, 2021). State-driven surveillance is disrupting the journalistic news gathering and gathering practices (Munoriyarwa, 2021; Munoriyarwa & Chiumbu, 2019; Tshuma et  al., 2022). Surveillance regulation laws such as the Interception of Communications Act (2007) are not only undermining press freedom, but also “damaging the relationship between journalists and their sources” (Munoriyarwa & Chiumbu, 2019, 26). As a result, journalists are reconsidering the ways of interacting with their sources (Munoriyarwa, 2021). Tshuma et  al. (2022) add that Zimbabwean journalists are adopting

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surveillance and digital security strategies in their day-to-day professional practice. Media-related civil society organisations such as the Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA) and the Voluntary Media Council of Zimbabwe (VMCZ) are playing a key role in equipping journalists with skills to “evade state surveillance” (Tshuma et al., 2022, 64). Given the prominence of digital tools to the work of media practitioners in Zimbabwe, this chapter examines how issues of online harassment are affecting the work of journalists and the implications for democracy.

Online Harassment of Journalists: Issues and Complexities The term ‘harassment’ is marked by definitional complexities (Miller, 2021). Whilst it is mostly used interchangeably with ‘bullying’, harassment relates “to the person’s identity e.g. his or her gender, faith or ethnicity” (Yusop, 2021, 28). Bullying is “based on abuse of power” (Yusop, 2021, 28). Behaviours that are considered as harassment include “obscene gestures, dirty looks, threats, yelling, giving the silent treatment, and belittling” (Bowling & Beehr, 2006, 998). Deery et al. (2011) add that harassment can range from “ridicule and rumors, to verbal threats and name calling”. Sexual violence is “equally important” to the understanding of harassment (Miller, 2021, 4). In essence, harassment constitutes “unwanted behaviors that are sexual, abusive, sexist, or aggressive in nature” (Miller & Lewis, 2022). In offline spaces, it includes behaviours such as “abusive phone calls, vandalism, threatening mail, and physical assault” (Citron, 2014, 4). With the proliferation of digital sites, ‘online harassment’ (Miller & Lewis, 2022) or ‘cyber harassment’ (Citron, 2014) has become more prevalent. Online harassment denotes antisocial behaviours that include “threats of violence, privacy invasions, reputation-harming lies, calls from strangers to physically harm victims and technological attacks” (Citron, 2014, 3). Although some of these unwanted behaviours take place offline, the Internet “exacerbate the injuries suffered” by victims of harassment (Citron, 2014, 4). Some of the Internet features that intensify online harassment include the ability for individuals to surf the web anonymously and being invincible (e.g. through using Virtual Private Networks to access the Internet) (Chen et  al., 2020). Victims face all sorts of

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harassment from perpetrators using anonymous accounts on social media platforms and even fake names. Globally, the harassment of journalists has been the focus of several non-governmental organisations (NGOs) such as Reporters Without Borders, Freedom House and the Committee to Protect Journalists (Nilsson & Ornebring, 2016). Focus has been put largely on authoritarian societies where, generally, there is no rule of law (Nilsson & Ornebring, 2016). Zimbabwe, the country studied here, is argued to be authoritarian in nature and as such considered to have the highest prevalence of harassment of journalists especially by the state through draconian media laws. Over the years, journalists such as Hopewell Chin’ono have been arrested, detained and threatened with death for doing their jobs. Itai Dzamara, a Zimbabwean journalist, disappeared after being allegedly kidnapped by state security forces and his whereabouts remain a mystery. However, with the advent of the Internet and its related technologies, the nature of harassment against journalists, globally as well as locally, has changed. Scholars such as Miller (2021) and Chen et al. (2020) believe that digital tools have exacerbated harassment against journalists. It is prudent to acknowledge that the growth of the Internet such as social media has the potential to widen the democratic space, promote collaboration between reporters and their audiences and ensure the safety of journalists from harassment (Lewis et al., 2020). Digital technologies have brought about immense benefits to journalism which, among others, include abundant information and enhanced interaction between journalists and their audiences (Lewis et  al., 2020). Journalists, in turn, have benefitted from the visibility that they get through online platforms such as social media (Nilsson & Ornebring, 2016; Miller, 2021). While it can be acknowledged that digital technologies have offered significant freedoms and visibility to journalists and the journalism profession, scholars such as Miller (2021) and Miller and Lewis (2022) further argue that this has made journalists vulnerable to online harassment. Since online platforms give audiences an opportunity to communicate with journalists freely and sometimes anonymously, trolls and other perpetrators can attack journalists with impunity (Nilsson & Ornebring, 2016). Digital technologies have enabled ordinary individuals to abuse and harass journalists through blogging, emails, instant messages, website postings and doxing (Waisbord, 2020a).

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Research on the nature of online harassment against journalists has largely centred around three key features of harassment, that is, gender, personal visibility and newsroom size (Lewis et al., 2020). Firstly, literature demonstrates that gender is a key element of online harassment as women journalists experience online harassment the most (Tandoc et al., 2021; Waisbord, 2020a). Female journalists face harassment in the form of sexist comments, verbal attacks, marginalisation, criticism and threats based on gender and sexuality (Holton et al., 2021), which some regard as ‘online gendered harassment’ (Chen et al., 2020). Thus, women journalists are “targeted for the simple fact they are women taking on a public role”. In contexts such as Kenya, forms of online gendered harassment or attacks include “cyber stalking, sexual harassment, surveillance and unauthorized use and manipulation of personal information, including images and videos”. Secondly, personal visibility emerged as another feature of online harassment against journalists (Lewis et  al., 2020). According to Lewis et al. (2020, 8), “[T]he extent of a journalist’s personal visibility … may also impact the incidence and type of harassment received by a journalist”. Increased visibility of journalists on online platforms has made them vulnerable to harassment (Kim & Shin, 2022; Miller & Lewis, 2022; Miller, 2021). Being too visible online makes journalists vulnerable to offenders who “exploit the personal data gleaned online to hijack the accounts of these journalists in order to discredit them”. Lastly, the size of a newsroom also contributes to the nature of online harassment. Lewis et  al. (2020) posit that journalists from bigger newsrooms were most likely to experience online harassment compared to journalists from small newsrooms. Journalism best serves democracy through its roles as a watchdog, providing information, and as a public sphere (Miller, 2021). Visibility, enhanced through digital technologies, enables journalists to interact with audiences and, in the process, strengthen the democratic role of journalism (Waisbord, 2020b). However, several studies conducted in established democracies such as Sweden (Nilsson & Ornebring, 2016) and the United States (Miller, 2021) demonstrate that the harassment of journalists has a negative impact on democracy. The harassment of journalists constitutes a “democratic problem” (Nilsson & Ornebring, 2016, 881), especially as journalists normalise and sometimes ignore unwanted behaviours (Miller, 2021). In a study by Baroni et al. (2022), journalists from 18 countries (mostly Western contexts), considered harassment to be a major threat to

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democracy. Some of the implications to democracy include “mob censorship” which stifles freedom of speech (Waisbord, 2020a), as well as self-­ censorship where journalists would deliberately avoid covering certain topics in fear of being harassed (Nilsson & Ornebring, 2016; Miller, 2021). Although there has been a steady increase in literature focusing on the harassment of journalists offline and online (Kim & Shin, 2022; Nilsson & Ornebring, 2016; Miller, 2021; Holton et  al., 2021; Lewis et al., 2020; Waisbord, 2020a; Miller & Lewis, 2022; Chen et al., 2020), less is known about the nature of such harassment in non-Western contexts such as Zimbabwe. Whilst online harassment is experienced by journalists globally, it “presents local and national particularities” (Waisbord, 2020a, 1031). This study contributes to the growing scholarship by focussing on the Zimbabwean particularity.

Theory The notion of “audience engagement” has become a buzzword within contemporary news organisations (Belair-Gagnon et al., 2019). It denotes the “participatory cultures”, “online interactivity” and “exchanges between journalists and audiences” (Belair-Gagnon et  al., 2019, 558). This study draws upon the concept of “reciprocal journalism” as it provides a framework for making sense of the “formation and perpetuation of vibrant communities” (Lewis et al., 2014, 229). The idea of reciprocity helps us to understand the “social dynamics of online communities and social media” (Lewis et al., 2014, 229). Reciprocal journalism is “imagining how journalists might develop more mutually beneficial relationships with audiences” (Lewis et  al., 2014, 229). Given how digital tools are shaping audience engagement, the notion of reciprocal journalism provides an analytical framework for examining the journalist-audience engagements (Belair-Gagnon et al., 2019; Lewis et al., 2014). The concept of reciprocal journalism can be applied to evaluate the nature of reciprocity between journalists and citizens (Belair-Gagnon et al., 2019). Reciprocal journalism is concerned with “interactions” and “exchanges of mutual benefit” between journalists and their audiences (Lewis et al., 2014, 230). It is meant to promote greater “trust”, “connectedness” and “relationship-building’ between news organisations and citizens (Belair-­ Gagnon et al., 2019, 559). Online spaces are defining and reinvigorating audience engagement and participatory journalism cultures. Belair-­ Gagnon and colleagues posit that engagement is “driven by public media

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journalists’ desire to make their relationship with the public more enduring and mutually beneficial” (2019, 558). Through participatory journalism, audiences become more engaged and part of the news process (Lewis et  al., 2014). However, journalists “generally have struggled to accept certain aspects of participatory journalism” as they prefer to “control user engagement within carefully bounded parameters” (Lewis et  al., 2014, 231). Whilst dominant scholarship focuses on the potential for participatory journalism to promote mutual trust between journalists and citizens (Belair-Gagnon et al., 2019; Lewis et al., 2014), there are downsides of engaging audiences online (Lewis et  al., 2020). Literature on engaged audiences is replete with “lofty and unrealistic set of norms and ideals associated with audience involvement” (Lewis et al., 2020, 1052). Given these assumptions about productive encounters between journalists and audiences, “much less is known about the more sinister side of such online interactions” (Lewis et al., 2020, 1048). In their research on online harassment, Lewis and colleagues demonstrate that the “experience of online harassment may complicate the way that journalists think about and act toward their audiences” (2020, 1047). To make sense of the experiences of journalists with online harassment, we also draw upon the hierarchy of influences, or hierarchical, model (Shoemaker & Reese, 2014). This model was developed as an analytical framework for showing the factors that shape the production of media content (Shoemaker & Reese, 2014). It is composed of five levels of influence, namely, the individuals, routines, organisations, social institutions and social systems (Shoemaker & Reese, 2014, 8). First, the emphasis of the individual level is on how media content is shaped by the beliefs and attitudes of individual media workers (Shoemaker & Reese, 2014, 8). It focuses on the psychological factors that shape the professional work of individual communicators (Shoemaker & Reese, 2014, 8). Second, the routine level focuses on the routine practices that enable and constrain the work of media workers (Shoemaker & Reese, 2014, 8). Third, the organisation level emphasises the structures such as organisation policy that shape media production (Shoemaker & Reese, 2014, 8). Last, the social system and social institution levels focus on the larger trans-organisational landscape and ideological forces that shape the production of media content (Shoemaker & Reese, 2014, 8). The hierarchy of influences model is a suitable framework as hostility towards journalists is “rooted in significantly deeper social systems and contexts” (Miller, 2021, 10). Thus, socio-­ political and economic factors influence the work of journalists

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(Miller, 2021; Shoemaker & Reese, 2014). In addition, this chapter considers how journalists’ values, beliefs, experiences and backgrounds shape the ways in which media workers cope with online harassment.

Online Harassment of Journalists in Zimbabwe: Surveillance, Vigilantism and Disciplinary Practices The new journalism ecologies are characterised by participatory cultures as journalists are expected to engage with their audiences. However, there are risks and threats to journalists that impinge on the professional practice. Findings indicate that journalists in Zimbabwe are exposed to various forms of harassment such as threats, bullying and surveillance. In non-­ democratic contexts such as Zimbabwe, journalists are subjected to state surveillance, arbitrary arrests and detentions (Tshuma et al., 2022; Ndlovu & Sibanda, 2021). The country is ranked 137th out of 180 countries on the World Press Freedom Index. Draconian media laws and the government clampdown on journalists are impinging on the operations and performance of the media (Mpofu, 2014). One of the journalists identified the threat of surveillance as a dominant form of harassment: I received threats from a person I had written about. They told me that they were watching me.

Another journalist added: We receive threats from people who would claim that you misrepresented them whereas you would have given them a chance to respond to whatever is being said about them, but they refuse to comment.

These threats are made through phone calls and online spaces. According to some journalists, threats of surveillance also come from suspected state security agents. Thus, journalists may be stalked by suspected state security agents whenever they write a news story that is critical of the government. Journalists are prone to threats of being ‘watched’ by social actors such as politicians who would supposedly have been misrepresented in news stories. The “ever-increasing panopticon tendencies” (Munoriyarwa & Chiumbu, 2019, 32) of politicians and other social actors can have adverse impacts on the journalism practice. The ways in which Zimbabwean

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journalists perceive surveillance have implications on their professional practice (Tshuma et al., 2022; Munoriyarwa & Chiumbu, 2019). Thus, online harassment in the form of threats of surveillance is disrupting newsmaking cultures in Zimbabwe. Threats of surveillance have negative consequences on how “journalists gather news, approach sources and report the news” (Munoriyarwa & Chiumbu, 2019, 27). Tandoc et al. posit that online harassment can be “weaponized to distract and derail news reporting” (2021, 8). Other journalists bemoaned being exposed to threats of arrests and beating that are made through “anonymous phone calls” and online platforms. Such forms of “disciplining” and “silencing” journalists (Waisbord, 2020a, 1030) are undermining the prospects of reciprocal journalism in Zimbabwe. The harassment of journalists is prevalent in digital spaces as participants bewailed how they are “being bullied on social media”. Whilst social media tools have a potential of strengthening participatory journalism cultures, the online exchanges have a “sinister side” as journalists are prone to abuse from “hostile publics” (Lewis et al., 2020, 1048). Digital technologies have been lauded for promoting interactive and participatory journalism, but the downside has been an increase in the “harassment of journalists by the audiences they serve” (Holton et al., 2021, 2). The push for “digital publicity” and “audience interactivity” in the new ecology has made journalists “more exposed to attacks online or trolling (Waisbord, 2020b, 1). In the new participatory environment, journalists are expected to engage audiences on social media (Holton et al., 2021, 3). However, the online abuse is disrupting participatory journalism as newsmakers, in some instances, are not interacting with audiences in a cordial manner. The polarised political environment in Zimbabwe has exacerbated the digital hate and demonisation of journalists. On the one hand, the state-­ controlled media perpetuate the narrative of the ruling party (Ndlovu & Sibanda, 2021). On the other hand, the private press propagates the ideology of the opposition political parties in the country (Chuma et al., 2020). In this regard, journalists from the state-owed media tend to be demonised by audiences on social media as “regime enablers”, whilst those from the private press as “puppets of the West”. A journalist working for a state-­owned news organisation echoed similar sentiments: Working for a state media publication which mainly propagate state propaganda, we usually become subjected to online harassment.

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Additionally, journalists who critique the government are subjected to personal attacks on Twitter from government officials. Evidently, journalism is entangled in Zimbabwean political struggles. As a result, name-­ calling has become a key feature used by audiences to silence and discipline journalists in online spaces. Rather than these digital spaces being used to enhance mutual interactions, connectedness and relationship building between journalists and audiences, they are promoting digital hate and mob censorship. Waisbord (2020a, 1030) regards mob censorship as a form of “citizen vigilantism aimed at disciplining journalism”. Additionally, a journalist noted the gendered dimension of online abuse as female journalists tend to be labelled “prostitutes” by readers with different viewpoints. The labelling of female journalists as “prostitutes” and other negative comments on social media demonstrate the toxicity of engaged journalism in the country. However, this gendered online harassment is a reflection of the discrimination and prejudice against women in various spaces in Zimbabwe. Social media discourses are characterised by the sexism, harassment and objectification of Zimbabwean female politicians (Ncube & Yemurai, 2020). Studies show prevalence of gendered violence in online spaces (Lewis et al., 2020; Holton et al., 2021). Online harassment against journalists “disproportionately affects women” (Lewis et al., 2020, 1047) as they “have to deal with harassment much more frequently” (Holton et al., 2021, 3). Given this problem of online harassment, what are the strategies deployed by Zimbabwe journalists to deal with it?

Strategies for Dealing with Online Harassment Journalists in Zimbabwe are employing various strategies to cope with digital hate. First, journalists hide their identities when publishing certain news stories in online spaces. Second, journalists only share news stories on their social media platforms that “are not linked to their own work” and those that relate to “lighter topics”. The ‘lighter topics’ are non-­ political stories such which do not attract vitriolic comments from social media trolls. A female journalist interviewed stated that she avoids the political desk or writing political stories as these usually attract trolls. In addition, some journalists are opting not to engage with audiences on social media platforms. However, this is problematic as in this age of engaged journalism, reporters are expected to interact with their audiences through new digital platforms. The hostility towards journalists has

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affected journalist-audience engagements on social media platforms. One of the journalists noted that her coping mechanisms include avoiding reading comments on her published news stories and not sharing her news stories on social media pages. The journalist believes that “avoiding the trolls helps a lot”. Although disengaging from social media platforms may help journalists to cope with trolling (Holton et al., 2021, 10), the downside is that it may undermine efforts of encouraging engagement between newsrooms and the public, or “making journalism public” (Waisbord, 2020b, 6). Additionally, feelings of “social media fatigue and burnout” may lead to journalists quitting the profession (Holton et al., 2021, 2). A journalist describes how online harassment affected his work: At the beginning of my career I felt it was too personal. With time I have learnt that these are the hazards we have to deal with and the best option is to ignore whatever is said on social media spaces.

Online harassment takes a toll on journalists, “emotionally and psychologically” (Tandoc et  al., 2021, 13). The perceived lack of “systemic efforts on the part of news organizations to address such harassment” is a huge concern amongst journalists (Holton et  al., 2021, 1). One of the participants interviewed noted that news organisations rarely provide support mechanisms to journalists who experience online harassment: “[I]t [online abuse] is often a laughing matter in newsrooms and jokes are created out of it”. The creation of jokes out of journalists’ experiences of abuse reinforces the view that harassment has been “normalised” in newsrooms (Miller, 2021, 14). In some instances, journalists do not speak up about it due to fear of being labelled as “emotionally sensitive or professionally toxic” (Holton et al., 2021, 3), or “weak or whiny” (Miller, 2021, 14). Given the journalists’ perceptions about the lack of support from news organisations in situations of harassment, it is important for newsrooms to rethink and deploy strategies of supporting journalists in this new participatory environment. Further, Zimbabwean journalists are protecting themselves against online harassment by deploying digital security measures. A digital security instructor identified the vulnerabilities in journalism practice: Citizen journalists are at a higher risk of different types of attacks that come through digital platforms, and this is largely due to their lack of deeper knowledge of the digital security tools that they have to use. More than half of the participants that I trained did not have passwords on their phones.

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Most journalists indicated that they had received some form of training on digital security. Organisations which offered such trainings include the Media Institute of Southern Africa, Code for Africa and the Centre for Innovation and Technology (CITE). These trainings covered a wide range of digital security issues which include crafting strong passwords, using Virtual Private Network (VPN), avtest.org and Keepass password manager, and safeguarding machines from hackers. Digital Society of Africa is one of the leading organisations that provide digital security literacy trainings to human rights defenders, activists and journalists. These findings support Munoriyarwa’s (2021, 421) argument that Zimbabwean journalists are employing various strategies such as reducing their “digital footprints” in order to resist “state-driven digital surveillance”. Despite the capacity-building assistance and technical support from various organisations, the digital literacy or data security awareness levels remain moderate. In addition, a digital security instructor noted: Gadgets used by some journalists were not up to standard in the sense that certain tools or software could not be installed for protection from digital attacks. It made it difficult to assist them to install some of the software. There is a lack of knowledge about the different types of software or security tools to protect journalists in the digital space. All the participants were attending the training on digital security for the first time. The lack of training offered to journalists places them at a vulnerable position. There is a need for journalism schools to equip practitioners and students with knowledge and skills on digital security.

Digital security is critical for democratic engagements (González & Rodelo, 2020). Although digital technologies tend to be celebrated for promoting social change, there are concerns about the threats, risks and vulnerabilities of journalists in this Digital Age (Henrichsen, 2020).

Online Harassment and Implications for Democracy The new ecologies of journalism are meant to promote interactivity, deliberation and participation. Social media tools enable journalists and audiences to interact in ways that enhance democracy. However, reciprocal journalism remains a pipe dream due to various factors. Zimbabwean journalists are exposed to bullying, state surveillance and other forms of harassment in online spaces. The ‘sinister’ side of these digital platforms has a

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negative impact on how journalists carry out their democratic obligations in society. Journalism safety is a huge concern across the globe (Jamil, 2019). For journalists, online harassment “has become a common feature of their working lives” (Holton et  al., 2021, 1). In Pakistan, safe journalism remains a “distant dream” as journalists are at risk of threats, murder and other forms of violence (Jamil, 2019, 51). The digital risks for journalists in Pakistan include threatening emails and WhatsApp messages (Jamil, 2019). Online harassment and attacks against journalists are also common in the United States and are “conducted through emails, instant messages, blogging, website postings, and doxing” (Waisbord, 2020a, 1030). Mob censorship is “not just a safety problem” but has implications for democracy (Waisbord, 2020a, 1041). Thus, online abuse undermines press freedom and democracy as “repeated online harassment could lead to cases of self-censorship as journalists avoid topics, they know are likely to result in backlash” (Holton et al., 2021, 11). A more vulnerable journalism “raises questions about how well it meets the many needs of democracies—holding power accountable, [and] bringing up important stories and voices” (Waisbord, 2019, 213).

Conclusion In non-democratic contexts such as Zimbabwe, the personal safety of journalists is pertinent. For the media to perform their democratic function, journalists should be equipped with skills to navigate through a hostile digital environment. Online harassment is a huge problem in Zimbabwe as most journalists interviewed have been subjected to abuse. Due to the volatile political environment in the country, some journalists have received threats from various political actors and audiences in general. Online abuse undermines efforts of newsrooms to use digital spaces to engage with the public. In certain situations, some journalists in Zimbabwe are disengaging from social media platforms in order to avoid trolls. This self-­censorship has implications for press freedom and democracy in Zimbabwe. There is a need for newsrooms to provide systematic mechanisms of supporting journalists who face abuse online. Whilst there are civic actors that are involving in training journalists on how to secure their online communications, online harassment of journalists remains a huge problem in Zimbabwean newsrooms.

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CHAPTER 7

‘Digital First’ as a Coping Measure for Malawi’s Print Newspapers Albert Sharra

Introduction Over the last two decades, internet, particularly its social networks, has revolutionized journalism by restructuring the news publishing processes, allowing anyone with a smartphone and social media account an opportunity to publish and edit news online (Steensen et al., 2021). News sources have also taken advantage of the timeliness of digital media to bypass the traditional media and connect directly with their audiences (Fisher, 2018). This has challenged the traditional media, particularly the print newspapers, to continue enjoying their monopoly on the news. Now news consumers “need the information at the same time journalists get it” (Lim, 2014). The digital media has also affected both readership and revenue of print media (McChesney, 2016; Carlson, 2005). This is because news consumers have many sources of news and news sources have several options to reach their audiences with information directly and quickly (Scheufele &

A. Sharra (*) University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 T. Matsilele et al. (eds.), New Journalism Ecologies in East and Southern Africa, Palgrave Studies in Journalism and the Global South, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-23625-9_7

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Tewksbury, 2007). These shifts have seen many established and powerful print newspapers being forced into extinction (Roper, 2021). For instance, according to Roper (2021), between 2022 and 2021, the circulation of daily newspapers in South Africa fell by an average of 40% and print as a news source dropped down by 5% points to 32%. In Malawi, print media rose with the dawn of democracy but shrunk within years due to lack of revenue, leaving the country with only two national daily print newspapers which were later joined by weekend papers (Chitsulo & Mang’anda, 2011). The last two decades have seen a number of print newspapers gracing the market but with limited potential to survive and have been disappearing one by one. So far, Times and NPL are the only publishers of print newspapers that are national in their outreach and have been around for more than three decades. This makes the publications unique cases for any study on print newspapers in Malawi. Both Times and NPL publish three print newspapers covering the seven days of a week. Times has the Daily Times which comes out Monday to Friday, Malawi News is published on Saturdays while Sunday Times every Sunday. From Monday to Friday, NPL publishes The Nation and Weekend Nation comes out on Saturdays, while Nation on Sunday is published on Sundays. As of 2011, these news organizations were each selling on average 20,000 and 15,000 copies a day (Manda, 2007, p. 7) and these figures were increasing and falling on Saturdays and Sundays respectively. As of 2022, the figures had fallen to an average of 12,000 copies per day. This calculation does not include those subscribed to e-paper. However, this fall in circulation, including the disruptions caused by social media and other natural occurrences, has not affected the relevance and popularity of the newspapers. One of the reasons is that there has been no print newspaper that has posed a serious threat to them. The other reason is that there is a direct relationship between access to print newspapers in Malawi and internet access. The framing of Times and NPL publications is that they follow the capitalist or an elitist approach as they target the working-class and urban population. The content of these newspapers is in English except for weekend papers which have some supplement written in  local languages. None of them publish front pages in  local languages. Even the topical news stories that are published in the newspapers allocate more space to political, parliamentary, and business issues (Manda, 2007, p. 13). The political economy of the internet also shows that internet in Malawi follows the profit-making approach which has kept internet charges too

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high for many citizens (Kainja, 2019), the same factor that makes many citizens unable to afford a print newspaper (Manda, 2007). As of 2019, internet penetration in Malawi was at below 15% (Kainja, 2019) with access at individual level pegged at 14.6% (Malawi National Statistical Office, 2019). The urban and rural demographics show 40.7% of urban population had access to internet services compared to 9.3% in rural areas with the majority using internet being those who have attained tertiary education followed by high school graduates (Malawi National Statistical Office, 2019, pp. 31–33). Thus, the same people who are target audience of print newspapers have the potential to access the news using digital tools, and this explains why print newspaper subscriptions have fallen in the country with the growth of internet penetration and alternative news sources. However, it may be misleading to conclude that because of the internet, the two publications have lost their readers because apart from moving some of its customers to e-paper publication and recruiting new customers to the platform, some news consumers rely on websites and social media pages of the publishers to access news. Statistics shows the number of people seeking news on social media platforms has been growing. For instance, as of August 2017, a whopping 67% of Americans reported that they get at least some of their news on social media with 20% doing so often (Pew Research Centre, 2017). There is no study that explains how many people consume news online in Malawi. However, Times and NPL have been using different strategies, including social media pages to reach many news consumers. As of 2022, Times and NPL had 460,000 and 375,000 followers on Facebook and 103,000 and 176,000 followers on Twitter, respectively. While some scholars see social media as a competitor to traditional media, Times and NPL have appropriated the platforms to complement the latter. This confirms what Shearer and Gottfried said that despite the growing penetration of the internet and social networks as sites for news consumption, “traditional news pathways are not ignored” (Shearer & Gottfried, 2017) because there are still people who enjoy reading print newspapers. This is seen in the way the news posts are framed and also the inclusion of a text inviting their readers to consult the traditional print newspaper for the full stories. For instance, on November 8, 2019, NPL posted on its Facebook page, Nation Publications Limited, a court story update:

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The Constitutional Court hearing the elections case has adjourned to Monday next week following the testimony of ICT expert Daud Suleman who is also a witness for MCP President Lazarus Chakwera. (Read the full story in tomorrow’s Weekend Nation and on our website www. mwnation.com)

This means they also use their social media platforms to attract audiences to read the print editions of their news. As I shall show later, Times and NPL have used the digital first strategy not to kill the print newspapers but to use their social media pages to sustain the former. It is also important to highlight that despite the two having social media pages which include Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram, they have the largest following on Facebook. It is also on Facebook where we see more reactions from the followers than on other platforms. For example, NPL has 367,000 likes while Times has 372,000 likes on Facebook, which has also the largest subscription rate than other platforms (Kainja, 2019).

Going Digital with Digital First This study treats digital first as an innovation that traditional newsrooms have been adopting to protect their relevance and sustain businesses. However, incorporating digital first in traditional newsrooms has not only been hard but also complicated and characterized by uncertainties. The problem has been to put in place what Prenger and Deuze call ‘the dual management process’ (2017) that addresses both online and traditional needs of journalism. This process, according to Prenger and Deuze, is “to protect and enhance the existing way of doing things, as well as to experiment and explore new business models, new creative cycles or productivity routines”(2017, p.  245). The process through which Times and NPL founded their digital first strategy has been gradual and experimental. This is, however, expected and is what has been appreciated in many newsrooms that have embarked on this journey (Hendrickx & Picone, 2020). The problem is that digital first is adopted as an adaptation strategy responding to a situation that is ever-changing. For instance, both Times and NPL were concerned with addressing the threats posed by social media to print newspapers. This shifted the focus to guard the social media platforms. However, the advancements in technology have made the organizations to realize that they do not only need social media policy but a

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digital media policy that informs the overall transition to a ‘dual management process’ of their media organizations. As of 2022, both publications said they were working on their digital media policies. It is important to highlight that the history of digital first at the two organisations can be traced from as early as 2000. For instance, NPL created Nation Online in April 1998. At the time, Malawi had only two main Internet service providers—Malawi Net and SDNP.  According to the first editor of Nation Online, Gracian Tukula, NPL had no website and they were trying possibilities of having some online presence with their news. He said they subscribed to Malawi Net and they would load news stories in a floppy disc and take it to the Malawi Net offices where they would be uploaded on the website hosted by the service provider. Tukula summarizes the journey: “The first website was www.malawination.com and was developed around 2002 with Sky Band Limited. I was the editor and we were taking stories in that day’s print newspaper and upload them on the website as they were. Later, a decision was made to make online publication a stand alone product that would publish in real time and compete with broadcast media. This meant writing and angling stories for online audiences and publishing them as they break. It was not easy more that the sales department felt this would affect print sales. A compromise was made and main stories were posted online after print sales peak time,” (personal interview, September 2, 2022). In 2005, NPL launched www.mwnation.com under Globe Internet with their own server and user rights. Times launched its first website the same year. The founding editor of  Times Online, Chachacha Munthali, said: “The growing technologies, particularly social networks, made us to get serious with online media and we developed an online media strategy. I travelled to Kenya, Uganda and South Africa to learn new skills, and on return, we launched the website and introduced a few digital products, mostly mobile. Few years later, we started the e-paper targeting those in diaspora,” (personal interview, September 1, 2022). According to Times Online and Digital Editor Alinafe Mlamba, the organization has been operating without a formal documentation to guide their transition to a ‘dual management process’ that incorporates traditional and online media. They have a specialized online team responsible for operational concerns, but its editorial uses reporters from across the country. The framing of their digital culture according to Mlamba  is summed below:

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As an institution whose mission is to embrace the digital space, we have embraced the culture of the digital space by telling the story on the online platform before other platforms. This strategy is adopted since it is c­ onsistent with our business model, which dictates that all platforms should complement one another. (Personal interview, July 20, 2022)

NPL’s Editor of Online Sellina Kainja said: Yes, online has its own editorial policy, which we have embedded in what we have called Social Media Policy. It’s being updated to include what we want to do now as NPL Media Convergence (Personal interview, July 19, 2022).

In the social media policy, digital first is mentioned under editorial content section. However, there is no definition on what digital first entails at NPL. The policy document, however, contains instructions on how editorial content should be collected and published. It reads in part: In an effort to adopt a digital first culture and work, all reporters and analysts will be required to write content for NPL’s online platforms, including live coverage of events. To this effect, all editorial content must be approved by the Editor of Nation Online prior to posting, and the Editor of Nation Online is primarily responsible for ensuring content is relevant, credible, factual, complete and devoid of grammatical mistakes. (Nation Publications Limited, 2020)

What is clear is that as the two media organizations work toward establishing a fully fledged ‘dual management process,’ their digital first is informed by the quest of being the first to report news online followed by other platforms, but in a complementary way. This study focused on online (Facebook) and print newspapers platforms to understand both the framing of the digital first culture and how it has been working. I do this by tracking stories they published online first and later in the print newspaper.

Mainstreaming Digital First in Newsrooms Digital first remains one of the fast-growing concepts for understanding how traditional print media are coping up in this digital age where people are exposed to multiple sources of information, including exposure to news as they happen (Ahlers & Hessen, 2005; Carlson, 2005). In this

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digital era, news consumers want the news as journalists obtain them (Lim, 2014). In traditional print media, news users have no option but to wait until newspapers are published (Gillmor, 2011). The dilemma, however, is that as print media journalists hold on to a story, they risk being scooped by competitors. This quandary, therefore, makes instant breaking news important, but this has not been easy for traditional print media. Two schools of thought have emerged with one advocating for what is called 24-hour news cycle and another slow news kind of journalism in which the former is premised on reporting the news as they happen and around the clock (Lim, 2014), while the latter emphasizes on the need for depth if quality journalism is to be sustained (Gillmor, 2011, p. 24; Lewis & Cushion, 2009). Theoretically, traditional print media is framed to work with the slow news cycle, and this is believed to give them enough time to produce articles with “great breadth and considerable depth” (Carlson, 2005, p. 69). The digital media which include digital and cable technologies are credited for timely publication of developing news in various unique ways than ever before (Lewis & Cushion, 2009; Carlson, 2005). However, balancing the two has not been easy for most newsrooms which started as traditional print media. At first many traditional newsrooms thought the digital era would be another dying storm until when businesses started to survive on shoe-string budgets that could not sustain quality journalism having lost revenues to digital media (McChesney, 2016). The slow news cycle is credited for helping media houses to sustain their supremacy in the industry by publishing ground-breaking news stories. This is because slow news approach gives one enough time to investigate all the necessary information before publishing, and it is this that gives the concept of ‘scoop’ more relevance. In media, a ‘scoop’ means exclusive ‘new’ stories which other competitors have missed (Lim, 2014; Lewis & Cushion, 2009). This term has been used for many years in traditional print media as a yardstick for measuring best news media or journalists (Lewis & Cushion, 2009). This is because “being first draws a crowd, and crowds can be turned into influence, money, or both” (Gillmor, 2011). In traditional print media, scoops are published on front page. The front page is the most important page of the print newspaper. The front page is an important cue to readers, visually suggesting what the newspaper considers the day’s most important stories. And, in fact, readers are more likely to read front page articles than articles on any other newspaper. In

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news organizations, journalists judge a workday’s success by whether their stories make the front page. … Reporters who regularly make the front page have a greater degree of organizational power. (Reisner, 1992, p. 971)

Being first on the news inspires the 24-hour news cycle which has been used by top media houses such as CNN, CNBC, Fox News, BBC, and Aljazeera, among others, for decades now (Lewis & Cushion, 2009). The motivation behind this concept is the culture of ‘scoops’ or to be the first on the news. Scoops are usually published with a slogan ‘breaking news’ or ‘exclusive news.’ ‘Digital first’ concept is also inspired by the quest of being first on the news and publishing the news instantly. However, the framing of the ‘digital first’ concept from a traditional print media is that digital platforms should cover the former while the print media should address the latter. However, as noted by some scholars, most traditional print media “struggle with shifting from a classic division between print and online beats to an integrated digital first-based newsroom” (Hendrickx & Picone, 2020, p. 2025). At both Times and NPL, digital first begun with the creation of online desks which at first had only editors who would post top stories from journalists working for print newspapers on the website after production hours. Later, they became responsible for posting news briefs on social media pages until at a later stage when the need for specific reporters emerged. For instance, NPL recruited a reporter specifically for online. Nevertheless, the thin line between reporters on online desk and on print desk quickly disappeared as online reporters enjoyed being in print because of its front-page reputation and at times they would be assigned to write for the print with a condition that their online spaces should not suffer. Online team did not have own meetings and were expected to join the print team and take note of stories that needed to be posted online first. Later, the integration of online and traditional print met another snug when editors decided to make every journalist in the newsroom part of the digital first strategy which literary meant publishing online first while working on detailed piece for the print. It was, however, hard for the Times which while promoting digital first was also growing its empire to have both radio and television but still relying on the same labor force. Slowly, the culture of digital first at both media houses was integrated into the daily routine of the newsroom business.

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The digital first approach at the two organizations follows a two-way approach: first, post on social media pages briefs of developing stories that cannot be held for the following day while developing a detailed version of the story for the print newspapers, and second, keep away from social media exclusive stories that competitors cannot easily get and publish them in print first followed by online platforms. This strategy seems to be working for the two organizations as they are able to compete with social media in breaking the news and still publish their traditional scoops. This is evident by how the two print newspapers outclass each other in annual print media awards held on World Press Freedom Day, particularly the Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA) Malawi Chapter Print Media House of the Year Award which has never been won by anyone, but the two, in a way that it is hard for each of them to defend it for more than two consecutive years (MISA Malawi, 2020). What is not clear, however, is whether digital first has helped them to reclaim their monopoly of being first on the news and keeping their traditional print newspapers relevant and competitive as source of critical news.

Study Approach This qualitative study adopted a random sampling technique to sample top stories that were published on social media pages, Times 360 Malawi and Nation Publications Limited, for Times and NPL, respectively. The selected stories later appeared in the print edition of the newspapers as front-page stories. This means the news stories were treated as very important and that news consumers should not miss them (Reisner, 1992). Qualitative approach was adopted because of its flexibility in selecting data to work with and make generalized conclusions using a sample population (Creswell & Clark, 2004). The study period was six months, running from January 18 to July 18, 2022, a period social media was very busy with news posts following the revelations of a suspected state capture by United Kingdom citizen and businessman Zuneth Sattar who is believed to have corrupted many politicians in Malawi to get government contracts (Mmana, 2022). A total of fourteen stories were sampled for analysis and most of these stories were published from court updates, press statements, and live press briefings. Both Times and NPL post images of the front pages of their newspapers on social media pages early in the morning to quench the thirst of their readers to grab a print newspaper copy to read more. They also post every breaking or developing story on their social

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networks. I used Face-pager, an application used to retrieve data on social networks (Jünger & Keyling, 2019), to capture both the images and texts posts. Only posts which ended up with a front-page story were captured and the data was exported to excel sheets for easy analysis. Dates of publication were used to identify stories that started with a Facebook post and later appeared on the front pages of the two publications. This means only posts that are still online were part of the sample as I could not establish which posts were taken down. Vox pop interviews were also conducted with twelve news readers who buy print newspapers or comment frequently on social media pages of the two publications. Six of these individuals were interviewed at the points where vendors sell the newspapers in Blantyre and Lilongwe. Only those that had bought a copy of either Times or NPL print newspapers were interviewed. They were asked to explain why they buy print newspapers. Six other participants were identified on the Facebook pages of two publications. They were asked on how frequent they visit the pages for news and their main source of detailed news stories. Two online editors from the two publications were also recruited to help with policy information on digital first in their organizations. Content analysis was used to analyze the collected data.

Discussion of the Findings The main objective of this study was to investigate whether digital first strategy adopted by Times and NPL has helped them to maintain their monopoly of being first on the news and the people’s first point of contact for news. Furthermore, the study looked at how relevant and competitive are their print newspapers in this digital age. The major finding is that the decision to adopt social media platforms for publishing breaking news as briefs before detailed articles are published in the traditional print media has helped Times and NPL to reclaim their position as the main sources of credible breaking news and scoops in Malawi. The investigation also found that both Times and NPL have been doing well in being the first in breaking news online except in cases they do not have control, or the story is complicated and needs multiple sources. However, it was noted that the publishers sometimes struggle to enrich stories posted on their social media pages for the print newspapers. The chapter found that most news consumers access breaking news on Facebook pages of Times and NPL. While many said they have no access to full editions of the papers, they said because the two news organizations

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post on social media images of their front pages, they read the headlines to keep up with the news. They said this is complemented by other sources of news like radios. While some of the interviewees said they read whole stories on front pages of the print newspapers, majority of them said they only focus on headlines and sometimes news posts in WhatsApp groups by friends. Others said, these posts make them look for a print newspaper or visit the website (online newspapers) to read the full story. Another point raised was that they visit Times and NPL Facebook pages to verify the news and what others are saying. Like at my workplace, people talk a lot about politics and others use rumors. I have used news posts on Times and NPL Facebook pages to prove others wrong. This is the advantage of social media. It is very accessible, and all topical stories are available with just a single click on a smartphone. No one can lie to you if you know where to get the facts and this has been helpful. (Lucile Jekete-Banda, personal interview, April 11, 2022)

Lucile said in June 2022 that she found one of the employees at her workplace telling others that President Lazarus Chakwera had fired Vice President Saulos Klaus Chilima for being implicated in corruption scandal involving Zuneth Sattar. She said: I had to go on Times Facebook page and get the posted updates of the president’s statement to help them know that the president only announced withholding delegating duties to the vice president’s office while waiting for investigations into the matter because the law does not give him the power to fire his deputy.

Other participants said the brief updates on the Facebook pages of the two publications prepare them for what to expect in the newspapers the following day. Some said they leave their homes for piece work after reading the headlines on the front pages of the newspapers. They said the publishers post images of the front pages of their newspapers on social media after midnight and sometimes the images are shared in WhatsApp groups which make them more accessible. This has, however, influenced others to buy the print newspaper. For example, Gonjetso Billiat, said in April 2022, he was forced to buy a newspaper when he saw a road project story on the front page of NPL newspaper. He said his mother-in-law has been affected by the

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construction of Nsanje-Marka road and he wanted to read to understand how the government was managing the compensation issue for those who have lost their land to the project. He said he also wanted to take the copy to the village during his next visit for people to read. Rodrick Gondwe said he does not miss NPL and Times print newspapers. He said, before taking shower in the morning, he visits the social media pages of the two publications to see what is on the front and back pages. This, he says, helps to prepare his mind for the hard copies. My employer buys both copies but because of the nature of my work, I am unable to read the papers during working hours. So, I buy and read at home with my family. My son always asks me about a newspaper copy upon arriving home. However, there are times when I cannot wait to knock off before reading the stories. (Personal interview, May 16, 2022)

Others said news updates on the Facebook pages of the two publications are enough for them because they cannot afford partying ways with about $1 a day to buy the print newspapers. Most of the interviewees said they buy or visit libraries to read free copies just to check for vacancies. They said social media give them enough information for news, adding that although they also rely on other source of news, Times and NPL Facebook pages are their home for verifying news. One of them, Emily Banda, said: I was not interested in breaking news until 2019 when the elections were nullified. Since then, I follow corruption stories because it is now frustrating, but I do not buy print newspapers because I cannot afford it. My main source of news is social media. However, I only believe news information circulating on social media pages if I find it on Times and NPL social media pages, including other credible news sources like Zodiak. The reason is that Malawi is divided, and people are using social media to advance their own interests. (Personal interview, April 5, 2022)

Zamveka Rashid said he does not buy print newspapers and relies on online newspapers accessible through Times and NPL websites. Zamveka said: Both NPL and Times posts full stories appearing on front pages on their newspapers on websites around 11 am. If I like the stories on the front page,

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I just wait and read full stories later in the day. Of course, it is not free because I use internet, but it is cheaper than buying a print newspaper.

