Never Say Die!: A Thousand Years of Yiddish in Jewish Life and Letters [Reprint 2010 ed.] 9783110820805, 9789027979780

Citation preview

N E V E R SAY DIE! ¡τπχ ^

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Contributions to the Sociology of Language 30

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Never Say Die ! A Thousand Tears of Yiddish in Jewish Life and Letters

Edited by JOSHUA A. FISHMAN

MOUTON PUBLISHERS · THE HAGUE · PARIS · NEW YORK

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data M a i n entry under title: Never Say Die! (Contributions to the sociology of language, 30) English and Yiddish. Bibliography: p. Includes index. ι. Yiddish language—Social aspects—Addresses, essays, lectures. 2. Jews—Languages—Addresses, essays, lectures. I. Fishman, J o s h u a Α. I I . Series. P

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ISBN 9 0 - 2 7 9 - 7 9 7 8 - 2

81-3957

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Publication of this book was made possible, in part, by subventions obtained by the League for Yiddish, Inc. Copyright © 1981 by Mouton Publishers, T h e H a g u e All rights reserved. No part of this publication m a y be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the written permission of Mouton Publishers, T h e Hague. Designed by Arie Bornkamp J a c k e t design by J u r r i a a n Schrofer J a c k e t photograph by Hans de Boer with the cooperation of the J e w i s h Historical Museum, Amsterdam. Printed in Great Britain at the University Press, Cambridge

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Pale of settlement in Czarist R u s i a

T h e major Eastern European Yiddish dialect areas: to the left of the north-south line, the 'central dialect' (popularly referred to as 'poylish/galitsyaner') ; to the north of the east-west line, the 'northern dialect' (popularly referred to as ' litvish') ; south of the east-west line, the 'southern dialect' (popularly referred to as ' volinyer/podolyer/besaraber'). Arrow points to Tshernovits.

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Abstract of Yiddish text on page VII About Yiddish. R a b b i Joseph B. Soloveitchik, one of the world's foremost rabbinic authorities, declares that although Yiddish is not holy in-and-of-itself, it nevertheless possesses holiness-by-association, in view of its centuries-old relationship with traditional J e w i s h piety, scholarship, exemplary leadership, and authentic way of life. Accordingly, it is a great privilege for J e w s to exert themselves to protect Yiddish with all the power at their command. (Der tog, February 24, 1 9 6 1 )

Preface

J O S H U A A. F I S H M A N

During the past two decades, I have devoted considerable effort to the sociology of Yiddish, on the one hand, and to more general sociolinguistic theory and research, on the other hand. In this volume I have tried to bring these two aspects of my work into a closer and more total relationship with each other than has ever been the case in the past. In doing so I have tried to create a volume on Yiddish for my sociolinguistic students and colleagues and, simultaneously, a volume informed by sociolinguistic theory and research for my students and colleagues from the field of Yiddish. However, since both volumes are actually one, I have also hoped that sociolinguistic specialists would find in its sociolinguistic component some materials and concepts that they would consider to be stimulating, whereas Yiddish specialists would, similarly, find in its Yiddish component a number of exciting and valuable suggestions and ideas. The last few years have witnessed a substantial growth of Yiddish studies at the tertiary (college and university) level throughout the world, but particularly in the United States. However, most of the students benefiting by this development have concentrated on literary and linguistic materials. As a result, the full world of Yiddish, as it was and as it is, is frequently never focused upon or merely vaguely glimpsed. It was (and is) a world that deserves to be inspected directly and exhaustively, if only that its language and literature might be more fully understood and appreciated, but also, most basically, because, like every other human world, it gives testimony to the complexity, the resilience, the creativity, and the conflictedness of society in general and of language in society in particular. Since it is my hope that a variety of readers may be interested in this volume, differing greatly from each other in area of specialization as well as in level of advancement within their field of special expertise, I have tried to include some basic introductory data, some information of a moderate degree of advancement, and some highly specialized material throughout the interrelated and mutually reinforcing sections of this volume. My own ' prologue ' is multi-tiered accord-

χ

Preface

ingly, and m y ' e p i l o g u e ' seeks to address itself to further studies in the sociology of Yiddish as a fruitful field for sociolinguistic and Yiddish specialists alike. T h e Holocaust of the Nazi years has taken from us the bulk of the world of Yiddish. As that world recedes into history, at best, and into forgetfulness, at worst, it becomes even more subject to either deification, as the epitome of all that was and is holy, noble, wise, and genuine in the Jewish tradition, or to satanization, as the epitome of all the dislocation, pain, poverty, and persecution in Jewish history. It is my hope that this volume will add perspective to most popular reactions to Yiddish - whether pro or con - by providing a dimension of realistic depth and an appreciation for the internal struggles and external pressures that this world continually experienced. F a r from being either superhuman or s u b h u m a n the world of Yiddish was - and still is, for it is far from over and done with - brimful of very h u m a n ambivalences : extremism and compromise, idealism and materialism, shortsightedness and eternal verities, tenderness and cruelty. It was and is a complete w o r l d : a full-woven tapestry; a varied w o r l d : a multicolored tapestry; a creative w o r l d : a still unrolling tapestry. T h e sociology of language - and, I a m convinced, mankind in general - will be richer for becoming more familiar with it. O f the m a n y w h o have encouraged and enabled me to undertake and complete this volume, I w a n t to single out for public thanks the Y i v o , particularly its library, and most particularly D i n a A b r a m o v i t s h , head librarian of the Y i v o , for locating m a n y dozens of items that I needed to examine, as well as M o r d k h e Shekhter, C o l u m b i a University, for his friendly criticism and assistance in connection with dozens of queries, R o b e r t Cooper, H e b r e w University (Jerusalem), for his very helpful comments on an early draft of the Foreword to this volume, L e y z e r R a n for permitting me to m a k e use of so m a n y of the splendid illustrations in his exemplary publications Fun eliyohu bokher biz hirsh glik (1963) and Terushelayem delite ilustrirt un dokumentirt (1974), and, most importantly, members of m y immediate family w h o helped me assemble the readings and check the bibliography, and, above all, w h o convinced me to include readings in Yiddish per se, so that through this volume the language w o u l d not merely be ' read about ' - but would actually be read and studied directly. In the last analysis, l a n g u a g e is not only a socioaffective referent but a cognitive-expressive system first and foremost. Like all languages, but somehow even more than most, Yiddish pleads to be and needs to be read, spoken, laughed, cried, sung, shouted. It is a breath of life itself. This volume, therefore, is, in part, also a contribution to those w h o will continue to breathe it, to use it, rather than just admire or long for it, and an attempt to add to their ranks.

J a n u a r y 1980

Contents*

Preface The Sociology of Yiddish : A Foreword Joshua A. Fishman

ix ι

PART I SOCIOHISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE The Reality of Jewishness versus the Ghetto Myth : The Sociolinguistic Roots of Yiddish Maks Vaynraykh (Max Weinreich) The Yiddish Language: Its Cultural Impact Yudl ( Yudel) Mark

103

119

Vegn der natsyonaler role fun yidish un der yidisher kultur [Concerning the Ethnohistorical Role of Yiddish and Yiddish Culture] Shmuel Niger

129

Urne veloshn : yidish folk, yidish loshn [People and Language : Jewish Nationality and Yiddish Language] Avrom Golomb

141

P A R T II O R T H O D O X Y : T H E N A N D NOW A Defense of Yiddish in Old Yiddish Literature Tisroel Tsinberg (Israel Einberg)

161

* All reprinted material has been left as originally published in order to accurately reflect the varying conventions of documentation, transliteration, and spelling observed by their authors and publishers, whether in English or in Yiddish.

XII

Contents

Yidishkeyt un yidish Qewishness and Yiddish] Sore Shenirer

173

Di rekht fun 'loshn ashkenaz' bay dintoyres [The Rights of Yiddish in Suits in Rabbinic Courts] / Der vilner goen un yidish [The Sage of Vilna and Yiddish] Yitskhok Rivkind Geule fun loshn [Redemption of Language] Shloyme Birnboym (Solomon Birnbaum) T h e Role of Yiddish in American Ultra-Orthodox and Communities Solomon Poll

177

181

Hassadic 197

Who Needs Yiddish? Shimon Susholtz

219

Sounds of Modern Orthodoxy: The Language of Talmud Studies S. C. Heilman

227

P A R T III M O D E R N I Z A T I O N M O V E M E N T S AND MODERN ATTITUDES Di fir klasn [The Four Categories] Y. M. Lifshits

259

Matesyohu mizes un di polemik vegn yidish [Matesyohu (Mattathias Mieses) and the Polemic about Yiddish] G. Kresl

Mizes

Zhitlovsky and American J e w r y Emanuel S. Goldsmith Mir bashuldikn Responsibility!] £erubovl

un monen akhrayes!

267

291

[We Accuse and

Demand

Der blik az yidish iz der tamtsis fun yidishkayt — di sakone fun der formule ' lingvistish-sekularistish ' [The View that Yiddish is the Quintessence of Jewishness — T h e Danger of the Formulation 'Linguistic-Secularistic'] Leybesh Lerer (Leibush Lehrer)

297

313

Contents

An ofener briv tsu undzer yidishistisher inteligents [An Open Letter to Our Yiddishist Intelligentsia] Ben-adir Who Needs Yiddish? A Study in Language and Ethics Joseph C. Landis

χιιι

343

349

P A R T IV H I S T O R I C M O M E N T S Attracting a Following to High-Culture F'mctions for a Language of Everyday Life: The Role of the Tshernovits Language Conference in the 'Rise of Yiddish' Joshua A. Fishman Di yidishe shprakh af der tog-ordenung fun der sholem-konferents in pariz, 1919 [The Yiddish Language on the Agenda of the Peace Conference in Paris, 1919] Yoysef Tenenboym Tsu der efenung fun der yidish-katedre in yerushelayemer universitet [On the Inauguration of the Yiddish Chair at the University in Jerusalem] M. Shneyerson, M, Shvabe, B. Dinaburg, D. Pinski, Kh. Grinberg, L. Sigi, D. Sadan Address at the Dedication of the Leivick House in Israel, May 14, 1970 Golde Meyer (Golda Meir) Deklaratsye fun der velt-konferents far yidish un yidisher kultur in yerushelayem.. .dem 23stn-26stn oygust 1976 [Declaration of the World Conference for Yiddish and Yiddish Culture in Jerusalem.. .August 23-26, 1976]

369

395

409

427

431

PART V F O R M A L I N S T I T U T I O N S OF L A N G U A G E : THE PRESS, L I T E R A T U R E , T H E A T E R , SCHOOLS Der ' bund ' un der gedank vegn a yidish-veltlekher shul [The ' Bund ' and the Idea of a Yiddish-Secular School] Kh. Sh. Kazhdan

43g

Tsvey shprakhn—eyneyntsike Literature] Bal-makhshoves

463

literatur

[Two

Languages — One

XIV

Contents

Lererkursn far yidish in lodzher geto [Yiddish Courses for Teachers in the (Nazi) Ghetto of Lodz] T. L. Gersht The Night of the Murdered Poets Judah L. Graubart An Educational Assessment of the Yiddish Secular School Movements in the United States Sandra Parker

479

485

495

The American Yiddish Press at Its Centennial B. Goldberg

313

Ida Kaminska and the Yiddish Theater Harold Clurman

323

Yiddish in the University Leonard Prager

529

PART VI MAINTENANCE AND SHIFT Di yidishe shprakh in undzer privat-lebn [The Yiddish Language in Our Private Life] M. Olgin

551

The Struggle for Yiddish During World War I : The Attitude of German Jewry Zosa Szajkowski

565

Di shprakhn bay yidn in umophengikn poyln [The Languages of Jews in Independent Poland] Yankev Leshtshinski

591

Lebediker Untergang [Lively Death]/A loshn af tomid, nisht afdervayl [A Language for Always, Not Just for a While] Yankev Glatshteyn

609

Yiddish in Melbourne F. Manfred Klarberg

619

Contents

χν

Knowledge, Use, and Evaluation of Yiddish and Hebrew among American Jewish College Students

635

Alan

Hudson-Edwards

PART VII SOCIOLINGUISTIC VARIATION AND P L A N N I N G Vegn zhargon oysleygn [About Spelling Zhargon ( = Yiddish)]

657

Sholem Aleykhem (Aleichem)

Undzer mame-loshn [Our Mother Tongue]

663

G. £elikovitsh

Vegn litvishn dialekt in kongres-poyln [Concerning ( = Northeastern) Dialect in Congress Poland]

the

Litvak

Note Berliner

Zeyer gerekht [Absolutely Right]

667

B. ( = Shloyme Birnboym)

The 'Hidden Standard': Standardization

A

Study of Competing

Influences in 671

Mordkhe Shekhter (Schaechter)

Politics and Linguistics in the Standardization of Soviet Yiddish

699

Rachel Erlich

Some Aspects of the Use of Pronouns of Address in Yiddish

709

Dan I. Slobin

Bilingualism Children

and

Dialect

Mixture

Among

Lubavitcher

Hasidic 721

George Jochnowitz

Epilogue: Contributions of the Sociology of Yiddish to the General Sociology of Language

739

Joshua A. Fishman

Original Sources

757

Index

761

... we dare not abandon one of the foundations of national unity in the very hour that the languages of the peoples around us rob our people of thousands and tens of thousands of its sons, so that they no longer understand the language used by their parents. We must not destroy with our own hands the power of our folk language to compete with the foreign languages which lead to assimilation. Such destruction would amount to suicide. There being no hope of converting our ancient national tongue into the living and daily spoken language in the Diaspora, we would be committing a transgression against our national soul if we did not make use in our war against assimilation of the great counterforce stored up in the language of the people. ... When the language problem is posed in all its ramifications and when it is clarified not from the viewpoint of one party or of one literary clique or another, but from the general national viewpoint, then there will be no place for such errors in this matter. Insofar as we recognize the merit of national existence in the Diaspora, we must also recognize the merit of Yiddish as one of the instruments of autonomy, together with Hebrew and the other factors of our culture.

Shimen Dubnov (Simon Dubnow). K h i y e v hagoles; vegn shliles hagoles fun akhed hoom [Affirmation of the Diaspora; Concerning A h a d Ha-'am's Negation of the Diaspora], in his Briv vegn altn un nayem yidntum [Letters Concerning Old and New J e w r y ] . Mexico City, Mendelson Fund, 1959 [1909].

The Sociology of Yiddish: A Foreword

J O S H U A A. F I S H M A N

P A R T ι:

SOCIOHISTORIC AL P E R S P E C T I V E

ON

YIDDISH

Two major viewpoints underlie most reflections about Yiddish across the centuries, be they by adherents or detractors, clergy or laity, language specialists or laymen. One view is that Yiddish is 'just another'Jewish diaspora vernacular - j u s t one more member in a club whose membership has been both rather unselective and fleeting. The other holds that it is much more than that, whether for good or for evil. In relatively recent years, aspects of both views have come to be held simultaneously and dialectically by the same observers, so that the insights of both have been brought together in an intriguingly complementary perspective. What all three of the above views have in common is their implicit contrastivity. Indeed, the aura of contrastivity accompanies Yiddish throughout the entire millennium of its existence (S. Birnboym 1939, 1968 ; Opatoshu 1950; Shiper 1923, 1924; M. Vaynraykh 1973) and leads both to a heightened componential consciousness ¿níralinguistically (i.e. to a consciousness even among many ordinary members of the speech community as to the fusion nature of the language as a whole as well as of the ' origins ' - real or purported - of particular words or structures) and to exaggerated efforts with respect to sociohistorical comparativity ¿raterlinguistically. Thus, Yiddish speakers in the United States are minimally aware, if not totally oblivious, of the hybrid or fusion nature of English (Acher 1902) e.g., but are fully aware of (even mesmerized by) that fact vis-à-vis Yiddish. Similarly, even those who have no more than a nodding acquaintance with Yiddish have a ready-made paradigm with respect to its componentiality (as well as with respect to its longevity), even though they have absolutely no such paradigm for languages with which they are far more familiar from the point of view of personal use and fluency. The foregoing observations are meant not merely to imply that ' a little knowledge is a dangerous thing', which is true enough, but that Yiddish is 'one of those things' T h e sections of this Foreword correspond to the sections of this volume.

2

The Sociology of Yiddish: A Foreword

about which there are readily available Weltanschauungen, conceptual maps, which it is exceedingly difficult to penetrate, to alter, to restructure. T h e r e is something about Yiddish that stimulates most 'beholders' to act as if they were comparative sociolinguists. Yiddish excites comparative and prognostic tendencies. T h e fact that Yiddish has so obviously been the m a j o r Jewish diaspora vernacular of modern times - certainly it was such until the early 40s when the Holocaust savagely diminished the n u m b e r of its users by some 75 per cent led m a n y polemicists (and even some scholars) who were more basically concerned with other Jewish languages to pursue their interests with one eye on Yiddish. Reminders that loshn koydesh was the holy tongue basically served to stress that Yiddish was not (Levinzon 1935). Reminders that H e b r e w was an eternal language served to underscore that Yiddish was not (Levinson 1935). T h e emphasis on the continued growth of modern H e b r e w constantly pointed to the 'obviously' shrinking base of Yiddish (Bachi 1956; H o f m a n and Fisherman 1971 ; Maler 1925). O t h e r Jewish vernaculars have regularly been explored in the light of questions, problems, prejudices, and findings initially derived from the intellectual, political or emotional sphere of Yiddish (e.g. Birnboym 1937; Blanc 1964; Bunis 1975; F a u r 1973; Jochnowitz 1975; Shaykovski 1948; Vidal 1972; Ziskind 1965; etc.). A related pattern is a p p a r e n t in scholarly work pertaining to Yiddish per se. T h e view that it should be considered as a language in its own right, a language with systematic characteristics, relationships, functions, and concerns that are particularly and peculiarly its own within its community of users, is constantly ' clinched ' by the view that Yiddish is a language like all other languages, equal to others, as good as others, whether the others be Jewish or not. Tsinberg, the major historian of Jewish literature, begins his treatment of Yiddish literature ^ 9 7 5 [ 1 935] ) with a chapter on the status of Yiddish in the period of early Yiddish literature. T h e chapter does not give extensive treatment to this topic, although the English translator pretended that it does by entitling it ' Languages A m o n g the J e w s : T h e Origin of Yiddish'. Somehow neither Tsinberg nor his translator considered it possible to j u m p into the beginnings of Yiddish literature without at least a brief, comparative, sociolinguistic excursus. M . Vaynraykh, the master of modern Yiddish studies, does exactly that, and most thoroughly, whether he deals with Yiddish literature ( 1923b, 1928) or language (1973). T h e work on the variety of early names for Yiddish (including z h a r g o n - j a r g o n and ivre-taytsh - translation of Hebrew) quickly points out that both the lack of n a m i n g consensus and the lack of self-acceptance (among its users) that are revealed by m a n y of the early designations for Yiddish are quite like those obtained for m a n y languages, including m a n y Jewish languages (S. Birnboym 1942), the world over, and that this condition was even more widespread in centuries gone by and in the very heartland of Europe to boot (e.g. D u b n o v

The Sociology of Yiddish : A Foreword

3

1 9 2 9 b ; Prilutski 1938b, 1 9 3 5 ; Spivak 1938). Even the Y I V O (originally Yiddish Scientific Institute-YIVO and, since 1 9 5 5 , Y I V O Institute for Jewish Research), in its widely distributed brochure entitled Basic Facts about Yiddish, is quick to point out that Yiddish 'is about the same age as most European languages' (1946), a claim that would concern only specialists, at best, in conjunction with English, French or Polish. 1 Componentialism, contrastivity, language relativism within and relativism without: these are all the marks of a language that arose among a people already literate (even biliterate) and the conscious and conscientious carriers of a classic tradition, as well as of a classic and seemingly inescapable burden, among the nations of the Euro-Mediterranean world. Both the tradition and the burden have fostered insecurities or, at the very least, sensitivities and awarenesses vis-à-vis Yiddish among its lay-devotees (Grosman 1 9 7 4 a ; Samuel 1 9 7 1 a ) , that few other language communities of similar size and creativity have retained for anywhere near as long. However, the sublimation of these cognitive and conative tensions surrounding Yiddish has led to some of the century's major works on linguistics in general (Mizes I 9 I 5 ; U . Vaynraykh 1 9 5 3 ) , on Jewish interlinguistics more specifically (S. Birnboym 1 9 5 1 ; Gold 1 9 7 4 ; Paper 1978), and on Yiddish per se within a comparative framework (in particular M . Vaynraykh 1954, ι. T h e appreciable historicity of Yiddish is necessarily based upon historical reasoning and analogy in so far as its earliest beginnings are concerned (M. V a y n r a y k h 1973). T h e earliest datable written evidence of Yiddish stems from the thirteenth century (M. V a y n r a y k h 1 9 6 3 ; Sadan 1963), although the likelihood that earlier written records existed and were lost due to lack of interest as well as because of expulsions and other adverse circumstances of Jewish life is great indeed. T h e deeper problem, which Yiddish shares with all ausbau languages, is that of arriving at a balance of criteria, psychological, social, and linguistic, according to which ' beginnings ' can be validated or verified. Thus, dating the beginning of Yiddish vis-à-vis German, presents an issue that is also of interest to Slovak (vis-à-vis Czech), Croatian (visà-vis Serbian), Ukrainian and White Russian (visà-vis Russian), U r d u (vis-à-vis Hindi), and most particularly, Macedonian (vis-à-vis Bulgarian) and Indonesian (vis-à-vis Malaysian). Both subjective and objective criteria are of concern in this connection, although they will not always agree. Objective criteria alone are not enough for they tend to overstress the significance of structural linguistic features which m a y have had little or no social or psychological visibility or significance at the time. However, subjective criteria alone are equally fallible, given that language consciousness is commonly so rare (or, if present, so easily influenced by community leaders or even by

outside authorities) among ordinary rank-and-file members of speech communities, probably even more so in centuries past than in modern times. T h e fusion nature of Yiddish (its componentiality) makes both objective and subjective dating easier and more reliable. Nevertheless, this entire topic remains one that deserves and requires additional attention both within J e w i s h interlinguistics and within the sociolinguistics of ausbau languages more generally. Now that the topic o f ' l a n g u a g e d e a t h ' has recently received well-deserved attention (see International Journal of the Sociology of Language, 1977, no. 12, entire issue), it may be hoped that language birth will also receive more attention. Most of the recent attention given to the latter topic has been in connection with problems of pidginization and creolization. It would be premature at this time to conclude that this is the only sociopsychological-linguistic context in which language birth takes place. Whereas it has been proposed that Yiddish might best be considered a pidgin in its earliest stages (Jacobs 1975), this would seem to be questionable, or at least highly atypical for pidgins, given (a) the biliterate nature o f m o s t o f i t s male speakers, (b) the fact that they did not lack prior, fully fashioned intragroup language varieties while Yiddish was coming into being as such (i.e. while it was leaving behind its initial intergroup functions and characteristics), and (c) the fact that no 'reduced stage' of the language has ever been evinced.

4

The Sociology of Yiddish: A Foreword

1973). This endless contrastivity - amounting almost to the assumption that comparison is the only intellectual stance, that multiplicity of languages (dialects, varieties) is the human condition (Goldsmit 1968), and that the moral triumph over inner bias and outer rejection is the bittersweet compensation of the disadvantaged - serves to make the sociology of Yiddish a stimulating field for many who have neither a direct nor an indirect affiliation with it. All who are interested either in other insecure language communities today or in the earlier, more temporary periods of insecurity that all languages have faced, including the great languages of this day and age before arriving at their currently uncontested social functions, can recognize in Yiddish parallels to frequently glossed-over parts of their own stories. However, it would be highly unlikely for any vernacular of a chosen people not to be perceived as incomparable as well, particularly if this vernacular uniquely accompanied and fostered this people's modern national awakening. T h e deep involvement of Yiddish in modern Jewish authenticity movements (most of them being, naturally enough, modernization-plus-authenticity movements) has indelibly associated it with the chosenness, the specialness, the heightenedness of Jewishness. Professors, poets, and prose masters alike have ascribed to it a unique cultural impact (Mark 1969), an elevating individual role (Leyvik 1957), and an updating, softening, and universalization of the classic Jewish contribution to civilization (Shtif 1922, 1924; Opatoshu 1949b). Thus, it is not only claimed that Yiddish reflectsyidishkayt, the entire life-pattern and world view of traditional Ashkenazic J e w r y (e.g. M . Vaynraykh 1953, 1959, 1967, 1972, 1 9 7 3 ; Fishman 1974, 1976a; Tsaytlin 1973) but that it is/was itself a contributor to the creation, development, and preservation of Jewish values, Jewish traditions, and of the survival of the Jewish peoplehood itself (Golomb 1962a, 1962b, 1970; Niger 1928b; Lerer 1940; Bez 1 9 7 1 a ) . Indeed, every Yiddish word has been viewed in quintessential Herderian perspective, i.e. as not only denoting but as embodying Jewish values (yidishe verter :yidishe vertn), wit, humor, and Jewish eternity itself. Significantly, the richness of Yiddish words - their emotional loadings, their innuendos, their diminutives, their endlessly nuanced connotations of collective experience - has been admired, envied and regretted by modern Hebraists faced by the comparative artificiality of Israeli Hebrew (Epshteyn 191 o ; Kazenelson 1960 ; Megged 1966 ; for several additional citations see M . Vaynraykh 1973, vol. 3, p. 262). Indeed, the presumably unmediated character of Yiddish, making it an instrument of something akin to Jewish phatic communion, its seemingly natural, impulsive involvement in emotional stances, led to early and continued attacks upon it by most of those who championed enlightenment (Nusboym 1882), Zionism (reviewed by Pilovski 1973, 1979), and traditional or reform religion alike (Feder 1 8 1 5 [in Lifshits 1863], Hakohen 1902; Mendelssohn 1783). Yiddish has long touched and still touches an emotional nerve. It is close to the

The Sociology of Yiddish: A Foreword

5

vital and volatile likes and dislikes of a threatened people, of insecure protoelites, of insufficiently recognized intellectuals. As such, it is rarely reacted to dispassionately. 2 Just as Jews themselves stand accused in the eyes of many outsiders of simultaneous but opposite derilictions (capitalism and communism, clannishness and assimilation, materialism and vapid intellectualism) so Yiddish stands accused - within the Jewish fold itself - of being a tool of the irreligious andoï the ultraorthodox, of fostering ghettoization and rootless cosmopolitanism, of reflecting quintessential and inescapable Jewishness and of representing little more than a hedonistic differentiation from the ways of the gentiles, of being dead or dying, and of being a ubiquitous threat to higher values. In all cases, however, the claims made and the association played upon are more extreme, more articulated, and more uncompromising in the case of Yiddish than any that are made pertaining to other Jewish post-exilic languages. 'There is probably no other l a n g u a g e . . . on which so much opprobrium has been heaped ' (Weiner 1899, p. 12). Perhaps this is the fundamental uniqueness of Yiddish. Perhaps it is this enmeshment in never-ending controversy and deep feeling that prompts so many comparisons: the status of most exceptional post-exilic language of an exceptional people; the most itinerant language of an itinerant people ; the constantly self-renewing language (its demise being predicted desired ? - generation after generation for centuries) of a constantly self-renewing people.

p a r t

11:

o r t h o d o x y :

t h e n

a n d

n o w

The relationship between Yiddish and Ashkenazic Orthodoxy has traditionally been ambivalent and bimodal. Obviously, Yiddish arose at a time when Orthodoxy not only reigned supreme, but also was identical with the Jewish way of life, and when Ashkenaz itself was just coming into being as a relatively self-sufficient Jewish civilization with its own normative authorities vis-à-vis the 2. T h e Yiddish literary critic and historian Balmakhshoves contrasted Yiddish and Esperanto primarily in connection with the emotional dimension that he considered so vital for an understanding of the significance of Yiddish. W r i t i n g over 7 0 years ago ( 1 9 5 3 b [ 1 9 0 8 b ] ) he suggested that Yiddish and Esperanto were really polar opposites in the family of languages. W h e r e a s Esperanto, he contended, was intended to serve superficial and ahistorical h u m a n interactions, Yiddish was related to deep emotions and to a millennium of history. Furthermore, whereas Esperanto served primarily for communications between culturally dissimilar interlocutors, Yiddish not only served those w h o shared intensely a thousand concerns a n d experiences, but served to bring back to the c o m m u n i t y those w h o had unfortunately drifted

a w a y from it. Setting aside the fact that not only Yiddish and Esperanto but all mother tongues and Esperanto can be differentiated along very m u c h the same lines that Bal-makhshoves a d v a n c e d , it is of interest to point out that Z a m e n h o f , the inventor of Esperanto, was himself a Y i d d i s h speaker and writer. N o t only did he see to it that a Yiddish translation of his proposal for a world language was published the very year after Esperanto itself w a s ' b o r n ' (Esperanto 1 8 8 8 ) , but he was sufficiently interested in the state of Yiddish to urge that its g r a m m a r a n d orthography benefit from early codification and standardization (Dr. X 1 9 0 9 ) . A detailed Y i d d i s h - E s p e r a n t o , E s p e r a n t o - Y i d d i s h dictionary was completed thanks largely to the efforts of Yiddish-speaking Esperantists in Israel ( R u s a k 1 9 6 9 , 1 9 7 3 ) .

6

The Sociology of Yiddish : A Foreword

classical halakhic tradition. (For the whole sociocultural matrix of this earliest period see M. Vaynraykh 1973; for its earliest extant linguistic clues see M. Vaynraykh 1963; Sadan 1963.) Thus, for nearly a millennium, Ashkenazic Orthodoxy and Yiddish were intimately intertwined and, with the dispersion of Sephardic J e w r y in the fifteenth century, this duo ultimately came to be viewed as a phenomenological identity. This apparent identity carries along with it both some of the greatest assets and some of the greatest burdens of Yiddish today. As the vernacular - and, more belatedly and more meagerly, as a language of written and printed communication - of Ashkenazic Orthodoxy, Yiddish was (and to some extent still is) protected by a sociocultural configuration least likely to change and, therefore, least likely to exchange Yiddish for other vehicles of oral communication. The link of Yiddish to yidishkayt derives from this origin and from the uncontested centuries in which Yiddish reigned supreme as the intragroup vernacular of Central and Eastern European daily Jewish life. Supremacy, however, has its functional boundaries. The world of Orthodoxy also clamors and cleaves most assiduously to the two-in-one languages of holy and sanctified writ - ancient and medieval Hebrew and (Judeo-) Aramaic together: loshn koydesh. These alone were long considered completely qualified to be the process languages of worship and the target of textual study, in short, for all traditional, text-anchored activity and, by natural extension, for all serious intracommunal written and printed communication. And yet, Orthodox J e w s spoke to each other only (or almost only) in Yiddish; unmediated supplications poured forth from their hearts and mouths in Yiddish (Freehof 1923); they argued the Talmudic law and its interpretations in Yiddish; they testified in intracommunal litigations in Yiddish; they sang in Yiddish, they issued their intracommunal and intercommunal regulations in Yiddish (Dubnov 1929a) and increasingly - certainly as the modern period draws nigh - read both for entertainment and for moral instruction in Yiddish, leaving a printed record half a millennium old in these various functions. Thus, the original 'language problem' of Ashkenazic J e w r y has long been that of how far to admit Yiddish into the realms of serious, ritualized, scriptified, and, ultimately, printed functions. However, if this was a 'problem', it long had exceedingly low saliency among the rank and file. Their view was that current in all traditional diglossia settings: attitudinal priority is clearly given to elevated H but most of life proceeds in cozy L. ' T h e traditional J e w who saw Yiddish always as mame-loshn and Hebrew as loshn ha-koydesh never felt the need to choose between the two' (Jacobs 1977). Although the process of Orthodox acceptance of Yiddish as textually cosanctified is both slow and ultimately incomplete, it progressed for centuries. The acceptability of Yiddish as the obligatory language of testimony in intracommunal litigation, as long as both parties admit to knowing Yiddish and at least one party requests its use, is documented in print as of 1 5 1 9 (Rivkind 1928).

The Sociology of Yiddish: A Foreword

7

Of approximately similar vintage is a Yiddish concordance to the Bible, Mirkeves hamishne (1534), and even a prayer book in Yiddish (1544). Beginning toward the end of the sixteenth century, there are abundant indications of a widespread rabbinic view that it was far preferable to use Yiddish books for prayer and study than to use loshn koydesh uncomprehendingly or, what was worse, than not to be able to pray or study at all (see M . Vaynraykh 1973, vol. 3, p. 272). By the end of the sixteenth century the rights of Yiddish begin to be explicitly guaranteed in community records for the above advocated purposes (Balaban 1 9 1 2 , 1916), and various rabbinic educational authorities appear whose championship of Yiddish is open, explicit, and lifelong (Nobl 1951). For several centuries such efforts continued and slowly multiplied, but usually under the apologetic guise of being intended for women (Niger 1913a) or for uneducated men. (Note, e.g. the tsene-urene [Shatski 1928] a 'women's edition' of the Pentateuch first published in 1628 and still in print today.) However, these disguises (protective of the status of loshn koydesh and of the latter's gatekeepers) were also increasingly dropped - first with respect to the avowed restriction to women and then with respect to the focus upon the uneducated more generally. By the eighteenth century 'the author of Emunasyisroel declared that all that the school boy can acquire from a teacher, he can just as well read. . .in Yiddish " f o r nowadays we have the whole Law and the precepts in Yiddish" ' (Zinberg 1928 [1946]). Similarly, the Zohar, the central source of modern Jewish mysticism, was rendered into Yiddish by 1 7 1 1 , with the explicit indication that scholars might well study it in that language 'for the original itself is not in Hebrew but in the vernacular of the land of its origin [i.e. Aramaic]'. However, if Orthodox use of Yiddish in a few of the traditional functions of loshn koydesh begins early and develops continually, Orthodox opposition thereto long compensates (or overcompensates) therefor. Yiddish books of ritual or scholarly significance are explicitly banned (and even burned) as late as the eighteenth century (see, e.g. Tsinberg 1928, M . Vaynraykh 1973, p. 278), and the protective coloration of proposed focus upon females or upon the unlearned male therefore continues not only into the twentieth century but - to some extent - is encountered to this very day. Certainly, it is unwarranted to claim that the early Orthodox adherents of Yiddish were - with very few exceptions - Yiddishists in the modern sense of that term, since, regardless of the focus of their various works, they did not in any way seek to more generally displace loshn koydesh from its central sanctified prerogatives in prayer and ritual (Pyekazh 1964). This is true even with respect to Hasidism, whose use of Yiddish for the purpose of spreading its views (and the wonder stories of its rabbis) among the masses was truly massive (Finklshteyn 1954; Hager 1974). Even in this connection, however, some two centuries elapsed, and other social movements - some of them non-Orthodox and others anti-Orthodox in nature - had already begun to make ample use of Yiddish for mass-propaganda purposes, before the

8

The Sociology of Yiddish: A Foreword

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16

The Sociology of Yiddish : A Foreword

The ranks of willing or begrudging 'educators of the masses' via Yiddish ultimately came to include most (or nearly so) of the illustrious maskilim of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. Never uncontested, indeed always stoutly resisted almost every step of the way (e.g. Ahad Ha-'am 1 9 1 2 ; Drozdov 1959; Zilbertsvayg 1956), the use of Yiddish for maskilic communication early began to create true believers in Yiddish (e.g. Lifshits 1863; also note Prilutski 1 9 1 7 a re an 18th century 'Yiddishist' and ftn. 14, p. 380, this volume). By the beginning of the twentieth century, the young Germanized maskil (and future academic) Matesyohu Mizes achieved notoriety for his advocacy of Yiddish as a reflection of authentic Jewish creativity in the modern world, and for his temerity in saying so in the very den of renascent Hebraic journalism and in open opposition to some of its most renowned spokesmen (Mizes 1907; Mizes 1 9 1 0 ; Kresl 1957; for his exemplary academic works see Mizes 1 9 1 5 [in refutation of Loewe 1 9 1 1 ] and 1924). A similar change of heart occurred early in the Russified historian of Eastern European Jewry, Shimen Dubnov, later to become the major theoretician of a multicentric view ofjewish cultural autonomy (Dubnov 1909, 1929b; Maler 1967a; Mark 1962a; Rotnberg 1961). Countless others followed suit - more or less altruistically/exploitatively - but in conjunction with political passions that finally flowered in a wide variety of directions. The late nineteenth—early twentieth century politicization, mobilization, and fractionation of the haskole into seemingly opposed diaspora cultural-autonomist and Zionist camps (albeit the majority in both were at an early point socialists) led to a further heightening and sharpening of the conflict pertaining to Yiddish. Both camps foresaw a deterioration of the Jewish position in Eastern Europe - some spokesmen, indeed, had glimmerings of a holocaust to come, particularly as it pertained to the viability of the shtetl, on the one hand, and to urban anti-Semitism, on the other - and, therefore, feverishly set about advocating and devising ' a better future for the Jewish people '. Although most of them had come to agree as to the immediate utility of Yiddish, such agreement was hardly possible with respect to its long-range future. Finally, in the post-World War I era, the image of the desired, quasi-messianic future also fed back sharply on the implementation of the present. Blatantly pro- as well as anti-Yiddish activity was vigorously pursued 'as a matter of principle'. Thus, Yiddish became the only post-exilic Jewish vernacular to become symbolically (rather than merely functionally) involved in the modern, nationalist ' rebirth ' of diaspora Jewry. From this involvement is derived the major advocacy and opposition to it to this very day. However, as we have seen, this involvement was inescapable. The diaspora cultural-autonomist pro-Yiddish position did not develop easily out of the haskole's ambivalence toward Yiddish. Socialism's dream of a united proletariat initially pointed toward Russian, German, or even Polish as the language (s) of the supraethnic brotherhood to come among all exploited nations of Eastern and Central Europe (Goldsmith 1976a; Hertz 1969; Pinson 1945).

The Sociology of Yiddish : A Foreword

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T a b l e ι. ' T h e worldwide J e w i s h press in various languages for the years 1 5 5 7 - 1 9 2 0 ' (Probst 1 9 2 2 ) . O f the 3827 publications listed, 1 4 4 3 are in Y i d d i s h , 6 3 5 in H e b r e w , 5 3 8 in G e r m a n , 495 in English, 200 in Russian, 1 0 5 in French, 1 0 3 in J u d e s m o , etc. O f the 1 77 dailies identified, 1 5 0 are in Yiddish.

.

The Sociology of Yiddish : A Foreword

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32

The Sociology of Yiddish:

A

Foreword

Shatski 1 9 3 2 ; Shaykovski 1970). From the outset, however, the Yiddish press was a supplier of more than news (Fishman i960). It printed poetry, novels, and short stories (Frostig 1910). It published commentaries on the biblical and prophetic portions of the week. It sought to educate its readers and to prepare them for both Jewish and general responsibilities. Ultimately it drew them into the political process as well and activated them on behalf of innumerable Jewish and general causes. T h e Yiddish press has been a trusted friend, an advisor, an ally of the reader, no less so in the United States and in other centers of mass immigration than in 'the old country', and, indeed, perhaps even more so (Β. Z. Goldberg 1 9 7 1 ; Margoshes 1965). T h e first Yiddish newspapers in the United States began appearing (first in New York) in 1870, i.e. less than a decade after Kol mevaser began appearing in Odessa (Rischin 1962; Shaykovski 1970; Lifshits 1974). These newspapers quickly spread to most centers of Jewish population concentration throughout the country (e.g. Selavan 1 9 7 6 ; Marmer 1 9 2 8 ; Khaykin 1946a) and reached a combined paid circulation of three quarter million in the second decade of this century (Fishman 1965b; Goldberg 1 9 4 1 , 1943, 1945 ; Shelyubski 1945). They very gradually abandoned their archaic and Germanized linguistic idiosyncrasies (Hurvitsh 1 9 1 7 [ 1 9 0 2 ] ; Shulman 1 9 3 6 ; Kobrin 1976), but very quickly pursued various political and cultural goals (Hurvitsh 1 9 1 7 [1909]), including Americanization (Soltes 1 9 2 4 ; Dawidowicz 1963), biculturism (Fishman and Fishman 1959), Zionism, socialism (Rappaport 1 9 5 7 ; Dawidowicz 1964), Orthodoxy, etc. M u c h diminished in recent years, the Yiddish press still reveals occasional noteworthy spriteliness (Fishman i960) and, in spite of difficulties, an ability to keep going that is truly remarkable (note the Forward's 80th anniversary in 1 9 7 7 ) . 1 3 Remarkable too is the fact that 13. Similarly noteworthy accomplishments are evident in connection with the Yiddish press in Palestine/Israel (Feyges 1928; Kresl 1 9 5 1 ) , R o u manie (Sh"s-roman 1929) and Poland-Russia. T h e latter is particularly outstanding in the annals of Yiddish journalism both for its literary quality and its virtually overpowering quantity. After 1 9 1 7 both Hebrew and Russian journalism for J e w i s h audiences continued, particularly under Zionist auspices (Yashunski 1922), but quickly became relatively minor in terms of number of publications and readers, due both to governmental prohibition (in the U S S R ) and the overriding and recurring need of all J e w i s h political parties to rally their followers. As a result, Yiddish journalism in interwar Poland alone consisted literally of thousands of periodical publications (Shayn 1963, 1974). T h e educating and activating role of the Yiddish press has not remained unnoticed by social scientists and specialists in minority affairs more generally (see, e.g. Witke 1957 and Y . L. Chyz 1959).

However, what has been largely overlooked is the extent to which the Yiddish press represents the acme of mass Yiddish literacy. With the double exception of a very few extremely popular authors, on the one hand, and Yiddish commentaries and translations of religious staples, on the other hand, the masses of Yiddish readers associated reading Yiddish with the newspaper and the newspaper alone. Thus, whereas even the most popular of Yiddish books and booklets may have reached only hundreds of thousands of readers, the Yiddish press reached millions and did so regularly. This in itself would not be so noteworthy (since the periodical press of all vernaculars regularly reaches vastly more readers than does the world of books) were it not for the fact that in the minds of many, Hebrew (or a coterritorial language) remained identified with serious books and bookishness while the image of Yiddish was tied to the ephemeral, popular press. I suspect that this was (and even is) so, notwithstanding the fact that most Yiddish authors were/are also the mainstays of the

The Sociology of Yiddish:

Table 2. During the year of the Revolution and the year immediately thereafter, 187 Jewish periodical publications appeared in the area of the former Czarist Empire. Eighty-six of these were in Yiddish. Only General Zionists published a considerable number of periodicals in Hebrew (n = 6) and more than twice as many periodicals in Russian (n = 36) as in Yiddish (n = 16).

