Nefertiti's Sun Temple (2 Vols. ): A New Cult Complex at Tell El-Amarna [1 ed.] 9789004325555, 9789004325524

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Nefertiti’s Sun Temple

Harvard Egyptological Studies Editor Peter Der Manuelian (Harvard University)

Harvard Egyptological Studies This monograph series (“hes”) was established in 2015 to present scholarly publications in the field of Egyptology. It highlights, but is by no means limited to, sites and selected aspects of the Harvard University-Boston Museum of Fine Arts Expedition (1905–1947). Invited topics include recent PhD dissertations; reports from excavations; specialized studies in ancient Egyptian language, history, and culture; conference proceedings; publications of scholarly archives; and historiographical works covering the field of Egyptology. Harvard Egyptological Studies is published by the Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, and the Department of Anthropology, both of which are in the Faculty of Arts and Sciences at Harvard University.

volume 2/1

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/hes

Nefertiti’s Sun Temple A New Cult Complex at Tell el-Amarna volume 1

by

Jacquelyn Williamson

leiden | boston

Cover illustration: Standing figure of Nefertiti from Amarna, house P 47.2. Limestone. Ägyptisches Museum, ÄM 21263. Photo courtesy Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, Berlin. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Williamson, Jacquelyn, author. Title: Nefertiti's sun temple : a new cult complex at Tell El-Amarna / by Jacquelyn Williamson. Other titles: Harvard Egyptological studies ; v. 2. Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill, 2016. | Series: Harvard Egyptological studies ; volume 2 | Includes bibliography and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2016028375 (print) | LCCN 2016028912 (ebook) | ISBN 9789004325524 (hardback, set : alk. paper) | ISBN 9789004325531 (hardback, volume 1 : alk. paper) | ISBN 9789004325548 (hardback, volume 2 : alk. paper) | ISBN 9789004325555 (e-book) Subjects: LCSH: Kom el-Nana Site (Egypt) | Temples–Egypt–Kom el-Nana Site. | Relief (Decorative arts)–Egypt–Kom el-Nana Site. | Nefertiti, Queen of Egypt, active 14th century B.C. | Tell el-Amarna (Egypt) | Egyptians–Antiquities. Classification: LCC DT73.T25 W55 2016 (print) | LCC DT73.T25 (ebook) | DDC 932/.2–dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016028375

Want or need Open Access? Brill Open offers you the choice to make your research freely accessible online in exchange for a publication charge. Review your various options on brill.com/brill-open. Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface. issn 2352-7501 isbn 978-90-04-32552-4 (hardback, set) isbn 978-90-04-32553-1 (hardback, volume 1) isbn 978-90-04-32554-8 (hardback, volume 2) isbn 978-90-04-32555-5 (e-book) Copyright 2016 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi and Hotei Publishing. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill nv provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, ma 01923, usa. Fees are subject to change. This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

To my parents, David and Sandra Williamson

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Contents volume 1 Text Acknowledgments Abbreviations x

ix

1 Introduction to Kom el-Nana and Sunshades of Re at Tell el-Amarna 1 2 The Reconstructions: Relief and Architecture 26 1 Reconstructions: Method and Application 26 2 Architectural Evidence 119 3 The Reconstructions in Context 136 3 The Hieroglyphic Inscriptions, Funerary Implications, and Nefertiti 150 4 Conclusions 176 Bibliography Index 219

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volume 2 Catalog Introduction

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Catalogue: Square X39 Catalogue: Square Y39 Catalogue: Square W38 Catalogue: Square X38 Catalogue: Square X37 Catalogue: Square X36

227 261 282 304 327 371

Reconstructions (Color Plates) Other Color Plates

427

406

Acknowledgments Standing behind this project are contributions from many organizations and persons to whom I will be forever grateful. Supporting this work were the Binational Fulbright Commission, the Johns Hopkins University, the Amarna Trust, the American Council of Learned Societies, and the Harvard University Women’s Studies in Religion Program. The Ministry of State for Antiquities of Egypt and the Egypt Exploration Society gave generous permission for the project. The late Mr. Samir Anise, former Chief Director of the Minia area, passed away before the work was completed. Without his outstanding knowledge of the Ashmunein magazines and past missions to Tell el-Amarna, I could not have rediscovered the material excavated by Osiris Gabrielle. Mr. Sayed Abdel Malik was essential in helping me gain access to the North and South Tombs and Boundary Stela a. The Tell el-Amarna team has my deepest gratitude. Barry Kemp provided invaluable collegiality and dedication to this work’s success; Andy Boyce, Marsha Hill, Gillian Pyke, Pamela Rose, Anna Stevens, Kristen Thompson, Boris Trivan, and Melissa Zabecki Harvey provided friendship, patience, and help. This book would not exist without the contributions of my colleagues at Harvard University: in particular Ann Braude and Peter Der Manuelian. Nick Picardo and Rachel Aronin gave excellent suggestions for the last chapter; Lihi Ben Shitrit, Sarah Bracke, Hsiao-wen Cheng, and Amanda Izzo are the best friends I could hope for and were essential in the attempt to refashion modern gender and agency theories to ancient Egypt. Many other colleagues provided helpful advice and suggestions. Betsy Bryan and Richard Jasnow from The Johns Hopkins University were supportive from the start. I am grateful to Carol Redmount at uc Berkeley for her suggestions; Elizabeth Minor for her database abilities; Marc Gabolde and Jean-Luc Chappaz for their suggestions for reconstructing the hieroglyphs; Dimitri Laboury for his suggestions for tracking down references; Friederike Seyfried for suggestions regarding the funerary aspects of Atenism; Melinda Hartwig and the Carlos Museum; W. Raymond Johnson for his reinforcing suggestions, friendship, and support; Jocelyn Gohary for her suggestions regarding Akhenaten’s Karnak structures; and to several former students named in Volume 2 for their contributions to the catalog. Jacquelyn Thompson donated her professional copy editing services to this work. I could not ask for a kinder or more intelligent aunt. My sister Kathryn Williamson always reminds me that I must be aware of deeper values beyond work. And finally I thank Erik Gustafson, my husband, for his unfailing support and excellent editing skills.