From the discussion above, it is evident that the ‘digital first’ strategy of posting topical news stories on Facebook pages first has helped the two publications to be the first point of contact for news for many. This is backed up by their established reputation of publishing credible news. This, I would argue, has also helped to protect news consumers from fake news. The digital first approach has also allowed them to take their time in developing full stories with depth and more detail for the print edition. For instance, there are times they have posted developing news on their social media pages and ask readers to share their opinions to be used in developing full stories for the print. On May 4, 2022, NPL posted on its Facebook page a post to solicit viewers’ opinions on why Blantyre City was registering low turnout during music shows against its historical background of achieving high turnout. The last part of post reads: “tell us your views. Note that we will use your views to write a story on the issue in our subsequent publications. Let us debate.” This is a typical example of combining the 24-hour news cycle and slow news cycle to ensure readers do not only have access to timely news updates, but also professionally researched and detailed news stories served in two distinct stages of news processing in this fast-paced information age. The discussion also showed us a different cycle of digital first at both Times and NPL. We have seen how the news media organizations are marketing their print newspapers with social media posts by posting early in the morning images of the front pages to attract buyers. Some participants confirmed that they are sometimes influenced by the images to buy the print newspaper. It was also noted that some posts of developing stories were conclusive, and no stories were done for the print newspapers. Thus, online platforms have allowed the news media to publish more news stories in a day than it was before when there were only print newspapers whose space is limited (see Carlson, 2005). Nonetheless, despite these positives, some news customers who rely on print newspapers of the two publishers lamented that some front-page stories which emerge from social media posts or press statements or live broadcast of events do not meet the value of the money they spend to buy the newspapers. The argument was that the detailed stories published in the print newspapers come without additional information befitting the

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time it takes to produce a print newspaper. While agreeing that in most cases the media houses can publish more detailed articles characterized by breadth, depth, and in-depth research, there have been times they have felt let down. They say the publishers struggle to produce ‘slow news’ from fast news which Gillmor (2011) says requires “taking a deep breath.” This was backed with relevant examples of front pages with regurgitated information in social media posts. One example which collided with the investigation was a story about the resignation of one top political figure in Malawi. On May 28, 2022, Atupele Muluzi, who at the time was president of the United Democratic Front (UDF), which is one of Malawi’s top political parties and the first democratically elected political party, announced his retirement from politics at the age of 43. His resignation meant a lot of things, but one key issue was on the future of the political party alliance he had facilitated between his UDF party and the former ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) which saw him being President Peter Mutharika’s running mate during the 2020 re-run election. During the Constitutional court ruling that annulled the 2019 presidential elections and stripped-off Mutharika the presidency, the court proposed a new voting system of 50+1 for deciding the winner replacing the First-Past-the-Post (plurality) voting system which had been in place since 1994 when Malawi transitioned from a one-party state to a multi-party system. Noting that it would be difficult for an individual political party to win the court-sanctioned fresh polls, leading political parties were forced to form political alliances ahead of the June 2020 presidential elections. This led to the creation of two major alliances—UDF and DPP and Tonse Alliance which was made up of nine opposition political parties. Of the over twelve presidential candidates leading different political parties including others who contested as independents, only Muluzi chose to partner with Mutharika. He disregarded the fact that DPP was formed by a UDF rebel, the late Bingu wa Mutharika who was a brother to Mutharika. Bingu dumped UDF to form the DPP just months after UDF handpicked and campaigned for him to victory in 2004. Not only that, Muluzi had worked with DPP between 2014 and 2019 and he served as a minister in the Mutharika’s cabinet. Putting all these into perspective, it means the resignation meant so many things which the newspapers could have focused on to give the readers of their print newspapers ‘slow news’ worth the money. On Facebook, NPL posted:

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United Democratic Front (UDF) president Atupele Muluzi has quit active politics. In a letter announcing his decision addressed to the party’s ­secretary general Kandi Padambo dated May 28, 2022, Muluzi said he is “going into business for the development and progress of Malawi.”

The post was later updated in the morning by adding the link to the full story published on the publisher’s website. The Facebook post captured the key message (2Ws, what and why) and reserved the ‘so-what’ part which the traditional media in Malawi continues to monopolize taking advantage of the “time and resources they have to gather all additional information at their own pace” (Lewis & Cushion, 2009) to produce in-­ depth stories for the print. The front page of the Nation on Sunday of May 29, 2022, screamed with a headline ‘Atupele Quits’ with a big picture of Muluzi taking almost half of the page which symbolizes significance of the story. The headline was also bolded to mean the main story on the front page. Most text was hidden on page 2 to influence readers to get a print copy. However, the first paragraphs of the lead story are produced from Muluzi’s resignation letter and are reporting about the resignation. The story goes on to highlight that they did not succeed in talking to Muluzi through his mobile line. Reads the story in part: United Democratic Front (UDF) president Atupele Muluzi has quit active politics. In a letter announcing his decision addressed to the party’s secretary general Kandi Padambo dated May 28 2022, Muluzi said he is “going into business for the development and progress of Malawi” … “…I appoint Honourable Lillian Estella Patel, party vice-president Eastern Region to lead the party as acting president until the next national convention….” However, attempts to seek his fresh comment on the matter before we went to print at 9 pm proved futile. (Bamusi, 2022)

The other paragraphs only play a supporting role of the first paragraphs. They are featuring reactions from political analysts. The investigations show that in some cases where the publication pulled comprehensive stories emerging from social media posts, they used comments from commentators to reframe or reangle the stories to give them a new touch. However, in the Atupele story, despite that the commentators’ comments had the potential to create a new story angle, they were presented to play a complementary role  to the ongoing  discussion. This was a lost

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opportunity because for example one of the commentators raised a pertinent issue on how Muluzi settled for his replacement  which could be turned into a stand alone story. The commentator said: “UDF is repeating the mistake they made in 2003 when Bakili Muluzi just handpicked Bingu wa Mutharika as the party’s presidential candidate. That is not good for democracy where the majority have to rule. I have not seen UDF constitution, but I wonder if it allows that.” (Bamusi, 2022)

Looking at the several disputes surrounding leadership change in political parties in Malawi, including the incidence that turned UDF which was in government an opposition political party without an election, this was a potential issue for a front-page story. Times was also caught in comparable situation on July 8, 2022, when it published on its front page a story about the arrest of former senior officials at the Malawi Revenue Authority (MRA). This case highlights another issue on ‘what merits a front-page story’ for a print publication in this age of social media where most stories make rounds online before being processed into news by newsrooms. The Malawi’s Anti-corruption Bureau (ACB) issued a statement on July 7 that it had arrested former deputy commissioner general Roza Mbilizi, former manager for customs and excise Fredrick Mpeusa, and deputy commissioner for enforcement and operations Abigail Kawamba for being suspected to have abused former president Peter Mutharika’s tax identification number (TPIN). At exactly 14:59 on July 7, Times posted on its Facebook page an update: The Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB) has arrested former Malawi Revenue Authority (MRA) Deputy Commissioner General, Roza Mbilizi. ACB Spokesperson Egrita Ndala has confirmed the arrest but could not shed more light on the reasons for the arrest.

On July 8, the story appearing on the front page of the Daily Times took a step ahead in the way the headline was framed “ACB arrests Mbilizi, others.” This argument, however, only holds water when measured by what the publication had told its readers the previous day through a Facebook post. The part ‘why the arrest,’ which is a key W in the 5Ws, and an H principle of news reporting were not covered in the Facebook post. However, the ACB letter had been circulating on social media for the

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good part of the afternoon and broadcast media had featured the story in their bulletins. Thus, Times needed to go deeper in its subsequent coverage for the print edition. However, as reveled by the six of the eleven paragraphs of the front-page story on the arrest, the author only used the information in the ACB statement. The Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB) has arrested … Roza Mbilizi and other officials at the institution. ACB spokesperson Egrita Ndala confirmed the development Thursday. … And, in a statement signed by Ndala Thursday, the graft-busting body says bureau operatives arrested the three on July 7, 2022, following an allegation they received on July 7 2020 that some individuals were abusing Mutharika’s TPIN. (Chimjeka, 2022)

The remaining paragraphs did not contain any added information to qualify the story as slow news which puts into question the merits that qualified it as a front-page story. This study also found that during the sampled period, an average of five front-page stories for each newspaper originating from or had been circulating on social media the previous day were published in print edition without any value addition except for the background copied and pasted from stories they published earlier on the same issue. This was also common in stories produced from press briefings which were aired live on radio and televisions and streamed live and archived on social media pages. Unlike NPL which only has print newspapers and online platforms, Times also publish in their print newspapers news stories that played on their radio and television stations the previous day. In most cases one story is written by the same reporter for all the four platforms, and I argue, this can be one of the factors some stories which end up on the front page of the print newspaper lack depth and breadth. A weak front page symbolizes shoddy job because as Reinser notes, “readers are more likely to read front page articles than articles on any other newspaper page”(1992, p. 971).

Conclusion This book chapter has investigated whether (and in what ways) the decision by Malawi’s leading print newspapers publishers, Times and NPL, to adopt the digital first strategy has helped the news organizations in publishing news on time and to remain relevant in this digital era. The findings show that social media have helped them to reclaim their position as

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news producers as they have demonstrated being the first on most top news stories. It was noted that most news consumers rely on the Times and NPL social media pages to verify stories. In addition to this, having multiple platforms for news has helped the two companies to make their news stories more  accessible to their audiences. However, it was noted that while news stories posted on social media are timely and framed for the quick eye, the publishers are struggling to turn stories circulating on social networks into slow news with a deeper focus for the front page. What raised the eyebrows is the tendency of publishing on front page news stories with information that is already in public domain and without value addition. Another observation is that the decision by the news organization to post on social media images of the front pages early in the morning before the print newspapers reach the market is playing them an advantage as people are enticed in advance to grab the copy. This is unlike in the past when one could only see the newspaper when it reaches the market. Although this is designed to attract buyers, it was noted that it is also helping many people to follow news by reading front-page headlines. Theoretically, a print newspaper is judged by its front page as it carries the most important stories of the day (Reisner, 1992). Thus, by allowing everyone with on social media access to their front pages, they have increased the number of people who read the front pages of their print newspapers.

References Ahlers, D., & Hessen, J. (2005). Traditional Media in the Digital Age. Nieman Reports, 59(3), 65. Bamusi, M. (2022). Atupele Muluzi Quits Active Politics. Nation Publication Limited, 2022, Nation on Sunday Edition. https://www.mwnation.com/ atupele-­muluzi-­quits-­active-­politics/ Carlson, D. (2005). The News Media’s 30-Year Hibernation. Nieman Reports, 59(3), 68. Chimjeka, R. (2022). Anti-Corruption Bureau Arrests Roza Mbilizi, Others. Times Group, 2022, Daily Times Edition. https://times.mw/anti-­corruption­bureau-­arrests-­roza-­mbilizi-­others/. Chitsulo, E., & Mang’anda, G. (2011). Origins, Development and Management of the Newspaper Industry in Malawi. In Journalism in Malawi: History, Progress, and Prospects. UNESCO.

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Creswell, J. W., & Plano Clark, V. L. (2004). Principles of Qualitative Research: Designing a Qualitative Study. Office of Qualitative & Mixed Methods Research, University of Nebraska. Fisher, C. (2018). News Sources and Journalist/Source Interaction. In Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Communication. Oxford University Press. https:// doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228613.013.849 Gillmor, D. (2011). Arizona Shootings: Take a Slow-News Approach. Keep Salon Independent. Published January 8, 2011. Hendrickx, J., & Picone, I. (2020). Innovation Beyond the Buzzwords: The Rocky Road Towards a Digital First-Based Newsroom. Journalism Studies, 21(14), 2025–2041. Jünger, J., & Keyling, T. (2019). Facepager. An Application for Automated Data Retrieval on the Web. Kainja, J. (2019). Digital Rights: How Accessible Is the Internet in Malawi? Misa Malawi. https://malawi.misa.org/2019/02/15/digital-­rights-­how-­ accessible-­is-­the-­internet-­in-­malawi/. Lewis, J., & Cushion, S. (2009). The Thirst to Be First: An Analysis of Breaking News Stories and Their Impact on the Quality of 24-Hour News Coverage in the UK. Journalism Practice, 3(3), 304–318. Lim, J. (2014). Redefinition of Online Scoops: Online Journalists. Personal and Institutional Responses to Online Scoops. First Monday. Malawi National Statistical Office. (2019). The 2019 National Household Survey on Access and Usage of ICT Services in Malawi. Zomba. http://www.nsomalawi.mw/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=232:national-­ household-­survey-­on-­access-­and-­usage-­of-­ict-­services-­in-­malawi-­2019&catid= 3:reports Manda, L. Z. (2007). Media in the Political Process. In N. Patel & L. Svasand (Eds.), Government and Politics in Malawi. Kachere. McChesney, R.  W. (2016). Journalism Is Dead! Long Live Journalism?: Why Democratic Societies Will Need to Subsidise Future News Production. Journal of Media Business Studies, 13(3), 128–135. MISA Malawi. (2020). Past Awards. https://malawi.misa.org/past-­media-­ awards/media-­awards-­2020/ Mmana, D. (2022). Times Group, 16 July 2022, Malawi News Edition. https:// times.mw/whos-­who-­on-­anti-­corruption-­bureau-­zuneth-­sattar-­list/ Nation Publications Limited. 2020. Nation Publications Limited Social Media Policy. Nation Publications Limited Library. Pew Research Centre. (2017). News Use Across Social Media Platforms 2017. https://www.pewresearch.org/journalism/2017/09/07/news-­use-­across-­ social-­media-­platforms-­2017/

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Prenger, M., & Deuze, M. (2017). The Structural History of Innovation and Entrepreneurialism in Journalism. In Remaking the News: Essays on the Future of Journalism Scholarship in the Digital Age (pp. 235–250). MIT Press. Reisner, A.  E. (1992). The News Conference: How Daily Newspaper Editors Construct the Front Page. Journalism Quarterly, 69(4), 971–986. Roper, C. (2021). South Africa. Reuters Institute (Blog). 2021. https://reutersinstitute.politics.ox.ac.uk/digital-­news-­report/2021/south-­africa Scheufele, D. A., & Tewksbury, D. (2007). Framing, Agenda Setting, and Priming: The Evolution of Three Media Effects Models. Journal of Communication, 57(1), 9–20. Shearer, Elisa, and Jeffrey Gottfried. (2017). News Use across Social Media Platforms 2017. Steensen, S., Grøndahl Larsen, A. M., Hågvar, Y. B., & Fonn, B. K. (2021). What Does Digital Journalism Studies Look Like? In Definitions of Digital Journalism (Studies) (pp. 7–29). Routledge.

CHAPTER 8

Digital Newspapers as Watchdogs of Corruption in ‘2nd Republic’ Zimbabwe: A Critical Analysis of ZimLive.com and Zim Morning Post’s ‘Covidgate’ Reports Mandlenkosi Mpofu, Lungile A. Tshuma, and Mbongeni J. Msimanga

Introduction Since the inception of the ‘New Dispensation’ government in 2017, there have been a considerable number of digital media start-ups in Zimbabwe, among which Internet newspapers stand out. We explore the role of two

M. Mpofu (*) University of Eswatini, Kwaluseni, Eswatini L. A. Tshuma Department of Communication and Media, University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Africa M. J. Msimanga Johannesburg Institute for Advanced Study, University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Africa © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 T. Matsilele et al. (eds.), New Journalism Ecologies in East and Southern Africa, Palgrave Studies in Journalism and the Global South, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-23625-9_8

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online newspapers which are part of these news start-ups—ZimLive.com and Zim Morning Post—in exposing corruption scandals in the country. We argue that the failure to control the narrative on corruption has been among the biggest impediments in the Emmerson Mnangagwa regime’s attempt to recast Zimbabwe as a different society following the coup. Among a plethora of other digital platforms and start-ups, Zimbabwe’s Internet newspapers have constantly undermined official narratives on corruption. While online newspapers are not a new phenomenon in Zimbabwe, they have become more relentless in coverage of controversial issues, in particular corruption stories. Their presence has benefitted from remarkable increases in the number of Zimbabweans who are now online over the past decade. They have, therefore, added to critical media spaces that offer an alternative to state-controlled spaces. Critical reports in these newspapers are regularly picked up and amplified on other platforms, particularly social media platforms which circulate material faster and also diffuse through lager sections of Zimbabwean society. Both the two newspapers studied in this chapter and their respective editors, for instance, use their popular Twitter handles to share breaking news and to initiate debate on some of their critical stories. Internet newspapers, which are based online and have no print parent, became a phenomenon in Zimbabwe from the early 2000s. In one of the earliest papers on this phenomenon, Mano and Willems (2008) observed the interaction between mainstream and online, diasporic media in the Zimbabwean community in the UK. They concluded that online media offered spaces in which diasporic Zimbabwean communities could challenge their representations on mainstream media and therefore find agency. The emergence of these media in the early 2000s coincided with an unprecedented crackdown on privately owned media and on communicative spaces in general in Zimbabwe, which was dramatised perhaps by the enactment of the controversial Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act in 2003. The steady diffusion of the Internet during that period, coupled with an unprecedented emigration of Zimbabweans trying to escape an intensifying economic crisis, created ripe conditions for such media. Today, there are numerous such start-ups although only a few have managed to establish what could be regarded as a permanent presence on the Zimbabwean public sphere. This chapter reviews ZimLive.com and Zim Morning Post coverage of what became known as the Covigate scandal in Zimbabwe against the background of a new government that described itself as a 2nd Republic which ushered in a ‘new dispensation’ which sought to restore the country’s liberation legacy. The scandal followed reports that the government

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had awarded a US $20  million contract to a barely two-month old Hungarian-registered firm, Drax International, without going through proper procedures. It blew into a scandal when the names of some of the figures involved, such as Minister of Health Obadiah Moyo and a controversial businessman linked to the president’s family, emerged. The chapter begins with a brief background to Zimbabwe’s Second Republic and the ‘New Dispensation’ government. This is followed by a background to the cases in the study, ZimLive.com and Morning Post. The chapter proceeds to outline the methodological premise and conceptual framework that is adopted by the study and ends with presentation and discussion of findings.

The ‘2nd’ Republic’s ‘New Dispensation’ The terms ‘Second Republic’ and ‘New Dispensation’ are controversial in Zimbabwe. The terms were coined soon after the coup to suggest that this was a completely new leadership which was not responsible for previous crises. The new regime that ascended following the November 2017 coup was a fresh beginning and a complete break from Mugabe’s long rule, which had been synonymous with many vices. The terms also reflected the regime’s approach to domestic and foreign policy in the immediate aftermath of the coup, which was characterised by a charm offensive and attempts to spruce the image of the government and to portray President Emmerson Mnangagwa as a ‘listening president’. The 2nd Republic therefore promised that it was ushering in a ‘New Dispensation’ in which, inter-­ alia, basic rights including media freedom and freedom of expression would be respected and protected. There was, therefore, emphasis on strengthening the pillars of democracy and respecting basic freedoms and human rights. In this respect, the slogan ‘Zimbabwe is Open for Business’ was coined and popularised to further promote the narrative of transition. All the previous obstacles that made Zimbabwe a difficult investment destination were to be resolved. We argue that most, if not all of those impediments to Zimbabwe being an attractive business destination remain. Chief among them is the scourge of corruption. Apart from failing to tame corruption, the government also failed to control narratives that portrayed the regime as corrupt or at least accommodating corrupt elements. Zimbabweans have resorted to many platforms that are enabled by the Internet to expose cases of corruption and to challenge and undermine the government’s narrative that it is serious about fighting corruption. Many writers have shown that most of the promises of the new regime were empty rhetoric (Helliker & Murisa, 2020; Raftopoulos, 2019).

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Helliker and Murisa (2020) posit that the narrative of transition that is captured in the terms ‘2nd Republic’ and ‘New Dispensation’ is itself problematic. Since this transition involved profound transformation of the economy and of society in general, its success required ‘still waters’ (Helliker & Murisa, 2020, 6) and hence the kind of journalism which constantly portrayed the regime as corrupt was undesirable. In a cynical way therefore, framing the country as undergoing transition was a call for ‘patience and silence on the part of citizens so as not to disrupt the inevitable march of progress’ (Helliker & Murisa, 2020, 6). Helliker and Murisa’s observations are validated by the Second Republic’s media control tactics, which have followed ZANU-PF’s old script. The reorganisation of the Ministry of Information and Publicity and the changes in senior editorial teams and personnel followed the old ZANU-PF rule book of ensuring tight control of state media while simultaneously exploring options of controlling privately owned media. Notably, the Second Republic has invested a lot of energy diluting the influence of privately owned media (through appropriation and containment measures that have entailed cosying up to influential figures like AMH CEO Trevor Ncube), social media platforms (particularly Twitter) and online start-ups. Prominent journalists who use Twitter or online newspapers to expose corruption—such as Hopewell Chin’ono, Mduduzi Mathuthu and Zenzele Ndebele—have faced various forms of intimidation, including arrest. However, the promises of more openness when the Mnangagwa regime took over and the political change ignited excitement for more open debate over various subjects in society, which became fertile ground for the scramble to open new digital media initiatives. It is possible to suggest that many Zimbabweans thought they would be given leeway to more openly tackle thorny topics that were avoided or suppressed by the dominance of the state in mainstream media. We therefore view this period as a kind of second coming of Internet newspapers in the Zimbabwean public sphere. ZimLive.com and Zim Morning Post represent and are therefore also investigated as a second generation of Internet-based newspapers, which emerged in the post-coup environment. In the next section, we briefly give a background of the rise of digital media start-ups in Zimbabwe. The Rise of Digital Newspapers in Zimbabwe: ZimLive.com and Zim Morning Post Most (although not all) of Zimbabwe’s new online newspapers take a critical stance towards the ZANU-PF government exposing its graft, human

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rights abuses and ineptness (Ndzinisa et al., 2022). They view themselves and can perhaps be viewed as part of alternative media spaces that seek to challenge the dominance of official media in the Zimbabwean public sphere. They push the envelope in terms of challenging the government through stories exposing graft and other indiscretions, to the extent that journalists from these media occasionally fall foul of authorities. Munoriyarwa and Chibuwe (2021, 10) note that the rise of these digital media start-ups ‘has resulted in the emergence of a new type of guerrilla journalism especially in relation to the establishment of new newspaper organizations’. The digital media start-ups ZimLive.com and Zimbabwe Morning Post adopt a similar stance and have played a critical role in exposing the Covigate scandal. ZimLive.com was founded in 2017 by Mduduzi Mathuthu, who is also the editor. The newspaper’s motto, ‘The most trusted name in Zimbabwe news’, underlines the owner’s philosophy about its place in the Zimbabwean public sphere. Mathuthu’s bio shows that he has had a tense relationship with ZANU-PF in general and Mnangagwa’s faction. He has had a long career in the journalism industry, having previously practiced in mainstream media with the Daily News in the early 2000s, where he became known for his combative style against the ruling ZANU-PF. After joining the trek to the diaspora, Mathuthu founded perhaps Zimbabwe’s most successful online news media start-up, the UK-based Newzimbabwe.com, which belongs to the first generation of online newspapers in Zimbabwe. In 2013, Mathuthu was appointed as editor of the state-controlled Chronicle, a post he held until 2016, when he was transferred to The Southern Times in Namibia. His transfer to The Southern Times was widely viewed as a demotion which came after he published a newspaper article that implicated Zimbabwe’s incumbent president, then Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa, in the 1980s Gukurahundi genocide against the Ndebele. Mathuthu’s tenure at The Chronicle coincided with heightened factionalism within the ruling ZANU-PF. Having been brought from the UK by then Minister of Information, Jonathan Moyo, he was viewed as a surrogate of Moyo. His demise therefore followed Moyo’s weakening grip on that ministry (Chuma et al., 2020). ZimLive.com has established itself in the Zimbabwean media landscape as an investigative journalism newspaper which uses sleuthing tactics to get stories. In many ways the online start-up is modelled along the old Daily News and Newzimbabwe.com, which engaged in hard-hitting sensational journalism and did not shy from telling truth to power.

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Zim Morning Post is another of the new Internet newspapers that were launched in the new dispensation era. Its pioneer, Elias Mambo, is a former investigative journalist with the Zimbabwe Independent, one of the leading privately owned newspapers in Zimbabwe. Mambo has previously played a critical role in Zimbabwe’s investigative reporting landscape. Among the highlights of his career is a series of articles in the Zimbabwe Independent exposing how ZANU-PF recruited an Israeli firm called Nikuv to assist in the manipulation of the voter’s roll and Zimbabwe’s 2013 general elections.1 He has fashioned The Zim Morning Post in that image, as a vibrant investigative platform that tackles social-political injustices and exposes graft. Like ZimLive.com, Zim Morning Post takes a critical stance towards Zimbabwe’s government. This stance is captured in the motto on the website, which reads ‘Investigative journalism across all spheres in Zimbabwe’. These two online newspapers are among several digital news platforms that propped up during the ‘New Dispensation’, seeking to influence the news agenda. We write the chapter within the context of discourses that suggest that corruption has worsened under the Second Republic. There have been many suggestions by critics of the administration that not only is corruption not taken seriously, but the executive has stifled the ability of the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission (ZACC) to seriously tackle the issue. Further, the new regime has used many strategies to tighten its grip on the media, as part of a broader effort to control narratives and project the image of a progressive government under whom the Zimbabwean economy is progressively, if not slowly mending again. Central to the efforts to gain control over media narratives is a double-headed strategy that has been part of ZANU-PF’s media control programme over the past two decades. This is to gain control of the state media and make it bend to the government’s will, while formulating strategies to dilute if not completely end the influence of the privately owned media in the Zimbabwean public sphere, as we point out above. But in the age of social media, containing traditional media platforms has proved to be inadequate for the government. While formal media has played a role in mediating corruption scandals, the most vibrant discussions have been on social media, particularly Twitter whose influence on the Zimbabwean public sphere has grown significantly over the past few years. 1

 https://allafrica.com/stories/201312061510.html.

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Methodology This study explores the framing of stories related to the COVID-19 corruption scandal by ZimLive.com and Zim Morning Post, between 20 April 2020 and 31 October 2020. However, our analysis mostly captured stories published during the two-week period of 28 May to 17 June 2020. It is within this period that saw an intense coverage of the COVID-19 procurement scandal, subsequent follow-ups and development of new story angles by both digital platforms. The two online newspapers were selected because they extensively covered the corruption scandal. Furthermore, ZimLive.com initially exposed the COVID-19 procurement scandal through the story, ‘Millions of coronavirus dollars funneled to Mnangagwalinked company’ published on 20 April 2020. Therefore, data for analysis was extracted from both ZimLive.com and Zim Morning Post websites from 20 April 2020 to 31 October 2020. We searched for stories related to the corruption scandal on the websites by using key words such as ‘Covid-gate’, ‘Draxgate’, ‘Covid-19’ and ‘First Family’. There were a total of 31 stories written on the Covigate scandal by both ZimLive.com and Zim Morning Post. However, we used 16 of those stories as 15 of the selected stories had been deleted. These deleted stories where exclusively from Zim Morning Post. For ZimLive.com, we selected a total of ten stories while a total of six stories were extracted from Zim Morning Post (see Tables 8.1 and 8.2). For analysis, the study utilised framing analysis, which is a form of qualitative content analysis. Framing is a ‘strategic process of creating specific meaning in line with political interests’ (Fiss & Hirsch, 2005, 29). It helps in identifying rhetoric structures which include metaphors, identifying headlines and sentence structures (Richardson, 2007). Framing analysis aims to show how the ‘language and structure of news items emphasise certain aspects (and omit others)’ (Fiss & Hirsch, 2005). Pan and Kosicki (1993, 59) identify syntactical structures which include headlines, story flow and order of presentation; thematic structures which are casual statements; rhetoric structures and these are metaphors, puns and examples; and script structures which are narrative formation as the basic functions of framing analysis. This study used a combination of these to uncover the intended frames by both ZimLive. com and Zim Morning Post.

Name of author

Mduduzi Mathuthu Mduduzi Mathuthu Mduduzi Mathuthu Sipho Mabuza Mduduzi Mathuthu Lindie Whiz Prince Machaya Mduduzi Mathuthu Tony Karombo

‘Mnangagwa ousts health minister Obadiah Moyo as pressure mounts’

‘How Zimbabwe paid 2-week-old company US$2m, sparking Interpol probe’

‘Zimbabwe denies Nguwaya issued diplomatic passport as Drax scandal grows’

‘Zimbabwe cancels US$60m tenders given to Mnangagwa-linked company’

‘Deputy health minister Mangwiro faces arrest in US$5.6m Covid-19 scandal’

‘Delish Nguwaya first person charged over Covid-19 procurement scandal’

“Mnangagwa trains guns on journalists as procurement scandal grows’

‘Millions of coronavirus dollars funneled to Mnangagwa-linked company’

‘Mnangagwa-linked company nets US$1 million in Covid-19 funds’

‘Bail for Obadiah Moyo after being charged Nelson in Covid-19 procurement scandal’ Banya

Story title

Table 8.1  ZimLive.com stories

20 June 2020 https://www.zimlive.com/2020/06/20/ bail-­for-­obadiah-­moyo-­after-­being-­charged-­in-­covid-­19-­ procurement-­scandal/ 07 July 2020 https://www.zimlive.com/2020/07/07/ mnangagwa-­ousts-­health-­minister-­obadiah-­moyo-­as-­pressure-­ mounts/ 13 June 2020 https://www.zimlive.com/2020/06/13/ how-­zimbabwe-­paid-­2-­week-­old-­company-­us2m-­sparking-­ interpol-­probe/ 22 June 2020 https://www.zimlive.com/2020/06/22/ zimbabwe-­denies-­nguwaya-­issued-­diplomatic-­passport-­as-­drax-­ scandal-­grows/ 09 June 2020 https://www.zimlive.com/2020/06/09/ zimbabwe-­cancels-­us60m-­tenders-­given-­to-­mnangagwa-­linked-­ company/ 10 October https://www.zimlive.com/2020/10/10/ 2020 deputy-­health-­minister-­mangwiro-­faces-­axe-­in-­fresh-­us5-­6m-­ covid-­19-­scandal/ 14 June 2020 https://www.zimlive.com/2020/06/ delish-­nguwaya-­first-­person-­charged-­over-­covid-­19-­procurement-­ scandal/ 05 June 2020 https://www.zimlive.com/2020/06/05/ mnangagwa-­trains-­guns-­on-­journalists-­as-­procurement-­scandal-­ grows/ 20 April https://www.zimlive.com/2020/04/20/ 2020, millions-­of-­coronavirus-­dollars-­funneled-­to-­mnangagwa-­linked-­ company/ 28 May 2020 https://www.zimlive.com/2020/05/ mnangagwa-­linked-­company-­nets-­us1-­million-­in-­covid-­19-­funds/

Year and date Story link published

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Table 8.2  Zim Morning Post stories Story title

Name of author

Year and date published

Story link

‘Covidgate: Health minister Obadiah Moyo arrested … implicated officials turn into keystate witnesses’

Staff reporter

19 June 2020

‘Covidgate: Fired minister Moyo’s “corrupt” past haunts him, Auditor-General accuses him of bleeding Chitungwiza hospital’ ‘Covidgate: Ruthless clashes as Zacc interrogates Health minister Moyo, former perm sec Mahomva’

Staff reporter

1 August 2020

Staff reporter

13 June 2020

‘Covidgate scandal: Perm Sec Staff Guvamatanga comes clean, reporter throws top govt officials under the bus’

12 June 2020

‘Covidgate: Zacc declares bloodbath’

14 June 2020

https://zimmorningpost.com/ covidgate-­health-­minister-­ obadiah-­moyo-­arrested-­ implicated-­officials-­turn-­into-­key-­ state-­witnesses/ https://zimmorningpost.com/ covidgatefired-­minister­moyos-­corrupt-­past-­haunts-­him­auditor-­general-accuses-­him-­of­bleeding-­chitungwiza-­hospital/-­ https://www.zimmorningpost. com/ covidgate-­ruthless-­clashes-­as-­zacc-­ interrogates-­health-­minister-­ moyo-­former-­perm-­sec-­ mahomva/ https://www.zimmorningpost. com/ covidgate-­scandal-­perm-­sec-­ guvamatanga-­comes-­clean-­ throws-­top-­govt-­officials-­under-­ the-­bus/ https://zimmorningpost.com/ covidgate-­zacc-­declares-­ bloodbath/

Staff reporter

Conceptual Framework and Literature Review Visibility and Political Scandals Mediated political scandals are slowly becoming a coming feature in the Global South, although we have not reached the level of mediatisation of the rich-connected countries of the Global North. In his theorisation of mediated political scandals, Thompson (2000) argued that through mediated visibility, the relationship between visibility and political scandals has been reconfigured. The media, he argued, has played a crucial role in making politicians more visible to the people. More so, the Internet has made mediated political scandals more pronounced as ‘political leaders are able

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to appear before their subjects in ways and on a scale that never existed previously’ (Thompson, 2005, 41). Such a visibility has led to the rise of political scandals, so much so that cases of corruption involving political leaders which would have passed as isolated incidents a few decades back can now blow up into huge public scandals that threaten the positions of those involved. We develop our definition of ‘scandal’ from Heywood (2015), who posits that the word conjures connotations of moral values, judgement and transgression of agreed or expected ethical standards, which elicits shock and disbelief from concerned publics. A scandal ‘is not just something which is revealed but something that is shown, reported, staged and kept alive day after day’ (Ekström & Johansson, 2008, 72). Therefore, a scandal is the construct of a concerned society, its definition varies from one environment and context to another, which means that what might be constituted a scandal in each society and context might not be a scandal in other societies and/or contexts. Allern and Pollack (2012, 11) observe that despite many changes in its etymological evolution, even in its modern mediated form, the word scandal entails key factors such as ‘sin, shame, punishment and atonement’. For an event to be considered a scandal it must be behaviour that deviated from the normal. Such deviation is determined by understanding that the behaviour transgressed certain expected ethical standards, which may be specific to societies and historical contexts. Corruption scandals become political scandals when the alleged perpetrator holds significant political office or influence, which translates into what Thompson has termed ‘power scandals’ (Thompson, 2005, 42). In the Covigate scandal, Obadiah Moyo’s position as minister of health and the prominence of the first family made it fairly easy to construct a political scandal. Moyo was also a controversial figure whose suitability for his portfolio had constantly been questioned. Altheide and Snow’s (1979) concept of media logic further helps in understanding the influence and role of the media in constructing power scandals. Media logic refers to ‘the influence of media (…) on “real world” events … as well as on their portrayal and constitution’ (McQuail, 1994, 109). The concept suggests that news is a performance where journalists stage issues and frame them in a way that will make them appear big and have an impact on people’s lives. This makes political scandals closely linked to framing.

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Framing is useful in showing how news organisations manipulate language, structure and other aspects in order to emphasise certain aspects of a story while suppressing or omitting others (Entman, 1993). Goffman (1974) also argues that framing analysis looks at what is set up on stage and where the act is carried out. Framing analysis is therefore used to analyse actors who are mostly given prominence during an act on stage as ‘the others on stage, especially those not engaged in talk with the current social person tend to be arranged out of focus, their actions muted, the result being that the attention of the audience is directed to the speaker’ (Goffman, 1974, 140). In this study, we argue that the two online newspapers acted as a ‘backstage and a director’ (Pawełczyk, 2014, 47) in directing the flow and trajectory of the story. Journalists covering these scandals are therefore not just mere reporters, but actively ‘direct the progress of the scandal’ (Allern & Pollack, 2012, 10). Therefore, through assigning tags to stories, media ensures that some stories are framed and presented as scandals and, thus, dominate the public domain. Possibly, the media will be calling for people to act. Indeed, news media ‘are the marketplace in which scandals are presented and developed as drama before an indignant and inquisitive public’ (Allern & Pollack, 2012, 10). In most cases, journalists use news values when presenting their scandals and usually prominence and impact is heightened as these show how an important and popular figure might have acted immorally and in turn affect the general population. It is through media representations, framing and positioning that transgressions become subjects of public opinion and are turned into scandals. To explain the importance of Internet news media start-ups in mediating corruption scandals in Zimbabwe, it useful to relate the concept of media logic to the concept of mediatisation. Building onto the concept of mediation (Lundby, 2014; Lunt & Livingstone, 2016)—which explains the influence of media in individuals and society’s experience of reality— mediatisation suggests that media have become amalgamated into the social fabric of life to the extent that it has a pervading influence in all aspects of modern/post-modern life (Schulz, 2004). Even in countries where media density is fairly low, such as Zimbabwe, media communication has a transformative impact in society. Because they understand how media is imbued into the fabric of social life, social actors such as politicians, journalists and others who play an influencing role use news media strategically for the purpose of shaping reality, thereby setting the public agenda (Fornäs, 2014). As we argue above, access to the Internet has

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increased quite dramatically in Zimbabwe over the past decade, and with it a more dramatic diffusion of digital platforms which make news or news media more accessible in one way or another to ordinary Zimbabweans especially in urban and peri-urban centres. The dominance of legacy media, on which the government has relied because of the giant footprint of state-controlled media, therefore faces constant challenge which undermines its ability to influence the public agenda.

Discussion of Findings: Frames and Biases The Covigate scandal was initially broken by ZimLive.com on 20 April 2020. In the story ‘Millions of coronavirus dollars funneled to Mnangagwa-­ linked company’, ZimLive.com outlined how the Zimbabwean government channelled money to a company controversial company linked to the country’s first family. Other papers picked up the story, including mainstream papers in Zimbabwe, South African newspapers and international newspapers such as the UK’s Guardian and BBC. As for Zim Morning Post, some of its earliest stories were deleted from their website. Online newspapers used various strategies to frame corruption around the procurement of COVID-19 related material as a scandal. In this section we explain some of the framing techniques used to grab public attention and create a political scandal. Between the two of them, ZimLive.com and Zim Morning Post produced 31 stories on what quickly became the Covigate scandal over a two-­ week period from 28 May to 17 June 2020. After this initial deluge, coverage slowed down into a trickle of stories now and again. This pattern mirrored coverage by other online newspapers, which are not subject of this research. Although the first stories were an outcry over allegations of looting of funds meant to procure personal protective material (PPE), medicines and other essential stock as part of efforts to contain the spread of the COVID-19 virus in the country, by the third day the story had been framed as the ‘Covigate scandal’. Attention was also turned onto Obadiah Moyo, the minister of health, who was fingered as the mastermind behind the scheme. Around the world, including Zimbabwe and the southern African region, the ‘gate’ suffix—which builds on the American Watergate scandal which became a kind of global mother of scandals—is an indicator of a huge scandal involving public figures or resources. This resonates with the reading public and creates excitement. The second level of the scandal was

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the implication of President Mnangagwa’s family, after revelations that the president’s sons were close friends and also business partners of the central figure in the scandal, Delish Nguwaya. Nguwaya’s history as a convict also became an important highlight, as it suggested that the Ministry of Health associated with and gave business to a criminal, which questions the moral ethics of the ministry, the government and all involved. From this reportage, we identified two themes, ‘Choreographing the Covidgate Scandal’ and ‘Corruption Frame: Scandalising the First Family and Close Associates’. The next section discusses and analyses these themes. Choreographing the Covigate Scandal In this section, we explain how dramatic techniques and other narrative forms were used to grab readers’ attention. The then Health Minister Obadiah Moyo became the centre of attraction following accusations that he had awarded tenders to a doggy company. The story, ‘Covidgate: Health minister Obadiah Moyo arrested … implicated officials turn into key state witnesses’ published by Zim Morning Post on 19 June 2020, revealed that Minister Moyo was ‘finally’ arrested and ‘charged with criminal abuse of office in a Covid-19 procurement scandal’. The next day, ZimLive.com ran a story on June 20 under the headline ‘Bail for Obadiah Moyo after being charged in Covid-19 procurement scandal’. In the story, an editorial intrusion indicated that ‘prosecutors say the health minister disregarded warnings by intelligence services to give companies tenders’. Hence, the major focus was on the minister’s transgressions resulting in the media also mobilising the perceived ‘victims’ to call for the minister’s resignation. Through emphasising on personal transgressions, the media aimed to ensure that ‘guilty people should be held accountable and receive their deserved punishment’ (Allern & Pollack, 2012, 181). Taking into account that ‘scandals are staged’, this chapter found that the media had to bring various players some perceived as independent to give the story more characterisation (Allern & Pollack, 2012; Thompson, 2000). Through the use of the anti-corruption watch dog, Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission (ZACC) and anonymous sources in government, the news media became the court where journalists are the ‘investigator, prosecutor and judge—the media trial gives the condemned no right to appeal’. Such a trail is seen in the Zim Morning Post stories, ‘Covidgate scandal: Perm Sec Guvamatanga comes clean, throws top govt officials under the bus’

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and ‘Covidgate: ZACC declares bloodbath’, on 12 June and 14 June, respectively. First, the stories were primed and framed as important through extensive reportage on daily basis. Thus, scandals are choreographed and developed into a ‘serial’ and ‘docusoap’ where new episodes appear day by day (Allern & Pollack, 2012). However, framing is an ‘aspect of selecting some aspects of a perceived reality and making them more salient in a communicating text’ (Entman, 1993, 53). This is seen using metaphors such as ‘bloodbath’, ‘Covidgate’ and ‘throwing under the bus’. The use of ‘bloodbath’ here reveals Zim Morning Post’s strategy of using public entity ZACC to dramatise the severity of the scandal. Surprisingly for Zimbabwean private media, ZACC is framed in a positive light in this story, as doing everything to make all corrupt individuals account. Zim Morning Post’s use of the metaphor ‘throwing under the bus’ creates more drama by suggesting that far from denying their guilty senior government officials were trying to escape censure by fingering others. In this case, Guvamatanga is not only distancing himself from the scandal, but is also framed as implicating Obadiah Moyo as a corrupt minister. One of the ways in which corruption cases were turned into a scandal is through a media hunt where different news organisations pursue the same story and support each other. ZimLive.com published stories such as ‘Mnangagwa ousts health minister Obadiah Moyo as pressure mounts’; and ‘How Zimbabwe paid 2-week old company US$2m, sparking Interpol probe’. And these story angles were also pursued by the Zim Morning Post which had stories such as ‘Obadiah Moyo disgraced, stripped off Cabinet post’ and ‘Covidgate scandal: Perm Sec Guvamatanga comes clean, throws top govt officials under the bus’. Both papers further indicated that the minister was fired ‘for conduct inappropriate for a government minister’. Through a media hunt, journalists ‘look for sources that have something negative to say’ and also ‘old stories or accusations are brought to the public fora and acquire brand new life’ (Allern & Pollack, 2012, 184). Zim Morning Post published a story on August 1 under the headline ‘Covidgate: Fired minister Moyo’s “corrupt” past haunts him, Auditor-General accuses him of bleeding Chitungwiza hospital’. In the story, the journalists used the 2019 Auditor-General report which ‘noted massive financial irregularities when he [Minister Moyo] was Chitungwiza Hospital chief executive’ and further indicate that ‘he has not been charged for financial misappropriation during his tenure as Chitungwiza Hospital chief executive’.