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Yiddish periodical press. The modem world of Yiddish books is to a large extent a by-product of the Yiddish press, for had not the latter subsidized the former (both in the sense of paying wages/ honorariums to the authors and being the first arena in which new books, in serialized fashion, saw the light of day) the books themselves would frequently not have appeared. However, for the lion's share of readers of the press, the books remained unseen and unknown and only the press itself remained to typify the world of Yiddish-in-print. The foregoing is of more general theoretical significance in that it demonstrates the influence of diglossie pressures. As I (Fishman 1976a) and others before and after me (M. Vaynraykh 1973; Gold 1980) have noted, it is not at all accurate to say that the functional division between Hebrew and Yiddish was that between writing/print and speech or that between sacred and secular. Nevertheless, there was/is a strain in that direction in traditional social networks. The popular associa-

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tion of Yiddish with journalism and of Hebrew with books represents an attempt to clarify and simplify their functional specificity in accord with the lines or domains of their predominate legitimation. As long as some such complimentary distribution is maintained, even if it is not completely accurate, both languages are needed and no 'either/ or' choice is necessary. Under these circumstances bilingual readers (and particularly writers) are not at all unusual. However, when these diglossie tensions are eased and the functional differences ignored, than tendencies toward intergroup monolingualism are fostered and both readers and writers increasingly line up, on one side of the fence or the other. Sadan's plea for a return to the bilingual literary pattern of the beginning of this century and the end of the last (1972b, also see below) thus represents more than a restructuring of literary and literacy habits but, rather, a fargoing functional reallocation of both Hebrew and Yiddish in Jewish life.

34

The Sociology of Yiddish: A Foreword

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The Sociology of Yiddish: A Foreword

outside of Israel all Jewish dailies are in Yiddish. Their number may be getting smaller, but they represent an intensity of Jewish commitment that no others can match. (For a wealth of additional scholarly detail on the American Yiddish press from its earliest beginnings through the 1970s, see Shtarkman 1979 and his extensive bibliography and notes.) Of wider repute throughout the world (primarily because of translations and dramatizations) is the Yiddish literary scene — particularly insofar as some of its leading lights are concerned - although the extent of the latter's dependence on the Yiddish daily and periodical press, for both sustenance and audience, remains largely unrecognized. Indeed, the partnership is often a tripartite affair and includes not only the press and the literary world, but the world of ideological-political efforts as well. This dovetailing goes back to the very beginning of organized efforts not only to educate the masses via Yiddish (note, e.g. the editorial on 'Yiddish bibliography' in Kol mevaser [Anon. 1869], urging readers to buy the compilation of Goldfaden's plays, the book about the Rothschilds and other ' truly worthwhile Yiddish books ' that the periodical had undertaken to publish on a regular basis), but to activate them and, thereby, simultaneously, to build both ' a better world' and to foster 'Jewish cultural work' (see, e.g. Frostig 1 9 1 0 ; Lyesin 1954; Litvak 1 9 2 1 ; Mendele 1959 [1889]; Niger 1914). The rhetoric quoted above is late nineteenth and early twentieth century, but the goal and, particularly, the intimate tie between the creators of journalism and the creators of literature, originates far earlier. Yiddish literature Just as the origins of the Yiddish press may be found in Western Europe, with the modernization, expansion, and social activation thereof coming towards the end of the nineteenth century in Eastern Europe, so also the developmental path of Yiddish literature more generally (see, e.g. Erik 1928; Madison 1968; Robak 1940; Tsinberg 1937, vol. 9; Reyzin 1923; Shatski 1936; Viner 1940; etc.). Even in Eastern Europe, however, far from the blandishments of Reform and massive assimilation, its path was conflicted, particularly at the outset, with leading lights of the haskole, of Orthodoxy, of Zionism, of Hebraism, and of socialism all asking, in chorus as it were, 'is a Yiddish literature necessary?' (Ravnitski 1889a). Various merits and justifications were advanced (e.g. Ravnitski 1889b) - originally quite innocuous and artistically unpretentious or self-effacing ones - but the controversy raged on for decades (see e.g. Verses 1938; Kresl 1954) and has been renewed, on occasion, even in post-Holocaust years (see e.g. Niger-Charney 1955). Although the drift and needs of the day led more and more late nineteenth-century writers of stature to write in Yiddish (while, in most cases, also continuing to write in Hebrew), it was many decades, indeed not until after the First World War, before it was generally felt no longer

The

3 6

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The Sociology of Yiddish : A Foreword

necessary to justify or explain why one felt it proper to do so. Such justifications are to be found by Mendele (Miron 1973a, 1973b; Sadan 1965), Sholem Aleykhem (Novershtern 1971 ; Sholem Aleykhem 1889), and Perets (Byalestotski 1940; Kalmenovitsh 1949; Rabinovitsh 1946; Shveyd 1955a; Turkov-Grudberg 1965), the three great giants of modern Yiddish literature, and obviously also for many writers who ultimately found their way primarily to the Hebrew side of the fence: Byalik (Sadan 1974; Biletski 1970; Byalik 1 9 3 1 ) , Berditshevski (Mayzl 1965), Agnon (Agnon 1969; Sadan 1969) and others. And, nevertheless, Yiddish literature blossomed and did so on literary-aesthetic rather than only on the utilitarian-educational-political grounds that movement after movement encouraged (Shtif 1924). That this was so was beginning to be recognized even before the turn of the century (Sholem Aleykhem 1892). T h e Yiddish muse is not a figment, which lives only in the imagination of hot-headed advocates of Z h a r g o n , not a fable that corresponds to no reality, but she really e x i s t s . . . (and is) one of the heavenly daughters sent d o w n to sweeten the lives of our people. Yes, the Yiddish muse lives and will always live, and the flowers that she strews upon Z h a r g o n g r o w up on holy soil. T h i s should not be forgotten b y all w h o cast haughty glances at our Ivre-taytsh and w h o consider it below their dignity to speak of it as one speaks of a literature (Lerner 1 8 8 9 ) .

U p to the beginning of the Second World War, Yiddish literary productivity continued to grow at a rapid rate (Mayzl 1923; Meyer 1922a, 1922b; Shalit 1 9 1 3 ) , although the economic rewards for its participants were slim indeed (Prilutski 1908b; Tsitron 1923). In America too Yiddish literature goes back quite far (Marmer 1928 and Shtarkman 1939 discuss the first book that appeared in 1877) and begins to attract critical recognition quite early (Wiener [1899] 1972). However among the English reading public it has only recently begun to receive the popular recognition (Howe and Greenberg 1954, 1969, 1975, 1977; Howe 1976; Singer 1979) and the professional scholarly attention (e.g. Miron 1973a, 1973b) that it deserves. Its sole support and acclaim has long come from the small circle of Yiddish writers, critics, and readers who have focused upon it both as a literature with problems and processes of its own (Opatoshu 1954; N. Goldberg 1940) and as a superb record ofJewish life (Gliksman 1966; Nobl 1954; Rabinowicz 1965; Stillman 1977). Although, due to its primary role as literature, it probably should not be taken uncritically as either a faithful or a balanced record of Jewish history, Yiddish literature can nevertheless be a significant reflector of Ashkenazic history for American J e w r y , from the history of the printing press and publishing

·* T a b l e 4. ' Kultur-liga Publishing House, Warsaw. Report of Publishing activity for 1923.' A n advertisement of one of the largest and highest quality Yiddish publishing houses in internar Poland. Approximately one million pages had been set in type, 5 9 % were belles-lettres (including poetry and drama), 1 9 % were science and literary criticism, 8 % were for young readers, 3 % were textbooks, and 1 1 % were periodicals. A volume by Sholem Aleykhem and another by Sholem Ash each appeared in an addition of 40,000 copies.

38

The Sociology of Yiddish : A Foreword

itself among Jews (Rabin 1969; Madison 1976), through to the early, middle and most recent days of immigration to the New World (Hapgood 1966 [1902] ; Ronch 1975; Landis 1975). T w o views have increasingly come to the fore as post-Holocaust perspectives on Yiddish literature. T h e first is that Yiddish literature should be viewed jointly with Hebrew literature - 'one literature in two languages' - as an inextricably intertwined flowering of one and the same national genius (Bal-makhshoves 1953 [1908] ; Golomb 1967; Niger 1957 [1941] ; Ravitsh 1958; Shtarkman 1965). T h e other is that Yiddish literature has had (and still has) a particular moral, humanistic, and even redemptive message focused upon the sanctity of human life and the nobility of justice (Pomerants 1966; Opatoshu 1949b; Leyvik 1963 [1957]). Although literary analysis per se is not our concern here, but rather the social context and implications of literary efforts, literary goals, and literary response, it is worth stressing that views such as both of the foregoing imply that Yiddish literature, far from being a minor, off-beat concern, is a unifying and eternal repository of the very best that the Jewish people as a whole has created (Leyvik 1963 [1948]; Ravitsh 1947, 1951; Niger 1939, 1950; Friedman 1957-1958)· 1 4 Yiddish theater

Another pillar of the world of modern Yiddish, and one that has brought it great recognition and considerable acclaim of late, is the theater. Although the theater, as an art medium, may have had a later start among Jews than among coterritorial gentiles (Ernst 1930a; Prilutski 1945), perhaps precisely because theater in Europe originally had christological associations that made it seem even more morally questionable in Jewish eyes than it was for others, it nevertheless grew to massive proportions after its modern beginnings in Roumania a century ago (Berkovitsh 1976). Even more so than Yiddish journalism or Yiddish literature, Yiddish theater became a truly popular vehicle. 14. Ravitsh's view that Y i d d i s h creations too b e l o n g in a new Book-of-Books (to encompass the very worthiest literary creations o f j e w s d u r i n g the past two thousand years) represents a complete reversal relative to the v i e w of Yiddish literature that still predominated a century ago. F r o m the view that the l a n g u a g e itself was deficient and that nothing particularly refined, noble, subtle or uplifting could be said or written in it (note even H a p g o o d ' s view [1902] that Y i d d i s h was so defective as an instrument of expression that it impeded the thought processes of its users), Y i d d i s h literary w o r k has n o w c o m e to be viewed as fit to be included a m o n g the very best that the J e w i s h people has created d u r i n g its entire D i a s p o r a

experience. ' A n d the nature of the matter, of this matter, naturally leads to the conclusion that the l a n g u a g e of the second Book-of-Books will be primarily - although not entirely - Y i d d i s h , mame loshn. A n d in this fashion the l a n g u a g e of the martyrs will remain alive eternally. I n a Bookof-Books it is not only the contents that becomes hallowed but the form as well, and the form, the g a r b of a book, is its l a n g u a g e ' ( R a v i t s h 1 9 5 1 : 98). Ravitsh's attitude would be shared by most Y i d d i s h writers today as w o u l d the view, p r o b a b l y shared with J e w s the world over, that that w h i c h is included between the covers of such a book is destined for (is automatically an e x a m p l e of) eternal life.

The Sociology of Yiddish : A Foreword

39

It called upon spoken expression - much more the language's true metier in the popular mind than even its most widely known written works - and audience empathy (which, not infrequently, became audience participation) and presented not only folk-comedy and melodrama but the greatest works of world and Jewish literature alike. Thus, in the United States, while Broadway was cultivating the American musical comedy, barely literate Jewish immigrants on the Lower East Side were reverberating to versions of Ibsen, Shakespeare, and Tolstoy, in addition to Gordin (Mirele Efros), Gutskov (Uriel Acosta), Goldfadn ( The Witch), and, of course, Hirshbeyn (Green Fields), Leyvik ( The Golem), and many, many others of major dramatic worth (Clurman 1968; Gorin 1913). Yiddish theater is most active today in Israel (Fishman and Fishman 1977; see Ernst 1930b for the beginnings of Yiddish theater in Palestine), but its texts (Bez 1977; Landis 1966; Lifson 1965; Warembud 1975), its techniques (Lifson 1965) and its talents (Rosenfeld 1977), have come to be most widely appreciated in the United States, both by memorists and by the nostalgic grandchildren of the theater's original devotees (see e.g. Adler 1959; Kaminska 1973; Kobrin 1925; Rumshinski 1944; Turkov 1951 ; Tomashefski 1937; Y u n g 1950; Yablakov 1968, 1969). As its audience shrank and anglified, Yiddish theater in America attempted to draw an audience opting almost entirely for pulp musical comedy. Currently, no more than a mere shadow - quantitatively and qualitatively - of its former self (Kohansky 1977), the Yiddish theater still attracts the interest of serious students (e.g. Manger, Turkov, and Perenson 1968, 1971 ; Sandrow 1977; Shmeruk 1971 ; Shayn 1964; Zilbertsvayg 1 9 3 1 - 1 9 6 9 ) , as it did before (Anon. 1926; Beylin 1934; Gorin 1923; Shatski 1930; Y . Sh. 1930; Shiper 1923, 1925), and the devotion of small ensembles that insist on performing 'the better repertoire ' no matter how small the audience for it may be. Although the modern heirs of the purim shpil have suffered worse reverses than either the Yiddish press or the Yiddish literary scene, probably due to a variety of objective and subjective factors, 15 they still have hopes and make plans for a better theater, 1 5 . T h e eclipse of the quality Yiddish theater, particularly in America, may have more to do with objective theater-industry factors (e.g. the high cost of unionization of stage hands in N e w York City) and with objective aging per se (an aged clientele can still read a newspaper or book at home but can no longer travel into center-town for attendance at theater performances) than with such matters of subjective culture as the value of the theater. Nevertheless, in conjunction with demographically-functionally weakened languages, a variety of double-bind situations have been noted such that these languages are further weakened both if they do as well as if they don't take certain corrective steps. In this connection see the

issue on ' L a n g u a g e D e a t h ' (Dressier and W o d a k Leodolter, eds. 1 9 7 7 ) . A possible example of this type of bind in the case of Yiddish would be the literary area. In a weakened state the language is further downgraded because of the meager cultural tradition of literacy via Yiddish. O n the other hand, attempts to foster literacy in Yiddish provide further negative feedback with respect to attitudes toward the language if the literary material given to the learners is rejected by them as being of poor quality, un- or anti-traditional or otherwise ideologically unacceptable. T h e Yiddish theater could conceivably be involved in a double-bind relationship vis-à-vis Yiddish in general. O n the one hand, it might

4°

The Sociology of Yiddish:

A

Foreword

particularly in the United States and Israel, and also continue to perform regularly

in

Poland,

Roumania,

Canada,

and

Latin

America

as well

as

intermittently in the U S S R and Western Europe. As of now, however, only Yiddish vaudeville

and musical comedy

are

generally to be found, and lo and behold, at times found aplenty. Even so, for a medium that was supposed to have died ever so long ago, this phenomenon has prompted general as well as Jewish amazement, if hardly critical acclaim. Interpreting its implications constitutes a veritable projective test: if a popular Yiddish theatrical pulse still beats, much to everyone's surprise, can a 'better' Yiddish theater be far behind? If Yiddish film classics are now once again being widely shown, and they are, then can the return of Yiddish theater classics be far a w a y ? T h u s while some wonder how long Yiddish dramatic art can continue at all, others wonder how long its second coming can be delayed.

Education

in

Yiddish

Finally, schooling in Yiddish must be recognized as a major - in former days, the major - formal institution

(outside of the family per se) involving

the

language. Certainly this is so if modern literacy-related pursuits are of concern and, some would claim, doubly so if the continuity of the language is of interest. Here again we find very early origins, specifically as the oral process language of education (with a history as old as that of Ashkenaz itself; see Fishman 1973; Roskies 1977; Shtern 1950), and even in written use as well. In this latter capacity it should be remembered that instruction in writing Yiddish is also centuries old (e.g. the communal ordinances of K r a c o w , 1595, call for teaching boys in elementary school to 'write the sounds [of the language] in which we speak' [Asaf 1925, vol. 1, p. 101]). This responsibility came to be entrusted, as early as the sixteenth century, to the shrayber (writing teacher), a functionary w h o continued to serve Jewish education in Eastern Europe to the very threshold of the present century ( K a z h d a n 1956c). T h r o u g h this side door other nonclassical subjects also found their w a y into elementary Jewish education for

generally be considered to be less threatening to traditional diglossie functional allocations because of its oral rather than textual nature. O n the other hand, being textually unsanctioned and traditionally unprotected, it m a y be viewed as more frivolous, u n w o r t h y , and dispensible than other forms of Jewish cultural expression. O n c e the negative d e m o g r a p h i c - f u n c t i o n a l cycle has begun, and the theater begins to lose its better actors (when was the last time that either H o l l y w o o d or B r o a d w a y lured a w a y a Y i d d i s h actor ' as in days of old ' ?, or d o failures on the English stage now gravitate toward Y i d d i s h 'slim-pickins'?), serious

Y i d d i s h theater compares more and more poorly with its coterritorial rivals, and this further exacerbates the negative (or, at least, the burlesque) a u r a surrounding the theater and its l a n g u a g e . T h e double-bind d i l e m m a of w e a k languages further underscores the care that is required to distinguish between them and officially unrecognized or even underdeveloped l a n g u a g e s that h a v e a strong d e m o g r a p h i c base and i n t i m a c y m e m b e r s h i p function. Poorly chosen l a n g u a g e cultivation efforts m a y actually intensify rather than overcome or avoid the d o u b l e - b i n d ' d a m n e d if y o u d o ; d a m n e d if y o u d o n ' t ' d i l e m m a .

The Sociology of Yiddish : A Foreword

-

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44

The Sociology of Yiddish: A Foreword

boys as well as for girls ( G o l o m b 1957; Shekhter-vidman 1973): e.g. arithmetic, geography, the rudiments of the coterritorial language, etc. F r o m these h u m b l e and generally unrecognized functional beginnings of written Yiddish in traditional Jewish education, through various slow and stagewise functional expansions (Shatski 1943), there developed first the thought of Yiddish as the written language of supplementary (secular) Jewish education, under traditional auspices (Reyzin 1933) and then the practice of using Y i d d i s h as a sub-rosa written and spoken comedium of instruction in governmentally supported semitraditional schools (the so-called kazyone schools) primarily utilizing Russian or G e r m a n as language(s) of instruction (Tcherikover 1 9 1 3 ; K a z h d a n 19561). Finally, at the very end of the nineteenth century (1898), there came the initiation of schools with Yiddish as their sole medium of written and spoken instruction in conjunction with a totally secular curriculum (Niger

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31

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nyirp 581,497 i 5 11 " 1 0 τ S 1 1 ' s 5 1 V Κ 549

T a b l e 6. T y p e s of schools a t t e n d e d by

Jewish

children

in

Poland

1 9 3 4 - 1 9 3 5 . O f the 500,000 u n d u plicated registrants, a p p r o x i m a t e l y 60 % received their e d u c a t i o n c o m pletely or partially in Polish. O f the r e m a i n i n g 40 % almost all (with the e x c e p t i o n of the H e b r a i s t

Tarbut

and Y a v n e schools) received their f o r m a l e d u c a t i o n entirely or p r i m arily in Y i d d i s h ( K a z h d a n

1947).

The Sociology of Yiddish : A Foreword

45

1913b). Although the first such schools in Eastern Europe were illegal and their teachers were exposed to governmental arrest (Gilinski 1922; Mishkovski 1913) their numbers continued to grow by leaps and bounds, whether under autonomist, socialist, or Zionist auspices (separately or in various combinations). Indeed, even some Orthodox schools began to add modern subjects to their official curriculum, and not only to teach these in Yiddish, but to do so consciously and conscientiously (see entire issue of Beysyankev, 1 9 3 1 , 8, no. 7 0 - 7 1 , 'Yiddish Issue'), in contrast to others that demonstratively began to teach both modern and traditional subjects via Hebrew (Beys yankev tsentrale 1933). The most innovative and forceful cutting edge in the movement for Yiddish as the language of education for Jewish children - both for the bulk of their general education as well as for all of their (secular) Jewish education doubtlessly occurred under Bundist auspices (Eisenstein 1949a, 1949b; Gilinski 1922; Grosman 1974b; Kazhdan i956d, e, f; Pat 1954), even though the majority of all children receiving their education via Yiddish continued to do so under Orthodox auspices (Sh'b 1931). 'Yiddish schools' (i.e. secular schools employing Yiddish at least as colanguage of instruction in some grades) also arose under more nonpartisan auspices, i.e. with a more culturist-autonomist and less socialist orientation (Eisenstein 1949b; Kazhdan 1947, 1956g; K a n 1928c). A few arose even under various Zionist auspices (Eck 1947; Tartakover 1926, 1 9 3 1 , 1967), and, briefly, a whole system of such schools came into being during the pre-Soviet period in the Ukraine (Kazhdan 1956h) and, later, during the first two and a half decades of the communist regime itself (Altshuler 1977; Frank 1935; Z. Halevy 1972, 1976; Rotnberg 1973; E. Shulman 1971 ). Under all of these auspices, education became highly politicized and, at the same time, so was all of life. However, whether the educational goal was that of'freedom for the Jewish child' (Ester 1 9 1 0 ; Perelman 1918), the equality of the Jewish people (Prilutski 1971 [1916]) or the victory of the proletariat - including the Jewish proletariat - against capitalist (including Jewish capitalist) exploitation, or other partisan and non-partisan goals, the assumption that 'normal development and freedom for our children' required Yiddish as the oral and written medium of instruction came to be increasingly self-evident to an ever growing segment of the Jewish population in Eastern Europe (note Bal-dimyen 1908 and Niger 1 9 1 3 b for early Orthodox, Zionist, and 'bourgeois' opposition to Yiddish secular education). Although fascist and communist regimes later restricted and crushed these schools (see Tikotshinski 1937; Valk and Klyonski 1920; and Zr—li 1922 for early Polish opposition; Burd 1938; Mutshnik 1938; Orland 1938; Reminik 1938; and E. Shulman 1971 for Soviet Russification policies and pressures), and, although the internal opposition to them from Orthodoxy and Zionism continued with little abatement, they nevertheless represented the modal approach to modern Jewish education in Eastern Europe during the inter-war years. (For brief post-World War I I flurries there, see

46

The Sociology of Yiddish : A Foreword

Kazhdan 1958; Melezin 1948.) Thanks to them the names Tsisko, Kultur-Lige, and Shulkult came to be socioeducational designations that every historian of Jewish education and, indeed, every specialist in modern Jewish affairs must investigate with care. Many of these school types had their American counterparts too (Fishman 1952; Parker 1973, this volume), but, with the exception of their Canadian (see articles by Vaysman and others in Novak 1935) and Latin American incarnations (Meyern-lazar 1948), they were almost entirely supplementary in nature (Novak 1 9 3 5 ; Frank 1935). This fact - as well as the cruel course ofJewish history itself - led to their final concentration on Jewish subject matter alone and, therefore, to a severe narrowing of their impact as originally conceptualized.16 The 16. T h e major compendium on Yiddish secular schools is Novak 1935, which not only contains accounts of various types of schools in various countries but also provides educational-philosophical perspective on these schools by major ' theoreticians ' and ' statesmen ' such as Zhitlovski, Golomb, Lerer and others. Other interesting sources are: (a) on the Labor-Zionist schools, which were the first to attempt Yiddish secular supplementary education in the United States, see Giants 1 9 1 3 , Shapiro 1962; (b) on the Workmen's Circle schools, the largest Yiddish secular school network in the United States, generally with laborite coloring, see Faynerman 1929, Levin 1920, Niger 1940; (c) on the Sholem Aleichem schools, a small, nonpartisan Yiddishist effort limited to New York, Chicago, and Detroit, see Anon. [ 1 9 2 7 ] 1 9 5 3 a , [ 1 9 5 3 ] 1972b, and Gutman [ 1 9 6 2 ] 1967. Sources pertaining to the schools of the pro-communist International Workers Order can be found in Novak 1 9 3 5 as well as in Parker, this volume. T h e Yiddish secular school arena provides a choice vantage point for monitoring the changing interpretations of Yiddish secularism as a whole. T h e initial stance is one of triumphant modernization. Through this school Eastern European J e w r y (and its immigrant offshoots in the Americas and elsewhere) will join the ranks of all modern nations, all of which have switched to their vernaculars as media of education (Goldberg 1 9 1 4 ) . Not only is this so because 'the revival of Hebrew is impossible in the diaspora and improbable in Palestine', but, more fundamentally, because traditional life and education are ' neither vital nor alive' (Niger 1928a). In the modern world, traditional education, with its emphasis on the dead hand of the past (prayer book, pentateuch, commentaries, T a l m u d ) , 'provides a mere foundation, with neither walls nor roof for modern life'. However, the view that grave dangers lurked

in the ahistorical and simplistic 'formula(tion) linguistic-secularistic ' began quite early (Lerer 1928a, 1928b, 1940a, 1940b), particularly as the dependence of Yiddish secularism on a strong, surrounding, traditional milieu for the maintenance of J e w i s h life patterns became clear. This dependence or interdependence led both to a searching reexamination of what J e w i s h secularism really implied, both for the school and for the adult community that supported it (see e.g. M a r k 1948, 1 9 7 2 ; Gutman 1972, 1976), as well as to a pervasive (re-)traditionalization under the impact of the Holocaust. Continuing Americanization in language, outlook, and daily rounds (Pen 1958a) finally prompted Yiddish educators to realize the weakness of walls and roofs without foundations. T h e postwar recovery of American Orthodoxy merely confirmed the lukewarmness (if not outright hostility) of the daily Yiddish press to the Yiddish secular school (Khaykin 1946b). T h e religious and Zionist press had generally viewed these schools as radical deviations from their own directions. T h e laborite and left-wing press, on the other hand, had viewed them as sources of chauvinism and removal from solidarity with the united proletariat. Thus, into the 1930s, with rare exceptions, the Yiddish secular school experienced more criticism than support from the Yiddish press since the daily press was always oriented toward much larger segments of the J e w i s h population and toward much more massive ideologies than those that Yiddish secularism could control. T h e inability of immigrant based Yiddish secular education to build and maintain viable, self-perpetuating speech communities to correspond to its own ideological-philosophical preferences should be contrasted to the school emphases of various language movements. Ben Yehuda, I v a r Aasen, T a k d i r Alisjahbana, K e m a l Ataturk and many other language mobilizers stressed the school as the very basis of their language-in-society

The Sociology of Yiddish : A Foreword

integrative circumstances (both ideological emphases as well as practical opportunities) of American life also required that these schools provide new rationales for themselves, since the rationale that 'Jews are a separate people' became less and less acceptable or even intelligible to American Jewish parents, given the acceptance of the tripartite melting pot and a general view of Jewish ethnicity as merely a narrower intimacy experience within the broader American goals. H o w e v e r , modern sociolinguistic theory tends to ascribe far lesser potency to the school as an independent factor in l a n g u a g e and culture m a i n t e n a n c e and spread. M o r e often than not, the school appears to be merely a secondary status system, able to (help) prepare individuals for a d v a n c e d roles in p r i m a r y status systems (econo m y , religion, g o v e r n m e n t ) , b u t not, by itself, to replace the latter or substitute for them. (For further details and examples, see Fishman 1980b.) T h a t the Y i d d i s h secular school v i e w e d reality quite differently is p r o b a b l y d u e to circumstances, only some of w h i c h correspond to the circumstances that led other l a n g u a g e movements to stress the school as a m a j o r sociolinguistic force. Y i d d i s h secular education arose in the tradition of the ' revolutionary school i.e. of the school that is part of a m o v e m e n t to rebuild all of society: culturally, politically, economically. W h e n such movements are successful, such schools are, indeed, part of the cutting edge that both destroys and rebuilds. A s such, the self-image of the school (including administrators, teachers, pupils, and even parents) is that of a victorious change-agent, i.e. a self-image that does not fully realize the part-whole context that obtains and that ascribes to the self far more causal p o w e r than is justified. T h e larger revolutionary forces often d o not reach the y o u n g as regularly and as persistently as does the revolutionary school, but if the former forces fail, the roles and statuses for w h i c h the school prepares become not only nonfunctional but selfdefeating and intrapunative. I n this light one m i g h t say that in less than a century the Y i d d i s h secular school traversed the distance between riding the crest of a revolutionary transformation of society to serving a society that either no longer existed or no longer existed in terms of a d u l t roles and statuses in w h i c h its students could participate. T h e original self-image of the Y i d d i s h secular school was p r o b a b l y o v e r b l o w n d u e to its narodnik and its traditional inheritances as well. F r o m the former it inherited an ennobling tradition of serving the masses and activating them via their o w n l a n g u a g e . F r o m the latter it inherited, w i t h o u t k n o w i n g it, a stress on schooling as a significant (perhaps even a primary) status system. U n f o r tunately for the Y i d d i s h school, both of these in-

heritances increasingly lost their viability. T h e narodnik role for Y i d d i s h vanished as coterritorial vernaculars pre-empted not only those functions for w h i c h there was coterritorial competition but the i n t r a c o m m u n a l functions as well. F r o m a practical point of view, the l a n g u a g e of coterritorial social status and social mobility for postHolocaust J e w s also determined i n t r a c o m m u n a l status and roles, thus r o b b i n g Y i d d i s h of its functional significance and the Y i d d i s h school of its narodnik mission. T h e Y i d d i s h secular school m i g h t still h a v e benefited f r o m the traditional J e w i s h emphasis on the p r i m a c y of e d u c a t i o n for its o w n sake. H o w e v e r , the school's o w n antitraditional emphases led it to pursue m o d e r n societal i m p a c t directly rather than the continuity of traditional, unmobilized life patterns. A l t h o u g h Y i d d i s h secular schools continued to d r a w inspiration from the focus on e d u c a t i o n that toyre lishmo provides, they did not create nor relate to a society of their o w n in w h i c h toyre lishmo significantly existed and called u p o n dedication to Y i d d i s h for its implementation. T h e ' f a i l u r e ' of the Y i d d i s h secular school, particularly in its post-Holocaust and postimmigration years, needs to be v i e w e d in several mitig a t i n g perspectives. T h e first such perspective is the failure of the schools of all other participationistic i m m i g r a n t minorities to be effective l a n g u a g e m a i n t e n a n c e instruments (see m y chapter on ' T h e ethnic g r o u p school and mother tongue maintenance ' in F i s h m a n 1 9 6 6 : 9 2 - 1 2 6 ) . T h e second such perspective is the generally dismal failure o f j e w i s h e d u c a t i o n to teach even H e b r e w successfully e n o u g h to m a k e it into a D i a s p o r a vernacular, even with all of the affective positiveness with w h i c h it is surrounded. Finally, foreign or second l a n g u a g e education as a w h o l e is certainly one of the very least successful branches of all m o d e r n education, rarely succeeding in d e v e l o p i n g spoken facility a m o n g pupils unless clear and powerful functional-demographic reinforcement is present (see Fishman 1976c, 1977c). Little w o n d e r then that Y i d d i s h secular schools succeeded n o better than they did, given that their societal base was so exposed to external and internal onslaught and that Y i d d i s h secularism itself was so w e a k , so novel and so superficial, either as a m o v e m e n t or as a societal pattern ofyidishkayt.

48

The Sociology of Yiddish: A Foreword

dream (Krug 1954; Mark 1948; Yefroykin 1 9 5 1 ; Parker 1978). Even in Vilne, Warsaw, Lodz, and elsewhere in the Nazi-organized ghettos, Yiddish teachers continued to be trained specifically so that the remnants of the Jewish school-age child population could receive their education totally or partially in Yiddish (Anon, and Ringlblum 1945; Dvorzhetski 1948, 1970; Gersht 1947). Under the circumstances of American (and Israeli) freedom the need for modern Jewish education in (or even including) Yiddish is neither as clear nor as pressing. (For an affirmation of Yiddish in Jewish education in both of these settings, see Bez 1971b.) As Yiddish secularism and its schools wane (Eisenberg 1968; Rudavsky 1955) - and as Yiddish in education becomes either a marker of unreconstructed Orthodoxy, on the one hand, or a higher educational elective, on the other hand - the Yiddish secular school recedes into history as a memorial to the vicissitudes of Jewish modernization and cultural pluralism. The wealth of love and devotion lavished upon it, by teachers, shultuers (school-board members), parents, and children alike, is eloquent testimony to the need that it served. Yivo : The ministry of Yiddish cultural efforts The crownpiece and nerve center of the delicately orchestrated Yiddish culture 'movement' - the intellectual and spiritual integrator, elevator, and interpreter of all else that went on in the modern world of Yiddish (except, of course, for its doomed efforts in the Stalinist empire; see Zaretski 1928 for a programmatic

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Figure 7. A n excerpt f r o m an a d v a n c e effort to explain the 1908 Tshernovits Conference to readers of the N e w Y o r k Forverts (when it was believed that linguistic-orthographic issues would be of m a j o r concern), inserted in the recommendations and demands of the A m e r i c a n youth delegation at the ' (Jerusalem) World Conference for Y i d d i s h and Y i d d i s h C u l t u r e ' , A u g u s t 1 9 7 6 .

The Sociology of Yiddish : A Foreword

49

statement of early hopes there and Choseed 1968 for their a b a n d o n m e n t even prior to their officiai destruction) was to h a v e been the Y i d d i s h Scientific Institute - Y i v o . Its special mission was to go beyond explicit ideology, into the higher realms of culture planning, and there to bring to bear the contributions of modern research methods in the humanities and social sciences for the solution of the uniquely difficult sociopsychological, demographic, linguistic, cultural, and even socioeconomic problems of the Yiddish speaking masses (Anon. 1925; Niger 1931 ; M . V a y n r a y k h 1936, 1943, 1945)· A combination of a think-tank and an action-research center, the Y i v o was far more than a university. It was at the h u b of the kultur-bavegung (Shveytser 1967; Stupnitski 1920). It was part of it; it was involved. W h i l e it promised dispassionate, nonpartisan study (although not neutrality vis-à-vis the fascist and communist depredations), it was regarded (and self-regard ed) as the culmination and fusion of all that Yiddish and its masses hoped for in the arena of modern cultural efforts in interwar Europe and even in its emigration colonies abroad. A n extraterritorial people and language prided itself with its extraterritorial sanctum-sanctorum in the very capital of Yiddish, Vilne, the Jerusalem of Lithuania. It would have been miraculous had the Y i v o been able to deliver all that was expected of it. In m a n y ways it did accomplish miracles, being associated with the major works of Yiddish scholarship and of research on Eastern European J e w r y during the past half century (Fishman 1977). H o w e v e r , the ultimate miracle was denied it. W i t h the Holocaust the Y i v o lost not only m u c h of its staff and its archival/library holdings but, more basically and irreplaceably, its sociolinguistic heartland. A l t h o u g h it functions actively to this very day, and is one of the very few Eastern European institutions to successfully relocate in the West, its social mission is largely gone ( G u t m a n 1977). It is a unique interacademic research and teaching agency serving all w h o h a v e an interest in Eastern European J e w r y (Gilson 1976). As such, its routinization follows the typical postethnic lines traveled so often before by formerly ethnic institutions that have 'successfully' outgrown their original missions and clienteles. 1 7

PART

Vi:

MAINTENANCE

AND

SHIFT

L a n g u a g e s the world over are popularly characterized via stereotypes concerning their ' n a t u r e ' . G e r m a n is viewed as harsh, and French as precise. Italian is considered musical, and English vigorous. A n d Y i d d i s h ? Y i d d i s h is dead or dying. O n e must be ' a n insider' (of the Y i v o , of the Hasidic community, of the 17. O f course it is not merely failure that leads to the ideological attrition of routinization but also success. Examples of the latter type of routinization of sociolinguistic institutions are the language academies whose 'charges' have attained fullfledged societal acceptance and functional legiti-

mization along the entire range of modern activities. Such academies also have their ideological ground cut out from under them. For case studies of Israel, India, and Indonesia in the latter connection see R u b i n et al. 1977.

50

The Sociology of Yiddish: A Foreword

world of Yiddish kultur-arbet), i.e. a member of a very small inner circle indeed, to have a different image or to know enough to question the stereotype. Curiously, this view is infinitely more pervasive than its former companion that Kol mevaser alternately so attacked and so espoused, namely that 'Yiddish is a corrupted G e r m a n ' . T h e latter view has substantially receded as linguistic perspective has seeped down from higher professional spheres. It is also an exceedingly insulting position to take in view of the slaughtered six million who died with Yiddish on their lips (Bez 1 9 7 1 a , 1 9 7 1 b ; Faerstein 1965). But that very slaughter, sanctifying and purifying Yiddish in the popular mind, merely adds to the dominant theme of its death (Freidlin 1977). For well over a hundred years that theme has been repeated, as if by a Greek chorus, in conjunction with each and every Yiddish enterprise, until, as with all predictions pertaining to the death of mortals, it might yet come to pass and provide prophets with the additional satisfaction of that final twist of the knife : ' I told you so ! ' Even repeated exhortations to 'save Y i d d i s h ' are an indication of its uncertainty (Tsivyen 1948). As far as pre-World W a r I I Eastern Europe itself was concerned the prognostication was so completely premature as not only to be unfounded, but to reveal wishful thinking, schadenfreude or both. By the time of the haskole in Eastern Europe, it was fairly well known that in past generations Yiddish had been displaced in Western Europe (Beem 1 9 5 4 ; L a n d m a n n 1967; Niger 1959; Shatski 1936; Shaykovski 1939, 1964; Shpirn 1926; Weinberg 1969). This awareness continued to provide an air of expectancy with respect to the future. However, as if in 'perverse disregard of history' the Czarist census of 1897 revealed that almost all J e w s in the Empire (97.96 percent to be exact) claimed Yiddish as their mother tongue, the lowest rate of claiming being 95.74 percent in Poland (Goldberg 1905a). Even then, i.e. even prior to the impact of Yiddish secular literature, 49.4 percent of the males and 26 percent of the females claimed that they could read Yiddish as well as speak it (Rubinow 1907). However, that was 'before the flood' (World W a r I). T h e next Eastern European census for which we have data related to Yiddish is that of 1921 and the area covered is Poland alone (Y. L. [Leshtshinski] 1936). Actually, this census reports religious claiming and nationality claiming. If the latter can be interpreted (as it is by Y . L . ) as pertaining primarily to mother tongue then the rate of Yiddish mother tongue claiming among Polish claimants of J e w i s h religion was slightly under 70 percent. This was lower than the proportion of such claiming in 1897 but it was still substantial. By 1931 the Polish census reported that 79.9 percent of all J e w s by religion claimed Yiddish as their mother tongue (with 7.9 percent claiming Hebrew). L o and behold, the rate of Yiddish claiming had risen, although it was still short of the 1897 rate (Leshtshinski 1940, 1943). However, not only was the total number of claimants a hefty 2.5 million strong, but in certain key urban areas of Jewish cultural and political concentration the rates

The Sociology of Yiddish : A Foreword

51

of Yiddish claiming were actually higher in 1931 than they had been in 1897, e.g. in Warsaw (94.0 percent vs. 84.5 percent) and in Vilne (99.2 percent vs. 97.0 percent; see Goldberg 1905b; Leshtshinski 1940)! Even at the university level in Warsaw, where a previous generation ofjewish students had been almost completely assimilated linguistically, 50.3 percent of all Jewish students in 1931 claimed Yiddish as their current 'home language', with many more doing so in the humanistic, pedagogical, and social science faculties (64 percent, 77 percent, and 83 percent respectively). Interestingly enough, the demographer L. Hersch comments on these figures as follows: 'Ever-broader segments of Jewish diplomaed intellectuals are now derived from those strata where Yiddish is a living language' (Hersh 1931 ). That this had not always been the case is testified to by Hersh's own student-day memories, as well as by stern warnings of a generation earlier that intellectuals who did not speak Yiddish in their private lives could not be expected to lead the people to national strength and dignity (Olgin 1 9 1 1 ) . This condition continued into the 30s and it is, therefore, quite clear why there were those who preferred to stress the empty half of the glass of water (Mirkin 1939, retrospectively Tartakover 1946). However, if it could be argued that the demographic-functional position of Yiddish was not deteriorating in Poland prior to the Second World War, this could not be claimed for either the U S S R , Palestine/Erets Yisroel or the United States (where the three major concentrations of Yiddish speakers are to be found today). Not only have their absolute numbers and their proportions of Yiddish mother tongue claimants continued to fall (although some 4.1 million out of a worldwide total of 14 million Jews - i.e. 30 percent of the worldwide total probably would/could claim Yiddish as their mother tongue today [Kloss and McConnell 1978]), but this fall has been even more precipitous than imagined if we seek some more certain indicator of usage than is mother tongue per se. In the Soviet Union the proportion of J e w s claiming Yiddish as their 'national language' fell rapidly and continuously, from 72.6 percent in 1926 to 41 percent in 1939 (albeit some 60 percent o f j e w i s h children attended Yiddish schools in the 30s) to 17.9 percent in 1959, to 16.8 percent in 1970 (Lipset 1970 ; somewhat different figures are reported by Kantor 1962-1963). Even this last figure is little short of miraculously high (as is the fact that some 23 percent of Jews in the R S F S R - not a particularly Jewish area of the U S S R - claimed in 1970 that Yiddish was their first or second most used language ; Checinski 1973), given both the 'encouraged' assimilation of Jews and the unabashed repression of Yiddish in the U S S R (at least since the mid-thirties; see, e.g. Emyot i960; Gitelman 1972; Graubert 1 9 7 4 ; J . Halevy 1972; Hirzowicz 1974; Korey 1974; Levenberg 1968; Pomerants 1962; Rozental-Shnayderman 1974. For Soviet counterclaims in the mídaos see Dimanshteyn 1935. For the post-war eradication of the remnants of Yiddish in Poland see Sfard 1974). In Israel, the proportion claiming to speak Yiddish either as their ' principal ' or ' additional ' language

52

The Sociology of Yiddish : A Foreword

was only 1 3 . 4 percent of the total Jewish population in 1961 and 14.6 percent of the Jewish population aged 14 or above in 1 9 7 1 (both being remarkably high figures, but probably underestimates, given Israeli-Zionist discrimination against Yiddish in the Holy L a n d since at least the mid-thirties; Fishman 1 9 7 3 ; Fishman and Fishman 1 9 7 7 ; Seikevicz 1 9 7 6 ; Tsanin 1974). Finally, in the United States, Yiddish was claimed as the principal spoken language of only 2.1 percent of the total Jewish population in 1969, even though it was still claimed as mother tongue by some 1.6 million J e w s in 1970 (Ellman 1978), i.e. by nearly a third of the entire American born Jewish population, comfortably ensconced though it was by then in thoroughly Anglified suburbia. Differences in overclaiming fads and underclaiming fads make comparisons across and even within these three settings quite risky. 18 Even only a relatively small nucleus of dedicated and creative users could become a serious force (M. Vaynraykh 1 9 5 1 b ) . Nevertheless, the language is obviously declining with respect to the number of its overt users and the situation looks even worse if the age distributions of claimants are examined. These distributions are consistently and considerably top-heavy, containing few young people and disproportionately many old people. Similar age trends have appeared in such bastions as Canada 18. Although the precise figures for Yiddish usage in the U S S R , Israel and the United States are not to be taken at face value, their relative magnitudes m a y nevertheless be indicative. All three settings are characterized by self-fulfilling prophecies concerning the destinies of their respective unifying languages. M a r x is expected to triumph over Herder in the U S S R , notwithstanding the elaborate structure of ' autonomous ' republics, regions, and districts defined on ethnic grounds. As early as 1927, over half of all those young people being trained to conduct politufkler (political enlightenment) among J e w s were non-Yiddish speakers or seriously deficient in their command of Yiddish (S. 1927). Only a third claimed that their Yiddish was at least as good as their Russian and early hopes for party support for Yiddish waned rapidly (Ben Adir 1 9 1 9 ; Shtif 1927), as the party per se turned out to be the major opponent o f Y i d d i s h . In Israel, Yiddish is spoken much more in private than in public (Herman 1 9 6 1 ) and its speakers have generally as much facility in speaking and reading Hebrew as does the population at large ( K a ? 1 9 7 2 ; Fishman and Fishman 1977). Indeed, even those who champion Yiddish there view Hebrew as though it were an irresistible superhuman ocean of the future into which all rivers must ultimately flow (Sadan 1974). Certainly English is widely viewed not only as the manifest destiny of the United States but as the unifying language of the world at large. Thus, all that can be hoped for, in the eyes of most, is that Yiddish will provide

a unique flavor to J e w i s h popular culture (Friedman 1975). In a country in which 'all aspire to mobility' via English (Fishman 1963), Yiddish appears to be functionally empty even for most children of Yiddishists. These still admire it from afar (Lerer 1 9 6 1 ) but have rarely made it their daily language, not even with the generations above them, let alone with interlocutors of their own generation or younger. Claiming Yiddish usage in the early 70s had an antiestablishment implication in all three locales of its major use. Since antiestablishment feelings were more ' in ' than they used to be, Yiddish use was probably overclaimed, but probably not as significantly as the overclaiming revealed by mother tongue statistics of roughly the same years. (The substantial validity of these claims for estimating Jewish population figures is apparent from Rosenwaike 1 9 7 1 , 1974 ) T h a t the United States should reveal the least usage claiming for Yiddish and the U S S R the most (16.8 percent vs. 2.1 percent) is testimony to the much greater dislocative impact of immigration, modernization, social mobility, and interactionism than of most of the foregoing in the absence of immigration. In the Yiddish case, voluntary participation in the world's most sustained social mobility experience has been far more disruptive of ethnic mother tongue use than has indoctrination and repression. This is probably a paradigm for modern days: more languages are probably enticed into disuse rather than battered into that condition.