Abbreviations ar asae ea jarce jea mdaik

Amarna Reports Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte Egyptian Archaeology Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt Journal of Egyptian Archaeology Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts: Abteilung Kairo

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Introduction to Kom el-Nana and Sunshades of Re at Tell el-Amarna The map of Tell el-Amarna, published by Flinders Petrie in 1894, erroneously labels Kom el-Nana as a Roman camp.1 The area, located in the southern suburb of the city, is situated between the modern villages of el-Amariya and el-Hawata. Pendelbury was the first to recognize the Egyptian character of the site.2 During the general Tell el-Amarna survey in the 60s, Inspector of Antiquities Osiris Gabriel headed test excavations of the area and established that the site dates to the Amarna period.3 However, its original identity as one of the major royal installations of the city was first clarified in 1977 by Barry Kemp.4 In the late 80s and early 90s, excavations in the northern and southern areas of Kom el-Nana allowed the first visualizations of the general site plan.5 This chapter provides an orientation to the site of Kom el-Nana and sunshades of Re temples, and reveals that inscriptions from Kom el-Nana indicate that the site was a sunshade of Re likely owned by Nefertiti. Also this chapter examines Kom el-Nana’s resemblance to the only other excavated sunshade of Re temple at Tell el-Amarna, the Maru-Aten, to understand how these enigmatic structures may have appeared in the Amarna period. Every royal Amarna woman, including the Queen Mother Tiye, had her own sunshade of Re at Tell el-Amarna, indicating sunshades played an important role in Akhenaten’s reli1 W.M. Flinders Petrie, Tell El-Amarna, (London: Methuen & Co., 1894), 46. plate xxxv, cf. p. 2; Henri Frankfort, J.D.S. Pendelbury and H.W. Fairman, The City of Akhenaten ii (London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1933), pl. i. 2 Barry Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” ar vi (1995): 433. The northern area of Kom elNana had a large Byzantine occupation level, whereas the southern area was free of secondary occupation levels and was thus easier to characterize. 3 Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 434, and Jean Leclant, “Fouilles et travaux en Egypte et au Soudan, 1963–1964,” Orientalia 34 (1965): 184. For the location of Mr. Gabriel’s test trenches on a map of the site see Kemp, “Preliminary Report on the El-Amarna Survey, 1977,” jea 64 (1978): 30, figure 5. 4 Kemp, “Preliminary Report on the El-Amarna Survey, 1977,” 26–33. 5 Kemp, “Excavations at Tell El-Amarna (Egypt): A Progress Report at Kom El-Nana, 1989,” Amarna Expedition Reviews 2.1 (Cambridge: The McDonald Institute, 1989), unpublished manuscript on file at the Tell el-Amarna dighouse, Amarna Archives in Cairo, or The McDonald Institute, Cambridge.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi: 10.1163/9789004325555_002

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figure 1.1 Kom el-Nana, after Kemp ar 1995, 15.14

gious reforms. In the following chapters the fragments of relief from a wall of the north shrine at Kom el-Nana are reconstructed and discussed to understand the identity and function of the site.

Orientation to the Amarna Period Site at Kom el-Nana A buttressed mud-brick wall with entrance pylons enclosed the Amarna-era construction at Kom el-Nana.6 The western wall featured two pylons; one in the 6 A large Coptic period establishment was sited on top of the Amarna period structures in the northern enclosure. Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 434.

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figure 1.2 Garden plot in the eastern corner of the southern enclosure photo courtesy of the amarna trust website

eastern wall, and a fourth gate in the southern wall. The northern wall shows no evidence of a gate.7 Between the two pylon gates in the western wall, an internal wall running east–west bisected the entire enclosure, creating two separate areas.8 The northern enclosure measures approximately 88 by 220 meters, and the southern enclosure is 122 by 220 meters.9 Beginning with the Coptic era, the northern enclosure was occupied extensively. Consequently, the southern enclosure is far better preserved. Three pylons allowed access to the southern area—one in the eastern wall, a southwest pylon door in the western wall, and a third in the southern wall. The primary buildings within the enclosure were set back off the north–south axis of the space in the eastern half of the area. The central building has been called the “Central Platform” because of its location and elevation. The “South Shrine” is located to the south of the dividing wall, and the “South Pavilion” is located south of the platform. Both enclosures featured gardens. A test excavation revealed a series of tree pits in the southern enclosure east of the central platform, spaced approxi-

7 Ibid., 435. 8 Kemp, “A Progress Report at Kom El-Nana, 1989” 1–2. 9 Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 436.

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mately 3 meters apart, running north to south over a 5 by 15 meter area. Another row of tree pits was inside the enclosure wall.10 Another garden of small square plots of soil was in the corner formed by the eastern wall and the inner bisecting wall of the southern enclosure, crossed by a narrow path running north to south. These elements, taken together, suggest an extensive orchard or garden in the southern enclosure.11 A row of small houses was also excavated in the southeast corner of the enclosure.12 The Central Platform consisted of a mud-brick platform, 1.5 meters high, 24.50 by 21.75 meters, supporting a columned hall and a series of walled rooms, some with small raised areas reached by stairways, perhaps daises.13 Although the platform was located at the middle point of the enclosure, the primary building was the South Shrine, located to the north of the central platform. This structure faced west and was likely originally 27 meters, with the central axis oriented east to west.14 This central axis appears to align with the pylon entrances on the eastern and western walls of the enclosure.15 The gypsum foundation level is preserved, along with the outlines of the stones that were atop it, allowing the layout of the building to be reconstructed. (See chapter 2 for more details.) In addition, thousands of broken fragments of relief and undecorated stone demonstrate that the building was originally executed in stone rather than mud-brick. The builders mostly used limestone, and utilized sandstone for more monumental, accent architecture on the front of the building. At Kom el-Nana, Akhenaten employed large, non-talatat sized blocks of sandstone for features such as gateways, but used limestone for the structural walls, in a departure from his Karnak structures where sandstone was used exclusively. The western side, or front, of the South Shrine was laid out in a colonnade of at least two rows of papyrus bundle-style columns. In the back were smaller rooms that may have been either roofed or open to the sun. However the truly dominant characteristic of the entire southern enclosure area is the lack of architecture. The eastern half of the southern enclosure has several large-scale closely grouped buildings. The western half, originally paved

10 11 12

13 14 15

Ibid., 436. Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 436. The smaller houses were apparently constructed over an earlier, large Tell el-Amarna house. It is unclear why the original site plans were altered. The shrines show similar changes in outlines and plans. Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 436; Kemp, “Discovery and Renewal at Amarna,”ea 1 (1991), 19–22. Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 437. Ibid., 437.