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A day earlier (June 18), Zim Morning Post had published a story ‘Covidgate: MDCA piles pressure on Govt … demands public inquiry’, which amplified disenchanted voices in society by drawing in the official political opposition. The opposition party urged the ‘nation not to be swayed by the ZANU-PF government so that they forget about the corruption happening during the COVID-19 lockdown era’ and also demanded ‘decisive and tangible action against corruption as it was negatively affecting the people of Zimbabwe’. Another example of the media hunt technique was ZimLive.com’s story, ‘Military chiefs force ouster of health minister as Covid-19 taskforce head’, which suggested that there were serious tensions over the story within the heart of Zimbabwe’s ruling establishment. ZimLive.com dramatically presented fury among army chiefs over the conduct of the minister of health, also reminding readers that the minister was ‘under intense public criticism from health sector unions over his handling of the coronavirus outbreak and labour issues’. Notably, both papers extensively used anonymous sources to make reference to certain events. Allern and Pollack (2012) critically underlines that news media use anonymous sources in scandal reports in order to paint the picture they desire. Some information tends to be spiced up and ‘anonymous sources that in reality are subjective characterisations or personal interpretations, often expressed as part of a battle between different party factions or a power struggle’ (Allern & Pollack, 2012, 312). Corruption Frame: Scandalising the First Family and Close Associates The rapid spread of the COVID-19 pandemic in Zimbabwe required that the country urgently purchase personal protective equipment (PPE) and medicines. President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s family found itself in the eye of the storm when it emerged that the company that was awarded a lucrative million-dollar tender was owned by an ex-convict who was close friends with two of the president’s sons. The first lady, Auxillia Mnangagwa, was also drawn in as the mother of the two, who are twins. This revelation alone helped Zimbabwe’s myriad of privately run media outlets to turn the corruption case into a prominent political power scandal, which eventually led to the arrest and sacking of the minister of health. A political scandal ‘is a violation of rules and procedures in the exercise of political power’ (Midtbø, 2012: 25) and it can also be simply defined as an abuse of political power positions by politicians who then stand accused

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of ‘double standards and hypocrisy—of failing to practise what they preach’ (Pollack et  al., 2018: 11). In this case, President Mnangagwa becomes the centre of scandal where a company linked to him is corruptly awarded a lucrative tender. In ZimLive.com’s expose of the first family’s complicity was captured in headlines like ‘Millions of coronavirus dollars funneled to Mnangagwa-linked company’ and ‘Mnangagwa-linked company nets US$1 million in Covid-19 funds’. The stories underlined that a ‘broke”’ Zimbabwean government shelled out money to a two-week-old company called Drax International owned by Delish Nguwaya, a criminal with close links to the president and his family. The stories detail how Drax International signed a deal with the Zimbabwean government worth US $60 million for the supply of drugs to NatPharm, the state-owned drug supplier. The invisible political hand and connection to Drax International is mostly seen by the actions of the permanent secretary of finance who ‘terminated existing contracts’ to pave way for Drax International to be awarded the tender. Furthermore, Drax International is framed by ZimLive.com as having corruptly overpriced the COVID-19 equipment. To further show how ZimLive.com sought to scandalise the first family, the story uses a sub-heading that details how Drax International did not go ‘through the tender process to land the deals’. The story uses a picture of Emmerson Mnangagwa together with Delish Nguwaya and Mthuli Ncube that is suggestive of the close political proximity that Drax International has with the Zimbabwean government and first family. Thus, this shows an attempt by the online newspapers to personalise politics where ‘individuals, rather than ideologies or parties, are usually in the eye of scandals. Scandals reveal that specific individuals have committed acts that break legal and/or moral codes’ (Tumber & Waisbord, 2004: 1036). The corruption scandal is further covered by ZimLive.com in a story titled ‘How Zimbabwe paid 2-week-old company US$2m, sparking Interpol probe’. The story is accompanied by a headline titled ‘This egregious scandal is further confirmation that official corruption is at the root of Zimbabwe’s economic crisis’. The story details the irregularities of awarding the COVID-19 tender to a company linked to Emmerson Mnangagwa. To further escalate the COVID-19 irregularities tender, ZimLive.com shows how Drax International was not registered with the Procurement Regulatory Authority of Zimbabwe (PRAZ), a legal requirement for those doing business with the government. Although Drax International failed to achieve this condition to do business with the government, Drax

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International was paid US $2  million for the supply of overpriced COVID-19 PPE and test kits. ZimLive.com frames this payment by the Zimbabwean government as a ‘huge deposit’ made by the Zimbabwean government for these overpriced masks and test kits. The story further frames Drax International and Delish Nguwaya as criminals who are sought after by Interpol. The Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP), which has on many occasions failed to combat graft involving high-profile figures, is framed as having ‘a poor record of investigating high level corruption’. This is an attempt by ZimLive.com to show how the Zimbabwean police force is an appendage of the ZANU-PF government. Hence, anyone who is politically connected can escape the full wrath of the law. The story also deliberately makes use of a picture of Emmerson Mnangagwa’s wife, Auxillia Mnangagwa, pictured with Delish Nguwaya and his wife at a state house dinner in 2019. This is in part an attempt by ZimLive.com to show the close political links and connections between Nguwaya and the first family. Corruption and scandals have proved to be one of the costly cancers at the heart of the Zimbabwean body politic since the country gained independence in 1980. Corruption in Zimbabwe is part of a patronage system which begins from the grassroot political structures to the presidium. Part of the expose by Zim Morning Post is under the stories with headlines ‘Covidgate: Health minister Obadiah Moyo arrested … implicated officials turn into key state witnesses’ and ‘Covidgate: Ruthless clashes as ZACC interrogates Health minister Moyo, former perm sec Mahomva’. The stories implicate Obadiah Moyo, Delish Nguwaya and Mnangagwa’s bodyguard who owns a company that is registered in Namibia called Jaji Investments in the Covigate scandal. Just like ZimLive.com, both companies are closely connected to the president, and they never followed any security vetting to receive tenders awarded to them. Furthermore, both stories outline how Jaji Investments never delivered the test kits. Instead, Moyo used his political arm to bypass the tender process and assist Jaji Investments. Moyo’s past record of corruption that is also ‘trailing him like a shadow’ further shows how corruption is endemic in Zimbabwe’s body politic. The use of this metaphor is an attempt to show how Obadiah is an unrepentant and corrupt minister. It is also used to bring out high level of corruption amongst government Ministers in the ‘New Dispensation’ government. This shows how Zim Morning Post attempted to safeguard against the abuse of power and corruption by those politically connected and within the proximity of the president.

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As a result of personification of party politics, Mnangagwa’s norm violations have gained importance as a basis for ‘political scandalization’ (Allern & Pollack, 2012).

Conclusion The two online newspapers framed the Covigate scandal as a power scandal with President Mnangagwa and his family together with the minister of health and several other government officials as central figures. Both digital platforms played a watchdog role in society, closely taking on the minister of health and exposing his corrupt deeds. It can be argued that while the minister suffered the most as he was sacked and jailed, this political scandal was targeted at President Mnangagwa, whose rhetoric on a new dispensation was exposed as hollow. This corruption scandal further showed how digital media start-ups in Zimbabwe play an important role in exposing corruption and institutions such as ZACC that are meant to safeguard corruption.

References

Allern, S., & Pollack, E. (2012). Mediated Scandals. In S.  Allern & E.  Pollack (Eds.), Scandalous! The Mediated Construction of Political Scandals in Four Nordic Countries (pp. 9–28). NORDICOM. Altheide, D. L., & Snow, R. P. (1979). Media Worlds in the Post Journalism Era. Aldine/de Gruyter. Chuma, W., Msimanga, M. J., & Tshuma, L. A. (2020). Succession Politics and Factional Journalism in Zimbabwe: A Case of the Chronicle in Zimbabwe. African Journalism Studies, 41(1), 35–48. Ekström, M., & Johansson, B. (2008). Talk Scandals. Media, Culture and Society, 30(1), 61–79. Entman, R. (1993). Framing: Toward Clarification of a Fractured Paradigm. Journal of Communication, 43(4), 6–27. Fiss, P. C., & Hirsch, P. M. (2005). The Discourse of Globalization: Framing and Sensemaking of an Emergent Concept. American Sociological Review, 70(1), 29–52. Fornäs, J. (2014). Mediatization of Popular Culture. In K.  Lundby (Ed.), Mediatization of Communication: Handbooks of Communication Science (pp. 483–504). De Gruyter Mouton. Goffman, E. (1974). Frame Analysis. An Essay on the Organization of Experience. Northeastern University Press. Helliker, K., & Murisa, T. (2020). Introduction, Zimbabwe: Continuities and Changes. Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 38(1), 5–17.

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Heywood, P. (2015). Corruption Scandals and the Quality of Integrity Management: Towards a Research Agenda. Paper prepared for ‘The Quality of Government and the Performance of Democracies’ conference, University of Gothenburg, 20–22 May. Lundby, K. (2014). Mediatization of Communication: Handbooks of Communication Science. De Gruyter Mouton. Lunt, P., & Livingstone, S. (2016). Is ‘Mediatization’ the New Paradigm for Our Field? A Commentary on Deacon and Stanyer (2014, 2015) and Hepp, Hjarvard and Lundby (2015). Media, Culture and Society, 38(3), 462–470. Mano, W., & Willems, W. (2008). Emerging Communities, Emerging Media: The Case of a Zimbabwean Nurse in the British Big Brother Show. Critical Arts: A Journal of South-North Cultural Studies, 22(1), 101–128. McQuail, D. (1994). Mass Communication Theory: An Introduction (3rd ed.). SAGE Publications. Midtbø, T. (2012). Do mediated Political Scandals Affect Party Popularity in Norway? In S. Allern & E. Pollack (eds.) Scandalous! The Mediated Construction of Political Scandals in Four Nordic Countries. Gothenburg, Sweden: Nordicom. Munoriyarwa, A., & Chibuwe, A. (2021). Journalism Beyond the Coup: Emerging Forms of Digital Journalism Practices in Post-Coup Zimbabwe. Digital Journalism. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/2167081 1.2021.1957966 Ndzinisa, N. T., Lunga, C. M., & Ndlovu, M. (2022). News in the Digital Age: A Case Study of CITE as a Digital Public Sphere in Zimbabwe. African Journalism Studies, 42(4), 46–64. Pan, Z., & Kosicki, G. (1993). Framing Analysis: An Approach to News Discourse. Political Communication, 10, 55–75. Pawełczyk, P. (2014). The Impact of Scandal on Public Opinion. Srodkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne, 3, 45–55. Pollack, E., Allern, S., Kantola, A., & Blach-Ørsten, M. (2018). The New Normal: Scandals as a Standard Feature of Political Life in Nordic Countries. International Journal of Communication, 12, 3087–3108. Raftopoulos, B. (2019). Zimbabwe: Regional Politics and Dynamics. In Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics. Oxford University Press. Richardson, J.  E. (2007). Analysing Newspapers. An Approach from Critical Discourse Analysis. Palgrave Macmillan. Schulz, W. (2004). Reconstructing Mediatization as an Analytical Concept. European Journal of Communication, 19(1), 87–101. Thompson, J. B. (2000). Political Scandal: Power and Visibility in the Media Age. Polity Press. Thompson, J.  B. (2005). The New Visibility. Theory, Culture and Society, 22(6), 31–51. Tumber, H., & Waisbord, S. R. (2004). Introduction: Political Scandals and Media Across Democracies, Volume I. American Behavioral Scientist, 47(8), 1031–1039. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002764203262275

CHAPTER 9

Migrating from Traditional to Online-Only News Delivery among Namibian Publications: An Assessment Eno Akpabio

Introduction The Namibian media landscape was dominated by white-owned outlets, which was a carryover from the colonial period (Kavari, 2013). Missionaries and colonialists, as in other parts of Africa, brought the idea of the newspaper to Namibia, but unlike in most parts of Africa, the first newspaper in Namibia, Windhuker Anzeiger, was set up by an individual—George Wasserfall— on October 12, 1898 (Heuva, 1996). Heuva notes that the German colonialists soon made it an official gazette and, of course, it promoted their interests over those of the locals, including being used to counter nationalist aspirations. The white-owned press was in cahoots with the colonizer and refused to reflect atrocities committed against Namibians in their pages (Heuva, 1996).

E. Akpabio (*) University of Namibia, Windhoek, Namibia e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 T. Matsilele et al. (eds.), New Journalism Ecologies in East and Southern Africa, Palgrave Studies in Journalism and the Global South, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-23625-9_9

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John Meinert was a force to be reckoned with in Namibia press history. In 1917, he bought up the ailing printing press Windhoek Druckerei which was printing Der Kriegsbote, the forerunner to Die Allgemeine Zeitung (Larsen, 2007). Larsen reports that he also had The Windhoek Advertiser as part of his media empire, which was sold off in 1978 to Dr Dieter Lauenstein. Dr Lauenstein’s dismissal of the editors of Allgemeine Zeitung (Kurt Dahlmann) and The Windhoek Advertiser (Hannes Smith) was the catalyst for the latter to set up the Windhoek Observer in 1978. The two newspapers taken over by Dr Lauenstein as well as Die Republikein (Afrikaans language) and Namibian Sun are now part of Namibia Media Holdings. Other newspapers in the Namibian media ecosystem are New Era, Kundana (Oshiwambo language), The Namibian, and Informanté, along with several weeklies and community newspapers. Namibians, like almost everyone else in the world, are active online (Carlile, 2011), but Shihomeka (2019) argues that it not a linear migration from traditional to new media and rather more of an integration. Nevertheless, in terms of social media use in the Namibian scenario there is a preference for Facebook (58%) above all others: Pinterest (16%), Instagram (9%), Twitter (9%), YouTube (8%), and Reddit (0.5%) (Statcounter, 2022). A germane question would be: With the uptake of new media among Namibians, are newspapers seeing a need to cater for audiences that spend a lot of time online (Carlile, 2011)? But first I will present a profile of Namibian online-only newspaper and an examination of the business models of newspapers in the face of the online threat.

Profile of Namibian Online-Only Newspapers Caprivi Vision The newspaper was founded by students at the then Polytechnic of Namibia (now Namibia University of Science and Technology) (Larsen, 2007). Caprivi Vision touts itself as the “first black youthful independent regional/community newspaper” (Caprivi Vision, 2021, n.d.). Its goal is fostering a “reading culture by informing, educating and entertaining the nation on what is happening. Expanding the distribution channels in moving the community newspaper from weekly into a daily” (Caprivi Vision,

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2021, n.d.). But Larsen (2007) notes that it has struggled to survive due to decreasing advertising revenue and poor funding. Namibia Economist According to Larsen (2007), the Namibia Economist started off in 1986 under the Afrikaans name SW Ekonoom as a free monthly trade publication but went out of business in 1990. Daniel Steinmann and partners re-­ launched the paper as the Namibia Economist in 1996 and changed its status to a weekly specialist publication (Larsen, 2007). According to its website: the Namibia Economist enjoys wide popularity as a specialist business publication. In the local market it is firmly entrenched as the leading public source of business intelligence. The name Namibia Economist has become synonymous with reliable business reporting and on the marketing side, it is widely regarded as an effective medium to communicate messages to the top echelons of both private and public sectors. (Namibia Economist, n.d.)

The website displays interesting metrics about its popularity www.economist.com.na now attracts about 120,000 readers per week and just under 500,000 readers per month. For the year from 15 February 2016 to 14 February 2017, the newspaper was read 3,192,386 times. Of the repeat visitors, more than 105,000 are Namibian. An astronomical amount of data is being downloaded from our site per week indicating that thousands of readers worldwide are using it as a research source on Namibia. The site is simple and easy to navigate, it has its own archive of all the editions since 2001 and the emphasis is clearly on content, not on bells and whistles. All traffic on our site is monitored and measured by Google Analytics. Readership: A 2015 market survey shows that our typical readership profile is in almost all instances opposed to the conventional or mean. Whereas number of readers with other newspapers is highest in the lower income groups and in rural areas, with the Namibia Economist it is highest at the top end of the spectrum. Our “average” reader is more often than not a male with a substantial income, lives in the city or bigger towns, is somewhere between 25 and 50, speaks Afrikaans, Oshivambo, English or German and has a post-Matric qualification. (Namibia Economist, n.d., pars. 7–10)

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Informanté Informanté, owned by Trustco Group, started off with a print run of 260,000 and was distributed for free (Larsen, 2007). Larsen reports that it opened an office in Swakopmund and that this move added to its financial burden. The paper has since made a return to the newsstands but no longer as a free newspaper.

Literature Review There is no doubt that journalism is facing an existential crisis like never before, in spite of the best efforts of publishers to remain relevant in the internet age (Gentzkow, 2014; Weber, 2017). A third of the world’s population that is online “make their own news rather than read newspapers” (Carlile, 2011, p. 2). But newspapers, at first, did not fully perceive the competition and even perhaps the threat that the web would provide, and hence “newspaper organizations focused on products that simply delivered the print product digitally,” which has informed the distinction between newspapers on the web and online newspapers (Weber, 2017, p. 86). Weber notes that web technology gave rise to the newspaper websites that audiences are now familiar with but which were made possible by a visual interface occasioned by hypertext markup language. Thus, Nando. net, launched by the Raleigh News & Observer in 1994, was the first web-­ based newspaper that lived on the web “outside of an internet service provider’s intranets” (Weber, 2017, p. 86). In the 1990s, blogs came on the scene and started drawing away audiences and revenues from newspapers (Weber, 2017). Weber notes that the news blogs aggregated links to other websites and news articles. Interestingly, almost half of bloggers expressed the view that more people would soon start to access news from blogs than from traditional media (Carlile, 2011). A study in Ghana already confirms that this was a self-­ fulfilling prophecy. Sikanku (2011) uncovered mixed results for intermedia agenda-setting between a non-newspaper website and traditional media in the country. In other words, setting the agenda is no longer the exclusive preserve of traditional media. This is, of course, to be expected since online news portals “provide access to news and information from multiple sources as well as offering extensive discussion and publishing facilities” (Balčytienė & Harro-Loit, 2009, p. 519).

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Added to the mix is social media, which have also negatively impacted the fortunes of traditional media (Weber, 2017). An example is the aftermath of the 2011 Tōhoku earthquake in Japan: At one point, the Twitter use in Tokyo reached 1,200 tweets per minute according to Tweet-O-Meter. Not only did it provide the latest news but, with most of the phone lines out of action across Japan, it was also one of the only sources of communication with people in the country, along with Facebook and Japan’s social networking site, Mixi. (Carlile, 2011, p. 4)

In the Nordic countries, the humble beginnings of online newspapers would accelerate with a number of international and local events, such as the death of Princess Diana, the Monica Lewinsky affair, the publication of the Lillehammer Winter Olympics results in 1994 by internet service provider Oslonett, and Danish reporters bypassing printers during the 1998 strike to post content online, all of which “demonstrated the power of the web when it came to not only speed, but also to depth and community building” (Syvertsen et  al., 2014, p.  61). But there was more to come: The years after the turn of the millennium and the dot-com crash, around 2001, mark the beginning of a second period of Nordic online news … with online news steadily increasing their market share compared to print newspapers. In addition to the investments in building a universal infrastructure, which provided a rapidly growing customer base, a crucial reason for this speedy development was that established media companies, which had competence and resources to enter new markets, invested heavily in online newspaper publishing. (Syvertsen et al., 2014, 63)

So much so that there were more online readers than circulation of printed newspapers. How does all of this translate in terms of the bottom line? Gentzkow (2014) points out that the political and social externalities of news work are not borne out by the returns on investment, as online delivery pays more in advertising dollars than traditional newspapers. This is because the Internet has reduced the return news outlets can earn by selling the attention of their consumers to advertisers. This is held to be true both because the price of a given unit of attention is lower online than offline.

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The rapid decline in readership of traditional newspapers and the fact that they are bleeding revenue justifies a movement to online and hybrid formats. This is because the two-sided business model of traditional media attracting audiences through their offerings and in the same vein attracting advertisers desirous of reaching out to their target markets has changed in the online world (OECD, 2021). The present study sought to determine why some Namibian publications have opted for online-only news delivery.

Methodology Students enrolled in Media in Namibia course carried out key informant interviews with editors of the three publications⁠—Informante, Caprivi Vision, and Namibia Economist—that had either gone fully online or placed more emphasis on their online property over and above their print property. Key informant interviews in the qualitative research tradition can provide depth and understanding of issues that a quantitative approach cannot achieve; hence the choice of this research design (Treadwell, 2014).

Findings and Discussion The key informant interviews revealed various reasons for the change in their business model to online-only or with more premium placed on their online property (Caprivi Vision) included moving with the times, survival, finance interactivity and engagement etc. One of the factors identified by interviewees was the widespread use of the internet by Namibians. This is in line with the trend worldwide (Carlile, 2011; Syvertsen et al., 2014). An editor (1) of one of the publications said that with consumers moving online en masse, they realized in 2019 that this was the way to go if they were to remain relevant. Editor 2 echoed the same sentiment, noting that they had to ensure that the paper gets into their audience’s hands and their homes through mobile digital services such as the internet, smartphones, and laptops, thus making it more accessible in this time of economic downturn. Editor 3 provided figures to justify their decision: By November 2016, the number of visitors to their site increased to above 3000. Editor 3 identified circulation of the paper as another factor, noting that the poor transport infrastructure, which is a unique finding that is not present in the extant literature, prevented them from achieving the

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coverage that they would have liked. Elaborating, he cited the Namibian Broadcasting Corporation as noting that with 7000 copies their publication could not compete favorably with a newspaper such as the Windhoek Observer that prints 11,000 copies of which 45% was distributed in urban areas and 55% in commercial farming areas. Thus, for them, the fierce competition they previously could not cope with because of the weak transport infrastructure is no longer an issue since they are fully online. Another consideration was cost/finance, which has been identified by scholars as key to movement to online or the web (Carlile, 2011; Syvertsen et al., 2014; Weber, 2017). Editor 1 said that given that most Namibians are on the internet and social media, particularly Facebook, Instagram, and YouTube (Statcounter, 2022), coupled with the huge cost of printing, which they felt was no longer sustainable, they made their move to become an online-only publication. Editor 2 cited economic headwinds as one factor informing the decision to place a premium on their online property. Editor 2 pointed out that even their traditional advertisers are going through a rough patch economically and are not in a position to advertise, and hence the paper is still printed depending on availability of advertising packages. Editor 3 said that by going online they are able to provide their clients different advertising packages based on the length of time for which they are interested in placing their ad, and that this helped the publication’s bottom line as this was not available with the printed publication. The interactivity and engagement features of online newspapers (Balčytienė & Harro-Loit, 2009) was also an attraction, according to Editor 1. This is because they could better engage with their readers than when they had a printed product where the level of engagement was dismal. Editor 1 cited several advantages of this move: They are able to keep a record of the traffic and persons accessing their content, and this empowers them to make informed decisions on their news delivery. In other words, they can place more emphasis on those news items that attract more eyeballs and de-emphasize those that readers have shown scant regard for. Editor 1 added that being an online newspaper allows it to break the news as it occurs as they do not have to wait to deliver the news to readers the next day. Other benefits according to Editor 1 are that readily available information can be accessed even during public holidays when traditional newspapers are closed as online newspapers update their news content on their websites and social media accounts frequently. There

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is minimum production cost as there is no need to physically print and distribute. Finally, news consumers can easily retrieve past newspapers.

According to Editor 2, they can shoot videos and post them on the publication’s YouTube channel, which is an advantage that they have over other local newspapers. In addition, according to Editor 3: The printed edition contains longer feature stories, news that is persuasive while the website is updated throughout the day with breaking news and shorter articles. It also offers searchable services to cater to the interest of different audiences. [The publication] is available on social media platforms such as Twitter and Facebook. The website … is home to the latest edition, with daily updates, blog posts and access to the complete archive.

Even in an era of excessive fake news, Editor 1 said their publication still reaps the benefits of its professionalism, broad appeal, and goodwill cultivated over the years as audiences continue to visit their website and social media accounts to confirm the authenticity of news and information being circulated. Editor 2 also mentioned their public service role that their target market has come to appreciate over the years: serving the community accurate and up-to-date information and providing a platform for posting community announcements. Editor 3 cited several advantages of the online-only format: On their website, readers can keep abreast of news and analysis with the app. They can be notified when the latest issues are released and can save articles to read offline or listen to each weekly edition. The audience for its digital format has now exploded, and the publication is reaching a significant local and international readership that is about five times larger than the printed edition. This is also the observed trend in the literature (Syvertsen et al., 2014). Editor 1 did acknowledge some challenges of being a completely online newspaper. She pointed to the fact that citizen journalists compromise the quality and standards of journalism because they do not adhere to the media code of ethics. Editor 3 expressed similar sentiments: “fake news has become the bane of the modern communications era. Whereas only a few years back it was rare to encounter false items distributed by public channel, it now seems to be the norm.” Editor 1 said that there is increased

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competition because citizen journalists are also competing in this space, and hence accuracy of news is sometimes compromised due to the urgency of media houses to break the news first. These concerns with the activity of citizen journalists and the fake news phenomenon are not registered in the literature and seem to be peculiar to the Namibian media ecosystem. But these concerns have been relevant recently, although usually from the perspective of social media platforms (Marda & Milan, 2018; OECD, 2021). Returns on investment in news work seem to go to those who have not put in the money. According to Editor 1: media houses are finding it extremely hard to monetise their news content because they are being made available for free and journalists no longer get the credit that they deserve but instead the money goes to the cost per click of Facebook and YouTube.

The findings of the study also draw attention to the “attention economy” that the platforms derive from clicks and advertising of news of doubtful origin but which goes viral (Marda & Milan, 2018, p.  1; OECD, 2021). Moving online also translates to letting go of staff who become redundant because of the adoption of new technology (Djankov & Saliola, 2019). According to Editor 3, the decision for the publication to go fully digital forced the newspaper to retrench 12 permanent workers. This is why scholars have called for a new set of skills for the workforce: “complex problem solving, teamwork, and adaptability” (Djankov & Saliola, 2019, p. 57).

Conclusion and Recommendations The movement from traditional printed products to online-only by Namibian publications has been informed by global trends such as uptake of the internet and social media, financial considerations, and delivery of a better user experience. But there are also issues unique to Namibia such as an online-only newspaper publishing a traditional product when there is advertising, and Informanté, which has transitioned from free to online and is now back on the newsstands with a price tag while still maintaining its web presence. Other scholars may wish to study the latter more closely to determine which factors have informed the various transitions.

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References Balčytienė, A., & Harro-Loit, H. (2009). Between Reality and Illusion: Re-examining the Diversity of Media and Online Professional Journalism in the Baltic States. Journal of Baltic Studies, 40(4), 517–530. Caprivi Vision. (2021). About Us. http://www.caprivivision.com/about-­us/ Carlile, L. (2011). Development online: Making the most of social media. International Institute for Environment and Development (2011) Stable URL: http://www.jstor.com/stable/resrep01460 Djankov, S., & Saliola, F. (2019). The Changing Nature of Work. Journal of International Affairs, 72(1). [The Fourth Industrial Revolution (Fall/Winter 2019)], 57–74. Gentzkow, M. (2014). Trading Dollars for Dollars: The Price of Attention Online and Offline. The American Economic Review, 104(5), 481–488. Heuva, W. (1996). The Alternative Press in Namibia 1960–1990 (MA Thesis) Rhodes University, Grahamstown, South Africa. Kavari, V. (2013). History of Public Media in Namibia, Its Role in Contemporary Society and Philosophical Outlook. Author. Larsen, M. B. (2007). Media Ownership and Legislation 1990–2007. MISA. Marda, V., & Milan, S. (2018). Wisdom of the Crowd: Stakeholder Perspectives on the Fake News Debate. University of Pennsylvania. Namibia Economist. (n.d.). About us. https://economist.com.na/about-us/ OECD. (2021). Competition Issues Concerning News Media and Digital Platforms, OECD Competition Committee Discussion Paper. https://www.oecd.org/daf/ competition/competition-­issues-­in-­news-­media-­and-­digital-­platforms.htm Shihomeka, S.  P. (2019). Citizen Engagement Politics and Digital Media in Namibia (Doctoral Dissertation). Erasmus University Rotterdam, The Netherlands. Sikanku, E. (2011). Intermedia Influences among Ghanaian Online and Print News Media: Explicating Salience Transfer of Media Agendas. Journal of Black Studies, 42(8), 1320–1335. Statcounter. (2022). Global Stats—Namibia. https://gs.statcounter.com/social-­ media-­stats/all/namibia Syvertsen, T., Enli, G., Mjøs, O., & Moe, H. (2014). The Press. In The Media Welfare State: Nordic Media in the Digital Era (pp.  47–70). University of Michigan Press. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv65swsg.6 Treadwell, D. (2014). Introducing Communication Research: Paths of Inquiry. SAGE Publication. Weber, M. (2017). The Tumultuous History of News on the Web. In N. Brügger & R. Schroeder (Eds.), The Web as History: Using Web Archives to Understand the Past and the Present (pp. 83–100). UCL Press. https://doi.org/10.2307/j. ctt1mtz55k.10

PART II

Social Media, Funding Models and Participatory Cultures

CHAPTER 10

Exploring the Attitude of Tanzanian Journalists to Citizen Journalism Shekha Ally Hussein and Eno Akpabio

Introduction Citizen journalism has emerged as an empowerment tool to ordinary citizens who are now capable of gathering and disseminating information on Blogs, Facebook, Twitter, YouTube and other platforms sometimes in direct competition to professionally trained journalists and in other instances complementing their efforts. With this premise in mind, this qualitative study explored the attitude of Tanzanian professional journalists to citizen journalism through in-depth interviews with managing editors, news editors and reporters who were purposely chosen from three media houses: the government-owned media Daily News and Habari Leo, the privately-owned media The Guardian and Nipashe and cross-border ownership—The Citizen and Mwananchi. The number of study respondents was 24. The findings revealed that citizen journalism is flourishing in Tanzania. Traditional media, mostly the privately-owned outfits, are

S. A. Hussein • E. Akpabio (*) University of Namibia, Windhoek, Namibia e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 T. Matsilele et al. (eds.), New Journalism Ecologies in East and Southern Africa, Palgrave Studies in Journalism and the Global South, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-23625-9_10

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incorporating citizen journalism outputs into news routines. In specific terms, citizen journalists provided tips or news ideas which are then developed by professional journalists into fully-fledged news stories while taking into consideration news values and ethics, made available news worthy information from localities not covered by media professionals and impacted newspapers’ content much more than radio and television. Based on the increasingly important roles played by citizen journalists across the world, it is recommended that their outputs be embraced by Tanzanian media, including government-owned entities that seem to have no interests in citizen journalism, if citizens are to be kept abreast of daily intelligence.

Background to the Study The media history of Tanzania can be divided into four major phases: the German colonial phase (1890–1916); the British colonial period (1916–1961) in which the media was used to propagate colonial communication interests; the nationalists’ media that was in the forefront of agitation for self-government and respect for human rights; and the post-colonial phase (socialist regime) of independent Tanzania in which the media was nationalized to foster development of socialistic principles (Sturmer, 1998). There is also the transition phase when private and independent press staged a comeback (Sturmer, 1998). Today, Tanzania boasts of many privately-owned newspapers, radio and television stations. According to Bazira et al. (2021) there are 183 radio stations, 43 television stations and 229 newspapers and magazines in mainland Tanzania. There is concentration of ownership with IPP Media and government-controlled media being the dominant players (BBC, 2021). The penetration rate of mobile phones and the popularity of social networking sites, especially Twitter and Facebook, have resulted in a lot of Tanzanians holding their own online (Tanzania Media Fund Strategy, 2012–2016). There are 22 blogs and online news sites in the country (Bazira et al., 2021). Many Tanzanians are blogging on issues pertaining to their interests. Even though most Tanzanians are not currently using social media, the future looks promising. Among the main obstacles are poverty, the scarcity and prohibitive costs of high-speed internet connections and the limited number of personal computers in use. The internet is mainly available in urban areas and the penetration level is at about 38% (Internet World Stats, 2022). Many rural areas do not even have

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electricity. However, many Tanzanians are now using mobile phones to access the internet, particularly social media sites. The widespread availability of mobile phones means that the mobile web can reach more people than the wired web (Macha, 2010). These developments have led the Tanzania Media Fund to posit that an alternative space for journalism has emerged. The increasing popularity of social networking sites like Facebook and Twitter and the success of Jamii Forums and bloggers such as Issa Michuzi, coupled with the growth of mobile phone usage in the country (62% of Tanzanians is [sic] now having household access), point to a huge potential for online and citizen journalism. (p. 7)

Citizens are becoming news gatherers instead of receivers. This is substantiated by Gillmor (2004) who points out that one of the unique capabilities of new media is the way in which it changes the relationship between journalists and what has historically been called the audience. Most of these active audiences are average citizens who do not have journalistic education but have access to the internet and possess skills and knowledge to post information. Important stories making waves in Tanzania such as the Bank of Tanzania’s (BOT) External Payment  Arrears (EPA) funneling  of US $135 million to phantom companies began life as electronic rumours (The EastAfrican, n.d.). Tanzanian bloggers have adopted very liberal outlook going by their mottos such “All you wanted to know but didn’t know how and where” or “we dare talk openly.” Yet, mainstream journalism based on its strong traditions and ethical guidelines looks down with “disdain and mistrust” on citizen journalists because it fits into the “frame of practice that would conflict with the historically grounded ways of practising journalism” (Banda, 2010, 21).

Statement of the Problem New/social media has empowered audience who are increasingly involved in gathering and posting materials to different news platforms and other sites (Barnes, 2012). The roles that were traditional to journalists are increasingly being taken on by the audience. While this is justifiable in some instances like in conflict zones where reporters might not get accreditation easily like in the Arab Spring uprisings, there are also many other

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instances in which citizen journalists obtain pictures, videos and audio that professional journalists are unable to access (Allan, 2007; Barnes, 2012). One way that media organizations access these materials is to encourage these citizen journalists to upload them unto traditional news sites for wider dissemination while crediting the source—citizen journalists. But there is, usually, caveat that these images and so on could not be independently confirmed. In other words, the news organization deems it fit to use the materials but because the rigorous process that a professional journalist would apply before the finished product is disseminated has not been adhered to an advisory is issued. Does this posture mean that these reports from citizens are looked at with disdain and mistrust by media gatekeepers? Even the reporters who have been scooped by these citizen journalists, upstarts in their turf, would have a thing or two to say about the turn of events that seem to be rendering them redundant. This study therefore set out to find out the views of professional journalists to this trend but from a Tanzanian perspective.

Objectives of the Study Main Objective • To explore the attitude of professional journalists to citizen journalism in Tanzania. Specific Objectives 1. To explore how media professionals perceive/view citizen journalism in Tanzania. 2. To examine the future of Tanzanian mainstream journalism in the face of flourishing citizen journalism in Tanzania.

Literature Review Citizen journalism from varied historical perspective began with the emergence of the internet as a new news medium and was aided by several crises where the reporting of ordinary citizens made a vitally important contribution such as natural disasters (earthquakes and hurricanes), political scandals and the tragedies of terrorism, conflict and war, among others (Allan, 2007; Barnes, 2012). However, some scholars trace the European

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and US origins of citizen journalism back to seventeenth- and eighteenth-­ century pamphleteering (Barnes, 2012). What makes it so much more powerful in the twenty-first century, however, is the speed, low cost and global reach with which topics can be brought to the national and international news agendas, including issues that those in power would prefer to ignore (Jurrat, 2011). Bélair-Gagnon and Anderson (2015) trace the beginnings of citizen journalism to 1999 in Seattle in the United States during the anti-World Trade Organization protests which was one of the first time activists were able to disseminate their own news thus shaping the framing of their protest in the media. It has gone on to take on notable roles in areas of human rights, democracy, climate change, dignity, supply of information from conflict zones and so on (Allan, 2007; Monroy-Hernández & Palacios, 2014). With new/social media audiences are increasingly involved in gathering and posting materials to different news platforms (Barnes, 2012). Consequently, audiences are no longer just observers but participants; they want to have a say in what is covered and the depth of coverage while being on the lookout for affirmation and accountability (Barnes, 2012). No wonder the sentiment that both assist in giving a fuller picture as citizen journalism is inside looking out while traditional journalism is outside looking in (Barnes, 2012, 17). Legacy media are making use of the content provided by citizen journalists but in ways that ensure that professionalism is maintained and valued. Mainstream media are increasingly appropriating citizen journalism content-broadly encapsulated under the umbrella of “user-generated content” (UGC) in part to avoid perceptually undermining traditional journalism’s occupational values (Allan & Thorsen, 2009, 12; Kokenge, 2010). But the new forms are also hitting traditional journalism where it matters most—their target market and finance. This they have done by “draining off the ‘rivers of gold’ that once flowed from classified advertising and introducing increased competition for the advertising dollar” (Chen, 2013, 2). They are also competing favourably for audience attention (Ahva, 2010; Chen, 2013). Citizens are believed to be good in reporting information on different issues compared to mainstream media. Sonwalkar examines several crises where the reporting of ordinary citizens was done in a “way that the mainstream news media have never done.” Ekstrom et  al. (2011) note that Tanzanian national media were slow to report the Gongo la Mboto blasts; information was vague and when the coverage did come was considered

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by many Tanzanians to be insufficiently critical. The popular blog bongocelebrity.com, on the other hand, published a slide show of pictures of the explosions, damaged houses and wounded people (Ekstrom et al., 2011). In some instances, mainstream media do not cover some news items due to issues such as conflict of interests, ownership, advertisers’ pressure and so on; citizen journalism is able to fill the gap by providing information on issues that the mainstream media have intentionally chosen to avoid (Mutsvairo & Columbus, 2012). Thus, it is seen as emancipating and democratizing information dissemination in serving as an alternative to traditional media and because of its uncontrollable and accessible features (Ruchel-Stockmans, 2021). Part of this accessibility feature involves mobile phone which is recognized as the means by which many Africans can practice citizen journalism due to its portability (Banda, 2010; Goldstein & Rotich, 2008). In Zimbabwe, for instance, the availability of mobile phones seems to have revolutionized and pioneered a new concept of citizen-led news gathering and content sharing (Mutsvairo & Columbus, 2012). However, citizens in their gathering and posting of information can sometimes cause harm. Zuckerman (2008) warns that technologies useful for reporting and peace-making are also useful for rumour mongering and incitement to violence. During the Kenyan Presidential Election of 2007, according to Zuckerman (2008), bloggers took on the role of reporters in documenting the election process and mapping the violence that ensued following the disputed result, providing a crucial source of information following the government’s ban on live media. However, citizen media and text messaging were also used in a more sinister way to mobilize different ethnic groups against each other. Since, in general, citizen journalists are not professionally trained, not all contributions from citizen journalists adhere to ethical standards that is to be expected of professional journalists (Ruchel-Stockmans, 2021). Citizen journalists usually give a very personal and therefore often biased view of an event (Jurrat, 2011, 13). Other problems are that citizen journalists are mostly activists who are involved in the situations they portray, unlike professional journalists who are expected to keep an emotional and ideological distance from the subjects they cover. Moreover, citizen journalists are not professionals, and therefore the material they deliver is often fragmentary and inadequately contextualized for the public. At the same time, many clips found on the internet have to remain anonymous to

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protect the identity of their makers and therefore cannot be fact-checked. (Ruchel-Stockmans, 2021, 141)

The ambivalence in the posture of scholars on citizen journalism as well as the attitude of traditional media and journalists requires unpacking the attitude of professional journalists to citizen involvement in the craft.

Research Design The area of the study was Dar es Salaam, specifically Ilala and Kinondoni districts, where most major media houses, including those selected for this study—Mwananchi Communications Ltd (MCL), Tanzania Standard Newspapers (TSN) and the IPP Media—are headquartered. The population of this study were media professionals from three media organizations. The sample was made of 12 editors and 12 reporters from 3 media companies, specifically Daily News and Habari Leo (TSN), Mwananchi and The Citizen (MCL) and The Guardian and Nipashe (IPP) which came to 24 interviewees. The papers were purposely selected to cater for both government-owned (TSN) and privately-owned newspapers (MCL and IPP Media).

Findings Interviewees were of the view that the rise of citizen journalism in Tanzania is in line with the trend around the world and is changing the colouration of journalism. An editor from Mwananchi newspaper said: Citizen journalism is due to the change in media internationally. Tanzania as one of the countries in today’s world and cannot remain as an island. Tanzanians have also entered the new communication ecosystem thus they cannot be left behind. So, citizen Journalism has come in at the right time.

A reporter with The Citizen newspaper said: I think citizen journalism is rising gradually but in a very encouraging pace and this is also changing the way journalism used to be in Tanzania because ten years ago, people use to wait for news from tomorrow’s newspaper but with citizen Journalism you get the information right away, hardly ten minutes after something has occurred.

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A reporter with Daily News echoed the same sentiment noting that “if you look at what is happening in the local blogosphere and social sites like Facebook, Jamii Forum, Wanabidii, Mabadiliko, there is that feeling that the local social sites provides instant information of happenings around the country.” Interviewees were of the view that digital media and audience needs have informed the rapid changes. An editor of The Citizen newspaper said: I think citizen journalism really picked up like over the last may be five years because of Facebook, Twitter and blogs. More and more people are becoming kind of “official journalists.” They comment on news, sometimes they break the news. So, in my view, I think a lot of previous practices of journalists have been taken over by citizens.

An editor at The Guardian argued that citizen journalism is a reflection of the development of media which is striving to meet the needs of a majority of the general public. Nothing arises unless the public says we need this now. Around the world, no new development arose on their own. They are actually reflection of the needs of the people, the consumers. The changes in business are based on changes in consumption model.

Interviewees argued that citizen journalism is occasioned by the fact that anyone now has a chance to inform the public regardless of professionalism. The benefits are that now information is readily available because anyone can take photos and upload other contents on the internet and social media. But they also called attention to issues of ethics and professionalism noting that graphic pictures and content that are in bad taste can be uploaded as there is no gatekeeping function to prevent and censor such contents. But interviewees also felt that it had made news reporting a lot easier in that traditional media professionals were now able to access information which in the past they could not obtain due to distance or other bureaucratic bottlenecks as citizens supply stories of events and happenings in different places as well as send photographs about particular events which are then verified and published. A reporter with Mwananchi confirmed this by relaying an incident:

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There was an accident where Hood Bus Company vehicle caught fire. The conductor of another bus witnessed the accident and took pictures and brought them to our newsroom. The photos were exclusive and we used them and we were the only newspaper which had that story and pictures. It was not going to be easy for our reporter in Morogoro to be in Mikumi at that time and get that story.

To interviewees, this has made for greater accessibility and diversity of information. A reporter from Nipashe noted that since citizen journalists add value in that they “perform the same role of informing like what we do in the newsroom then it is not a bad idea because people will get diversity of information.” An editor from Daily News said that “we have noticed that citizen journalism is incorporating the voices of marginalised communities.” But interviewees from the government-owned media see it differently. An editor from the government-owned newspaper Daily News had a different view: “In my opinion it is only limited to urban areas.” Another interviewee from the government-owned Kiswahili language newspaper, Habari Leo, said: “There is no place for citizen journalism in government-­ owned media … but ‘yellow journalism outlets’ cannot pass over the chance of carrying citizen journalism content.” An editor with Habari Leo said: We don’t incorporate citizen journalism contents because this is a government-­owned newspaper. We have codes of conduct and we do not allow non-professional journalists to write for us. In addition, we don’t source information from blogs without crosschecking. This newspaper is a spokesperson of the government. Whatever is featured in Habari Leo is trusted by the public.

An editor of Daily News expressed the same sentiments: We haven’t started incorporating citizen journalism contents but I feel that we have it around us. If we have a page which is dedicated to ‘letters to the editors’, it means its ordinary people who send these letters. So, we get reactions from the people about our news stories. We are also online. We have websites where our stories are posted and we receive some sort of reactions. So, to me, this is also a way to get people’s feelings.

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The opposite holds true for privately-owned newspapers. An editor with Mwananchi said: “We incorporate citizen journalism, but we are doing it in a more professional way. We have a web editor who edits any information that comes from online sources and post on our website as breaking news.” Interviewees expressed concerns about its negative effects on traditional journalism as sources cannot distinguish between citizen and professional journalists. A female reporter from Nipashe said that “a citizen journalist can arrange an interview with a source and misrepresent the source, so when a journalist goes to the same source, they cannot get their cooperation due to their experience with the citizen journalist.” There was ambivalence among interviewees about citizen journalism becoming a threat to traditional journalism. An editor with Daily News who described themselves as a “citizen journalism trainer” said: I think it is not a threat, because it is supposed to be complementing what the mainstream media is doing. We might think that, in the long run, you will not need a reporter, but you need someone to work and to sort of transmit information based on journalistic values. So we should encourage citizen journalism because it is very important in this era of technology as it is going to help in the process of delivering development and promoting different cultures even exchanging information which is very crucial in our day-to-day lives. I think we should find a way to train people so that everyone who is processing information should be able to do the ABCs so that we get that type of a package or news that can be attractive to the viewers, readers and listeners.

Other interviewees see it as a challenge to professional journalists to dig deeper and stand out from their citizen counterparts. A female reporter from Mwananchi said: “I don’t think citizen journalism is a threat. Rather it is a challenge to traditional journalism. Professional journalists have to make sure that they really explore important issues otherwise citizen journalists will explore them.” An editor with Nipashe dismissed the threat: It is very hard to say that citizen journalism is a threat to mainstream journalism because citizen journalism is not journalism per se. It is very difficult for me to call it citizen journalism because journalism has got a set of ­principles. There must be the issue of ethics, balance, authentic sources and so on for news to be news. I do not understand if citizen journalism falls under any category of professional journalism.

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Other interviewees chose to look at issues of complementarity. An editor with Nipashe said that citizen journalist can provide news tips that “a professional journalist can make follow-up to get the truth, balance the information in order to come up with a complete story.” A female reporter from The Guardian said that citizen journalist tends to “just ‘break information.’ So, when it reaches us, we go deep, find sources, verify, balance and publish a complete story.” Interviewees also pointed to the credibility of traditional media noting that information that comes from the media are trusted but with citizen journalism one is uncertain about the content. An editor from Daily News noted that “people still believe information that comes from the newspapers, radio and television. I think they tend to rely more on that compared to let’s say something read on Facebook.” A female reporter from Habari Leo added that “when somebody needs authentic news, they will read the newspapers or watch television. [Citizen journalism] can be a challenge but not a threat.” An editor from The Guardian added a historical perspective: No, I don’t think citizen journalism is a threat for the simple reason that over the years we have had fears. For example, with the advent of radio, newspapers were expected to die, they didn’t. We have had fears with an advent of television that newspapers would die, they didn’t. We have had fears that with advent of the internet where people can read the papers now, the newspaper would die, they haven’t. If anything they are thriving which means the need will be there, it is just the packaging, the content which matters most. And I think that it is where the biggest competition is going to be in the future, in packaging the content.