The Sociology of Yiddish : A Foreword

53

(Yam i973;Kloss 1977), Latin America (Turkov 1968; Virkel de Sandler 1977), Australia (Medding 1968; Klarberg 1970) and Israel (Hofman and Fisherman 1971 ; Fishman and Fishman 1977). The view is similarly grim if we consider such related matters as : the age distribution of Yiddish authors, whether in the United States alone (Fishman 1965) or, comparatively, in the United States, the Soviet Union and Israel (Fishman and Fishman 1977) ; the market for Yiddish books from the early 30s (M. V . [Vaynraykh] 1934; Z. Reyzin 1931) to this day, as well as the number of such books published (Fishman and Fishman 1977); the number and circulation of Yiddish periodicals (Fishman i960, 1965a, 1972; also see Sokes 1924; Fishman and Fishman 1976); the number and length of Yiddish radio broadcasting (Fishman 1965a, 1972); the number of Yiddish theater performances (Fishman 1965a, 1972; also see Lifson 1965) ; and the use of Yiddish as a medium of Jewish education (Fishman 1952, 1965a, 1972; Klarberg 1970). Even the former growth of Orthodox day schools in the United States utilizing Yiddish as the (or as a) language of instruction of Jewish subjects has slowed considerably (Fishman 1972) and is now considerably outdistanced by the growth in the number of Orthodox day schools teaching Jewish subject matter via English and/or Hebrew. This has probably happened in other countries as well. Nevertheless, both Orthodoxy and ultra-Orthodoxy have clearly become the bedrock of whatever remains of Yiddish-speaking J e w r y (Fishman 1972; Saymon 1970), however little interest either the one or the other may have in Yiddish literature or in formal study of Yiddish per se. Yiddish continues to be the language of daily intragroup life and of traditional (Talmudic) study for a very substantial proportion, particularly of ultra-Orthodoxy, although it too may well have turned a corner in this connection, as even part of this sector seeks to reach out and to bring others, particularly wayward adolescents and young folks, back into the fold. For the first time in a thousand years Ashkenazic ultra-Orthodoxy may be conducting more of its work in the diaspora in non-Jewish vernaculars than in Yiddish. The situation in Israel, vis-à-vis Hebrew vs. Yiddish as vernaculars among the ultra-Orthodox, is probably also approaching the tipping point in so far as actual usage is concerned, if it has not already gone beyond that point. As for ' modern Orthodoxy ' whether in Israel or in the United States, its abandonment of Yiddish is well-nigh complete and its return thereto on a nostalgic basis is still retarded by the uneasy and self-conscious emphasis on Orthodoxy's own 'modernity'. The two Orthodox universities (Yeshiva and Bar Ilan) are conspicuous by their peculiar inability to recognize Yiddish either as meeting foreign language requirements ('Does Yiddish have a literature? Is learning Yiddish really a broadening experience, exposing the learner to universal themes, like learning X literature?') or as meeting any part of the Jewish studies requirements ('Yiddish is not a Hebraic study!', even though the specialized study of Judesmo or Yahudic [ = J u d e o Arabic] is).

54

The Sociology of Yiddish : A Foreword

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The Sociology of Yiddish: A Foreword

T h e r e is one bright spot on the Y i d d i s h maintenance-and-shift horizon at this time, although it is hard to tell whether its significance is real or imaginary. Yiddish as a college-level subject grew tremendously in the decade from the mid-sixties to the mid-seventies (Pen 1958b; Prager 1974; S m o l y a r 1977). H o w e v e r , all in all, this growth has attracted only two thousand or so students at any one time over the entire world, and did not begin to make up for the loss in attendance at secular Yiddish elementary schools (which have almost become extinct in the U n i t e d States and which have run into increasing problems of late in C a n a d a and L a t i n A m e r i c a - fiscally, politically, and in terms of Zionist opposition). A t any rate, the likelihood that Yiddish can be functionally mastered via college courses, even a m o n g those w h o do enroll, is apparently negligible (i.e. not appreciably more so, nor more permanently so, than it is with respect to achieving mastery of X language via college courses). Finally, it does appear that the n u m b e r of such courses has hit its m a x i m u m , given current fiscal and demographic limitations, as well as given the more general rollback of the ethnicity mood w h i c h seems to h a v e peaked just a few years ago and is now considerably subdued. Nevertheless the college level texts and dictionaries prepared and planned in conjunction with this erstwhile area of growth will long retain their usefulness and the air of hopefulness with w h i c h they were undertaken ( D a w i d o w i c z 1977). T h u s the sad prophecies of the last century m a y yet be realized. Nevertheless, the true and dedicated believers, though fewer and older, remain u n d a u n t e d , u n b o w e d and unbeaten (see e.g. Ben-adir 1942; Glatshteyn 1972a, 1 9 7 2 b ; R o b a k 1958b, 1958c, 1964a, 1964b; Samuel 1 9 7 1 b , 1972; T o y b e s 1950. F o r examples of atypically younger devotion see Y u g n t r u f , particularly 1976, no. 3 7 - 3 7 ) . As with the defenders of all Jewish values, they are blessed with a healthy dose of supernatural and superrational strength which provides unexpected faith, energy, and opportunity.

P A R T VII:

SOCIOLINGUISTIC

VARIATION AND

PLANNING

M o r e or less dispassionate ( ' a c a d e m i c ' ) linguistic research on Y i d d i s h b e g a n quite early (see e.g. M a n s c h 1888-1890; Saineanu 1889; L a n d a u 1895; G e r z o n 1902) but inevitably, given a l a n g u a g e that has always been spoken by a c o m m u n i t y so m a n y of whose members h a v e been bilingual, and that has been as exposed, as has Yiddish, to social and political pressures from such a variety ofcoliterary languages, a substantial a m o u n t of ink (and, ultimately, even blood) soon came to be spilt over the sociopolitical question of w h a t models Y i d d i s h •* Figure 8. T a b l e of Contents of a 1931 issue of Beys- Tankev, journal of the ultra-Orthodox A g u d a s Yisroel schools for girls in Poland. This issue was devoted entirely to advocating maintenance of Yiddish in religious life and education. A m o n g the contributors to this issue are: Nosn Birnboym, Shloyme Birnboym (ed.), Eliezer Shindler and Bernard Revel.

56

The Sociology of Yiddish : A Foreword

should follow. If successive new English dictionaries are met with storms of criticism and dissonance as to whether certain terms should have been included or excluded (even though the pedigree of English is unquestioned), if French authorities struggle openly and normatively to curb the in-roads of ' franglais ' (even though the future of French [in France] is unthreatened), is it any wonder that the counterparts to such normative codification and disagreement should be discernible in the field of Yiddish as well? A l t h o u g h modern language planning theory might imply that Yiddish could not really hope to struggle successfully - given its weak implementational resources - with the vicissitudes of modern social communication, a century's efforts to engage in such planning have, of course, continued, and in so doing have revealed the political and sociocultural biases of the combatants. 1 9 O n e of the earliest and best established modeling tendencies in conscious Y i d d i s h l a n g u a g e planning was that of ausbau from modern Standard G e r m a n (e.g. Y o f e 1910, 1958; Niger 1912; Sholem A l e y k h e m 1888b). T h i s effort, carried on during the interwar years under the slogan o f ' a w a y from G e r m a n ' , sought (and seeks today) to stress that Yiddish follows standardizing conventions and authorities of its own and that these are autonomous from those that pertain to modern Standard G e r m a n (Kalmanovitsh 1925; M . V a y n r a y k h 1936, N . P . 1938; Prilutski 1938; R e y z i n 1938). T h e underlying d y n a m i c in this struggle against daytshmerish (unnecessary N e w H i g h G e r m a n borrowings) is the perennial one of demonstrating that Y i d d i s h is by no means a ' c o r r u p t G e r m a n ' , a goal which is still very m u c h alive within Yiddish language planning to this very d a y 19. O n e of the earliest proponents of Y i d d i s h l a n g u a g e p l a n n i n g was Y . M . Lifshits, the compiler of a Y i d d i s h - R u s s i a n dictionary (1876) and a consistent, open and vigorous a d v o c a t e of Y i d dish in the otherwise m e a n d e r i n g Kol mevaser. ' A t h o m e ' with both F r e n c h and G e r m a n , and with the literature of the former and the natural science associated with the latter, he quickly concluded that w h a t e v e r it was that mid-nineteenth century Y i d d i s h lacked in terms of codification and elaboration was d u e to the limited scholarly-literary attention devoted to the l a n g u a g e rather than to a n y inherent quality of the l a n g u a g e itself. His motto in this connection was: 'Nisht der fidi iz shuldik nor der klezmer' ( T h e fault lies not with the fiddle but with the fiddler). H e rejected the corruption m y t h with particular vehemence, stressing that all other living languages constantly borrowed from each other and that this w a s especially true of Russian, a l a n g u a g e favored by m a n y of the perpetrators of the corruption m y t h vis-à-vis Yiddish. A s with the chief a d v o c a t e of l a n g u a g e p l a n n i n g for M a l a y s i a n - I n d o n e s i a n today, Lifshits did not so m u c h a d v o c a t e formal codification or elaboration per se as serious literary

use of the l a n g u a g e in order to a d v a n c e its cultivation. O t h e r advocates of Y i d d i s h l a n g u a g e planning (usually referred to as shprakhkultur since the late 20S and early 30s, e.g. S p i v a k 1931 ) h a v e often stressed one or another goal, e.g. g r a m m a t i c a l codification (Dr. X [ = I. Z a m e n h o f , the father of Esperanto] 1909), ausbau f r o m all current and past coterritorial l a n g u a g e s ( R e y z i n 1938), standardized spelling a n d lexical elaboration (Shekhter 1961), etc. A l l in all, more has been accomplished for the language-in-print in each of these connections, and under the most adverse of circumstances, than might h a v e been expected (Fishman 1979; Shekhter i.p.). H o w e v e r , at the same time, the world of Yiddish-in-print has shrunk to such an extent that the circles of the remaining planners and the circles of those w h o still publish in Y i d d i s h criss-cross m u c h more fully than they did at the beginning of the century. A s in the case of Hindi {vis-à-vis Sanskritization) the success of l a n g u a g e p l a n n i n g may be a d v a n c e d at a time of functionald e m o g r a p h i c failure d u e to the fact that the remaining users are both fewer and easier to influence or control.

The Sociology of Yiddish: A Foreword

57

(Shekhter 1969), even though the stereotype of Yiddish as a ' corrupted German ' is somewhat weaker today than it was a generation ago. 20 Similar (although less long-lasting) struggles have been waged against 'excessive' Hebraisms, 20. Although 'away from German' was a generally accepted conscious goal, it was very often also compromised with, as Shekhter (1969) has revealed, even among the 'planners' themselves (for a defense o f ' necessary Germanisms ' see Mark 1963). The haskole per se and the very process of modernization as a whole were themselves powerful forces leading to a massive injection of new German borrowings and caiques (see, e.g. M. Vaynraykh 1933 on Tsederboym). In addition some of the early pro-Yiddish activists were willing to accept a German model for spelling even if not for lexical or grammatical development (Herbert 1 9 1 3 ; for a similar earlier view by I. M. Dik see Niger 1952). So great was the total onslaught of German influences (we must remember that German represented the major cultural-technological force in Eastern Europe in the latter half of the nineteenth century, for Jews as well as for non-Jews) that some scholars prematurely concluded that Yiddish was actually returning to the womb of German from whence it had emerged (Rubshteyn 1922; note the detailed refutations by Bal-dimyen 1923 and M. Vaynraykh 1923b). The problem of being engulfed by the very language from which one is seeking to establish distance is not unknown in other settings. French language planning in Quebec faces this very issue today, one of the major problems of the Office de la Langue Française being that technology worldwide is English language dominated whereas it is precisely the technological functions that the Quebecoise movement must seek to control. The problem of Yiddish vis-à-vis German was more difficult, however, because, on the one hand, it was an ausbau language from shared Germanic origins to begin with and, also, because it so completely lacked either political power or full-fledged internal acceptance. The general problems of seeking purity by ausbau from the big brother with whom one shares common origins is analyzed beautifully for Ukrainian and White Russian by Paul Wexler in his Purism and Language (1974). The problem of lack of political power to enforce decisions is discussed by Jack Fellman, vis-à-vis the early work of the Hebrew Language Committee in his The Revival of a Classical Tongue (1973) and by U. Vaynraykh in comparing Yiddish and Romanch (1972). The mutually magnifying interaction of both of these problems remains to be discussed. (Re excesses during the brief period of Soviet political manipulation of Yiddish language planningsee Anon. 1935b, Erlich 1973, Redaktsye 1932. )

Two more roadblocks in the rejection of NewHigh Germanisms remain to be mentioned. During the latter half of the nineteenth century the habitual (even if archaic) Jewish usage of referring to Yiddish as German was externalized. Both Czarist Russian and Imperial Austro-Hungarian permits to publish in Yiddish often referred to the language as German (or as German in Hebrew characters: a designation that was quite appropriate for some much earlier Central European publications) and many maskilim hoped to use such publications to slowly lead the masses, step by step, back to 'real German'. This usage fed back upon internal views and readinesses vis-à-vis combatting New-High Germanisms. However, the concept of German itself was also a constantly shifting one, if not for linguists than for more ordinary mortals. Was the more Germanized Yiddish ofKurland, ofWestern Hungary, of much of Galitsye and Bukovina, Yiddish or German? If it was hard for many to tell in situ (since more and less German was a stylistic functional variable present in the linguistic repertoire of many Yiddish speakers) it became even harder after immigration when coterritorial German speakers or intellectuals were no longer nearby. Folk interpretations of what were the differences between Yiddish and German abounded. For Zelkovits (1909) it was the difference between 0 (Yiddish) and a (German). For Berliner (1931) it was the Litvak dialect in the mouths of Polish Jews vs. either dialect in situ. For Toybes (1948) it was the difference between oy (Yiddish) and au (German). (Toybes points out that those seeking to oppose Yiddish often claim that the oy sound is ugly, coarse, uneducated, whereas the au sound is beautiful and elegant. However, these same ' phonetic anti-Yiddishists' have no complaints against the oy sound in English [as in boy, cloister]. He concludes that it is not the purported departure of Yiddish from German that troubles the oy-haters but, rather, its steadfast association with Jews and yidishkayt.) In our own day and age, the continued drive to combat New-High Germanisms is constantly complicated by the fact that most Yiddish speakers are out of touch (or have never been in touch) with German and therefore face additional difficulty in 'recognizing the enemy'. (For the special 'stage standard' in Yiddish see Prilutski 1927; for different approaches to defining a modern literary standard see Shekhter 1977b. For the role of Yiddish-in-print in fashioning this standard see Fishman 1981).

58

The Sociology of Yiddish: A Foreword

particularly by Soviet planners (Spivak 1935; Shtif 1929, 1931, 1932; Zaretski 1 9 3 1 a ; note the counter-struggle in defense of Hebraisms by Hershls 1889; K a l m a n o v i t s h 1925; N o b l 1957/58; V a y n r a y k h 1931, 1941b, etc.), 2 1 against 'excessive' Russisms/Sovietisms/Slavicisms (Kalmanovitsh 1931 ; Niger 1934; S h u l m a n 1937; T s v a y g 1930. For views sympathetic to various degrees of Russification/Slavification see Shapiro 1967; Spivak 1930; Zaretski 1 9 3 1 b ; Y o f e 1927; for evidence of continued slavophilia in Soviet Yiddish, see S. Birnboym 1979b and Shekhter 1969-1970 and 1971 ) ; as well as more restrained struggles with respect to Polonisms (Gelnberg 1930; Prilutski 1938a), Anglicisms (Glatshteyn 1972b; M a r k 1938, 1958; Shvarts 1925; M . V a y n r a y k h 1 9 4 1 a ; Y o f e 1936), Hispanicisms ( R o b a k 1964c) and internationalisms [ = Latinisms in worldwide use] (Prilutski 1938a; Zaretski 1931c). O f all of the above modeling and antimodeling efforts, the one involving [ N e w - H i g h ] Germanisms is not only the most continuous but it is also prototypic for all efforts to reject ' foreignisms ' not only in the linguistic but in the ethnoauthentic, sociocultural sense as a whole. Yiddish should beyidishlekh ( M . V a y n r a y k h 1942). T h e burden of the puristic argument here is that there are ample ' g o o d old Yiddish words and Jewish concepts' that predate and are superior to newly introduced, unnecessary and distinctly unwholesome Germanisms (Russisms, Anglicisms, etc.). Obviously, therefore, the struggle for/against Hebraisms is often of a different coloration. R a t h e r than being basically i n - g r o u p - o u t - g r o u p contrastive it is differential basically on an intra-group basis. H o w e v e r , these two types of stances have often been in complementary distribution. T h o s e w h o have most opposed Germanisms or other foreignisms h a v e frequently favored Hebraisms since the latter have been viewed as not only representing an old (the oldest) layer of the language-culture

21. It is interesting to note that Hebraisms and Ivritisms h a v e been regarded quite differently by some. W h e r e a s Hebraisms connote authentic ties for Y i d d i s h with ' t h e w a y of the Shas\ i.e. with a millennium of traditional A s h k e n a z , Ivritisms are just another kind of unnecessary foreignism, particularly for non-Zionist l a n g u a g e planners (Shekhter 1 9 7 7 a ; B o g o c h 1973b). Pro-Zionist writers, on the other h a n d , are likely to be quite fond of Ivritisms and to prefer them both because of their modern Israeli connotations as well as because Ivrit appears to them as the natural continuation of loshn koydesh (Gros-tsimerman 1962; A y z n m a n 1976). T h e h u m a n c a p a c i t y to redefine erstwhile opponents as friends and friends as opponents is evident in the l a n g u a g e attitudes field generally and in the sociology of Y i d d i s h particularly. H o w e v e r , similar tendencies are easily found in almost every politicized l a n g u a g e p l a n n i n g context. T h e most obvious e x a m p l e of

this c a p a c i t y to redefine and yet to claim ideological consistency m a y be found in A t a t u r k ' s ' G r e a t S u n T h e o r y ' . Believing that his m o v e m e n t to purify T u r k i s h had gone further than was practical (given that m o d e r n i z a t i o n - E u r o p e a n ization was also one of his goals), this theory e n n a b l e d A t a t u r k to consider E u r o p e a n languages as being derived from T u r k i s h (the great sun l a n g u a g e that h a d cast its rays over all of Europe) a n d , therefore, to view the incorporation of French, English, and other Western terms as no more than w e l c o m i n g back into the T u r k i s h lang u a g e fold some of its very o w n long lost children. T h e general point here is not that l a n g u a g e p l a n n i n g rationales are arbitrary, but, rather, that they are intended to a d v a n c e larger societal purposes and, therefore, are subject to réévaluation and reinterpretation in the light of those purposes, with ' authenticity ' frequently r e m a i n i n g officially ' e n t h r o n e d ' but yet quite differently defined.

The Sociology of Yiddish: A Foreword

59

complex but as representing language use among the most deeply Jewish and scholarly (and, therefore, the most prestigeful) speech and writing networks. Similarly, many of the interwar detractors of Hebraisms were in favor of Sovietisms/Slavisms and of the secularization and Sovietization not only of Yiddish but of Jewish society as a whole (Volobrinski 1930; Gitlits 1934). Just as Ben-yehuda preferred to modernize Hebrew by drawing upon classical Hebrew roots, Aramaic roots, Hebrew roots from other historic periods, and, finally, Semitic roots from other languages (even Arabic), similarly many Yiddish linguists have had their rank ordering from most preferred to least preferred sources for the modernization of Yiddish, e.g. old Yiddish stock (including nonstandard dialects), Hebrew-Aramaic, internationalisms, on the one hand, and Anglicisms, Russisms, Germanisms, on the other. Although normative efforts in Yiddish have often been ridiculed as either inauthentic in the light of dialectal reality (Tsukerman 1972), or as reflecting no more than one man's (or one group's or one agency's) arbitrary opinion/bias (Itkovitsh 1973; Gutkovitsh and Tsukerman 1977) such efforts have been neither rare nor without effect (Kan 1973; Shekhter 1961, 1975, i.p.) > although possible negative effects have never been carefully investigated. Such efforts are certainly far more precedented throughout the world (indeed, they are frequently authoritatively cultivated) than their critics within the Yiddish fold generally recognize or admit. Basically, such efforts and their evaluations reflect sociopolitical-cultural views and assumptions concerning the historic importance of Yiddish in Jewish life, and views toward the Jewish past as such, views concerning the independent validity of Yiddish, and views concerning its future validity. Thus, the advocacy of Yiddish toponymies is not only part of the more general struggle against foreignisms but also an emphasis upon Jewish coterritorial priority and/or permanence (S. Birnboym 1 9 1 6 ; Prilutski 1938a; Shekhter 1957; for linguistic analyses see Guggenheim-Grunberg 1965; Stankiewicz 1965). The lexical and morpho-syntactic concerns that the above efforts have commonly highlighted are paralleled - certainly in so far as broader sociopolitical-cultural inclinations are concerned - in connection with the various Yiddish orthographic conventions and their corresponding 'schools of thought'. Although many of the orthographic conventions followed in all Yiddish orthographies predate Yiddish itself (S. Birnboym 1930a, 1 9 3 1 a , 1953) these and more modern conventions are continually reinterpreted in terms of modern rationales of modeling and antimodeling (S. Birnboym 1930b, 1977; Fishman 1976; Sh'b 1928; M. Vaynraykh 1939). Particularly ingrained in Yiddish spelling are certain toward-Hebrew and toward-German tendencies (Sholem Aleykhem 1888) which in modern times, have come under attack from antiforeign, anti-German and anti-Hebrew sociocultural spokesmen and their followers (e.g. Anon. 1930a, 1930b; Litvakov 1928). Although the entire world

6o

The Sociology of Yiddish: A Foreword

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i y e y V r a r x ) .» i929 'Vt> 22 a y i m - o i x m ib'aa$pbxo ayais î j u y n i j n x a n y i b'b ¿ « t e n x n y ? J -\yi B p ' s y e B x a r x (1 .rax ,11.9 ,451 . d i x ,(i7i) 32 >6 1929 T b ' a a ç p ' r ç a rie yr) j y a u y i a x a x n rixpnxa r x - i i j a j y a x m - T i B i i p - i y ® T ' l y e r n j x a n x s ' r x w n s i y i o ç n .60—57 .9® (14) 1 J 1929 ."3ΧΊ9® y e n ? ' , . i » V t n x j p ' t i p a y i B v a y » ? ? x r i » β τ β ρ χ ο n y a i : y e s y V η r x B$n « a x i s p y w w . ' t o n » » s y V a ' y i y ? s p x i y n η b d x b n y o u a p n s r x a y i b ^ . c y o ' - i K - o x ï c η -ι ¡ o l y i n t j a ' ? a y » -09!?® V x a i w t a s i a p v n i s ax e a « n r x a o i b e x a y e a x a n y n y n a π j a y ^ p v r r ì x D i s .ey'O'ix

MUMP

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(18-17) — 5 . 4

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1929

Figure 9. Diyidishe shprakh [ T h e Y i d d i s h L a n g u a g e ] , publication of the Institute for J e w i s h C u l t u r e of the U k r a i n i a n A c a d e m y of Sciences, Philological Section, subsequently continued u n d e r the title Afn shprakhnfront [ O n the L a n g u a g e Front], T h e insert announces that, by g o v e r n m e n t edict, the j o u r n a l is c h a n g i n g its spelling so as to discontinue the use of the five final-letters of the H e b r e w alphabet.

The Sociology of Yiddish : A Foreword

61

of Yiddish orthographic concern is small and specialized, it has produced a relatively huge literature (Shaykovski 1 9 6 6 ) , replete with broader sociocultural rationales (Gold 1 9 7 7 ) as well as with an inevitable degree of interpersonal rivalry (Anon 1 9 5 9 ; R o b a k 1 9 5 9 ; M . V a y n r a y k h 1 9 5 9 b ) . 2 2 T o d a y , the Y i v o ' s ' U n i f i e d Yiddish Spelling' is widely considered to be the standard. T h e only other frequently encountered systematic spelling is that of Soviet publications, the formerly

popular

'traditional'

( = Orthodox)

spelling

having

almost

disappeared (although it is still advocated by S. B i r n b o y m 1 9 7 7 , 1 9 7 9 a ) . F a r less touchy for those within the fold is the topic of Yiddish influences in other languages. Although this has been particularly well-documented with respect to H e b r e w (e.g. Ben-amotz and Ben-yehuda 1 9 7 2 ; Blanc 1 9 6 5 ; Elzet 1 9 5 6 ; K o y r e y 1 9 6 7 ; Kornblueth and A y n o r 1 9 7 4 ; O y e r b a k h 1 9 7 5 ; Reisner 1 9 7 6 ; R u b i n 1 9 4 5 ) it has also been noted in connection with English (Dillard 1 9 7 5 ; Mencken 1 9 3 6 ; Feinsilver 1 9 6 2 , 1 9 7 0 ) , Dutch (Beem 1 9 5 4 ) , G e r m a n (Weinberg 1 9 6 9 ) , etc. 2 3 A n o t h e r 'internal topic' is that of selecting from a m o n g Yiddish dialects, particularly

insofar as orthoepy

and

transliteration

into

n o n - H e b r e w characters are concerned. T h e literature and altercations on this topic have been reviewed by Shekhter 1 9 7 7 b . Least examined, but closest to the heart of the entire sociolinguistic enterprise, is the topic of ' o r a l ' functional variation in (or partially in) Yiddish.

The

' c o r r u p t i o n ' stigma has so traumatized and energized several generations of Yiddish linguists, and the language shift threat has so mobilized generations of advocates that the normal

fluctuation

22. It seems to be a generally accepted sociolinguistic premise that it is more difficult to alter orthographic systems than almost any other kind of linguistic system (e.g. the lexical or semantic systems). M a n y hypotheses have been advanced to account for this, e.g., that writing systems, like grammatical patterns, encompass the whole language and, therefore, changing these systems elicits much more opposition since it is impossible to side-step them as one can do with disagreeable lexical change (see Fishman 1977c). T h e Yiddish experience leads me to question this premise, or, at least, to suggest that it must be qualified by reference to literacy level, depth of literary tradition, magnitude of publishing and typographic investments, etc. M y impression of the Yiddish scene is that it has responded more to orthographic change than to purification attempts and more to purification attempts than to lexical modernization (neologism) planning. (For proposals to romanize Yiddish spelling see Acher 1902, Dr. X 1909, and an extensive bibliography in Gold 1977.) 23. There is also a small but important literature concerning Yiddish influences on other literatures

from one variety to another within

(e.g. Cukierman 1 9 7 7 ; Eber 1967; Leftvitsh 1 9 7 7 ; Mordoch 1972) and theaters (Beck 1 9 7 2 ; Zilbertsvayg 1968). M y impression is that there is much more to these influences than has as yet been recognized. T h e influence of Yiddish on the English theater in America must have been both direct and indirect, via personnel that was bilingual/bicultural and via dramatic techniques that were both consciously and unconsciously borrowed. Indeed, American, Soviet, and Israeli literature and theater would probably reveal myriad mutual influences and relationships with the world of Yiddish that have yet to be delineated. T h e influences and relationships also have their more narrowly linguistic dimensions as well. A host of Yiddishisms have penetrated into English from the Yiddish stage, and, similarly, the English speaking entertainment world has impacted not only Yiddish but most major languages of the world during the past 50 years. Through the impact of Yiddish on 'entertainment English' various Yiddishisms have attained worldwide currency (see Almi 1928 for an early intimation along these lines).

62

The Sociology of Yiddish : A

Foreword

Tviodern

ENGLISHYIDDISH YIDDISHENGLISH DICTIONARY URIEL WEINREICH Professor of Yiddish Language, Literature, and Culture

on the Atran Chair, Columbia University

®

YTVO Institute for Jewish Research McGraw-Hill Book Company, New York, 1968

The Sociology of Yiddish : A Foreword

63

Yiddish for metaphorical and situational purposes, as well as the inevitable variation from one language to another for these same purposes (as evidenced by at least some speech networks of every multilingual speech community of which there is any record), have been seriously overlooked or, at least, underexamined. The concern for finally arriving at and propagating a standard ('literary', 'cultural', 'scientific') Yiddish has yielded a plethora of advocatory, descriptive, and proscriptive studies focusing upon this acrolectal variety or register alone (e.g. Mark 1941, 1942, 1967; Shtarkman 1958; M . K . 1942) and upon its derivation from the most classical sources in the Yiddish parthenon (e.g. Borokhov 1 9 1 6 ; Spivak 1965, 1966; and a fairly endless list of articles by Mark). There is far more meager studied recognition of the differences between spoken and written (i.e. printed) language and of the separate standards that these might pursue (but note: Bikl 1970; Kaganovitsh 1930) and ofsociodialectal and sociofunctional variation at least within the former (but note: Kazhdan 1938; Slobin 1963; Shekhter 1977b; Zaretski 1931a, 1931b). Least examined of all is the multilingual repertoire in speech, i.e. the bulk ofYiddish linguistic realization during the entire millennium of its existence. The few studies that we have in this connection reveal highly systematic demographic-functional allocations (Bogoch 1973a; Jochnowitz 1968; Ronch 1969) but do not touch at all on metaphorical alternation and switching. The question here is not that of languages in contact (U. Vaynraykh 1953) or of language purity (Wexler 1974) but of normative pragmatics in face-to-face interaction. While it is clear that the remaining Yiddish speech networks in the United States and in Israel youth networks and adult networks - tend to use Yiddish and English/Ivrit for quite different but complementary functions, their use of two languages is still undocumented in terms of contrastive emphases : anger, joy, humor, surprise, cynicism, etc. For a language which both Jews and the world at large tend to peg as ' talky ' (rather than ' bookish ' or ' arty ' or ' technical '), what we lack most are studies ofYiddish in conversational action. The sociology ofYiddish is still waiting for a scholar with an ear for dialogue. When he or she arrives, untold additional and generalizeable treasures will doubtlessly be discovered. It has happened before (M. Vaynraykh 1937) and will happen again. Neither Yiddish nor the sociology of Yiddish are about to throw in the towel.

·* Figure 10. Uriel Weinreich's Modern English-Yiddish, Yiddish-English Dictionary seeks to provide terms to cover all aspects of modern daily life. Such updating is crucial 'for those in whose children's mouths Yiddish will continue to live' (from the dedication of Uriel Weinreich's College Yiddish, New Y o r k , Yivo, now in its fifth edition).

64

The Sociology of Yiddish: A Foreword

REFERENCES*

Acher, Mathias (1902), 'Hebraeisch und Juedisch', Ost und West 2: 458-464. Adler, Celia ( 1959), Celia Adler Recalls. New York, Committee. Agnon, Sh'ay (1969), 'Hakdome' [Preface], in his Shrìftn [Writings], trans, into Yiddish by Eliezer Rubinshteyn, 7-12. Tel Aviv, Hamenora. Ahad Ha-'am (1908), 'Letter to A. L. Levinski, November 5, 1908', in Igerot Ahad Ha-am, iv [Letters of Ahad Ha-'am, iv], 44-45. Jerusalem-Berlin, Yavne-Moriah. (Excerpted ( 1931 ) in Di ershteyidishe shprakh-konferents [The first Yiddish Language Conference], 274. Vilna, Yiddish Scientific Institute-Yivo,274·) — (1910), ' R i v leshonot' [The language struggle], Ha-shiloah 22: 159-164. — (1912), Selected Essays, trans, by Leon Simon. Philadelphia, Jewish Publication Society. Al—r (1914a), 'Lama ragzu?' [Why did they get upset?], Ha-ahdut 5 (37): 3-6. Aleksander ( 1914b), ' Tehiya shel maala u-tehiya shel mata ' [Life on high and life below], Ha-ahdut (40/41): 3 - 1 3 . Almi, A. (1928), 'Yidish un english' [Yiddish and English], Literarishe bleter (3): 55-56. Alpern, Arn, (1977), 'Ershter tsionistisher kongres un yidish' [The First Zionist Congress and Yiddish], Bay zikh 9 - 1 0 : 209-216. Altbauer, Moshe (1965), 'Zum Rückgang der Slawismen im literarischen Jiddisch', in Verhandlungen des £'weiten Internationalen Dialekten-Kongress, vol. 1, 14-18. Wiesbaden, Steiner. Altman, Alexander (1973), Moses Mendelssohn: A Biographical Study. University, Alabama, University of Alabama Press. Altshuler, Mordechai (1977), 'Jewish studies in the Ukraine in the early Soviet period', Soviet Jewish Affairs ( 1 ) : 19-30. Anon (1869), 'Yidishe bibliografye' [Yiddish bibliography], Kol mevaser (22): 247-248. — (1886), 'Por verter vegn der shprakh' [Few words about the language], Nyu-yorkeryidishe folkstsaytung 1 (1): 1, June 25. — (1914), 'Amar ha-Kuntres': Leshe'eylat ha-safa' [The 'Kuntres' spoke: On the language question], Kuntres 5: 28-30. — (1925), Di organizatsye fun deryidisher visnshaft [The Organization of Research on Jewry]. Vilna, Yiddish Scientific Institute. — (1926), Goldfadn-bukh [Goldfadn Book]. New York, Yiddish Theatre Museum. (Note: extensive bibliography.) — (1928a), 'Undzer onheyb' [Our beginning], Onheyb [Jerusalem] August: 1-3. — (1928b), 'Nokhn shrek' [After the Fright], Arbeterfirer J a n . 2 1 : 21-26. — ( 1928c), 'Arum der yidisher katedre ' [Concerning the Yiddish chair ( = at the Hebrew University)], Farn folk Dec. 28: 3-4. — (1930a), Di nayeyidishe ortografie; bashtimt fun folkombild, u.s.r.r. [The New Yiddish Orthography, adopted by The People's Commisariat for Education, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic]. Kiev, Kultur Liga. — (1930b), Der eynhaytlekheryidisher oysleyg: materialn un proyektn, ershte zamlung [The Standard Yiddish Orthography: Materials, and Plans, First Collection]. Vilna, Yiddish Scientific Institute. — (1931a), Di ershte yidishe shprakh-konferents ; barikhtn, dokumentn, opklangen fun der tshernovitser konferents [The First Yiddish Language-Conference; Reports, Documents, Commentary Concerning the Tshernovits Conference], Vilna, Yiddish Scientific Institute-Yivo. — (1931b), 'Toykhn un levush' [Content and cover], Beysyankev 8 (70-71): 2.

* Yiddish transliteration in accord with the Y i v o / L i b r a r y of Congress systems. Authors whose Yiddish works are cited (whether or not their works published in other languages are cited) are listed under the Yiddish transliteration of their names.

The Sociology of Yiddish: A Foreword

— (1935a), Ά geeynikte aktsye far yidish in erets yisroel' [A united effort on behalf of Yiddish in the Land of Israel], Yiddish 3 : 80-81 (Chicago). — (1935b), 'Di sovetishe shprakh-politik in onvendung tsu yidish. Tezisn tsu di fortragn fun di khaveyrim m. levi tan un e. spivak, ongenumen af der shprakh-baratung dem 1 itn may, 1 9 3 4 ' [Soviet language policy as applied to Yiddish. Theses in the papers of comrades M . Levi tan and E. Spivak, adopted at the language consultation, M a y 1 1 , 1934], Afn shprakhnfront (3-4) : 250-269. — (1946), Basic Facts About Yiddish. New York, Yiddish Scientific Institute. — ( 1 9 5 1 ) > ' Tsu der efenung fun der yidish-katedre in yerushelayemer universitet ' [On inaugurating the Yiddish chair at the (Hebrew) University in Jerusalem] (Remarks by M . Shneyerson, M . Shvabe, Bentsiyon Dinaburg, Dovid Pinski, K h a y e m Grinberg, Lui Sigi, and Dov Sadan), Goldene keyt 1 1 : 187-202. — (1959), 'Rezultatn fun an ankete vegn oysleyg' [Results of a questionnaire about spelling], Yidishe shprakh 19 (3): 83-96. — (1972a), 'Principles of the Sholem Aleichem Folk Institute, adopted at the conference of the Institute in 1 9 2 7 ' , in Our First Fifty Years: The Sholem Aleichem Folk Institute, ed. by Saul Goodman, 1 3 5 - 1 3 7 . New York, S A F I . (Also in Yiddish in same volume, *i 17—*i 18.) — (1972b), 'Basic principles of education in the Sholem Aleichem schools adopted at the 30th school-conference, M a y , 1 9 5 3 ' , in Our First Fifty Years: The Sholem Aleichem Folk Institute, ed. by Saul Goodman, 1 3 8 - 1 3 9 . New York, S A F I . (Also in Yiddish in same volume * 1 1 9 . ) — (1975), Report of the Committee on Irish Language Attitudes Research. Dublin, Committee on Irish Language Attitudes. — (1977a), Barikht fun der velt-konferents far yidish un yidisher kultur [Proceedings of the World Conference for Yiddish and Yiddish Culture]. Tel Aviv, Ha-vaad le-tarbut yehudit be-yisrael. — ( 1977b), ' Nosn Birnboym - der bal tshuve ' [Nosn Birnboym - the penitent], Dos Yidishe Vort 195: 11—15. (Also see sections on 'Eastern European J e w r y ' , 'Jewish " p e o p l e h o o d " and Yiddish' and ' F r o m Yiddish to Jewishness' in same issue.) — and Ringlblum, Emanuel (1944), ' D i yidishe kulturarbet in di getos fun poyln' [Yiddish cultural efforts in the Nazi-imposed ghettos in Poland], Yivo-bleter 24: 3-8. (Also translated into English and published separately, 1945.) Arz [ = Aleksander Tsederboym] (1869), ' T s u undzere geerte lezer un lezerinen!' [To our honorable male and female readers!], Kol mevaser 48 (Nov. 9): 333—335. Asaf, S. ( 1 9 2 5 - 1 9 4 3 ) , Mekorot le-toldot ha-hinukh be-yisrael [Sources for the History of J e w i s h Education], 4 vols. Jerusalem. Ash, Sholem ( 1 9 3 1 ) , ' V e g n ibertrogn di yidishe kultur-giter in der yidisher shprakh' [About translating Jewish cultural treasures into the Yiddish language], in Di ershteyidishe shprakhkonferents, 8 1 - 8 2 . Vilna, Yiddish Scientific Institute - Yivo. (Note further discussion of this topic, 83-85.) Ayznman, Tsvi (1976), 'Problemen fun a yidish shrayber baym moin di yisroel-virklekhkeyt' [Problems of a writer of Yiddish on depicting Israeli reality], Folksblat (Dec.) 1 2 - 1 3 . Bachi, Roberto (1956), Ά statistical analysis of the revival of Hebrew in Israel', Scripta Hierosolymitana 3: 179-247. Balaban, M . ( 1 9 1 2 , 1916), 'Die Krakauer Judengemeinde-Ordnung von 1595 und ihre Nachträge, Jahrbuch der jüdisch literarischen Gesellschaft Frankfort a. Main ( 1 9 1 2 ) 10: 296-360; (1916) 1 1 : 88-114. Bal-dimyen (1908), ' Y i d i s h ' in der yidisher shul' [ ' Y i d d i s h ' in the Jewish school], Di shtime 2: 1 8 0 - 1 8 9 (Vilna). — (1923), Ά bukh vegn yidish' [A book about Yiddish], Dos naye lebn ι (7): 49-57. Bal-makhshoves ( 1953a), ' Tsvey shprakhn -eyn eyntsike literatur ( 1908a) ' [ T w o languages but only one literature (1908a)], reprinted in his Geklibene verk [Selected Works], 1 1 2 - 1 2 3 . New York, Cyco.