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with a thick mud surface, is completely devoid of structures and remarkably flat.16 This open space may have been associated with ritual activities, to be discussed in more depth in later chapters. The northern enclosure, the main area under study in this work, is far less understood. A Coptic and Roman era settlement located on top of an Amarna period structure dominate the center of the region.17 The size of the tops of the walls, uncovered in 1993, indicate that the Amarna structure under the settlement was a large building, but nothing more can be said of its character.18 However, another stone structure, the North Shrine, located on the other side of the dividing wall from the South Shrine indicates that the northern enclosure had a similar large-scale primary stone locale. The structure is also on an east– west axis, probably aligned with the northwest pylon entrance in the western enclosure wall.19 The western end, or front, of the building was uncovered in 1989. Like the South Shrine, the area was constructed of limestone with sandstone used for the gateway. Extensive decorative fragments were uncovered. The front area of the North Shrine had a narrow garden edged with brick.20 The gardens in the northern enclosure are less obvious than those in the southern enclosure, but they may have been similarly extensive. The northeastern corner of the northern enclosure was excavated in separate seasons from 1988 through 1989 and again in 1994. A large industrial baking and brewing area appears to have occupied this corner. Two rows of rectangular chambers, each measuring 8 by 3 meters, were uncovered. Each room was dense with bread molds and featured stone-lined doorways, brick floors, fire pits, ovens, and kilns.21 Kemp has identified the North and South Shrines as the primary loci of the north and south enclosures. They were both executed in stone and substantial stone chippings and decorative fragments have been associated with these areas. Over 4000 pieces of relief, from 5cm to full-sized talatat, were found.22 The ees team carefully preserved and documented the fragments, allowing a

16 17 18 19 20 21

22

Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 436. Kemp, “A Progress Report at Kom El-Nana, 1989,” 26. Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 437. Ibid., 437. Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 437; Kemp, “A Progress Report at Kom El-Nana, 1989,” 26. Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 437; also see Kemp, “Preliminary Report on the ElAmarna Survey, 1978,” 5–12; Pamela Rose, “Report on the 1986 Amarna Pottery Survey,” ar iv (1987), 115–129. Kemp, “A Progress Report at Kom El-Nana 1989,” 1.

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unique opportunity to study the decorative program of a large-scale Amarna cult area. Although precisely relocating where the relief appeared on the walls is impossible, the general regional division of the art is ascertainable because the relief fragments probably dropped near their original locations. In contrast, the reliefs at Karnak or most of the talatat from Tell el-Amarna were completely disassociated from their original placement in the walls.23 Subsequent dynasties quarried the talatat from the Great and Small Aten Temples to obtain building material for other structures.24 Although the same quarrying occurred at Kom el-Nana, Barry Kemp’s team and Margaret Serpico have painstakingly preserved and carefully documented the many fragments left in situ during demolition.25 After the city was abandoned, most of the stonework was dispassionately or non-iconoclastically removed for reuse.26 This dispassionate dismantling fits the style of destruction at Kom el-Nana: there is very little vandalization of the texts or images. This is not the case for the stone statues of the royal family, originally done in hard stone such as quartzite. Kemp points out that they were broken into small fragments, which “suggests iconoclasm.”27 Although statue fragments have been found from the North and South Shrines, they were so extensively destroyed that the number of original statues cannot be ascertained.28 In contrast, the buildings and their associated relief were systematically demolished without recourse to vandalism. Ramses ii may have borne away the temple blocks during the building programs at Hermopolis.29 This may suggest the statues were broken up earlier than the walls, perhaps directly following the Amarna period.

23 24

25 26 27 28

29

Jocelyn Gohary, Akhenaten’s Sed-Festival at Karnak (London; New York: Kegan Paul International, 1992), 26. Günther Roeder, Rainer Hanke and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis (Hildesheim, 1969); Rainer Hanke and the Deutsche HermopolisExpedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis; neue Veröff. u. Studien (Hildesheim: Gerstenberg, 1978). Earlier excavators on other Tell el-Amarna campaigns frequently discarded small relief fragments like these because they did not recognize their potential value. Hanke and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis, 76–84; Kemp agrees in “A Progress Report at Kom El-Nana, 1989,” 85. Kemp, “A Progress Report at Kom El-Nana, 1989,” 85, 89. One fragment of a quartzite statue from the area, originally from grid z36, accession number s-5676, currently in the magazine at Amarna, bears clear remains of a body cartouche. Kemp, “A Progress Report at Kom El-Nana, 1989,” 89.

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figure 1.3 Excavation squares covering the front or western end of the North Shrine. The distribution of sandstone to limestone is based on the work of M. Serpico.

Limestone is far more common in proportion to sandstone in the site’s architecture. The high concentration of sandstone in only a few areas suggests it was used for special architectural features such as doorways, gateways, and architraves. The sandstone fragments indicate they were large blocks of stone rather than talatat size. The sandstone deposits cluster around the front or western end of the South Shrine, but in the North Shrine, Figure 1.3, the ratio of limestone to sandstone is relatively consistent over 4 squares, x 37–39 and y 39, but rises in w38 and x36, indicating an original gateway located there (reconstructed in Chapter 2). The sandstone fragments mainly indicate architectural features, but some are decorated with relief, leading to the deduction that sandstone was utilized for cavetto cornices and torus moldings in entrance doorways and for some scenes with royal figures in relief at Kom el-Nana. The large sandstone blocks were more in keeping with traditional Egyptian architectural building practices, whereas the limestone is quarried in the talatat form of stone blocks approximately 55×25×25cm.