An interviewee, who is an editor with Habari Leo, looked at the issue from a regulatory perspective noting that because of lack of regulation citizen journalists will constitute a threat to society. But a female reporter from Nipashe put the threat issue back on traditional media: It is a threat because at the end of the day, we as professional journalists will lose our jobs. If people are now turning to blogs as sources of information, then my employer will not see any need of having many employees, hence will let go some staffs.

Interviews also pointed at consumption habits of the audience as a threat noting that some are satisfied with the snippets they get online and

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therefore would not be motivated to buy a newspaper to read more about a news event. Another angle was provided by an editor with Daily News: “[I]t makes news that comes from newspapers to be seen as repetition.” To counter this behaviour, a reporter with Citizen said, “[W]hen there is breaking news, we put it online for our readers to read so the story does not have to wait for tomorrow’s newspaper.” But issues of access to digital devices by majority of Tanzanians in the view of interviewees make them still reliant on traditional media. There was a lack of consensus among interviewees about whether citizen journalism constitutes a financial threat to traditional journalism. Some interviewee argued that the former is not for profit, but others said that the movement of audiences away from the latter to the former would in the long run affect profitability. A reporter with Daily News captured this succinctly “if readers, listeners and viewers are consuming more citizen journalism products, I think mainstream media will be in trouble.” Some interviewees countered the not-for-profit argument by pointing out that blogs are attracting adverts. An editor with The Guardian said that blogs “are attracting adverts, so there is a bit of loss here and there but then it is actually a challenge to the traditional media to find a way of getting back this or fighting in that arena.” There was consensus among respondents that the tabloids are capitalizing and profiting from citizen journalism much more than mainstream newspapers. These newspapers they claimed generate profit from contributors who send them pictures that are in bad taste and one-sided stories for very little pay that create a huge impact on society and culture at large. There was consensus among interviews that citizen journalism impact is felt more in the print media as they are not able to break stories like their electronic counterpart and thus counter the immediacy feature of citizen journalism, but they were also of the view that the threat posed by this would also pass like others before it.

Discussion of Findings The findings showed that traditional journalism makes use of citizen journalism to get tips or news ideas that are developed into stories by doing follow up to ensure that professionalism is maintained and valued. This is supported by Kokenge (2010) who argued that sometimes professional journalists must edit citizen journalism materials to make them suitable for publication in traditional, professional news organizations; at other times,

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professional journalists cull information from blogs as part of their daily news-gathering routines. However, the study found out that government-­ owned media do not make use of citizen journalism contents. Interviewees revealed that citizen journalists are not trusted by government media since they as the mouthpiece of the government cannot feature information from persons who are not professional journalists. This is in opposition to Radsch (2011) who pointed out that, along with their impact on the political arena, Arab bloggers have also had an influence on the more traditional media outlets. The findings also revealed that citizen journalists can have access to stories or pictures that professional journalists may not have access to. This is substantiated by Boaden (2008) who revealed that sometimes citizen journalism does their best in the whole issue of gathering and sending information, whereby it can send information or images that mainstream journalism missed. It was found out that citizen journalism is changing the way journalism used to be in Tanzania because ten years ago, people use to wait for a newspaper to deliver the news, but with citizen journalism you get information right away: hardly ten minutes after something has occurred. This is supported by who notes that “from YouTube auteur to bloggers to amateur photographers competing with the paparazzi, user-generated content is revolutionizing the media landscape” and is something that everyone, especially those in the media industries, needs to be aware of. Also, Jurrat (2011) pointed out that the rising quality of some citizen journalism, along with the impact of the financial crisis on the so-called legacy media, has created fears that UGC might even come to replace professional journalism. The study found out that citizen journalism is useful in times of events/ occurrences especially accidents where ordinary citizens can capture such events with the use of mobile phones. This is supported by Gillmor (2004) who confirmed that citizen journalism gains greater recognition during the times of conflicts, accidents, crisis or disasters mainly for the reason that the events have lots of eyewitnesses and information is in high demand. However, our interviewees argued that citizen journalists are only able to break the news, unlike professional journalists who will go deeper and provide more detailed information about such incidents/events. The findings of this study revealed that traditional media in Tanzania have started integrating citizen journalism stories into its content. This trend is supported by Mutsvairo and Columbus (2012) who argue that in

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Africa, citizen journalism takes place counter, parallel to and interlinked with mainstream journalism, noting a growing convergence between traditional and citizen journalism. Radsch (2011) noted even elite media take their cue from bloggers. This is line with this study’s findings in that traditional media do follow up on stories from citizen journalism contents while acknowledging sources. Interviewees argue that they do this to ensure a professional treatment as well as avoid legal and ethical breaches. The tabloids, on the other hand, according to interviewees profit from these contents and do not acknowledge sources. But then yellow tabloids do not qualify to be referred to as elite media. Scholars (Fulton, 1996; Ward, 2017) argue that the future of journalism is threatened by new technologies that threaten old practices; hence digital technologies and the new medium are forcing all previous communications media to redefine themselves, just as radio had to do when television came along. However, this is opposed to interviewees’ positive posture that traditional journalism will prevail citing the advent of radio and television that failed to kill off newspapers. On the contrary, Gillmor (2004) predicted that industrial media and its journalism would wither away in a few years. Also, Jurrat (2011) pointed out that the rising quality of some citizen journalism, along with the impact of the financial crisis on the so-called legacy media, has created fears that UGC might even come to replace professional journalism. However, most interviewees were optimistic that traditional journalism will prevail since it is trusted by the public for offering authentic information unlike citizen journalism that is one-sided, opinionated and unethical. This is supported by Jurrat (2011) who posited that due to the fact that citizen journalists are not professionally trained or simply do not have these intentions, not all contributions from citizen journalists adhered to ethical standards can be expected of professional journalists. Moreover, citizen journalists, especially those who write, usually give a very personal and therefore often biased view of an event. Interviewees also felt that due to their ubiquitous nature, controlling their excesses is impossible. This is also supported by the literature (Chiyadzwa & Maunganidze, 2014). The findings revealed that newspapers are most affected by citizen journalism with some interviewees opting for cooperation rather than an adversarial posture adopted by government-owned newspapers. Gillmor (2004, 135) posits that “citizen journalism should not be seen as a challenge or hazard since it can contribute to the development of journalism.”

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Wall (2009) goes further arguing that citizen journalism is poised to have a central position in the future as amateurs play an even-larger role in providing audiences with first-hand information about the world.

Conclusion The ambivalence posture to citizen journalism is reflected in both the literature and this study’s findings, with government-owned newspapers having a more adversarial posture to the practice. This study, like every other, has its limitations. The focus was on newspapers only. Other scholars may wish to broaden their study to include all traditional media. What bloggers, YouTubers and other content generators think of traditional media would also be an interesting angle to look at. All in all, the study does provide a Tanzanian perspective to the literature on citizen journalists’ impact on traditional media. Based on the increasingly important roles played by citizen journalists across the world, it is recommended that their contents be embraced by Tanzanian media, including government-­ owned entities that seem to have no interests in citizen journalism, if citizens are to be kept abreast of daily intelligence.

References Ahva, L. (2010). Making News with Citizens: Public Journalism and Professional Reflexivity in Finnish Newspapers. Academic Dissertation, University of Tampere, Finland. http://www.acta.uta.fi/pdf/978-­951-­44-­8288-­5pdf Allan, S. (2007). Citizen Journalism and the Rise of “Mass Self-Communication. http://www.commarts.uws.edu.au/gmjau/iss1_2007/pdf/HC_FINAL_ Stuart%20Allan.pdf Allan, S., & Thorsen E. (2009). Introduction. Citizen Journalism: Global Perspectives (Global crises and the media). Peter Lang Publishing, Inc. Banda, F. (2010). Citizen Journalism and Democracy in Africa: An Exploratory Study. Rhodes University. Barnes, C. (2012). Citizen Journalism vs. Traditional Journalism: A Case for Collaboration. Caribbean Quarterly, 58(2/3), 16–27. Bazira, J., Katunzi, A., Kimani, R., Owilla, H. H., & Wanjiru, N. (2021). Media Viability in East Africa: Tanzania. https://mediainnovationnetwork.org/wp-­ content/uploads/2021/08/Media-­Viability-­in-­Tanzania-­1.pdf BBC. (2021). Tanzania Profile—Media. https://www.bbc.com/news/ world-­africa-­14095831

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Bélair-Gagnon, V., & Anderson, C. W. (2015). Citizen Media and Journalism. In R.  Mansell & P.  H. Ang (Eds.), The International Encyclopedia of Digital Communication and Society (pp. 1–8). John Wiley and Sons. Boaden, H. (2008). The role of citizen journalism in modern democracy. https:// www.bbc.co.uk/blogs/theeditors/2008/11/the_role_of_citizen_journalism.html Boyer, D. (2010). Digital Expertise in Online Journalism (and Anthropology). Anthropological Quarterly, 83(1), 73–95 Chen, P.  J. (2013). Contextualising Our Digital Age. In P.  J. Chen (Ed.), Australian Politics in a Digital Age (pp. 1–16). ANU Press. Chiyadzwa, I. F., & Maunganidze, G. 2014. Reflections on the implications of the empowered citizens at Alpha Media Holdings (AMH). IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science, 19(3):113–119. Ekstrom, Y., Boothby, H., & Hansen, A. (2011). The Globalization of the Pavement: Social Media as ‘Pavement Radio’—New Media Publics; A Tanzanian Case Study. Malmö University, Malmo. http://wpmu.mah.se/comdev/the -­ globalization-­of-­the-­pavement/ Fulton, K. (1996) ‘A Tour of Uncertain Future’, Columbia Journalism Review. http://archives.cjr.org/year/96/2/tour9.asp Gillmor, D. (2004). We the Media: Grassroots Journalism by the People, for the People. O’Reilly Media, Inc. Goldstein, J., & Rotich, J. (2008). Internet and Democracy Case Study Series: Digitally Networked Technology in Kenya’s 2007–2008 Post-election Crisis. http://cyber.law.harvard.edu/publications/2008/Digitally_Networked_ Technology_Kenyas_Post-­Election_Crisis Internet World Stats. (2022). Tanzania. https://www.internetworldstats.com/ stats1.htm Jurrat, N. (2011). Mapping Digital Media: Citizen Journalism and the Internet— An Overview. http://www.soros.org/sites/default/files/OSF-­Media-­Report-­ Handbook-­C itizen%2520Journalism%2520and%2520the%2520Internet-­ 07-­12-­2011-­final-­WEB.pdf Kokenge, J. (2010). Why People Produce Citizen Journalism: A Qualitative Analysis. Thesis, University of Missouri, Columbia. https://mospace.umsystem.edu/xmlui/bitstream/handle/10355/9289/research.pdf?sequence=3 Macha, N. (2010). Tanzania: The Promising Future of Social Media. Global Voices. http://globalvoicesonline.org/2010/12/13/tanzania-­t he-­p romising-­ future-­of-­social-­media/ Monroy-Hernández, A., & Palacios, L. (2014). Blog del Narco and the Future of Citizen Journalism. Georgetown Journal of International Affairs, 15(2), 81–92. Mutsvairo, B., & Columbus, S. (2012). Emerging Patterns and Trends in Citizen Journalism in Africa; A Case of Zimbabwe. https://cejc.ptks.pl/attachments/ Emerging-­patterns-­and-­trends-­in-­citizen-­journalism-­in-­Africa-­A-­case-­of-­Zimb abwe_2018-­05-­18_14-­37-­52.pdf

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Radsch, C. C. (2011). Blogosphere and Social Media. In E. Laipson (Ed.), Seismic Shift: Understanding Change in the Middle East (pp. 67–81). Stimson Center. Ruchel-Stockmans, K. (2021). From Amateur Video to New Documentary Formats: Citizen Journalism and a Reconfiguring of Historical Knowledge. In A. Strohmaier & A. Krewani (Eds.), Media and Mapping Practices in the Middle East and North Africa: Producing Space (pp. 139–158). Amsterdam University Press. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1hw3z0w.10 Sturmer, M. (1998). The Media History of Tanzania. Ndanda Mission Press. http://www.tanzania.at/mht/The_Media_History_of_Tanzania.pdf Tanzania Media Fund Strategy. (2012–2016). http://www.tmf.or.tz/wp-­ content/uploads/2012/07/TMF-­Strategic-­Plan-­2012-­2016-­Background.pdf The EastAfrican. (n.d.). EPA Scandal Dominated 2008, Shook Kikwete. https:// www.theeastafrican.co.ke/tea/news/east-­africa/epa-­scandal-­dominated-­2008­shook-­kikwete%2D%2D1293244 Wall. M. (2009). The taming of the warblog: Citizen journalism and the war in Iraq. In Allan, S. & Thorsen E. (2009). Citizen journalism: Global Perspectives (Global crises and the media), (pp 33-42). Peter Lang Publishing, Inc. Ward, S. (2017). “Digital Reliance”: Public Confidence in Media in a Digital Era. Georgetown Journal of International Affairs 18(3), 3–10. Zuckerman, E. (2008). Kenya: Citizen Media in a time of crisis. In Allan, S. & Thorsen E. (2009). Citizen journalism: Global Perspectives(Global crises and the media), (pp 187-196). Peter Lang Publishing, Inc.

CHAPTER 11

Monitoring the Fourth Estate: A Critical Analysis of the Role of Audiences in Watchdogging Journalists Shepherd Mpofu

Introduction The advent of social media has altered relations between audiences, readers and media houses and journalists. We should be cautious in celebrating these developments, as, while social media have amplified ordinary people’s voices and facilitated engagement and listening between citizens and those in power, at times social media platforms have precipitated ignoring and silencing of voices. Peter Dahlgren warns us that we should not be so foolish as to dismiss the revolutionary nature of digital media, but should also ‘avoid all the glib optimism, especially the kind founded on techno-­ determinist thinking that ignores social and cultural contexts of Web use’ (Dahlgren, 2017, p. 35). Digital media have helped redefine democracy, citizenship and participation. Conversation, that is, talking and listening,

S. Mpofu (*) Communication Studies, University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 T. Matsilele et al. (eds.), New Journalism Ecologies in East and Southern Africa, Palgrave Studies in Journalism and the Global South, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-23625-9_11

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is a critical aspect of democracy as without it there can be no cohesive society. For a long time, African leaders have suffered from strong and big men syndrome and remained distant from ordinary people (Mpofu, 2022). The configuration of democratic politics has been such that politicians and ordinary citizens interact through the media and during electoral campaigns, usually characterized by ordinary people cheering politicians who take to the podium and make promises to coerce citizens to vote for them. This robs the country of deeper and more robust forms of citizenship (Brown, 2015). Because politicians do not listen to citizens, we have seen a global rise in cultures of outrage and protests, some of which are violent, whereby citizens attempt to highlight their desperation at the silencing or ignorance of their issues by the elite. Mpofu adds that disappointed citizens resort to ‘disrupting the world as we know it in order to address their (poor’s) grievances is part and parcel of strategic and effective communication’ (Mpofu, 2017, p. 352). Together with the political elite, the media have a responsibility for nourishing and sustaining healthy democracy, even though, on the whole, commercialized media exist to serve mainly the interests of their owners, advertisers and audiences in that order. In most cases, community media have offered locals a platform to engage, using their language, with the politics of the day, thereby driving democracy in a certain direction. National news media, that is, media that cater for a broad and usually not so thinly defined subset of an audience, based on, for instance, ethnicity, race and even region, are also important in driving national debates in a certain direction and advancing specific forms of democracy underpinned by effective or ineffective listening and speaking rituals. The media are supposed to be participatory platforms where the opinions and voices of ordinary people are listened to and acted upon. In the context of South Africa, most ordinary citizens feel marginalized, as experienced through their political, economic and social lives. According to Garman and Wasserman, South African ‘citizens still have very little capacity to shape public policy or debate it’ (2017, p. 3) and this has led to suspicions that, just like politicians, the media do not listen to citizens and further exacerbate perceptions that media are lapdogs for the political elite conspiring in the marginalisation of citizens’ voices from participating in democracy through muting them. From the foregoing, it becomes clear that citizens are aware of the role the media are supposed to play in society, and their conversations about Thuma Mina and Radical Economic Transformation are illuminating. These two concepts are explored in the next paragraph. Citizens recognize the media as key

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players in a democracy and in the creation of vigilant citizenry, to the extent that falling short of these expectations has led to them calling out the media. In essence, citizens are reclaiming participation and democracy (Denecke et al., 2016). The assumption of power by Cyril Ramaphosa as South Africa’s president brought about an interesting dimension in the ‘coverage’ of the president, his faction and his policies by different news media. Ramaphosa took over from Jacob Zuma, probably the most lampooned and ridiculed South African head of state since the dawn of democracy in 1994, with a litany of negative traits such as being accused of and appearing in court for rape (Gqola, 2015; Mathivha, 2015), corruption and having motions of no confidence moved against him in parliament, leading to his resignation after being recalled by the ruling African National Congress (ANC). When Ramaphosa assumed power, he postured as a servant of the citizens and asked South Africans to ‘Thuma mina’ (Send me), in a servant leadership gesture. To some, he was nothing but an agent of White Monopoly Capital and capitalists. His servant-leadership approach was soon to be tested when the global COVID-19 pandemic struck, leading to economic lockdowns in an attempt to curtail the effects of the virus on people’s lives. Cases of corruption began to emerge related to the looting of funds by ANC deployees and their associates in government departments designated for the relief of affected citizens. This COVID-19-associated corruption implicated the health minister, who ended up resigning. At the same time, pressured by the opposition Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), a radical youth-run party, Ramaphosa seemed to openly adopt the land reform project, an economic reforming enterprise that brought the country’s northern neighbour, Zimbabwe, to its knees. This was partly because of the politicization and chaotic manner of the land reform, poor economic management and the Western-imposed sanctions, which, for all intents and purposes, remain controversial in terms of their role, application and outcomes. The ANC, it would seem, was divided into pro-­ economic transformation and pro-capitalist factions. Ramaphosa undoubtedly belonged to the latter, while the former became associated with the faction aligned to former president Jacob Zuma. Zuma is largely seen as the godfather of Radical Economic Transformation (RET), a land and economic redistributive movement which has a vast army on social media supporting Zuma and undermining the presidency of the incumbent, Cyril Ramaphosa. RET, according to the Centre for Analytics & Behavioural Change, has done studies on the RET

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troops and established their modus operandi in spreading fake news (Anon, 2021a), including looking for weaknesses and ‘cracks in the system. … The RET group has used racial inequality in South Africa to justify its online attacks against Ramaphosa and his supporters. Issues such as the secrecy behind the funders of Ramaphosa’s CR17 (Cyril Ramaphosa, 2017) presidential campaign created the perfect conditions for the network’s disinformation project to lay its foundations’ (Anon, 2021b). Ramaphosa’s weaknesses are pitted against Zuma’s virtues and victimhood. Zuma is seen as a victim of the ANC and whites who fear REC, and the judiciary. While somewhat vague, the second strategy used by RET, according to the Centre for Analytics & Behavioural Change, is through creating a ‘big lie’. Thus ‘The pro-Zuma faction is using their RET cover to peddle lies, launch attacks against Deputy Chief Justice Raymond Zondo and reduce the testimony of witnesses appearing at the commission to hearsay’. Before leaving office, Zuma established what became known as the State Capture Commission, which investigated what was termed state capture, a situation whereby some private citizens controlled the government through their proximity to the president. Raymond Zondo was the chair of the commission and, when Zuma failed to appear before the commission when requested to do so, he was sentenced to 15  months by the constitutional court. His arrest is said to have triggered uprisings in Gauteng and KwaZulu-Natal provinces of South Africa. This division between RET and Thuma Mina themes has tended to colour media coverage and social media engagements, with pro-capital media being labelled Thuma Mina Media and those against Ramaphosa’s posture being labelled RET (Radical Economic Transformation) media. This chapter is therefore an exploration of how ordinary citizens, using social media, have been able to monitor and point out journalists and journalistic works that do not serve the interests of ordinary reading and viewing public but rather those of the ‘factions’ within the ruling ANC and within the country. To do this, the chapter draws from conveniently selected Twitter debates which address media capture by the two factions, the RET and Thuma Mina. The questions that guide this chapter are as follows: What are the possible effects of the RET/Thuma Mina polarization on the journalism profession? What are the meanings of reader comments on these fractures in the journalism and media fraternity? And, finally, what do these camps contribute to debates on democracy and citizenship?

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The Dynamics of the Media in South Africa: Thuma Mina Media, RET Forces and Bell Pottinger South Africa, more than two decades after the end of minority racist rule, remains a country in transition, and the many programmes aimed at realizing equity and equality have not sufficiently transformed society. The media serve communities along racial and other identity lines. The South African Broadcasting Cooperation morphed from being a state broadcaster, serving the interests of the apartheid regime and white minorities, into a public broadcaster serving a diverse South African audience. It has the largest share of viewership and listenership, more especially in a context where radio and television remain the most widely accessed media across the country (Wasserman, 2020). Wasserman argues about the influence of the SABC: Both in terms of its news and current affairs programming and entertainment content, the SABC has an influential role in shaping South African political debates and imaginings of post-apartheid nationhood. It is because of this wide influence that threats to the SABC’s editorial independence and signs of its bias towards the ruling party have to be taken seriously. (2020, p. 454)

However, the ruling party continues to believe that the SABC is subservient to it. Just after the local government elections in 2021, the ANC head of elections, Fikile Mbalula, slammed the SABC for not showing the positive side of the ANC, and he argued that this had led to the ruling party’s poor performance in the elections. Wassermann observes that commercial media landscape in South Africa is highly concentrated in the hands of a handful of big conglomerates, notably Naspers, with its news business Media24 serving as an umbrella for a wide range of newspapers, magazines and online newspapers and magazines nationally magazines and online news platforms and via its digital subscription service Multichoice, dominates the paid television market; Independent Media, which publishes a number of newspapers and magazines nationally; Caxton Publishers, which is an especially active participant in the local, commercial community newspaper publishing space, and Arena Holdings, which publishes some major newspaper titles and also owns broadcast channels. (2020, p. 454)

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It is the commercial media that have ‘clashed’ with the citizens, especially those that Zuma labelled ‘clever blacks’, the observant, critical ordinary people who had expressed outrage at ANC excesses. Since most of these media organizations have an online presence, citizens share their stories and screengrabs and debate the same, poking holes in the work of the journalists and pointing out bias and unethical journalism. Thuma Mina Media was a WhatsApp group, with some 61 journalists, government spokespeople, editors and activists (Manyane, 2021), named after Cyril Ramaphosa’s campaign theme. These journalists, critics seem to suggest, are captured by the Ramaphosa faction of the ANC and will always write positive stories about the president, his faction, and programmes or policies. The opposition Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) raised alarm about the group, claiming that some ‘journalists were part of a “cabal” openly supporting the Ramaphosa faction’ (Anon, 2021b). The EFF further claimed that the party had ‘once again been proven correct in its analysis, that there is a cabal of journalists in this country whose sole purpose is to vilify all those who oppose the neoliberal regime of Cyril Ramaphosa and Pravin Gordhan’ (EFF, 2021). Pumla Williams, the director general of the South African Government Communication and Information System, argued in a newspaper article that As government, we embrace any platform that allows us to strengthen relationships with the media, while also allowing us to speak about the work of government and to share our successes and challenges. Recently a simple WhatsApp group which was created to share information with media and communicators became the subject of much conjecture and unfounded speculation. Any platform which allows us to share and speak to the media supports GCIS’ core mandate to proactively communicate with the public about government policies, plans, programmes and achievements. (2021)

Elsewhere, prominent journalist Matshidiso Madia, who was part of the WhatsApp group, suggested that the ‘group was initially set up by the Kathrada foundation for his funeral’ (Madia, 2021). However, it seems the group was formed six months after the Kathrada funeral. Ahmed Kathrada was a prominent member of the ANC and an apartheid activist who passed away in March 2017. The Bell Pottinger saga cannot be left out of the media narrative in South Africa’s recent history. Bell Pottinger is a public relations company

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that provides marketing, reputation management and other communication services. In 2017, it was placed under administration after filing for bankruptcy partly due to scandals that followed its activities rendered to an Indian family, the Guptas, in South Africa. The company was alleged, by the Sunday Times, to have been in the forefront of manipulating public opinion in favour of the Gupta brothers. The Gupta brothers are alleged to have been friends with the then President, Jacob Zuma, and were influential in his selection of ministers and heads of public enterprises so that they could benefit through corruptly allocated tenders. Bell Pottinger therefore took advantage of South Africa’s unsettled racial tensions, hiring bots and social media armies on Facebook, Wikipedia, Twitter, and other blogs and chat rooms (De Wet, 2016) to launch a counter-propaganda campaign on behalf of the Guptas. The narrative was decidedly toxic, ‘namely that whites in South Africa had seized resources and wealth while they deprived blacks of education and jobs. The message was popularized with an incendiary phrase, “white monopoly capital”’ (Segal, 2018). To advance their public relations assault, the Guptas started a media company. In 2010 the Guptas established the TNA Media group, with a newspaper called The New Age and a television station, ANN7. TNA entered into irregular contracts with government departments and in 2012–2014 the company benefitted from more than R100m worth of contracts with state entities in the form of advertising, Big Interviews, and business breakfasts/briefings (Curson, 2022). The narratives around the Guptas and what later became known as state capture divided opinion and the media. The Gupta-owned media institutions were marked by many media critics and practitioners as an example of how biased news media could be. However, attention needed to be cast to all other media across the board and it need to be questioned whether, together with the Gupta-­ owned media, these media served the democratic and informational needs of the country and their audiences. The Gupta media empire, that is, The New Age and ANN7, was ostensibly used to counter the negative publicity that the Guptas invited due to their proximity and a certain level of control they exerted on Zuma and some of his ministers (Sundaram, 2018). In as much as media diversity enriches the public sphere, there are problems attendant to that diversity. Cees Hamelink (1993, p. 10) puts it thus: ‘A plurality of non-state and non-market media is needed to provide adequate public space for citizen’s expressions and interactions, for the promotion and defence of human rights, and for the public accountability of political and economic power holders. This is the single side of the coin.

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One of the major challenges is that these multiplicity of voices and views expose media bias, suppression of alternative views and this leads to audiences questioning media credibility’. This, as the chapter argues, has led to media consumers, using social media platforms such as Twitter and Facebook, to monitor, review and critique journalists, the fourth estate, thereby assuming the ‘office’ of the fifth estate. In some instances, journalists have peer reviewed each other, but this system entails journalists of differing ideologies attacking or undermining each other in full view of audiences and readers. Audiences and readers as the fifth estate monitor, critique and watchdog the watchdogs. Voice and Listening in the Digital Age The colonization of our daily economic, social and political lives by digital technologies has expanded the communicative communities and the reach of our messages to wider audiences than before, provoking us to think about this phenomenon and its implications for these aspects of our lived realities. In some cases, digital technologies have given ordinary citizens a platform from which to address authority and each other. In some cases, ordinary people below have been given a voice, as suggested by Mitra and Watts in their seminal article on how the internet represents the presence of individual and organizational voices (Mitra & Watts, 2002). In the same vein, marginal voices that have found themselves existing on the fringes of the economy, politics and society can now be centred and also heard, depending on the adaption of the affordances these digital technologies extend. In Africa, the affordances and technological accessibility of hardware, software and literacy have marginalized a large percentage of citizens, making it important for us to discuss these issues with caution. Nevertheless, the communal consumption of media in some societies on the continent is argument enough to study how digital media give voices to ordinary people, since not only first or direct access equals impact or reach registered. Ordinary people have used digital technologies to plan and execute offline events and activities such as political protests and fundraising for different causes. In addition, the internet has become a space where taboo or unspeakable stories are shared (Hall, 1984; Mpofu, 2014, 2015; Mitra, 2001). Thus, there is more tension and vibrancy of debate and discussion on the internet than there is in mainstream media where voices are selected, policed, edited and/or silenced depending on the gatekeeping structures in place. The debate around quality of discussions

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is a different matter altogether, but what is critical, for the purposes of this chapter, is the conversations that alternative media have afforded ordinary people to engage with each other, creating alliances across the borders, races and tribes, and political and economic elite, and also to police the media, pointing out its wrongs, challenging journalists and demonstrating awareness of the political economy of the media. Voice, for Mitra and Watts (2000, p. 481), concerns two broad themes that is as a ‘capacity of human being or as a function of the linguistic’. The first function concerns issues around ‘agency’ while the second one refers to the ‘discourse component’ (ibid., p. 481). The former refers to the ability to physically produce a sound. The relationship between ‘voice and agency … become[s] a key argument when considering the relationship between voice and cyberspace’ (ibid., p. 482). With that voice, especially in economically unequal societies like South Africa, comes a sense of power and achievement of agency and a potential for creating critical conversations. In some cases, irresponsible voices are called out, cancelled or reviewed by different audiences. In addition, there is no evidence, despite the belief by some, that the internet flattens hierarchies. When people express themselves, they expect acknowledgement of their sentiments, feelings and contributions. Online, it is difficult to gauge this acknowledgement unless it is acted upon or one receives a response. Listening remains problematic in most societies. More specifically, in African societies there is a perception that politicians are seen in communities when they come to solicit for votes and thereafter abandon these communities or morph into big men who remain inaccessible to ordinary people.

Conceptual Framing: The Fifth Estate It is Edmund Burke who is credited with the conception of the Fourth Estate, referring to the mass media and their contributions and surveillance and also as an addition to the three other estates in parliament: Legislature, Judiciary and Executive. He suggested that in addition to the members who sat in the ‘‘reporters’ gallery yonder, there sat a Fourth Estate more important far than they all’ (Carlyle, 1993, pp.  349–350). The press, radio and television played the role of the Fourth Estate in society where they kept other arms of government in check. For a long time, the press and other forms of media have had a carte blanch licence to operate without much scrutiny. It is indisputable that legacy media played a critical role in being the Fourth Estate in society. But the entrance

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of social media and the internet into public conversations and life expands the role of the Fourth Estate, and, in a way, also makes the Fourth Estate the subject of citizen and corporate scrutiny (Dutton et al., 2015). The Fifth Estate is enabled by the internet and affords citizen participation in debates and oversight of other institutions and estates of the government. This role is dependent on the different types of democracies as well as connectivity. As Dutton et al. (2015, p. 10) suggest, the concept of the Fifth Estate ‘envisions the internet as a platform through which networked individuals can perform a useful democratic role in holding institutions such as the media and government more accountable’. These individuals independently search for and source news and information and can create and share their own content ‘independent of any single institution, using the capabilities provided by search and social media’ (ibid., p. 10). As already mentioned, connectivity and political participation in Africa remain concerning, but we cannot deny the fact that there are sections of society that rely on the internet daily to search for information and make decisions. The internet, as Castells says, is a ‘space of flows’ (Castells, 1996). However, unlike other forms of governmental control, where there is a reliance upon the role of the political elite in controlling political processes and ways of accessing information and acting, the Internet and Fifth Estate enable citizens that are networked to ‘create and obtain information … through the Internet’ without relying on institutional enablement, and this creates ‘a more pluralistic basis of accountability, literally enabling them to speak truth to power’ (Dutton et  al., 2015, p.  8). In Manufacturing Consent, Herman and Chomsky (1988) critiqued the media for shaping and manufacturing consent through their configurations as powerful ideological institutions that rely on and are influenced by market forces, self-censorship and advancing propaganda of different institutions without the agency of ordinary people. The fact that the Fifth Estate’s network enables ‘political movements to be orchestrated among opinion leaders and political activists in “Internet time”, which can be far quicker than real-world time … provides a novel means for holding politicians and mainstream institutions accountable through the online interaction between ever-changing networks of individuals, who form and reform continuously depending on the issues that are generating the particular network’ (Dutton, 2009, p. 8). The internet has been criticized for encouraging the thinning of democracy and disempowerment of citizens through armchair revolutions and clicktivism (Bennett et al., 1999; De Sola Pool, 1983), and also as a space

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where dictators and autocrats manipulate the minds of the people or followers with the intention of surveillance and reinforcement of the status quo (Morozov, 2011). However, despite these criticisms, the internet remains relevant and its potentials worthy of engagement. The Fifth Estate offers an alternative reading of society, politics and economics, and creates information-gathering and analysis avenues that challenge the status quo and institutions outside the influence of the elite. While Morozov argued that the usage of the internet would follow the status quo and since the autocrats control everything, the internet could easily be used to reinforce these influences and not alternative ways such as being used for democratization (even though evidence of full democratization is still at large) processes like the Arab uprisings (Tudoroiu, 2014; Jansen, 2010; Eltantawy & Wies, 2011). One criticism against the internet and indeed the Fifth Estate is that the information is untrue or suspect and readers might not be able to sift fake from authentic news. Dutton et  al. argue that ‘networked individuals have learned a level of trust in the information they source, which is comparable to, if not greater than what they learn from the press or broadcasting’ (Dutton et al., 2015, p. 10). Mini-Cases of Fifth Estate’s Role in South Africa The data used in this chapter were purposively sampled from Twitter, a social microblogging and networking site that allows for the sharing of information, conversations between politicians and ordinary people, and also facilitating exchanges of information from one person to many. Purposive sampling is a ‘type of convenience sampling which the researcher selects the sample based on his or her judgement’ (Fricker, 2008, p. 200) and ‘this speaks to the usefulness of the data in addressing specific issues of foci’ (Mpofu, 2019, p.  114). These nuggets of information shared are called ‘tweets’. Those with Twitter accounts can compose, share (tweet) and retweet tweets. Those without accounts can only read content. In addition, some accounts are locked, meaning that users want to and can only share their thoughts and information with those who ‘follow’ them. Other accounts are open, enabling debates to take place between ‘strangers’. For researchers, it is important to be cognizant of research ethics, especially online. Thus, data used in this research were gathered from those user accounts that are open to the public and these data were used ethically, in line with fair usage policies.

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The mini-cases used here to make an argument for the Fifth Estate are the arrest of the former president, Jacob Zuma, the alleged birth of ten babies to one woman, a story written by investigative journalist Piet Rampedi, and the Twitter Spaces phenomenon. These mini-cases were illustrative examples which highlighted the role of citizens, politicians and journalists in conversations critical of South Africa’s democracy. They are not exhaustive or in-depth, giving a fuller picture of the phenomenon, but their evidence suffices for arguments around the Fifth Estate.  he Arrest of Zuma T Former president Zuma was jailed for 15 months by the Constitutional Court in July 2021 for contempt of court after failing to appear before the State Capture Commission investigating, partly, corruption that he was involved in and or supervised while he was state president. Evidence suggested that Zuma ceded some of the most important presidential decisions to the Gupta brothers, who many believed had captured him. Sundaram’s book Behind the Scenes at Gupta TV gives some intimate details on this seemingly improper relationship between Zuma and the Guptas. Before his arrest, Zuma argued that his sentence was not fair, suggesting that the judiciary was biased. As New York Times journalist John Eligon rightly observed, Zuma was arrested after ‘tense brinkmanship in which the former president and his allies railed against the high court’s decision, suggesting, without evidence, that he was the victim of a conspiracy’. Zuma exclaimed, ‘I fought for freedom … I was fighting for these very rights. No one will take my rights away. Even the dead that I fought against during the liberation struggle will turn in their graves … I have a duty and obligation to ensure that the dignity and respect for our judiciary is not compromised by sentences that remind our people of apartheid days’ (Eligon, 2021). The arrest of the former president led to an uprising in Durban and Johannesburg as well as stark divisions within the ANC. The uprising led to the death of 72 people, and the arrest of 1234 for looting shopping malls and factories, and about 12 people for incitement (Anon, 2021c). In addition to criminal elements, what also contributed, as fire starters, to the looting and arson were the country’s levels of poverty, with ‘low income and unemployment -standing at a record high of 32.6% among the workforce and even higher at 46.3% among young people’ (Cothia, 2021). The screengrab from Twitter below addresses some of the issues that ordinary people perceive in the media, especially the media they deem aligned to

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Ramaphosa and White Monopoly Capital. During Zuma’s arrest, #KZNShutdown, #WenzenuZuma and #SAShutDown hashtags trended and thousands of tweets were shared under those hashtags. Some Twitter users believed that the mainstream media, especially the media aligned to what is popularly known as White Monopoly Capital, supported Ramaphosa and reported negatively about Zuma. There have also been perceptions that Ramaphosa is an incompetent leader and the Thuma Mina Media brigade would not report negatively about him. Also, as shown in a tweet by @NkosinathiMagwa below (Fig. 11.1), South African media are seen by citizens as not reporting on issues that expose

Fig. 11.1  A collage of tweets showing citizen perceptions of media that support the Cyril Ramaphosa presidency and how they mask incompetencies of the current administration

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weaknesses in the current government, and citizens have to rely on international media such as Cable News Network. Media under Independent Media are seen as supportive of Zuma and the RET forces within the ANC. It would seem that the Gupta-owned media were meant not only to siphon as much revenue as possible from the state but also to give Zuma and his legion of followers and their political ideology as much mileage as possible. Sundaram casts light on this by highlighting Zuma’s reaction to Atul Gupta after the latter had shown the former the preview of how the ANN7 was to cover the government. Zuma said, ‘I have a few suggestions. We must not convert this into a publicity channel for the ANC and me. If we do that, we will have no credibility. You must present the views of the opposition and my rivals within the ANC as well’ (Sundaram, 2018, p. 119). The context of this behaviour by the Guptas is not baseless. There are cases where mainstream media, also called white media, covered issues around Zuma negatively and, when he was recalled by the ANC and replaced by businessman and capitalist Cyril Ramaphosa, the narrative changed as the latter was seen in a positive light. However, some critical left-leaning publications such as New Frame labelled both Zuma and Ramaphosa inefficient leaders for South Africa. Commenting about the post-Zuma arrest riots, the publication wrote: Zuma and Ramaphosa are both responsible for the crisis that has now exploded into riot. Zuma’s kleptocracy, which was violently repressive and deeply unpopular, offered nothing to the majority. In recent days and weeks, its defenders have been its beneficiaries, people in and around the kleptocratic faction of the ANC. But the idea, more or less ubiquitous in much of the elite public sphere, that Cyril Ramaphosa is a credible, or even redemptive, alternative is profoundly wrong and profoundly dangerous. It was Ramaphosa’s government that plunged already desperate people into an even more desperate crisis when the initial hard lockdown was imposed without meaningful social support. It was Ramaphosa’s government that policed that lockdown with militarized and frequently lethal violence. Food is a basic human need, but Ramaphosa’s government failed to support the millions of people who went hungry with anything approaching an adequate response. The Covid-19 grant was paltry, didn’t reach huge numbers of people and was then—inexplicably, callously, recklessly and outrageously— removed. (2021)

While New Frame attempted to present a balanced and yet critical assessment of the two leaders, the mainstream public sphere remains

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divided into pro-RET media and Thuma Mina Media, something that is polarizing and citizens have become aware and critical of.  embisa 10: The World Record-Breaking Births T On 8 June 2021, Pretoria News editor in chief Piet Rampedi wrote a story which suggested that Gosiame Sithole, a woman from Tembisa in Johannesburg, had given birth to ten babies and, in the process, had broken the Guinness World Record (see Fig 11.3 when he also tweeted the breaking story). The paper is owned by Independent Media. Independent Media is largely considered to be anti-Ramaphosa and pro-Zuma and RET agenda. Also, the group does not subscribe to the South African Press Code. The South African National Editors’ Forum condemned the story as false and claimed that Rampedi did not take care ‘to report news truthfully, accurately and fairly’ (2021) as the Gauteng government confirmed that no cases of ten babies being born to the same woman in any of the hospitals in the province. Rampedi is alleged to have told the family of the babies not to speak to any other journalists as he would speak for them. After the story broke, Iqbal Survé, the chairperson of Independent Media, donated R1,000,000 to the family which was received by Rampedi on their behalf (see Fig.  11.2 on how Rampedi advocated for donations to the family). Later, while insisting that the babies existed, Rampedi apologized for ‘reputational damage the aftermath of the story has caused for the group, the company and my colleagues…’. He went on to magnify the divide in the media camps that has been observed even by ordinary, people by saying: To be blunt, the story provided detractors with an opportunity to cast aspersions on the professional integrity of not only myself, but also my colleagues in the group. For that, I am extremely sorry. It was unfortunate. And I would like to apologise to you, my colleagues and the group.

Of course, mainstream media colleagues from the Thuma Mina Media camp poked holes in the story, leading to citizens joining in on the debate. Some praised Rampedi for his investigative prowess while others queried why basic investigative journalism ethics were not followed and went on to label Rampedi a RET journalist. Mokoka, writing for the City Press, a news brand suspected to be supportive of Ramaphosa, wrote: Supporters of former president Jacob Zuma, ANC secretary-general Ace Magashule and others in their faction—known as radical economic

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Fig. 11.2  Piet Rampedi’s Twitter screenshot on the appeals by the ‘mother of 10’ t­ransformation (RET) forces—have come out in support of journalist Piet Rampedi and Independent Media, following the publication of a false story about a Tembisa woman giving birth to 10 babies. The world-record-thatnever-was gained global media attention—only to make South Africa a laughing stock when the fabled babies could not be located. Independent Media journalist Thabo Makwakwa, who writes for Daily News, provided the RET forces network with a platform to spread disinformation while attacking the leadership of President Cyril Ramaphosa. (2021)

If anything, there seems to be a concerted effort in the Thuma Mina Media to undermine radical economic transformation as an ANC policy. Of course, the repercussions of the policy could be dire for White Monopoly Capital, some of which has control over the media, and

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Fig. 11.3  Tweets praising Rampedi and undermining Thuma Mina Media

hence this form of reportage. One reader, @LLunga18, responded to @News24  in reaction to Mokoka: ‘@News24 and @City_Press What about supporters of @CyrilRamaphosa like News24’ (28 June 2021). The question highlights the one-sidedness of the article and also demonstrates lack of reflexivity in the City Press and other outlets. The following tweets demonstrate readers’ reactions to and perceptions of these divisions in the media. The above tweets in Figs. 11.3 and 11.4 and many others that cannot be reproduced due to space constraints suggest an awareness by the readers of Independent Media and other mainstream media in the country that journalists and media houses are divided into sectarian interests. While

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Fig. 11.4  Tweets undermining RET forces and Independent Media journalism

most readers do not speak to the effects of this media polarization, what is clear is that there is a vacuum of trust that the media create which affects the nation building project considering the precarious race relations that characterize South Africa. The dominance of the ANC has also been polarizing, facilitating ‘the rise of a party-state elite bent on rapid accumulation, high levels of corruption, and a drift toward authoritarianism’ (Southall, 2019, p. 195). The final section develops this further by way of analysis, before concluding.

Analysis and Conclusion The use of the Thuma Mina and RET labels in South African public discourse, especially as scarecrow or dismissive strategies, points to a polarized media landscape and citizenry. If Reddy’s observation that ‘South

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Africa is a society driven by guilt, fear and anger’ (Reddy, 2016, p. 1) is anything to go by, one then understands how this leads to polarization and how this has undermined the country’s democracy. Even though there has never been sustained conversations about the role of the media post apartheid, the media are seen by many as an important cog in the country’s democratic project, and the way they pander to the elite and capitalistic interests outrages many citizens. The media moved from supporting the new democracy and encouraging national coherence to scepticism and being critical of power. However, the political economy of the media as an industry undermines the latter, leading to polarization and biased reporting. Digital media become an optional platform where audiences can demonstrate their understanding of democracy and also critique or hold the media to account (Dutton, 2009). In doing so, there are dangers in as much as there are positives. One danger is that the free-for-all aspect of cyberspace allows for instances where the spread of harmful messages occurs, insults are traded and society is divided (Hidri, 2012, p. 18). The ethical challenges in the Fifth Estate and how conversations obtain extends to the creation of pseudonyms and this works positively where insiders want to be whistleblowers and need protection which can only be partly obtained via the use of digital personas or names. The downside is that pseudonyms could be used to hide behind fake and dangerous divisive news, leading to the internet, blogs and social media platforms being dismissed as ‘incompatible with the more measured and balanced tone in many broadsheet newspapers and broadcasters’ (Newman et al., 2012, p. 14) where gatekeeping is frequent. From the data above, it is clear that audiences ‘have today become the core of the deconstruction mechanism which we call the Fifth Estate’ (ibid., p. 19) through an acute awareness that the media are biased. The independence of audiences in message sourcing and thought formulation and sharing as responses to the coverage of issues by the RET and Thuma Mina-aligned media has been highlighted by Newman et al. (2012), who suggest that citizens source their information from different platforms, make sense of it, and then share it from a position of conviction. To this end, as Mbindwane observed, ‘Consumers are … responding directly in two ways—not buying papers leading to a drop in sales and voting against the media’s political choices … in elections nationally and locally. There is an apparent trust deficit between the majority of South Africans and the media … The evidence is there and people are voting financially and politically against an unrepresentative, biased and unfair media. A call for

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introspection is warranted as people see the media as hostile and often sarcastic to the public’ (Mbindwane, 2015). It seems the media in South Africa hide behind the fact that post-1994 South Africa is a place for inclusivity and equality where the media tell everyone’s story.