66

—

The Sociology of Yiddish : A Foreword

(1953b), 'Esperanto un yidish' [Esperanto and Yiddish (1908b)], reprinted in his Geklibene verk [Selected Works], 124-130. N e w Y o r k , C y c o . Bass, H y m a n : see Bez, K h a y i m . Beck, Evelyn T . (1972), Kafka and the Yiddish Theatre. Madison, University of Wisconsin Press. Beem, H . (1954), ' Y i d d i s h in Holland: linguistic and sociolinguistic notes', in The Field of Yiddish /, ed. by U . Weinreich, 122-133. T h e H a g u e , M o u t o n . Ben-adir (1919), Undzer shprakhn-problem [ O u r L a n g u a g e Problem], K i e v , K i e v e r Farlag. — (1942), An ofener briv tsu undzer yidishistisher inteligents [An open letter to our Yiddishist intelligentsia], Afn shvel nos. 4 - 5 ( 1 3 - 1 4 ) , 3 - 5 . (Reprinted ( 1947). Bucharest, Freeland League [note: epilogue by Eliezer Frenkl].) Ben-amo?, D o n and Ben-yehuda, Netiva (1972), Milon olami le-ivrit meduberit [Worldwide Dictionary of Spoken Hebrew], Jerusalem, Levin-Epstein. Ben-tsvi, Yitskhok (1956), Mit der tsveyter aliya [With the Second Immigration (to the L a n d of Israel)]. Buenos Aires, K i y e m . (See particularly chapters 4 and 6 on ' T h e L a b o r Zionists in the land of Israel in 1904-1907', 5 0 - 6 5 ; and ' T h e T h i r d Conference' [1908]; ' T h e organization of Hashomer and H a k h o r e s h ' , 77-99.) Ben Z v i : see Ben-tsvi. Berkovitsh, Yisroe (1976), Hundertyoryidish teater in rumenye, 1876-1976 [A H u n d r e d Years of Yiddish T h e a t e r in R u m a n i a , 1876-1976]. Bucharest, Criterion. Berliner, Note (1931), ' V e g n litvishn dialekt in kongres-poyln' [Concerning the Litvak-dialect in Congress Poland], Beys yankev 8 ( 7 1 - 7 2 ) : 42-43. (Also note the editor's supporting comment, p. 43.) Bernfeld, Sh. (1900), ' D o s folk un di inteligents' [Ordinary folk and the intelligentsia], Der y id (Cracow) 2 (2) : 1 - 3 . Best, O t t o F. (1973), Mameloschen Jiddisch - Eine Sprache und ihre Literatur. Frankfort am M a i n , Insel V e r l a g . Beylin, A . H . (1934), Moris Shvarts un deryidisher kunst-teater [Moris Shvarts and the Yiddish Art Theater]. N e w Y o r k , Biderman. Beys yankev tsentrale (1933), ' D i yesoydes fun der beys yankev shul: hebreyish oder loshn koydish?' [The foundations of the Beys Y a n k e v school: modern or traditional Hebrew?], Byuletin (3) : 1-3. Bez, K h a y i m ( 1 9 7 1 a ) , ' Fir etapn in k a m f far der khshives fun der yidisher shprakh ' [Four stages in the struggles for the dignity of the Yiddish language] in his Shrayber un verk [Writers and Works] 9 1 - 1 0 4 . T e l A v i v , Ha-menora. — ( 1 9 7 1 b ) , ' F a r vos yidish?' [ W h y Yiddish?] in his Shrayber un verk [Writers and Works] 548-559. T e l A v i v , Ha-menora. — (1976), T h e Czernowitz Yiddish language conference, World of Yiddish 8. — editor (1977), Diyidishe drama fun 2ostnyorhundert [Yiddish D r a m a of the 20th century), 2 vols. N e w Y o r k , Congress for Jewish Culture. Bialik: see Byalik. Bik, Y a n k e v Shmuel (1833), For his letter of 1815 attacking T u v y e Feder and defending Mendl Levin, Kerem Khemed 1: 96-99. (Also see listing under Lifshits, I . M . 1863. Also excerpted in Tsinberg, vol. 9, 1936 [pp. 222-223 of Martin's English translation, 1975]; also excerpted (1957) in Yiddish in Der yidisher gedank in der nayer tsayt (Jewish T h o u g h t in M o d e r n Times], ed. by A . Menes, 258-260. N e w Y o r k , Congress for Jewish Culture.) Bikl, Shloyme (1970), ' G e r e d t e un geshribene s h p r a k h ' [Spoken and written language] in his Shrayber fun mayn dor [Writers of my Generation], 271-282. T e l A v i v , Perets Farlag. Bilezki, Y . H. (1970), H. n. byalik ve-yidish [ K h . n. Byalik and Yiddish], T e l A v i v , Perets Farlag. Birnbaum, N a t h a n : see Birnboym, Nosn. Birnbaum, Solomon A . : see Birnboym, Shloyme. Birnboym, Nosn (1931), 'Fayerlikhe efenungs-rede, 1908' [Festive opening speech, 1908], in

The Sociology of Yiddish : A Foreword

67

Anon. Diershteyidisheshprakh konferents. . . [The First Yiddish Language Conference. . .], 71-74. Vilna, Yiddish Scientific Institute. (Also in Forverts ( 1908) September 15 and, reprinted (1968) in Afa shvel (1968) 185 (4) : 3-4.) (Also see his reminiscences concerning the conference, pp. ix-xi, In Anon., op. cit.) — ( 1913), Deryikhes funyidish [The Pedigree of Yiddish]. Berlin, Lifshits. — (1931), Ά por verter vegn yidish' [A few words about Yiddish], Beys yankee 8 (70—71): 2. — (1946), Selections from his Writings. London, Ha-migdal. Birnboym, Shloyme (1916), Praktische Grammatik der Jiddischen Sprache, Wien-Leipzig, A. Hartlebens. — (1930a), Tidishkayt un loshn [Jewishness and language]. Warsaw, Yeshurun. — (1930b), 'Alef-beyz fun ortodoksishn oysleyg' [Alphabet of Orthodox spelling], Beysyankev (59): 17. Reprinted (1930b) in Der eynhaytiekheryidisher oysleyg [Standard Yiddish Spelling], 86-87. Vilna, Yivo. — (1930c), 'Di yesoydes fun yidishn oysleyg' [The foundations of Yiddish spelling], in Der eynhaytiekher yidisher oysleyg [Standard Yiddish Spelling], 18-19. Vilna, Yivo. — (1931a), 'Tsvey vovn kikhol hagoyim' [Two vovn, like all the gentiles], Beysyankev 8 (71-72): 32-33· — (1931b), Geule fan loshn [Redemption of language]. Lodz, Beys yankev. — (1937), 'Dzhudezme' [Judesmo] Yivo-bleter 1 1 : 192-198. — ([939)1 'The age of the Yiddish language', Transactions of the Philological Society 3 1 - 4 3 (London). — (1942), 'Jewish Languages', in Essays in Honor of.. .Dr. J . H. Hertz. · ed. by I. Epstein et al., 51-67. London, Edward Goldston. — (1946), 'The cultural structure of East Ashkenazic J e w r y ' , Slavonic and East European Review 25 : 73-92· — ( 1951 ), 'The Jewries of Eastern Europe', Slavonic and East European Review 29 (73): 420-443. — (1953), 'Fun daytshmerizm biz der heyl in der midber yehude' [From Germanism back to the cave in the Judean desert], Yidishe shprakh 13 (4): 109-120. — (1968), ' V i alt iz yidish?' [How old is Yiddish?] in Yidishe dialogn: kolokvium fun yidishn velt-kongres [Yiddish Dialogues: Colloquium of the World Jewish Congress], 245-50. Paris, World Jewish Congress. — (1977), 'Der traditsionalistisher oysleyg fun yidish in poyln' [The traditionalistic spelling of Yiddish in Poland], Dos yidishe vort (Iyar/Sivan) : 3 1 - 3 2 . — (1979a), Yiddish: A Survey and a Grammar. Toronto, University of Toronto Press. — (1979b), Soviet Yiddish. Soviet Jewish Affairs 9: 29-41. Blanc, Haim (1964), Communal Dialects in Baghdad. Cambridge, Harvard University Press. — (1965), 'Some Yiddish influences in Israeli Hebrew', in The Field of Yiddish II, ed. by U. Weinreich, 185-201. The Hague, Mouton. Bloom, Bernard H. ( 1971 ), 'Yiddish-speaking socialists in America: 1892-1905', in Critical Studies in American Jewish History, vol. 3, ed. by R. Marcus, 1 - 3 3 , Cincinnati and New York, American Jewish Archives and Ktav. Bogoch, Bryna (1973a), Ά sociolinguistics study of Yiddish and Hebrew in an ultra-orthodox school in Jerusalem'. Manuscript, Hebrew University Communications Program. — (1973b), 'The influence of loshn koydesh and Hebrew on secular and religious Israeli Yiddish texts'. Manuscript, Hebrew University, Communications Program. Borokhov, Ber (1913a), 'Di ufgabn fun der yidisher filologye' [The tasks of Yiddish philology] in Pinkes : Yorbukhfun der yidisher literatur un shprakh,farfolklor, kritik un bibliografye [Record Book : Annual of Yiddish Literature and Language, for Folklore, Criticism and Bibliography], ed. by Sh. Niger, 1-22. Vilna, Kletskin. Reprinted (1966) in Shprakh-forshung un literatur-geshikhte [Language Research and History of Literature] ed. by N. Mayzl, 53-75. Tel-Aviv, Perets Farlag.

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The Sociology of Yiddish: A Foreword

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— (1962a), 'Integrale yidishkayt (teorye un praktik)' [Integrative Jewishness (Theory and Practice)]. Mexico City, Golomb. — (1962b), ' U m e veloshn: yidish folk - yidish loshn' [People and language : Jewish nationality a n d Y i d d i s h l a n g u a g e ] , in Yorbukh fun der nayeryidisher shuly.l. perets in meksike [ Y e a r b o o k of

the New Jewish School (named after) Y. L. Perets in Mexico], 13. Mexico City, New Jewish School. — (1967), 'Der oysgetrakhter shprakhnkamf' [The fictitious language struggle], in his Tsvishn tkufes [Between Eras), 312-323. Tel Aviv, Peretz. — (1970), 'Folk un shprakh' [Nationality and language], part of his essay on yidishkayt, folkishkayt, getlekhkayt [Jewishness, nationhood, godliness], in KhesedLeavrohom: sefer ha-yovel le-avraham Golomb; tsu zayn akhtsikstn geboyrn-yor [Grace unto Abraham: Jubilee volume in Honor of Abraham Golomb; for his Eightieth Birthday], ed. by M. Khezkuni-shtarkman, 897-898. Los Angeles, Committee. Goodman, Saul: see Gutman, Shoyel. Gorin, B. (1913), 'Der repertuar funem yidishn teater in amerike farn sezon 1912' [The repertoire of the Yiddish theater in America for the 1912 season], in Pinkes: Yorbukh fun der yidisher literatur un shprakh, far folklor, kritik un bibliografiye [ R e c o r d Book : A n n u a l of Y i d d i s h

Literature and Language, for Folklore, Criticism and Bibliography], ed. by Sh. Niger, 230-243. Vilna, Kletskin. (In same volume: a similar review by A. M . Mukdoyni concerning Yiddish theater in Russia during 1913, 263-272.) — (1923 ), Di geshikhtefunyidishn teater [History of the Yiddish Theater], 2 vols. New York, Mayzl. Graubert, J u d a h L. (1974). 'The night of the murdered poets', Reconstructionist 40 (2 [March]) : 17-23· Grosman, Y. (1974a), 'Fuftsn shprakhn bay yidn-un yidish' [Fifteen Jewish languages - and Yiddish], in his Eseyen un zikhroynes [Essays and Memoires], 97-103. Montreal, Grosman. — (1974b), 'Tsentraler bildungs komitet in vilne' [Central Education Committee in Vilna], in his Eseyen un zikhroynes [Essays and Memoires], 148-165. Montreal, Grosman. Gros-tsimerman, M. (1962), 'Yisroels Yidish' [Israel's Yiddish], in Almanakh fun di yidishe shrayber inyisroel [Almanac of the Yiddish writers in Israel], 9-14. Tel Aviv, Organization of Yiddish Writers and Journalists in Israel. Guggenheim-Grunberg, Florence (1965), 'Place names in Swiss-Yiddish: examples of the assimilatory power of a Western Yiddish dialect', The Field of Yiddish 2: 147-157. Gutman, Shoyel (1967), 'Der morgn fun der yidish-veltlekher shul in amerike (1962)' [The future of the Yiddish secular school in America (1962)], reprinted in his Traditsye un banayung [Tradition and Renewal], 330-344. New York, Farlag Matones. — (1972), ' H a i f a century of cultural yiddishkayt', in Our First Fifty Years: The Sholem Aleichem Folk Institute, ed. by Shoyel Gutman, 102-108. New York, S A F I . (Also in Yiddish in same volume, * 9 7 - * i o 2 . ) —, editor (1976), The Faith of Secular Jews. New York, Ktav. (See particularly two articles by Zhitlovski: ' W h a t is Jewish secular culture?', 47-56, and 'The national poetic rebirth of the Jewish religion', 149-158.) — ( 1 977)i 'Yidishe literatur-forshung un der derekh fun yivo haynt tsu tog' [Research on Yiddish literature and the approach of the Yivo today], Kheshbn 33 (89): 9-13. Gutkovitsh, Yankl and Tsukerman, Rakhmil (1977), 'Derekh-erets farn loshn fun folk' [Respect for the language of ordinary people], Tsukunft 83 (2): 72-76. Hager, Baruch (1974), 'Chassidism and Yiddish', Jewish (Quarterly 22: 43-44. Hakohen, Mordechai (1902), 'Sefat ha-galut', Ahiasaf 10: 381-391. Hal, Gershon (1975),' Dray hundert yor yidish presvezn in der velt, 1675-1975' [Three hundred years of the Yiddish press in the world, 1675-1975], in 300 yor yidishe prese, ι6γ§ 1975 [300 years of Yiddish press, 1675-1975], ed. by A. L. Dulchin et al., 18-70. Jerusalem, Zionist World Organization.

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Halevy, Jacob (1972), Genocide of a Culture: The Execution of the 24. London, World Jewish Congress. Halevy, Zvi (1972), 'Yiddish schools in the Soviet Union' (Review of Elias Schulman's A History of Jewish Education in the Soviet Union, 1971 ), Soviet Jewish Affairs 2 (2) : 99-104. — (1979). Jewish Schools under Czarism and Communism: A Struggle for Cultural Identity. New York, Springer. Hameiri, Avigdor ([1950] 1973), 'Ivre-taytsh - yidish' [Ivri taytsh ( = archaic Yiddish of the translated prayer book, etc.) and Yiddish], Dosyidishe vort July 7 (Santiago). (Also (1973), in Sh. Rozhansky, Ivre taytsh, tsene urene ( = Musterverk fun der yidisher literatur, band 53. [Masterworks of Yiddish Literature, vol. 53]), 341-365. Buenos Aires, Ateneo Literario en el Iwo.) Hapgood, Hutchins (1966), 'Four poets; The stage ; The newspapers, A novelist', in his The Spirit of the Ghetto (1902), 97-242. New York, Schocken. Haugen, Einar (1961), 'Language planning in modern Norway', Scandinavian Studies 33: 68-81. Heller, Celia ( r 974), ' Poles ofJewish background - The case of assimilation without integration in interwar Poland', in Shtudyes vegn yidn in poyln, igig-igjg [Studies on Polish Jewry, 1919-1939], ed. by J . A. Fishman, *242-*276. New York, Yivo Institute. — (1977). 'Assimilationists: Poles in culture and self-identity', in her On the Edge of Destruction, 183-21 o. New York, Columbia. (Also in same volume, see her discussion of Yiddish among ' The Jewish Jews : Orthodox in faith, traditional in culture', 143-182; and among 'The radicalized poor and the Bund', 253-265.) Herbert, M. A. (1913), 'Der kamffun a shprakh far anerkenung' [The struggle of a language for recognition], Dos naye lebn 5: 1 5 5 - 1 6 1 , 192 198. Herman, Simon (1961), 'Explorations in the social psychology of language', Human Relations 14: 149-164. (Also in Readings in the Sociology of Language, ed. by J . A. Fishman, 492-511.) The Hague, Mouton. — (1972), Israelis and Jews: A Study in the Continuity of an Identity. New York, Random House. — (1977), Jewish Identity: A Social Psychological Perspective. Beverly Hills, Sage. (Re: attitudes toward Yiddish see p. 246.) Hersh, L. (1931), 'Shprakhlekhe asimilirtkayt bay di yidishe studentn fun di varshever hoykhshuln' [Linguistic assimilation among Jewish students in Warsaw post-secondary schools], Yivo-bleter 2: 441-444. Hershls, Libtse (1889), 'Benemunes a gelekhter' [Upon my word, a laughing stock], Tidishes Folksblat (16): 3-7, (17): 3 - 1 2 (St. Petersburg). Hertz, Jacob S. (1969), 'The Bund's nationality program and its critics in the Russian, Polish and Austrian socialist movements', Two Annual of Jewish Social Science 14: 53-67. Hesbacher, Peter and Joshua A. Fishman (1965), 'Language loyalty: its functions and concomitants in two bilingual communities', Lingua 13: 145-165. Higham, John (1975), 'Abraham Cohen: novelist between three cultures', in his Send These to Me; Jews and other Immigrants in Urban America, 88-101. New York, Atheneum. Hirzowicz, Lukasz (1974), 'Birobidzhan after 40 years', Soviet Jewish Affairs 4 (2): 38-45. Hofman, John and Haya Fisherman (1971), 'Language shift and maintenance in Israel', International Migration Review 5: 204-226. (Also ( 1971 ) in Advances in the Sociology of Language, ed. by J . A. Fishman, 342-364. The Hague, Mouton.) Howe, Irving (1976), World of Our Fathers: The Journey of the East European Jews to America and the Life They Found and Made. New York, Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich. Howe, Irving, Eliezer Greenberg, editors (1954), A Treasury of Yiddish Stories. New York, Viking. — (1969), A Treasury of Yiddish Poetry. New York, Holt, Rinehart and Winston. — (1975), Voices from the Yiddish: Essays, Memoirs, Diaries. New York, Schocken.

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— (1977), Ashes Out of Hope: Fiction by Soviet-Yiddish Writers. New York, Schocken. Hurvitsh, Y. A. (1917 [1902]), 'Slobodker daytsh un yidishe yidish' [Slobodkian German or Yiddish Yiddish], in his Oysgeveylte shriftn, 229-238. New York, Hurvitsh. — (1917 [1909]), ' Di yidish-amerikanishe gele prese' [Yiddish-American yellow journalism], in his Oysgeveylte shriftn, 105-128. New York, Hurvitsh. Itkovitsh, Moyshe (1973), ' M i umi hahoylkhim?' [Who and who are those who go (with me in my cause)?], Sovetish heymland Sept.: 1 4 1 - 1 4 5 . — (1977), ' F a r der reynkayt funem loshn' [For purity of the language], Sovetish heymland (9): 177-180. Jacobs, Neil (1975), 'Yiddish origins and creolization'. Unpublished Master's thesis, University of Texas, Austin. Jacobs, Yaakov (1977), 'Books: The teaching machines of the future/or: some recent books of Jewish interest', Jewish Life Summer: 14-19. Jochnowitz, George (1968), ' Bilingualism and dialect mixture among Lubavitcher Hasidic children', American Speech 43: 182-200. — (1975), 'Judeo-romance languages'. Paper presented at the Association for Jewish Studies Regional Conference, March, Ann Arbor, Michigan. Subsequently published in (1978), Jewish Languages: Theme and Variation, ed. by H. Paper, 65-74. Cambridge, Association of Jewish Studies. Joffe, Judah A. : see Yofe, Yude A. K., M. (1942), Ά diskusye vegn der shprakh in di oysgabes fun yivo' [A discussion about the language of the Yivo publications], Yidishe shprakh 2: 57-49. Kaganovitsh, Sh. (1930), '"Folks"-shprakh un literarishe shprakh' ['Folk' language and literary language], Di yidishe shprakh 4 (2-3): 2 1 - 2 2 , 39-48; 4-5 (23-24): 67-74. Kalmanovitsh, Zalmen (1925), 'Nay yidish?' [New Yiddish?], Literarishe bleter (66) : 3-4, (67) : 2 1 - 2 2 , (68): 41-42, (69): 53-55. — ( 1931 ), ' Perspektivn far yidish in ratn-farband ' [Prospects for Yiddish in the Soviet Union], Literarishe bleter (8): 40-41, 61-62, 78-80, 100-102, 1 3 9 - 1 4 1 . Kalmanovitsh, Zelig (1949), Ύ . 1. peretses kuk ayf der yidisher literatur' [Y. L. Perets's view of Yiddish literature], Goldene keyt 2: 1 1 4 - 1 2 6 . Kaminska, Ida (1973), My Life, My Theater, ed. and trans, by Curt Leviant. New York, Macmillan. Kan, Lazar (1928a), ' A f d e r tshernovitser konferents (eynike perzenlikhe zikhroynes)' [At the Tshernovits conference (Some personal memories)], Literarishe bleter (35) : 682 (In same issue, also note p. 680: Vos men hot amol geshribn vegn der tshernovitser shprakh-konferents : oystsugn. [What was previously written about the Tshernovits language conference: excerpts].) — (1928b), 'Di shtile tragediye fun dokter birnboym in tshernovits' [The quiet tragedy of Dr. Brinboym at Tshernovits], Literarishe bleter (39): 762-763. (In same issue, also note p. 763: Yoyvl fayerung fun der tshernovitser shprakh-konferents in tshernovits [Anniversary celebration of the Tshernovits language conference in Tshernovits].) — (1928c), 'Der kamf far yidish un yidishe shuln in letland' [The Struggle for Yiddish and Yiddish schools in Latvia], Literarishe bleter (44): 872, (50): 989-990. Kan, Leybl (1972, 1973), 'Yidishe teminologishe komisyes' [Yiddish terminological commissions], Yidishe shprakh 31 (2): 35-42, 32 ( 1 - 3 ) : 1-8. Kantor, Yankev ( 1962-1963), ' Eynike bamerkungen un oysfirn tsu di farefntlekhte sakh-haklen fun der folkstseylung in ratnfarband dem 15tn yanuar 1959 ' [Some comments and conclusions concerning the published summaries of the Soviet census of January 15, 1959], Bleter far geshikhte 15: 142-154. Kaplan, A. E., Landau, M., editors (1925), Vom Sinn des Judentums ; Ein Sammelbuch zu ehren Nathan Birnbaums. Frankfurt, Herman.

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K a ? , Elihu et al. (1972), Tarbutyisrael 19J0. [The Culture of Israel, 1970], 2 vols. Jerusalem, Institute of Applied Social Research and Communications Department (mimeographed). Kazenelson, B. ( 1 9 1 9 ) . O m a r ha-kuntres' [The Kuntres said], Kuntres 5: 28-30. Ka?enelson, K . (i960), Mashber ha-ivrit ha-modernit. [The Crisis of Modern Hebrew]. Tel Aviv, Anach. Kayserling, M . (1862), Moses Mendelssohn sein Leben und seine Werke. Berlin, Leipzig, Magdeburg, Institut zur Forderung d. Israelitischen Literatur. K a z h d a n , K h . Sh. (1928), ' A n epizod anshtot a gesheyenish (20 yor nokh der tshernovitser konferents)' [An episode instead of an event (20 years after the Tshernovits Conference)], Undzer tsayt (7) : 7 3 - 7 7 . — (1938), 'Proletarish yidish amol un haynt' [Proletarian Yiddish past and present], Yidish far ale 1 : 1 2 - 1 4 . — (1947), Di geshikhte fun yidishn shulvezn in umophengikn polyn [The History of Jewish School Systems in Independent Poland], Mexico City, Kultur un Hilf. — (1956a), ' D i radikale un di sotsialistishe inteligents-zeyer batsiung tsu yidish' [The radicai and the socialist intelligentsia - their attitude toward Yiddish], in his Fun kheyder un 'shkoles' biz tsisho [From the Kheyder (traditional orthodox elementary schools) and Shkoles ( = Russified schools) to Tsisho (socialist-nationalist Yiddishist schools)], 256-267. Mexico City, Mendelson Fund. — (1956b), 'Yidish unter tsvey fayern' [Yiddish under attack on two fronts], in his Fun kheyder un 'shkoles' biz tsisho [From the Kheyder ( = traditional orthodox elementary school) and Shkoles ( = Russified schools) to Tsisho ( = socialist-nationalist-Yiddishist schools)], 2 1 7 - 2 5 5 . Mexico City, Mendelson Fund. — (1956c), ' D i amolike " s h r a y b e r s " bay yidn' [The 'writing teachers' among J e w s in former days], in his Fun kheyder un 'shkoles' biz tsisho [From the Kheyder ( = traditional orthodox elementary school) and Shkoles ( = Russified schools) to Tsisho ( = socialist-nationalistYiddishist schools)], 76-98. Mexico City, Mendelson Fund. — (i956d), ' D i ershte vos hobn zikh ayngeshtelt far yidish un take far a folkshul mit yidish' [The first who interceded on behalf of Yiddish and actually for an elementary school in Yiddish], in his Fun kheyder un 'shkoles' biz tsisho [From the Kheyder ( = traditional orthodox elementary school) and Shkoles ( = Russified schools) to Tsisho ( = socialist-nationalistYiddishist schools)], 1 0 9 - 1 3 0 . Mexico City, Mendelson Fund. — ( 1956e), ' Pruvn fun a shul in der yidisher shprakh ' [Attempts to establish a school in the Yiddish language], in his Fun kheyder un 'shkoles' biz tsisho [From the Kheyder ( = traditional orthodox school) and Shkoles ( = Russified schools) to Tsisho ( = socialist-nationalistYiddishist schools)], 1 7 8 - 1 9 3 . Mexico City, Mendelson Fund. — (i956f), ' D e r " b u n d " un der gedank vegn a yidish-veltlekher shul' [The ' B u n d ' and the concept of a Yiddish secular school], in his Fun kheyder un 'shkoles' biz tsisho [From the Kheyder ( = traditional orthodox school) and Shkoles ( = Russified schools) to Tsisho ( = socialistnationalist-Yiddishist schools)], 268-288. Mexico City, Mendelson Fund. — (1956g), 'Shimen dubnov un di yidishe shulproblem' [Shimen Dubnov and the Yiddish school problem], in his Fun kheyder un 'shkoles' biz tsisho [From Kheyder ( = traditional orthodox school) and Shkoles ( = Russified schools) to Tsisho ( = socialist-nationalistYiddishist schools)], 289-305. Mexico City, Mendelson Fund. — ( 1956h), ' Di kultur-natsionale oytonomye in Ukrayne un di kulturliga' [Nationality-cultural autonomy in the Ukraine and the 'Culture L e a g u e ' ] , in his Fun kheyder un 'shkoles' biz tsisho [From the Kheyder ( = traditional orthodox school) and Shkoles ( = Russified schools) to Tsisho ( = socialist-nationalist-Yiddishist schools)], 432-440. Mexico City, Mendelson Fund. — (19561), ' D i khevre mifitsey haskole, di folkshul un di yidishe shprakh' [The Organization for the Dissemination of Enlightenment, the elementary school and the Yiddish language], in his Fun kheyder un 'shkoles' biz tsisho [From the Kheyder ( = traditional orthodox school)

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and Shkoles ( = Russified schools) to Tsisho ( = socialist-nationalist-Yiddishist schools)], 367-406. Mexico City, Mendelson Fund. — (1958), 'Yidishe shuln in hayntikn poyln' [Yiddish schools in present-day Poland], Undzer tsayt (7-8) J u l y / A u g u s t ) : 22-24. — (1969), ' Tshernovits-kholem un v o r ' [Tshernovits : dream and reality], Undzer tsayt J a n u a r y : 17-21. Kendzherski, R . (1937)], ' D e r shprakhnkamf-kultur oder politik?' [The language struggleculture or politics?], Konferents zhurnal: lige far rekht fun yidish in erets-yisroel [Conference J o u r n a l : League for the Rights of Yiddish in the Land of Israel] 1 4 - 1 6 . (See several other articles in same issue on this topic.) Khaykin, Y . (1946a), Yidishe bleter in amerike [Yiddish Newspapers in America]. New York, Shklarski. — (1946b), ' D i batsiyungen fun yidishe tsaytungen in amerike tsu der bavegung far yidishe folkshuln' [The attitudes of Yiddish newspapers in America toward the movement on behalf of Yiddish elementary schools], in his Yidishe bleter in amerike [Yiddish Newspapers in America], 3 5 2 - 3 6 3 . New York, Shklarski. Khmurner, Y . (1928), ' V e g n a feler vos khazert zikh iber' [About an error that is being repeated], Bikhervelt (7): 1 - 6 . Kisman, Yoysef (1958), ' T s u m fuftsikstn yoyvl: di tshernovitser shprakh-konferents ' [On the fiftieth anniversary: the Tshernovits language Conference], Undzer tsayt J u l y / A u g u s t : 8-13. — (1962), 'Dokter nosn birnboym - zayne gaystike zukhenishn un vandlungen' [Dr. Nosn Birnboym - his spiritual searches and changes], Tsukunft (9): 3 1 9 - 3 2 7 . Klarberg, F. (1970), 'Yiddish in Melbourne', Jewish Journal of Sociololgy 1 2 : 59-76. (Also in Jews in Australian Society (1973), ed. by P. Medding, 1 0 3 - 1 1 2 . Melbourne, Macmillan. Note: author's first name given as Manfred in the latter source.) Klatzkin, J a c o b (i960 [ 1 9 1 4 ] ) , 'Boundaries: a nation must have its own land and language' in The Zionist Idea, ed. by Arthur Hertzberg, 3 1 4 - 3 2 7 . New York, Meridian. Kloss, Heinz (1978), Die Entwicklung neuer germanischer Kultursprachen (revised). (Original edition: München, Pohl, 1932.) — (1977), ' E i n paar Worte über das Jiddische in K a n a d a ' , in Deutsch als Mutter-Sprache in Kanada, ed. by L. Auburger, H. Kloss and H. R u p p , 1 2 9 - 1 3 0 . Wiesbaden, Steiner. Kloss, Heinz and Grant D. McConnell (1978), ' Y i d d i s h ' , in their The Written Languages of the World: A Survey of the Degree and Modes of Use, vol. 1, 57 i~578a. Quebec City, L a v a l University Press. K n o x , Israel (1945), ' Zhitlovsky's philosophy of Jewish life', Jewish Record 8: 1 7 2 - 1 8 2 . Kobrin, Leon (1925), Erinerungen fun ayidishn dramaturg: a fertlyorhundertyidish teater in amerike [Reminiscences of a Yiddish Dramatist: A Quarter Century of Yiddish Theater in America], 2 vols. New York, Committee. — (1976), ' F r o m "daytshmerish" to Yiddish in America', Yiddish 2 ( 2 - 3 ) : 39-48. Kohansky, Mendl (1977), ' T h e curtain comes down: A hundred years of Yiddish theatre', Forum 2 (27): 1 0 7 - 1 2 1 . Korey, William ( 1974), 'Assimilation and self-consciousness among Soviet J e w s ', American Zionist 64 (5) (February): 27-29. Kornblueth, liana and Aynor, Sarah (1974), Ά study of the longevity of Hebrew slang', International Journal of the Sociology of Language 1: 1 5 - 3 8 . Koyrey, Borekh (1967), 'Yidish - a moker far hebreyish' [Yiddish - a source for Hebrew], in Almanakh fun di yidishe shrayber inyisroel [Almanac of the Yiddish writers in Israel], 1 4 8 - 1 6 0 . Tel Aviv, Organization of the Yiddish Writers and Journalists in Israel. Kozlovski, Yitskhok ( 1967), Bneyyidish : undzer ani mamin [The Sons of Yiddish : Our Fundamental Beliefs], New York, Bney Yiddish.

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Foreword

Kresl, G. (i951), 'Di ershte yidishe tsaytung in erets yisroel' [The First Yiddish newspaper in the Land of Israel], Goldene keyt 11: 216. — (1954), Ά historishe polemik vegn der yidisher literatur' [A historic polemic concerning Yiddish literature], Goldene keyt 20: 228-355. — ( 1 957)i 'Matesyohu mizes un di polemic vegn yidish' [Matesyohu Mizes and the dispute about Yiddish], Goldene keyt 28: 143-163. Krug, Mark M. (1954), ' T h e Yiddish schools in Chicago', Yivo Annual of Jewish Social Science 9: 276-307. L[eshtshinski]., Y. (1936), 'Di mutershprakh bay yidn in polyn' [Mother tongue among Jews in Poland], Tivo-bleter 9: 140-143. — ( 1940), ' Di mutershprakh fun di poylishe yidn ' [The mother tongue of Polish Jews], Yivo-bleter 15: 140-144. Laitin, David D. (1977), Politics, Language and Thought: The Somali Experience. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Landau, Alfred (1895), 'Das Deminutivum der galizisch-jüdischen M u n d a r t ' , Deutsche Mundarten ι : 46-58. Landis, Joseph C. (1962), 'Yiddish: a world in its words', Judaism 11: 374-380. — (1964), ' W h o needs Yiddish? A study in language and ethics', Judaism 13 (4): 1-16. — (1966), The Dybbuk and Other Great Yiddish Plays, ed. and trans, by J . C. Landis. New York, Bantam. (Note the Introduction, 1—14.) — (1975/1976), 'America and Yiddish literature', Jewish Book Annual 33: 20-32. Landman, Salcia (1962), Jiddisch: Das Abenteuer Einer Sprache. Ölten u. Freiburg, Walter. (Also note her 'Ergänzungen', Zeitschrift Deutscher Sprachforschung (1967) 23: 115-117.) Leftvitsh, Yoysef (1977), 'Yisroel zangvil un loshn yidish' [Israel Zangwill and the Yiddish language], Kheshbn 32: 88-87. Lerer, Leybush (1928a), 'Yidishe kultur vi an ideologye' [Yiddish culture as an ideology], Literarishe bleter (18): 337-338. — (1928b), ' Tsayt tsu shafn a kultur-gezelshaft' [Time to organize a culture society], Literarishe bleter (26): 500-501, 509. — (1940a), 'Der blik az yidish iz der tamtsis fun yidishkayt' [The view that Yiddish is the quintessence of Jewishness], in his Yidishkayt un andere Problemen [Jewishness and Other Problems], 68-79. New York, Matones. — (1940b), 'Di sakone fun der formule "lingvistish-sekularistish"' [The danger of the formulation ' linguistic-secularistic'], in his Yidishkayt un andere Problemen [Jewishness and other problems], 94-96. New York, Matones. — (1961), Reactions of Second Generation American Jews to Problems of Jewish Living. New York, Boiberik. Lerner, Herbert J . (1957), ' T h e Tshernovits Language Conference: a Milestone in Jewish Nationalist Thought'. Unpublished Master's Thesis, New York, Columbia University. Lerner, Y. Y. (1889), 'Di yidishe muze' [The Yiddish Muse], Hoyz-fraynd 2: 182-198. Leshtshinski, Yankev (1943), 'Di shprakhn bay yidn in umophengikn poyln; an analiz loyt der folkstseylung fun 1931 ' [Languages among Jews in independent Poland; an analysis based upon the census of 1931], Yivo-bleter 22: 145—162. Levnberg, S. (1968), 'Yidish in ratnfarband' [Yiddish in the Soviet Union], in Yidishe dialoga: kolokvium fun yidishn veltkongress [Yiddish Dialogues: Colloquium of the World Jewish Congress], 179-183. Paris, World Jewish Congress. — (1974), ' T h e impact of Yiddish on the Jewish labour movement', Jewish Quarterly 22: 47-50. Levin, Avraham ha-cohen (1976), Hshivota shel sfat yidish [The importance of the Yiddish language], 14. Hamodia, Tishrey.

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Levin, Yankev ( 1920), Diyidishe arbeter-ring-shul, ir tsil un program. [The Yiddish Workmen's Circle school, Its Goal and Program], New York, Workmen's Circle Education Department. Levinski, A. L. (1889), 'Sefat ever ve-sefat yehudit ha-meduberet' [Hebrew and the spoken Jewish language], Ha-meliz (58) (March 10): 3 - 4 (conclusion in no. 59). Levinson, Avrom (1957 [1935]), 'Hebreyish un di goles shprakhn' [Hebrew and the diaspora languages], in his Ha-tnua ha-ivrit ba-gola [The Hebrew Movement in the Diaspora], Warsaw. Ed. and trans, into Yiddish by A. Menes in Deryidishergedank in der nayer tsayt |Jewish Thought in Modern Times], 276-279. New York, Congress for Jewish Culture. Levinzon, Yitskhok-ber (1957 [1935])) 'Hebreyish' [Hebrew], from his Tenda be-yisrael Warsaw. Ed. and trans, into Yiddish by A. Menes in Deryidisher gedank in der nayer tsayt (Jewish Thought in Modern Times], 267-269. New York, Congress for Jewish Culture. Lewis, Glyn (1976), ' Bilingualism : T h e Ancient World to the Rennaisance', in Bilingual Education : An International Sociological Perspective. Rowley, Newbury House. Leyvik, H. (1963a), ' D e r yid-der yokhed (1957) ' [The individual J e w (1957)], reprinted in his Eseyen un redes [Essays and Speeches], 1 0 9 - 1 2 4 . New York, Congress for Jewish Culture. (Also in English [translated by Emanuel S. Goldsmith] in TheReconstructionist (1957) 23 (17) : 7 - 1 2 . ) — (1963b), ' D i yidishe literatur - ophitern fun undzer folks-gantskayt (1948)' [Yiddish literature - guardian of our national unity (1948)], in his Eseyen un redes [Essays and Speeches], 1 5 8 - 1 6 3 . New York, Congress for Jewish Culture. (Also translated into English in The Faith of Secular Jews (1976), ed. by Saul L. Goodman, 267-274. New York, K t a v . ) Liberman, K h . (1943), ' T s u der frage vegn der batsiung fun khsides tsu yidish' [On the question of the attitude of hasidism toward Yiddish], Yivo-bleter 22: 2 0 1 - 2 0 9 . Lifshits, Y . M . ( 1 8 6 3 ) , ' D i firklasn' [The four classes], Kol mevaser 3 2 3 - 3 2 8 , 364-366. (Also note the 1 8 1 5 letter of Yankev Shmuel Bik rejecting T u v y e Feder's attack on Mendl Levin [Satanover] 's translations of the Book of Proverbs and the editor's comments pp. 3 7 5 - 3 8 0 , as well as the editor's own final comments on Lifshits' article on pp. 392-393.) — (1867), ' D i daytsh-yidishe brik' [The German-Jewish bridge]. Kol mevaser 5 ( 3 1 ) : 2 3 9 - 2 4 1 . (See subsequent issues for editorial comments: 32: 274-249; 3 3 : 2 5 9 - 2 5 8 ; 34: 264-265; 35: 2 7 1 - 2 7 3 ; 4 1 : 305-306 etc.) — (1876), ' H a k d o m e ' [Introduction] to his Yidish-rusisher verterbukh [Yiddish-Russian Dictionary] Zhitomir, Baksht. Lifshits, Yikhezkl (1974), ' D i yidishe gazetn ( 1 8 7 4 - 1 9 2 8 ) ' [The Yudishe gazeten ( 1 8 7 4 - 1 9 2 8 ) ] , Di tsukunft 80 (May/June) : 1 9 3 - 1 9 6 . (Also translated into English by David N . M i l l e r , Yiddish (1976) 2 (2-3): 3 2 - 3 8 [1974].) Lifson, David (1965), The Yiddish Theater in America. New York, Yoseloff. Likhtnshteyn, Hilel (1872, 1878), Et Laasot. 2 vols. Lemberg. Lipset, Harry ( 1970), Ά note on Yiddish as the language of Soviet J e w s in the census of 1939', Jewish Journal of Sociology 1 2 : 55-58. Liptsin, Sol (1944), 'Tsi iz yidish " d i shprakhe der ungebildeten y u d e n " ? ' [Is Yiddish 'die Sprache der ungebildeten J u d e n ' ? ] , Yidishe shprakh 4 (3-6): 1 2 0 - 1 2 2 . — (1963), The Flowering of Yiddish Literature. New York, Yoseloff. — (1970), ' D r a y shtelungen tsu yidish nokh der ershter velt-milkhome' [Three views about Yiddish after the First World War], in Khesed le-avrom [Grace unto Abraham], ed. by M . Kh.-Shtarkman, 9 3 - 1 0 0 . Los Angeles, Committee. Litvak, Α. ( 1 9 2 1 ) , ' D i "zhargonishe komitetn"' [The 'jargon ( = Yiddish) committees'], Royter pinkes r : 5 - 3 0 . Litvakov, M., editor (1928), Yidishe ortografie : proyektn un materialn [Yiddish Orthography: Projects and Materials]. Kiev, Kultur Lige. (Note the concluding table comparing 6 proposed and 4 implemented orthographies. Also note the concluding bibliography, characterized as incomplete, listing 54 items.) Loewe, Heinrich ( 1 9 1 1 ) , Die Sprachen der Juden. Köln, Jüdischer Verlag.

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The Sociology of Yiddish: A Foreword

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— (1958), 'Gemore-yidish' [Talmudic Yiddish], in Yude a. yofe-bukh [Yude A. Yofe Book], 265-268. New York, Yivo Institute for Jewish Research. — (1965), ' V e n yidish un hebreyish zaynen gekumen kayn amerike' [When Yiddish and Hebrew came to America], in Pinkes far der forshung funyidisher literatur un prese [Register for Research on Yiddish Literature and Press], ed. by Shloyme Bikl, 1 7 1 - 1 9 3 . New York, Congress for Jewish Culture. — (1979) Geklibene shriftn [Selected Writings]. New York, Cyco. See particularly, his chapters on the American Yiddish press 1 8 7 5 - 1 8 8 5 (pp. 56-76) and 1 8 8 5 - 1 9 0 5 (pp. 7 7 - 1 0 2 ) , on the beginnings of Yiddish proletarian journalism in the United States (pp. 1 0 3 - 1 2 7 ) , and on Yiddish bibliography in the United States (pp. 1 3 5 - 1 5 3 ) · Shtern, Y . (1950), Kheyder un beys medresh [Kheyder ( = traditional elementary school) and Beys Medresh ( = traditional synagogue/house of study)]. New York, Yivo. Shteynberg, Arn (1968), 'Yidish loshn in yidishn velt-kongress' [The Yiddish language in the World Jewish Congress], in Yidishe dialogn: kolokvium fun yidishn velt-kongress [Yiddish Dialogues: Colloquium of the World Jewish Congress], 19-27. Paris, World Jewish Congress. Shtif, Nokhem (1919), ' Y i d n un yidish, oder ver zenen "yidishistn" un vos viln zey?; poshete verter far yidn' [Jews and Jewishness, or Who are the 'Yiddishists' and What do they Want?; Simple Words for every J e w ] . Kiev, Onheyb. (Also excerpted (1957), in Der yidisher gedank in der nayer tsayt [Jewish Thought in Modern Times], ed. by A. Menes, 293-296. New York, Congress for Jewish Culture. — (1922), Humanism in der elterer yidisher literatur [Humanism in Early Yiddish Literature], 50-60. Berlin, Klal. (Abridged and translated into English by Percy Matenko and Saul L. Goodman in The Faith of Secular Jews, ed. by Saul L. Goodman, 275-286. New York, K t a v ) . — (1924), 'Ditrikh fun bern. Yidishkeyt un veltlekhkeyt in der alter yidisher literatur' [Dietrich von Bern: Jewishness and Secularism in Old Yiddish literature], Yidishefilologye 1 - 1 1 : 1 1 2 - 1 2 2 (Warsaw). — (1927), ' D i katedre far yidisher kultur' [The chair of Jewish Culture], Der shtern J a n u a r y 2 5 - 2 7 . (Also, roughly the same text in (1927), Der hamer M a y : 49-54.) — (1933), 'Oytobiografye' [Autobiography], Yivo-bleter 5: 1 9 5 - 2 2 5 . (Excerpted, edited, and translated into English (1967) by Lucy Davidowicz as ' H o w I became a Yiddish linguist' in The Golden Tradition, 257-263. New York, Holt, Rinehart and Winston.) — (1929), ' D i sotsiale diferentsiatsye in yidish' [Social differentiation in Yiddish], Di yidishe shprakh 3 (4-5) ( 1 9 1 8 ) : 1 - 2 2 . — ( 1 9 3 1 - 1 9 3 2 ) , 'Revolutsye un reaktsye in der shprakh' [Revolution and Reaction in language], Afn shprakhnfront 1 - 2 (26-27): 3 4 - 5 4 ; 6 ( 1 - 2 ) : 1 2 - 2 2 . — (1932), 'Af der shvel fun igtn yorhundert' [On the threshold of the 19th century], Afn shprakhnfront 6 (2-3): 29-30. Shulman, Eliyohu (1936), ' D i konservative yidishe zhurnalistik in nyu-york' [Conservative Yiddish journalism in New York], Yivo-bleter 10: 58-63. — (1971 ), A History of Jewish Education in the Soviet Union. New York, K t a v . Shulman, M . (1937), ' Vegn sovetizmen in der yidisher shprakh' [Concerning Sovietisms in the Yiddish language], Ernes iv, ix: 9. Shvarts, Y . (1925), ' V e g n der farkriplung fun der shprakh af der yidisher gas' [About the crippling of the language on the Jewish street ( = in the Jewish neighborhoods, i.e. among J e w s ) ] , in his Literatur un shprakh fun der yidisher gas [Literature and Language of the Jewish Street], 1 2 9 - 1 5 0 . New York, Jewish Neighborhood Publishing Co. Shveber, A. ( 1 9 1 1 ) , ' D i folkstseylung in estraykh un di yidn' [The census in Austria and the J e w s ] , Fragn fun lehn 6 1 - 7 4 (Vilna). Shveyd, Mark (1955a), ' Z h a r g o n ' [Jargon ( = Yiddish)], in his Dos lebn funy. I. perets [The Life of Y . L. Perets], 1 7 9 - 1 8 5 . New York, Perets.