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Introduction to the Reconstructions In this study, the focus is on the North Shrine. The better-preserved South Shrine would have been the logical place to begin, but at the time of analysis, several fragments of North Shrine decorations were being singled out for future display in the planned Amarna museum. Thus, beginning with the North rather than the South Shrine was deliberate to provide additional information about the pieces and avoid interfering with the creation of museum displays. However, the current political situation has delayed the actualization of the displays. During spring 2007, the author performed a test season to see whether decoration contents and original building contexts could be determined.30 Precise reconstruction is not possible, but the basic outlines or genres of the original scenes could be determined. When the method proved successful, the other squares were examined, and the stone material from Osiris Gabriel’s excavations were also tracked and catalogued in the large talatat magazine in Ashmunein.31 Although their exact locations on the wall and their precise associations with each other remain uncertain, a series of scenes can be associated within an expanse of a particular wall. Several scenes were reconstructed based on measurements of diagnostic fragments. (a detailed analysis of the reconstruction process is in Chapter 2). The measurements were then projected into the expected proportions of a particular figure, based on the system of gridding and proportion advanced by Robins.32 (This method is outlined in greater depth at the beginning of the chapter on the reconstructions.) An extensive analysis of the body cartouche motif was the primary means of formulating an understanding of the identity and stance of individuals appearing in a scene. In the Amarna period, the motif consists of two rings, called cartouches, enclosing the names of the god Aten and applied to the bodies of the king and queen, and has proved to be mostly invariable in its appearance on their bodies. (The rules governing its application are also reviewed in Chapter 2.)

30 31

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Jacquelyn Williamson, “Carved Stone Fragments from the Excavations at Kom El-Nana,” jea 93 (2007), 60. Williamson, “Carved Stone Fragments from Kom el-Nana and el-Mangara,” jea 94 (2008); Williamson, “The Sunshade of Nefertiti,” ea 33 (2008). Although the material from Gabriel’s excavations are from the South Shrine, some inscribed blocks are used in this study for their evidence of the full title and identity of Kom el-Nana. Gay Robins, Proportion and Style in Ancient Egyptian Art (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1994).

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When the fragments from the North Shrine yielded evidence for non-royal or non-figural elements, such as architectural representations, the talatat from Hermopolis, the tombs of Amarna, and the surviving art from the central city were used to develop an understanding of the genres that can be anticipated within Tell el-Amarna. These formed the basis for the content and organization of the other scenes proposed here. In this book, the terms proper and viewer are used to distinguish left and right when context fails to make directional terms obvious. Proper right, for example, indicates the actual right side of an item, whereas viewer’s right indicates the right side from the viewer’s perspective.

Identity of Kom el-Nana: Sunshades of Re and the Maru Aten The industrial bakeries and concentrations of distinctive bread molds found in the north enclosure reveal the archeological significance of the site of Kom el-Nana.33 These molds, Figure 1.4, were used to manufacture the distinctive conical loaves associated with New Kingdom festivals and special events.34 Only two other areas at Tell el-Amarna—the Great and Small Aten Temples—had concentrations of the molds and large-scale industrial baking areas,35 which endows Kom el-Nana with the same prominence in the city as the Great and Small Aten Temples.36 Dating to the earliest building phase of the city of Akhetaten, Kom el-Nana was first to be aligned directly on the original pathway of the Royal Road (see dotted line on figure 1.5).37 After a time, the road was permitted to deviate in the southern suburb to follow the natural contours in parallel with the riverbank.38 Kom el-Nana does not follow this altered pathway. It is an important royal installation on par with the Great and Small Aten Temples and is likely one of the first to be sited on the Tell el-Amarna plain.39 Furthermore, with only two known exceptions, the early form of the name of the Aten dominates the

33 34 35 36 37 38 39

Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 437; Kemp, “A Progress Report at Kom El-Nana, 1989.” Kemp, Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization (London; New York: Routledge, 1991), 289. Ibid., 289; Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 437. Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 437. Chapter 4 explores specific dates for the carving of Kom el-Nana relief. Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 437. Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 455–457.

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figure 1.4 Bread Molds from Kom el-Nana

inscriptions of Kom el-Nana, further indicating it was one of the earlier Amarna structures.40 Kemp was first to suggest that the site had a specific identity in association with the Earlier Proclamation on the first set of boundary stele k, m, and x, where Akhenaten reveals his plans for the building program of Akhetaten.41 The proclamation contains a straightforward description of Akhenaten’s intentions:

40 41

Kemp, “A Progress Report at Kom El-Nana, 1989,” 2. Norman de Garis Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part v (London: Egypt Exploration Fund, 1908) 28–31; H.W. Fairman, “Topographic Notes on the Central City, Tell ElAmarnah,” jea 21 (1935), 136–137; William Murnane and Charles Van Siclen, The Boundary Stelae of Akhenaten (New York: Routledge, 1993), 40, 171–172; Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 457–458.

introduction to kom el-nana and sunshades of re

figure 1.5 Path of the Royal Road showing the alignment and the bakeries of the Great and Small Aten Temples and Kom el-Nana/Sunshade of Nefertiti after kemp, 1995, fig. 15.28

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ir.i42 pr itn pȝ itn pȝy.i it.i m ȝḫt itn m tȝy [st] ir.i tȝ ḥwt pȝ itn n pȝ itn pȝy it.i m ȝḫt itn m tȝy st ir.i tȝ šwt rʿ [n] ḥmt [nsw] n pȝ i[t]tn pȝy.i i[t].i m ȝḫt m tȝy st43 I will make a44 House of the Aten for the Aten my father in the Horizon of the Aten in this place, I will make the Mansion of the Aten for the Aten my father in the Horizon of the Aten, in this place I will make the Sunshade of Re (for) the (royal) wife for the Aten my father in the Horizon45 in this place. The first two buildings listed are the Great and Small Aten temples in the central city; the third is the Sunshade of Re of the Great Royal Wife Nefertiti. As the first two are the only other installations to have been provided with industrial food production areas, Kom el-Nana is likely to be the third building mentioned: the Sunshade of Nefertiti.46 Reinforcing this deduction, the author found several fragments from Kom elNana inscribed with the words “Sunshade of Re.”47 For example, block s-2570 preserves part of the head of the queen and bears a fragmentary inscription, a portion of which may be restored as šwt rʿ. The long upright of the fan is