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CHAPTER 12

Financial Sustainability of Social Media-­ Driven Publications in Zambia: The Practices, Threats and Opportunities at New Diggers and Kalemba Kamufisa Manchishi, Brian Pindayi, and Elastus Mambwe

Introduction This chapter examines the strategies used by social media-driven news outlets in Zambia for financial survival and sustainability. The country has seen an exponential increase in internet penetration and usage, with the majority of people using mobile phones to access various websites such as

K. Manchishi (*) Mulungushi University, Kabwe, Zambia e-mail: [email protected] B. Pindayi Rusangu University, Monze, Zambia e-mail: [email protected] E. Mambwe University of Cape Town, Cape Town, South Africa © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 T. Matsilele et al. (eds.), New Journalism Ecologies in East and Southern Africa, Palgrave Studies in Journalism and the Global South, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-23625-9_12

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those used for social networking (Kalombe & Phiri, 2019). According to the Zambia Information and Communication Technology Authority (ZICTA) Core ICT indicators (2021), there were at least 10,350,671 mobile broadband internet users in the first quarter of 2021, translating into a penetration of 56%. This has led to a proliferation of online news sites, some exclusively running on social media platforms (Tembo & Mambwe, 2021). Over the years, traditional media outlets have also had to establish their presence on social media platforms, which were previously only utilised by individual journalists for newsgathering purposes (Mambwe, 2015). These online news platforms are, therefore, always seeking out ways to attract more people to their websites. One of the popular ways of doing this has been the use of social media. It has become increasingly necessary for media outlets to use social media platforms such as Facebook to increase visibility. While social media remain an important avenue to build audiences, online media have to find avenues to balance between drawing readers to the website which they can potentially translate to revenue, and free content on Facebook that generates significant user interaction and brand significance. The sustainability of media enterprises has been an issue of concern for a long while (Banda, 2004), with several media outlets facing financial viability challenges stemming from the high cost of doing business in a country with a fragile economy. Media outlets must contend with the high cost of importing essential materials that are central to their operations. This is compounded by foreign currency shortages as well as the high taxes and other obligatory statutory fees and requirements that are levied on media outlets (Gondwe, 2020). For the majority of online outlets, the challenges of financial survival may even be more salient as they usually exist without formal registration (such as entity registration, statutory tax and labour obligations) (Ndawana et al., 2021). Because of this, most corporations would ordinarily prefer to advertise through established traditional means, making it difficult for social media-driven outlets to monetise their content profitably. Furthermore, online or social media-driven outlets are prone to surveillance and political retribution in the form of blockages and take-downs which may affect their ability to attract advertisers and gain financial revenue over time (CIPESA, 2016). Online media outlets enjoy the value of interactivity that comes from digital platforms (Gondwe et al., 2021). This, in turn, increases the prospects of gratification for users of online media. This is not the case for

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traditional media products which have lost credibility and users as a result (Mbozi, 2021). The discussion in this chapter is based on a case study of two online media outlets, News Diggers Newspaper and Kalemba. News Diggers which started as an online newspaper in 2016 soon after The Post Newspaper was put on receivership. The online newspaper gradually established a printed version which is primarily distributed in Lusaka (Kalombe & Phiri, 2019). News Diggers has a focus on investigative news stories, often carrying dissenting and divergent stories from those in traditional state-owned newspapers. The newspaper has a dedicated website (www.diggers.news), active social media pages and profiles (on Facebook and Twitter) and a fully functional daily eNewspaper to which readers are able to subscribe. The media outlet also runs adverts on the website and an online newspaper as sources of income. At the end of December 2022, the outlet had a total of 254,000 followers on its official Facebook page. The latter, Kalemba, is an exclusively social media-driven outlet running a website (www.kalemba. news) and Facebook page, with advertisements and sponsorships in the form of brand placements. Kalemba has also established satirical news as its niche which is a genre not commonly practiced in Zambia. At the end of December, 2022, the outlet had a total of 353,000 followers on its Facebook page. The rationale behind the chapter is the trend of marketing and segregated information dissemination by online news platforms motivated by their search to find ways of enhancing traffic to their websites. One of the popular ways of doing this has been social media. It has become increasingly necessary for media outlets to use social media platforms such as Facebook to enhance visibility and awareness. While social media remain an important avenue to build and engage with audiences, online media have to balance between drawing readers to the website which they can potentially translate to revenue, and free content that generates significant user interaction and brand significance (Gondwe et al., 2021). Little or no research has been done to show how Zambian online platforms are navigating this balance. And despite the sharp increase in the number of online news outlets that seem to have garnered trust from Zambian readers, not much is known about the financing strategies that these platforms use and the general trends and nuances that characterise this sector of the media in Zambia. What strategies are being implemented to ensure that there is revenue to keep operations going? The chapter examines the business strategies used by social media-driven online news outlets in Zambia. This

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examination will include discussing the trends, experiences and challenges of these online platforms. Using two selected online media outlets—News Diggers and Kalemba—as case studies, the chapter seeks to address various questions from the Zambian perspective: What are some of the advantages and disadvantages of the chosen revenue models adapted by these platforms? How effective are these chosen models for the sustainability of the media outlet? The qualitative exploratory study employed in-depth interviews with informants from the online media platforms and a review of the social media and website posts. As such the chapter’s objective is to identify business strategies used by Zambian online platforms to achieve financial profitability. The pivotal research question is, what strategies are being implemented to ensure that there is revenue to sustain operations? Despite the sharp increase in the number of online news outlets that seem to have garnered trust from Zambian readers, not much is known about the financial strategies that these platforms use and the general trends and nuances that characterise this sector of the media in Zambia. A study such as this is important in informing practitioners, entrepreneurs and policy-makers on how financial sustainability in this relatively new area of the media can be enhanced. This study’s findings contribute to the body of knowledge on the political economy of online media from the perspective of an African country.

Online Media Profitability and Social Media-Driven News Outlets: A Literature Review Social Media-Driven News Outlets The definition and nomenclatural status of terms like ‘online media’ and ‘social media’ remain fluid and dynamic, given the ambiguity and generality of words in the phrases such as online and media. More specifically, social media are difficult to define because they are not limited to any scope, format, audience, topic or source (Treem et al., 2016). As such, this chapter regards social media as the various applications or platforms used to exchange information and ideas as well as to create communities, usually for mutual benefit. Social media will usually bring to reality certain aspects that may also help to give them a unique identity. These include participation, openness, community creation and connectedness (Acosta, 2020; Edosomwan, 2011; Mambwe 2019). Social media-driven news

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outlets are, thus, news organisations or outlets that utilise social media to disseminate news related information in various formats. At the heart of this utilisation of social media is engagement or interactivity, which is often monetised (Mbozi, 2021; Treem et al., 2016). As such, from a conceptual point, social media-driven news outlets are those news outlets which entirely or partially utilise social media platforms through posting of news (paid or unpaid), maintenance of an audience and allowance or manipulation of user-generated content, as would be observed with the two outlets under study in this chapter. Financial Survival Financial survival refers to the profitability or general financial sustainability of an outlet, in this case the media outlet’s ability to generate a profit or monetise its online news content (WAN-IFRA 2019; Schifrin, 2019). Scholars such as Picard (2017) and Deselaers et al. (2019) prefer to view this concept as ‘media viability’ which is the ability of media outlets and media landscapes to produce high-quality journalism in a ‘sustainable’ way. As a broader concept, media viability is seen to be somewhat polemical for the possible confusion between business viability and general sustainability of the media. As such, media viability must be viewed under specific parameters or indicators that take into account the need for stable, diversified revenue sources which managers can then use to plan for the future. The crux of the subject in this regard is what strategies social media-­ driven news outlets use to remain viable, sustainable or more specifically ‘profitable’. Notably, the major source of revenue for media outlets is advertising, which is usually drawn from sponsorships and brand placement by corporate entities (Schifrin, 2019; Patel, 2021). Advertisement as a source of revenue fares poorly for social media-driven news outlets in Zambia because of several obstacles such as technical limitations, legislative restrictions and so on. One of the challenges that seems to cast aspersions on the monetisation of news content online is what Wilding et al. (2018) refer to as the problem of characterisation or atomisation of ‘units of media content’ which social media-driven outlets can then monetise. This would create a standard system of measuring and putting a particular price on the content that producers distribute. The difficulty here, however, is that this is constricted by variable interpretations of the product even by the consumer

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(WAN-IFRA 2019). It is also complicated by a murky connection between production costs and the actual product disseminated to consumers. Another challenge is that news (whether provided by traditional or online news outlets) is generally considered as a public good. As such, there are certain intrinsic limitations with regard to outright monetisation of such content. The upside, according to Wilding et al. (2018:28), lies in the ‘network effect’, which creates an exponential increase in the value of the news product as more people access it. It would appear, then, that a more balanced approach for social media-driven news outlets would be to leave the product itself free (or set the lowest possible access charge) and instead reap benefits from advertisers who may be interested in the exposure created by the network effect. It is no wonder then that social media-driven news outlets would then utilise alternative means of raising revenue in order to safeguard their business viability or financial survival. For example, a common practice is that of paid-for or branded content as part of their regular news content. This is a direct push back against the loss of classified advertising, for example, which was previously the main stay of traditional media outlets but has been extended to virtually anyone with access to an appropriate social media platform and an audience. This appears to be a common practice observed by many scholars and organisations alike that have examined media outlets operating online. For example, WAN-IFRA (2019) examined fifty-four media outlets in Africa, Asia, the Middle-East and South-America and noted a focus on branded and paid-for content as a means of revenue generation by most media outlets online. Similarly, Ekeanyanwu et al. (2017) found an increased use of branded and paid-for content by online media outlets such as the New York Times and others, following a comparative study in which they analysed survival strategies in the face of economic decline by media outlets in the United States and Nigeria. Similarly, a study by Wilding et al. (2018) in Australia found a heavy use of branded and paid-for content as a survival strategy, referred to as ‘native advertising’. The most common forms of native advertising observed on digital or social media-driven outlets were in-feed advertisements, paid search units, recommendation widgets, promoted listings and sponsored reviews. Notwithstanding the ethical debates concerning this concept of native advertising, there are some useful and valuable insights afforded by its utilisation.

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Some scholars have reservations regarding the concept of social media-­ driven news outlets, mainly for fear of handing undue control to social media giants and owners such as Facebook. For example, Lehtisaari et al. (2018) undertook a comparative study of innovations and social media strategies in Scandinavian and US newspapers and found that there were similarities regarding challenges with the monetisation of content. They argue that social media should not be the focus if media outlets are to generate revenue. Primarily because social media news outlets relinquish their power over digital distribution when they become social media-­ driven. It thus becomes near impossible to monetise content, especially in the case of aggregative services offered by some social media platforms. Overall, from the literature and other sources reviewed, there are other strategies that online media continue to use in a bid to remain viable. Some of the strategies remain experimental given the ever-changing technological landscape with innovative applications. Other strategies utilised include membership and subscription models, prioritisation of audience insights in editorial judgement and the use of networks/partnerships through content sharing for a wider reach. What is key however for most media outlets is to turn their digital products into real revenue that can then be reinvested into growing the outlet and its ability to serve the public (Ekeanyanwu et al., 2017; WAN-IFRA 2019; Schifrin, 2019). Likewise, others such as Lehtisaari et  al. (2018: 1032) narrow down viability to two key strategies: media innovation with a focus on gaining and retaining loyal paying customers and development of strategies to increase reader engagement.

(Online) Media in Zambia Zambia, a landlocked Southern African country, gained independence from the United Kingdom in 1964 with Dr Kenneth Kaunda as its president. The country became a one party state (with Kaunda as president) after a constitutional change in 1972. In this period, all media were controlled by the state through the Ministry of Information. This period, called the Second Republic, lasted till 1990 when another constitutional change ushered in the current democratic era called the Third Republic. Elections held in 1991 ended Kaunda’s 27-year rule as Frederick Chiluba and his Movement for Multiparty for Democracy (MMD) came to power (Phiri, 2005; Rakner, 2003; Sichone & Chikulo, 1996). Chiluba campaigned for economic liberalisation and promised reform and

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liberalisation for the media. The MMD government implemented several reforms including the creation of the Communications Authority of Zambia (later called ZICTA), which is the regulator of the ICTs sector, and the opening up of the airwaves to allow for private broadcasting. The use of internet as a news platform by Zambian media emerged in the mid-2000s, about ten years after internet use began in the country in November 1994. Zambia was the fifth African country to have full access to the internet and was only the second from South Africa in sub-Saharan Africa to do so (Leslie, 2002). The first internet service operator, ZAMNET Communications Systems Ltd, was established as part of a research project at the University of Zambia’s Computer Centre. From the 1990s, internet penetration in the country remained very low. According to the Zambia Information and Communications Technology Authority, there were only 8248 registered internet subscribers and this number rose to 49,867 in 2011 (ZICTA, 2011). By the end of the first quarter of 2021, there were 10,350,671 mobile internet users and about 87,402 fixed internet subscriptions (ZICTA, 2021). The rise in number of online media has become an important outcome of an increase in internet usage in the country. It is also an emphatic indictment on the unmitigated cost of running legacy media. In Zambia, online media have emerged as alternative voices to traditional media, often providing news and information that was omitted by state-controlled traditional media platforms such as the Times of Zambia or Zambia Daily Mail newspapers or the state broadcaster, Zambia National Broadcasting Corporation (ZNBC) (Mambwe, 2014). Examples of prominent online media include News Diggers, Mwebantu, Lusaka Times, The Zambian Watchdog, Lusaka Voice, Zambia Reports, The Independent Observer, Tumfweko and many others. In addition to online news websites, the blogging community has significantly grown over the years and has also contributed to the promotion of freedom of expression and discussion of many issues affecting the country (Bukowa, 2021) Perhaps the most significant outcome of the internet in relation to news and information sharing has been the development and rise of social media. The various types of social media have emerged “as tools that journalists are using in their work” and “have created an environment of interaction and debate for the journalists and news consumers” (Mambwe, 2014, p.  79). Media organisations in Zambia, both legacy and online, have developed social media pages to not only increase their visibility but also leverage on the potential for social capital that comes with the

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engagement on these social platforms. For this reason, some online media platforms have predominantly become social media-driven news organisations. The use of social media platforms for news has become inevitable considering that there are more Zambians using social media than accessing traditional newspapers. The Internet World Statistics (IWS) estimated the number of Facebook subscribers in Zambia to be about 1.3 million, which is about 8.6% of the population (15,100,000) in 2015. The number of users was estimated to be just over 2.5 million by the end of 2020 (IWS, 2021). This increase in social media use has been influenced by other factors such as the lowering cost of internet access due to competition among ISPs, and increased participation in political, social, economic and cultural discourse on social media platforms (Willems, 2019). For several news media outlets in Zambia and beyond, the move towards digital distribution is attractive because of the attendant financial relief. Further, Havens and Lotz (2017, p. 201) argue that digital technologies “eliminate the need to transfer the product into a physical form, as well as the need for a ‘brick-and-mortar’ store for displaying and transacting sales”, in this case the news. These technologies have transformed media ecosystems (Pindayi, 2017) and many news organisations have had to make “substantial adjustments in their norms and operations to respond to new delivery systems” (Havens & Lotz, 2017, p. 192).

Methodology The study adopted a qualitative exploratory design that employed a comparative case study of the selected media to better understand their experience in matters of financial survival. The case-study approach enabled us to take a deep dive into understanding the strategies that they employed and to critically read their social pages with the objective of seeing these strategies in action. Purposive sampling was used in the selection of the two online news platforms. Even though the sampling was purposive, it was important for us to have two platforms whose approach was significantly different from the other. This approach helped us see the distinctions between our chosen media, News Diggers and Kalemba. News Diggers follows the traditional online news strategy where social media platforms are used to draw readers to the news webpages (majority of which have a paywall). For its

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part, Kalemba is predominantly social media based, particularly on Facebook. Having selected the media platforms, we then analysed their distribution practises on social media over a period of three months between 1 March and 31 May 2021. This gave us insights on what the strategies the papers used and helped us prepare for the next stage of the study which involved interviews with editors of the two media platforms. For both media, we were able to interview decision-makers at the organisation. For News Diggers, we interviewed the News Editor, and for Kalemba, we interviewed the proprietor. Both interviewees were seasoned journalists with a background in print journalism. Both respondents requested that they are not named even though they were aware that their identity could still easily be known by virtue of their position or role in the organisations. The study was conducted during the Coronavirus Disease (COVID)-19 pandemic. By the time the interviews were conducted, Zambia was at the beginning of the third wave of infections. As a matter of ethical practice and safety, we ensured that safety of the two sources was guaranteed during the interviews. The marked increase in online (and social) media consumption during the pandemic enriched our observation of the two platforms.

Results: Financial Survival Strategies by Social Media-Driven Media Outlets in Zambia As intimated in the introduction, Zambia has seen a considerable increase in the number of people using social media as their primary access for news and other information, mostly supported by the proliferation of mobile broadband internet. This has resulted in the development of social media-driven outlets that are equally experimenting with various strategies of financial survival or viability. Survival Strategies The two sampled outlets reported use of subscription and brand sponsorship as the major income-generating ventures. For the News Diggers Newspaper which also runs a hardcopy version, there was a reported rise in the number of people purchasing the e-paper and browsing through the

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social media news platform they offer, mainly because the price of the e-paper is half than what they would get on the street. Kalemba, which is purely a social media-driven news outlet, reported advertising (mainly brand sponsorship) as the major revenue generator. This sponsorship includes birthday messages and small business advertisements by individuals, which are alternated with news content. Notably, both outlets regard audience engagement as their priority in attracting sponsorship. Regarding subscription, it emerged that there is still a difficulty in setting up an efficient payment system either through social platforms or through a web portal to make it easier for people to subscribe. Subscriptions to an e-news bulletin are mainly processed through mobile money services while Kalemba has not monetised its content on social media. This is partially due to limited systems for managing such payments and this continues to restrict the revenue generated by social media-driven news outlets like News Diggers whose editor noted: Once we make payments automated and we get a VISA card payment system then we will also have people in the diaspora paying for the content. Right now, what we have is mobile money so while there is a provision for people who are in the diaspora to pay using World Remit, it’s not as widely known as someone using their VISA card so once certain things are put in place, there will be opportunity for expansion. (Personal communication, May 2021)

Another revenue-generation strategy noted at Kalemba is a live streaming service where the outlet streams events of corporate entities at a prescribed fee. Kalemba would use its large Facebook to bargain for an appropriate fee for the streaming, guaranteeing the client that the channel has a reach of over 200,000 unique users. Distribution With regard to distribution of content, the News Diggers Newspaper has a strategy used to segment content in order to derive maximum benefit in terms of subscription as well as to prevent users from illegally accessing or sharing content. The outlet only posts part of a news story on its social media platform to attract readers while redirecting them to a paywall if they wish to read the rest of the story. This is only done for exclusive news stories such as investigative pieces as well as other trendy stories. However, a waiver is provided for public health stories such as COVID-19 related

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information, which can be accessed freely. Kalemba, on the other hand, does not restrict any of its content and allows readers to freely access all content. This enables readers to copy, repost and even share the outlet’s story on their personal social media pages. Threats A major threat is the abuse and plagiarism of content (in the case of News Diggers), followers and competitors alike usually share the stories and other exclusive content as their own. The Kalemba Proprietor stated: Some people do not appreciate the hard work that we put in to run and maintain the page. They think all you need is a phone and a few data bundles. Political labelling has also affected us to some extent where some people believe you are affiliated to political party A or B. (Personal communication, May 2021)

For News Diggers, an additional threat has been that of individuals trying to manipulate the paywall in order to freely access the e-news bulletin without subscribing or paying for it as required. Some of the strategies the outlet uses to prevent this illegal access are to restrict download times/ periods even for individuals with adequate paid access while also undertaking steps to upgrade their cyber security infrastructure. The News Diggers Editor, however, described this as an ongoing threat, stating: We have put in place security measures but after a while they'll find another way and so on and so forth so it’s a constant battle and that is the biggest threat that we face in terms of revenue generation. So it is up to us to invest in a person who will be able to out-manoeuvre the people who are trying download without paying for the content. (Personal communication, May 2021)

Opportunities and Sustainability Both outlets see the novelty of online services in the country as an opportunity to be exploited, especially given the ever-growing number of people accessing their news content through social platforms. For Kalemba, social media-driven outlets are sustainable and viable for as long as they continue to leverage high audience engagement statistics as a bargaining chip with advertisers and other e-commerce enterprises. A review of content on the Kalemba Facebook page shows the use of deeply satirical genres of

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journalism which aim to attract a following and engage audiences. The Kalemba Proprietor stated: With proper organisation, a plan and professional employees there is potential for lucrative business in running online social news outlets in Zambia especially because the battle for information dissemination has moved away from the mainstream media (newspapers, radio and TV) to the internet. (Personal communication, May 2021)

For News Diggers, beyond audience engagement is also good content and creativity as factors that will keep social media-driven outlets sustainable. In explaining this, the News Diggers Editor noted: If you asked me this question two years ago, I would have said its pretty much impossible to get money out of people on an online media outlet in Zambia. But today I think all of us have gotten a new appreciation for the online space. People are now agreeable to paying for good content online … the monetization of online media in Zambia is a fairly new phenomenon. So, most of us are not exactly heavily reliant on the generation of income online, but we still have the strict sales strategy which shockingly has not dropped at all given the fact that we are also selling the publication online at a cheaper price. (Personal communication, May 2021)

Discussion and Conclusion The financial survival strategies and general viability of social media-driven news outlets in Zambia are not significantly different from those discussed earlier and found by others in various jurisdictions. The plight of social media-driven news outlets in Zambia is seemingly aggravated by the fact that the online space is still growing in the country, with most people only joining the information superhighway in the last decade. Online platforms are thus still regarded as new and are yet to gain full acceptability among the consumers. The financial survival of social media-driven news outlets in Zambia is also limited or threatened by the lack of adequate payment processing systems to support the monetisation of content shared on social media platforms. This forces some of the outlets to allow free access to content while leveraging audience engagement to increase their share of advertising revenue (including some form of native advertising alluded to in the case of Australian social media outlets). Social media-driven news outlets

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received a boost in Zambia from the situation created by the COVID-19 pandemic which forced many people to turn to social media and other online platforms in view of the ‘new normal’ and restrictions against physical interaction. The practices, threats and opportunities from the two media platforms discussed also speak to the bigger issues of internet access and usage in the Zambian population. While the internet has brought significant change and opportunities for media growth, the many factors that impede on its growth also challenge the growth media businesses that are dependent on social media. The cost of access (especially for small enterprises) and the challenges relating to coverage are still persistent. Mitigating these challenges will become crucial for media following the social media business model. But perhaps more importantly will be the need for strategies that will guarantee monetisation and income sustainability. This chapter examined the strategies used by social media-driven news outlets in Zambia for financial survival and sustainability. Using News Diggers and Kalemba as case studies, the chapter discussed the survival strategies, the role of distribution in ensuring survival and the threats and opportunities that exist for the social media-driven news platforms. From the investigation, we established that there are various survival strategies that these media organisations are employing. While some options work differently, what is clear is that the need to survive financially is a major drive for the chosen strategies. The study also highlighted some of the threats and opportunities that these media houses face in their objective of providing relevant, timely and truthful information. Further research would be required to better understand the experience of other social media platforms not covered in this chapter. That will enable researchers, policy-makers and interested parties to have a clearer picture of the situation in Zambia. While the case presented in this chapter may not be representative or generalisable, the findings are helpful as scholarship in this field continues to grow in the global South. It would also be important to find out what the perceptions of users of the two platforms are on the media channel’s chosen method of revenue generation, and what strategies they may or may not fully support. For social media-driven news outlets to remain viable there is need for reliable options for paywalls and control of access beyond a simple e-news bulletin. There should also be a development of other financial revenue-­ generation options to avoid over-dependence on sponsored content, which has the potential to affect editorial independence. All this calls for

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increased alertness to trends and technological solutions, and to what the markets (the end-users) are willing to support.

References Acosta, S. A. (2020, July 07). Latin American Online Journalism: An Exploratory Web-Based Survey for Identifying International Trends in Print-Affiliated Sites. Unpublished Master’s thesis. Texas: University of Texas. Retrieved from utexas. edu: https://repositories.lib.utexas.edu/bitstream/handle/2152/18020/ silvina_acosta.pdf;sequence=2 Banda, F. (2004). Newspapers and Magazines in Zambia: A Question of Sustainability. MISA. Bukowa, B. (2021, July 15). 'If You Can't Beat them, Blog them' : Exploring the Internet for Freedom of Expression in Zambia. Retrieved from A University of Oslo Web site: https://www.duo.uio.no/handle/10852/34194 CIPESA. (2016). State of Internet Freedom in Africa: Case Studies from Select Countries on Strategies African Government Use to Stifle Citizens’ Digital Rights. Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa: CIPESA. Deselaers, P.  K., James, R., Schneider, M., & Schneider, L. (2019). More Than Money: Rethinking Media Viability in the Digital Age. DW Akademie. Edosomwan, S. O. (2011). The history of social media and its impact on business. Journal of Applied Management and Entrepreneurship. Ekeanyanwu, N. T., Batta, J. I., & Oyokunyi, I. (2017). The Economics of Decline in the Media Industry: Survival Strategies of American Print Media Firms and Implications for a Diminishing Print Media Industry in Nigeria. Journalism and Mass Communication, 1, 427–446. Gondwe, G. (2020). News Worthiness and Public Trust in sub-Sahara African: Examining the Impact of Tabloid Journalism in Zambia. Journal of Media and Communication Studies, 1, 12–22. Gondwe, G., Muchangwe, R., & Mwaya, J.  E. (2021). Motivations for Social Media Use and Consumption in Zambian Online Platforms. In Analyzing Global Social Media Consumption (pp. 204-215). IGI - Global . Havens, T., & Lotz, A. (2017). Understanding Media Industries. Oxford University Press. Kalombe, C., & Phiri, J. (2019). Impact of Online Media on Print Media in Developing Countries. Open Journal of Business and Management, 1, 1983–1998. Lehtisaari, K. M., Villi, M., Grönlund, C., Lindén, B. I., Mierzejewska, R., Picard, R., & Roepnack, A. (2018). Comparing Innovation and Social Media Strategies. Digital Journalism, 1, 1029–1040.

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Mambwe, E. (2014). 20 Years of Internet in Zambia-how Has Journalism Been Impacted? African Trends. Rhodes Journalism Review, 1, 77–80. Mambwe, E. (2015). The state of internet technology in Zambia (a media perspective). In Media Industry in Zambia: A Handbook. UNZA DMCS/Mission Press, pp. 203–220. doi:https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.2604320. Mbozi, P. (2021). Interactivity Features of Online Newspapers: Use and Effect on Gratification Among Zambian Readers. Journalism and Mass Communication, 1, 45–72. Ndawana, Y., Knowles, J., & Vaughan, C. (2021). The Historicity of Media Regulation in Zambia; Examining the Proposed Statutory Self-Regulation. African Journalism Studies, https://doi.org/10.1080/23743670.2021. 1939749. Patel, A. (2021, July 15). The Survival of the Newspaper in the Digital Age of Communication. Unpublished Master’s Thesis. New York: New York University. Retrieved from A New York University Web site: https://www.stern.nyu.edu/ sites/default/files/assets/documents/con_043010.pdf Phiri, B.  J. (2005). Zambia. South African Journal of International Affairs, 1, 205–218. Picard, R.  G. (2017). Essential Principles for Contemporary Media and Communications Policymaking. Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism: University of Oxford. Pindayi, B. (2017). Social Media Uses and Effects: The Case of WhatsApp in Africa. In I. N. Okorie, R. O. Babatunde, & S. Abiodun (Eds.), Impacts of the Media on African Socio-economic Development (pp. 34–51). IGI Global. Rakner, L. (2003, October 1). Political and economic liberalisation in Zambia 1991-2001. Retrieved from A Saipir Web site: http://saipar.org/wp-­content/ uploads/2015/12/Political-­a nd-­E conomic-­L iberalisation-­i n-­Z ambia_ Lise-­Rakner.pdf Sichone, O., & Chikulo, B. C. (1996). Democracy in Zambia: Challenges for the Third Republic. Sapes Books. Schifrin, A. (2019). Fighting for Survival: Media Start Ups in the Global South Washington. CIMA. Tembo, J., & Mambwe, P. (2021). Increasing Cases of Online Non-consensual Posting of Adult male Nude Pictures and Videos in Zambia: Views from rural and urban dwellers. International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science, 1, 609–615. Treem, J. W., Dailey, S. L., Pierce, C. S., & Biffl, D. (2016). What We Are Talking About When We Talk About Social Media: A Framework For Study. Sociology Compass, 1, 768–784.

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Wilding, D.  P., Fray, S., Molitorisz, S., & McKewon, E. (2018). The Impact of Digital Platforms on News and Journalistic Content. University of Technology Sydney. Willems, W. (2019). The Politics of Things’: Digital Media, Urban Space, and the Materiality of Publics. Media, Culture & Society, 1, 1192–1209. ZICTA. (2021, July 20). Zambia Information and Communication Technology Authority, ICT indicators. Retrieved from A ZITCA Web site: http://onlinesystems.zicta.zm:8585/statsfinal/index.html

CHAPTER 13

Prospects and Challenges for Indigenous African Language Media in the Digital Age Gilbert Motsaathebe

Introduction At the heart of this chapter are the prospects and challenges presented to indigenous language media in South Africa with specific reference to print and radio in the age of multimedia platformation. As Oyesemi, Onyenankeya and Onyenankeya (2020, 137) assert, indigenous language media refers to “the media that deliver their content in a native language as opposed to a colonial or second language such as English, French and Portuguese.” Digital platforms have changed media consumption patterns. “The consumption, distribution and production of content have altered fundamentally. The platforms provide access to news—a function formerly performed by media companies. This has a bearing on media audience and their sustainability” (Wilding et al., 2018, 4). Because the concept of digitality often veers into the problematic debates around what is often referred to as “new media,” it is necessary to briefly explain how these are used in the context of this chapter. This is necessary since these

G. Motsaathebe (*) North-West University, Mafikeng, South Africa © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 T. Matsilele et al. (eds.), New Journalism Ecologies in East and Southern Africa, Palgrave Studies in Journalism and the Global South, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-23625-9_13

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terms can be problematic if they are not well defined or demarcated, as they could mean different things depending on the context. In this chapter, I refer to digital media platforms to refer to a range of popular internet platforms, websites, YouTube, and other popular social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, and WhatsApp. I deliberately avoid the concept of “new media” in this chapter, as I do not want to veer into the debate that this term may spark. For instance, Tomaselli and Tomaselli (2021) note that “the term ‘new media,’ has been invoked at least since the 1960s,” therefore making it problematic to use this concept loosely without proper demarcation. Legacy media is used in this chapter to refer to older media formats such as newspapers, radio, and television. The reason this chapter focuses on these legacy media is to see how they adapt to the new technological environment, considering some of the immediate challenges and threats that they face. According to Killebrew (2003), legacy media has generally not changed much despite the technological developments that have taken place. In South Africa, some of the threats confronting the media that use indigenous languages include poor readership for print (see Motsaathebe 2011; 2018) and concerns about the quality of language used in the broadcast media (IOL, 2019). Studying the print media and radio was essential because these legacy media remain the most vital media of choice for many communities, especially the rural poor living in far-flung areas away from the metropolises. The latter is especially true for radio because it does not discriminate between the illiterate and the literate people as much as other media do. The main objective of this chapter, therefore, was to assess the threats and opportunities presented to indigenous African language media, particularly print and radio in South Africa. Data was collected using semi-­ structured interviews with purposively selected media practitioners and language practitioners. Purposive sampling, which is very effective for this type of study, was used. The usefulness of this sampling technique lies in the fact that “the researcher decides what needs to be known and sets out to find people who can and are willing to provide the information by virtue of knowledge or experience” (Tongco, 2007, 147). The process involves choosing individuals that the researcher considers knowledgeable about a phenomenon being researched. As such, nine interviews were conducted with media practitioners (three) and language experts (five). Media practitioners were editors from print, radio, and television (electronic media) who were assumed to have insider knowledge about the

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phenomenon being researched. While language practitioners included people, who are experts in the language and have an interest in the preservation of the language and its usage on various public platforms. The interviews consisted of a mixture of telephonic and email interviews. The rest of the chapter is structured in the following three parts: a brief overview of the language situation and the media landscape in South Africa, African media and the media convergence imperatives, and the research approach and a summary of the empirical findings.

Background Language and Media Landscape in South Africa South Africa is a multilingual society with various ethnic language groups (see Motsaathebe, 2010). However, these languages appear to be facing a decline regarding their usage and consumption in public discourse, including the media. For example, although radio using these languages still command a great deal of audience, the same thing cannot be said of the print media in general. Except for isiZulu publications, all indigenous language print media are experiencing a decline which is worrying because the lack of alternative media forms results not only in a skewed distribution of news but also in news agendas that pander to the interests of specific language groups (Motsaathebe, 2010; Prah, 1999). The only South African indigenous language community with a viable newspaper compared to other African communities is the amaZulu. The isiZulu newspaper called Isolezwe has been growing steadily since its launch in 2002 (see Salawu, 2009). Furthermore, although radio appears to be faring very well in terms of audiences, there has been a growing concern about the language used in radio with many listeners readily complaining about the distortion of their indigenous languages in these media forms (IOL, 2019). Indigenous language media in South Africa tend to operate in confined geographic and linguistic communities based on the concentration of the target language community. It is well documented that during the colonial (from 1652 to 1948) and apartheid (from 1948 to 1994) eras, the diversity of ethnic communities in South Africa was expediently used to divide these communities so that they could easily be controlled (Motsaathebe, 2010). This confinement was more apparent during the 1970s when the apartheid government started dividing South Africa into separate states called homelands. This process did not only change the citizenship status

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of Black people in South Africa but also led to a particular segmentation of media audiences as it meant that African language speakers would no longer be citizens of South Africa but would become citizens of one of the allotted homelands, according to their ethnicity and the languages they speak. Thus, the Black South Africans’ deprivation of citizenship resulted in the creation of the homeland system in which each ethnic group was restricted to a particular territory called “homeland” where they would have their special governments with their own presidents. For instance, Batswana were largely restricted to Bophuthatswana (present-day North-­ West province) as their homeland; Vhavenda to Venda (Limpopo); and the amaXhosa to the Transkei and Ciskei homelands (Eastern Cape). Bapedi were assigned to Lebowa (Limpopo), Vatsonga to Gazankulu (currently part of Limpopo), and the AmaZulu to KwaZulu (KwaZulu Natal), while the Basotho were restricted to QwaQwa (Free State), amaSwati to KaNgwane (Mpumalanga), and the amaNdebele to KwaNdebele (now part of Mpumalanga). The white communities remained in large territories of fertile and industrious land within South Africa. These demarcations have implications for audience diversity which currently have repercussions for media using African languages. Although these imaginary boundaries were removed and all homelands were reincorporated into the new South Africa after the 1994 political dispensation in South Africa, the geographical concentration of language communities is still there making it difficult to have a thriving national media that use African languages. The understanding of this geo-ethnic set-up is crucial as it provides a comprehensible context of the operation of the media using these languages and some of the issues relating to the challenges these media face. However, after the 1994 democratic dispensation, the new government reaffirmed the importance of African languages by elevating nine of the many South African African languages to the status of official languages, along with English and Afrikaans. Currently, the eleven official languages are Afrikaans, English, isiNdebele, Sesotho, Sepedi, Setswana, siSwati, Xitsonga, Tshivenda, isiXhosa, and isiZulu. The most interesting aspect about African languages is that most of these languages are spoken in other parts of Africa; for instance, Setswana is an official language in neighbouring Botswana and is also spoken in some parts of Namibia and Zimbabwe, while Sesotho and siSwati are official languages in neighbouring Lesotho and Swaziland, respectively. Tshivenda is spoken in some parts of Zimbabwe, while Xitsonga is also spoken in Mozambique. The

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widespread use of these languages bears testimony to the history and earlier interactions of these communities. Hence, it is very disconcerting to see the decline in the media that use these languages. Current Media Landscape in South Africa The history of African language media in South Africa has been dealt with in previous studies (Motsaathebe, 2011a; Motsaathebe, 2018; Prah, 1999; Salawu, 2009). Generally, the media is seen as thriving in South Africa because it is less restricted and, in this way, it is able to play a significant role in bringing vital issues to the attention of the public, among others. Also, in terms of media diversity, the Constitution protects and provides for the freedom of the media, freedom of expression and access to information. These rights are further supported by the legislations that include the Independent Broadcasting Authority (IBA) Act of 1993, the Broadcasting Act of 1999, the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa (ICASA) Act of 2000, and the Access to Information Act of 2000. Importantly, the IBA Act of 1993 makes provision for the “cross-media control to ensure diversity of ownership and plurality of voices.” The Act led to a range of radio and television services catering to different language groups. Furthermore, Media Development and Diversity Agency (MDDA) was set up by an Act of Parliament (Act 14 of 2002) to enable “historically disadvantaged communities and persons not adequately served by the media” to gain access to the media. MDDA states that one of its key objectives is to “encourage ownership and control of, and access to, media by historically disadvantaged communities, historically diminished African language and cultural groups” (see http://www.mdda.org. za/). However, despite some of these pronouncements, ownership and control of media remain firmly in the hands of white conglomerates. A good example is the Naspers Group (South African media group) which has now become a multinational organization. Naspers has under its wings Media24, which is Africa’s largest media company; Prosus, which is one of the world’s largest internet groups and technology investors; and Takealot, which is South Africa’s largest e-commerce retailer (Prosus, 2021). These cosmopolitan ownership patterns have resulted in a situation where the English language continues to dominate other languages in the media ecosystem. The discussion paper on Media Transformation, Ownership,

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and Diversity tabled at the ANC National General Council (NGC) in September 2010 correctly notes: The media and broadcasting industry in South Africa are relatively open and reflects the country’s diversity in respect of languages (as all eleven official languages are represented, at least in radio) and content in general. However, English is the most used language, more so in print media and television. (ANC, 2010: 13)

The pre-1994 media was generally characterized by inequality of access, language, and lack of diversity. Although the situation changed significantly after the transformation of the media that ensued when South Africa became a democratic state in 1994, there are still only a few publications that communicate in African languages (Motsaathebe, 2011a). The English language has become a common language of the media. This has come at a considerable price for local communities because language is a means of communication and a site of power and identity. The latter point is echoed by Lai Oso (2006, 176), who finds that “the use of language and the type of language used have ideological implications and that they form part of the overarching structure of power and subordination in a particular society.” Oso’s view is essential because it means that people whose language is used most of the time in any community become a dominant group whose culture, ideology, and control become the norm. Thus, language becomes a hegemonic device for the dominant group. In such a set-up, the constant usage of a language in the media plays a vital role in conferring status and asserting the identity of the community of that specific language (Motsaathebe, 2018). The preceding point resonates with literature on language and culture, which maintains that the use of a language increases the positive perception of the language group. For instance, for many years in South Africa, Tshivenda enjoyed little prominence, as highlighted earlier. However, after the introduction of the television series Muvhango (1997) the language gained prominence. According to the series’ creator, Duma Ndlovu, he wanted to promote the Tshivenda language and today many South Africans no longer regard Tshivenda as an inferior language. As indicated, except for isiZulu and Afrikaans, African languages have generally seen a decline in terms of media publications. For instance, Afrikaans has maintained a strong presence in the media at both national and provincial levels, while isiZulu marked its presence in the KwaZulu

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Natal province with newspapers such as Ilanga and Isolezwe which have performed exceptionally well in terms of readership. According to Prah (1999, 29), “[C]apital and other resources help to maintain the solidity of the Afrikaans presence in the media.” Indeed, resources are very important for any company to succeed as these enable the company to compete effectively in the business environment in which businesses compete for customers based on the nature and quality of service that they offer. A poorly resourced media company may struggle to “raise capital, create facilities, employ personnel, create media products and services, and sell these products and services in the market” (see Picard, 2011). A well-­ resourced media publication, therefore, has an immediate advantage to establish dominance over less-resourced ones such as most African language media. In that sense, media diversity is hugely affected, leading to monopolization and dominance of certain media houses that are well resourced. Lack of resources, therefore, stifles alternative media’s efforts to orchestrate divergent narratives from the one that is being pandered by the dominant media. Ultimately, lack of alternative media form results in a skewed distribution of news and bring about news agendas, which pander to the interests of one group over the others.

Theoretical Orientation In keeping with the focus on digital media platforms, this chapter adopts media convergence theory. According to Chakaveh and Bogen (2007: 811), media convergence theory is “a theory in communications where every mass medium eventually merges to the point where they become one medium due to the advent of new communication technologies.” The media convergence theory illuminates the trends of media convergence widely understood as cross-media content production and distribution via diverse broadcast, print, and internet platforms. This cross-media cooperation happens at the levels of production and distribution via digital tools and internet platforms. Thus, media convergence integrates different media formats, content, and style for easy distribution via multiple media platforms which include legacy media such as radio, TV, and digital media platforms such as podcasts, websites, YouTube, and popular social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, and WhatsApp. Convergence theory, therefore, makes assumptions about the fusion of various media forms and content together with various distribution channels that are available to the public. It further explains how this fusion leads to a dynamic audience

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that is becoming increasingly fragmented since the audience now has more control over the type of content they want to access at a time and place. Chakaveh and Bogen (2007, 812) identify three main elements of media convergence, namely: 1. Corporate concentration, whereby fewer large companies own more and more media properties; 2. Digitization, whereby media content produced in a universal computer language can be easily adapted for use in any medium; and 3. Government deregulation, which has increasingly allowed media conglomerates to own different kinds of media (e.g., television and radio stations and newspapers) in the same markets, and which has permitted content carriage companies (e.g., cable TV suppliers) to own content producers (e.g., specialty TV channels). From the above-mentioned elements, it is the second one that focuses on digitization and whereby media content produced in a universal computer language can be easily adapted for different platforms. Importantly, convergence theory presupposes that media organizations scavenge in an adapt-or-perish mode to claim their audience share in the current technological revolution and prevent the inevitable decline or complete loss of audiences. From this perspective, media organizations must adapt to the multimedia platforms provided by the technological development in order to cater for an increasingly fragmented audience whose habits of obtaining information continue to be revolutionized by the technology at their disposal. It is therefore important that media managers responsible for the African language try to harness the opportunity provided by digital technology to promote African media, which are increasingly under threat. There is therefore a very clear connection between this theory and the research objective. The proliferation of digital media, therefore, presents an enormous challenge for indigenous language media practitioners to meet the demands of such a dynamic audience, as they cannot afford to lose the audience because they are in the business of content production with the audience as key customers. The complication for indigenous language media is exacerbated by what Salawu (2020) refers to as “language apathy.” As Albarran points out, “[P]roliferation of media choices and a host of new consumers technology present a major hurdle for media managers” (Albarran 2010, 162). The challenge is even more considerable for African

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language media because the language that is often privileged in the “digital media” is English. As such, media organizations using African languages find themselves at an immediate disadvantage since the language of the digital media is mainly English. This means that practitioners of African languages must ensure that these languages are not left behind in the media if they hope to preserve and promote them. For example, in his analysis of African language media in Kenya, Orao (2009, 82) makes the following important observation: The use of the local language and the airing of local language programming give considerable prestige to the local popular culture by publicly recognizing the dignity of its medium of expression. Furthermore, vernacular mass media are exerting a big influence on most local language communities that have few or no opportunities for geographical or social mobility. The vernacular mass media, therefore, play a significant role in shaping language pride and language choice in the process of bringing these communities in touch with various socio-economic innovations.