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— (1955b), 'Barg-aruf mit yidish' [Toward the summit with Yiddish], in his Dos lebn fun y. I. perets [The Life of Y . L. Perets], 267-276. New York, Perets. Shveytser, Shloyme (1967), 'Dos yidishe kultur-lebn in poyln tsvishn beyde velt-milkhomes' [Jewish cultural efforts in Poland between both World Wars], Sefer ha-shana /yorbukh [Yearbook (of the World Federation of Polish J e w s ) ] , 2: 1 1 2 - 2 0 9 . Simon, Solomon: see Saymon, Shloyme. Singer, Isaac Bashevis (1979), Noble Lecture (also in Yiddish [Di nobel rede] in same volume). New York, Farrar, Straus and Giroux. Sirkin, Nakhmen (1900), ' D e r zhargon' [Jargon ( = Yiddish)], Der y id (37): 1 5 ; (38): 1 5 ; ( 4 0 - 4 1 ) : 2 2 - 2 3 ; ( 4 2 ) : 1 4 - 1 6 ; (47) : l 6 · — (1923), 'Natsyonale kultur un natsyonale shprakh' [Ethnic culture and ethnic language], Dos naye lebn 1 (5): 2 9 - 3 7 , (6) : 22-28. (Note reply by Zhitlovski (10): 1 - 9 , ( 1 1 ) : 4 - 1 4 . ) Slobin, Dan I (1963), 'Some aspects of the use of pronouns of address in Yiddish', Word 19: 193-202. Smolyar, Boris (1977), 'Yidishe yugnt benkt nokh yidish' [Jewish youth yearns for Yiddish], Forverts, Oct. 30: 4. Sokal, Sh. ( 1 9 4 2 ) , ' Y i d i s h in der folkstseylung' [Yiddish in the census]. Yidisher kemfer, October 30: 20-22, 36. Sol tes, M . (1924), The Yiddish Press: An Americanizing Agency. New York, Teachers College. Spivak, Elye ( 1 9 3 1 ) , Shprakhkultur [Language Cultivation]. Kiev, Ukranatsminfarlag. — (1934), ' V e g n dehebreizatsye un vegn dem hebreyishn " e l e m e n t " in Yidish' [About de-hebraization and about the Hebrew 'element' in Yiddish], Afn shprakhnfront (second series) 2: 3 - 2 2 . — (1938), ' V e g n di gruntnemen fun yidish' [Concerning the fundamental names for Yiddish], Fragn fun der yidisher shprakh 1 : 7 1 - 8 6 . — (1939), Maye vortshafung [Lexical innovation]. Kiev, Ukranatsminfarlag. — (1965), 'Perets un di literarishe shprakh' [Perets and literary Yiddish], Sovetish heymland 7: 1 3 8 - 1 4 5 . (Reprint, date of original publication not indicated.) — (1966), 'Sholem Aleykhem un di yidishe shprakh' [Sholem Aleykhem and the Yiddish Language], Sovetish heymland 1 2 : 1 1 6 - 1 2 2 . (Reprint, date of original publication not indicated.) Stankiewicz, E. (1965), 'Yiddish place names in Poland', The Field of Yiddish 2: 1 5 8 - 1 8 1 . Stillman, Gerald (1977), Ά defense of 19th century Yiddish literature', Yiddish 2: 4 - 1 4 . Stupnitski, Sh. Y . (1920), ' D i yidishe kultur-bavegung' [The movement for Yiddish culture], in his Afn veg tsum folk, 68-78. Warsaw, Nayer farlag. Susholtz, Shimon (1976), ' W h o needs Yiddish?' Jewish Observer J u n e : 18-20. (Note objections and support in September 1976 and J u n e 1977 issues.) Szaykowski, Zosa: see Shaykovski, Zosa. Tartakover, Arye (1926), ' D a s juedische Mittelschulwesen in Polen', Der Jude 79-89 (Berlin), Sonderheft 'Erziehung'. — ( 1931 ), ' D a s juedische Schulwesen in Polen', Monatschrift fuer die Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums 75: 292-306. — (1946), 'Yidishe kultur in poyln tsvishn tsvey velt-milkhomes' [Jewish culture in Poland between two World Wars], Gedank un lebn 4 ( 1 ) : 1 - 3 5 . — ( 1 9 6 7 ) , ' D i yidishe shul in poyln tsvishn tsvey milkhomes' [The Yiddish school in Poland between two wars], Sefer hashana/yorbukh [Yearbook (of the World Federation of Polish J e w s ) ] 2: 2 1 0 - 2 6 5 . Tartakower, Arieh: see Tartakover, Arye. Teneboym, Yoysef. ( 1 9 5 7 / 1 9 5 8 ) , ' D i yidishe shprakh af der tog-ordenung fun der sholemkonferents in pariz, 1 9 1 9 ' [The Yiddish language on the agenda of the peace conference in Paris, 1 9 1 9 ] , Yivo-bleter 4 1 : 2 1 7 - 2 2 9 .

The Sociology

of Yiddish:

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Foreword

Tikotshinski, Pinkhes (1937), ' S h u l - un shprakh-frages in der konstitutsye-debate in poylishn grindungseym ' [School and language questions in the constitution d e b a t e d u r i n g the founding assembly of the Polish Sejm], Yivo-bleter 12: 433-442. Tobias, H e n r y J . (1972), The Jewish Bund in Russia from, its Origins to 1905. Stanford, Stanford University Press. Tomashefski, Boris (1937), Mayn Lebn [My Life]. New York, Trio. Toybes, Yankev Shmuel (1948), 'Fonetisher anti-yidishizm' [Phonetic anti-Yiddishism], in his Afyidisheyesoydes [On Jewish Foundations], 55-60. London, Narod. Toybes, Shmuel (1950), ' V o s es kon getun vern far yidish!' [ W h a t can be done for Yiddish!], Kiyem 3 (11) (35): 1757-1763· — (1952), Yidish - nisht hebreyish [Yiddish - not Hebrew]. New York, ' Y i d d i s h ' Publishing Co. T r u n k , Isaiah (1976), ' T h e cultural dimension of the American Jewish labor m o v e m e n t ' , Yivo Annual 16: 342-393. Tsanin, M . (1966), 'Dos loshn yidish' [The Yiddish language], in his Af di vegn funyidishn goyrl [On the Paths of Jewish Fate], 77-94. Tel Aviv, H a m e n o r a . — (1974), ' D e r sakhhakl fun a tseshtererisher filozofye' [The sum total of a destructive philosophy], in Tsuzamen [Together], ed. by Sh. L. S h n a y d e r m a n , 333-344. Tel Aviv, Perets Farlag. Tsaytlin, Arn (1973), ' U n d z e r yerushe fodert az mir zoln zayn di yorshim' [ O u r heritage demands that we be its heirs], Folk un medine 13: 1 5 - 1 7 . (Also translated by H a n n a h Berliner-Fischthal (1975) in Yiddish 1 (4): 1-4.) Tsh[erikover]., A. (1939), ' " T s u m a r a y n g a n g in a naye p e r i o d e " (faygnboyms h a k d o m e tsu der broshur " d e r sotsyalizm fun alef biz t o f " , 1894)' [ ' U p o n entering into a new p e r i o d ' (Faygnboym's introduction to his brochure 'Socialism from a to z ' , 1894)], Historishe shriftn 3: 757-765· Tshermer, L. (1923), 'Hebreyish in erets yisroel' [Hebrew in Erets Yisroel], Dos naye lebn (8) : 5I-53· Tsinberg, Yisroel (1928), ' D e r kamf far yidish in der altyidisher literatur' [The struggle for Yiddish in Old-Yiddish literature], Filologishe shriftn (Yivo) 2: 69-106. (Also (1946) in Yivo Annual 1: 283-293; expanded on in chapter 8, vol. 7 of his A History of Jewish Literature [1935] ; translated into English (1975) by Bernard M a r t i n , Cincinnati and New York, Hebrew U n i o n College and Ktav.) — ( ' 9 7 5 [ ! 935])> ' L a n g u a g e s a m o n g J e w s : T h e origins of Yiddish', in his A History of Jewish Literature [1935], ch. 1, vol. 7, trans, into English by Bernard M a r t i n . Cincinnati a n d New York, H e b r e w Union College and Ktav. — (1929-1937), Di geshikhte fun der literatur bay yidn [The History of Literature A m o n g Jews], 8 vols. Vilna, T a m a r . (Reprinted (1943) New York, Shklarski, vols. 1 - 8 ; vol. 9 [1937] (edited by M . Astur), W a l t h a m and New York, Brandeis University and Cyco, 1966; English translation of vols. 1 - 8 by Bernard M a r t i n . Cincinnati and New York, H e b r e w U n i o n College and Ktav, 1972-78, entitled A History of Jewish Literature.) Tsitron, Sh. L. ( 1923), ' H o n o r a r - b a d i n g u n g e n in der yidisher literatur' [ H o n o r a r i u m conditions in Yiddish literature], Bikhervelt 2 ( 1 - 2 ) : 15-23, (5): 326-335. Tsivyen (1948), ' V e n vet yidish untergeyn in a m e r i k e ? ' [When will Yiddish disappear in America?], in his Far fuftsikyor [During Fifty Years], 46-53. New York, Laub. T s u k e r m a n , Rakhmil (1972), ' M e darf shlayfn dos publitsistishe v o r t ' [We must polish the language of journalism], Yidishe shprakh 31: 18-19. Tsvayg, A. R . (1930), ' Lingvotekhnisher " e k i z m " ' [Linguatechnical extremism], Di yidishe shprakh 4 (2-3): 21-22, 49-52. Turkov, M a r k (1968), ' D i m a r o k h e fun yidish in dorem-amerike' [The lot of Yiddish in South America], in Yidishe dialogn: kolokviumfunyidishn velt-kongress [Yiddish Dialogues: Colloquium of the World Jewish Congress], 191-196. Paris, World Jewish Congress.

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Turkov, Zigmund ( 1951 ), Teater-zikhroynes fun a shturmisher tsayt [Theater Memories of a Stormy Period]. Buenos Aires, Tsentral Farband fun Poylishe Yidn in Argentine. Turkov-Grudberg, Yitskhok (1965), ' D i fon fun yidish' [The standard-bearer of Yiddish], in his T. I. perets der veker [Y. L. Perets: The Awakener], 18-25. Tel Aviv, Orti. Vfaynraykh]., M . (1934), ' A f di khurves fun yidish' [On the ruins of Yiddish], Tivo-bleter 6: 182-184. Valk, Y . and Klyonski, A. (1920), ' D i shul af der provints' [The Yiddish school in the hinterlands], Lebn (3-4): 2 1 - 2 3 . Valt, Reyzl (1937), 'Der kamfin der khevre mifitsey haskole in vilne 1 9 1 5 - 1 9 1 7 ' [The struggle in the Organization for the Dissemination of Enlightenment in Vilna 1915—1917], Tivo-bleter 12:420-433. Vaynraykh, Maks (1923a), Ά nay bukh vegn der geshikhte fun yidish' [A new book on the history of Yiddish], Bikhervelt 2 ( 1 - 2 ) : 38-47, (3-4): 179-187. — (1923b), 'Vos mir hobn un vos undz felt [What we have and what we lack], in his Shtaplen: fir etyudn tsu der geshikhtefun deryidisher shprakh-visnshaft un literatur-geshikhte [Rungs : Four Studies Toward the History of Yiddish Linguistics and History of Literature], Berlin, Vostok. — (1928), Bilder fun deryidisher literatur-geshikhte, fun di onhoybn biz mendele moykher sforim [Studies in the History of Yiddish Literature, from the Beginnings to Mendele Moykher Sforim]. Vilna, Tomor. — ( 1 9 3 1 ) , 'Vos volt yidish geven on hebreyish?' [What would Yiddish be without Hebrew?], Di tsukunft 36 (3): 194-205. — (1933), Ά polemik tsvishn tsederboym un perets smolenskin vegn yidishe dialektn' [A polemic between Tsederboym and Perets Smolenskin about Yiddish dialects], Tivo-bleter 5: 401-404. — (1936), 'Form vs. psychic function in Yiddish', in Gaster Anniversary Volume, 532-538. London, Taylor's Foreign Press. — (1937), ' L e Yiddish comme object de la linguistique générale'. Communication au iv e Congrès International de Linguistes, à Copenhague, le 27 août 1936. Vilna, Yiddish Scientific Institute - Yivo. — (1938), ' Daytshmerish toyg nisht' [Daytshmerish ( = New High German influence) is no good], Tidish far ale 97-106. (Reprinted (1975) in Tidishe shprakh 34: 23-33.) — (1939), Di shvartse pintelekh [The Black Dots ( = Writing in Hebrew Characters)]. Vilna, Yiddish Scientific Institute - Yivo. (See chapter 13 'Der yidisher oysleyg haynt un amol' [Yiddish spelling today and in the past].) — (1941a), 'Vegn englishe elementn in undzer kulturshprakh' [Concerning English elements in our literary standard], Tidishe shprakh 1: 33-47. — (1941b), 'Harbe ivre' [Highbrigh (difficult) language], Tidishe shprakh 1: 9 7 - 1 1 0 . — (1942), 'Vos heyst yidishlekh? analizirt af mendeles an iberzetsung' [What does Jewishly mean? An analysis of one of Mendele's translations (of Pinsker's Autoemancipation)], Tidishe shprakh 2: 9 7 - 1 1 3 . — (1943), Der yivo in ayor fun umkum [The Yivo in a Year of Annihilation]. New York, Yivo. — (1945), 'Der yivo un di problemen fun undzer tsayt' [The Yivo and the problems of our time], Tivo-bleter 25: 3 - 1 8 . — ( 1 9 5 1 a ) , 'Ashkenaz: di yidish-tkufe in der yidisher geshikhte' [Ashkenaz: the Yiddish era in Jewish history], Tivo-bleter 35: 7 - 1 7 . — (1951b), 'Yidisher kiyem in amerike: programen un realitetn' [Jewish survival in America: plans and realities], Tsukunft 56 (5): 203-208. — ( 1953), ' Yiddishkayt and Yiddish : on the impact of religion on language in Ashkenazic J e w r y ', in MordecaiM. Kaplan Jubilee Volume, 4 8 1 - 5 1 4 . New York, Jewish Theological Seminary. (Also (1968) in Readings in the Sociology of Language, ed. by J . A. Fishman, 3 8 2 - 4 1 3 . The Hague, Mouton.)

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— (1958), 'Fuftsik yor nokh tshernovits: a dermonung un a monung' [Fifty years after Tshernovits: a reminder and an obligation], Di tsukunft M a y / J u n e : 218-223. — (1959a), 'Inveynikste tsveyshprakhikayt in ashkenaz biz der haskole; faktn un bagrifn' [Internal bilingualism in Ashkenaz up to the haskole·, findings and concepts], Goldene keyt 35: 3-11. (Edited and translated into English (1972) by Irving Howe and Eliezer Greenberg in Voices from the Yiddish, 279-288. Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press.) — ('959b), 'Der eynhaytlekher oysleyg, zayn geshikhte un verde (der shtumer alef nebekh un di reydevdike problemen hinter im) ' [Standard Yiddish spelling, its history and value (The poor silent alef and the very vocal problems behind it)], Tidishe shprakh 19 (2): 33-63. — (1963), Ά yidisher zats fun far zibn hundert yor' [A Yiddish sentence of 700 years ago], Tidishe shprakh 23: 87-93. — (1967), ' T h e reality of Jewishness vs. the ghetto myth: the sociolinguistic roots of Yiddish, in To Honor Roman Jakobson, 211-221. The Hague, Mouton. — (1973), Geshikhte fun der yidisher sphrakh [History of the Yiddish language], 4 vols. New York, Yivo Institute for Jewish Research. (Translated (1980) into English by Shlomo Nobel and Joshua A. Fishman. Chicago, University of Chicago Press, [vols. 1 and 2 of the original 4].) Vaynraykh, Uriel (1953), Languages in Contact. The Hague, Mouton. — (1972), 'Dos normirn a shprakh: prat-faln un oysfirn' [Standardizing a language: cases and conclusions], Yidishe shprakh 31 ( 1—r r) : 54-58. Vaynshteyn, V. (1910), ' D i ershte tsen yor' [The first ten years], in Yubileyumshrift tsu ab ka[ha\ns Sostn geburtstog [Jubilee-Publication on Ab. Ka[ha]n's 50th Birthday], 36-72. New York, Committee. Vays(slonim), Sh. (1937), O y s di tsaytn fun der tshernovitser konferents' [From the times of the Tshernovits conference], Fun noentn over 1: 57-63. Vaysman, Sh. (1935), 'Di yidishe folkshuln in montreol' [The Yiddish folkschools in Montreal], in Novak, ed. Shul Almanakh [School Almanac], ed. by Novak, 175-182. Philadelphia, Workmen's Circle Schools. (Also see articles by Menakhovski, Katsnelnbogn, Khanin etc. on other Yiddish secular systems in Canada.) Verses. Sh. (1938), ' Yankev-shmuel bik, der blondzhendiker maskil' [Yankev-shmuel Bik, the groping maskil ( = bringer of enlightenment)], Yivo-bleter 13: 505-536. Vidal, Sephiha H. (1972), 'LanguesJuives, langues calques et langues vivantes', Linguistique 8 (2): 59-68. Viner, M. (1940), Tsu der geshikhte fun der yidisher literatur in igtn yorhundert [On the History of Yiddish Literature in the 19th century]. Kiev, Ukranatsmin. (Second edition (1945) New York, Y i K U F . ) Virkel de Sandler, Ana E. (1977), Έ 1 bilinguismo idish-español en dos comunidades bonaerenses', Ficus 1: 139-160. Vislevski, Tsvi (1928), 'Esrim shana le-tshernovi?' [Twenty years since Tshernovits], Ha-tekufa 25: 613-620. Volobrinski, Α. ( 193°) > ' Fashizirter yidishizm ' [Fascistic Yiddishism], in Derfashizirter yidishizm un zayn visnshaft [Fascistic Yiddishism and its Science]. Minsk, Byelorussian Academy of Science. Warembud, Norman, editor (1975), Great Songs of the Yiddish Theater. New York, Quadrangle. Weinberg, Werner (1969), Die Reste des Jüdischdeutschen. Stuttgart, Kohlhammer. Weinreich, Max: see Vaynraykh, Maks. Weinreich, Uriel: see Vaynraykh, Uriel. Wexler, Paul (1974 ), Purism and Language. Bloomington (Indiana), Indiana University Language Science Monographs. Wiener, Leo (1972 [1899]), The History of Yiddish Literature in the Nineteenth Century. New York, Hermon Press. (Introduction by Elias Schulman.) Winer, Gershon (1971), 'Yiddish: the message in the medium'. Judaism 20: 467-475.

g6

The Sociology of Yiddish: A Foreword

Witke, Carl ( 1 9 5 7 ) , The German Language Press in America. Louisville, University of K e n t u c k y Press. X . , Dr. ( 1909), ' V e g n a yidisher gramatik un reform in der yidisher shprakh ' [About a Yiddish g r a m m a r and reforms in the Yiddish language], Lebn un visnshaft 1 : 5 0 - 5 6 . Y a b l a k o v , H e r m a n ( 1 9 6 8 / 1 9 6 9 ) , ' A r u m der velt mit yidish teater' [Around the World with Yiddish Theater], 2 vols. New Y o r k , Y a b l a k o v . Y a d l i n , Aharon (1976), 'An ofitsyele bagrisung' [An official greeting], Yugntruf 3 1 / 3 7 : 6. T a m , J o s e p h ( 1 9 7 3 ) , 'Selected data on the C a n a d i a n population whose mother tongue is Y i d d i s h ' , Canadian Jewish Population Studies 3 (2). Yashunski, Y . ( 1 9 2 2 ) , ' D i yidishe prese zint 1 9 1 7 y o r ' [ T h e Yiddish Press since 1 9 1 7 ] , Bikhervelt 1(0-74-79· Yefroykin, Y . ( 1 9 5 1 ) ; ' D e r ukfum fun yidishe goles shprakhn un dialektn' [ T h e rise of J e w i s h diaspora languages and dialects], Kiyem 1 - 1 3 , 9 2 - 1 0 8 . (Also see addendum 1 9 5 2 : 3 2 9 - 3 3 4 . ) — ( 1 9 5 2 ) , ' Y i d i s h e leshoynes, fremde shprakhn un yidishe sheferishkayt' [Jewish languages, foreign languages and J e w i s h creativity], Kiyem 2 3 1 - 2 3 9 . Yefroykin, Z. ( 1 9 5 1 ) , ' D i y. 1. perets shuln fun arbeter ring' [ T h e Y . L . Perets schools of the Workmen's Circle], Bieter far yidisher dertsiung 4: 1 - 1 2 . Yehoyesh ( 1 9 1 7 ) , ' H a r i n t e un shifkhe' [ G r a n d lady and maid-servant], in his Fun nyu-york biz rekhoves un tsurik [From New Y o r k to Rehovot and back], 1 5 8 - 1 6 7 . N e w Y o r k , Hebrew Publishing Co. Yofe, Y u d e A. ( 1 9 1 0 ) , ' S h r a y b n oder shrayben' [Shraybn oder shrayben ( = a w a y from or toward a G e r m a n model in Yiddish orthography], Literatur 1 : 102 1 1 1 . — ( 1 9 2 7 - 1 9 2 8 ) , ' D e r slavisher element in Y i d i s h ' [The Slavic component in Yiddish], Pinkes fun Amopteyl [Record Book of the American Branch (of the Y i v o ) ] 1 : 2 3 5 - 2 5 6 . — ( 1 9 4 3 ) , ' T h e development of Yiddish in the United States', Universal Jewish Encyclopedia 1 0 : 6 0 1 - 6 0 2 . (Also note (1936) his earlier ' Y i d i s h in amerike', Yivo-bleter 9: 1 2 7 - 1 4 5 . ) — (1940), ' H u n d e r t un fuftsik yor yidish' [One hundred fifty years of Yiddish]. Yivo bleter 1 5 : 8 7 - 1 0 2 . (Somewhat modified (1958) Yidishe kultur 20 (5): 2 1 - 2 9 . ) Y u n g , Boaz (1950), Mayn lebn in dem teater [ M y Life in the Theater], N e w Y o r k , y i k u f . Z . , N . (1944), Ά maskil fun far hundert yorn vegn der yidisher literatur' [A maskil (enlightened man) of a century ago concerning Yiddish literature], Yivo-bleter 24: 1 3 6 - 1 3 7 . Z a m i r , Tsvi (1968), ' Y i d i s h in yisroel' [Yiddish in Israel], Yidishe kultur 3 1 ( 1 ) : 3 5 - 3 8 . Zaretski, A. (1928), ' V o s ken men tun af di erter far yidisher shprakh-arbet?' [What can be done locally on behalf of Yiddish?], Di yidishe shprakh 2 ( 4 - 5 ) : 1 1 - 1 2 , 58-64. — (1930), 'Problemen fun yidisher lingvotekhnik' [Problems of Yiddish linguatechnics ( = language planning)], Di yidishe shprakh 4 ( 1 ) (20): 1 - 1 0 . — ( 1 9 3 1 a ) , ' K e g n nepmanishn got' [Against the N E P m a n i a n god] and ' K e g n shovinizm' [Against chauvinism] in his Far a proletarisher shprakh [For a Proletarian L a n g u a g e ] , K h a r k o v / K i e v , Tsentrfarlag. — ( 1 9 3 1 b ) , 'Shtert nit der dehebreyizatsye fun yidish' [Do not oppose the de-hebraization of Yiddish], in his Far a proletarisher shprakh [For a Proletarian L a n g u a g e ] , K h a r k o v / K i e v , Tsentrfarlag. — ( 1 9 3 1 c ) , ' A r u m a drukfeler' [Concerning a typographical error], in his Far a proletarisher shprakh [For a Proletarian L a n g u a g e ] , K h a r k o v / K i e v , Tsentrfarlag. Z a y d m a n , M . F. ( 1 9 1 0 ) , Dihebreyishekultur konferents [The Hebrew Culture Conference], Odessa, Zionist Penny [ = K o p i k e ] Library. Zelitsh, Y . (1968), Ά tsveyte konferents far der yidisher shprakh - 60 yor nokh tshernovits' [A second conference for the Yiddish language 60 years after Tshernovits], Afn shvel 185 (4) : 2-3. Zelkovits, G . (1909), ' U n d z e r mame-loshn' [Our mother tongue], in his Literarishe briv [Literary Letters], 4 5 - 4 6 . New Y o r k , Hebrew Publishing Co.

The Sociology of Yiddish: A Foreword

97

Zerubovl, Υ . ( 1936), ' M i r bashuldikn un monen akhrayes ! ' [We accuse and demand responsibility !], in Yidish in eretsyisroel [Yiddish in the Land of Israel] , 7 - 1 8 . New York, League for Rights of Yiddish in the L a n d of Israel. — (1966), 'Ber borokhov un zayn yidish forshung' [Ber Borokhov and his Yiddish research], in Shprakh-forshung un literatur-geshikhte [Language Research and History of Literature], ed. by N. Mayzl, 4 1 - 4 9 . Tel Aviv, Perets Farlag. Zhitlovski, K h a y i m ( 1931 [1900]), ' F a r vos davke yidish?' [Why necessarily Yiddish?], in his In kamffar folk un shprakh (gezamlte) shriftn, finfter band [In the struggle for Nationality and Language (Collected Works, vol. 5)]. Warsaw, Bzhoze. — (1908-1909), ' D i yidishe shprakh-bavegung un di tshernovitser konferents' [The Yiddish language movement and the Tshernovits conference], Dos naye lebn 1 : 20-27. — ( 1 9 1 2 ) , ' D i yidishe kultur un di yidishe shprakh' [Jewish culture and the Yiddish language], in his Gezamlte shriftn band I V , [Collected Works, vol. 4], 1 6 9 - 1 7 1 , 1 7 9 - 1 8 0 , 183. New York, Committee. (Also excerpted (1957) in Deryidisher gedank in der nayer tsayt [Jewish Thought in Modern Times], ed. by A. Menes, 288-292. New York, Congress for Jewish Culture.) — (1914), 'Le-she'eylot ha-yishuv', Ha-alfdut 5 (38/39): 1 3 - 2 1 . (Note editorial footnote rejecting author's views.) — (1923), 'Hebreyizm un yidishizm' [Hebreyism and Yiddishism], Dos naye lebn 1 (10): 1 - 9 , (11): 4"·4· — (1928), ' " T s h e r n o v i t s " un der " y i d i s h i z m " : tsu dem tsvantsik yorikn yoyvl-yontev fun der tshernovitser konferents' ['Tshernovits' and 'Yiddishism': In honor of the 20th anniversary celebration of the Tshernovits Conference], Tsukunft December: 7 3 5 - 7 3 7 . — (1940), ' D e r onheyb fun mayn " y i d i s h i z m " ' [The beginning of my 'Yiddishism'], in his Zikhroynes fun mayn lebn, band II [Memoires of M y Life, vol. 2], 80-87. New York, Committee. (In same volume: ' M a y n farlibtkayt in Yidish' [ M y love for Yiddish], 1 1 0 - 1 1 6 . ) Zhitnitski, L. (1952), ' D i organizatsye fun der yidisher visnshaft un di organizir-organizatsyes fun der yidisher kultur' [The organization of research on Yiddish and the organizing organizations of Yiddish culture], in his A halber yorhundert yidishe literatur [ H a i f a Century of Yiddish Literature], 8 1 - 8 8 . Buenos Aires, Eygns. Zhits, G . (1940), ' D i yidishe bikher-produktsye fun ukrmelukhenatsmindfarlag in 1939 yor un der plan afn 1940 yor' [Yiddish book-production of the ukrmelukhenatsmindfarlag ( = Ukrainian Government Publishing House for the Minority Nationalities] in 1939 and plans for 1940], Sovetishe literatur (4): 1 5 2 - 1 5 7 . Zilberfarb, M . (1928), Ά shedlekhe iluzye' [A harmful illusion], Bikhervelt (8): 38-43. Zilbertsvayg, Zalmen (1956), Akhedhoom un zayn batsiung tsuyidish [Ahad H a ' a m and his Attitude Toward Yiddish]. Los Angeles, Elisheva. — (1968), ' F r a n z kafke un dos yidishe teater' [Franz K a f k a and the Yiddish Theater], Yidishe kultur 30, 38-43, 56. — (1931 ), Teater entsiklopedye [Theater Encyclopedia], first edition. Warsaw, Elisheva. (Second edition (1934) Warsaw Elisheva; third edition (1959), New York, Elisheva; fourth edition (1963), New York, Elisheva; fifth edition (1967), Mexico City; sixth edition (1969), Mexico City.) Zinberg, Israel: see Tsinberg, Yisroel. Ziskind, Nosn (1965), 'Printsipn baym forshn yidishe leshoynes' [Principles for researching Jewish languages], Yidishe shprakh 25: 1—17. Zr—li (1922), ' D i ofensive muz opgeshlogn vern' [The offensive must be repulsed], Shul un lebn 2 ( 1 - 2 ) (10): 2-6. (See articles in same issue by Y . Lev, H. Erlikh, K h . Sh. K a z h d a n and others on the same theme.)

PART I

Sociohistorical

Perspective

Text of the Nobel Lecture by Isaac Bashevis Singer STOCKHOLM, Dec. 8 (AP) — Following is (he text of Isaac Bashevis Singer's Nobel lecture, delivered today before the Swedish Academy. The storyteller of our time, as in any other time, must be an entertainer of the spirit in the full sense of word, not just a preacher of social and political ideals. There is no paradise for bored readers and no excuse for tedious literature that does not intrigue the reader, uplift his spirit, give him the joy and the escape that true art always grants. Nevertheless, it is also true that the serious writer of our time must be deeply concerned about the problems of his generation. He cannot but see that the power of religion, especially belief in revelation, is weaker today than it was in any other epoch in human history. More and more children grow up without faith in God, without belief in reward and punishment, in the immortality of the soul and even in the validity of ethics. The genuine writer cannot ignore the fact that the family is losing its spiritual foundation. AU the dismal prophecies of Oswald Spengler have become realities since World War II. No technological achievements can mitigate the disappointment of modern man, his loneliness, his feeling of inferiority, and his fear of war, revolution and terror. Not only has our generation lost faith in Providence but also in man himself, in his institutions and often in those who are nearest to him. In their despair a number of those who no longer have confidence in the leadership of our society look up to the writer, the master of words. They hope against hope that the man of talent and sensitivity can perhaps rescue civilization. Maybe there is a spark of the prophet in the artist after all. A New Hope Always Emerges As the son of a people who received the worst blows that human madness can inflict, I must brood about the forthcoming dangers. I have many times resigned myself to never finding a true way out. But a new hope always

Strange as these words may sound I emerges telling me that it is not yet too often play with the idea that when all late for all of us to take stock and make the social theories collapse and Wars a decision. and revolutions leave humanity in utter I was brought up to believe in a free gloom, the poet — whom Plato banned will. Although I came to doubt all reveFrom his Republic — may rise up to lation, I can never accept the idea that save us all. the universe is a physical or chemical accident, a result of blind evolution. T u p Ή egli .ñas n o m i i n . Even though I learned to recognize the PK .18BÏJJ8 T S 08Π Γ Β Π * ? * Ϊ 5 Π lies, the clichés and idolatries of the human mind, I still cling to some truths pb1? β . r i ' » PB u u s n ï j e is τ ι κ which I think all of us might accept BWJ . m a m s ιβ κ ι* .η',Vi ΡΒ someday. •.-Π311?» Biff V? PB· M O T O There must be a way for a man to attain all possible pleasures, all the The high honor bestowed upon me by powers and knowledge that nature can the Swedish Academy is also a recognigrant him, and still serve God — a God tion of the Yiddish language — a lanwho speaks in deeds, not in words, and guage of exile, without a land, without whose vocabulary is the cosmos. frontiers, not supported by any governI am not ashamed to admit that I bement, a language which possesses no long to those who fantasize that litera- •words for weapons, ammunition, militure is capable of bringing new horitary exercises, war tactics ; a language zons and new perspectives — philothat was despised by both gentiles and sophical, religious, esthetical and even emancipated Jews. social. In the history of old Jewish litThe truth is that what the great relierature there was never any basic difgions preached, the Yiddish-speaking ference between the poet and the people of the ghettos practiced day in prophet. Our ancient poetry often beand day out. They were the people of came law and a way of life. the book in the truest sense of the word. Some of my cronies in the cafeteria They knew of no greater joy than the near The Jewish Daily Forward in New study of man and human relations, York call me a pessimist and a decawhich they called Torah, Talmud, Musdent, but there is always a background sar, cabala. of faith behind resignation. I found Ghetto Was an Experiment In Peace comfort in such pessimists and decaThe ghetto was not only a place of dents as Baudelaire, Verlaine, Edgar refuge for a persecuted minority but a Allan Poe, and Strindberg. great experiment in peace, in self-disSolace In Mystics and a Poet cipline and in humanism. As such it My interest in psychic research still exists and refuses to give up in made me find solace in such mystics as spite of all the brutality that surrounds your Swedenborg and in our own Rabbi it. I was brought up among those peoNachman Bratzlaver, as well as in a ple. My father's home on Krochmalna great poet of my time, my friend Aaron Street in Warsaw was a study house, a Zeitlin, who died a few years ago and court of justice, a house of prayer, of left a spiritual inheritance of high qualstorytelling, as well as a place for wedity, most of it in Yiddish. dings and Hasidic banquets. The pessimism of the creative person As a child I had heard from my older is not decadence but a mighty passion brother and master, I.J. Singer, who for redemption of man. While the poet later wrote "The Brothers Ashkenazi," entertains he continues to search for all the arguments that the rationalists eternal truths, for the essence of being. from Spinoza to Max Nordau brought In his own fashion he tries to solve the out against religion. riddle of time and change, to find an an'Yiddish typesetting by courtesy of Ό » Jewish Deily swer to suffering, to reveal love in the Forward. very abyss of cruelty and injustice.

I have heard from my father and mother all the answers that faith in God could offer to those who doubt and search for the truth. In our home and in many other homes the eternal questions were more actual than the latest news in the Yiddish newspaper. In spite of all the disenchantments and all my skepticism I believe that the nations can leam much from those Jews, their way of thinking, their way of bringing up children, their finding happiness where others see nothing but misery and humiliation. To me the Yiddish language and the conduct of those who spoke it are identical. One can find in the Yiddish tongue and in the Yiddish spirit expressions of pious joy, lust for life, longing for the Messiah, patience and deep appreciation of human individuality. There is a quiet humor in Yiddish and a gratitude for every day of life, every crumb of success, each«ncounter of love. Yiddish Mentality Is Not Haughty The Yiddish mentality is not haughty. It does not take victory for granted. It does not demand and command but it muddles through, sneaks by, smuggles itself amidst the powers of destruction, knowing somewhere that God's plan for Creation is still at the very beginning. There are some who call Yiddish a dead language, but so was Hebrew called for 2,000 years. It has been revived in our time in a most remarkable, almost miraculous way. Aramaic was certainly a dead language for centuries but then it brought to light the Zohar, a work of mysticism of sublime value. It is a fact that the classics of Yiddish literature are also the classics of the modern Hebrew literature. Yiddish has not yet said its last word. It contains treasures that have not been revealed to the eyes of the world. It was the tongue of martyrs and saints, of dreamers and cabalists — rich in humor and in memories that mankind may never forget. In a figurative way, Yiddish is the wise and humble language of us all, the idiom of the frightened and hopeful humanity.

F r o m the text of the Nobel Prize lecture by Isaac Bashevis Singer, D e c e m b e r 8, 1978. (Mew York Times, D e c e m b e r 9, 1978).

Copyright © v m by the Nobel Foundation

W h a t Is Yiddish? Yiddish is the language of a considerable portion of the Jewish people the world over. It has served as the expression of everyday Jewish life, religious and secular, for a thousandyears. It possesses a large literature and folklore and a lively daily and periodic press. It also serves as the primary or subsidiary language of instruction in many Jewish schools of different types. It is the language that most easily connects the Jews of different countries. T h e Name 'Yiddish' Yiddish means ' Jewish' in the language itself. It is the name that Jews themselves have given their language many centuries ago. In English usage, the name was adopted around the middle of the igth century in England, when Jewish immigrants started coming to that country. With the rising immigration of the Jews to the United States, the name was adopted here also. i s s Ii« nn njn ρ-ΈΡ^ tr-H" PK Dyn i « a 1 ? c'EiT" n y j s p n y n s lis ::ii>pnna:B nyi -SJS: nyi ."lytaD^B nyi PN l y n " ,-iKsiyn , ρ ^ β nynriK π jyn nytao^ntaya nyi ,iyt2D pa ar^prnms yiaD'jia η -isa -ρ» c d latytatì' cy Dy ^ m ; p y 5 i t ^ r i c y i ρκ m m : y^nyaytr π η η π y t ^ v pa t a s s c c ^ y p ^ i s n r m « ix tajuy-D - i s a t^-p·1 W , ; tasy-itatyy: ϊίκ opjyiya ρ $ π oyn κ"!" ,D"aits" y i y i j » pa p « ta^o puis m m jia a r n s a i y i -lytmKtaDM nyn ps ¡nyjyne η PN .py1? » • Ι " taspita

Mottos for Part I (a) and (b) Basic Facts About Yiddish. New Y o r k , Y i v o Institute for J e w i s h Research (at that time: Yiddish Scientific Institute - Y i v o ) , 1947. (Reissued over a dozen times in thousands of copies and available today upon request). (c) ' W h y is Yiddish needed for the growth and development of American J e w r y ? Because Yiddish is the richest, the most complete, the most faithful path to our people; because it represents the fullest development of the creative forces in Jewish life; because it leads us to heartfelt love of J e w i s h generations that longed and aspired ; because Yiddish unites us with the J e w s in other communities; because Yiddish is the bearer of the historic experience of a thousand years of Jewish life.' K h a y i m Bez. Shrayber un verk [Writers and Works], T e l Aviv, Hamenora, 1 9 7 1 , 5 5 8 - 5 5 9 .

The Reality of Jewishness versus the Ghetto Myth : The Sociolinguistic Roots of Yiddish MAX

WEINREICH

ι . W i t h o u t a separate c o m m u n i t y there is no separate language. Yiddish has been the language of the Ashkenazic subculture group of the Jewish people ever since the emergence of that g r o u p eleven hundred years ago, w h e n Jews b e g a n to settle in the M i d d l e - R h i n e - M o s e l l e territory which they called Loter (cf. Lotharii regnum, Lotharingia). T h e question thus arises of h o w the Ashkenazic c o m m u n i t y originated and w h a t forces have kept it alive as a distinct entity ever since. T o keep the discussion within limits, no effort will be m a d e to take into account the history of the Sefardic or any other Jewish subculture g r o u p ; though m a n y analogies and similarities might be adduced, it is preferable to explore one Jewish subculture area more or less thoroughly and only then to proceed to analyze another one on a comparative basis. 2. W h a t was it that m a d e for the peculiar position of the J e w s in the M i d d l e A g e s and later, until emancipation came along? It was the ghetto, we are told and told again, which was at the root of Jewish living during the long centuries of darkness. T i m e was, so the argument runs, w h e n the J e w s in G e r m a n lands were not distinguished from their compatriots except by their religion. T h e J e w s behaved and spoke as the G e r m a n s did and, in the thirteenth century, even produced a G e r m a n minnesinger, Suezkint von T r i m b e r g . But then, under conditions of growing religious intolerance, they were pressed into the ghettos and thus excluded from general society. As a consequence, they deteriorated over the centuries economically, intellectually, and morally. T h e i r G e r m a n language, which they had previously spoken like every other G e r m a n person, declined too. T h e implication was plain. As soon as the sun of tolerance rose, the Jews w o u l d again embrace G e r m a n culture and differ from the bulk of the G e r m a n population solely by their faith. T h e sources and references that m i g h t h a v e gone into footnotes to this paper will be found in m y t w o - v o l u m (.History of the Yiddish Language : Concepts, Facts, Methods (1973). Editor's note: T h e History to w h i c h the a u t h o r

referred in 1967 finally a p p e a r e d as a fourv o l u m e work (two volumes text and two volumes notes) in Yiddish in 1973. A n English translation of the first two Y i d d i s h volumes (published in one v o l u m e in English) a p p e a r e d in 1980.