42

43 44

45

46 47

Initial prospective sḏm.f Jaroslav Černý, Sarah Israelit-Groll, and Christopher Eyre, A Late Egyptian Grammar, 4th ed. (Roma: Editrice Pontificio Istituto Biblico, 1993), 329–334; Friedrich Junge and David Warburton, Late Egyptian Grammar: An Introduction (Oxford: Griffith Institute, 2001), 141–144. Transliteration after the collation of the three stelae in Murnane and Van Siclen, The Boundary Stelae of Akhenaten, 24–25. Murnane and Van Siclen, The Boundary Stelae of Akhenaten, 40. Note that Murnane translates this as “the House of the Aten.” However it lacks a definite or indefinite article, as in the next phrase: ḥwt pȝ itn. In the translation provided here, the indefinite article indicates the difference between the two phrases. Murnane and Van Siclen, The Boundary Stelae of Akhenaten, 40. Murnane translates as “the Horizon of the Aten.” However n pȝ itn is not present in stele k or x, the two stele of the three preserving this line. Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 457–461. Williamson, “Two Names, One Compound: the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn and the Sunshade of Re at Kom el-Nana” jarce 49 (2013), 143–152; Williamson “Hieroglyphic Inscriptions from Kom el-Nana: Finding the rwd ʿnḫw itn and Reconstructing the Titles of the Sunshade Temple of Nefertiti,” Proceedings of the Montpellier Amarna Conference: The Buildings from the Reign of Amenhotep iv—Akhenaten: urbanism and renewal, Les Cahiers Égypte nilotique et méditérranéenne (forthcoming).

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figure 1.6 s-2570, Left: without reconstruction of the first column of the inscription; Right: with reconstruction

preserved in the viewer’s right column, over the sun hieroglyph, and a logographic stroke (figure 1.6).48 On this fragment, the vertical stroke next to the pr hieroglyph extends too far beyond the upper boundary to have been a logographic stroke. The boundary of the column can be seen through the positioning of the final m, which would have marked the approximate width of the vertical signs above it. This indicates the vertical stroke had to be associated with a long and thin hieroglyph. The remaining space adjacent to that sign allows the inclusion of the t. The following signs pr rʿ could have been associated with another house of the Aten, but when referring to the temples at Amarna, inscriptions preferred to be specific and to mention the Aten by name. Hence pr itn would have appeared instead.49

48 49

The author thanks Betsy Bryan for brainstorming this emendation. Boundary Stele k and x write šwt rʿ ʿ as or respectively. Stele k is more typical of the writing of the word in the Amarna period as it does not use the house determinative. The other inscriptions from Akhetaten that mention a šwt rʿ are uniform in their omission of this sign despite a variety of other arrangements of the hieroglyphs, as seen in Patricia Spencer, The Egyptian Temple: A Lexicographical Study (London: Kegan Paul International, 1984), 119–124. If this restoration is accurate, only Boundary Stele x and this inscription use this sign; note in Murnane and Van Siclen, The Boundary Stelae of Akhenaten, 24–25.

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Kom el-Nana is therefore definitely a sunshade, and its ownership is indirectly suggested by the association of the inscription with the head of Queen Nefertiti, identified by the presence of the single uraeus, directly below the inscription.50 As no evidence appears for any other royal woman in an ownership position at Kom el-Nana, Nefertiti is the most probable owner of the site, a subject discussed in greater depth later in this book.51 The translation “Sunshade (of) Re” is literal and fails to communicate the actual structure being referenced.52 The term sunshade, šwt rʿ, is more correctly translated as a “Re-Chapel” or a “Chapel of Re-Horakhty.”53 However, because šwt rʿ structures appear to have a specific purpose, the more literal translation, “Sunshade of Re” or “Sunshade,” is maintained to differentiate it from other solar-oriented religious architecture. Furthermore, the translation of sunshade should not be taken literally. Some chapels were actually open to the sky, and actions within the structure were carried out under the overarching auspices of the sun.54 50

51

52

53 54

Note that this figure is identified as female and not Akhenaten because of the contrast in heights between the king and queen (see the fragment in reconstruction 2 for context). Also, when Nefertiti is at Amarna, her iconography shows her wearing the single uraeus exclusively. Elsewhere she is shown wearing a double uraeus, such as on the sarcophagus of Akhenaten or Brooklyn 41.82. Eaton-Krauss and several others have noted that Kiya’s iconography did not include the single uraeus; rather she is shown only with the double uraeus; Marianne Eaton-Krauss, “Miscellanea Amarnensia,” Chronique d’Egypte lvi, no. 112 (1981), 255 fn 2. The archaeological evidence does not rule out el-Mangara as a contender for this identification, but it is supportable from a purely epigraphic standpoint; for example: Kestner Museum Hannover 1964.3, Museum of Fine Arts Boston 64.1944, Genève inv. 27804 and the talatat in the Thalassic collection. Jean-Luc Chappaz, “Amenhotep iv à Karnak” in Akhénaton et l’ époque amarnienne, ed. Thierry-Louis Bergerot (Paris: Éditions Khéops, 2005), 65–83, fig. 7–8; Rita Freed, Sue D’Auria and Yvonne Markowitz, eds, Pharaohs of the Sun: Akhenaten, Nefertiti, Tutankhamen (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1999), 103, 231, fig. 68, cat. nos. 89, 90; Dorothea Arnold, ed, The Royal Women of Amarna: Images of Beauty from Ancient Egypt (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1996), 23, fig. 14; J.D.S. Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten iii, (London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1951), 1:57, 70, 79; 2: plates xli 2, 3 and lxviii 3,4. Spencer, The Egyptian Temple: A Lexicographical Study, 125. Other discussions include: Fairman in Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten iii, 1:200–208.; Rainer Stadelmann, “Kultstätte des Sonnengottes im Neuen Reich,” mdaik 25, (1969), 159–178; Lanny Bell, “Aspects of the Cult of the Deified Tutankhamun,” in Mélanges Gamal Eddin Mokhtar, edited by Paule Posener-Kriéger, (Cairo: ifao, 1985), 1:35. Spencer, The Egyptian Temple: A Lexicographical Study, 125. Stadelmann, “Kultstätte des Sonnengottes im Neuen Reich,”159–160.