The above quotation illustrates the importance of using local languages in the media. Orao’s views dovetail the assertion by mass media scholars that the media is pervasive and influence popular thinking. They can promote a language and restore pride in the use of the language being used in the media. The South African television serial Muvhango is a clear example of the point that Orao makes here. Muvhango, the Tshivenda language TV series, was introduced to South African television viewers in 1997 and has become one of the most popular prime-time television programmes in South Africa. Before its introduction, the Tshivenda language was one of the marginalized leagues in South Africa, but since its inception, the language has become popular and has become a source of pride for Tshivenda-­ speaking community. Another important aspect about the need for the viability of African language media is that such media enable members of those language communities to participate since one of the important roles of the media is to serve as the fourth estate and advance citizen participation in the public sphere (Motsaathebe, 2011b). Habermas conceptualized the public sphere as a space in which private individuals came together to discuss issues that collectively affect them. By bringing together different people, participation in the public sphere is seen as ensuring that there is a variety of voices and opinions on different issues. This is crucial in a multilingual

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and multicultural country like South Africa. True democracy requires active citizen participation and that kind of participation is not possible without a robust African language media.

Findings As mentioned, the study used semi-structured interviews to collect its data. Thematic analysis was used to make sense of interview data. The findings show that the issues impinging on the opportunities and threats presented by indigenous African language media could be organized around the following themes: a declining reading culture, the scope for growth of African language media, the different affordance of print and electronic media, and the quality of language used in the media. A Decline in Reading Culture All participants pointed out that there was generally a declining reading culture, particularly amongst African language speakers. Some blame this decline on a number of factors that include television having dominated leisure time for a long time; obsession with the internet; and the evolving fast life and the glamour and the glitz of the electric media while others believe the decline was historical. Firstly, I would like to say it is historical. For many decades our languages did not attract readership. Africans (parents and teachers) themselves undermine these languages. The inferiority complex of Africans is one of the issues. Looking back hundred years ago, we had our newspapers in almost every African Language. At the moment we only have a few, and the readership is no good. So many literature books were published and prescribed at schools. (An academic with experience in publications in African Languages)

Another respondent, a popular media commentator, blames the problem on the lack of African language education. This respondent decried the fact that parents are increasingly taking their children to what he calls “English-speaking schools” and that parents encourage them to speak English at home. I am of the view that African language media is dying a slow death. Look at stations like Motsweding, for example. The presenters of this station speak slang

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and English more than the language of the station. How will the “growing minds/kids” learn their own languages in that environment? You take your kids to English-speaking schools (even early learning centres), when these kids get home, parents talk to them in English.

However, one of the respondents, who is an experienced radio and television producer, believes that the delayed dissemination of information associated with print and their timelines is also to blame: Print media struggle because they always delay with information. Today’s news is disseminated the following day or even six days later when they are almost stale (weekly newspapers or monthly magazines). Social media speed has overtaken even radio. Before we get breaking news on radio and TV, social media have already spread them. People no longer have enough time to read a full page about just one story. Social media ‘articles’ are quick to get the message across and easy to understand. They are conversational and even hilarious most of the time. People’s voices are always ‘heard’ on social media. This happens through likes, dislikes, and uncensored responses.

Another academic, who is a leading activist of African languages, shared the same sentiments and suggested some of the ways in which newspapers could improve: There needs to be political will. For radio, the challenge is not that much, but a great challenge lies in newspapers since many people do not read much in African languages post-high school. Newspapers need to be innovative and write news, which is culturally interesting, and not just the same news in English just rendered in an African language. For instance, matters of ritual murder, polygamy, religion, and conflicts of various sorts.

This view is supported by another respondent, who is a former broadcast journalist and now a senior lecturer at a university in Mpumalanga: We are in a generation that appears to be swaying towards audiovisual media as opposed to textual media particularly because the reading culture is declining. For instance, I don’t read the newspaper for pleasure, I am not an active reader of newspapers. I get my information mainly from electronic media and the internet. I am most likely to read the newspaper in a digital context rather than picking up a hard copy. I think that if I were to have a newspaper in my language available on the digital platform, I would read it.

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One of the great advantages of interviews is the opportunity to seek clarity and ask relevant follow-up questions. When asked how print media publishing in African languages can increase their readership, this respondent expressed the following sentiments: • They need to do market research and understand their readers’ preferences. • Stop assumptions as to what their readers really want. • They should remain relevant and loyal to their readers’ needs. • Strive for quality journalism. • Be competitive with other best media companies in terms of productions like good and quality language, pictures, layout, paper quality, weight in articles and newsmakers they interview. • Create a platform for interaction with their readers. • Value for readers’ money. Prescription or sales of magazines/ newspapers shouldn’t be too low or too high to afford. The Different Affordance of Radio, TV, and Print and Their Differing Prospects This theme provides insights into the unique affordances of radio and those of print that could potentially make it amenable to different preoccupations and challenges in terms of language use and audience preferences. For instance, the literature in this chapter suggests that radio using African languages tends to have much more audiences compared to their print counterparts. “Broadcast has an advantage over print because the knowledge of the language of broadcast makes it easier for a listener to understand the message without having to strain his ear or refer from a dictionary. The language gives a listener an impression that the presenter is talking to him actively and directly, as a result, we pay attention. There is an increased chance of Participation/interaction in broadcasting. The listener is likely to participate and influence the direction of the topic discussed with confidence and eloquently because can express himself vividly in the spoken language,” said a TV producer Another respondent, a lecturer and former radio and TV journalist, said:

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TV and Radio have a good audience when compared with print, of course, the exception will be Nguni language in the KZN area, because that is a different case entirely. I think the electronic use innovative strategies to entice their listeners, eg Motsweding FM DJ that uses statements that listeners can identify with. With print media you only identify with the byline, you are unable to be one with the author. There is also a limitation of space. There is more ­opportunity for listeners to identify with the station because of the programming which is continuous.

Another respondent, a media academic, puts it this way: The broadcast media has a huge advantage over the print media. For example, hearing the language you understand while someone is speaking on any kind of medium is good; if you were to see the speaker or subjects being referred to is even better. This gives the TV an upper hand to a radio.

It is clear from the views provided that the audiovisual media have advantages that are provided by their unique characteristics and aesthetics. These include the fact that they are conversational, and they have an increased level of audience participation compared to print.

The Scope for Growth of African Language Media Most of the study respondents feel that African languages have the potential to adapt to the multimedia platforms provided by technological development. Some have reservations about their sustainability as viable media platforms. Nonetheless, other key informants indicated that adapting African language media to multimedia platforms would not be easy. In fact, the question regarding the viability of African language media drew three different sets of responses. Of all the African language media radio appears to be doing well. This theme sought to probe whether the media understudy was generally sustainable under the current digital environment. Based on the empirical data, we could discern several views regarding the scope for the growth of African media. Study participants had different views as to whether digital media will benefit African language media or not. For instance, a view from one of the key informants, an experienced television news editor and communication expert with extensive experience:

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The African language media will not benefit from the communication technological advancement brought about by digital media. This is because there is no emerging digital social media language in African languages. For example, the digital social media language talks about new phrases like ‘lol’—short for ‘laugh out loud’—which is an English phrase widely used by speakers of other languages, including African South African languages like Setswana and isiZulu. Arguably, there are no similar phrases in Setswana or isiZulu.

The central argument of this chapter is that the media publishing in African languages must either adapt to the current situation characterized by the dominance of the English language and the increasing use of multimedia platforms or be prepared to perish. While the view of the key informant above highlights the usefulness of digital media channels, it expresses doubt as to whether the African language media will thrive in these digital platforms: There is adequate evidence that communication channels, such as social media platforms, have diffused profusely in communities the world-over owing to their benefits to the users—they are interactive and instantaneous—thereby capable of eliciting instant feedback necessary to confirm the successful decoding of the received message. However, my assertion is that African languages will not benefit from this communication technological advancement.

Of particular significance was that, while acknowledging the role of African language education, one key informant feels that using African languages in the media is even more important because of the perceived power of the media to set agenda and confer status to the languages that proliferate in media platforms. The use of African language in the media is much more important than the teaching of African languages at school and university. It ensures that a language grows and thrives through constant use. It facilitates the entrenchment of democracy and strengthens freedom of expression in a language that people speak and understand best.

Most study participants feel that there is a scope for expansion, although some felt that it would not benefit from the current digital revolution.

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“There is actually scope for growth and flourishing of indigenous languages in the digital era. The challenge is for digital content producers to speak the ‘language’ of the audiences, especially young people. In South Africa, for example, the dominant English/Afrikaans duo is spoken by a minority (as a first) language, and we don’t have evidence that the majority of audiences/viewers/ readers prefer news/entertainment/educational info in languages other than their own indigenous languages. The phenomenal success of the Zulu newspaper Isolezwe is a recent case in point. In fact, buoyed by the success of Isolezwe, Independent Newspapers went ahead and launched a Xhosa one, which is also doing well. So, in brief, I think the new media ecologies present opportunities for the expansion and development of indigenous languages,” said a respondent who is a former journalist and now a professor at the University of Cape Town.

The above view came from a media academic who also had a long experience practicing as a journalist reporting in an indigenous language. Another respondent who is an avid media commentator with a qualification in media studies puts it this way: For radio, the challenge is not that much, but a great challenge lies in newspapers since many people do not read much in African languages post-high school. Newspapers need to be innovative and write news, which is culturally interesting, and not just the same news in English just rendered in an African language. For instance, the issue relating to ritual murder, polygamy, religion, and conflicts of various sorts.

Another interesting view was that people who have money to buy newspapers are the middle-class and educated elite who are ironically less interested in African languages because they have been socialized in a dominant colonial culture that drives formal education in South Africa. Consider this view for instance: We are educated in English and have acquired the English culture and colonial worldview that is not always in sync with African issues, or content for that matter. This is why more African languages speakers are likely to buy English newspapers than publications in their own languages. Also, the older people who hold their African languages and culture dearly are dying leaving us with a younger population that prefer digital platforms and care less about issues of languages and culture.

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Indeed, the above view is of importance since the elite has the spending power, but they do not buy these papers as the elite are socialized on what one can refer to as the highbrow culture that is usually construed as sophisticated. Seen in the context of the research literature, this elite will perceive the material in African language publication as being irrelevant and somewhat less sophisticated. This can also be seen in the light of Habte and Wagaw’s (2003, 679) view cited earlier regarding their observation that “the educated elite were beginning to know less about and show little appreciation for African history, religion, ideas, clothes, cuisine, art, music, and lifestyles generally.” It appears that this is the reason why some key informants suggest niche content that will possibly cater to the elite as well. So far, the real market for African languages lies in rural areas but unfortunately with people who have less spending power. In many parts of South Africa, many of these publications are distributed for free and focus on issues affecting local communities. Indeed, such issues often have very little relevance to the educated elite mostly residing in urban areas. This creates a serious problem for African language publications leading to the inevitable decline of this alternative media form. Below are some of the general but significant statements that the question elicited: • I think the digital media ecologies present opportunities for the expansion and development of African languages. • My view is that online publications in African languages will be a progressive initiative, but they are more likely not to survive for long. How many of the books written in African languages are being bought? How many new social media words are in African languages? • Most African language speakers do not even have a Bible in their languages—they read an English Bible. Those interested in these languages are the older generation but they are getting older and are not interacting on digital media channels like social media. • Digital media platforms in African languages can potentially preserve these languages, saving them from extinction. However, without being pessimistic, it remains to be seen whether African language platforms will become viable. • It will be a long and winding road for African languages to permeate the online media platforms. There are so many kids out there who need such media platforms.

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The Quality of Language Used Another important aspect that the participants commented on was the type of language that is used, in terms of the quality. The results of the analysis show that the language used in radio and print media differs slightly in the sense that radio is often more colloquial while print tends to use more formal language. One of the interviewees suggested that this could be the reason why radio broadcasting in indigenous languages tends to be more prosperous compared to print media which tend to struggle to stay in business. The interviewee argues that such language is more fun and exciting for the audience. Furthermore, the results of the analysis show that the language used in radio and print media differs slightly in the sense that radio is often more colloquial while print tends to use more formal language. One of the interviewees suggested that this could be the reason why radio broadcasting in indigenous languages tends to be more prosperous compared to print media which tend to struggle to stay in business. The interviewee argues that such language is more fun and exciting for the audience. However, another interviewee expressed concern that the language used in the media is often not used properly. This dovetails with the research literature that indicates that listeners often complain about the lack of usage of proper language. For example, IOL (2019:02) noted that “listeners often complained that the station was no longer preserving and respecting Setswana as its sole mandatory broadcasting language.” All the views expressed above are fundamentally insightful and perhaps the most incisive one is the view that the older generation is ageing and leaving a younger audience that is more attuned to technology and highly socialized in English. This view is especially illuminating as it illustrates in a poignant way that digital media need to be embraced as they have become part and parcel of modern society. This is very important because it is a fact that many people often take for granted. Furthermore, one respondent, a media academic, provided a more upbeat comment regarding the potential of African language media to grow and flourish in the digital age: There is scope for growth and flourishing of African languages in the digital era. The challenge is for digital content producers to speak the ‘language’ of the audiences, especially young people. In South Africa, for example, the dominant English/Afrikaans duo is spoken by a minority (as a first) language and we

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don’t have evidence that the majority of audiences/viewers/readers prefer news/entertainment/educational information in languages other than their own African languages.

According to this key informant, there is ample evidence that African language media have a chance to flourish. Thus, while there is scepticism amongst some of the key informant interviews regarding the ability of African language media to adequately integrate into the digital media space to ensure their viability, there are those who are wholly convinced that African language media will definitely thrive: The phenomenal success of the Zulu newspaper Isolezwe is a recent case in point. In fact, buoyed by the success of Isolezwe, Independent Newspapers went ahead and launched a Xhosa one, which is also doing well.

The above respondent cites a very good example of an African language publication that has had massive success and continues to increase its readership at an alarming rate. It remains to be seen as to whether this success is a special case or not. Nonetheless, its success formula can be replicated by other African language publications. Many respondents are more upbeat in highlighting the importance of digital media platforms in advancing African languages. This can be seen in the following comments by one of the key informants: Technology/social media can be a more effective tool when it is in able and willing hands to help the course of African languages. You should have noticed how people, in general, use their languages on social media.

However, this expert feels that the mainstream media hegemony and ownership are inhibiting African languages from flourishing in those media platforms. As he puts it, “[T]he problem lies with those with the means to control the media for a different agenda.” Interestingly, the view above came from a key informant who is known to be a major proponent and scholar of African languages. When asked to elaborate on what he meant by laying the blame on those that control the media, the respondent highlighted the problem of the ideology of the media barons who use the media to advance their viewpoint at the expense of those communities that do not have the means to use the media to permeate the public sphere.

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Discussion The findings demonstrate that the media using African languages have a long way to go as far as attracting and maintaining audiences is concerned. These study participants noted that audience retention was more of a problem for print compared to audiovisual media such as radio and television. Based on our interviews, we can identify a few overarching issues. Firstly, study participants recognize the dilemma of the African language media, namely that the African language media face a different set of challenges. For example, while print faces the problem of small readership, the audiovisual on the other hand did not face that problem due to its uniqueness but instead face another problem that relates to the quality of language that is often used. It was also clear from the responses that African language media were vital since the mainstream media which predominantly uses English caters to the educated elite. This finding resonates with the research literature (see Parah; Mazrui). Secondly, this research suggests industry role-players’ views differ regarding the viability of these publications. Most of them feel that African languages have the potential to adapt to the multimedia platforms provided by technological development. Some have reservations about their sustainability as viable media platforms. Nonetheless, other respondents indicated that adapting African language media to multimedia platforms would not be easy. In fact, the question regarding the viability of African language media drew three different sets of responses. The first was that they are more likely not to thrive because of shrinking audience or readership. This can be adduced from this response from one of the interviewees: “My view is that online publications in African languages will be a progressive initiative, but they are more likely not to survive for long. How many of the books written in African languages are being bought?” This key informant was more concerned about the inclination by many Africans to prioritize foreign languages, particularly the English language, in their daily communication as can be seen in this hard-hitting question that he posed: “If the language speakers are unable to preserve it just by speaking it, what would be the likelihood of it surviving on digital media channels?” Another key informant was more cautious in his response: “It will be a long and winding road for African languages to permeate the online media.” For this respondent, the reality is far more complex. This respondent highlighted the challenge that resonated with another respondent’s that speakers of African languages are unable to preserve their

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languages because they do not use them in their daily communication. “What makes things even worse is that most speakers of African languages are not proud of their own languages—they do not want their children to even learn these languages in schools, arguing that the language will not benefit them in future—they generally prefer English.” This key informant is supported by another interview, who had this to say on this point: “Look at stations like Motsweding [Setswana Radio Stations], for example. The presenters of this station speak slang and English more than the language of the station. How will the ‘growing minds# kids’ learn their own languages in that environments?” The preceding views about African language speakers not being proud of their languages resonate with what Habte and Wagaw (2003, 679) observed, “[T]he educated elite were beginning to know less about and show little appreciation for African history, religion, ideas, clothes, cuisine, art, music, and lifestyles generally.” The third aspect was that African language media have potential and that can be adduced from the following responses: (1) “I think the digital media ecologies present opportunities for the expansion and development of African languages; there is actually scope for growth and flourishing of African languages in the digital era.” (2) “The use of African language in the media ensures that a language grows and thrives through constant use and strengthens freedom of expression in a language that people speak and understand.” These views resonate with literature that underscores the potential role that African language media could play in counteracting the hegemony of the mainstream media which promotes European languages. In a previous study on the efficacy of African language publications during colonial South Africa, this author (Motsaathebe, 2018) concluded that African language media made four major contributions, namely (1) fostering what Herman and Chomsky (1988, 3) refer to as “an alternative value system and framework for looking at the world.” Thus, they provided alternative views different from that which is promoted in the mainstream that was pandering to the interests of the colonial government. (2) They provided vital social spaces for ongoing public dialogues on the issues of critical importance to black South Africans. (3) They were important for their political mobilization and contribution to media diversity, resulting from the range of voices that those publications orchestrated. (4) They also promoted African languages as a means of media discourse thereby imbuing a sense of legitimacy, validation, and greater collective confidence for speakers of those languages.

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The fourth response elicited from the interviews was that the prospect for radio was much greater compared to that of newspapers. Here, the ability of radio stations to maintain audiences in African languages compared to most newspapers in African languages was cited as a key factor. Of course, this is a fact difficult to ignore considering that radio has played an important educational, entertainment, and information role as the most accessible mass media in Africa. This can be ascribed to the medium of radio’s portability, low cost, as well as its spoken discourse and interactive character. Radio programming also tends to resonate strongly with local audiences and remain an important platform of their culture, music, and local news. Moreover, one of the key informants decried the lack of political will to support African languages. “African languages must be supported not only in political speeches and rhetoric but there must also be action.” This view dovetails with previous research on the viability of African languages. This also resonates with previous studies that found that there have been many pronouncements by governments declaring their support for African languages. Yet very little is being done to support and promote these languages (Motsaathebe, 2011a). Overall, the preceding comments clearly demonstrate that these role-­ players recognize the need for African language media to take advantage of the current technological development presented by the digital age to promote African languages. However, the study participants were divided with regard to the viability of African language media in the digital age. Those who seem to express doubt as to whether these media would flourish cite among others shrinking audiences of these languages and the fact that many of the speakers of these languages seem to prioritize foreign languages and English in their daily communication. Juxtaposed against the research literature, this chapter confirms some of the claims highlighted in previous studies regarding the factors inhibiting the growth of African language publications. For example, leading African language media scholar Abiodun Salawu observed that “there were 19 registered African-language newspapers in South Africa in 1930, today, most of these newspapers are non-existent” (Salawu 2006, 55). Motsaathebe (2011a) ascribes this decline to a lack of support for African language publications in general. These include a lack of government support. It should therefore be elementary to say that by investing and promoting such newspapers, people will start noticing them as Horowitz (1991) correctly observes, “Users perceive the fact,” and they will buy if they feel that more effort is being expended on the product and its marketing. For Horowitz,

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readers are often able to sense the importance of a publication based on the investment that they see being made into the project. Of importance is that, by actively publishing and promoting African publications, publishers will encourage readership as the culture of reading in those languages returns. African language education at educational institutions must also be prioritized. The cumulative effect of language education is often as having a valuable impact on the usage of the language and its social capital. For instance, Arua (2019) ascribes the success of the Yoruba newspapers in Nigeria to the fact that Yorubas were educated in their mother tongue, a point that underscores the role and importance of African language education. The hegemony of the European educational system also seems to be affecting the teaching and learning of African languages at universities. As Habte and Wagaw (2003) noted, the fewer people learn about their culture the more they tend to shun it. This point is also highlighted by former president of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki, who finds that “[a]t school level fewer and fewer of our children are taking African languages as subjects. In many instances it is easy for our youth to identify with rock stars from places they have never seen” (Mbeki, 2005).

Conclusion This chapter explored the prospects and challenges of African language media in the era of digital technology. It solicited views from an information-­rich sample of language scholars and experts, media academics, and media practitioners. Firstly, all study participants recognize the importance of African language media. Secondly, study participants also recognize the dilemma of the African language media, namely that the African language media are struggling in terms of readership and the mainstream media which predominantly uses English caters to the educated elite. Thirdly, this research suggests that while industry role-players believe that it is possible for African language media to be viable, they invariably differ on the degree of confidence regarding the potential of African language media in this digital era. Most of them feel that African languages have the potential to adapt to the multimedia platforms provided by technological development. Some, however, feel that adapting African language media to multimedia platforms would not be easy because the preferred language of the digital media is mainly English. Others are of the view that the prospect for radio is much greater compared to that of other media forms. This view can be seen in the light of

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the fact that African languages are more successively used in radio and television where they continue to attract commendable audiences. Nonetheless, all respondents including those who are somewhat sceptical regarding the current state of African language media believe they can still be salvaged with concerted efforts that would include innovation and introduction of “niche content.” The role of African language education was also highlighted as an important factor in ensuring that people continue to appreciate and read in their mother tongue, a factor that will translate into more consumers of content produced in African languages. Fundamentally, for the respondents in this study, opportunities include what some describe as “niche content to drive the readership” and political will in the form of government support, as well as resolute African language education. Challenges include the predominance of English as the language of digital media, shrinking audience, and obliteration of the culture of African language speakers by those whose language is privileged, that is, the hegemony of the dominant language. Furthermore, the view that the older generation is ageing and leaving the younger generation that is more attuned to technology and highly socialized in English was especially illuminating as it illustrates in a poignant way the fact that digital media have become part and parcel of modern society and therefore it needs to be embraced. Finally, the findings regarding media platforms have implications not only for African media publications but for newspapers in general, even those that use other languages, as newspapers have to adapt more than ever before to the digital media milieu characterized by platform technologies that have become part and parcel of modern society.

References Chakaveh, S., & Bogen, M. (2007). Media Convergence, an Introduction. In J. A. Jacko (Ed.), Human-Computer Interaction. HCI Intelligent Multimodal Interaction Environments. ANC. (2010). Discussion paper on media transformation, ownership and diversity tabled at the ANC National General Council (NGC) 20-24 September 2010. Available from: www.anc.org.za/docs/discus/2010/mediad.pdf Arua, Arua (2019 perscom) during deliberation at an international conference on “English and the dynamics of global access” hosted by the Department of English at the University of Botswana, Gaborone, 19-21 June 2019. Habte, A., & Wagaw, T. (2003). Education and social change. In A. Mazrui & C. Wondji (Eds.), General History of Africa South Africa (pp. 678–701). New Africa Books.

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Horowitz, I. L. (1991). Communicating Ideas: The Politics of Scholarly Publishing. Transaction Publishers. Killebrew, K. (2003). Culture, Creativity and Convergence: Managing Journalists in a Changing Information Workplace. International Journal on Media Management, 5(1), 39–46. https://doi.org/10.1080/14241270309390017 Mbeki, T. (2005). SABC 3 seven o’clock news [Television news]. SABC. Motsaathebe, G. (2011a). Book Publishing in African Languages in South Africa, Indilinga. African Journal of African Knowledge Systems, 10(1), 115–127. Motsaathebe, G. (2011b). Journalism Education and Practice in South Africa and the discourse of the African Renaissance. Communicatio: Journal of Communication Theory & Research, 37(3), 381–397. Motsaathebe, G. (2018). When the Subaltern Speaks: Re-examining African Language Media as Alternative Public Sphere During Colonial South Africa. Journal of African Media Studies, 10(2), 169–182. Motsaathebe, G. (2010). Language, Afrikology and the Tremor of the Political Moment: English as a Main Language of Discourse in Africa. Indilinga: African Journal of African Knowledge Systems, 9(1), 96–109. IOL. (2019) Motsweding FM listeners demand presenters to stay. African News Agency, published Mar 28, 2019. Available at: https://www.iol.co.za/news/ south-­africa/north-­west/motsweding-­fm-­listeners-­demand-­presenters-­to­stay-­20144423 Oso, L. (2006). A political economy of African language press in Nigeria. In A. Salawu (Ed.), African Language Media in Africa (pp. 175–195). CBAAC. Oyesemi, K., Onyenankeya, K., & Onyenankeya, O. (2020). Reimagining the future if indigenous language press in the Digital Era. In A.  Salawu (Ed.), African Language Media: Development, Economics and Management (pp. 137–155). CBAAC. Picard, R. (2011). Business Models, Workflows, and Value Chains in Media Firms in the economics and financing of media companies: Second Edition (pp.  25–58). Fordham University. Available from: http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt13 x0d0c.5 Prah, K.  K. (1999). African Renaissance or Warlordism? In W.  Makgoba (Ed.), African Renaissance (pp. 37–61). Mafube Publishing. Prosus. (2021). We build leading companies that empower people and enrich communities. Available from: https://www.prosus.com/ Salawu, A. (2009). The Growth and Development of African Media Studies: Perspectives from Nigeria. Journal of African Media Studies, 1(1), 81–90. Salawu, A. (2020). African language newspaper sustainability: Lessons to learn from Asia. In A.  Salawu (Ed.), African Language Media: Development, Economics and Management (pp. 137–155). CBAAC.

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Tomaselli, K., & Tomaselli, D. (2021). New Media: Ancient Signs of Literacy, Modern Signs of Tracking. New Techno Humanities, 1, 2021. https://doi. org/10.1016/j.techum.2021.100002. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2664329421000029. Tongco, M. D. C. (2007). Purposive Sampling as a Tool for Informant Selection. Ethnobotany Research & Applications, 5, 147–158. Wilding, D., Fray, P., Molitorisz, S., & McKewon, E. (2018). The Impact of Digital Platforms on News and Journalistic Content. University of Technology Sydney, NSW.

CHAPTER 14

Diasporic Media and the Appropriation of Technologies: The Case of Nehanda Radio and Zimbabwean Politics Trust Matsilele, Shepherd Mpofu, and Dumisani Moyo

Introduction In this chapter we argue that social media extends the public sphere and acts as an enabler for online and offline political mobilisation. This is especially true in a context like Zimbabwe, a country that operates as a complex mix of authoritarian and civilian dictatorship. Social media is allowing previously ‘muted’ voices to enter the public sphere to challenge dictatorships’ hegemony and hold on power (Matsilele & Ruhanya, 2021). The metaphor of a voice is used in this instance to refer to online activity such as memes, videos and other posts. It is within this context that we explore

T. Matsilele (*) Cape Peninsula University of Technology, Cape Town, South Africa S. Mpofu Communication Studies, University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa D. Moyo Faculty of Humanities, North-West University, Potchefstroom, South Africa © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 T. Matsilele et al. (eds.), New Journalism Ecologies in East and Southern Africa, Palgrave Studies in Journalism and the Global South, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-23625-9_14

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the confluence between social media and online media platforms in profiling activists fighting for democracy in Zimbabwe. The study looks at articles published by Nehanda Radio as a benchmark in exploring the relationship between social media posts and news content. Lahneman (2005, p. 1) defines a diaspora as “[a] group that recognises its separateness based on common ethnicity or nationality, lives in a host country, and maintains some kind of attachment to its home country or homeland”. In Zimbabwe the term diasporic media has been used to refer to media that was established by journalists who left Zimbabwe due to media repression and closure of newspapers viewed to have been anti-­ ZANU–PF and anti-Mugabe (Mukundu & Ngwenya, 2011, p.  75). Writing in 2008, Pasura (2009, p. 1) argued that “in a country of thirteen million people, estimates suggest that between three to four million Zimbabweans live in the diaspora”. For this study, we consider Nehanda Radio to be part of the diasporic media as it was founded and operates from the United Kingdom. Nehanda Radio prides itself as a Zimbabwean radio station that provides 24-hour running news on their website and during broadcasts. It also claims to provide breaking news as it happens via its popular e-mail alert system which listeners and readers can subscribe to. Of interest is the news media organisation’s characterisation of the country: “Zimbabwe is amid a great tragedy and we believe we have a role to play in informing everyone involved in trying to change things”. This chapter, in studying how the news media uses social media, will also explore how the organisation is informing “everyone involved in trying to change things”. To do this, we use agenda setting and subalternity as our theoretical lenses to understand the role and effectiveness of social media political activism.

Context Zimbabwe attained independence from British settler rule in 1980, following a protracted civil war  and colonisation that lasted nine decades. The country’s independence brought optimism, as Robert Mugabe extended a hand of reconciliation to former white settlers. However, this political honeymoon did not last forever, as three decades later, Mugabe reversed his reconciliatory stance and took aim at everyone he branded as anti-revolutionary. Among those targeted were the country’s independent media, white commercial farmers, civil society and the urban black population who were increasingly voting in favour of the opposition. To ensure

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his continued hold on power, Mugabe employed various censorship tactics on state media journalists including ‘negative’ promotion, firing of those who failed to toe the line, and closing down private newspapers and arresting their journalists who were perceived to be a threat to his rule. This dark period, which intensified at the turn of the millennium, led to the country’s economic malaise as Harare became a pariah following a raft of sanctions by a number of western countries. This forced almost a third of the country’s citizens into the diaspora to find second homes in Western Europe, North America, Australia and neighbouring Southern African countries (Matsilele, 2013). The country that used to be the breadbasket of Africa became a shadow of its past self, with some political scientists describing it as a ‘basket case’. Since Mugabe’s political demise in a sanitised military coup, many Zimbabweans across the political divide have exerted efforts to ensure the country sees a political and economic turnaround. This has not succeeded, as most of Mugabe’s structures and systems in the governance architecture remain in place. It is in this environment that we discuss social media’s relationship to news production, factoring in the reality that most senior journalists are now domiciled outside the country and those who remain are censored through various forms, including the statutory Zimbabwe Media Commission, which is responsible for registration and licensing of media houses, as well as accreditation of journalists. In this study, we look at how social media has become the primary source for online news platforms that cannot afford to hire journalists. This study explores how Zimbabwean diaspora-based online platforms are using social media to cover political events back home. We use Nehanda Radio, an online radio and television platform that largely relies on free content on social media and the internet, as a case study. We consider the use of social media to counter hegemonic narratives as part of an ‘alternative’ public sphere. The activists, on the other hand, are the ‘subalterns’, as they consider themselves to be on the margins of state decision-making and are on the receiving end of state violence when they protest—for instance, through beatings, arrests, torture and abductions. We selected for analysis articles that appeared between May and August of 2016 when protests in Zimbabwe were widespread. Some of the milestone events that took place during these four months were the #ZimShutDown campaign, ban on imports, and arrest of Pastor Evan Mawarire of #ThisFlag campaign that recast global lenses on the Southern African nation and its threats to regulate social media use. This periodisation helps in identifying

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and aggregating stories that appeared on the Nehanda online platform, having been sourced through or from social media. It is also a period that saw enhanced government threats to social media users through the Cyber-crime bill. The government has since established the Ministry of Cyber Security, Threat Detection and Mitigation, in a move that received widespread backlash and was the subject of memes and mockery from Zimbabweans on various social network platforms.

Media in Zimbabwe At independence in 1980, the new Zimbabwean government replaced the repressive colonial media landscape with a new infrastructure designed to create a media system that supported the ruling ZANU–PF party in its development agenda. This type of journalism by the Mugabe regime would promote what veteran journalist Willy Musarurwa characterised as “minister and sunshine journalism” (Mano, 2008). Under this dispensation, journalists, especially from the state media, covered ‘petty’ government ministers’ events such as cutting of ribbons when launching boreholes, and opening new roads or buildings. To this day this kind of journalism persists through state-controlled media such as Zimpapers and the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Cooperation. Such coverage was aimed at romanticising the role played by the new government. Two decades later, Zimbabwe started seeing decay of the economy, worsening of human rights violations and emergence of radical independent media such as The Daily News, The Standard and the Independent. The independent media, starting in the late 1990s and beginning of the twenty-first century, questioned the state’s behaviour and the government responded with censorship, abductions of journalists, bombing of media houses, and repressive media laws such as the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) and Public Order and Security Act (Matsilele, 2013; Moyo, 2010). Because of these draconian laws, Zimbabweans saw the shrinking of alternative media and an exodus of independent media journalists to ‘friendly’ countries. AIPPA banned foreign news organisations from reporting in Zimbabwe and resulted in the closure of many media houses (Mirror, Daily News, Radio VOP, Capitol Radio). To continue practice some senior journalists left the country for Western Europe and North America, where they established news outlets and continued to cover events happening back home (Matsilele, 2013). Some of the outlets that emerged as a result of

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this newly exiled community include Radio VOP based in South Africa, Studio 7 based in the United States, and a number based in the United Kingdom: SW Radio Africa, Nehanda Radio, NewZimbabwe.com and Zimbabwe Journalists.com, among many others. This is the same AIPPA that drove many journalists who remained in the country into the streets to moonlight for international media organisations, in most cases using pseudonyms and anonymous sources. Several journalists were arbitrarily arrested and imprisoned as an act of intimidation. Those who remained formally employed adopted self-censorship, fearing loss of livelihood, and citizens became the collateral as they were fed with state propaganda. The worsening political and economic crisis saw ZANU–PF losing control of Parliament in 2008 and President Mugabe losing the first round of elections, which forced the liberation party to enter into a coalition arrangement with other political formations. The period of unity government saw the government reversing some of the repressive media laws and a few journalists returned. As soon as the unity government folded, President Mugabe retained his autocracy, and this time he would face a new wave of resistance through social media activism. Social media has also meant that previous consumers can now actively participate in news production (Kozinets, 2007; Allen, 2013), to an extent, and this has led to a wave of activism of which Tajamuka/Sesijikile and #This Flag campaigns are a part. While private media are still operational, albeit at a minimal level, social media platforms have managed to bridge the gap both in providing news through newsfeeds and offering a stage for activism, news ideas and news of activities and events unfolding in the country which journalists cannot afford to attend due to the economic strains newsrooms are facing. Moyo (2007) argues that private media in countries where the opposition is dysfunctional plays an oppositional role, and the same could be said of social media where traditional private media is mute or playing a somewhat compromised role of keeping the government in check notwithstanding its own limitations.

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Contextualising Social Media Activism in Contemporary Zimbabwe Technological advancement opened new avenues for resisting Mugabe’s misrule. Though Africa’s internet connectivity is still the lowest in the world, mobile technology seems to be growing at a faster rate, particularly among the youth. Zimbabwe, a case study for this investigation, is currently at 55 per cent internet penetration (Internet World Stats, 2022), which is much lower compared to countries like Morocco, the highest in Africa, at 84 per cent penetration as of January 2022 (Statista, 2022). Zimbabweans are now using social media through these technologies to become politically vocal. The year 2016 saw a surge in the use of social media as a necessary tool in fighting for democracy and resisting the ruling ZANU–PF’s regressive policies. At the helm of Zimbabwe’s attempts to effect ‘regime change’ have been the country’s youth movements called Tajamuka/Sesijikile, the #ThisFlag movement led by Pastor Evan Mawarire, the National Vendors Association led by Sten Zvorwadza and the Zimbabwe Informal Sector Organisation led by Promise Mkhwananzi. Traditional mainstream media has played the agenda-setting role in national discourse from the fifteenth century. However, this role has gone through a major reconfiguration in the past two decades with the advent and acceleration of social media outlets (Mpofu & Matsilele, 2020). Consumers are no longer passive as they also produce content and determine what makes it to the main headlines for the day through Facebook and Twitter trends. In a way, journalists are no longer setting the agenda but rather mirroring the agenda set through social media by the public. The public, up to now, have largely been viewed as consumers of news and information filtered by the powerful media and other ‘thought leaders’. The media was used as a public sphere where the masses shared and exchanged views regarding events taking place in their respective countries. Studies have proven that most often the views reflected in the traditional media mirror positions of the media itself, advertisers or powerful special interest groups. The advent of social media through social networking sites such as Facebook, YouTube and Instagram has changed the “monopoly of the unidirectional communication” of traditional mass media to participatory communication by citizens who can now report, create, decide and form opinions in the public sphere (Wyrwoll, 2014; Allen, 2013). Social media has managed to break down multiple gatekeepers who enjoyed unrivalled

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power of censoring what ended up in the pages of national dailies or prime time television news. However, the question remains as to who is actually using social media platforms, especially in semi-urban economies like Zimbabwe.

Social Media and Citizen Journalism Zimbabwe had an estimated 850,000 Facebook users in 2016, which was a drop from 1.4 million in 2013 due to the country’s internet access challenges, according to Internet World Stats 2016. This number, at the time of writing this chapter, was back at 1.3 million Facebook users in 2022 (Internet World Stats, 2022). Facebook is regarded as user friendly, and easy to open and administer, and does not use much data compared to other platforms such as YouTube and Myspace. It is against this background that we focus on the use of Facebook by Tajamuka/ Sesijikile and #ThisFlag in their political activism. The use of Facebook as a public political platform in Zimbabwe caught the world’s attention in the runup to the 2013 elections when a Facebook character known as Baba Jukwa posted detailed revelations about assassination plots and government corruption under Mugabe. The mystery on Baba Jukwa, a social media mole who burst onto the social media and political scene around the 2013 elections, remains unresolved. This character exposed secrets and plots of the ruling ZANU–PF party, which left the liberation party and its leaders looking for mechanisms to police the social media sphere (Matsilele, 2013). As if Baba Jukwa alone wasn’t enough trouble, several other Zimbabweans took to social media to register their anger against President Mugabe’s rule and also mobilise for action. This threat saw the government in August 2016 introducing a cyber-law bill. This bill was meant to empower law enforcement agencies with the power to prosecute any person caught in possession of, generating, sharing or passing on abusive, threatening, subversive or offensive telecommunication messages, including WhatsApp or any other social media messages that might be deemed to cause despondency, incite violence, threaten citizens or cause unrest (Matsilele, 2019). Despite these efforts to suppress freedom of expression, citizens were not deterred, as demonstrated by the Tajamuka/Sesijikile and #ThisFlag political campaigns. Lack of access to technology hampers some people’s participation in social media activism but suffice it to say that there is a possibility of a wide

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reach of messages spread on social media even to those who are not active on social media. This is possible especially considering that some news and information is spread through word of mouth in such places as commuter buses, taxi ranks, schools and markets. Government relaxation of taxes on cheap Chinese and South African-made gadgets such as cellphones and laptops has made technological devices and software accessible. Cellular network companies have also been innovative in trying to maximise sales of airtime and data in an economically restrictive environment through offering citizens data packages where they may use more data for the lowest possible payment per day. For instance, there are daily bundles that afford one access to Facebook for a day in some cases. Again, the economic challenges mean that even a dollar is difficult to obtain for some people, and if they have that kind of money they must prioritise their informational needs over their nutritional needs. Social media has given rise to citizen journalism, a system of journalism whereby citizens package and broadcast news without having to abide by a set of journalism ethics, principles or editorial constraints. Citizen journalism, as argued by Kelly et al. (2010), is loosely defined by “a number of attributes which make it distinct from professional journalism, including unpaid work, absence of professional training, and often unedited publication of content, and may feature plain language, distinct story selection”. Couldry (2003) defines it as new ways of consuming media, new infrastructures of production and distribution, while Rosen (2008) defines it as when the people formerly known as the audience employ the press tools they now have in their possession to inform one another. A journalist operating online becomes both reporter and publisher. The widespread availability of smartphones means every owner of such a device is a potential walking newsroom or television. It is believed that citizen journalism offers alternative views using multi-media technologies such as video, images and the written word. Social media gives people the ability to express themselves in a way they could not in mainstream media. Some postings from citizen journalists have made it to international news media. Citizen journalism assumes the notion of ‘citizenship’ and ‘journalism’ and presupposes that citizens play a journalistic role in their content generation and broadcasting or publication. This assumption has received equal critique and one of the leading scholars who has attempted to look at this is Stuart Allen (2013). Allen brings out interesting debates over whether owning a gadget with photographic capabilities and being able to share pictures and information can be regarded as journalism. These

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researchers are also aware of many other debates on what citizen journalism entails (Banda, 2009, 2010). We, however, proceed with the simple definition of citizen journalism as defined by Kelly et al. (2010) outlined above. It is not necessarily the role of this chapter to look at citizen journalism, but rather to focus on the relationship between social media and news production. The ‘citizen’ in citizen journalism (Muneri, 2016) suggests some form of responsibility on the part of citizens by participating in information gathering and sharing activities. This could be done for the purposes of pride in one’s country and therefore documenting its positive aspects for the rest of the global village to see, or it could be informed by the desire to expose and weed out corruption and other negative aspects from society.

Theoretical Framing We use agenda setting and subalternity theoretical frameworks as tools of analysis to help understand how and the extent to which online platforms use social media for content generation and political mobilisation. The two theories (agenda setting and subalternity) will be employed to look at how people at the margins (also called the subalterns) fight to contest narratives advanced by hegemonic forces by advancing counter-narratives (setting an agenda). Subalternity refers to the subordination of a state, society or group of people in service to a ruling master (Ling et al., 2009, p. 34). These scholars also note that the master can take various forms, for example a military commander, a colonial metropole, a dominant market, a ruling ideology, an imperial infrastructure or a global hegemony. In Zimbabwe’s case, the master would refer to the ruling party and/or the ideology of the ruling party. Agenda setting argues for a strong correlation between media content and activity by mass audiences. It is used to influence the public agenda (McCombs, 1994). McCombs et al. (2011) note that the role of journalists is to create a market for the ideas advanced by members of the field, and to do this they lead society to worry and concern itself about things the media chooses to give prominence. McCombs and Shaw (1972), supporting the above point, just like other researchers on agenda-setting theory, insist that the media are very persuasive in their unique way—in bombarding the masses with preferred messages. They argue that media is perceived as powerful but not as predicted by the hypodermic needle model, in shaping and manipulating people’s attitudes towards political,

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economic and social matters. This can best be seen in how ZANU–PF through public media has attempted to manipulate public perceptions over the past two decades. ZANU–PF, especially during the election cycle, bombards the masses with anti-opposition propaganda and information on its contribution to the liberation struggle. The argument by McCombs and Shaw is challenged by Weaver (2007), who argues that the ‘first level’ of agenda setting is focused on the relative salience of issues or subjects regarded by journalists as important. Agenda setting in the context of this research therefore refers to the importance of issues highlighted and then transferred into the public domain by the mass media. It is important to note that what we seek to do here is to demonstrate that, in changing the ways we have known traditional journalism, new media has made it possible, through #ThisFlag and Tajamuka, for citizen journalists to set the agenda for mainstream media and the public.

Methodology The authors employed virtual ethnography and a qualitative content analysis of Nehanda Radio articles and videos as data collection and analysis methods. Nehanda Radio was considered the most suitable media outlet because of its focus on news about Zimbabwe and its active presence on social media. In determining which cases to employ, we carried out a random selection of articles through a Google search of links using the taglines Nehanda Radio, #ThisFlag and Tajamuka/Sesijikile. The top three articles were picked for our sampling process. The period chosen was significant because it covers the period when Tajamuka/Sesijikile and the #ThisFlag campaign started up until Pastor Evan Mawarire fled into exile for fear of his life and that of his family. The social media campaigns resulted in several street protests by Zimbabweans calling for an economic and political revolution. In-depth interviews were carried out with Promise Mkwananzi, spokesperson for the Tajamuka movement, and Pastor Evan Mawarire of the #ThisFlag movement. They were selected based on their active involvement in both offline and online activisms in Zimbabwe. Evan Mawarire and Promise Mkwananzi have both been arrested by state operatives for ‘attempting to topple the legitimate government’ and ‘causing’ damage to public property. It is their role in social media platforms and offline that makes these two individuals the most suitable candidates for this study. This study observed the ethical requirements for a scholarly publication.