I04

Sociohistorical Perspective

This theory, however, is of rather recent origin. It goes back no further than the second half of the eighteenth century, i.e. the age of Enlightenment, and can be shown to have been developed by the nineteenth-century historians who found themselves fighting for Jewish emancipation. In preemancipation days, as is well known, the J e w s in Central Europe had been largely confined to living quarters of their own. When the repercussions of the French revolution made it possible for the J e w s to demand emancipation, restrictions in housing must have appeared to be particularly oppressive. It is then that the ghetto concept became a recurrent topic until it finally was accepted as incontestable evidence. Instead, it must be conceived of as an ad hoc explanation in a political struggle. 3. There would be no point in disparaging historic constructions of bygone days that were intended to serve legitimate political purposes. But it would be equally naïve to accept this kind officiions at their face value, since they obscure the issue and blur our understanding of the past. The weakness of the nineteenth-century construction is revealed as soon as one tries to make chronology a bit more exact. When was it that the J e w s were excluded from society? Graetz, the renowned historian of the J e w s , believed that this exclusion had begun with the first crusade. But it is only in the ninth century that J e w s are again mentioned on German soil after an interval of almost four hundred years. Down to the end of the eleventh century the data are highly fragmentary, to say the least, and with regard to some of the few attestations there is no proof that Jewish communities, and not individual J e w s , are referred to. Furthermore, prior to 1096, there is no claim to intellectual excellence in German society from which the J e w s allegedly had been excluded. Thus, if we were to follow Graetz, there actually never was any appreciable participation of German J e w s in German cultural life until the nineteenth century. Other representatives of the German-reared 'science ofJ u d a i s m ' would have it that the exclusion of the J e w s from German society took place as late as in the thirteenth century or even later. This supposition makes more sense inasmuch as it is common knowledge that in the thirteenth century the legal position of the J e w s in German lands began to deteriorate. It was the so-called Lateran church council of 1 2 1 5 which promulgated a number of restrictive measures, and after some decades of more or less vigorous attempts these measures were enforced. Limitations with regard to the acquisition of land and to trade were imposed ; a Jewish hat and, subsequently, the yellow badge were introduced to mark the J e w s as members of a group apart. Housing conditions, too, changed for the worse in that separate Jewish living quarters were compulsory in many German cities and towns. 4. The stress in the last sentence, however, is on the word compulsory. A verb like 'introduced' would have been misleading. What happened was that

The Reality of Jewishness versus the Ghetto Myth

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in the thirteenth century segregated living quarters for the Jews were made compulsory. The fact of the matter is that separate Jewish streets had existed all along ever since the Jews appeared in Loter. Separate dwellings of the J e w s are mentioned in all the German cities where the existence of Jews is attested to in the centuries preceding the first crusade, such as Worms, Mayence, Cologne, Ratisbon, Speyer. Kurt Pinthus, in pre-Hitler Germany an ardent student of medieval town layouts and town planning, has been given far too little recognition by sociologists. He has demonstrated both the pertinent facts and their implications on the evidence of more than one hundred cities and towns in Germany and adjacent countries. In the earliest Jewish settlements, while the towns were still in their formative stage, the oldest Jewish streets were located near the principal church and the market place. But the later Jewish settlers in communities already firmly established were given less advantageous dwellings near the gates or even behind the city walls. The inference is plain. The Jews were the typical urban settlers; their part in agriculture must have been insignificant even while ownership of or settlement on the land was not legally denied to them. As town dwellers the Jews were a highly desired element to attract {''cum ex Spirensi villa urbem facer em,fiutavimilies amplificare honorem loci nostri, si et Judeos colligerem\ as the bishop of Speyer put it in 1084), and, in view of their urban-type occupations - overland trade and small-scale trading on the spot, money trade - it was very convenient for them to live as close as possible to the town center and the main thoroughfares. 5. If the Jews lived together long before segregated living quarters were imposed upon them, then this segregation must have been voluntary. It was. Living apart, no matter how bizarre this may appear in the light of present-day concepts and attitudes, was part of the ' privileges ' accorded to the Jews in conformity with their own wishes. They wanted to be among their own people, to be able to worship collectively, to study, to apply to their own courts of law, not to speak of their urgent need to maintain a ritual slaughterhouse and a ritual bath and to be buried, when time came, in a Jewish cemetery. Settling in groups, be it by ethnic origin, by religion, or by occupation was an established pattern in the Middle Ages and even much later. There was consequently nothing unusual, let alone degrading, in the very fact that the Jews clung together. There are documented cases to show that every now and then the Jews asked for permission to live together in a definite part of the town because they felt safer this way. T o be sure, there was a tremendous difference between conditions at the earlier stage and those which developed after the thirteenth century. Before that, some Jews lived among Christians and, conversely, some Christians lived apud Iudaeos, in the predominantly Jewish streets. Later, the Jews were compelled to live only in the assigned areas and were permitted to leave their quarters only during daytime. Even in the forcibly segregated quarters, of course, the houses

io6

Sociohistorical Perspective

themselves were constructed of the same material and according to the same design as the buildings in the town, and the Jewish dwellings were distinguishable only by the mezuzes attached to the doorposts. But as the Jewish population increased and the area of their settlement remained fixed once and for all, the narrowness in space was felt more severely and it became more difficult to adhere to a m o d i c u m of hygienic requirements. 6. But this is not to say that the very fact of living in separate quarters was considered oppressive. Historic periods must be understood in their o w n frames of reference. M e d i e v a l Jewish writings are chiefly concerned with internal problems of Jewish living and thinking, but, naturally, they also reflect massacres, expulsions, tribulations of all kinds. Y e t we have still to come across one single complaint about the J e w s being 'excluded from society'. T h e r e is no statement to that effect and there could not be one. T h e obvious fact is that at all times the Jews hated oppression and those responsible for it, but, as the societal system gave them no opportunity of outright fight or political struggle, they just tried to offset the consequences of enmity and malice as best they could. Essentially, they wanted to be left alone. Significantly, before the pre-emancipation period, the term ghetto, which originated in V e n i c e in the sixteenth century and spread from there to other Italian cities, was never used, either in a derogatory or in a matter-of-fact manner, to designate the local Jewish living quarters in Central or Eastern Europe. V e r y infrequent occurrences ofghetto in pre-nineteenth-century G e r m a n sources invariably refer to Italian conditions. In the Jewish environment, the designation was di yidngas in Western Yiddish and di yidishe gas in Eastern Yiddish, both meaning ' t h e Jewish street', as opposed to dos mokem ' t h e [non-Jewish] t o w n ' . (All Jewish terms in this paper are quoted in their Yiddish versions even if they are of H e b r e w - A r a m a i c origin.) T h e still popular Yiddish idiom af der yidisher gas 'in the Jewish street' is the equivalent o f ' a m o n g J e w s ' . It has always been neutral in its connotations, in sharp contrast to the term ghetto which is now being associated with the G e r m a n s in W o r l d W a r I I . 7. G e r m a n political scientists h a v e worked hard to obscure the issue further. In order to provide the necessary backing for the extermination practices of the years 1939-1945, those scholars gave the G e r m a n - m a d e Jewish quarters of W o r l d W a r II the name ghetto, which had become habitual, if distasteful, in the last one hundred and fifty years or so, and then proceeded to show that Hitler's policy was only a return to the ' clear-cut separation ' (reinliche Scheidung), the preestablished social order of the M i d d l e Ages disturbed by eighteenthcentury rationalism and its aftermath. Y e t , the purported analogy between the Hitler era and the M i d d l e Ages is a gross injustice to the latter. In the period of voluntary separation, the famous rabbinical scholar Eliezer ben Joel H a l e v i (born + 1 1 4 0 in M a y e n c e ) wrote: ' . . . W e are living a m o n g the Gentiles, and [non-Jewish] maid servants and

The Reality of Jewishness versus the Ghetto Myth

107

housekeepers and male Gentiles constantly move around in our dwellings'. But even the Jewish living quarters in German towns since the thirteenth century, for all their crowdedness and ensuing squalor, were only half closed ; during daytime, the Jews could move freely through the non-Jewish sections of the town and on overland journeys they were allowed to take off their yellow badges so as not to attract the attention of hoodlums looking for easy prey. In contradistinction, the ghettos set up by the Germans during the last war were grandiose concentration camps in which several million Jews were rounded up on short notice so that they be ready for the 'final solution of the Jewish question '. Before the gas chambers took over, the ghettos were hermetically closed to outsiders and whoever tried to escape was shot on sight. It is a curious contribution to the sociology of knowledge that no German scholar has bothered to expose the fraud of the ghetto protagonists in the twenty-odd years in which, it would seem, a discussion of this matter would no longer have been dangerous. 8. There is just no point in the assumption that such a potent and consistent culture system as that of Ashkenaz was created and sustained by the existence of separate living quarters, compulsory or otherwise. Suffice it to say that roughly comparable 'ghetto' housing conditions in racially troubled northern American cities of today are frequently blamed for working in exactly the opposite direction. It is widely accepted that they lead to the breakdown of family relations, lack of cultural stimulation, reduction of literacy and so on. But if so, how could separate living quarters have led to the rise of a civilization like that of Ashkenaz? As a substitute for the ghetto theory, the idea is sometimes advanced that Jewish separateness was born from and sustained by Jewish communal autonomy. We may recall the statement of Napoleon supported by one faction of Jewish leaders to the effect that the Jews could expect everything as individuals, but nothing as a ' nation ', i.e. as a group. When the Tsarist government, in 1844, in its crude way, decided to put an end to Jewish particularism, it clamped down on the Jewish 'kahals \ and some Jewish progressivists felt this was the right thing to do. It is well known that wherever the Jews lived - and this applies to non-Ashkenazic and pre-Ashkenazic conditions as well — they enjoyed a certain degree of self-government. In the 'privileges' issued by German princes and cities, this point is invariably stressed. The procedure of delegating rights and responsibilities to the inhabitants of the growing urban settlements was customary in medieval Europe; it also applied to merchants, craftsmen etc., and the Jews were no exception. When in the course of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, the Jews became servi camerae, i.e. people placed under the immediate protection of the emperor, the Jews became even more distinguishable among the townspeople. The Jewish community had its own officials (rosh-hakoel, parnés, gäbe, baleóos etc. are

108

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VA IX. No 52

New York. December 21. 1917.

.1917

χ η ¡yea

«urw yûspS D-^jrqj»

Mendele's last journey. T h e author o f ' J o u r n e y s of Benjamin the T h i r d ' is accompanied to his heavenly reward by angels carrying gifts of honor, immortality, love of the people, and fame. (Der groyser kundes, December 2 1 , 1 9 1 7 ) *

* Cartoons provide an avenue through which one can study the affective dimension of social, cultural and political history. M a n y of the cartoons presented in this volume are taken from Der groyser kundes : Ά J o u r n a l of Humor, J e s t and Satire' ( 1 9 0 9 - 1 9 2 8 ) , an influential medium of pro-Yiddish social criticism, edited by J a c o b Marinoff. It amply reveals the three-front struggle of Yiddishism, rivalled and opposed by adherents of English, Hebrew, and ' v u l g a r Yiddish'. T h e brunt of the Kundes' critique is aimed at the latter camp (often epitomized by the Forverts or its editor A b r a h a m Cahan), with its purported disregard for and antipathy toward standard Yiddish vocabulary, grammar and orthography. Although there are glimmerings of awareness that the fate of Yiddish is being sealed by more major sociopolitical processes in the United States, Europe, and Palestine, and although some Yiddish writers and actors have begun searching for immortality via other languages, nevertheless, mira-Yiddish linguistic differences and the struggle with local Hebraists, both crusades epitomized by the figure of Dr. K h a y i m Zhitlovski, are clearly stressed.

The Reality of Jewishness versus the Ghetto Myth

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pre-Ashkenazic terms) as well as courts (bezdn), whose verdicts in civil matters were unreservedly accepted by the non-Jewish authorities. It goes without saying that the Jews themselves carried the burden of maintaining, on their own terms, their educational and charitable institutions. It therefore stands to reason that the existence of autonomous communal institutions was linked with Jewish cultural identity. However, cause and effect should be carefully weighed. If there is a community that wishes to perpetuate itself, it establishes institutions for those needs that can be met only on a supraindividual basis. This supreme purpose, the survival of the group, was served in manifold ways. There were institutions like the prayer house or houses, the ritual slaughterhouse, the infirmary, the tantshous ('dance house' where weddings were celebrated), the cemetery, and the like. In spheres requiring less centralization, unattached membership organizations (khevres) were active, devoted to charity or study, or both. It can be shown, however, that the real nucleus of Jewish life was neither the kahal nor the less pretentious khevre, but the family. Somewhat precariously, even a lonely Jewish family surrounded by non-Jews could maintain its Jewishness if it wanted to; impressive analogies can be drawn with Jewish villagers (yishúvnikes) in nineteenth and twentieth century Eastern Europe. In short, the basic causes for the rise and the continuing existence of Ashkenaz must be sought not in curbs imposed from outside or in certain institutions but in the vitality of the society which, in spite of seemingly overwhelming odds, managed to keep its head above water. 9. Ashkenazic reality is to be sought between the two poles of absolute identity with and absolute remoteness from the coterritorial non-Jewish communities. T o compress it into a formula, what the Jews aimed at was not isolation from the Christians but insulation from Christianity. Although, throughout the ages, many Jews must be supposed to have left the fold, the community as a whole did succeed in surviving and developing. On the other hand, the close and continuous ties of the Jews with their neighbors, which used to be severed only for a while during actual outbreaks of persecutions, manifested themselves in customs and folk beliefs; in legends and songs; in literary production, etc. The culture patterns prevalent among Ashkenazic Jews must be classified as Jewish, but very many of them are specifically Ashkenazic. They are mid-course formations as those found wherever cultures meet along frontiers, in border zones, or in territories with mixed populations. The most striking result of this encounter of cultures is the Yiddish language. When the Jews entered Loter, their vernaculars were western Laaz and southern Laaz, the Jewish correlates of Old French and Old Italian, while HebrewAramaic was their sacred tongue. But the non-Jewish population of Loter spoke regional variants of German, and it is this German determinant which brought into the new fusion language of Ashkenaz its quantitatively strongest component.

11 o

Sociohistorical Perspective

Is this not irrefutable proof of a high degree of contact? O n the other h a n d , the Ashkenazim did not simply become G e r m a n speakers but fused their acquisitions from G e r m a n with what they had brought with them in their H e b r e w - A r a m a i c and Laaz determinants. T h e same applies to the Slavic determinant which m a d e itself felt after the middle of the thirteenth century. Doesn't this, in turn, testify to a remarkable degree of independence? io. Traditional Ashkenazic Jewishness (yidishkeyt is the authentic term) is not coterritorial ' g e n e r a l ' culture plus some Jewish additives, but a different sphere of life, a civilization of its own which, to be sure, in m a n y respects resembled that of the non-Jewish neighbors. In principle, the distance between Jewishness and the culture of the environment was signified by the expression lehavdl ' t o discern'. An anthropologist approaching the two societies from outside will have to conclude that the Ashkenazic Jews, just as their Gentile neighbors, were preoccupied with helping the needy, with visiting the sick, with praying with a dying person, and with m o u r n i n g the deceased. But this outward resemblance was of no consequence to the ordinary members or the leaders of the Jewish community. W h a t counted was the fact that Jewish culture patterns could be conceived of in internal Jewish terms, as based on earlier Jewish precepts and practices ultimately grounded in the T a l m u d and the Bible. Viewed this way, charity is a distinctly Jewish trait; the Jews consider themselves ' the merciful and the children of the merciful ', and ' Charity saves from death ' is a statement contained in the book of Proverbs. T h e good deed of visiting the sick {biker-khoylim) is mentioned in the T a l m u d . Confession of sins in one's last hour, though not in its present wording, is known from the Pentateuch. So is m o u r n i n g the dead, and nobody seems to have worried that some conspicuous Jewish customs in this domain had been taken over from the Christians. T h e great Sefardí Don Isaac A b a r b a n e l contended that the Ashkenazic m a n n e r of ordaining rabbis (smikhe) was patterned after the way the Gentiles granted their doctorates. Serious modern scholars tend to side with Abarbanel. But the accusation was of no concern to the Ashkenazic leaders. T h e y could point to the fact that smikha (both the term and the general idea) a p p e a r in the Talmud. T o make a long story short : m a n y non-Jewish patterns were incorporated into the Jewish system at an early date and throughout, but the division into Jewishness vs. non-Jewishness was never abolished or questioned. It thus turns out that the very existence of a division is much more important than the actual location of the division line. T o put it even more bluntly, and this applies to any field of culture: more often than not, it appears, the distance between Jewish and non-Jewish patterns is created not by a difference in the ingredients proper but rather by the way they are interpreted as elements of the given system. T h e r e was no particular

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reluctance to use church motifs in the construction and ornamentation of Jewish prayer houses in Loter, and nineteenth-century Western Ashkenaz knows of at least some synagogues (by no means reformed ones!) possessing and using bells. i l . It is the positive factor of striving for meaningful survival, and not the negative one of exclusion or rejection, that is paramount in Jewish cultural history. One would be tempted to speak ofJewish religion if not for the fact that this term presupposes a sphere of life not affected by religion. But there is no such division into separate spheres inyidishkeyt. Natural sciences, philosophy, law, art, literature - all of them stem directly from the same divine source, just as there is no action so trivial as to escape religiously colored regulation or restriction. Needless to say, there are degrees of sanctity, but, as a matter of course, every nook and cranny of life is sanctified. In the early days of Ashkenaz the term derekh-hashás 'the way of the T a l m u d ' came into being. Though intended as a designation for the way of studying the Talmud, it can conveniently be converted into a term describing the traditional way of life based upon the Talmud. The Almighty is our God and the God of our forefathers. He is the God who helped Abraham on Mount Moriah when he was about to sacrifice Isaac. The specificness of Jewish fate became apparent when the two sons of Rebecca, Jacob and Esau, struggled in her womb. J a c o b is Israel, identified with the people of Israel, and Esau is Edom, ancestor not only of Haman, but also of Christian Europe. By the same token, the antithesis of Jews and Muslims is expressed in the Isaac vs. Ishmael préfiguration. In this emotional and intellectual framework, the exclusion-from-society concept simply fades away. Jewish separateness is not even the result of dispersion after the fall of the Second Temple. Jewishness stems from the fact that God made the Jews his chosen people, not for their aggrandizement of course but to sanctify his name. The division into Jews and Gentiles is going to last until the advent of the Messiah. Jewish history thus represents one uninterrupted whole. Past and present converge and merge. Under such circumstances it is easy to fall into what the modern historian calls anachronisms. They are conspicuous by their number. When Jacob arrived in Egypt and met Joseph, he was just in the midst of prayer and could not instantly pause to greet his son. At the courts of King David and King Solomon, the choice dishes were fish and chicken (Shmuel-bukh, Melokhim-bukh). But what to one generation is utter naïveté was plain common sense to another. The derekh-hashás, like any pre-modern view of the world, was not overly concerned with historical periods. In most cases, one was satisfied with general indications like time was or in bygone days. Rabbinical legists are classified as rishoynim ('the ancients') and akhroynim ('the late ones') but, significantly, the designation is relative. Rabbi Meir of Rothenburg (thirteenth century) belongs to the late ones as compared to Rabbi Gershom the Light of the Exile (who died in the second quarter of the eleventh century), but is an undisputed 'ancient'

112

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when related to the great legists of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. T i m e designations are not ignored, but they are not overemphasized either. Given this relativity, there was the opportunity to explain contemporary events in T a l m u d i c terms and, conversely, to understand the T a l m u d in the light of contemporary circumstances. By this double-pronged interpretation, the rabbinical writings of all times defy classification as literary works (though Westernized usage refers to 'rabbinical literature'). They were transformed into active elements in the life of all periods and have become a continuum. T h e Western concept of anachronism holds no longer; panchronism seems to describe the situation much more adequately. In this system, not every shred of the past is sanctified just because it is time honored. Let us recall that the Samaritans, and later the Karaites, did break away from the Jewish community precisely because they refused to move on. At least this is the picture of the secessions as presented by Jewish tradition; the altera pars may have quite a different case to offer. Be this as it may, secessions did occur. T h e derekh-hashás has even set up, as it were, a constitutional procedure for effectuating changes. ' T h e T o r a contains everything', so the Yiddish saying goes, but the T a l m u d is the oral T o r a and thus undisputed in its authority. Actual Jewish life is defined by dinim (laws) and minhogim (customs). But a breach may occur even in a law if the needs of the hour necessitate it, and certainly no custom is sacrosanct because it is old. T h e term silly custom goes back to the end of the first millennium, and the Yiddish proverb a minheg brekht a din ( Ά custom breaks a law') is modeled after a T a l m u d i c prototype. T o the insider, the derekh-hashás is founded upon a set of norms derived from tradition, not upon behavior patterns indiscriminately heaped upon each other in an unending sequence of generations. 12. T h e r e is no provision for appellate courts, no hierarchy culminating in an infallible head. T h e tools of remaking the norms are again books, the huge derivative literature beginning in the T a l m u d i c period and reaching into the present. W h a t M o h a m m e d is supposed to have said derisively about Jews (and Christians) has been made by the Jews into unconditional praise : they pride themselves of being ' t h e people of the book'. T h e highest form of literary achievement is the peyresh ( ' c o m m e n t a r y ' ) . T h e authority of the book commented u p o n is taken for granted, but so is the right of the commenter to elaborate, to point to deficiencies, and to propose emendations. T h e r e are quite a n u m b e r of commentaries on commentaries as well. Every later-day scholar navigates freely in the 'sea of the T a l m u d ' . With regard to ritual observance, the decisors are in the forefront. A learned m a n is described as being thoroughly versed in shas un poskim ( ' T a l m u d and decisors'). It is not the modern critical school which found out that the T a l m u d could not possibly have covered all dubious cases of behavior; the Geonim in Babylonia and Palestine, more than one thousand years ago, used to decide on

The Reality of Jewishness versus the Ghetto Myth

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the basis of precedent and analogy. Later generations of decisors leaned upon the Geonim as well. T h e Shulkhn orukh, compiled in the sixteenth century by the great Sefardí R a b b i Joseph Karo, seemed to subsume the whole halakic wisdom of the Middle Ages, and the annotations of R . Moshe Iserlis of Cracow (the R a m o ) to his work seemed to have provided the Ashkenazic version of this impressive codification. But again, new times created new situations, and these in turn called for new clarification in the light of the T o r a . In short, the stream of new decisions has never stopped. It has long been customary that in pondering a difficult problem (shayle is the technical term) a rabbi would not rely u p o n himself but would rather submit the case with the pertinent details to another authority, sometimes to more than one. M a n y scholars kept records of the inquiries addressed to them a n d arranged them, together with their replies (tshuves) into books. This is the origin of the literary genre of shayles-utshuves ('problems and answers') known in Western terminology as responso. Their beginnings reach into the T a l m u d i c period. As time went on, and particularly since the advent of printing, more and more responsa were compiled. In m a n y of them, one m a y surmise, the authors merely used the queries-and-answers form as a literary device to p r o p o u n d halakic problems by way of adducing concrete illustrations. It is only in retrospect that we can appreciate the role of the halakic books of different types in maintaining the continuity of Jewish thought and action. No less did they contribute to the integration, successful on the whole, of the Jewish community into constantly changing conditions. Moreover, while there was unremittent insistence on conformity, there was also an implied admission of equally legitimate variants. T h e r e is hardly another crisis which shook Ashkenazic society as deeply as the clash between Khasidism and its opponents in the last q u a r t e r of the eighteenth century, but one h u n d r e d years later the representatives of the two factions felt again as one as they were confronted with the pressing problems of a new day. T h e smarting awareness of profound dissensions could be soothed by the existence of the T a l m u d i c saying 'Both of these [variants] are the words of the Living G o d ' . T o a Westernized mind, it is difficult to grasp the full validity of a pertinent quotation from an authoritative source. But just as in any society, different personality types are to be found in Ashkenaz too. A bold scholar would every now and then contest even the opinion of an outstanding authority. 13. Thus, diversified concepts a n d practices could be legitimated by leaning upon diversified experiences of the past. This ability to adjust and readjust and to recognize, within prescribed limits, widely differing variants stood the Yiddish speech community in good stead when it was put to its greatest test. Ultimately as a sequel of the industrial revolution, what m a y be called the secular sector of Ashkenazic society came into being. Insignificant in numbers at the outset, it has grown gradually and by now elements of secularism have

114

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affected even the most traditionally minded member of the community. While the J e w who is consciously antireligious is definitely in the minority, he does exist and may otherwise be closely attached to the community by virtue of tradition, language, nationalism, or political affiliation. Until the secular sector sprang up the antireligious or even nonreligious J e w used to be a contradicho in adiecto. This most divergent version ofyidishkeyt, 'secularyidishkeyt", has come to be accepted as one of the many versions of being a J e w . When looking for the set of historical circumstances that made this extraordinary sociological phenomenon possible, we will see that it was the initial pattern of Ashkenazic J e w r y which was laid down in Loter more than one thousand years ago and may be described as legitimate broad diversity within fundamental unity. 14. The distance between the Jewish and the non-Jewish environments was bound to find its reflection in language. Just as the culture out of which it was born, Yiddish, the language of Ashkenaz, cannot be properly understood as 'Gentile plus', i.e. the German language plus some additives like 'HebrewAramaic words' and 'Slavic words'. Yiddish, too, is a mid-course formation or, to remain within the confines of linguistics, it is a fusion language. As we think of the linguistic determinants from which the components of Yiddish stem, we are immediately struck by a signal qualitative difference between them. Hebrew-Aramaic has been the sacred tongue of the Jews since time immemorial, the carrier of non-Christianity long before Yiddish came into being. T o put it differently, Hebrew-Aramaic has been the language ofyidishkeyt pure and simple, Yiddish has been the specific language of Ashkenazic yidishkeyt. Non-Christian, too, were the prelanguages which the settlers from the Romancespeaking countries brought with them to Loter. Old French and Old Italian, to be sure, were 'Christian' languages, but their Jewish correlates, western Laaz and southern Laaz, were not. As opposed to these determinants, HebrewAramaic and Laaz, the other two, German and Slavic, were reflections of Christian cultures. In the period of Earliest Yiddish (—1250), when Slavic had not yet entered the picture, Christian linguistic influences could come into nascent Yiddish only through German, the language of the coterritorial population. Therefore, figuratively speaking, a border guard had to be established to keep away linguistic items which have specific Christian meanings or connotations, or else to endow these items with Jewish meanings. T o quote but one example for each case, Old High German sëganôn (cf. Modern German segnen) was no good because, at the time, it apparently still evoked the idea of Latin signare 'to make the sign (of the cross) '. Thus bentshn emerged as a transfer from southern Laaz (cf. Latin benedicere) which to this very day is the standard Yiddish verb for 'bless'. On the other hand, reynikeyt was taken over from medieval German (cf. Middle High German reinekeit 'purity'), but the Yiddish meaning is 'scroll of the T o r a ' .

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Even the unreligious J e w - j u s t as the observant one - is bound by the fact that Yiddish throughout history has been a non-Christian language and that terms like Trinity, Savior, original sin, purgatory, host, last communion etc. for a long time did not exist at all, because there was no need for them, while they have been a must in every 'Christian' language. At present, due to the secular sector, words of this sphere do exist, but they are still of a somewhat marginal nature. Their novelty consists in their neutrality, but, as long as there are no Christian Jews within the Yiddish speaking community, the terms can never acquire the emotive overtones which they possess in Christian societies. 15. On the other hand, the secular sector to a large degree must be credited with having contributed to the Yiddish vocabulary thousands upon thousands of new coinages in science and technology, politics, and so on, many of which have made their appearance several hundred years earlier in Western languages but were never required in traditional Ashkenazic society. Be it

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116

Sociohistorical Perspective

remembered that the Yiddish press, the theater, the East European school systems up to the college level with Yiddish as the language of instruction originated almost exclusively in the secular sector. Obviously, once the innovations had appeared on the scene, they also penetrated into the traditional strata and the interstitial areas where the clear-cut ideological distinctions are difficult to apply. At any rate, whatever is in vogue in any part of the speech community is potentially open to any member of the community. 16. T h e shifting features of Yiddish, but also its panchronic character come to light nowhere more clearly than in the two literary languages it evolved in the course of its history. Primarily, these two formations must be defined by the regional varieties on which they were based. T h e ' first literary language ', which reached its peak in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries and had not run its full course until the beginning of the nineteenth century, rested upon the regional varieties of Western Yiddish. But as the center of gravity of the speech community shifted to the East, the structure of the literary language became less and less satisfactory, and around 1 7 5 0 there erupted a new trend which in the nineteenth century brought about the 'second literary language' based almost entirely on Eastern Yiddish. Only slender threads link it directly with the lexical and stylistic devices of the more distant past. T h e same developments, however, must also be viewed from a different vantage point. T h e First Literary Language by no means was used exclusively in strictly religious writings. Old Yiddish literature was all-inclusive to reflect the all-inclusiveness of Ashkenazic society as it existed in the pre-emancipation period. But the Second Literary L a n g u a g e came as the result not only of a regional switch, but also of a social upheaval. Edifying books of the earlier period were now rewritten and republished to suit the East European readers, and new writings of the old types were added. But the new Yiddish poetry and prose which has blossomed since the middle of the nineteenth century and, obviously, uses the new literary vehicle exlusively has been overwhelmingly the product of the secular sector. This new literary language, as intimated, is the result of fusion with regard to the underlying dialectal substructure. In a social sense, it also reflects an intense process of fusion. On the basis of the English-Yiddish Yiddish-English Dictionary by Uriel Weinreich, which Y I V O brought out in 1967, these conclusions could even be quantified, but the general qualitative statement is well beyond doubt. Contemporary Yiddish has acquired the preciseness and flexibility of the Western languages, not in the least under their influence. Yet, the imagery has remained to a large degree that of traditional Ashkenazic folk life. For some time it seemed (the 1920s might have given this impression to the outsider) that the secular sector was about to part ways linguistically with the traditional strata since both were driving in opposite directions. No such premonitions are felt now, due to the cohesive forces in the Ashkenazic

The Reality of Jewishness versus the Ghetto Myth

117

community which were reinforced by the experiences common to all European J e w s in the years of the German war against the Jews. So again, while actual cultivation of Yiddish language and literature is still by and large limited to the secular sector, the traditionalists share in this development in growing measure. So far, Ashkenazic cohesiveness and all-inclusiveness have stood the test in the field of Yiddish as well.

REFERENCES Weinreich, M a x ( 1 9 7 3 ) , Geshikhte fun deryidisher shprakh : bagrifn, facln, metodn. [History of T h e Yiddish

Language:

Research.

Concepts,

Facts,

Methods.]

New

York, Y i v o

Institute for J e w i s h

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Sociohistorical Perspective

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I 3 « r r i ï oyi -,ua Î"X layiyi Biyn oun nysD^y iu ]yii ye^u Ή r x — , τ τ n y t j y rnuBíHMK H ,yausy y a υ TU Β"ΒΡ ί ^ ο » nu: Dsu »ny"J » B*np "»τ /»i'o pa DbyBipyi onyn y j u i s Vu» » lypTi τ χ τ ι κ Τ» " a ]ya px — p m o n x ^Tysiutf » •ìpipaix DIOXYD PX η

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ÎIX

Concerning the Ethnonational Role of Yiddish and Yiddish Culture

131

yB*nny:I Η IST»* »lyp^ys y-IJnax «3 »N ΊΤΧ .VWÏVΒΠΧ ynyayn ynyn r ® ηχΐΒΐΡ H .anaat? "isrn p&nyï PX πχίβρ 1 Ιβηβ^ορ ?^ njn pB "nu l y i π η χ »a " p x px »ìDiyvniabip Η pB .pSOOp^B Η PB .pPWyO-Op'TSB Η PB Vitt *ίΪΠ ïyiiyi lia ΡϊΛ> i r r τ ι κ îjniya ρκ ρ ι Λ nyay^yo-axo ny"r ο#τι η DU η»!« .B»pnP"iyByw ">y"T TÍO ΙΧΊΒΡ n ,aio-or fix ratir ny»r enynyi ρ $ π «τ ix o$rt s i v a i y a yoo$pB» o#n — nyiyo ^0*3 ρβ'Π » - ρ κ ìtk îy^nD y^»x oyo3 m u t «pix ·ρτκ ïyo β#π ,χ^οο — , ο χ ι π mm «px m opipya ïyo w i v liu)"? β îynya pk οιρ .Bmx p ' i x pb opipya πχιββ? iy"T »D'jai h ,ypXB nox .pwb nyaiîm ρ·»ρ b ' j nyaç n y a r n « ΠΉ Ο»Β3Π y i y w e ÎTK C-PIO . o n w 'inn n *t 1 Ì^bx o$rt oy τικ ,χχ» yiy-rjx y ?» ".τχ oiyìya Τ3#π «τ ΊΧΒ px *n " a lyaij »"Tuw^a* p n i n w τ τχ ,fsipDyj ^jrnttop n y a r x t o "»li P>BO*»J ptz^ nyruix r»x pyayn *iy*r iib pizft l y n a » "iyi .HnBaroB^nya χ nja ìjrnya PB .pnœya ρ $ π *»τ o$n ,οηΒΟ n ps o s ' i m y i ,pyV .ernp pff^ îynyï ΡΚ ,Bi$tyi i3#n »r o un «mana ρκ ni^sn n a n s o y p ^ n yijnax px x-joa π .min π -»τ ρ $ π w r » »px nyr^p W3JP px ,Bwo«üyao'ix px oiro^nnxB ,BffB"Byi pi^a p ç n y ï u p oy p x ojn β $ β ό Boypyi b'Í T Í β$Π Τ ps px p y ^ r * n» IT « im »Vin na-r I&D iiïrt» 8 ββ^ΠΊΓΓ

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132

Sociohistorical Perspective

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No! Its a Legitimate Love Affair! Hebrew (walking arm in arm with the Hebrew-Yiddish poet K h a y i m Nakhmen Byalik, who wrote almost entirely in Hebrew toward the latter part of his career) : 'Who's that, K h a y i m Nakhmen, an illegitimate a f f a i r ? ' Yiddish (shouting ' D a d d y ! ' ) : ' D o n ' t get so upset, madame, K h a y i m Nakhmen knows me since childhood!' (Dergroyser kundes, February 5, 1926)

134

Sociohistorical Perspective

yayxoatrns nyr «ρικ ο*νΐ8

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Concerning the Ethnonational

Role of Yiddish

and Yiddish

Culture

135

w r » u m * o a ' u y a a ^ a — yp'-rtpsn τ ι χ ί τ χ — ο*ρ cnyorcyx il *iyi »px y t η oa"^ oa'iiya τ χ ina .wxynayn px r x »naix 't oasanyi nan .pyvnya'x ^υτ η — ,ttnxynayn lis p x ΛΤ FX ,ρτ » n*pya ìy~max O#N Η üoija px — ,nri9üj κ o n n y ^ o lyo .pin px y p n y a ' x i» οχ'χ , υ ν τ χ o ' a oya"X îEr»aynynrea$ τ χ ]ya O'a — y o o s a y ^ a η , m n j π nyaij ΛΤ ^ a Β nypii PX Ί px oa Κ îywya PX oy ,mm PX — .p&iiya aai' 8 Ί ί nya PX tf'xynayn-aar ,"maa„ » lyiiya PX tf'xynayn oyaynsiiya aap τ χ y i x PK nia^a -ma « 'na'ra,, » PX Ί ,*maa„ i m

t D'aa Din' 'τ o#n nia$ OIT fin» px oaga p s DIT oyi vin» .r»xynayn-"a p'T n a ]ix PX p x i n p a r oyais i x i s t f Η -ynay.vçya η pa ny^»a n r x t ^ n V* ^ö'ö « oy PX -i$a ]ix — yayopsmy-r Η y i x y i x ιρττι ix loo'x .p'1?» tonw PX n n x t f „ l y p n a s t t j p ^ a ^ D nyi « Π3Π Γ'χ p x "î ì D ^ n nan *Ï»1X BBPa 0$Π PQ HO1?!? H pX Ρ'Τ» Π"1 Π1Π — ,'ΠΒ^ΒΠ ΓΚ ^atf? τ χ n a ï a - m b a p x — " n a i a - p x ι^Σ>χ ia$n 12 ο#η oapnoyao'ix r x — nyio β "τ i o n i s a — n a i a ispxysijT'x ynyoxa'D-p'inmtax .ynyoxa'o " î ]a$î — 'in? px .pujiiya »îyrn l ' a . . . oVyrt lysa^a nyn p x Γ'τ ì p n o ny oyii — nix'aa pa misa yoix'o η pna¡ issa «τ px — .yay^aya />n IOSBIP o j n p ç n ruma yayVoa·»^ otjn ,aiaya m m . . . oyay^sya g p ^ , ρ η τ ι pa oVo'noyx HD^I? l y w n » n j n p x îay1? I W ' P nyais paa π l y m i x pwiya^K Ρ© τ ι κ τ τ pjjiaisiytjaix ΓΤ «Τ jayinyi — PNAO*A ,mpco PÒ DO pj»a riaix p n a a o .osrxnçs yoairrwyasij . . . l y x i y n ynynaix ϊ·»χ uns' a'ix Λ * η ΐ ' · ρ τ ^ ι l ' a n j n i ρ·»? n"?iy n^a lya^t w nynaix pò nynaix ]is ot^a τ·τ ρ^τ n^a ΐ Ί Ρ ,ΟΉΎΙ» ΊΤ» Brio D"»a Τ»Β îya'n »NI^a p x TA la^^a ΛΒΓΙΊ» o^ . . . n a i p n ρ·»ρ px ρρ··η ρ·»ρ mm p ^ n px — ,πηπ m r -öix s v ^ ïya^'V'a p c nia^a η px ϊ?ο ö'T "»ir» — T* « aaiuaijaix — nyaiy *iua τ^χ o^n — px 'inore ü'D nyr»K γ κ b w /Opnyi'anyi p i m "τ τχ a yVs ΊΙ) ΪΙΧ

Sociohistorical

Perspective

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-ya sinn lyrn oy pm TnoVip-w'T» *iyi ρκ τγη" ρβ m i n ps uro ρκ p$n oijii n nun 1 •B1K "lyi .oasaya *iyVis ρκ nys'o r ?» ιικ pywy* D>k oyn , n ps ρκ p ì p i y i bmip oyi p#n D#II pa DIP ûaçayi nyoyn u p ο#π ,η*κ ΪΊΒ 09yttya onyay yVis o^a pun -pyb n »ππκ ps Viy nyi lynyiw px B^paybB-npiBainxs Ή a^Vix Ο#Π ΎΙΒ^ΙΡ "ÌYTPH" n y i px UPT» PB RAN* N . y j y a ^ a y i

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οχ·»κ Π3ΐκ

ΡΚ Ί .ΡΧ oy ]yn *ΝΙ NYNY"O

yn^x l y p ^ ' n nyi — τ»ικ njjJ τ*« 'τ c^11 -ya l y ^ T » nyi ρκ ma nyiy»ax3H 8 nui f1?» Î'K 't .cnysiw lyniiK η^χ ΪΡΊ'π ix nyns^x ou-^a oiyn jix opn>n n .yoa'w .e^p^nyByw nynaix τ ι χ »py1? pop'rnyi'K χ |yj«T »Π3ΐκ ìya οι^τ »onyjyio yp^ox^x yT»x ,T»a .a ,tya oayiB, Ϊ··Κ O#TI — nyau «μπυ» PB Vi* "I^N

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Concerning the Ethnonational Role of Yiddish and Yiddish Culture

137

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Jewish

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143

-183 T'x p"?83 Tis ί·?ιχλ h i y 3 8 .73X13^ y i a y i 3 ü w i — "nii^ 1 ? m i r w x 1 ?»,, o y i B'a x p m 71213 . y i n l a x a 8 Tix î'x 08i . i x i s ^ ' i B i y u y y a b x ' x B i y n oy 08n o y i τ ΐ 8 bb8 τ τ 7181?? • y j oyey , i ^ B p 8 i x 3 l y ^ ' p ^ s l y m i x D i y : ' » i 8 3 T a 7iyi3in oysy ,71" χ e : 708 3 08ΐι ]3χτ 7y^ 7V3KH 713 ?0y Β083 "ΊΙ ?0y Baip Ί1 :B38 Γ ' ^ - Τ Τ TT B'a Bay ö ' j ·ΊΤ8 ββ8 7y2"T T a ....?oy τ τ B a y : 7iyn 7Β»ΐΒ2Π8Β i s Β ' : τ τ B ^ n oy . . . τ " ^ "1X3 T'8 oy Τ8 na'rü naiaxa τ χ i y a 8 -oyi x i a x ι .7W1? P H « 713 J 3 i i y r a i 8 3 i y i B'a 7121a ,7m?1? OXT 1BM38 713 Baip ΠΪΊ8Λ Ί T8 , Ρ ' Β 3 Ί B58T y ü ' i y i " B ^ Ί 71X l y a y j y^yiu'S'iXTB y3ya"8 Ί Byu?yj y B i y p i x B o s i 7ix .(7'nnoa) Β"ρϊ?'ρ·?83 TT 7T"?i83 i ' a τχ B3yiB i x s i y i . t i s i s B'a b s ' x -y.i"X 713 n'jixj π — n"?ixj h B i y n x"?'a3 ,7"·?8 ,iyB"ii 718 nyB"n r^x TX l^'pVus ϊρ'βο"* o y : .αηυη î i n o ' s n y i 71s nVs's Dyi 7 ^ ' n s m a " ^ ί t'x ί ι i y i 7yp . n ^ v : T'x 0 8 i . b v m 8 B'a i^Baya 8 ΊΤ8 b"t ,B'j„ ,ΊΤ8 b o s s oy ,iyB38ayA 8 7"T Va^au? 713 p m o ' i x 78 7"T T i s 7yp oy 718 .'"?a"a^ 8 -bia j : i a y " ? i y 3 ' x Ί B8 .7sisn 7'8 w i a y ^ i y a ' 8 l y s ' B 8 px "?3"a^ i y i 7ix i d d 1 ] i y i T'x 0 8 i p ' ^ ' n y r s , ^ 8 3 -wiyij·''? 7"T "?3"a^ i y i i y 3 x 7yp iyi i s 7 i y i i 8 3 m s 081 7yyT l ' a 71s .Bayais ,B38ay^ l y ^ j y a p s i •13yI? 711'Bpy^xp i y T i : i s τ»8 — bs8 - n o a ,T¿?'B8ayB0'0 l y n a i s B'a 7 i a i a i x 3 T'x oy τχ •71W1? l ^ ' p ^ s 7 P ' i r n i n i y n : i s i t ^ i x b 7p'i Β Ί PBiya 8 — 73''?iy5 T'x oy 08ii i s 8 7yp i y 718 .p'BiynViB Τ'τ pytrB i y i iyp ,pyiyB 8 i"p Βϋ'3 Β8Π i y 71X P383 7'X 71^83 18 ^ 8 3 7"T 113 7y^i"?i38n y"?8 Τ'τ τ ι χ l y j y p ί τ χ .Biyn a w . i " i yj"T .yr'T l y ^ i x i B y p n n 1 ? ! ' : ybx ,7^Bjya 8 t8B0py 7"Τ ,ΠΧ3'ϋ 71X BB8^12"13 7"T 7"T • l y a ' x y i y s ' B 78 , ^ 8 3 ì " t 7yp r ^ S ' i y i i B 7"τ 7ix -·?ΐ3 τ ι χ 7"T i y : y p "τ ìix i y i 7'x ly^Jisy·? -P183 o y i 713 B " p 3 " i i y i 78 TT B u y n oy . p ' B i y n ybx 7yui'?i38n ί 7is i " i ί 7yn . n a w i y i n s i s 7 i y n x 3 d i s 7yr'T O811 -opy^B ί 18J 7yj"T dis ...p283"na^ Dyi 7's ï y a r p y i 7« ϋ"?83 B38 yi'lT8 B8 183Λ38Α T 3 IS T1J1S " 3 7yi"T , 7 i y i 1 8 3 - i s .natyi l y m i x 7'x 7ya:ipyi 78 "opy^B,, yir^SB i ' a 7i'"?i83 1813^ iy^'p"?83 l y n n s B'a lyaxT yp'iino'3 .y'jy^'ssTX -yp'inawi yiyTi:ix τ ι χ