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A sunshade was “a chapel dedicated to the god Re-Horakhty, usually situated within the temple of another god, although … it could also be a separate temple.”55 The sunshade chapel was frequently constructed with a court, open to the sun, containing a central altar, the first occurring in the reign of Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahri,56 where the sun was celebrated as creator and overlord.57 As Akhenaten appears to have been either the sole intermediary to the Aten, and/or a direct manifestation of the god in the form of his son, sunshade temples would figure prominently in his architecture.58 Akhenaten represents himself as a solar sphinx on a block from Hermopolis, Boston 64.1944; the inscription indicates it derives from a sunshade.59 Traditional sphinx imagery on the block links the king with the sun god rising in the east, or Re-Horakhty.60 A similar block from the Krestner-Museum Hanover 1964.3 shows the same image of the king as a worshipping sphinx.61 The inscription again indicates it comes from a sunshade. A third block representing the king as a sphinx and with an inscription indicating it comes from a sunshade is in the Thalassic collection in New York, courtesy of Mr. and Mrs. Theodore Halkedis.62 Iconographically, these blocks indicate that the king was identified as solar, a traditional statement of legitimation and divine affiliation, within the precinct of a sunshade.63 Based on this evidence, the cultic practices that took place

55 56

57 58

59

60 61 62 63

Spencer, The Egyptian Temple: A Lexicographical Study, 125. Stadelmann, “Kultstätte des Sonnengottes im Neuen Reich,” 159–178; Stadelmann, “Sonnenschatten,” in Lexicon der Ägyptologie, eds. Wolfgang Helck, Eberhard Otto and Wolfhart Westendorf (Weisbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1984), 4:1103–1104; Spencer, The Egyptian Temple: A Lexicographical Study, 121. The Lexicon article also furnishes a good bibliography on the identification and nature of the sunshade. Spencer notes that only one of the sites Stadelmann suggests as exemplars of this type, the Re-Chapel at Medinet Habu, is actually called a “sunshade.” Nonetheless, she agrees with his assessment. Stadelmann, “Kultstätte des Sonnengottes im Neuen Reich,” 159–178; Stadelmann, “Sonnenschatten,” 1103–1104. David P. Silverman, “Divinity and Deities in Ancient Egypt,” Religion in Ancient Egypt, ed John Baines, Leonard H. Lesko, and David P. Silverman (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991), 83, 86. Sayed Tawfik, “Was Aton—the God of Akhenaten—Only a Manifestation of the God Re?” mdaik 32 (1976), 217–226, plate 53; Freed, D’Auria and Markowitz, eds, Pharaohs of the Sun, 103, 231, fig. 68, cat. no. 89. Freed, D’Auria and Markowitz, eds, Pharaohs of the Sun, 103. Ibid., 213, no. 90. Arnold, ed, The Royal Women of Amarna, 23, fig. 14. Tawfik, “Was Aton—the God of Akhenaten—Only a Manifestation of the God Re?” 217– 226, pl. 53; Freed, D’Auria and Markowitz, eds, Pharaohs of the Sun, 231.

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within a sunshade structure could have been germane to the king as an object of dedication in the form of the Aten. In support, Bell proposes that sunshades of Re were likely oriented around the celebration of a member of the royal family as a manifestation of the sun god and a creator deity.64 The implications of these connections are explored further in Chapters 3 and 4. The first evidence for sunshades of Re comes from the early half of the 18th Dynasty in the reign of Hatshepsut who erected a sunshade of Re chapel in her mortuary temple at Deir el-Bahri.65 Like many cultic establishments in ancient Egypt, a sunshade was supported by landed foundations that produced an income, which in turn likely benefited sunshade owners.66 They underwent unusual proliferation during the Amarna period, indicating that Akhenaten valued solar-associated structures.67 An Akhenaten inscription on a small talatat from Karnak discusses the reorganization of the economy to support the foundation of sunshades of Re throughout the Delta area. He probably did the same for the sunshades of Re at Tell el-Amarna.68 These foundations were 64

65 66

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68

Most early Sunshades of Re, such as Hatshepsut’s at Deir el-Bahri, are erected within mortuary temples, which indicates they also had a funerary role, discussed in association with the inscriptions from Kom el-Nana later in this book. Bell, “Aspects of the cult of the deified Tutankhamun,” 35; also Williamson, “Two Names, One Compound: the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn and the Sunshade of Re at Kom el-Nana,” 143–152. Spencer, The Egyptian Temple: A Lexicographical Study, 125. Also note Papyrus Leiden i 350 Verso. Wolfgang Helck, “Zur Opferliste Amenophis iv,” jea 59 (1973), 95–99; Anthony Spalinger, “Some Revisions of Temple Endowments in the New Kingdom,” jarce 28 (1991), 21–39; Spencer, The Egyptian Temple: A Lexicographical Study, 124–125; Jac J. Janssen, Two Ancient Egyptian Ship’s Logs: Papyrus Leiden 1 350 Verso and Papyrus Turin 2008 Plus 2016 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1961), 15, 44–45, lines 20–30. Two have been found, that of Queen Nefertiti and her daughter Meritaten. For the archaeological evidence for sunshades of Re at Tell el-Amarna, see T.E. Peet et al, The City of Akhenaten i (London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1923), 123, pl. xxxiv (1, 2), lvi; Spencer, The Egyptian Temple: A Lexicographical Study, 121–124; Ian Shaw, “Balustrades, Stairs and Altars in the Cult of the Aten at El-Amarna” jea 80 (1994), 122, plate x.1, number 22/273, currently in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford 1922.141. We know that other female members of the royal household also had sunshades of Re, but we are uncertain about their original locations, Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 454–461; Arnold, ed, The Royal Women of Amarna, 27; Freed, D’Auria and Markowitz, eds, Pharaohs of the Sun, 64. For evidence for sunshades of Re at Memphis, see Stéphane Pasquali, “A Sun-Shade Temple of Princess Ankhesenpaaten in Memphis?” jea 97 (2011), 216–222; David Silverman, Josef W. Wegner and Jennifer Houser Wegner, Akhenaten and Tutankhamun: Revolution and Restoration (Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, 2006); upmaa e16230, 91, fig. 81. Claude Traunecker, “Amenhotep iv, percepteur royal du disque” in Akhénaton et l’époque