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Nehanda Radio is an online radio station operating from the United Kingdom. It is run by Lance Guma, a Zimbabwean journalist known for his claim to be fighting for a democratic Zimbabwe. Nehanda Radio started operations in 2012 after Guma left SW Radio Africa. The radio station relies on interviews that are conducted from the organisation’s studios in the United Kingdom and the rare occasion when journalists conduct telephonic interviews. Nehanda Radio also relies on free content online and generates its content from social media conversations (on Twitter and Facebook). Nehanda Radio has been chosen due to its influence on opposition politics in Zimbabwe and its model of activist journalism. Nehanda Radio’s website states that it has 296,749 Facebook fans, and its Facebook page is followed by 62,000 people. This study looks at how Nehanda coverage is influenced by social media activities such as videos and posts by ordinary citizens.

Findings and Analysis In this chapter we look at three aspects as a window into understanding how Nehanda Radio employed social media posts for its news gathering and reporting purposes. The three aspects we look at are the #ZimShutDown campaign that called on people to not report for work on 7 July 2016 as a form of protest, a call to protest the introduction of surrogate currency also known as bond notes, and profiling of activities by activists. The introduction of bond notes faced resistance as citizens felt this was a move to re-introduce a local currency that would spur inflation. The ban on imports was viewed as a direct attack on the economic base that most Zimbabweans rely on as the formal economy has virtually collapsed. This resistance saw Zimbabweans burning a warehouse at the Beitbridge border post that housed goods impounded by customs officials. #ZimShutDown As mentioned, this campaign was an amalgamation of activities meant to shut down business in the country, initially for a day, and then later embark on rolling protests and collapsing the government. This campaign was led by Evan Mawarire of #ThisFlag together with the Tajamuka youth movement led by Promise Mkhwananzi. Mawarire would call on citizens to stay at home and not turn up for work; this would become a point for mobilisation. On the other hand, Tajamuka would scare those few who turned

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up at the bus terminus and stop them from reporting for work. This youth movement would also coordinate with transport operators by paying them not to operate on that specific day. This operation was evidently funded by some underground forces who feared detection as any links to such acts would land them in collisions with the state apparatus. On 5 July 2016, Mawarire recorded a video, the recording of which is as follows: Tomorrow 6th July 2016 Wednesday Shut Down Zimbabwe is going on hatisi kumira [we are not backing down]. Mangwana tirikuvhara Zimbabwe [tomorrow we are shutting down Zimbabwe]. Munhu wese tiri kuvhara nyika, no one is going to work, vana havasi kuenda kuchikoro [children are not going to school]. … Let’s do this together for once and send a clear message to this government that we are the citizens and we have a voice. Let’s move away from our political stand points and be Zimbabweans, mangwana unosapota Zimbabwe [tomorrow we are all supporting Zimbabweans]. Let’s tell the government not to give us their bond notes, lift the import ban. Our ministers varikuba mari [they are stealing our money].

This video went viral and media houses such as Nehanda Radio used it as part of their content. On its main page Nehanda Radio shared Mawarire’s video encouraging Zimbabweans not to report for work. The organisation’s headline was more catchy: ‘Don’t be intimidated, Shut Down Zimbabwe is in full force tomorrow—#ThisFlag’. This post featured on 5 July, a day before the scheduled shutdown. If anything, Nehanda Radio demonstrated its reliance on social media posts, as it never bothers to conduct a separate interview but rather posted the same video Mawarire recorded with just an inhouse headline. The news organisation, which also doubles as a platform for incitement, would carry live updates on the status of the shutdown from 6 to 10 July. Bond Notes Another contentious issue that gripped the country in the same quarter was the issue of bond notes, a surrogate currency introduced by the government to address cash challenges. Leading up to the introduction of these bond notes, activists from Tajamuka, This Flag and Bus Stop ran a campaign against them. While Tajamuka and This Flag are known for their open confrontations, Bus Stop questions the political order of the day

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using jokes and satire. In May 2016, Bus Stop TV broadcast its bond notes satire ‘equating’ the surrogate currency to the greenback. The online pre-packaged broadcasts questioned the ‘real’ value, worthiness and reliability of the bond notes. These suspicions were raised against the backdrop of the 2008 crisis were millions of the country’s citizens lost their hard-earned money as the government banned the use of the local currency without any rational compensation. The popular comic pastor who conducts the satires on this video ‘educates’ two women about the value of the bond notes. His style is interesting as he assumes the government position while retaining his comical character. In so doing, the pastor leaves the audience suspicious of the bond notes, reducing the whole exercise of the surrogate currency to another national bad joke. In one of the videos reposted by Nehanda Radio, a Tajamuka activist on 28 May films a group of men discussing bond notes saying, Zvatave kuitirwa zvema bond notes umbavha, vanoda kutiita zvavakambotiita gore riye. Kana iye achiida ngaaende nayo kwaZvimba. [What he is now planning to do is like what he did in 2008 when he took our money. If he wants these bond notes he should have them himself and use them at his homestead in Zvimba].

Zvimba is President Robert Mugabe’s homestead. By calling on him to use these bond notes there, Zimbabweans were demonstrating their hesitancy towards and dislike of bond notes. It is such videos that Nehanda Radio would use on its website, sometimes accompanied by a short headline. This video was accompanied by a protest headline: Zvema Bond Notes umbavha—#Tajamuka. Of course, such a headline, though it captures verbatim the mentioned video, also helps in fuelling both protest and suspicion over the bond notes. It would seem this is also part of this news media’s role, fuelling discontent that can potentially lead to an uprising. Following these protests, conducted online and offline, the governor of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe was forced to meet activists in a bid to allay fears that the introduction of bond notes was the first step towards re-introduction of the Zimbabwean dollar.

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Profiling Activists Finally, we discuss how Nehanda Radio seem to have deliberately profiled activities by pressure group activists who were challenging President Mugabe’s regime. In this instance, we look at the discourse the news media used to ‘fuel’ anger and cause outrage among citizens. We argue that Nehanda Radio’s actions were not limited to the newsworthiness of the events, but went beyond that. On 3 August 2016 Nehanda Radio (2016) published an unsubstantiated claim under the headline: Mugabe orders arrest of #Tajamuka leader. While one cannot underestimate what Mugabe’s government is capable of doing, this particular article relied on claims by Tajamuka’s spokesperson. The article claims Mugabe issued a communique for his arrest. Although he went on to be arrested over protests that he organised during the same period, there is no evidence that such a communique was ever issued. The claims could have been published as a deterrent after Mawarire fled the country in fear of abduction. In this instance, Nehanda Radio worked as a propaganda tool that assisted in perpetuating unsubstantiated claims against the government. Nehanda Radio would also profile activists through its online radio and TV platform. An example is the interview the radio conducted with one of the leaders, Sten Zvorwadza, on 17 August 2016. This interview saw Tajamuka activists giving flowers to the country’s police. This is an oxymoron as police are known for brute force and by extending these flowers to the police force, Tajamuka turned the whole logic of protest upside down as it disempowered police from using brute force. In the interview Zvorwadza threatened to ‘deal’ with ‘rogue’ elements within the police who at the slightest provocation resorted to violence. Such an interview could only be found on a protest radio station, as within the country’s laws profiling activities and language of that nature could be regarded as promoting violence and public disorder. The video was initially posted on Facebook by one of the people who filmed the protest used a mobile device, and Nehanda used the video with permission from the owner.

Conclusion Social media has not only become the main platform for pulling traffic of emerging online news platforms in Zimbabwe such as Nehanda Radio and TheZimbabweNewsLive and ZimEye, it has also become the source of their content. These online platforms operating on shoestring budgets

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cannot afford to employ journalists, which leads them to resort to free content from Facebook, YouTube and Twitter. In most cases these platforms cover political developments back home as they are based in the diaspora. Such platforms have become spaces of protest as news reportage remains stifled within the country through state or self-­censorship  (Makwambeni & Adebayo, 2021).

References Allen, S. (2013). Citizen witnessing: Revisioning journalism in times of crisis. John Wiley & Sons. Couldry, N. (2003). Beyond the Hall of Mirrors? Some Theoretical Reflections on the Global Contestation of Media Power. In N. Couldry & J. Curran (Eds.), Contesting Media Power: Alternative Media in a Networked World (pp. 39–54). Rowman & Littlefield. Lahneman, W. J. (2005). Impact of Diaspora Communities on National and Global Politics. Report on Survey of Literature. University of Maryland. Ling, Lily HM, Ching-Chane Hwang, & Chen, B. (2009). Subaltern Straits: ‘Exit’, ‘Voice’, and ‘Loyalty’ in the United States–China–Taiwan Relations. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific: lcp013. Kozinets, R.  V. (2007). 10 Netnography 2.0. Handbook of qualitative research methods in marketing, 129. Makwambeni, B., & Adebayo, J.  O. (2021). ‘Humour and the Politics of Resistance’: Audience Readings of Popular Amateur Videos in Zimbabwe. In The politics of laughter in the social media age (pp.  155-173). Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. Mano, W. (2008). The Media and Politics in Zimbabwe: Turning Left While Indicating Right. The International Journal of Press/Politics, 13(4), 507–514. Matsilele, T. (2013). The Political Role of the Diaspora Media in the Mediation of the Zimbabwean Crisis: A Case Study of the Zimbabwean-2008 to 2010. PhD diss., Stellenbosch: Stellenbosch University. Matsilele, T. (2019). Social media dissidence in Zimbabwe. University of Johannesburg (South Africa). Matsilele, T., & Ruhanya, P. (2021). Social Media Dissidence and Activist Resistance in Zimbabwe. Media, Culture & Society, 43(2), 381–394. McCombs, M. (1994). News Influence on Our Pictures of the World. In J. Bryant & D. Zillman (Eds.), Media Effects. Advances in Theory and Research (pp. 1–16). Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Publishers. McCombs, M., Holbert, L., Kiousis, S., & Wanta, W. (2011). The news and public opinion: Media effects on civic life. Polity.

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McCombs, M. E., & Shaw, D. L. (1972). The agenda-setting function of mass media. Public opinion quarterly, 36(2), 176-187. Moyo, D. (2007). Alternative Media, Diasporas and the Mediation of the Zimbabwe Crisis. Ecquid Novi, 28(1–2), 81–105. Moyo, D. (2010). The new media as monitors of democracy: Mobile phones and Zimbabwe’s 2008 election. Communicare: Journal for Communication Sciences in Southern Africa, 29(sed-1), 71–85. Mpofu, S., & Matsilele, T. (2020). Social Media and the Concept of Dissidence in Zimbabwean Politics. In The History and Political Transition of Zimbabwe (pp. 221–243). Palgrave Macmillan. Mukundu, R., & Ngwenya, N. (2011). The tragedy of media reforms since the GPA. Zimbabwe at crossroads, Openspace, 1, 73–79. Muneri, C. T. (2016). Beyond blind optimism: The case of citizen journalism in the struggle for democracy in Zimbabwe. In Participatory Politics and Citizen Journalism in a Networked Africa (pp. 171-184). Palgrave Macmillan, London. Nehanda Radio. (2016). Mugabe Orders Arrest of #Tajamuka Leader. Retrieved August 3, 2016, from http://nehandaradio.com/2016/08/03/mugabe-­ orders-­arrest-­tajamuka-­leader/ Pasura, D. (2009). Zimbabwean Migrants in Britain: An Overview. Network for Migration Education. Rosen, J. (2008). A Most Useful Definition of Citizen Journalism. [Online] Retrieved April 17, 2014, from http://archive.pressthink.org/2008/07/14/ a_most_useful_d.html Statista. (2022). Share of Internet Users in Africa as of January 2022, by Country. Retrieved July 24, 2022, from https://www.statista.com/statistics/1124283/ internet-­penetration-­in-­africa-­by-­country/ Wyrwoll, C. (2014). Social Media. Fundamentals, Models and Ranking of User-­ Generated Content. Doctoral Thesis, Universität Hamburg, Germany.

CHAPTER 15

Reporting on Everyday Life: Practices and Experiences of Citizen Journalism in Mozambique Dércio Tsandzana

Introduction Since the emergence of the Internet,1 the world faces a fundamental shift in how technologies support content creation and distribution of information. Traditional mass media’s monopoly over news production tools is no longer a tenable assumption in the new world of abundant technologies (Shirky, 2008). In fact, citizens can now leverage their social media networks for creating knowledge, which is transforming how information is created, interpreted and diffused in the Internet age, even if this is not a general reality, due to unequal access to connectivity—digital divide in western countries (Norris, 2001) or in Africa (Arakpoguna et al., 2020).

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 By personal choice and standardization, the initial of Internet will be in capital letter.

D. Tsandzana (*) Eduardo Mondlane University, Maputo, Mozambique © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 T. Matsilele et al. (eds.), New Journalism Ecologies in East and Southern Africa, Palgrave Studies in Journalism and the Global South, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-23625-9_15

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Gillmor (2004) notes that the digital optimist creates collaboration, new communities and conversation among citizens through digital tools like blogs—whereby ordinary people outside traditional news institutions and professions create, collect, comment on and disseminate news and journalism. In the politics arena and largely applied to western countries, we note the increase of abstention, lack of trust in formal political institutions (political parties and parliaments) and declining of civic participation in conventional forms of political participation (Akram et  al., 2014; Putman, 2000). To change this reality, the expansion of civic participation in online political forums such as blogs and social media networks suggests alternative forms of political activity. In contrast to traditional forms of political involvement, such as participation in local community affairs, affiliation with local and national organizations, volunteering and voting, ‘these newer forms of civic engagement point to an electorate that is seeking more innovative and novel ways for fulfilling civic obligations. Thus, information communication technologies are positioned as vehicles through which civic activity can be reinvented’ (Papacharissi, 2009, 29). However, it is important to question how this reality is possible in countries that do not have the same North-­ South social and political characteristics, such as Mozambique where the Internet access is still a challenge if compared to western countries. Media are becoming democratized, and this is not in the sense of voting, but non-conventional participation (Kaim, 2021). With the emergence of Internet social networks, it has been noted that the practice of journalism carried out by traditional media, such as television and newspapers, has opened space for the emergence of new practices of creating and disseminating information such as citizen journalism (Campbell, 2015). This act is done by citizens who, even without professional training in journalism, play an important role in producing reports on various topics (Miller, 2019). This chapter examines the emergence of citizen journalism practice in Mozambique called Olho do Cidadão (OC), its challenges and opportunities. It is a collective of urban youth who use Internet social networks to produce and spread information on everyday life—political and social issues.2 Specially, this analysis addresses the following questions: (i) what are the main issues reported by the citizens journalists in Mozambique?, 2  Facebook Olho do Cidadão—https://www.facebook.com/Cidadania.Mz/, accessed on 2 July 2022. The page has more than 6500 followers.

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(ii) which are the challenges for the practice of citizen journalism in Mozambique? and (ii) how to cohabite with the practice of citizen journalism regarding to professional ethics? To answer these questions, the chapter is divided into four parts: first, after the methodology, we discuss the concepts of media citizen journalism; second, we present the general media landscape in Mozambique; third, we analyse the case study based on a civic movement (Olho do Cidadão) and finally, fourth, we propose a conclusion on the way forward on the topic.

Methodology The analysis of the contribution of information and communication technologies to the promotion of citizenship seems to be an exhausted exercise, given that several works have been done in this direction (Luce et al., 2017; Wall, 2017). However, apart from a few, most of these studies have not reflected a reality that is particular to the case of Africa, basing their analyses most of the time on examples of contexts without a local approach (Mutsvairo et al., 2020). In other words, the theoretical framework should be questioned. If they exist, few analyse the Lusophone context (Salgado, 2014, 2015; Zamith et al., 2018), most of which are dedicated to studying the English-speaking countries, even in Africa (Garman et al., 2017). In the case of Mozambique, few examples have discussed the emergence of citizen journalism, excepting some references (Joanguete, 2017; Pélissier et  al., 2015; Sitoe, 2017; Tsandzana, 2019). However, from these, it is observed that little attention was given to digital divide, ethical or deontological aspects that the practice of citizen journalism may pose. In addition, there is a lack of rigorous attention when trying to generalize the conclusion that Mozambique is a country where digital media practices are widespread, which should be done with caution, even if some politicians use regularly digital platforms for political communication (Tsandzana, 2020a). In this chapter, I have analysed how the citizen journalism is done in practice and what challenges for a country where the Internet is still limited, a reality almost evident in several African countries (Fuchs et  al., 2008; Mutula, 2005). I also adopted an experience-based interviews approach, which aims at sharing the contribution of seven members of the initiative Olho do Cidadão, as well as the collection of data on its Facebook page. Additionally, we have interviewed one of the founders of the first citizen journalism initiative called @Verdade.

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Although some research had already been done about the initiative, there was little interest in ethical aspects and the controversial impact of this media practice in Mozambique (Mare, 2013; Mutsvairo et al., 2020). In fact, we believe that the research on the practice of citizen journalism should consider not only its benefits but also the challenging side that can emerge from this new way of communicating and participating in the political life of Mozambique. Thus, this chapter intends to be a contribution in this sense. The data analysis was based on a combination of what we observed on the Internet social networks (screenshot publications, photos and videos) and what we gathered from the interviews with seven members of Olho do Cidadão. They were chosen considering their large experience not only as founding members of the initiative but also as activists who have been involved since the creation of the movement in 2013. They are all urban citizens, living most of them in the capital Maputo, which may indicate a limited profile to understand the large landscape of citizen journalists in the country. In addition, the interviews were only conducted through digital platforms, given the context of COVID-19 restrictions.3 This exercise has limitations, given that the interpretation I make is based on my experience as a social researcher in the virtual space (Hine, 2015; Kuzinets, 2014). Despite this methodology, it is important to point out that there are two other limitations that impacted this research. First, I cannot generalize the conclusions, since I have analysed a reality where Internet access is still limited, currently at 23% (Hootsuite, 2022). Secondly, to approach citizen journalism practices implies a challenge from the theoretical framework since there is no consensus on whether we can call such practice journalism (Miller, 2019).

Citizen Journalism: The Emergence of New Creators Since many years, Internet theorists have argued that the move to social media forms could improve civic engagement and political participation among a public made apathetic due to uni-directional, one-way media technologies, even in western countries (Putman, 2000) or in Africa (Nyamnjoh, 2005). According to Lasica (2008), participatory democracy permits ‘individuals [to] play an active role in the process of collecting, 3

 All interviewees accepted that their names be referenced in this chapter.

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reporting, sorting, analysing, and disseminating news and information—a task once reserved exclusively to the news media’. Writing in the European context, Papacharissi (2009) considers that civic apathy also expresses dissatisfaction with how the state or media institutions have prioritized public and private matters, including certain private concerns in the public affairs agenda while excluding others. There is no consensus on how to define citizen journalism, but according to Miller (2019), it can be defined as news produced by people untrained in journalism without the help of professional journalists. Gillmor (2009) observes that to understand citizen journalism, we must ask before: what is journalism? The same author notes that with the emergence of digital platforms, as citizens we create media and make it available, on a many to many of networks. There is a revolution that turn mere consumers of media as creators – and, crucially, they encourage some subset of those creators become collaborators, using the collaborative communications inherent on the Internet. This is what we can citizen journalism, the way how citizens use Internet not only to share information, but also to produce as main actors. (Gillmor, 2009, 2)

With the expansion of the Internet, we can place citizen journalism in what Deuze (2009) considers as ‘liquid journalism’, to question how the new media ecology contributes to a new or renewed form of citizenship and the role of journalism in such a way a context would be. We also need to discuss citizen journalism considering communication in general—we can also talk about communication studies (Castells, 2010). In fact, according to Garman et al. (2017), the dominance of conventional models of communication, especially the transmission model that sees communication primarily in terms of the transfer of information, means that alternative ways of understanding communication are neglected or ignored. An alternative way is to think about communication as a ‘co-­ construct’ world, where journalism gives information to citizens but accepts these citizens to speak about their frustrations and criticize this traditional communication model. There is no consensus about what we mean by citizen journalism. According to Miller (2019, 1), in general, citizen journalists have historically acted when existing news-media journalists were not fully meeting their community’s informational needs. The same reference argues that a

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traditional journalist works for a commercial news organization that primarily focuses on the daily delivery of information concerning a large geographic (e.g. local, state, national, international) area in either a textual, audio or visual format. Citizen journalists are less likely to craft stories based on questioning another person in an interview setting. If citizen journalists do seek story input from another human source, that person will most likely be an unofficial source such as an acquaintance or friend (Miller, 2019). The same author (Miller, 2019) also notes that citizen journalists penetrate information walls set up through their governments by using social media platforms to organize mass demonstrations and distribute information documenting their realities, often doing so from geographic areas that are too dangerous or distant for news organization journalists to access. ‘Citizen journalists can be an effective check on traditional journalists, challenging them to stop acting as the mouthpieces of governments that seek to harm publics.’ I assume that new media technologies including citizen journalism, digital storytelling, blogs and social media undoubtedly enable an increase in the range and diversity of voice available online. However, criticisms have been arising against this research field (Abbott, 2017). In fact, there is little evidence that the proliferation of voices in and of itself ensures that a greater range of voices are heard, reason why Coleman (2013) argues ‘the challenge of digital hearing’ is one of the most pressing concerns facing contemporary democracies. We can also talk about the ‘digital divide’ (Norris, 2001) to ask: will the Internet reinforce or erode the gap between information-rich and poor nations? Will it exacerbate or reduce social divisions within countries? Moreover, will it strengthen representative democracy, or will it buttress the power of established interests, as others fear? The other debate that has emerged with some controversy is related to the fact that citizen journalism is associated with issues of journalism ethics, especially in the way that traditional journalism considers that citizen journalism should probably not be considered a type of journalism (Carpenter, 2008; Gil de Zúñiga et al., 2011). In fact, news professionals have been critical of citizen journalists, viewing them as individuals who lack journalistic training, expertise and organizational affiliation. Miller (2019) observes that citizen journalists’ reporting style may counter journalistic reporting norms in some ways, either because they disagree with those rules or because they are simply unaware of them.

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Miller (2019) states that citizen journalists have disrupted news-media ecosystems by challenging the veracity and representativeness of information flowing from mainstream news-media newsrooms, but the controversy related to the desired level of citizen involvement in the news process is a historical debate that began before the citizen journalism phenomenon. Miller (2019) also states that citizen’s voice enhances the authenticity of journalism, but official sources most often drive narratives because of their perceived credibility and convenience. Some western researchers (Chung et al., 2018; Holt et al., 2015) perceive citizen journalists as creating and disseminating opinionated, self-­ centred, soft or hyperlocal community content across social media channels. Some of those assumptions have been supported by research showing that citizen journalists are more likely to deviate from objective reporting norms and they instead publish their own interpretations on matters of importance to them. The same debate has been raised in other geographies, particularly in the Global South (Mutsvairo et al., 2020).

Mainstream Media Ecology and Operational Dynamics in Mozambique Mozambique formally adopted freedom of expression, freedom of the press and the right to information as fundamental rights in 1990, with the approval, in that year, of a plural and multiparty constitution, which created the basic conditions for the effective establishment of multiparty democracy in the country, namely with the holding of the first multiparty elections in 1994. A year later, Law 18/91 of 10 August, Press Law, was passed, which created the conditions for the emergence of several independent media companies. The constitution of Mozambique (amended in 2018) generally assures the right to freedom of expression and to freedom of the press, as well as the right to information. With low levels of access to the Internet, radio and television are the most widely accessed media in Mozambique. The country has two state-­ controlled daily newspapers, namely Notícias, published in Maputo, and Diário de Moçambique, published in Beira and Maputo simultaneously, and one state-controlled weekly paper, Domingo. The Boletim da República is the official government gazette. There is also a government-controlled news agency, AIM.  The private media print has been growing fast; it includes weekly papers, most of them published in Maputo.

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Mozambique has one state-controlled television station, the Televisão de Moçambique (TVM), broadcasting from Maputo and covering mostly urban and rural areas in the country. The migration from analogue to digital television in Mozambique created many private television stations and broadcast throughout the country. Rádio Moçambique (RM) is the stateowned radio station which covers most of the country, including rural areas. There are also many local radios, supported by a society initiative called FORCOM. Despite this landscape, the media suffer a lack of resources and are susceptible to self-censorship. In fact, journalists are subject to intimidation and lawsuits by officials. There is an almost absolute control and domination of politicians, specifically of the ruling party (Frelimo), over the traditional public media. Regarding to this reality, De Salema (2021) noted that the disruption of practices of an authoritarian context proves to be one of the major challenges for what he has called ‘media transition’, which can be seen as blocking, to a large extent, the possibility of consolidating democracy. Although this is the reality, since the 2010 protests in Maputo, we have been observing a scenario of greater promotion of digital platforms as means to raise a voice and create new ways of making journalism through mobile phones. In this context, Olho do Cidadão is an alternative to the economic and political domination of the traditional/mainstream media.

Researching About Citizen Journalism in Global South: The Case of Mozambique As shown by Pélissier et al. (2015), the development of citizen journalism in Europe is not the same as elsewhere, such as on the African continent, although in all cases, its emergence is intrinsically linked to the socio-­ economic and political context. In Europe, this growing development responds to several challenges in multiple contexts of crisis. Not only does it assert a need to re-legitimize a profession in crisis in an economic context of increasing competition, but also a desire to make citizens’ voices visible in the public arena in a context of a crisis of representation, mainly in western countries (Smolka, 2021). On the African continent, citizen journalism initiatives have emerged, particularly in certain countries in the southern zone (Mutsvairo et  al.,

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2012;  MISA Zimbabwe, 2021), with the ambition of playing an essential role in improving the democratic process in societies where the voice of the citizen has little space for expression and where access to information is, for many, difficult or impossible. However, many difficulties have emerged in the last years questioning the essentiality of citizen journalism in the continent. Mutsvairo et  al. (2020, 6) argue that ‘(…) in some African countries, accessibility to the Internet is allowing aspiring citizen reporters to gather, write, edit, and share stories online, mostly in unorganized fashion, meaning that some become citizen journalists even without knowing’. In his book, Joanguete (2018) analysed the evolution of the digital transformation process of journalism in Mozambique. The author describes and problematizes the issue of technological transformations of the media, both in its institutional character and in the exercise of Internet-­ based journalism. On these points, the book proposes the acceleration of the transition from analogical media to the digital system, in order to respond to the mobility and avidity of the audience in participating and contributing to the production and distribution of news content instantaneously and close to the real time of occurrence of the facts. It is important to highlight that on this last point, Mozambique has experienced several delays for digital migration in terms of broadcasting technology, since it has been a decision postponed for many years by the National Institute of Communications (ARECOM), since technical issues and expansion of the signal have been posed as challenges for the country. However, some progress is noted with the implantation of transmission centres and the expansion of Televisão de Moçambique, TVM.  Although the Internet connection in Mozambique is 23% (Hootsuite, 2022), the country has registered examples that show citizens’ interest in participating in the country’s political life using new technologies such as mobile phones (Pélissier et al., 2015) (see. Image 15.1).

Olho do Cidadão: Observing and Monitoring the Society Olho do Cidadão (OC) represents what Miller (2019) argues that the field of citizen journalism may not represent an organized group, but rather a phenomenon whereby people express their individual concerns about

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Image 15.1  Internet use in Mozambique (Hootsuite—Data Portal, 2022)

matters of direct concern to them on and across online communication platforms. In this context, the citizen journalism approach to news, placed within the overall media ecosystem, may be necessary to informationally capture the overall diversity of mindsets, views and cultures that exist in society. The OC movement also had a practice of offering mobile phones to its members to have the opportunity to continue photographing and reporting. OC is part of what we can call as participatory journalism because identified citizen gets involved in the news production, including the activities of ‘submitting texts, images, and film or … interacting with news in various ways, for example, commenting or recommending it to others’ (Holt et  al., 2011, 23). For example, OC reported on various issues, emphasizing social problems, using massively its Facebook page and a discussion group with more than 18,000 followers (see screenshots 1, 2 and 3).

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Screenshot 1: ‘Maputo municipality uses sand to close a crater in the road, which complicates the movement of vehicles’ (taken by Tsandzana, 2022).

Screenshot 2: ‘In Maputo city, cars occupy the road and pavements. What is left for pedestrians?’ (taken by Tsandzana, 2022).

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Screenshot 3: Olho do Cidadão’s Facebook group. It has more than 19,000 followers and was created on 15 May 2014 (taken by Tsandzana, 2022).

The three screenshots can be a demonstration of Habermas’ perspective on the role of civil society acting as active citizens (Rucht, 2010). In fact, given the economic and political constraints that often prevent the traditional media to work independently, the impartial dimension of citizen journalists allows ordinary people to share information about many issues, without considering political and economic interests that dominate the media in Mozambique. The screenshots 1 and 2 are some examples of criticism against the municipal management in the capital of Mozambique, a reality that probably could not be reported in the same way if, for example, the local municipality sponsored a TV or radio activities/programmes in Mozambique. In other words, citizen journalism can be the voice that is often compromised because of the way the media works. Thus, initiatives such as Citizen’s Eye serve as a balance for access to information without filters, because as noted by Freedom House (2021), state-run outlets dominate the Mozambican media sector, and authorities often direct such outlets to provide coverage favourable to the government. Journalists frequently experience government pressure, harassment and intimidation, which

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encourage self-censorship. The government is known to retaliate against journalists who criticize it by cancelling public advertising contracts. Journalists and political commentators appearing on television programmes have been the targets of attacks and kidnappings in recent years.

Convergence, Ethical Issues and Challenges of Digital Divide in Mozambique One of the central interests of this chapter is to go beyond the descriptive vision which normally illustrates the positive dimension of the exercise of citizen journalism. According to Miller (2019), people with no news-­ media organizational ties have taken advantage of social computing technologies’ convenience and low cost by publishing their own stories and content. Despite the positive side, scholars (Darbo et al., 2019; Hujanen, 2016) have assessed the quality and credibility of citizen journalism content, finding that citizen journalists have performed well on several standards of traditional news-content quality. Levels of quality differ depending upon citizen journalists’ goals and motivations, such as serving the public interest, increasing self-status or expressing their creative selves. In the book, Allan (2013) introduces the key concept of ‘citizen witnessing’ to rethink familiar assumptions underlying traditional distinctions between the ‘amateur’ and the ‘professional’ journalist. Particular attention is focused on the spontaneous actions of ordinary people—caught up in events of crisis transpiring around them—who feel compelled to participate in the making of news. In bearing witness to what they see, they engage in unique forms of journalistic activity, generating first-hand reportage—eyewitness accounts, video footage, digital photographs, Tweets, blog posts—frequently making a vital contribution to news coverage. During the interviews, the practitioners of citizen journalism have confirmed the need to adopt capacity-building sessions to respect ethical norms. One of the solutions was to collaborate with traditional media like television. As students we had a notion of the professional ethics of journalism. Maybe we failed on some points that we can’t even know. However, we had at least some training to respect the rules because we even worked with a television and perhaps, they saw that we were capable of reporting news within the norms of the media.

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We know that television has its own rules and for us this was a practical example that we were a collective of young people, and we think that it is important that there is training to obtain basic concepts about journalism. There is a competition between traditional journalism and citizen journalism, but I believe that they need to work together to understand that the aim is to provide information to the community. Beatriz Almeida (Olho do Cidadão, Maputo, August, zoom)4

Other interviewees stated that the essential thing was just to inform, not necessarily to take a space belonging to other journalists. Alexandre Zandamela5 noted that we assumed that we were not journalists, we were not there to “steal” the space of professional journalists. Regarding to ethical and professional deontology, for us it was only about giving information and photos to bring more credibility. … We were aware that it could be a source for official media. For us it was clear that there was a separation between professional and citizen journalism.

Tomás Queface, a citizen journalism, argued that in the beginning there were many problems for the practice of citizen journalism in Mozambique because many did not know about it and tried to prevent it from moving forward. According to the interviewee, citizen journalist was a concept that created controversy because there was an apparent threat with the new model of doing journalism and some people accused ordinary citizens of wanting to destroy traditional journalism. Queface noted that ‘there were many barriers, but we tried to clarify that we don’t want to “steal” your space, we are not going to destroy your space … we tried to reassure, because we wanted to create a bridge between the citizens and formal journalists, but they didn’t understand that’. Queface further admits that it is not so necessary to discuss ethical and deontological issues: When new media practice emerges, it does not need deontology or ethics. We can then adjust the practice with rules. First, we must debate, and later we will create mechanisms to regulate the practice. The practice of citizen journalism was new, and we could not stop to discuss about deontology, but we knew that afterwards we could reflect and improve the practice. We cannot create ethical standards before implementing the object. Tomás Queface (Olho do Cidadão, Maputo, August, zoom)6  Interview 15 August 2021, Maputo (zoom).  Interview 15 August 2021, Maputo (zoom). 6  Interview 15 August 2021, Maputo (zoom). 4 5

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In an interview published7 by the Institute for the Development of Journalism (Instituto para o Desenvolvimento do Jornalismo), Celestino Joanguete, media specialist, said the challenge of Internet access and digital literacy as the biggest challenge in Mozambique. Joanguete notes that the digital media have brought a new communication dynamic to Mozambique and Africa in general. For example, in the political field there is a new form of communication with the citizen, mediated by the Internet social networks, especially Facebook (see Tsandzana 2018). Politicians already interact directly with citizens and citizens, in turn, have gained greater freedom to express their opinions in a disintermediated way. He states the new forms of communication are not massified throughout the national territory due to the digital gap between the countryside and urban areas. However, the argument about the lack of Internet is not confirmed by Rui Lamarques, a journalist, who states, on the contrary, that the main problem is not due to Internet access because citizens are increasingly connected. In other words, there is a bigger problem for the development of citizen journalism that cannot be reduced simply to difficulties in access or digital literacy. The @Verdade used to receive citizen’s issues coming from the districts, we can’t just limit it to the big cities or urban areas. There are more and more people participating, and the Internet is lagging because the citizens have already advanced a lot. The citizens are very angry, they prefer not to speak into the microphones of the radio or television, they just lack the means for them to speak. Rui Lamarques, journalist, Maputo (Maputo, August, zoom)

Lamarques’ statement can refer to Gillmor (2009: 7), which notes that ‘whether traditional journalists ask for help or not, and whether they recognize the new entrants or not, the trend for a wider and more diverse ecosystem is unstoppable’. We note that the effort to prevent the development of new forms of journalism is an unsuccessful exercise. In fact, according to Chyi (2009), journalism practitioners and scholars have realized the real power that the technological changes brought about by the Internet. For the author (idem: 91), ‘discussions on the future of 7  Institute for the Development of Journalism, Interview with Celestino Joanguete http:// www.observatoriodaimprensa.com.br/entrevista/jornalismo-em-mocambique-entrevistacom-celestino-joanguete/, accessed on 25 August 2021.

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journalism surround old and new issues such as interactivity, convergence, multi-­platform storytelling, citizen journalism, blogosphere, and, perhaps most practically, the decline in newspaper circulation’. There is also a debate linked to the veracity of the information (Mare et al., 2019), especially in a context where Mozambique is experiencing terrorist threats (Tsandzana, 2020). Alexandre Nhampossa noted a crisis of initiatives to fight against false information, which negatively impacts the sincerity of citizen journalism. With the massification of the Internet and access to various applications, some Internet users access misinformation, which is sometimes caught by citizen journalists and published as they are. For Nhampossa, ‘with the ongoing armed conflicts in Mozambique, some Internet users share images of foreign countries. The situation is worsened by the fact that the Mozambican authorities do not collaborate to clarify certain reports, especially when the demand is done by citizen journalists.’8 Nhampossa’s reflection is related to the debate on information verification and fact-checking, which has often been raised as the negative side of the action of citizen journalists. In the case of Citizen’s Eye, we know that during their work carried out in the 2014 and 2019 general elections they established a platform called the ‘situation room’ which aimed to monitor and verify in real time the veracity of the information that was received from citizens. It was composed not only of citizen journalists themselves but also by professionally trained journalists who supported the process. In 2020, MISA-Mozambique launched a platform called ‘Misa Check’, which aims to verify information published not only by traditional media but also on social networks by ordinary citizens. This is part of what Miller (2019) argues as criticism against citizen journalism. For the author, critics contend that citizen journalism can erode the credibility of the journalism profession because consumers are not able to delineate between what should and should not be considered reliable information, especially when confronted with unfamiliar subject matter, that’s why it requires a finer dissection and research, because findings are mixed regarding the perceived credibility of citizen journalists. In addition, Joanguete’s vision resumes what has shown by Mutsvairo et al. (2020: 11), to clarify that ‘Internet accessibility is largely concentrated on urban dwellers as the lack of infrastructure is still hampering the development and progression of broadband wireless Internet in many parts of Africa’. 8

 Interview 19 August 2021, Maputo

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Despite the ethical issues and search for credibility, another dimension looks to social media convergence in media practices—considers the way media industries change and the way new technologies are incorporated into existing media and communication industries and cultures (Dwyer, 2010). In fact, even if the conventional journalists are sceptical to the new group of journalists, the two groups may not be as different as they might think. ‘The two groups largely share ideals related to journalistic expertise, duty and autonomy, but differ on the collectivist–individualist dimension’ (Darbo et al., 2019). Thus, media convergence places additional pressure on journalists to become multi-skilled in generating content in various formats (MISA, 2021). Some interviewees consider that there should be some complementarity between the different ways of doing journalism (traditional and virtual) and not necessarily an opposition. For Minelda Maússe,9 there is a link between citizen media and traditional practices since ordinary citizens can help professional journalists do their jobs. Maússe also notes that traditional media can do their reporting through the citizen, for this reason we cannot condemn citizen journalism because it is a form of collaboration between different actors.

Conclusion This chapter opened the discussion of a topic that still needs more debate in the Mozambican context, since the studies carried out so far have either focused too much on western contexts or analysed very few Lusophone countries. The OC example illustrates that despite the difficulties of a country which only has 23% of its population connected to the Internet, there are citizens who are interested in using technology not only to consume information but also to produce and disseminate. OC is an alternative to the lack of space in the traditional media since they are dominated by political power and economic interests. Thus, the emergence of civic practices appears as an important counterbalance, not only for the access to information but also to promote freedom of expression. However, we have noted an apparent tension between traditional journalism and citizen practice, since when the OC movement emerged, the idea was that it was a way to misrepresent the journalism that 9

 Interview 17 August 2021, Maputo (zoom).

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was already being done in Mozambique, even if the central question that we think should be addressed is how to create bridges—convergence— between the traditional and the citizen media practices, in a context of permanent mistrust, low connectivity and little sensitivity on ethical and deontological issues.

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Miller, S. (2019). Citizen Journalism, Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Communication, pp. 1-25. MISA, Report: Strategies for ICT and Digital Rights Reporting, MISA Zimbabwe, 2021. Mutsvairo, B., et al. (2012). Emerging Patterns and Trends in Citizen Journalism in Africa: The Case of Zimbabwe. Central European journal of communication, 1, 212–135. Mutsvairo, B., et al. (2020). Is Citizen Journalism Dead? An examination of recent developments in the field. Journalism, 18(1), 1–18. Mutula, S. (2005). Peculiarities of the Digital Divide in Sub-Saharan Africa. Program: Electronic Library and Information Systems, 39(2), 122–138. Norris, P. (2001). The Digital Divide. In Digital Divide: Civic Engagement, Information Poverty, and the Internet Worldwide. Communication, Society and Politics, 1, 3–25. Nyamnjoh, F. (2005). Africa’s Media, Democracy and Politics of Belonging, Pretoria. UNISA Press. Papacharissi, Z. (2009). Chapter 2: The Citizen is the Message: Alternative Modes of Civic Engagement. In Z. Papacharissi (Ed.), Journalism Citizenship, College of Communication (pp. 29–43). Routledge. Pélissier, M., et al. (2015). Le journalisme citoyen au Mozambique : nature, légitimité et enjeux sociétaux. Communication, Technologies et Développement. TIC et mobilisations, 1, 27–41. Putman, R. (2000). Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community. Simon and Schuster. Rucht, D. (2010). Civil Society Theory: Habermas. In H. K. Anheier & S. Toepler (Eds.), International Encyclopedia of Civil Society. Springer. Salgado, S. (2015). Political Participation, Alternative Media and Citizen Journalism in Lusophone Africa. In B. Mutsvairo (Ed.), Participatory Politics and Citizen Journalism in a Networked Africa: A Connected Continent (pp. 187–201). Palgrave Macmillan. Salgado, S. (2014). The Internet and Democracy Building in Lusophone African Countries. Routledge. Shirky, C. (2008). Here Comes Everybody: The Power of Organizing Without Organizations. Penguin Press. Sitoe, M., O Jornalismo Cidadão em Moçambique e no Kenya: Análise comparativa dos Websites @Verdade e Olho do Cidadão & Kenya Monitor e Mzalendo, Novas Edições Acadêmicas, 2017. Smolka, T. (2021). Decline of democracy—the European Union at a crossroad. Z Vgl Polit Wiss, 15, 81–105.

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Tsandzana, D. (2020a). Estratégias de Comunicação Política em Moçambique: entre a exclusão de candidatos e o combate à desinformação. Mediapolis  – Revista de Comunicação, Jornalismo e Espaço Público, 11(2), 71–86. Tsandzana, D., Jovens, redes sociais da Internet e radicalização em Moçambique: itinerários e ambiguidades, In Domingos do Rosário et al. (org), Democracia Multipartidária em Moçambique, Maputo, , 2020b, pp. 255-272. Tsandzana, D. (2019). Using on-line platforms to observe and monitor elections: A Netnography of Mozambique. Journal of African Elections, 18(2), 46–71. Wall, M. (2017). Mapping Citizen and Participatory Journalism. Journalism Practice, 11(2-3), 134–141. Zamith, F. et  al. Online journalism in Lusophone: Contribution to a mapping, Centro de Estudos de Comunicação e Sociedade, Universidade do Minho, 2018.

CHAPTER 16

Misfiring Armoury in the Name of Citizen Journalism: Reliability of Xenophobia Reportage Through Social Media Khatija BiBI Khan

Introduction It is rather pleasurable for many of us to look for and rely on social media news that offers immediacy and novelty through our smart cellphones in our current “technological” environment that presently characterises our condition of things. Due to our short attention spans, the conveyed information must be audio-visual to capture and satisfy our growing demand for breaking news. What we like to see, hear or experience averts expectations, not what we want to know objectively. When a video appears in our WhatsApp group(s) and is shared several times, we often do not believe it is necessary to check its validity. We usually react by observing its gruesomeness, clicking on the appropriate emoji in proportion to the strangeness and immediately forwarding it to another WhatsApp group. This was

K. B. Khan (*) University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 T. Matsilele et al. (eds.), New Journalism Ecologies in East and Southern Africa, Palgrave Studies in Journalism and the Global South, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-23625-9_16

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demonstrated by the eruption of violence in South Africa. Over the years, xenophobic assaults in South Africa have resulted in an increasing number of films and visual pictures being shared around Africa, simply because the attacks are directed against fellow Africans. Whether the photos were genuine or not, one thing was sure: they did something. They sparked outrage not just in South Africa but also in the nations of the most impacted individuals. This chapter looks at visual news, utilising media and linguistics techniques to see how visuals may help or hurt the aim of news transmission, especially in gory and emotionally charged circumstances as xenophobic news images on various news channels and social media. According to a recent study, the press conveys information to the public and replicate ideologies and discourses that promote specific power relations (Herman & Chomsky, 1989). As a result, it is critical to consider how the media is used to measure popular opinions about foreigners and how those impressions are formed. It is not only about what the press includes in its reporting; it is also about “how it is packaged and presented” (Harris, 2001, 45). When we consider how this is utilised in the news, the captions connected with the photos, the placement of the images on print pages and so on, it becomes much more effective. The media’s societal power has long been disputed (Chomsky, 2002; Katz & Lazarsfeld, 1955; Thompson, 1996).