144

Sociohistorical Perspective

pp -ytmy^ya p'p 18ΒΒΊΧ ÜWM iyp DUT ny38 Ι38ιΠ üyass^as IS^'T' m» i"P /px·"! QV 1"? °8H t3'3 oy loisir η i$aB»ix OT ο'?7 ;~81BÌP ytsa-iy^yao"»!« •ϋ3 lasn "τν "?"n txsnyï τ·»« dut .ucixiyi 1 •rix Ή υ π lyaaiay^nya's π -i8s -Ρ? ? "iv"! I'« cyn κ nyi3'p iy"T D'n rrn t-ivobs? 08n puny n»3 isnsrc ή .mnyVyao'ix ττ inîjn "τ lis "lo^yn,, yay?Tt383 π na-w ny3yi"x nyi rx DyT rx t3'a T'x naw η .p^ys "iy"T lorn ny- "3 -pix an 's "?y rx it3"iis 0"a -in 1 ίχβ iix pun ιο·>η oyi nss lì?» ο » iT'iixanais l'i »yi^aayo 8 183 rx isn'n ΊΠ lis 1 3 3 3 1 ' Η iy» Τ 8 üoany oaxnDjíi nariVa .p'bg ττ t3'a üm lu: d"ii nyaij /¡rcuaya snynsx .naizu nyayvx nyï ps P^1? °8i an ö"ii isa px oy 1"P ,y3"?'Ti rv iya px 18' 8 Τίχ IP^ Vxi®' Π» 1"P ,ιχΊδ^ 1"? ça wmya nyn tatjn ΐ"?χ τ»τ nss .ü"p^">p'?83 U'a iyay338 Tt2*i$"T 1'τ l"?8T "Τ Tix sniya 8 íynya c"?8ayi τιχ τ·>χ oy t33'*3 nno'3 pn .iyi3i3y'ny3'X y3"T ηχε pnno'ix yt3iaynsy3B8 lynya yun8ii rx iix ya^'ii ?x ]ya"î P8n τη oîjrnxB díj .Tis r^S trs nxs irupngs T' x iu?ü3ya χ lis t3"pwa"n yp'B0"3 η iix ·ΐτ' Ii« nya'nw "?"»s ">ιτχ tjsnyj lyVüyúiz? yp^os rx -yt38a i"? ü'a :yir;'t30''?8,i8î3,"iyt3 i«p W3 naa1? i"?'bx ρ$π Ta Ii« -yoy^'ayi ΐ"Ρ an tix -nyaa'n y^,38an8 '"t ''X yp'üo"» π .Waa y"?yn l'.X 33ΠΙ?,3 B"»a 13311' Χ "3 t)3"n ¡??·ΠΒ35?Χ 1"? B'3 ü'a"n t3Dxa 'τ 1 1 8 / n w " ? o p " ?8S r't -iwtsaya nyi ps 0811 nyi3'p is p'Vaya rx oy — Vira .lyau^sn ö'ö .Ϊ3Ί8 08"i -i'a nyn rx nyns Β8 pnxaœ oçn ,n8aya a'a nyn 11 PK 0-1570 Iis nyiiitì η a s « rx "lansœ π -®3„ 18 asín «i»» ^ ο*? 1 ïppaenyi •ny? px iy3ny"? iyp wa3ya 8 ."rx^ny r ^ i nia aanybyao'ix p$n W "νη .min ypmyns i'x aay^yj rw uçn οχιι -aix 'ii .yVypa'n r'^P r'X 183 τΐ3ΐχ "a Tan od'i1? •>3i nx ,cxa'py iis Vii^n 8 îsmya t'K now , l , , ya8?8Ts lyn ->an nï;a lis "rn^n 8 tîxnyj π»®3 ντ ΰ$π xa'pv yas^xa'DB nyin3i8 τι« t'x 'its 1 1 nyiiu -iy"T τή oy ixn .tsa'Tax ? 8 nno'3 nynax is "y"3„ η lix ϋ"Π yiwy ? ^ ϋΧ nx ·οΐ3 •ip íyaaiay^nya'x ynynai8 y " ? 8 .iTt33yny is ττ -yp is lD^unxaaix t'X "niawan ns'X,, lis vi .nawa 8 ,t3"mys38a " ? x a i"8 t3'a , · ? 838· ? 3 nais "a iya -"78S nyp^nnn nyT lis η^η lyT 18 ìTiaya lya , ,οίχ D'x -iyü38 ?s 'T'^8 ayi8Q asi 's rx "a ^'lap •>i ì^bk a'ix ìyasiayVnya'x s t r y"?8 18isir? ytisny^yacix — ir'33yt3 -D 8 t3D3'T τχ is tsçn t3'3 .ηιο 8 îix a"n3ij; ix t3'a T'^a iys ττ V8T iy .1D81SW *nynw,! π τ'« τ'^8 Tí lyaypiyi Τ8 lya m8T t30'*aix τ'χ r ?8 ττ lyaypnyi 08i t38 rx -yasas'ix yoo ppy^ssttsp y p W Ä -31T83 i^oaya nyiy lis nims π ήχο t3'3 "?8a ΐ"? 'τ D»ip .m p'x lis ηιηΐ3 π nxs ü'3 -nyT -ayn8 isp^o·".» lis y38ns 8 183 T'X oy iix i lTiaya Q y n asVyn η iix "ππ lis 18ibe? yoa^Tya ττ ΰ·»Β ü 3 nya8 ynyi38 ο'» ΐτη iy3yp lis px /lyaaiayVnys'x π lis -iyp38iya 'i Iis liyn "'t3 .yayT'^nxs 18S npa χ nya io 8 T'X oy -T^x Tix nyn iix lyanxs px nyonyn rx Π"'?ρ38 Tt η .lopy^saup lix wp'iyii^ y^yas'sxay ynys •Tix iyaai3yVny3'x h nyT^ays t3s!?yn 'τ .nVa^i lis i^tsaya nyi pyii8 pmo'ix î'X t3"p»în8 rx îay^iso^x ττ v"?x üsit ny .r^x I1! .pmo'i« iipnynya 8 αη "»τ px lüayayVy yny'T

145

People and Language : Jewish Nationality and Yiddish Language

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148

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People and Language : Jewish

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152

Sociohistorical

Perspective

β*π 0yx8'X808""HB'np y - i m 71s ntzmp n y n 7-3 rftnai ρ·?π 12*? 7'x ,7B'aya ixnswo'ix η i^>'3x iva •lit?1? n y a χ B'a Ν laxe; l y a τ η ^ x - w a ism . . . ^a't? 7P , tî"xi83 lis n n f p B'a β$Π 08ιι y"?8 lis r'jxax nSHJSM 8 T'x iTSjt'rrns τ>τ ·?$τ iya Ba;janx3 oy o^ii 7oyaax-isw y"?8 p3 ,nyBiyn y a , " m a n i a n n a y „ -iy"r& "ΠΪΠΠ n n a y „ y a h bç 'ya nya Bjjn DIJII 7 T T x y r 7yayp "lyn® fya Byn ix nxa't? η nyix tpsnayn ts ya'"7 π 'χ :Βρτη . . . p a m e s w v B'a i'x 08n r1?8 ix iix u n « oçn îya :xaan 7"x B'a lija 7yayaiaxa Ï»I "?yn TX l o m a s BD^IJ πίνω aaionaxa y B a ' ^ a ,yB"?s o$-i -ayn yaxo l ' i x u n oy τ'χ î o ^ m x s ."ai1?^,, B'a fiTTi nyT 'xVx — ï Bay1?^ oy τ'χ ojjn "îxs 8b ,vr>¡n *?'3 ix Τ'χ oa'by a i t o — nyaa'X yp'a 7a$T - ·>'χ -yao'nx D17UJ 71X n y ^ ' a y ^ n " ? x n s n y a Bsiaya ΊΤΧ Byaa T'x w m a o TIN Bcnai^a Biy-iya 18J isnxa "8T«P8"T„ y w o i i Ο$Ί Ί Ι 7«w B'a oy BT;"?pnyT b " j p« .inyaoia ya'iTS . . . rise? nanx B'a 7ix ^kup» nanx a'"7 ρ-ιχΒΡ Ί ΐ χ B'a ojjn 7ya τχ r a x i i r s x ypxB r x Ba"a Bijn iya Ί Ι w j n a y n y^yax'x'-m-in yüVx DÎJT •y"?y yp'-romp ya"t B'a JIÏP1? y œ n " o ç i ,7Λ8Τ i s oa'ire nyB'a τ'χ oy . . . Ï Q'ayB 71X 7Baya

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Sociohistorical

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ΐ',τκ oan -tJDîj τ κ ^'s ί τ κ . . . " ¡ i K i s ^ p ^ s ypn'rx-isn ·,κ nyaK . B j ç t y a o ' n e B'a o j p isa îya ΒΚΠ l y n s .NYA'T AÍJT NY*T B T B O ' O P Y a n n o s a ,NYBNYN B'a Byn "aaiays^n,, η τ ι κ n y t " 1 ? ρκ l y i " 1 ? ρ κ ¿ S » p'p iyt^ya B'a oyn oy !.τπ' κ1? πτι , n y n D'ipfc ΡΛ τ ι κ p"?83 lis íonyasK îya Bnyn ÍK B'a ,iyBsaypyao'iK nyBai'^nyao'iK ,iyaya"K nyn -yonyasN π ρκ .nana nyBSKtyaaíj nt^np ρκ Bi"?a -lya'sya nyBysir - n y n s i^yn n'ayaa yBunai'ra ya ,yo'na B ' a nyp"?ys ypnyay*? "yo'na,, τ τ ia-τοΊκ τ τ îya Byn " τ i s ρκ pKnsw yB'nstriKS ΡΊΚΒΙ^ . p ' s ρ κ τ ι κ l y s "'τ oyn " t ^ -το'η ivj1? σ η " Byn nana i y i ρ κ τ ι κ ITO y /ITO •P's nKD ρκ t^'Kyiayn nxs η η π η lynyBKT -aïK p;a"iiKa "?κτ οκη ι π ' β τ nyn iya Baya ικη... iY\vm "iitr1?! naiK pb i m i n ip'Ba'n i y n W K iyT Í'K ,Η"Π iyaya"K nyi Í'K T'K o¡p ÍIK nyaya"K ÍK B'a .pyri^np oyaya"» ÍK B'a n a n a nya -yn τ ι κ oyiynKp í".K oy^yBii" yaya"K B ' a nya"Bt^ κ l i p τ'κ n a n a 8 — t y i a s 18 B'a B'a t^'Kyna ¡nana ! D ' w y t r n " ynynas y"?8 ρ κ ?B"?yn -iyi í'K ρκ τ ι κ ,yiyi38 τ ι κ "lyoKn oPKynayn B e a ΙΒΊΚΙ .aawT'O'iK p s oys8"is o y i Bs'ryn ny yiayns *8a DyT Ba8nB D8*n -aanaynssK p s ,aanyB"inyT p s .B'a T18 o s i I'J'SK τ'κ ρκ y'S8 L ? , A , D8 iya 1 •a8 y ?« p s w'Kynayn p s "ip'^a,, η i s " η ρκ ηκ ρκ l y n y a n K a y^s lis -lyaapasa ρκ lyaaiaayiBip ,iya Banyb t^'Kyiayn :"τι ρκ ι κ . l y n ^ y a - K i i n - K T n oya8a ,yaKt^T ρκ ριστ ,B"p ρκ la'p ,Β^Κ ρκ aar

People and

Language: Jewish

-3'x i s 7ix ,ΐϋΒΧτ ytf'p'jus 7$ n y o i y n yaypnto i y a ,nyanyn π ]ya Boy:nx3 .B'3 7ya B " : n y i ϊβ'^χπ .b»'3 u p i y a fix B''pBnaynayjs$ 7X ">X3 B3""73 ynayns η ρ κ Β " ρ » ' Τ ' 7ix » ' Τ ' r e BiaynsyjBx "íyn iix nxn iyp'S3"X n y i b3""?3 ι χ · ί β » - π 3 ι ^ .15?» T>t 7'X 73χΐΒ «τ "73'n τ ι κ mil» 1 ? y r ' 3 y - i y n n x na»3 op"?KQ -iyrt3ix 713 n n s i x yü"iy^a"S»yj3$ ή b¡« -|íp Ba'B»x3 "a . » n p n nui» 1 ? 7y3»r οχη y'rx 03SC-T ρ χ ρ-'^'Ή níjta ,oysy 71s Β"ρ'"?"π η ρχ .na»3 7"τ 7ix bo"J o p ^ s a y i TT 7'x ΒΐχηΒ ί ι ny3y"?p B'3 71s nyp'3"n b'3 » ' Τ ' 7i3 n » n p η o p ^ s 713 β ρ ' Τ ' ^ ο ί χ . » ' x y n s y n 7m n » n p η 7"p Β'3 . π » π ρ 7 ,, ρ 0*3 1ΧΊ3» 7 ,, ρ Β$Π Β0"> .y,?N3u,sx3-iy,?t3'?y'n p'p b'3 7ix y t y * π ' β ο ί χ ny3"ay:òx nyr ϊίχ -•τχπ 8 .η0Χρ·73Χ13» 7'V Ρ " " 3 $D'3 Τ'Χ oy—.1 m p n y i 71s BA'-ipyjsij: τ τ !5?» oijin tnsnsinuj·· 73 — 73x13» π Ü'3 :B3*pB i»"?x3 χ τ ι κ ìs?tw t'x - y i w i "jîja 7"p τ τ 73ijn nyooyn» yay^a" 1 ? "11s 713 mito ^ y a y a o r π ï r ç i a y ï τ τ i3$n oy . B j n p -nsxin β$π o$n ,na'3 n y i iyB3ix o y i iiyp 7$ l a ' i x •735fr 7 » ' τ » ρ χ τ τ ίχβ Bnx 7X lysax'nxB 7yai3ya pH p"?$3 p'X 7y3"T T a aus?.* 71s m n p y w i j τ τ nya$ 7B3'» ysy'roy y » 3 ' n BJjjaiXB oijn n o ^ p p'X b'b .71»"? Τ'τ B'B B 3 ' » lyay'iB'X 71s - ^ a i y n 3 i « 7'« r » p 8 ix PK pfrx »'xynsyn—.2 -yn h 7U 'n px pfrx » ' Τ ' .πβ Vy3» "iy»'p ü i y n oçn -τ" i y i .HB 1 ?!? nyruix 713 osujä y i y s oijii τ ' i y T .τ* x lya'T px » ' t » 7$ Γ'ττπ'ρ lis n y i , » ' Τ ' 7? »'xynsyn η'ΐχ Bynyrsnya ττ ôçn Dxy Dyi i s nyo" 1 ? χ 7$ ΠΒ INT IB'IS ÜSM nynn„ 7y3ny"? ü»ny lya man D'x ö'» -îdîix pbjjs .Τ>·>τϋονηΝ3 » ' Τ ' — » H " ny3"X — o j i y V y i 7axn "ïis—.3 o^a . l o y n x s 7axn y i " 3 .»•»xynsyn i y u " n s n y i 71» υ π i s ü"pü3$3 ^ ö a ' ^ a ,»·>τ·> 7'x i t s y n y ^ n y j .ö^iijÄ t3"p» , 'i" 713 ö3«^a 7ϋ·"τιχ Dyn " 3 .71« T i x 7"T ÜTTX3 ηΊΧΐ r u w s n y i y » · » ! " n—.4 TX 7'x no^ip l y p ' S i ^ x nyn3ix 71s ü"ps3X3 nyn • y i T'X ü ' a ,73ΧΊ3» s?t»3 yn'x t3'a t3"pl?xi>yü3''x ,ϋ'?χπ3'»χ 73y,?ü'?yn p »

Nationality and Yiddish Language

155

c a 7yaxns ΐ χ η 3 » τ ϋ · ? ι ρ π τ ι χ 73y3iyn ,7ay.s - ' J i p i n y B χ 7yiiyj 7diîj;t t»ix oy px .TüVip nyn îunijn τ ι χ ,myo χ l y i i j χαπ χ — ny'jys i y » -03X ij 1 l ì t i 713 PH30"198 ö » ' 3 Oy DÎJH .p'rSJB DIS Α31Χ·>ΧΧ3 y»''J30''3X30 Χ Ο^Ρ'Π - n y a x Dy-τ η·>ιχ 71?"!» y i r ' x y n a y n ^ ' n π -lysx "ΊΧ3 i y » n ' 3 3 χ "τ 7y3"î — ü3y3'ü3xp ny:xp •esç'sss χ -lija n y i y j ^ x i y s χ τ·>ι·?3 d->3 - l a y i a ûyn B'3 înytn nyi3 ,, p H .ÜXIXB Χ ,i3yn3nx3 ny"? ί ,p"7U3 7t¡"a ΰ'3 oaxT3,),,ayA 7"P π χ ί β » o p ^ s 7 a y i 3 73y"7 ys3X3 oíjt ,yiay-)3 — oxä η 7ix β«π — "71» H .5JB»'3 — i"? 71X •ayn3 χ p ' i x τ η ì'x líJ"' τ·»χ — π ίτβχ Î8 i s ^^'S ybX3îj;'SX3 ynyi3x β ό ,y»?i3^o x ,yn n y i 7'X oxn px .n b's ϋ"ρ»,'ρ'7ΐ •'is tm'D ! rsrr: rrw nn '•" 1'« 171 ·,·;·' 17="> Ï J " ï !'« .r-.;-i:* -1*J erst c? Ï J : · 1 ; .rïrn?-'* m

•yp Tr.-jrrx 9 — ;»n nni ;>jyn η»» _ : an* -7··» i ' · ν''7ΐ2 "3 — : m 1517"» rt*!! "'» — " Έ -7lin B"3 BÏHJJ τ * l^lfeM VD "]'t Β»Π 17'7^7J 1»" W 7 07 ï*n im líOfi Ι " " B711 17η t» η'οι^π -!7:·η im »»ini y dt»? unsip ε': Tt ;τρ τ * 17:* . w i e 17»n·« t r * 1737JC11Í ...! »Hm Ι'* η« ι·>ο 1797Τ •'j'H 11t ir=«: 071 Ì7:niairi .33U7n73'* .•>7E«t-i7· -r'r:

T h e characters of the Old Testament are not entirely pleased with Yehoyesh's modern literary translation into Yiddish. E.g. J o b (panel at far right) : ' I f I didn't have enough troubles during my lifetime Yehoyesh had to come along and translate my book into Yiddish.' (Der grosser kundes, J u n e io, 1 9 1 0 )

o r : — ¿Γ'1'? i v i η« uaytr ! ? κ·1 ptr1? ¡ m η« triai» nayns 8 ρκ ••oarpa ]Π3 -ι"τ lis /

pyn nyanyn l y s s

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Mottos for Part II (a) 'You will not permit upon your body a garment mingled of linen and woolen; will you permit a foreign garment on your tongue?!' (b) ' I t is true; there are Jews who think highly of Yiddish and at the same time they are betrayors of the God of Israel. However, one cannot deduce therefrom that Yiddish is unimportant for Jewishness, For there are also - and even more numerous "Hebraist" transgressors. Would one say that loshn koydesh has no importance for Jewishness therefore? Or even if Jewish scholars become non-believers, can one conclude therefrom that nothing is accomplished on behalfofjewishness by means of Torah study? No, what must be concluded from all of the foregoing is that there are dark forces that are so strong under certain circumstances that they overcome the shining influence of Yiddish, of loshn koydesh and even of Torah study. So one must wage war against these dark forces but never forgo Yiddish, nor loshn koydesh, much less Torah study. And precisely for this war Yiddish itself is a mighty weapon ; not only because the masses understand it, but even more, because it is saturated with Jewish soul. Furthermore, what a difference between their Yiddish and our Yiddish that is saturated with Jewish soul! Without Jewishness the very flavor of Yiddish is lost, just at the holiness of loshn koydesh evaporates...'. Both quotations from Beysyankev, 1931, 8, (a) p. 6 and (b) p. 2 (Nosn Birnboym)

A Defense of Yiddish in Old Yiddish Literature

ISRAEL ZINBERG

In the cultural evolution of no other people has the problem of language played so prominent a role as among the Jews. In the course of its long history, the Jewish people has several times changed its vernacular. And these changes were not solely the result of the Diaspora. As early as in the period of the Second Commonwealth the Jewish community in Palestine had undergone a transformation that had a mighty effect upon its national cultural life ; it had adopted a new language, and virtually relinquished the older one. Whereas in the days of Isaiah I (eighth century B.C.E.), Aramaic, the vernacular of western Asia, was - barring the small ruling and aristocratic class - almost unknown to the Jewish people, some four hundred years later it was the current idiom. The sages of the Mishna designated this Aramaic dialect, with its admixture of Greek and Latin elements, as the 'common tongue'. This language was the medium of instruction in the Jewish school; in it, the Torah was expounded to the people in the synagogue and at public gatherings. It became a great cultural factor arousing a national feeling in the people and strengthening the triad: God, Israel, and the Torah. The Aramaic dialect, the vernacular and literary language of the people, merged with the language of the Bible to become for generations almost inseparable. True, there were even then purists that inveighed against the corrupt language of the people, urging the use of either pure Hebrew, or Greek, or Latin. The Talmud formulates this linguistic quarrel thus : The Scriptures say, ' Thus shalt thou say to the house of Jacob' - in the language in which I, God, speak, that is, in Hebrew. The protagonists of Hebrew cautioned against praying in Aramaic, for the angels are not conversant with that tongue. The defenders of Aramaic countered that God himself highly esteemed the Aramaic language. They maintained that Hebrew was not the only chosen tongue, for at the giving of the decalogue God had spoken to the Israelites in the idiom current among them at that time, in Egyptian. However, it was a futile battle that the purists fought. Life was against them.

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Orthodoxy : Then and Now

The Aramaic dialect, the language of the Targum (Aramaic translations of the Bible), had attained almost the same eminence as the language of the Bible; both became sacred in the consciousness of the Jewish people. Together they continued to spin the golden thread of the national culture even in later days, when Aramaic, too, fell into disuse as a spoken tongue. The weekly lection of the Scriptures was in both languages, twice in Hebrew and once in Aramaic. Prayers were written in both languages; one of the most familiar, the Kaddish (the memorial prayer for the dead), was in Aramaic. Two works of prime importance, the Talmud and the %ohar, were practically all in Aramaic. Several hundred years after the redaction of the Talmud (sixth century C.E.), the vast majority of the Jewish people again adopted a new language. Under the influence of the newly arisen Islamic culture, the Jewish settlement in western Asia exchanged its Aramaic dialect for Arabic. But the new vernacular did not attain that place of honor in the national Jewish culture that its predecessor, Aramaic, had attained. It did not become a twin sister of the Hebrew language, but its proud rival. For generations the Arabic language remained for the largest part of the Jewish people the most important factor of general culture, but not of national creativeness. That creativeness continued in the old languages, Hebrew and Aramaic. In the tenth or eleventh century, the Franco-German Jewish settlement began to rise to prominence. Here, however, the cultural level of the surrounding population was much lower than that of Mohammedan Spain. Learning, such as it was, was limited to the monastery and the church school. The medium of instruction in these institutions was Latin, a language that, in the eyes of the Jewish people, was associated with their enemy and deadly persecutor, the Church, and held in abhorrence. The expression, therefore, of Jewish cultural life continued to be in Hebrew and Aramaic. But these languages were no longer intelligible to large segments of the population: the uneducated, the women; briefly, to practically all save the scholars. The vast majority of the people had adopted the vernacular of their surroundings, and their cultural needs had to be supplied in that language. Parts of the Bible, parts of the Passover service, and some prayers were read in the vernacular. This was also the language of instruction in the school. We know that in the fourteenth century there were current among the German Jews not only translations of prayers, but rhymed prayers in the vernacular in the manner of the Hebrew liturgy. Rabbi Jacob Möllen (Maharil, fourteenth-fifteenth century), who alluded to these, was strongly opposed to them. As earlier the question of Aramaic, so later the issue of the other vernaculars was seriously debated. Nachmanides (thirteenth century) was an uncompromising opponent of the vernacular. 'It is not permitted to publish the Holy Scripture in any dialect or language, but in Hebrew'. His contemporary, the pious Jonah Ghirondi, had a different point of view. If one has no Bible with an Aramaic translation, he says, one may

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substitute in his weekly lection the vernacular for the Aramaic. Another contemporary, J u d a h b. Benjamin, went even further, stating that 'our vernacular takes the place of the Targum (Aramaic) of former days'. The author of Shibole Haleket (Ears of Gleaning, thirteenth century) emphasizes that it is a mizva, a religious obligation, while the Scriptures are being read to have interpreters expound their contents for the benefit of those not conversant with Hebrew. The Sefer Hassidim (Book of the Pious) teaches: If there comes to you a man that does not understand Hebrew, but he is a pious and God-fearing man, or a woman, who surely understands no Hebrew, and wishes to pray with the proper devotion, then tell them to pray in the language they understand. For prayer is the expression of the heart, and if the heart knows not what the lips utter, what is the value of such a prayer? Therefore, it is better that every one pray in the language he understands.

This literature in the vernacular was primarily oral. The rhymed prayers, the translations of portions of the Bible, were improvised and transmitted orally from generation to generation. Occasionally, the interpreter would make notes for himself of translations of certain passages in the Bible ; the teachers would do it to a larger extent; and from time to time a wealthy patroness would order a written translation of the prayer book. Very little of this literature, however, has been preserved, particularly of secular content. The numerous folk tales, songs, lullabies, riddles, and children's games in their vernacular form have been completely lost. The end of the fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth centuries marked the development of the city in Western Europe and the rise of the burgher class. The aspirations and interests of this class found expression in a new literary form and, primarily, in a new medium. The folk book became the current literary form, and the medium was the vernacular. The famous humanist Ulrich von Hutten tells: ' In the beginning I wrote in Latin, but few people understood me. Now I turn to my people, the German people, in their own language and summon them to battle to avenge the ills inflicted upon them'. Simultaneously, the invention and the spread of the printing press made the book accessible to the large public. The great changes in the surrounding world inevitably found repercussions in the Jewish world. The oldest Yiddish book that has come down to us is the Mirkeves Hamishne, a concordance to the Bible, published in Cracow in 1534. There is no doubt, however, that at a considerably earlier date Yiddish books had made their appearance in Germany and northern Italy, which had at that time a considerable Ashkenazic colony. These books, popular folk books, were read to shreds, and not a single one has been preserved. We know that Elijah Levita wrote his Bovo Bukh in 1507, but the first edition, or possibly editions, has never reached us. Perhaps, Levita was not the only one who attempted to acquaint the Jewish reading public with the literature of the non-Jewish world. Stein-

164

Orthodoxy: Then and Now

Schneider, G ü d e m a n n , and other historians ofliterature maintain that practically all G e r m a n folk books current at that time were also reprinted in H e b r e w characters with but insignificant changes. N o r did Jewish publishers limit their output merely to adaptations of foreign subject matter. O n e of the oldest Y i d d i s h books that has come d o w n to us is the moralistic Seyfer Mides (1542). T y p i c a l of the publishers of the period was one Yosef bar Y o k o r . By his o w n admission, he was an uneducated and ignorant person. Earlier, it would not h a v e occurred to a m a n of that caliber to enter into competition with the scholars and to become an author. But the printing press had popularized the book a m o n g the wide masses, m a k i n g the idiom of these masses a literary language. F r o m their midst arose a m a n with a new cultural message, w h o consciously emphasized the vast gulf separating him from the scholars and legal casuists, of w h o m he was somewhat contemptuous. Y o s e f bar Y o k o r was the first to issue the prayer book in Yiddish (Ichenhausen 1544). In this edition he no longer confined himself to the mere role of publisher and printer, but assumed the calling of folk writer and c h a m p i o n o f Y i d d i s h . A n d , although he modestly states, ' I have not invented this translation, but chose one from a m o n g several, w h i c h seemed best to m e n ' , the entire work betrays the hand of an experienced editor, and there is little d o u b t that he himself translated some of the prayers, as is evidenced by the richness of their language. In his introduction to the prayer book, Y o s e f bar Y o k o r expresses his a m a z e m e n t at the multiplicity and unintelligibility of the prayers, and states categorically: Ί consider them but fools w h o insist upon p r a y i n g in H e b r e w , yet understand not a word o f t h a t language. I should like to know w h a t measure of devotion such prayer carries with i t ? ' He, therefore, determined to publish the prayer book and similar books in the vernacular. Concurrently with Yosef bar Y o k o r , Cornelio Adelkind began his publishing activities in Yiddish. Adelkind was a m a n of a considerable general education, for years in the employ of the famous V e n e t i a n Christian printer of H e b r e w books, Daniel Bomberg. In his later years, he began to feel an urge to enlighten the ' c o m m o n p e o p l e ' . In his introduction to the translation of the Psalms (rendered into Yiddish at his request by Elijah Levita) he declares: In my earlier years I have been instrumental in the publication of many valuable and costly volumes, as can be seen in the books published by Bomberg, in which my name is found on the title-page and the last page. N o w it occurs to me that I have done nothing for the pious w o m e n and those men that had no opportunity to acquire an education in their youth, but would nevertheless prefer to spend the Sabbath or the holidays in the perusal of edifying and pious works than in the reading of the yarns of Dietrich of Bern and the like. For the benefit of these people, w h o would gladly read the words of G o d , but find so little in the vernacular that is faithfully rendered, I have commissioned Elijah Levita to translate several books.. . .

In this declaration two elements are of significance. Adelkind decries the subject matter introduced from foreign sources, such as Dietrich of Bern and the

A Defense of Yiddish in Old Yiddish Literature

165

like, an opinion which is frequently voiced in the Jewish literature of the period. The scholars and rabbis were hardly satisfied with the courtly romances and fantastic tales, which became widespread with the invention of the printing press and the rise of the 'itinerant bookseller'. But they well knew that to banish the 'fascinating' book was practically an impossible task, hence they found it necessary to furnish the simple reader with works steeped in Jewish lore and tradition, and entertaining as well. The second point worth noting in the declaration is his appeal not only to the 'pious women' but also to the uneducated men. Some Jewish scholars in Germany, Güdemann, Perles, and Steinschneider, constantly speak of the older Yiddish literature as of writings designed for women exclusively. This however, is not so. I have collected some seventy title pages of older Yiddish books and only nine of them are addressed exclusively to the 'pious women and maidens', the others expressly state that they aim also at the 'men and young men'. Some are addressed to the 'dear brethren', 'every man, scholar or common man'. Nevertheless, it is undeniable that the Jewish woman was a very prominent factor in the rise and spread of Yiddish folk literature. Prior to the development of this literature, the Jewish woman was entirely barred from the national culture by linguistic barriers. With the fall of these barriers, that is, with the rise of a national culture in the vernacular, the woman was incorporated in the national cultural life. Thereby the horizons ofthat life were perceptibly widened, and the woman gained a new status. The well-known publisher and translator, Isaac b. Aaron Prostitz, in his preface to the Yiddish translation of the Book of Esther, which he published in Cracow in 1590, inveighs against the 'chattering fools, that think the world was created solely for them', and he particularly emphasizes : The woman is generally deemed of little worth. This represents a point of view that is contrary to the will of God, blessed be He, who does not suffer any of His creatures to be slighted.... When God came to give the Law to Israel he first addressed himself to the women and the children, as we find it in Scripture.

The same motive is also mentioned by Moses Henekhs Altshul, the author of the popular Brantshpigl ('Burning Mirror'), and a contemporary of Prostitz. In the first chapter of his work he states that the book is written in the vernacular, for the women and the men that are like women, possessing little knowledge.... ' S o that on the Sabbath they may read and understand it. For our books are in Hebrew, and their subject matter is drawn from the Talmud, both of which, content and form, make comprehension difficult'. He also dwells upon the role of the woman in Jewish life and, referring to the passage cited by Prostitz, concludes that she constitutes the flower of the people. God had first addressed himself to the woman, and then to the man. The Rabbis asked: 'Why had the woman merited to hear God's word first?' and the answer was given: 'Because from

166

Orthodoxy: Then and Now

their earliest days they instruct the children in the w a y s of G o d , taking them to school and inspiring them to study the L a w . '

Whereas the publishers of Yiddish books with secular content aimed merely, as Prostitz stated, 'at entertainment', men like Moses Altshul set for themselves a much higher goal. They wanted to educate, to edify, to spread the fundamentals of the Jewish religion and ethics among the widest strata of the people. Typical in this respect is J a c o b b. Isaac of J a n o w , the author of the Ts'eno Ufeno, the so-called Woman's Bible. The title-page of his translation, or rather paraphrase, of the Prophets and Hagiographa reads : ' . . . Hence we have translated the entire Prophets and Sacred Writings so that no man be in need of an exponent to expound to him these works. . . and named the book Seyfer Hamagid (The Exponent) '. The author repeats the same thought in his Meylits Tosher: 'People listen to discourses in the synagogue and fail to understand them; they are delivered too rapidly for the ordinary person to follow. A book, however, everyone can read at his own pace'. Isaac b. Eliakim of Posen, the author of the very popular didactic work Lev Τον (seventeenth century), expresses openly his dissatisfaction with the books in the vernacular that 'do not treat of the Law or the precepts'. These he brands as 'scoffers' tales' in contrast to the pious writings. Ά poor man that cannot afford to pay for the services of a teacher should read the Pentateuch, or the Psalms, or other pious works in the vernacular'. He himself wrote such a book, which he recommended as embodying all of Judaism. He, too, disapproved of prayer in an unintelligible language : ' . . . Therefore, it is necessary that everyone understand the prayer he utters.. . . He who does not understand Hebrew should pray in a language that he understands. Better a few prayers with the proper devotion than many unintelligible prayers'. Rabbi Yekhiel Mekhl Epstein, mystic and author of the seventeenth century, expatiates on this point. In Chapter X X X I of his Derekh Hayoshor Leoylam Habo (The Direct Road to Life Eternal) he reiterates the view that it is preferable to pray in a language that one understands. He continues: T h e r e are m a n y w o m e n who, upon being told that it is better that they pray in the vernacular, reply : ' W e have been informed that the angels understand only the sacred tongue. ' T h e y are in error. F o r the prayer that comes from the depth of the heart and from a contrite spirit is most acceptable to G o d w h o probes all h e a r t s . . . as w e find in m a n y books that a word that one understands is more effective than a hundred words not understood... .Therefore, m y friends, consider

that our ancestors have

rendered

all our prayers,

Psalms,

penitential

prayers, and other supplications into the vernacular. W e r e the angels not conversant with the vernacular, would our ancestors have wasted their efforts in a futile enterprise?

Just as in respect of divine worship the vernacular is elevated to a new status, so with regard to study, too, it comes to occupy a new position. Khayim b. Nathan, of Prague, the author of Esrim Vearba in the vernacular (1674), states: 'There is no difference whether a man studies it [Holy Writ] in Hebrew or in

A Defense of Yiddish in Old Yiddish Literature

167

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Çjwnwn •ipo^vp yp"iKiiu ! rrooçD oDip fys vum arcnyroo ¿ f f l K ΠΧ» TOV pr !Q1 BVTO » > / / n® r « iswrorir» n o w / 7* ΛΎΙΓΚυΐΠΚ.5. ' / Y (5 nynypotp) τ ^ Ρ y ^ a x p r x " n a i w n n ' a nnaœ» o.i.x Diynya u$n n y a ^ i p n y ^ K maio l y i a n "nn "py-io ιικ "îyoen Water Drawing F e s t i v a l in the Butchers' Synagogue (Butcher Street no. 5) The teacher Eliezer Goldberg, spoke on the topic: "Wine, Water and T e a r s " , Choi Hamoed Sukkot j (5 O'axpn τ η ) craxpn b v t ^ p a najcnwi xra nnnt? ' r o y a n ,d"»b ,r»„ :xuma oto n a - f r o "ny^K m í a n TopÁet'THo u Mo.inTBen»ioM aoMe PC3HHK0H (Htkobuh y.i. δ) > miTe.ib ).ine3ep Tovibnóepr προΜβ.ι iiekuiiio hu TCMy: » Uhho, bou a h Cjie3bi" .. \o.i r a v i o e j C>kot" 1942 l / X

In the Nazi-instituted ghetto (1942) : the lull before the storm - the traditional water festival. A speaker, a cantor, and a reminder to come to services.

168

Orthodoxy : Then and Now

the v e r n a c u l a r . . . it is only a question of comprehension '. A n d several generations later, the author of Emunas Yisroel (eighteenth century) declares that all the schoolboy can acquire from a teacher, he can just as well read in books in Yiddish, 'for n o w a d a y s we have the whole L a w and the precepts in Y i d d i s h ' . These attainments of the vernacular could hardly please the teachers, the preachers, the exponents of the L a w to the c o m m o n people, and the rabbis all of w h o m were thus to a certain extent m a d e superfluous. T h e i r opposition to rendering in the spoken idiom such books as the Shulhan Aruk (Code of Laws) is thus understandable. Moses Frankfurt, associate R a b b i in A m s t e r d a m , published in 1722 an edition of the Menorat Hamaor (a moralistic work of the fifteenth century) with a Yiddish translation, in the introduction of which he takes exception to those scholars that are of the opinion ' that it is undesirable to translate books in the vernacular that make accessible the contents of the Gemara and the Midrash to e v e r y o n e ' . O n the contrary, the A m s t e r d a m R a b b i maintains, 'it is a mizva, a religious obligation, to publish such books in all languages'. A n d he continues: More than that, earlier, all the books most difficult of comprehension had rarely been written in Hebrew, but in the language of the common people. Thus the Jerusalem Talmud was written in the language spoken in Palestine, at that time [Aramaic], not in Hebrew. Also, very large parts of the Babylonian Talmud are not in Hebrew. Similarly, the Targum, the Aramaic translation of the Scriptures of Jonathan b. Uziel and the version known as the Jerusalem translation, which contains many of the mysteries of the Law, was written in the language of the common man, and the Zohar, a most sacred book, was not in Hebrew, but in the vernacular current in Babylonia.

T h e above advocates of Yiddish, with the exception of Y o s e f bar Y o k o r , came from the ranks of the scholars. T h e y were intellectuals with a keen grasp of the cultural needs of the c o m m o n man. O f an entirely different caliber was A a r o n b. Samuel of Hergershausen, a small town in southern G e r m a n y . O r p h a n e d in his early childhood, he grew up in poverty and neglect a m o n g strangers. In his distress, he tells us, he sought solace in the sacred books, but his knowledge of H e b r e w was inadequate for that purpose. T r u e comfort he found only in the 'pleasant books' in Yiddish, in the folk literature. H a v i n g found this source of delight, he wanted others to benefit from his discovery. H e desired to point out to men and w o m e n the w a y to the source of living waters, which he had found in the Yiddish books. He, therefore, wrote a unique book, Liblikhe tfile oderkreftige artsnay far guf un neshome (Pleasant Prayer or Powerful Physic for Body and Soul, Fürth, 1709). In his introduction the author declares that he anticipates the ridicule of the proud scholar for his simple words, but is not disheartened. In defense, he cites Ecclesiasticus to the effect that a little scholarship combined with the fear of G o d is better than great wisdom mingled with hyprocrisy. H e ends with the hope that all kind and sincere people will recognize the merit of his work.

A Defense of Yiddish in Old Yiddish Literature

169

T h e author hardly exaggerated w h e n he declared on the title page that his work never had an equal in Yiddish literature. For the author, the c o m m o n m a n , as he styles himself, had the courage, in his introduction, to challenge the entire system of education a m o n g the Jews at that time. H e emphasized the fact that he wrote his introduction in Yiddish so that even the c o m m o n m a n could see and appreciate the currently chaotic state of Jewish education. T h e crux of the difficulty, in his opinion, lay in the exaggerated emphasis upon language at the expense of content. It is customary with us that in earlier youth the child begins his training in H e b r e w , which he completely fails to g r a s p . . . . Consequently, no true fear of G o d can be implanted in his heart, for in his early years he does not comprehend the teachings, and in later life, when he reads the translation, his heart is hardened and he profits from it less than from the Hebrew. T h u s the root of all evil is the improper training of our children.

T o remedy this state of affairs, the author compiled a collection of prayers and some Psalms in Yiddish, which . . . would penetrate the hearts of men and lead them to mend their ways and to no longer do w r o n g . . . and thus bring about peace.. . . Furthermore the children will also learn to speak correctly and to write without mistake.

In reality, his Siddur was not a translation of the standard version, but a practically new book. W i t h the exception of a few traditional selections and some Psalms, the author filled his work with prayers composed by him, designed to meet the w o r k a d a y requirements of the c o m m o n m a n : ' P r a y e r s for children', ' a prayer of devotion for a m a n w h o is not a scholar', ' a beautiful prayer for a servant or m a i d ' , ' a prayer for husband and wife for domestic felicity'. T h e book was printed not in the special ' w o m e n ' s script' type, in which all Yiddish books used to appear at that time, but in H e b r e w characters, like the standard prayer books in H e b r e w . A a r o n b. Samuel thought that his book would bring about peace, but he was mistaken. T h e rabbis saw in his enterprise, and particularly in his introduction, nothing but heresy and a n a r c h y ; immediately upon its publication, the work was banned. A p p a r e n t l y the ban was effective, for the book was completely forgotten. O v e r a century later, in 1830, a few hundred copies of the banned work were found in the attic of the synagogue in his native town. T h e rabbis did not find it difficult to vanquish an advocate for Yiddish like the ' h e r e t i c a l ' A a r o n b. Samuel. H o w e v e r , a fresh defense of Yiddish c a m e from entirely new - and from the point of view of orthodoxy, unimpeachable quarters. In the second half of the seventeenth century, under the impact of the T h i r t y Y e a r s ' W a r in G e r m a n y and Central Europe and the massacres of 1648 in the U k r a i n e , the mystic-ascetic teachings of R . Isaac L u r i a gained ascendancy in Jewish life. T h e adepts of the mystic lore aimed to initiate large numbers of people into the mysteries, to disseminate these teachings a m o n g all strata of the population. T h e £ohar, the Bible of the mystics, was rendered into Y i d d i s h

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Orthodoxy : Then and Now

( 1 7 1 1 ), for, in the words of the introduction : ' Salvation cannot take place, unless everyone studies the Zohar according to his ability and understanding'. The translator deemed it necessary to stress that the scholars, too, need not hesitate to study the Zphar in Yiddish, 'for the original itself is not in Hebrew, but in the vernacular of the lands of its origin'. Other students of mysticism concur in this matter. The author of Abir Yakov (published in 1700) states in the introduction to his book: 'Even the scholars will find great delight in this book... . Many mysteries will be revealed to you. . .'. But the mystics went a step further. In the vernacular they waged war on the scholars that were proud of their attainment in Talmudic lore. The author of Tikune Hamoadim (eighteenth century) goes so far as to declare that ...not

all depends

upon

the Gemara,

or

the law,

or

the

Tosafot

(Supplement

to

the

T a l m u d ) . . . . S o m e think that the knowledge of a page or two of the T a l m u d constitutes scholarship, but, m y dear friends, know that he w h o possesses a knowledge of all the Gemara and the Tosafot without a knowledge of the mystic teachings is but as a child that begins his schooling.

While this aspect of the controversy, dealing more properly with the antinomianism of the mystics, would take us too far afield, it is evident that the use of Yiddish had by then become firmly established and found its champions even in the ranks of the aristocracy of learning.

Orthodoxy : Then and Now

nymap 1801 1856

rm?ν

171

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,smeli ,®UÏ?8a8î

(WB) 'iïypnya

(sas8B) -oas"? o s i ( s o y s ) - s p n s a g 71s -payo itfrosngB8P ti*

( s o y s ) .nrapyr ns"T -P'^KW W P S 1 Ï T DS:IB τ 1 ? DiST ( a a i W i y r ) «Vtaba ί π

(Τ1?)

(raenpasnns n ^ n - r a ' a a ) 1 8 1 9 W ^ ì ·2>Τ8")83Τ 1883 ,"P"lSÜ ^8B8a'BJ8D03»P nseart - DP^B 1S3 3Ί 'an «1g0»*>B B8TPJS3

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IST tyi 1ST Ί5Π

(T3JB3H _ Dp?iJD)

4

(T'HK) P H

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ly^anjn

nrya

η Otaipnxîi psp 1839 , Μ ' β ν ί Κ .ys'ani 1 9 1 5 .sa'gTpix ,0S18 (.¡risi) ,^>aa" s î t ' ^ i b oîjt P'Unjft B'l ΒΊΒ B ' i C w r t y . p i s e n e » nsr«a (ÎS^P'bts) JMISWB o s i φtSJJKS , · ) ρ * η $ Π

»

a

œ

( w n s p " ® Txetnna) 1849 ,7aeVon"0"n .vtmeya 1905 ,7SB8BU? .Ί8Β .p-|8,"T,a (18B8.D .Ρ^ΦΠ8Β8Ρ -Ι5Π -ansas 1 ? B»a -DIB B'a (7XB8-I) Αη'Π r s aai-iB® 8 (SOS'B) ,7Soa8"«''aS Η φ .lyywsnyi

,ΒΒ^ΚΟ^Ι

antsHDK-n

i. Shloyme Etinger, 1801-1856; Poet, writer of fables; 2. Avrom-ber Gotlober, 1 8 1 1 - 1 8 9 9 ; Poet, writer of short stories and plays; 3. Velvl Zbarzher, 1 8 1 9 - 1 8 8 3 ; Poet, 4. Ayzik-meyer Dik, 1807-1893; Writer of short stories ; 3. Yitskhok-yoyel Linyetski, 1 8 3 9 - 1 9 1 5 ; Writer of short stories, poet ; 6. Shomer, 1849-1905 ; Novelist, writer of short stories and plays.