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furnished with a staff of priests and administrators, including wʿb and ḥmwnṯr priests, and were associated with the households of royal Amarna women, including Nefertiti, the princesses, the Queen Mother Tiye, and Akhenaten’s minor wife Kiya.69 Thus they were functioning locales with industrial benefits, significant to the personal households of the royal Amarna women who may have administered and benefited from them. Hatshepsut’s sunshade at Deir el-Bahri may indicate a similar genderspecific association in the early 18th Dynasty, although she performed as a king. After the Amarna period, the later Ramesside evidence suggests a similar gender-specific association; a sunshade of Re is described as being provisioned by cattle from the estate of a princess. Although beyond the scope of this inquiry, Egyptians may have continued to view sunshades of Re as feminine institutions in the reign of Ramses ii, as the papyrus dates to the 52nd year of his reign. In summary, Hatshepsut established a sunshade chapel; the households of royal women maintained the sunshades of Re at Amarna; and a Ramesside princess also supported a sunshade chapel. Consequently, they were likely understood as gendered institutions appropriate to women.70 The cosmogonic and Hathoric role of the queen and her female offspring, in this case Nefertiti, was likely the raison d’être of all sunshades of Re.71 Nefertiti’s Isis-like association with rebirth is evidenced by her representation on the corners of Akhenaten’s sarcophagus. Her sunshade of Re temple likely served those attributes because a sunshade of Re was intended as a cosmogonic locale when it appeared in the early 18th dynasty.72

69

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71 72

amarnienne, ed Thierry-Louis Bergerot, (Paris: Éditions Khéops, 2005), 145–182; Helck, “Zur Opferliste Amenophis iv,” 95–99; Spalinger, “Some Revisions of Temple Endowments in the New Kingdom,” 21–39; Spencer, The Egyptian Temple: A Lexicographical Study, 124– 125; Janssen, Two Ancient Egyptian Ship’s Logs, 15, 44–45: Lines 20–30. Spencer, The Egyptian Temple: A Lexicographical Study, 143, notes 267–271; Alan Henderson Gardiner, The Wilbour Papyrus, Vol. i (London: Brooklyn Museum at the Oxford University Press, 1941), pl. 3,7, 8,18, 29, 30,37,42,44,48,49,60,70,72. An inscription on a talatat from a private collection was proposed as evidence for Tutankhamun’s Sunshade of Re. However, the block is probably a forgery. Alfred Grimm and Hermann S. Schlögl, Das thebanische Grab Nr. 136 und der Beginn der Amarnazeit (Weisbaden, Harassowitz Verlag, 2005), 34–38, tafel xlviii; Pasquali, “A Sun-Shade Temple of Princess Ankhesenpaaten in Memphis?” n. 17; Eaton-Krauss, “Review of Das thebanische Grab Nr. 136,” Bibliotheca Orientalis 63 (2006), 526. Claude Traunecker, “Néfertiti, la reine sans nom,” in Akhénaton et l’époque amarnienne, ed Thierry-Louis Bergerot (Paris: Éditions Khéops, 2005), 135–144. Arnold, ed, The Royal Women of Amarna, 93–96, fig. 85.

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The office of the king was considered inherently androgynous; the holders of the titles of King and Queen personified the essential generative forces of male and female.73 The queen played an important role as priestess, particularly in the Amarna period, as Nefertiti is frequently shown at Tell el-Amarna actively worshipping the Aten alongside the king.74 The presence and importance of Akhenaten’s daughters on the walls of Karnak illustrated the generative powers of the solar eye.75 As children of the solar god-king Akhenaten, they are associated with Hathor’s reviving influence on her father Re/Aten. This would also explain the importance and proliferation of the sunshade temples at Amarna, as each was associated with a member of the female royal entourage.76 The Sunshade of Re of Princess Meritaten, the Maru-Aten, is like Kom elNana in having dual enclosures with an area for royal appearance ceremonies and the other for a sunshade.77 This would make the Maru Aten Sunshade a mirror image of Kom el-Nana, and also invest it with the same connotations of the female prototype, in this instance the reviving powers of the royal female principle, Hathoric in nature, coming in contact with the royal male principle, which in this case would be solar. The reconstructions proposed in this work illustrate how the area of Kom el-Nana is similar to the Maru-Aten, Princess Meritaten’s Sunshade of Re. The separate areas within the northern and southern halves of the Kom el-Nana enclosure of Kom el-Nana may have been allocated to different activities— one cultic, the other ceremonial. Due to the definitions of the royal couple as manifestations of Shu and Tefnut in Atenism, it is possible to suggest the area was a locale dedicated to the generative capacity of the royal female on behalf of the manifestation of the god in the form of the king. As stated above the general ground plan of the site of Kom el-Nana is similar to the one other previously identified sunshade at Amarna,78 the Maru-Aten, known as the Sunshade of Princess Meritaten.79 Kiya, Akhenaten’s minor wife,

73 74 75 76

77 78 79

Lana Troy, Patterns of Queenship in Ancient Egyptian Myth and History (Uppsala, 1986), 15–20. Ibid., 73–79, 89. Troy, Patterns of Queenship in Ancient Egyptian Myth and History, 89–91. The three so-called sphinx blocks may indicate another sunshade dedicated to Akhenaten. Instead of breaking from tradition, this would be the exception that proves the rule, as the sunshade temples were ultimately dedicated to the king in his divine form as a solar creator deity. Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 411–462. Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 435. Peet et al, The City of Akhenaten i, 123, pl. xxxiv (1, 2), lvi; Spencer, The Egyptian Temple:

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figure 1.7 Plan of the Maru-Aten, mii indicated by arrow, after coa i pl xxix

first owned the Maru-Aten,80 but Meritaten inherited the site perhaps when Kiya died early. Like Kom el-Nana, the Maru-Aten was also divided into a north and south precinct. The southern precinct or enclosure of the Maru Aten was less extensively excavated than the northern, but appears to have contained a large shallow pool or lake with a large brick complex centered against the eastern wall.81 This structure contained a throne dais in the rear with a platform structure toward the western front reached by a stairway on the south, and

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A Lexicographical Study, 121; Shaw, “Balustrades, Stairs and Altars in the Cult of the Aten at El-Amarna,” 122, plate x.1, number 22/273, currently in the Ashmolean Museum Oxford 1922.141. Other female members of the royal household also had sunshades, but the location of them is uncertain. Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 454–461; Arnold, ed, The Royal Women of Amarna, 27; Freed, D’Auria and Markowitz, eds, Pharaohs of the Sun, 64; Spencer, The Egyptian Temple: A Lexicographical Study, 122–124. Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 411–462.