Methodology Drawing from the xenophobic period of 2018–2019 in South Africa, the study monitored Twitter and Facebook platforms like social media news sources. A total of ten news articles with graphics were chosen from the specified social media sites and analysed based on their relevance to the issue under consideration. The news pictures and visuals were analysed using discourse analysis and social semiotics. The creation, purpose and dissemination of such visual news are also discussed. The qualitative approach was employed in the study and the media and linguistic style of research.

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Theoretical Perspectives on the Effects of Citizen Journalism and Visual Media The primary theory that describes the use of images in research is the Semiotic Theory. It is an easy-to-apply research hypothesis that may be used in language, media and cultural studies. Images from the media that appear in a news publication have connotative meanings based on the readers’ culture. Semiotic techniques particular to a culture and community for the creation of various types of texts and meanings in diverse situational situations and contexts of culturally significant activity are studied in social semiotics. In addition to social semiotics, the Framing Theory is used in this work under the heading of social semiotics. The 1968 US Presidential election study by McCombs and Shaw (1972) established framing as a research theory. McCombs and Shaw (1972) discovered that when the news media focused on specific topics, viewers evaluated those issues as more significant (McCombs & Shaw, 1972:183). Agenda-setting was the term for this. Because framing is frequently connected with agenda-setting research, knowing and citing this work is critical. The media largely sets the agenda by informing people of select stories to think about. On the other hand, the news media tells people what to think about and how to think about those topics, which is where framing comes into play. Some research analysts consider framing to be an element of agenda-setting, while others believe that it is something entirely separate (Shah et  al., 2007, 83). Similar psychological processes are involved in both theories, but cognitive processes are distinct (Shah et al., 2007, 84). The way information is presented to viewers is referred to as media framing. Erving Goffman (1974), a well-known sociologist, was the first to suggest Framing Theory. Goffman noticed that frames are a set of concepts and theoretical views that organise experiences and direct human behaviours in his essay “Frame Analysis: An Essay on the Organization of Experience”. Goffman was the first to propose and explore framing as a means of communication, defining it as “schemata of interpretation” that allow people to “find, perceive, identify, and name” events or life experiences. He proposed that a person understands everything that happens around them (their immediate environment) using a basic framework that the individual takes for granted (ibidem). “To frame a communicating text or picture is to promote particular elements of a ‘perceived reality’ and make them more salient in such a way that affirms a given issue description, causal interpretation, moral

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judgement, and/or therapy recommendation”, according to Entman (1993: 51). This is frequently done to draw attention to the elites’ interests (Entman, 2004: 5). Media impacts are often referred to as “social constructionism” (Scheufele, 1999: 103). According to Entman et  al., framing is perhaps a victim of its own popularity (2009, 175). Furthermore, the media is seen as producing social reality by “framing re-presentations of reality in predictable and regular ways” (McQuail, 1991, 331). Framing takes place on four levels: in culture, in the brains of elites and professional political communicators, in communications texts and in the minds of regular citizens (Entman, 1993, 2004). Frames are determined in linguistic studies by examining the selection, location and structure of certain words and phrases within a text (Entman 1991; Esser & D’Angelo, 2003; Pan & Kosicki, 1993). The paragraph, not the article, is usually the unit of analysis. The essential concept is that certain words are the frame’s building elements (Entman, 1993). On the other hand, framing in visual communication is simpler to connect since it follows the visual presentation and prejudices displayed within. Framing Theory proposes that the way in which something is presented to an audience (referred to as “the frame”) impacts how individuals absorb information. Frames are abstractions that help to organise or frame the meaning of a communication. The most prevalent application of frames is in the news or media’s framing of their communication information. Consumers’ perceptions of the news are influenced by frames, which may be interpreted as a sort of second-level agenda-setting. On the other hand, frames inform the audience what to think about (agenda-setting theory) and how to think about it (second-level agenda-setting). Arguments for the usefulness of framing include a mental shortcut or heuristic (Fiske & Taylor, 1991). Fiske goes on to say that humans are cognitive misers by nature, meaning they desire to do as little thinking as possible. This helps to explain why frames allow individuals to digest information quickly and easily. As a result, humans will make meaning of incoming signals using mental biters (schema series). The media’s selection and presentation of sensitive imagery provide readers and viewers with pre-made schemas from which to interpret messages. This provides the sender and framer of the information with considerable ability to manipulate the receivers’ interpretations of the message using these schemas. From a political standpoint, framing will have far-reaching implications. The idea of framing is inextricably linked to the concept of agenda-setting. When political news constantly uses a certain frame, the

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framing party may be able to dominate debate and perception of the topic at hand successfully. Framing effects are the impacts of these frames on public perception. People prefer information that is brought to their attention through frames, according to Scheufele (1999), and the way the media frame an event may impact how viewers interpret that event. According to Druckman (2001), frames assist people to make sense of the world by putting the world’s complexity into context.

What Is Citizen Journalism? The rise of a new generation of websites and social networks has aided in establishing new sectors of communication, information and journalism for the twenty-first century. Every person may “possibly become a reporter” by contributing information, sometimes at high added value, thanks to the efficient democratisation of multimedia and modern Information and Communication Technology (ICT). They do not appear to be concerned, though, with journalism’s traditional gatekeeping function. Humanity is now living in an era of information, connectivity and technology. In general, the fundamentals of the media have altered over time. Citizen journalism is the name given to this emerging trend. We can begin by considering the history of the phrase, even though it is a relatively recent notion with no universal meaning (Allan and Thorsen, 2009). Citizen journalism, interactive journalism, user-generated media, participatory journalism and public journalism all work to bridge the gap between news and its audience. Indeed, citizen journalism aspires to perceive individuals as journalists rather than just readers, viewers or listeners. Citizen journalism is based on the idea that individuals with no professional training may perform the function of a journalist using contemporary technological tools and an unlimited Internet. They may even produce their own material and post it on social media platforms like Facebook, Twitter and YouTube. However, people such as Stuart Allan and Einar Thorsen argue that the “citizen journalists’ disruption of normal media hierarchies cannot solely be attributed to the rise of digital technologies, though these technologies do indeed optimise the propagation of citizen messages” (Citizen Journalism: Global Perspectives, 2009). Citizen journalism was not invented when the Internet appeared; however, this new way of communicating seems to have democratised and shall be a media tool that

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highlights a public issue. With the popularity of citizen journalism growing, it is not difficult to wonder if it could replace professional journalism and take a larger place in media corporations. According to Stuart Allan and Einar Thorsen (Global Perspectives on Citizen Journalism, 2009), this form of journalism is motivated by various ideas of both “citizenship” and “journalism”. It is practised under very different political regimes across the world. Outside, though, and inside today’s mainstream media, citizen journalism(s) are asserting their existence. Thus, citizen journalism is a type of civic media defined by the widespread use of communication tools made possible by Internet websites, forums and any type of blog, including current-affairs-focused blogs, photo and video sharing, and eyewitness commentary on events—by a large number of people all over the world. Citizen journalism, also known as “public”, “participatory”, “democratic”, “guerrilla” or “street” journalism, allows individuals to create and express themselves, as well as capture and share information. As Paola Prado summarises in her article, they are different schools regarding the concept of “citizen journalism”. On the one hand, Nip (2006) defines citizen journalists as “producers and publishers of original news content, who are not assisted or do not require the participation of professional journalists or established media outlets”. On the other hand, the scholar Luke Goode (2009) believes citizen journalists are “individuals who contribute news content to mainstream media outlets and may be aligned with particular social movements”. The notion of reliability from the media is dividing people. In her report “citizen journalism vs professional journalism”, Amanda Harper conducted a video where she gathered people’s reaction to the question “can citizen journalism replace professional journalism? Should it?” Her initiative aimed to understand people’s point of view on the matter and evaluate which source between the citizen and the professional journalism is seen as the more reliable. Suppose some would not trust either one. In that case, others are distrustful towards news organisations, as they believe media can disclose whatever information they want, feeling that others would trust both citizen and professional journalism but will cross-check information from a media source. For others, opinion bloggers are trustful because “at least their opinions are real”. But finding a well-resourced, reliable news company is far better than citizen blogs. This is the idea expressed by the greater number.

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If a journalist is personal, he/she is not professional—leaving the personal, emotional, social and political subject at the door. Indeed, a journalist must remain objective and follow ethical rules. The “Citizen journalist” does not seem to pay attention to these rules for the good reasons that he/she might not be aware of them and is just thinking about making the buzz.

Media and Xenophobia Academic researchers focusing on xenophobia in South Africa favour the view that news sources are consumed passively and that the media help shape reality. According to Danso and Macdonald (2001, 131), this places greater responsibility on journalists in the sense that a journalist’s language conveys messages through the complex associations and implications of its metaphors and unstated assumptions. If a journalist’s language violates the experiential reality of a minority or identifiable group within a society, it creates a conflict between public reality and the personal experiences of those who come to be identified as deviant or victims. The effects of news reporting are therefore of importance in assessing the ideological consequences of public reaction to news visuals on foreign migration into South Africa. The press translates the dominant ideology into public opinion and, by doing so, helps structure public perception and legitimises the actions of the public and state institutions. It is both in their potential role in creating moral panics and inciting anti-foreigner sentiments, and in their ability to reproduce ideologies and shape popular perceptions, that any media plays an important role in issues of drugs and clandestine migration into South Africa. For Fine and Bird (2002,13), a key reason why researchers have gone to exhaustive lengths to determine whether or not the media are xenophobic in their portrayal of issues migrant in South Africa is not only because they believe it has the moral responsibility as a result of their position in society and “a complex set of self-regulating ethical principles”, but also because they believe the media’s responsibility is framed by the legislative context within which it operates. Thus, in South Africa, there is a robust legal framework underpinned by the Constitution and supported by “a set of legal instruments including the Equality Act, the Broadcasting Complaints Commission of South Africa, the Press Ombudsman, and the various acts including the Independent Broadcasting Authority act of 1993 and the broadcasting Amendment Bill 2002” governing the role

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played by the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa, which guide the media in its reporting and editorial approaches”. In practice, this would mean “the media should not just refrain from half harmful, discriminatory reporting and erroneous stereotyping and racial profiling, but also [that it] has a duty to actively inform and educate the public about non-racialism and non-discrimination. The media have a role in supporting and entrenching democracy, especially in times of social and political transformation” (Fine & Bird, 2002,15). A known factor is that people do not have the ability to read and appreciate media posts in similar ways. Media literacy is a multi-dimensional concept and involves a myriad of skills and knowledge, ranging from analysing and evaluating a media message and engaging with the media, to creating one’s own media (Thomas & Jolls, 2004,19), plus an understanding of the mechanics of the media products. Media literacy is a life-­ long educational process, with informed “inquiry” and the ability to critically engage with the media as its core essence (Share et al., 2005,85). According to the Salzburg Academy (Salzburg Academy on Media and Global Change website, 2010), the media literacy framework can be divided into five topics, and these topics relate to any media, anywhere in the world: • Access to the media • Awareness of the media’s power • Assessment of how the media cover international events and issues • Appreciation for the media’s role in creating civil societies and • Action to encourage better communication across cultural, social and political divides. Potter (2008, 30) referred to numerous scholars who used the term “critical media literacy” to describe the skill of evaluating messages. Visual literacy is an important aspect of media literacy. Human beings are thought to first learn about sight and recognition before progressing to speech and then learning to read and write. So, naturally, “visual images play an integral part in understanding” the world around us (Frey & Fisher, 2008,1). The purpose of visual literacy, an essential skill in today’s image-driven society due to globalisation and technology, is to understand and critically explore visual images to decipher underlying meanings (Frey & Fisher, 2008,1) or the ability to “read images in a meaningful way” (Bamford, 2003,2). “Interactive mediums rely heavily upon visual

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imagery, movement, drama and sound to communicate” (Bamford, 2003,7). This study, therefore, pays attention to the fundamental elements in visual communication, such as symbolism, camera angle and lighting techniques, according to the International Visual Literacy Association website (2008), and picture composition, as these all impact the meaning of the image. The study will also discuss the ethical considerations such as digital manipulation of images and framing because “manipulated images serve to re-code culture and meaning” (Bamford, 2003,7), or the publishing of sensationalist graphics in mainstream publications, and its impact on visual literacy. In comparison with any other language, visual language has its own grammar and vocabulary. The more you practise, the more fluent you become. As shall be seen, visual language is a tool that employs the power of symbols and association. When mastered, visual language enables one to communicate way beyond just simple shapes and colours, as it also helps the reader to appreciate visual literacy in general.

Social Semiotics in Social Media News Imagery When reading news, the first thing people notice is the visual, according to McLellan and Steel (2001). Visual images catch the reader’s attention and lead viewers to the news article. Readers tend to focus more on graphical photos than they would on verbal text (Smith & Price, 2005,127). Walton (1984, 251) says that visual images in news sources are transparent since we can see the world through them. Photojournalists represent the real world of the event to the reader through visual images. Photojournalism is, therefore, seen as having more influence on the reader than the verbal, written story, shaping public thinking and portraying reality. According to Garcia-Moreno. (2002), these images have the ability to “alter people’s minds and rearrange their lives”. Therefore, Lewis (1995, 9) is obliged to state that photojournalists should be responsible for serving the social good. Media scholars agree that the main purpose of news imagery is to portray reality, convey news events and highlight the main themes within a certain society, town or country. Garcia-Moreno. (2002) advocates the importance of this medium as a tool to arouse consciousness and promote social reform, whilst McLoughlin (2002) points out the struggle of journalists to find a balance between “truthful reportage and mindless sensation seeking”. Smith et al. (2005, 128) agree that the media seem not to be able to remain neutral since reporters and photojournalists have the

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right to choose what mirror to use for the public to see the world, in concurrence with Martindale (1986, 40–41). Visual images can stand alone in any communication and provoke emotions. Van Leeuwen and Jewitt (2001, 27) indicate that “[i]mages carry connotations and invite individual reminiscence. They may convey a sense of duration or of nostalgia through codes of colour, framing and through their public context.” The same authors also reiterate that “an image can engage the viewer in a fetishistic and compulsive urge to look and re-look, encouraging the sense that the viewer ‘owns’ the image or that it is part of his or her identity” (ibidem). Moreover, when looking at a photo, it can express the same points as the words that correspond to it (Bevins, 2014: 36). Kress and Van Leeuwen (2008: 46) state, “What in a language is realised by words of the category ‘action verbs’ is visually realised by elements that can be formally defined as vectors. What in a language is realised by locative prepositions is visually realised by the formal characteristics that create the contrast between foreground and background?” Kress and Van Leeuwen (2008, 59) have created “narrative processes”, that is when people are connected by a vector and serve to present unfolding actions and events, the process of change and transitory spatial arrangements. If the image does not have a vector, then there are locative circumstances, which are also called settings that require contrast between the foreground and background (Kress and Van Leeuwen 2008, 72). Whether or not the receiver is decoding the correct message that the visual is intended to give, the visual is still communicating something to the receiver.

Visual Rhetoric The story of visual imagery within the discipline of rhetoric dates back to the classical period and is concerned with the use of symbols to communicate. In the most basic, rhetoric is the ancient term used for what is today typically referred to as communication (Sonja, 2005, 141). Until the 1970s, rhetoric was used exclusively to analyse verbal texts only (ibid). Douglas Ehringer (Eemeren et  al. 2014), whose standing amongst the rhetoricians is undisputed, proposed that visual images be also covered under rhetoric. Visual rhetoric, in this sense, was viewed as having a clear audience requiring ideal or real appeal. Visual elements are arranged and modified by a rhetor, not simply for self, but for communication with an audience. Visual rhetoric is used in the discipline of rhetoric to refer not only to the visual objects as a communicative artefact. It also refers to a

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perspective scholar may take on a visual image of visual data. Visual rhetoric, therefore, is a way of analysing visual data/material while highlighting the communicative dimensions of images. It is a particular way of viewing images, a set of conceptual lenses through which visual images become knowable as communicative or rhetorical phenomena. Relatively few studies have been done where the approach has been applied to visual imagery as it has been applied to metaphors, argumentation and so on, according to Sonja (2005, 145). In the rhetorical study of visual images, meaning is attributed to colour and texture, amongst others, a perspective this study will also utilise under social semiotics. The audience’s response to visuals is constructed by their own experience, knowledge, looking and living in the world around them. The study of the nature of visual imagery, primarily to explicate function or to evaluate visual images, requires an understanding of the substantive and stylistic nature of these images (ibid). There is a big question relating to ethics and culture in using and publishing sensitive news images by news sources and citizens. Visual ethics is the study of “how images and imaging affect the ways in which we think as consumers of the same, including how we feel, behave, create and use images in communicating with others and ourselves” (Newton, 2005, 433). Newton (ibid) says that ultimately visual ethics is about the soul of communication in the manner of the classic metaphor, with our eyes being the windows to the soul. Photojournalists may, in the course of completing their assignments, be forced to choose between how they might act as individual citizens, and how they feel they should act as visual journalists (Kobre, 2008, 354). The ethical code of journalism has long been centred on the Ultimate Theory, introduced in 1789 by Jeremy Bentham, but popularised by John Stuart Mill in the nineteenth century (Christians et  al., 2012: xii). Utilitarianism is a form of consequentialism holding that moral action should weigh harm against the greater good; simply put, it seeks the most happiness and least harm to the greatest number of people. In journalistic terms, the greatest good is an informed public (often cited as the public’s right to know), which sometimes outweighs the harm to an individual, such as loss of privacy. Christians notes that utilitarian reasoning pervades American life, including journalism, where “utility calculus fits the press’s zeal for the public’s right to know” (ibid.,xiii). Additionally, Christians notes that technological advances and changes in the industry have “pulled the news profession away from its traditional

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role in facilitating democratic life” (ibid.:119). He proposes that “rather than searching for neutral principles to which all parties can appeal, our ethical theory should rest on a complex view of moral judgments embedded in duty and thereby in society” (ibid). Duty ethics extends beyond subjective approaches where ethical breaches can be rationalised.

Analysis of Xenophobic Images Posted by Citizens Through Social Media This study’s main goal was to examine how citizens used social media to share visual news during various xenophobic events, and to see how the report brought lively news or sensationalised emotion-inducing visuals in ways at odds with objective reporting. The creator of the visual’s desired/ intended effect is the function of the image. The creator can be a painter or a photojournalist. The function then becomes more focused from the point of view of the creator. In this study, the photojournalist plays a larger role in determining the overall function of the visual image. However, the function must be evaluated to see if the goal was met. The evaluation then brings into the picture the consumer/reader of the image. Sonja (2005, 147) believes that visual images are better evaluated by focusing and scrutinising their functions. Reflecting on their legitimacy or soundness is determined largely by the implications and consequences. Is the image congruent with the particular ethical system? Does it offer emancipatory potential? When images were published during the xenophobic attacks, the immediate concern of readers was to get real-time news through lively images. This is the moment that the legitimacy and soundness of the visuals needed to be put under scrutiny. Its accuracy and authenticity determine the emancipatory potential of the image. Editing of and misrepresentation pushes the consumer in ways that the effect will not be congruent with the reality of the situation.

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SA xenophobic attacks: ‘fake’ videos stoke tension Watch (2:47) September 6, 2019. This week saw a wave of looting and violence mostly targeting nationals of other African countries in South Africa. But some videos and images that have been shared on social media about the attacks.

Since the goal of journalism is authentic re-presentation to inform, educate and foster reasoned debate, careful attention needs to be paid to reader-constructed meanings, which are often connotative and emotionally laden. Research on how viewers relate to these connotative meanings at an ideological level, and therefore as part of moral discourse, shall be considered later. Visuals are often thought of as “images of the real”, which show things exactly as they might also be seen in reality with the naked eye. BBC NEWS reproduced the image above on September 6  in 2019, a period that falls within some of the numerous xenophobic events in South Africa. The perception in the image is throwing viewers into a packed background where something of public interest is taking place. If a reader can follow the gaze and vectors shown by the crowd’s focus, there is nothing to indicate a xenophobic attack as one woman seems to take centre stage. Everyone else is following the lead of the woman in the centre. The whole issue appears to be an isolated case in a township where the public gets to be entertained by neighbourhood brawls that emerge time and again, mostly based on domestic misunderstandings. The only woman waving a stick cannot be taken to represent the narration of “a wave of looting and

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violence mostly targeting nationals of other African countries in South Africa”. All action in the image revolves around this woman while the multitude of observers provides passive viewership. Such a scenario cannot represent a wave of xenophobic attacks. When the visual analysis is applied to the image, the reality that is gained is that it is an image representing one of the various situations that happen in any community with people who can differ, quarrel and fight. BBC NEWS rightfully states that “SA xenophobic attacks: ‘fake’ videos stoke tension”. A bigger crowd is watching a drama-like event. Where men are typically expected to be the chief proponents of xenophobic violence, in this image, they are the most amazed by an active well-dressed lady in the ring centre of events.

Xenophobia in SA, Social Media’s Immediacy in Modifying news Source: Twitter, 2019

The second image above depicts a volatile environment as the mere presence of the crowd and fire imply commotion and possible violence.

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The streets are deserted of any normalcy, with only the volatile images taking over all spaces available. The traffic lights can’t stop working, but there are no cars relating to their signals. These are not isolated images in South Africa, where strikes and demonstrations take place quite often. Walter Benjamin (1936, VI) pointed out that modern photography introduced a new understanding of authenticity, where “photographs become standard evidence for historical occurrences, and acquire a hidden political significance”. Thus, one can detect an enduring expectation on the part of audiences that the photographic image is a truthful reflection of reality. At the same time, as Roland Barthes observed, [G]eneral opinion too has a vague conception of the image as an area of resistance to meaning, this in the name of a certain mythical idea of life: the image is re-presentation, which is to say resurrection ultimately, and, as we know, the intelligible is reputed antipathetic to lived experience (Barthes, 1978: 32). In other words, the polysemy of the image is always already present, and its status as a reflection of reality is unstable. The reliability of the image as a form of reality will only be to show the burning fires and crowds witnessing. The same image can go for any situation and is not necessarily xenophobic. Its production during the period and the caption changes the whole impression that readers will carry in its perception. The media is trying to bring reality to the viewers and readers. Xenophobia in SA, Social Media’s Immediacy in Modifying … The images are used to frame reality and present it in a modified way. When the news has been consumed, a lasting impression is created in the minds of the people. They begin to multiply their perceptions in a further mode that could perpetuate the seeded impression in more damaging ways. The image below is an artist’s impression of the result of xenophobia.

Selection Consideration of Visual Images for Posting in Citizen Journalism Scholars call the process through which content is selected for publication “gatekeeping”. Further, they say, it is where “the social reality transmitted by the news media is constructed” (Shoemaker et al., 2001, 233 in Fahmy, 2005, 150). They acknowledge that factors beyond ethical mandates enter into newsroom decision-making, which may trump strict adherence to codes of ethics (Fahmy, 2005, 160). Images of war have an additional

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layer of political sensitivity that affects picture use (Fahmy, 2005; Perlmutter & Hatley-Major, 2004). Other considerations include organisational mandate and then cultural norms of the target audience (Fahmy, 2005, 150), which might account for regional and size-of-publication variables in picture selection. A small-town newspaper in one province, for example, would likely choose less graphic photos than a large paper with a national audience.

Sindiso Nyoni—Xenophobia Poster Series 1. Self-portrait illustrations based on the theme of xenophobia, as experienced by a legal alien in post-apartheid South Africa

The fourth image is again an artist’s impression of the xenophobic attacks. We have selected and used it since artists also have a responsibility to portray reality through their various forms: drama, music and drawings,

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themselves forms of visual communication. Sindiso Nyoni is a Zimbabwean living in South Africa and decided to make good his artistic talent by portraying how he feels immigrants are made to experience the moments of xenophobia. Art is a very powerful way of communicating sensitive news in a subtle and sometimes sarcastic way. The image is loaded with images and writings in an artistic way. The general impression in the entire picture is that of gloom and desolation; hence the inscription is GHOST. The artist is implying total destruction that only leaves ghosts to incarnate. The dire impression is cause for concern again as a form of media for expression to the public. A Ghost is described as something dead which seems to be alive. How is that being used to describe the victims of xenophobia in South Africa?

Xenophobic violence in South Africa: there is “no brotherly love” for foreigners. Uploaded by: Guardian News, September 9, 2019. 223.85K Views,·596 Likes,·0 Comments

The image above may not be fake but has been included on the basis of how many people were able to view it in the short time that it was uploaded. Attracting a viewership of 223.85k implies newsiness and that its effect was quickly experienced widely and worldly in a very short time of its posting. When people view such images online, the impression is stronger to the effect that the violence is as real as reflected. Readers and

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viewers do not need to think much beyond what is portrayed and can easily believe as given. Hall (1973: 188) discussed denotation as operating under a hidden sign marked “this really happened, see for yourself”. Hall says denotation is “precise, literal and unambiguous” (ibid.,176). In contrast, he sees selection as part of the connotative power of visual images. He discusses news value (the importance journalists give to stories and photographs) as an ideological structure rather than a neutral index. Emotional appeal is one such news value often “made salient by personifying events”, and the emotionally piercing quality of personalised visuals is part of their connotative power (ibid.,182). Hall (1973, 184) explains that we “insert the photo into a set of thematic interpretations, which permits the sign (photo) via connoted meanings, to serve as the index of an ideological theme”. The interpersonal function of images is also a crucial component in visual journalism seeking authentic communication. Choices made by the photographer are one factor in determining this interpersonal narrative. Interaction and power relations are created through lens choice, perspective and camera angle, according to Kobre (2008). For example, looking up at the subject, a low-angle perspective gives the subject power over the viewer. Conversely, looking down on a subject diminishes them. Close-ups allow an imaginary intimate relationship between subject and viewer; medium shots (3/4 body or waist up) enact a social relationship; long angle (full body) depictions are seen as impersonal (ibid). Rose (2012, 16) describes the meaning of visual texts as occurring at the “sites” of production, the image and viewing. Content analysis provides a formal reading at the site of the image itself, where discourse occurs at the sites of production and viewing. Rose defines discourse as “statements that structure the way a thing is thought and the way we act on the basis of that thinking” (Kress & Van Leeuwen, 2008, 189) and attributes it to the work of Michel Foucault. Discourse analysis of visual elements seeks to create meaning by considering factors beyond the formal elements contained in the image. First, at the site of production, the photographer must be sure that the picture conveys a proportional, authentic re-presentation of the scene. Choices made by the photographer can skew meaning. Discourse also occurs at the production site of newspaper layout and web page design, where image size and placement on the page are elements of design that signal

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importance. How on earth we end up with a sensitive xenophobic image on the front page of a newspaper entails how the editorial intends to prime the story.

Burning building video from India, not from xenophobic violence in South Africa. 08:50 | 19 September 2019 (GMT). Source. Africa Check.

In September 2019, xenophobic unrest flared up in parts of South Africa’s Gauteng province. But a number of videos and pictures circulating online, supposedly showing the violence, were unrelated to the events. A video posted on Twitter on September 2 shows a burning four-storey building with people climbing, jumping and falling from the top floor. A large crowd is gathered behind two fire trucks on the street below. “Situation right now in Jozi”, the user cautions. “Stay away from Bree street, Small streets guys.” Jozi is slang for Johannesburg. There are visual clues that suggest the video may not be from Johannesburg. For example, some of the signage on the building is not written in any of South Africa’s 11 official languages. And people in the crowd appear to be mainly of Asian nationality. We captured a screenshot from the video and searched Google for the image. The results took us to YouTube, where the same video was posted in May 2019. Included in the title are the words “Gujarat fire accident students”. News photographs do more than just illustrate events. It is the widely accepted practice of scholars to distinguish between a photograph’s literal (denotative) meaning and its more volatile connotative constructions. Connoted messages include ideology and belong in the realm of moral

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discourse. Foundational scholars on this topic include Roland Barthes and Stuart Hall. Barthes (1983, 198) positioned news photographs as paradoxical in nature. Their “objectivity” is derived from the idea that their denoted meaning is simply an “analogon” of the scene or literal reality, as simply a record of things seen. In contrast, the emotionally piercing quality of photographs functions as their connotative power, which “draws from broad symbolic systems in lending meaning to what is depicted” (Zelizer, 2010, 3). This power is derived in part because we take photographs to be true, thus creating the paradox. Additionally, to Barthes (1983), the photographic process, which includes composition and selection, makes them subject to professional, aesthetic and ideological norms, which are also connotative in that they construct meaning. In this sense, the connoted message is also “the manner in which the society communicates what it thinks of the image” or, put more simply, the reader’s response to it (1983,197). Sturken (2009, 18) says of Barthes: “The photograph is imagined having, depending on its context, a power that is primarily affective or a power that is primarily informative. Both powers reside in the mythical truth-value of the photograph.” This dichotomy is fundamental when photos are used for journalistic communication, where the affective/informative balance, in part, determines authenticity. The idea of context will be important to later discussions of visual images selection and use in newspaper publications.

Digital Manipulation of Visual Images in Social Media News There is a great deal of scholarly work on digital manipulation, some of it focusing on how murky ethics codes and practices can be. In the simplest terms, regulations generally allow “photoshop” enhancing (such as lightening to ensure faithful reproduction) but not altering (such as cloning). Cropping, for example, as one of digital manipulation, has been seen to mislead if information essential to a photograph’s meaning and context is removed. Citizens often use some of these features accessible on their gadgets to crop and frame images in order to push a personal but unethical agenda through digital manipulation via cropping. The pictures featured in this study will show that specific angles and focus would have been targeted whilst the rest of the photograph environment was removed. The first visual image used in which a lady is put in the centre of the picture does not show the recipient of her manoeuvre, yet the image is

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presented as xenophobic without the victims. The whole idea of removing the victim makes the image frivolous and manipulative. Phototruth, or the expectation of reality, is “qualified”, according to Wheeler (2002). The reader understands and allows for variations in translating scene to print; however, it demands the preservation of the fundamental meaning of the image (Wheeler, 2002, 130). “This qualified expectation of reality, (QER), derives from professional codes of ethics, and traditions of photographic grammar”. There is a belief system in visual communication which prioritises authenticity in digital manipulation by limiting it to “toning” and processes to ensure faithful reproduction. In the further understanding of digital manipulation, a “social contract” between journalist and reader encompasses a wider range of issues, including authenticity. It relies on the journalist to build credibility through accuracy and transparency. This has been seen to apply only in the formal and controlled publication. This situation does not work in social media, as have been exhibited in the images discussed above. This approach acknowledges the theory that positions photographs as having connotative meaning beyond their “evidentiary” truth.

Cultural and Ethical Implications Apart from the xenophobic images discussed above, O’Brien (1993: 7) considers a Pulitzer Prize-winning photograph of the very graphic and public murder of a Zulu spy in Soweto, South Africa, to posit that readers are savvy to the difference between “photos run for shock value and shocking photos run to tell an important story”. She outlines picture selection’s ethical decision-making, which often leads to choosing weaker photos, to the assertive and thoughtful use of the most dramatic photos. The latter, the “less condescending” approach, requires contextualising the story through associated words and packaging (ibid.,71). Accordingly, “simple utilitarian balancing is needed in the selection and publication of sensitive images, but that is not possible in citizen journalism where no rules are binding. If the photograph violates principles of compassion or taste, would its social or news value outweigh the other values it violates?” My point here will demand a visual news item during a xenophobic situation self-evaluate and posits how contextualisation can shift the balance. In much of this discussion, a central theme is the subjective nature of citizenship visual gatekeeping, which relies on instincts more than precise formulas when implementing ethical decisions. “When dealing with sensitive

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graphic photographs, the context of the news, self-censorship, personal ethics, and audience expectations are active ingredients in the selection process” (Fahmy, 2005, 152). Exactly how xenophobic visuals affect public opinion and behaviours is an issue that cannot be undervalued and is a serious point for debate. The citizen’s sharing of violent xenophobic visuals, normally emotionally charged images, is a powerful vehicle for framing messages. While much research has focused on the framing effects of news visuals as produced by a social media post, the actual effect that xenophobic images have on the viewer remains relatively under-researched as the topic itself is often viewed as sensitive and political. Since the research was attributed to social media, it is difficult to make binding recommendations since no strict rules bind the people who post the visuals. Rules may be made and are binding in South Africa, but when xenophobic situations are happening, images are uploaded from anywhere in the world, and they are accessible in every corner of the world. People and laws in, for example, Nigeria may feel not obliged to restrict the publication of such images as the authorities will not be willing to suppress the news in their opinion. Whilst South African authorities may feel the visuals are either exaggerated or misinforming, authorities in other geographical locations may prefer any form of publicity on the issue to bring attention to the world.

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Index1

A Abuse, 79, 80, 83, 86–89, 97–99, 104–106, 108, 137, 145, 147, 149, 218 Activism, 5, 6, 39, 46, 78, 79, 81, 83, 85, 86, 88, 252, 255–257, 260 Advertising, 42, 45, 155, 157, 159, 161, 169, 189, 211, 212, 217, 219, 279 Audience engagement, 61, 96, 101, 217–219 B Business model, 11, 19, 62, 116, 118, 154, 158, 220 C Citizen journalism, 4, 5, 7, 11, 12, 21–22, 25–26, 31, 61, 77, 81–85, 87–91, 165–179, 257–259, 267–284, 289–310

Citizen journalist, 4–6, 20, 21, 26, 30, 33, 77, 78, 81–91, 106, 160, 161, 166–170, 173–175, 177–179, 258, 260, 270–273, 275, 278–280, 282, 293–295 Citizenship, 6, 62, 183, 184, 186, 227, 228, 258, 269, 271, 294, 309 Communication, 1, 3, 5, 7, 17, 18, 31, 41, 47, 52, 62, 77, 80, 81, 85, 86, 108, 143, 157, 160, 166, 171, 178, 184, 189, 217–219, 230, 231, 237, 238, 243–245, 256, 269, 271, 276, 281, 283, 291–294, 296–299, 305, 306, 308, 309 Convergence, 20, 55, 84, 87, 178, 227, 231, 232, 279–283 Corruption, 5, 7, 68, 123, 124, 133–150, 185, 194, 200, 257, 259 Covidgate, 133–150

 Note: Page numbers followed by ‘n’ refer to notes.

1

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 T. Matsilele et al. (eds.), New Journalism Ecologies in East and Southern Africa, Palgrave Studies in Journalism and the Global South, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-23625-9

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INDEX

Culture, 3, 4, 9, 11, 44, 59–73, 77, 78, 85, 101, 103, 104, 117, 118, 120, 154, 174, 176, 184, 230, 233–236, 239, 240, 245–247, 276, 283, 291, 292, 297, 299 D Diasporic media, 12, 134, 251–265 Digital activism, 81, 83, 85, 86 Digital first, 11, 113–130 Digital innovations, 18, 22, 29 Digital media, 9, 20, 113, 117, 119, 133, 136, 137, 150, 172, 183, 190, 201, 226, 231–233, 237, 238, 240–244, 246, 247, 269, 281 Digital newspapers, 133–150 Digital security, 96, 98, 106, 107 Digital start-up, 11, 70, 134 E Editor, 20, 23–26, 28, 31, 40, 59, 63, 64, 67, 68, 70, 120, 122, 134, 137, 154, 158–161, 165, 171–176, 188, 197, 216, 217, 226, 237 Engaged journalism, 96, 105 Ethiopia, 11, 37–56 F Feminism, 79–81, 85, 86, 88, 91 G Gender-based-violence (GBV), 77 Government-owned media, 165, 173, 177 H Harassment of journalists, 95–108

I Identity, 5, 44, 47, 56, 72, 78, 83, 85, 87, 98, 105, 171, 187, 210, 216, 230, 298 In-depth interview, 24, 25, 96, 165, 210, 260 Indigenous language media, 11, 225, 227, 232 Information, 2–4, 6, 18–22, 24, 26, 27, 31, 32, 41, 42, 45, 50, 60, 62–64, 66–68, 82, 99, 100, 113, 118, 119, 122, 124–127, 129, 130, 147, 156, 159, 160, 165–167, 169–175, 177–179, 188, 192, 193, 201, 209–211, 214, 216, 218–220, 226, 229, 232, 235, 242, 245, 256, 258–260, 267–269, 271–273, 275, 278, 280, 282, 283, 289–294, 308 Internet, 3, 5, 18, 20, 22, 32, 33, 61, 62, 68, 84, 97–99, 113–115, 125, 133–136, 138, 141, 143, 156–159, 161, 166–168, 170, 172, 175, 190–193, 201, 207, 208, 214–216, 219, 220, 226, 229, 231, 234, 235, 253, 256, 257, 267–273, 267n1, 275, 276, 281–283, 293, 294 J Journalism, 1–12, 17–21, 26, 29, 31, 60–62, 64–70, 73, 77, 78, 80–82, 84–87, 89–91, 96, 97, 99–101, 103–108, 113, 116, 119, 136–138, 156, 160, 167–169, 171, 173, 174, 176–178, 186, 188, 197, 200, 211, 216, 219, 236, 254, 258, 260, 261, 268, 270–275, 279–283, 293, 294, 299, 301, 306

 INDEX 

Journalist, 1, 18, 38, 59, 95–108, 113, 136, 160, 165–179, 183–202, 208, 235, 268, 293 Journalistic workflows, 62, 64 K Kalemba, 207–221 L Lesotho Times, 59, 71 LiveU, 18, 19, 22–24, 27, 29, 31, 32 M Mainstream, 4–6, 9, 65, 82, 86, 90, 91, 96, 134, 144, 167–169, 174, 176–178, 192, 196, 244, 273, 297 Mainstream media, 5, 6, 9, 60–62, 78, 80, 82, 83, 86–91, 134, 136, 137, 169, 170, 174, 176, 190, 195–197, 199, 219, 242–244, 246, 256, 258, 260, 273–274, 294 Malawi, 11, 113–130 Media, 1, 17, 37, 59, 77–91, 97–98, 113, 133, 134, 153, 165, 183, 208, 225–247, 251–265, 267, 290 Mediatisation, 89, 141, 143 Mnangagwa, Emmerson, 134–137, 145, 147–150 Mob censorship, 96, 101, 105, 108 Mobile apps, 10, 19, 22, 25, 27, 28, 31, 32 Monetization, 211–213, 219, 220 Mozambique, 12, 228, 267–284 Mugabe, Robert, 135, 252–257, 263, 264 Mwebantu, 214

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N Namibia, 137, 149, 153–155, 158, 161, 228 Nation Publications Limited (NPL), 11, 114–116, 118, 120–126, 129, 130 Nehanda Radio, 251–265 Networked feminism, 79–81, 85, 88, 91 “New Dispensation,” 2, 133–138, 149, 150 News, 1, 3–12, 17–33, 37, 38, 40–43, 45, 54, 60–62, 77, 78, 82–84, 86, 87, 89, 90, 95–97, 101–106, 113–116, 118, 119, 134–139, 142–147, 150, 153–161, 165–174, 184–187, 189, 192, 193, 197, 201, 207–214, 225–228, 231, 232, 235, 237–240, 242, 245, 252–258, 260–265, 267, 268, 270, 289, 290 News Day, 59 News delivery, 158 News Diggers, 209, 210, 214–220 Newspapers, 9, 11, 12, 59, 71, 73, 113–130, 133–150, 153–161, 166, 171–179, 187–189, 201, 209, 213–215, 219, 226, 227, 231, 232, 234–236, 239, 242, 245–247, 252, 253, 268, 273, 282, 304, 306–308 News production, 5, 6, 10, 12, 17–33, 59, 62, 96, 253, 255, 259 Newsrooms, 3, 11, 18, 19, 21, 24, 25, 27, 29–32, 59–73, 91, 96, 97, 100, 106, 108, 116, 118–121, 128, 173, 255, 258, 273, 303 News sourcing, 61 NTV Go, 18–20, 22–33

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INDEX

O Octopus, 18, 19, 22–24, 27, 29–32 Online, 3–5, 11, 18, 28, 29, 85, 87, 91, 95–108, 113, 115–118, 120–125, 128, 129, 134, 136–139, 143, 144, 148, 150, 154–161, 166, 167, 173–176, 186–188, 191–193, 208–216, 218–220, 240, 243, 251–254, 258–261, 263, 264, 268, 272, 275, 276, 305, 307 Online gendered harassment, 100 Online harassment, 95–108 Opinion, 3, 24, 26, 32, 42, 54, 63, 66, 77, 83, 89, 125, 143, 173, 184, 189, 192, 233, 256, 281, 290, 294, 295, 303, 310 P Participation, 7, 10, 28–30, 32, 33, 39, 40, 44, 55, 56, 82, 86, 107, 183, 185, 192, 210, 215, 233, 234, 236, 237, 257, 268, 270, 294 Participatory journalism, 101, 102, 104, 276, 293 The Post, 59, 209 Privately-owned media, 165 Public, 4, 6–8, 11, 20, 21, 24, 26, 38, 39, 42–44, 46, 48, 53, 66, 72, 77, 78, 81–84, 87–89, 100–102, 104, 106, 108, 130, 134, 136–138, 142–144, 146, 147, 155, 159, 160, 170, 172, 173, 178, 184, 186–189, 192, 193, 196, 200, 202, 212, 213, 217, 227, 229, 231, 233, 242, 244, 251, 253, 256, 257, 259, 260, 264, 270–272, 274, 279, 290, 293–299, 301, 305, 309, 310

R Radical Economic Transformation (RET), 184–190, 196–198, 200, 201 Radio, 3, 12, 38–43, 46–56, 70, 71, 73, 120, 123, 129, 166, 175, 178, 187, 191, 219, 225–227, 229–232, 235–237, 239, 241, 243, 245–247, 251–265, 273, 274, 278, 281 Ramaphosa, Cyril, 185, 186, 188, 195–198 Reciprocal journalism, 101, 104, 107 Reporters, 19–21, 23–33, 45, 66, 70, 99, 100, 105, 117, 118, 120, 129, 143, 157, 165, 167, 168, 170–176, 191, 258, 275, 293, 297 Reporting, 3–6, 11, 12, 19–21, 25, 28, 30, 33, 45, 61, 67, 79, 97, 104, 119, 127, 128, 138, 155, 168–170, 172, 195, 201, 239, 254, 261, 262, 267–284, 290, 295, 296, 300 S Safety of journalists, 99, 108 2nd Republic, 133–150, 213 Second screens, 84 Soap opera, 77–91 Social media, 1–12, 19, 46, 59–73, 99, 113, 134, 154, 166, 183, 207–221, 226, 270, 289–310 Social media networks, 267, 268 Social television, 79, 81, 83–84, 88, 89

 INDEX 

South Africa, 11, 12, 62, 77, 79–81, 83–85, 87, 90, 114, 184–190, 193–202, 214, 225–231, 233, 234, 239–241, 244–246, 290, 295, 301, 303–305, 307, 309, 310 Surveillance, 97, 98, 100, 103–105, 107, 191, 193, 208 T Tanzania, 165–168, 171, 177 Television (TV), 18, 22, 27, 28, 30, 38, 53, 54, 71, 73, 79, 84, 88, 89, 120, 129, 166, 175, 178, 187, 189, 191, 219, 226, 229–237, 243, 247, 253, 257, 258, 263, 264, 268, 273, 274, 278–281 Times Group, 11 Traditional media, 9, 10, 113, 115, 127, 138, 156–158, 165, 170–172, 175–179, 208, 209, 212, 214, 256, 268, 278, 279, 282, 283 Trolls, 96, 99, 105, 106, 108 Twitter, 1, 28, 29, 32, 59, 60, 64–69, 71, 73, 83, 97, 105, 115, 116, 134, 136, 138, 154, 157, 160, 165–167, 172, 186, 189, 190, 193–195, 198, 209, 226, 231, 256, 261, 265, 290, 293, 302, 307

319

U Uganda, 10, 17–33 W Watchdogs, 4, 69, 100, 133–150, 190 Y YouTube/YouTube platform, 1, 154, 159–161, 165, 177, 226, 231, 256, 257, 265, 293, 307 Z Zambia, 11, 207–221 Zambia Information and Communication Technology Authority (ZICTA), 208, 214 Zambia Reports, 214 ZANU PF, 136–138, 147, 149, 254–257, 260 Zimbabwe, 7, 11, 12, 95–108, 133–150, 170, 185, 228, 251–257, 259–264, 275 ZimLive.com, 133–150 Zim Morning Post, 133–150 Zuma, Jacob, 185, 186, 188, 189, 194–197