172

Orthodoxy: Then and Now

pnv

Dp«ü

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O V W » i&VT) 1898 Λ'ΤΊΒ Γ1183080 - B y n BSS8P /B38nasi»18 1937 ,7:8ai8SIB8"l -78,D8I? .JJPTIBW j r p n B B J g ? j f r j r w 718 78»«n T j r a r r ^ e 1>H 713 SüB'lPSl (¡f?3CT 713 S O• W S ï ) ΛΤΙ'ΒΪ

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D"n

T I

1864 , τ η ο ο ΐ »FH 1937 / r u f t i n P K S J S o e n φ 71Β ΒΊΠ' Ί5Π ¡?783 0Ü8J 7'ÖSÖ 8 r w j w BTtp'BK 78 71B i n irr BB^BJ? a r p ^ K B .?$n j » l y p ^ y - i K y B

ηϋρ·>ηκΒΒ>π - n e m y e ^ " BBWipp

W l ^ W i

1Π3

Ύ Ί

1865 , η ' ν Λ ο τ ν σ " ΐ ι .'Dirm 1943 -ÏD8BWφ.Ί83 - P U P T i 18ΊΒΪΤ 71K ¡?^$B Ί83 η»8Ρ m m nx r » S^JS'SSJ ρ * crasso 3Π8Ί3 yesoe^B η φ B W T · » lie nypitsyiKj?»

1872 /TJ**orrO«Îl 1942 ,Î"?'IB .ysnen üsx-nsnaix • rnnn« lia n'a - η 1 ™ nsn BBBSftlî? ΤΙΚ OBU TIE DS/38-IB unitftttna τοπ: " ι γπ'ΒΠ

1 8 8 1 ,JW»»vm 1 9 1 7 ,Μ'βΊΡΙΚ φ

-HSV

- » ' s s a η « loynsorx-Toe 1 ?? S i ì n E y^s:

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ttBW*>B{f BTipTKB . ? $ η γιο n y p i B j j n y j ? » y v

- Ί Κ Ί Β » ]ΐκ niöKiyts^? nytsnxB B W S , ?JJ1B ]1B nj?piBÎ?-|KÎ?B y

i. Maks Erik, 1898^1937; Literary historian, essayist; 2. Yudl Mark, 1897-1975; Language researcher, lexicographer; 3. Nosn Birnboym, 1864-1937; Essayist, theoretician of religious folkizm; 4. Khayim Zhitlovski, 1865-1943; Essayist, philosopher, theoretician of Yiddishism; 5. Hilel Tsaytlin, 1872-1942; Essayist, theoretician of religious folkizm.·, 6. Ber Borokhov, 1 8 8 1 - 1 9 1 7 ; Literary historian, language researcher, theoretician of labor zionism.

t ^ T

n «

t

^

i j t p w

SUMMARY: JEWISHNESS

AND YIDDISH

BY

SORE

W

T

mttf

SHENIRER

The pre-World War II founder of orthodox schools for girls (1883-1935) Yiddish is the language of traditional (Eastern European) Yiddishkayt ( = and that to give it up would be dislocating and impoverishing.

argues that Jewishness)

n y s ^ a g a i s 1 pa ηιο?πη η ρ " 1 ? τ κ . τ η -ige o r ? "apjp-n»a„ 62 i » e n " ^ H ?»»p OÇT ,-|y?eyp ynynag »anfange pp'Tis ρ px nao 'o ρ · ysaga π ρΜκ S i v a 1KB Τ τ ,miar π p-nra»*·'? ρκ . " m i » ρκ Β ^ Π « gt'pgnv' p m ,igy?nx pe nyoiyvi »pnniartfnn η -yn τ * p s i y a w p l y s ^ a g B y?g te irr «yin yo?ngnga y"Jg pa ιοαοοηκ^β» π "ipn im ,per5 ar-p» px .nrçnn i m τ ι π Ï ' T ' IH: p y i nvian tro m o t s insrn η'ΐκ ]"?χτ oaogay?yi i p y ? px o v e ' a a i n g rinça ηο?πη »ρ·>τκι η nsax pD Bxn ' s |a»aeç nnan s ? « ...y?g ypgo τ τ ]?χτ ? pixira p a g o t e · nari? s v v pj?t ρχ »s oaiarn « ? S T g is "Jaioo jooya DIS ηχι payT jyo _ n-peo »p'oa»?n η .parrn j n .vean * 1K3 u v a r a j g t f h x fM"> ]ie naiia η ig ,pagB«ngB oxn rnan sip τι , ρ ο - a ,ριχη τ* ,p3go«ngB oxn i s "ixa ,βρΉ» -lypii px ,Βτη" r i ? a ]iy-i is ,α»«ππ i m n ' a n s i '1tg piar po c s n ^ a m " p i n is nxa trenn i m · ρ η BSii sa aMx .pwi m s i a g payp oara -ixa p i r usn ya τβ , p y n oj>1xirais r a man?nn nys^a-aga D'aia n?iss ya"?p κ nxa yt τ κ ! p*D»*n ν P i r o ι » ι κ ...pay oyT nian^nn o g i jeígn is "wax iï*»t px man?nn pu poip τ& ,i , iE , , a B?g p^o ,*·> •τι aag? Mr» ,33g? jay? ysaga οκτ ,aag? p x ' ,33g? ,anaa pry·· is ,ηναη -iyrï' ra B'vd exn ox - »can p_n px jsi3o»ix ,psi T ρ_>τ ΒΊ? nx3 ,nia naix e u n'apri .pnayo* 1x3 nam "K^eg y?e ι * K3lr gTg p i τ * T * T Q P 3 »P oxn τ 1 « P ^ ΐο , , ιι i g m y i ,i?ga i y a x ...?gt ρκ oasia 5^11 ,man?nn ρ»3"νηο'ΐκ ]·»» g o'By τ 1 « οκτ ...jBayooH oy ö i s i i ,BBI? ì y i τ ι κ i s a uaip yn

174

Orthodoxy : Then and Now

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Invitation to attend the 50th anniversary of the newly renovated Printers Synagogue (Vilna 1928).

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Jewishness

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and Yiddish

175

,ΒΙΚΤ 'NNA^N RAIN, IR»

Π I S I ? B IST Ο-Η » a r i »

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BCSTD IRI Γ1 , 31Ϊ , Π EXI NA Ι ΐ "

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176

Orthodoxy : Then and Now

"•11

Η ps yBtTJXiTlX yp-OX^XTS S ^ a ^ ? » 'Ί BagBlP ΓΡΕΤΟ .paaiSYHPJ ρκ 0"ρΒτ»τ>\, -¡is pji ρκ pa^aea "^üSBaMO'vi CKT Dvu c e s a v a na?» B^piTf'erngD όχι jI^B -jix^a -ρτ Bxn ajuv-iea'nua ρκ 3pi"»""n>3 ρκ B-isa ,η':*^ px ;ai;yv,8a ί ϊ π ι ι κ ,a"?0'iK -lynairas f r i u r a -ΐ5ΐΐτ> px ,Dsas »a^o'ix ρκ p¡p? όχι -»ya'« ny-tys h -¡m B'a Baxra p1w 3xn~3 >n .a^O'ix p'K μ χ η -pix na g p_M ans cip -pix ?χτ ,-|y?B"na"x |3?np -pix v a ]?χτ , ρ β η ps • p i n nupy? nnx míate o?is w n .paeva p y ^ n a r x nynaix pe pmcix ...alV 33?3 ]iu v x Bios mvB?n 3ps'"n>3 px ' τ α ,niaa , 6 r s i s ï ya?a y?8 - u^ö ν κ w i ,]ü"i»n "^sa px ' i c o ¿"iraas? ,ya-iXB ,τρ^οηιρ ,yanisn ,βήκ? ,ypx~p BOSO "Ρ?Κ

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S U M M A R Y : T H E R I G H T S OF Y I D D I S H BY YITSKHOK

IN S U I T S IN R A B B I N I C

COURTS

RIVKIND

A well-known historian (i8g$-ig68) cites rabbinic commentaries from the early sixteenth century declaring Yiddish to be the obligatory language of testimony in intra-communal litigation as long as both parties to a suit admit to knowing Yiddish and at least one party requests its use. QipCE Π ρ ε yi-NJìD' IN. .30 "î^'m

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1 113 ,ΕΜ-ρ ι„ p i j p K ιρ·;;^ i o

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(28S—2S5 , " i u

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ή

178

Orthodoxy:

Then and Now

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A world-renowned cantor will conduct services Saturday morning in the Large Synagogue. Tickets can be bought until Friday afternoon before candle-lighting time.

The Rights of Yiddish in Suits in Rabbinic Courts

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An outstanding linguist (I8QI-) argues that not only is traditional Jewishness quintessentially linked to Yiddish but that without it Yiddish is debased to unjewish and even anti-Jewish uses and structures.

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Redemption of Language

183

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Redemption of Language

185

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186

Orthodoxy: Then and Now

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Redemption of Language

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Redemption of Language

189

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Redemption of Language

191

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195

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Orthodoxy: Then and Now

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T h e usage of Yiddish became more meaningful as the involvement in religiosity was increased. Chart I shows the relationship between the attitudinal expressions toward Yiddish and the categories of Yiddish users.

Chart I.

Attitudinal expressions toward Yiddish as related to its users

Attitudinal Expressions T o w a r d Yiddish I.

Antagonistic toward Yiddish

2. Yiddish considered as yidish-daytsh

Categories of the Yiddish Users Enlightened, Neologs, and assimilationists Modern-Orthodox who lived near the Austrian border

3- Yiddish utilized only for translating the Scriptures or the T a l m u d 4· Yiddish considered part of traditional Judaism in synagogues

Orthodox with formal religious education

5- Yiddish spoken on Sabbath and holidays 6. Yiddish spoken in connection with religious affairs

Ultra-Orthodox with formal religious education and intensive religious observance

7· Yiddish spoken exclusively 8. Yiddish used to an extreme degree; antagonistic toward Hungarian

Hassidim

T H E R O L E OF L A N G U A G E A M O N G T H E U L T R A - O R T H O D O X H A S S I D I C J E W S IN H U N G A R Y A N D IN T H E U N I T E D

AND

STATES

Yiddish and Hungarian In the United States Yiddish has broader acceptance. It is spoken by more Jews and by more types of Jews than anywhere else in the world. T h e Yiddish language in the United States, in contrast to Hungary, is not confined to religious Jews only. Here Yiddish has gained secular status (Fishman n.d.). Its speakers are not doomed to remain physically isolated or socially segregated among a relatively small group because Yiddish is not a language barrier. One has ample opportunities to communicate with other Jews outside of one's immediate social group. Furthermore, because Yiddish is so widely spoken among Jews in America, many ultrareligious do not find it necessary to learn English. For them Yiddish is not a bridge to English. For them Yiddish is a sufficient language for communication. With Yiddish one can be quite mobile in many and diverse social activities. Thus the role of Yiddish has changed from a language of isolation, as it was in Hungary, to a language of broader horizons. In the United States Hungarian has a different role for the Hungarian Jew.

The Role of Yiddish in American Ultra-Orthodox and Hassidic Communities

205

Here it is no threat to the ultrareligious Hungarian Jews because there is no social intercourse between them and other Hungarians. Even those ultrareligious Jews who speak Hungarian consider the language too 'unimportant and harmless' to pay any serious attention to it. Many Hassidic women speak Hungarian almost exclusively amongst themselves because they do not know Yiddish or speak it very poorly. Some who know Yiddish still prefer to speak Hungarian because it reminds them of the olden days and it expresses strong primary—group relationships. It brings back memories and has sentimental associations. Hungarian speech denotes a common background, a common interest, and a common understanding of things. Hungarian is used much more frequently among women than among men, and it is a convenient vehicle for gossip. Gossiping in Yiddish would sound too serious and might be considered a transgression of the prohibition against talebearing. Gossip, when spoken in Hungarian, assumes a casualness which lessens the degree of sin of gossiping. Because it is not spoken by 'serious' people at all, and because the Scriptures are not translated into that language, it has no religious significance and is considered only as a casual and incidental language. Yiddish and Hebrew Hebrew was not spoken in Hungary. It was used exclusively for religious purposes. Hebrew was considered loshon kodesh — the sacred tongue; it was deeply revered and was considered the language 'in which God spoke to the children of Israel and gave them the Torah'. It was used for the most serious aspects of life; for example, in issuing additional religious decrees or warnings about observance of religious laws and customs. Hebrew was not employed in conversation; the ultrareligious Jews associated modern conversational Hebrew with Zionism, which was vehemently opposed by most of the ultra-Orthodox leaders. The establishment of a modern political state was considered contrary to Messianic hopes. The ultra-Orthodox religious Jews believed that the Land of Israel would be redeemed through the coming of the Messiah and the establishment of a state would be realized by God's miraculous performances. Zionism advocated the propagation of Hebrew. The Hebrew that the ultra-Orthodox used for prayer, study, scholarship, and correspondence consisted of both Aramaic or Talmudical Hebrew and classical Biblical Hebrew. 2 Modern Hebrew, with its expansion of vocabulary, its introduction of modern terms, and its appropriate usage of grammar was completely ignored. As a matter of fact, Hebrew as such was not taught in the Hassidic rabbinical schools. Some Hassidic leaders carried this attitude to the extreme. For example, those 2. J u s t as the Yiddish of learned men was heavily interspersed with Hebrew phraseology so their Hebrew writings showed the influence of Yiddish.

M a n y Hebrew terms and forms were coined by Yiddish speakers and were subsequently incorporated into Hebrew.

2o6

Orthodoxy: Then and Now

passages in which Rashi, the most popular exegete of the Scriptures and the T a l m u d , elaborated on the grammatical form of a word or a phrase were generally skipped. T h e Hassidic leaders held that one must not study H e b r e w g r a m m a r ; its knowledge was associated with apikorses - skepticism or heresy. Since modern Hebrew, on the one h a n d , was associated with secularism and, therefore, taboo and classical Hebrew, on the other h a n d , was associated with religious study and prayer and, therefore, too holy for daily use, Yiddish became the most important vehicle of communication among ultra-Orthodox Jews. Such was the role of Yiddish in H u n g a r y a n d such it continues to be a m o n g the H u n garian ultra-Orthodox who came to the United States after World W a r I I . A change in attitude toward H e b r e w was expected among the ultra-Orthodox in America and elsewhere after the establishment of the State of Israel. Contrary to this expectation, Hassidic Jews not only continued their anti-Zionist agitation, but expanded and intensified it. T h e Hassidim feel that the establishment of the State of Israel represents a great threat to their ultra-Orthodox beliefs. T h e State of Israel, as a national state, has policies and laws which are not based upon the Shulhan Arukh. T h e leadership of the new Jewish state and the majority of its inhabitants are not religiously observant - certainly not in an ultra-Orthodox sense. T h e educational system a n d the social institutions of Israel are based on secular conceptions and not on religious principles. All this presents a tremendous problem to the ultra-Orthodox, who still consider religious laws the m a j o r bonds and guiding principles of all Jews. Inasmuch as modern H e b r e w is the official language of Israel and is identified with all of the foregoing undesirable developments, Hassidim have been aroused to greater efforts to prevent modern H e b r e w from gaining acceptance a m o n g ultrareligious Jews. As a result, modern H e b r e w is not taught in the Hassidic schools in the United States. It should be pointed out, however, that on this issue there are differences of opinion between the Hassidic and other ultra-Orthodox Jews. Whereas the Hassidim object to modern Hebrew, m a n y ultra-Orthodox Jews consider it basic and not necessarily associated with heresy and irreligion.

Yiddish as a written language Despite the fact that Yiddish became the m a j o r vehicle of communication for ultra-Orthodox Jews in H u n g a r y , Yiddish did not expand into areas other than those of primary communication. Yiddish writing and the cultivation of Yiddish literature were not encouraged, primarily because belles-lettres in any language were frowned upon as a nonreligious triviality. Written Yiddish was considered the ' language of the layman ', the ' language of women ', or the ' language of those who could not read H e b r e w ' . It was tolerated because it gave those who could not read H e b r e w a taste of religious thoughts and laws. Yiddish literature on musar - moral edification - as well as Yiddish literature on the Scriptures were

The Role of Yiddish in American Ultra-Orthodox and Hassidic Communities

207

intended for those w h o had a minimal formal religious training. Furthermore, Y i d d i s h was never taught formally as a language. It was considered a l a n g u a g e which one just knew by being Jewish. It was expected that every religious J e w would know how to read and write Y i d d i s h without any formal instruction. Little or no attention was paid to its spelling, proper pronunciation, or sentence structure, for it was never intended as a medium for writing on advanced or involved religious topics. T h i s view persists a m o n g u l t r a - O r t h o d o x J e w s to this very d a y , despite their continued positive attitude toward and reliance upon Yiddish.

Yiddish and English As has been noted above, liberal J e w s in H u n g a r y considered Y i d d i s h a 'foreign l a n g u a g e ' and H u n g a r i a n the proper language for communication. O r t h o d o x and Hassidic Jews, on the other hand, referred to H u n g a r i a n as a 'foreign l a n g u a g e ' and considered Yiddish the proper language, at least for specific Jewish behaviors. In the U n i t e d States, English and Y i d d i s h are related by H u n g a r i a n Jews in an entirely different fashion from Y i d d i s h and H u n g a r i a n in H u n g a r y . Whereas H u n g a r i a n in H u n g a r y was considered by m a n y of the O r t h o d o x and Hassidic Jews as goyish - a non-Jewish l a n g u a g e - English in A m e r i c a is considered by them neither as goyish nor as foreign. It is conceivable that this is due to the fact that H u n g a r i a n was a greater threat to religious J e w s in H u n g a r y than English is to them in the U n i t e d States. O r , it m a y be due to the fact that O r t h o d o x and Hassidic J e w s regarded the H u n g a r i a n government as hostile and, as a result, considered H u n g a r i a n a detestable language. Whereas the Neologs spoke H u n g a r i a n as an expression of loyalty, the O r t h o d o x refused to speak H u n g a r i a n in the synagogues, thereby expressing rejection of and dissatisfaction with H u n g a r y . Refusing to use a language as an expression of animosity has been observed repeatedly, e.g. in Czechoslovakia during and after the war. A n y o n e w h o spoke G e r m a n in public was in d a n g e r of being mistreated by a m o b as a G e r m a n or a G e r m a n sympathizer. 3 O n the other hand, the A m e r i c a n government is regarded by the ultrareligious J e w s as being fair and sympathetic toward Jewish religious practices, customs, and beliefs. English in A m e r i c a is a novelty to the Hassidim and does not fall into the same category as H u n g a r i a n in H u n g a r y . Its mastery intrigues them, its v o c a b u l a r y challenges them, and it is generally believed that one's economic position rises in proportion to one's knowledge of English. M a n y informants 4 stated that ' I would do m u c h better if I could speak English ' or ' I could b u y 3. Based upon personal observation by the author during his visit to Prague in 1946. H e was warned on many occasions not to speak Yiddish in public because it might be mistaken for G e r m a n

by the Czechs. 4. Interviewed in connection with my study The Hasidic Community of Williamsburg.

2o8

Orthodoxy: Then and Now

merchandise cheaper if I could speak English ' or ' I could go into a different line of business if I only spoke English'. Therefore, there is no apparent rejection of English by the ultrareligious as a safeguard against acculturation. Nor is the expression 'goyish language' applied to English. However, at present it is difficult to predict what attitudes toward English will ultimately crystallize among the ultra-Orthodox when the group will have mastered the English language and its use among them will have increased.

THREAT

OF A S S I M I L A T I O N - L A N G U A G E A S A

VEHICLE

Language is one of the major factors contributing to cultural assimilation. Those who migrate to a foreign land and learn its language find it easier to interact with the native population. Through this interaction, facilitated by a common language, migrants may gradually become integrated into the host society. Conversely, the retention of a distinct language by a group makes integration more difficult. An authority on acculturation, Professor Hansen, has stated : ' as long as any community retained its own language, amalgamation with American social life was impossible. From the first, immigrant leaders complained of the eagerness with which the people discarded their mother tongue. Its retention became the cornerstone of all efforts to maintain solidarity' (Hansen 1948: 203). But once the new language is learned, once the foreign accent is no longer noticeable, and once there are no peculiar external signs that distinguish immigrants from the natives, partial assimilation is inevitable. Throughout history the retention of a Jewish language has been closely associated with the retention ofjewish religious and cultural practices. A 'Jewish language' is defined here as a language which is spoken almost exclusively by Jews. In the course of history, from about 1400 to the fifth century B.O.E., Jews mainly spoke Hebrew; after the fifth century B . C . E . , Judeo-Aramaic and Hebrew; in the seventh and eighth centuries, with the Arabic conquests, 'the Arabic language crossed the frontiers of Arabia and spread rapidly among the Jews of other countries. In Egypt, Syria, Palestine and Persia, which were conquested by the second calif, Omar, the Jews soon learned to use the language of the conquerors and adopted it as their mother tongue (Broyde 1906: 49-50). In the twelfth century they spoke Judeo-Spanish and Judeo-German. From the thirteenth century on, this Judeo-German was carried into Poland and Russia. These languages (whether originally Aramaic, Arabic, Spanish, or German) could not have been transformed into 'Jewish' languages if they had not incorporated in them elements of Hebrew as well as specific lexical and syntactic differences which separated them from their languages of origin. Once a language was spoken by Jews in a 'Jewish w a y ' , Jews considered it a Jewish language. Over the centuries Yiddish has come to convey much of Jewish tradition,

The Role of Yiddish in American Ultra-Orthodox and Hassidic Communities

209

attitude, and feeling, and to d o so in particularly apt and sensitive ways. It is the most recent 'Jewish l a n g u a g e ' created by the Jewish people. It has been held, particularly a m o n g religious Jews, that l a n g u a g e is one of the most important safeguards against assimilation and unless J e w s hold to a Jewish language - a l a n g u a g e which is mainly used by J e w s and through which their religious-cultural values are expressed - the g r o u p will inevitably assimilate. Religious J e w s throughout the ages advocated the notion expressed in the Midrashic passage stating that the J e w s owed their redemption from E g y p t to ' f o u r things'. O n e of the four was the fact that ' t h e y did not c h a n g e their l a n g u a g e ' (Midrash Rabba 1939: 4 1 3 - 4 1 4 ) . A l t h o u g h ultra-Orthodox and Hassidic J e w s did not (and d o not) look upon Y i d d i s h as a vehicle of expression for art and literature, they d o see it as a l a n g u a g e used by J e w s to c o m m u n i c a t e Jewish thoughts, traditions and philosophies, and 'all things J e w i s h ' . T o d a y , they also view it with a certain historical reverence. Yiddish was the l a n g u a g e of millions of martyred J e w s in Russia, Poland, R u m a n i a , the Baltic states, and Galicia. It has been used in the religious schools and in the T a l m u d i c a ! academies. It g a v e the J e w s a g r o u p identification, a matter of no little significance. T h e r e are still groups in A m e r i c a a m o n g w h o m Y i d d i s h is a living l a n g u a g e and to w h o m Yiddish provides the needed support for cultural continuity. A m o n g these groups are the ultrareligious and the Hassidim. In their circles Y i d d i s h is spoken at home, in the synagogues, and in communication with like-minded fellows. Y i d d i s h is spoken from the pulpits and is a m e d i u m of instruction in their schools. T h e T a l m u d and the Bible and ' e v e r y t h i n g h o l y ' is taught and studied in Y i d d i s h only.

L A N G U A G E CONCERNS AMONG THE ULTRA-ORTHODOX

IN

AMERICA

TODAY

In the United States there are frequently no m a j o r behavioral differences amongst O r t h o d o x , Conservative, and R e f o r m Jews. O n e ' s identification with these groups is through congregational membership or organizational affiliation. T h e r e are usually no differential requirements for membership in a congregation other than the p a y m e n t of membership fees or dues. A s a matter of fact, in smaller communities there are m a n y w h o express their 'impartiality ' by holding membership in two or even three congregations simultaneously. It has been stated, for example, ' that almost fifteen per cent of the 905 O r t h o d o x members [in M i l w a u k e e ] retain d u a l membership in an O r t h o d o x as well as in a Conservative or R e f o r m temple' (Polsky 1958: 328). T h e r e are m a n y phases of Jewish life in which the various religious groups cooperate closely. For example, Jewish charitable and welfare organizations

21 o

Orthodoxy : Then and Now

operate on an interdenominational level, and many Orthodox establishments receive financial support from non-Orthodox individuals and groups. There have been closer social contacts between the various Jewish religious groupings and greater success in coordinating and interrelating their activities in the United States than in most other Jewish communities throughout the world. As a result of all of these factors, it is necessary for the purpose of specifying an Orthodox J e w ' s religiosity to distinguish between the 'Orthodox' and the 'ultra-Orthodox'. O r t h o d o x ' Jews are those who either belong to an Orthodox synagogue (and by this fact alone are considered to be 'Orthodox') or who merely consider themselves to be orthodox. 'Ultra-Orthodox'Jews, on the other hand, are those who strictly adhere to the laws of the Shulhan Arukh. Both Hassidic and non-Hassidic ultra-Orthodox tend to value Yiddish in view ofits continued importance in Talmudical studies and its continued identification with traditional patterns of Jewish life. Notwithstanding the fact that Yiddish is the daily spoken language of the ultrareligious groups in America, English has penetrated deeply even into the most religious groups. Many English words have been incorporated into the Yiddish vocabulary of all but the most puristically inclined. An analysis of the front page of an issue of August, i960, of the most Hassidic Yiddish newspaper in America, Der Tid, reveals the following English words blended into the Yiddish text: adoption appeals association confiscated court epidemic espionage flier Foreign Claims Settlement Commission frozen

justice major meeting office official parties percent scandalized sorts storekeepers swimming pool

Since English penetrates even into the most ultra-Orthodox and Hassidic Yiddish speaking groups, and since no hostility has been expressed toward the English language on the part of these groups, the following problems deserve brief consideration. (1) Will the Hassidic Jews allow the free usage of English? (2) Into which social areas will English penetrate? (3) Once English is mastered by the Hassidim, will they consider it as representing a threat of assimilation? (4) Will the knowledge of English influence them to participate in non-Hassidic, secular Jewish activities? (5) T o what extent will English become a force for their integration into the larger American society? In order to answer these questions, the following hypothesis is proposed. As

The Role of Yiddish in American Ultra-Orthodox and Hassidic Communities

211

long as Diaspora Jews maintain their Jewish identity there will be a language, besides Hebrew, which will be used almost exclusively by Jews. This language will be known to them and to others as a 'Jewish language'. This language may be spoken by a relatively small segment of the Jewish population, but because of its Jewish terminology and because of the fact that it will be mainly spoken by Jews in a 'Jewish w a y ' about ' things Jewish ' to Jews, it will be recognized as a 'language of J e w s ' . Currently, the 'Jewish language ' most widely used in the Diaspora is Yiddish. However Yiddish has been anglicized in the United States and, regardless of how mingled it may become with other languages in other countries, the mere fact that Yiddish is used by J e w s to convey thoughts, ideas, philosophies, and ' things Jewish ' makes it particularly meaningful to Jews, and makes it de facto a Jewish language. It is conceivable that Yiddish in America, after a long period of time, may have a much higher proportion of English elements than currently; but by virtue of the mere fact that it will be used exclusively and particularly by Jews who seek to convey and cultivate Jewish tradition, it will maintain its identity as a Jewish language. Regardless of the number ofJews using it, it will be recognized as a Jewish language even by those who will not have familiarity with it. ι. Upon closer observation of ultrareligious communities, it seems apparent that thus far there are no particular prohibitions against the usage of English. It seems inevitable that English will penetrate more and more into the ultrareligious groups. However, currently, Hebrew and Yiddish are so greatly overemphasized that English will long remain in the background. At present, the group does not speak or read English well, therefore, it is not necessary for the leadership to give serious consideration to what impact English may have upon the members. As a matter of fact, English is considered by the leadership as a very important tool because through it they obtain 'uncolored and unbiased ' news about other J e w s and other peoples in the world. Some Hassidic leaders and newspaper editors obtain news of the world from English sources and then, in turn, translate and editorialize it so that the news in the Jewish communities is always religiously oriented. Only those items become newsworthy in the religious community which are in some way related to religious, Hassidic, or Jewish life. 2. As to the areas in which English will play the most important role, at the moment it seems that English penetrates mostly into economic activities. As a matter of fact, the English language is considered a necessary means for communication in the economic pursuits of the community. But it is far beyond the Hassidic imagination to conceive of English as a vehicle of literature, drama, singing or, indeed, of using it as a tool for the expression of philosophy and higher learning. 3. Concerning the problem of assimilation, some additional factors must be

212

Orthodoxy : Then and Now

considered. Presumably it makes a difference to what ends a language is utilized. If a language is used mainly in economic pursuits, as it is in the case of English in the Hassidic community, and only that part of its vocabulary is mastered which relates to the economic activities, it does not present as much of a threat of assimilation as would be the case if the language were utilized more extensively. If the English language were comprehended by the group to the extent that it could convey ideologies, this might become a problem. In this case it could become a threat of assimilation because the comprehension of ideologies in the English language may have a significant influence on religious behavior. 4. Contrary to all expectation, in the Hassidic community the threat of assimilation is seen as coming not from English but from Yiddish. The Hassidim are not as much concerned with the English-speaking community as they are with the Yiddish-speaking, non-Hassidic community. T h e Hassidim fear that Yiddish-speaking, nonobservant J e w s may have a bad influence upon their children. The following response of an informant expresses a typical view of the matter: If a goy does not behave as a religious J e w should, w e tell our children not to worry about him because he is a goy, but if a J e w does not behave as a J e w should, w h a t can w e s a y ? W e cannot tell our children that he is a goy. W e have to tell them that he is a J e w , but a different kind of a J e w - a J e w w h o does not observe yidishkeyt. O n c e w e have to make this distinction to our children that there are J e w s and J e w s , we have a real problem about their upbringing (Hasidic Community of Williamsburg

1959).

Yiddish in America is spoken not only by observant J e w s as was the case in Hungary. T h e Yiddish language here is not a vehicle for things pertaining to Jewish Orthodox matters only; it does not deal exclusively with things Jewish. Yiddish is utilized in communicating about all aspects of a complex, modern society. Thus, it also communicates 'things a Hassidic J e w ought not to know'. This is the major reason why reading and subscribing to non-Hassidic Yiddish papers are prohibited in the American Hassidic community. Non-Hassidic Yiddish newspapers are called ' Sabbath desecrating papers ' and are said to do the greatest harm to ultra-Orthodox and Hassidic principles. The fact that they are written in Yiddish only makes them more dangerous. T h e r e are m a n y lustful books, novels and joke books, full of filthy pictures and insolent talk which are sold on every corner. E v e n worse are the books and newspapers printed in a language invented by the ' innovators, ' which they call H e b r e w or Yiddish, which take the holy letters with which the world was created and debase them to dust. T h e y write heretical material and forbidden things without end. People w h o were always careful to avoid reading novels, read these newspapers because they w a n t to know the news but unwittingly they also read other things, which bring them to sin. (Blum 1 9 5 8 : 3 4 ) .

Modern Hebrew also comes under the same category as secular Yiddish and can be equated with it. Hassidic J e w s say that ' the holiness has been removed from the language, and it has been altered by secular words borrowed from other

The Role of Yiddish in American Ultra-Orthodox and Hassidic Communities

213

languages which do not contain the ancient and holy tradition'. Because of its secularization, modern H e b r e w also presents a threat to the Hassidic Jews. T h i s is illustrated by the following interview: . . . w e h a v e no objection to the kind of training the girls receive in school, o u r o b j e c t i o n is to the t e a c h i n g of H e b r e w there. W e v e r y definitely o b j e c t to t e a c h i n g the H e b r e w l a n g u a g e . (Do you mean modern Hebrew?) O f course, I m e a n that a n d that only. I h a v e n o o b j e c t i o n to the " H o l y T o n g u e " . I h a v e seen some statistics recently w h i c h show that two-thirds of m o d e r n H e b r e w contain new w o r d s w h i c h are m a d e u p and created b y various H e b r e w poets a n d writers. H o w c a n w e expose our children to a l a n g u a g e that contains no spirit a n d no holiness? (But, sir, d o y o u think l a n g u a g e has a n y influence on b e h a v i o r ? W h y d o y o u o b j e c t so severely to it?) T h e H e b r e w l a n g u a g e is so closely c o n n e c t e d with Zionism that o n c e one is exposed to the l a n g u a g e he must somehow, some w a y , associate w i t h Zionism, w h i c h is strictly prohibited in the Hassidic c o m m u n i t y (Hasidic Community of Williamsburg 1958).

TRENDS HASSIDIC

OF Y I D D I S H IN T H E

UNITED

STATES AMONG

ORTHODOX

AND

COMMUNITIES

Yiddish has shown a definite u p w a r d trend a m o n g the u l t r a - O r t h o d o x and Hassidic communities during the last decade in the U n i t e d States. U l t r a O r t h o d o x religious schools where Yiddish is taught h a v e greatly increased in n u m b e r under the auspices of the ultra-Orthodox and Hassidic groups. T h e files of T o r a h Umesorah, National Society for H e b r e w D a y Schools, substantiates this u p w a r d trend. T h i s national organization was founded in 1944 to establish and serve affiliated Jewish all-day schools throughout the U n i t e d States and C a n a d a , and to conduct teaching seminars and workshops for in-service training of teachers. A l l member schools are O r t h o d o x , or there is at least a positive commitment by the schools to follow O r t h o d o x principles. Schools that hold membership with this organization are known as ' all-day schools ' or yeshivas and h a v e either elementary or junior-senior high school departments or both. A n all-day school is defined as an educational system in which the curriculum is divided into English and H e b r e w departments. T h e English department is responsible for secular studies equivalent to that of the public schools. T h e H e b r e w department is in charge of instruction in H e b r e w language, religious sources (Bible, prayer book, T a l m u d ) , and traditional Jewish customs and ceremonies. This does not mean that all parents w h o send their children to an all-day school strictly observe traditional Judaism, but it m a y be assumed that the parents are at least sympathetic toward O r t h o d o x Jewish education, and that at least during the school term the children are exposed and subjected to a traditional O r t h o d o x conceptual interpretation of J u d a i s m . A l l schools that are associated with T o r a h U m e s o r a h h a v e H e b r e w instruction. Some o f them teach Yiddish in addition to H e b r e w .

214

Orthodoxy : Then and Now

Table ι. Elementary and junior-senior Orthodox all-day schools with (a) Hebrew only and (b) Yiddish and Hebrew instruction, 1952-¡953 and ig6o-6i school years Hebrew Only States TOTAL UNITED STATES California Colorado Connecticut District of Columbia Florida Georgia Illinois Kentucky Louisiana Maine Maryland Massachusetts Michigan Minnesota Missouri New Jersey New York Ohio Pennsylvania Rhode Island South Carolina Tennessee Texas Virginia Washington Wisconsin

Yiddish and Hebrew

Total

1952-1953

1960-1961

1952-1953

I960-I961

'952-1953

1960-196:

"9 4 0 4 I I I 7 0 0 I I 9 0 I 2 '3 57 3 7 I 0 2 2 0 I I

146 9 I 7 3 I 2 7 I I I I 9 2 I I 14 63 4 9 I I 2 I 2 I I

25 O O O 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 O I O 0 O 21 I 0 O O O O 0 O 0

67 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 I I 0 0 2 54 2 I 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

144 4 0 4 I I r 7 0 0 I 3 9 I I 2 13 78 4 7 I 0 2 2 0 I I

213 12 I 7 3 I 2 7 I I I 4 10 3 I I 16 "7 6 10 I I 2 I 2 I I

Table 1 shows comparative data of the number of all-day schools in the United States during the 1 9 5 2 - 1 9 5 3 (Directory of Yeshiva All-Day Schools, 57131952-3 1952) and 1960-1962 (Directory of Day Schools in the United States and Canada, 5721—1961 1961) school years. In the 1 9 5 2 - 1 9 5 3 school year, there were 144 affiliated all-day schools in the United States. In the 1960-1961 school year there were 2 1 3 affiliated all-day schools,5 an increase of 47.9 percent. In the 1 9 5 2 - 1 9 5 3 school year there were 1 1 9 affiliated all-day schools with Hebrew only (no Yiddish). In the 1960-1961 school year there were 146 affiliated all-day schools with Hebrew only (no Yiddish). Schools that had Hebrew only increased 22.7 5. Directory of Day Schools in the United States and

Canada, jy2i-ig6i, lists 270 'affiliated' all-day schools in America. Of this number 19 are in Canada, 40 are duplicated in as much as some schools with elementary and secondary programs

are listed twice, under elementary and under secondary schools. Since the publication of the Directory, two new schools have been established, thus yielding a total of 213.

The Role of Yiddish in American Ultra-Orthodox and Hassidic Communities

215

Table 2. Increase in Orthodox all-day schools offering instruction in (a) Hebrew only and (b) Hebrew and Yiddish instruction between 1952-1953 and 1960-1961 school years Total I952-I953 School Year 1960-1961 School Year Increase between '952-1953 and 1960-1961 School Years

Hebrew Only

Yiddish and Hebrew

144

1

'9

25

213

146

67

69 (47.9 percent)

27 (22.7 percent)

42 (168.0 percent)

percent. However, those schools that used Yiddish in addition to Hebrew tripled in the last seven years. In the 1 9 5 2 - 1 9 5 3 school term there were 25 affiliated all-day schools with Yiddish. In the 1960-1961 term there were 67 affiliated all-day schools with Yiddish, an increase of 168.0 percent (see Table 2). As for the 1960-1961 school year, out of the total of 2 1 3 all-day schools, 1 1 7 (54.9 percent) were located in New York State. Of these 1 1 7 , 63 schools have Hebrew only and 54 have Yiddish and Hebrew. These figures compared to their own respective categories o f ' H e b r e w only' and 'Hebrew and Yiddish' show that of the 146 schools with Hebrew only 63 schools (or 43.2 percent) are located in New York State. Of the 67 schools with Hebrew and Yiddish, 54 (or 80.6 percent) are located in New York State. Thus, schools offering instruction in Yiddish show a heavy concentration in New York State where ultra-Orthodox and Hassidic communities are mainly located. Brooklyn, which has the heaviest ultra-Orthodox and Hassidic concentration, including the Williamsburg area, contains more than half of the entire total of Hebrew-Yiddish all-day schools (35 out of 67). (See Chart II.) In addition, of the 35 schools that teach Yiddish in Brooklyn 17 (48.6 percent) are Hassidic. Thus, almost half of the schools offering instruction in Yiddish are Hassidic and the rest are ultra-Orthodox. Most of the affiliated all-day schools that offer instruction at the secondary education level employ Yiddish because their main function is to prepare children for higher Talmudical academies where Yiddish is a prerequisite. ' I n the Orthodox Yeshivas, Yiddish is the language of instruction, and the lease on life which Yiddish enjoys in this country is only directly due to these Orthodox institutions of learning'.® Hence Yiddish is viewed as a necessary means to the attainment of religiosity, higher learning, and further development of Orthodox Jewish life in America. Another indication of the upward trend of Yiddish usage among ultraOrthodox and Hassidic Jews in the last decade is the publication of a Yiddish 6. In a letter from the executive vice-president

of Agudath Israel of America, June 12, 1961, in the possession of the author.

216

Orthodoxy : Then and Now

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Onikamú 5í Uclitm.icher·, Wilno

A famous Y e s h i v a appeals for support ( 1 9 2 3 ) in H e b r e w (right) and in Yiddish. ' D u e to the unparalleled and horrible inflation which continues to g r o w f r o m d a y to d a y . . . the Y e s h i v a is in d a n g e r of total collapse, God forbid... '

Who Needs Yiddish?

223

in thought, word, and deed, this in turn would have permitted that identity to disappear. T h e n , there would have been no point in saving some Egyptians from amongst the others.

A LOSS OF

IDENTITY

T h e penetrating effect of external identifying features was brought out by a well-known explanation of the R e b b e of V a r k a : R a s h i on Chumash relates that w h e n the Amalakites attacked the J e w s after A h a r o n ' s death (Bamidbar 21, 1), they pretended to be Canaanites by speaking their language, so as to confuse the Jews into p r a y i n g ineffectively — for victory over ' C a n a a n ' . T h e Jews, however, took note of their Amalekite costumes, and prayed for victory, without specifying over w h o m . A n obvious question arises here: W h y couldn't the Amalekites render their stratagem foolproof by c h a n g i n g their dress, too? T h e answer: H a d they done so, they would have, in truth, been Canaanites.. . . 'Jewish identity' is very m u c h ' i n ' these d a y s ; so m u c h the better! But proclaiming one's Jewishness is a goyish tongue, through goyish methods, while looking like a goy, is self-contradictory and therefore self-defeating. T h e m e d i u m , yes, is the message. It is a well-known axiom that Klal Tisroel is comparable to a long cord, wherein the slightest tug at one end affects the situation at the opposite end. W h o knows but that the story of assimilation and intermarriage would be a different one, had we heeded the words of Chazall

WHAT

TO

DO

Certainly, we must continue to reach out to our brothers and sisters, and in the only language they understand. This is the sacred d u t y of our generation. But there is nothing to keep us from throwing in Lashon Kodesh and Yiddish words whenever feasible - and let pedantic purism go to the winds. Lest this be seen as trivial and unimportant, consider, as just one instance, w h a t happens to our intellectual and emotional perception of the mitzva w h e n nichum aveilim is turned into a 'shiva call. . .' (It m a y also be halachically advisable to do so; see Teshuvos Chasam Sofer Even Hoezer II : 11.) T r u e , an entire generation of bnei u'bnos Torah has g r o w n u p h a v i n g no working knowledge of Yiddish - and yes, which has attained heights of T o r a h and yiras shomayim to rival anyone's. M o r e o v e r , their English is distinctly colored by their T o r a h chinuch so that, in the long run, it m a y even evolve into a new Jewish language - thus following the pattern of other eras and places. In the meantime, however, those of us w h o do h a v e a c o m m a n d of Yiddish must impart it to our children for all the above-cited reasons - reasons that cannot wait. So,

224

Orthodoxy: Then and Now

lema1 an Hashem, let us use spoken Yiddish in communicating with our children ! (And while we are on the subject of language, let us also take care that our English accords with Torah. Obviously, I am not just referring to nivul peh, obscenities and slander, but to something more subtle and yet of great concern to us. For example, such expressions as ' this test was murder', ' the pain is killing m e ' , and the like have no place on a Jewish tongue (Shevuos 36a). This is but one of several ways in which we must be on guard that our English not be de-Judaized.) Above all, let us not be embarrassed to want to be ourselves and speak in our own tongue. So, who indeed needs Yiddish? A Yid.

Orthodoxy: Then and Mow

225

" V "

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The Four Categories

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261

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