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figure 1.8 Map of Kom el-Nana with walls reconstructed

chapter 1

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figure 1.9 Detail of the buildings a–d at the mii location at the Maru-Aten author’s drawing after kemp, 1995

another structure was discovered in the western end.82 The north enclosure was far more elaborate. The excavators found six areas of structures, labeled mi–mvi, around a large water garden that occupied most of the central region.83 mi had a row of T-shaped basins decorated extensively with frescos of a Nilotic nature. mii is perhaps the area of greatest significance to this discussion, as it is the find spot of the inscribed balustrade, Ashmolean 1922.141, identifying the site as a sunshade of Re.84 The mii area is fronted by a shrine (labeled a in the excavation report), in front of an area surrounded by a small square moat. In the center of the moat was an island featuring a central building (d) flanked on both sides by two smaller structures (b and c). Kemp has reexamined the reconstruction of these regions and suggests changes to Peet and Wooley’s original plan.85 Shrine a, centrally located along both the north and south axis of the enclosure, was perhaps the most significant structure of the group. The area appears to lack a ramp, so it was likely slightly elevated. The structure was probably a small version of the typical open-air Aten temple with a solar altar in the back.86 d, the central building on the island, was an open platform typical for sun worship. Buildings b and c were likely similar to the buildings represented in the tomb of Huya associated with the reception of

82 83 84 85 86

Peet et al, The City of Akhenaten i, 112.; Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 430. Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten iii, 2: pl. xxiv; Peet et al, The City of Akhenaten i, 113– 123. Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 420. Peet et al, The City of Akhenaten i, 119. Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 426–427.

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foreign tribute.87 The buildings appear to have broken lintel doorways and to have had portable, wooden offering stands. The fragments of the Ashmolean balustrade were found in the moat, so its original location is unknown88 but it may have come from buildings b or c.89 Fragmentary scenes of the king and his daughter Meritaten worshipping the Aten are preserved on both sides of the balustrade. On one side, only the king’s head and arms are preserved. He wears the blue crown and offers incense to the disk of the Aten, to the viewer’s right. Vertical lines of inscription above him give the names and titles of the Aten, Akhenaten, and Meritaten. On the other side the king faces the sun disc, again to the viewer’s right, but his headdress is mostly gone and his face is preserved down to his nose. Both his hands are preserved, and are upheld as he presents a container to the Aten. The rest of his body is lost. The head of Meritaten, wearing what may be the Nubian wig, appears behind the king. Her face and part of her head are preserved along with one lower arm. Her hand holds a sistrum up to the Aten disk. Above their heads are several lines of inscription again mentioning the names and titles of the Aten, the king, Meritaten, and the identifying inscription tȝ šwt rʿ n sȝt nsw mr.t-itn, m pȝ mȝrw n pȝ ȝḫt itn; “the Sunshade of Re of the king’s daughter, Meritaten, in the Maru-Aten of the Horizon of the Aten.”90 Although the Maru-Aten and Kom el-Nana sunshades differ somewhat, they share significant similarities. They are divided into two conjoined precincts, one in the north and the other in the south, with a wall dividing them. No other Amarna structures are laid out with two conjoined enclosures sharing a dividing wall with separate entrances. Also like Kom el-Nana, only two MaruAten areas were executed in stone or given stone relief decoration: the quay building mviii and the buildings in the mii complex. Building mvii of the southern enclosure of the Maru-Aten is also similar to the Central Platform area in the southern enclosure of Kom el-Nana.91 Furthermore, the mvi houses in the southern enclosure of the Maru-Aten recall the block of houses in the

87 88 89

90 91

Ibid. pg 428–429; Norman de Garis Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part iii (London: Egypt Exploration Fund, 1905), pl. xiv. Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 420–429, fig. 15.6. Peet et al, The City of Akhenaten i, pl. xxxiv (1 and 2). The inscription also identifies the area as the Sunshade of Meritaten. Shaw, “Balustrades, Stairs and Altars in the Cult of the Aten at El-Amarna,” 122, plate x.1 Ashmolean 1922.141. Peet et al, The City of Akhenaten i, pl. lvi; Shaw, “Balustrades, Stairs and Altars in the Cult of the Aten at El-Amarna,” pl. xxxii(2). Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 430.

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southern enclosure of Kom el-Nana.92 Both the Maru Aten and Kom el-Nana were planted with gardens or trees, although the full extent of gardens in Kom el-Nana’s northern enclosure is unknown. A substantial amount of the northern enclosure has not been excavated, and the complete layouts of the South and North Shrines have yet to be determined. Future excavations may reveal greater similarity. The fragments of stone decoration that are provenanced from the MaruAten fit within the artistic corpus of Kom el-Nana, discussed more deeply later in this book. In other words, both locales used similar motifs. The quay of the Maru-Aten was decorated with scenes of the royal family worshipping the Aten. Also, excavators have found courtiers and a schematic representation of either a palace or a temple like Kom el-Nana.93 Buildings mviii and the mii area were also decorated with many scenes of the royal family worshipping the Aten.94 The Maru-Aten area has also yielded several fragments of an alabaster stele. In a balustrade preserving an image of a member of the royal family,95 only the proper left shoulder and upper part of the left torso and arm of a royal figure facing the viewer’s left is preserved. The arm is at the side, covered by a pleated garment. A streamer lies by the base of the neck. The chest, decorated with a thick pectoral, also has body cartouches. The current location of the item is unknown, but it is mentioned in the Maru-Aten excavation reports. In each representation of the royal family found in the Maru-Aten, the family stands and raises offerings to the Aten disc.96 This demonstrates that the

92 93

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95 96

Ibid., 429. Images of running soldiers also decorated the quay. Peet et al, The City of Akhenaten i, 115, 21/315, 21/329, plates lxii and xxxiii. Although no evidence for soldiers has been found, future investigation may reveal soldier scenes from Kom el-Nana. Ibid., 113, plate xxxiv (4); The king’s head and lower arms are preserved. He faces the viewer’s left and uses both hands to raise unguent jars to the Aten rays descending from the upper left corner. Behind him is the suggestion of the lower arm of another figure, perhaps Nefertiti. Peet et al, The City of Akhenaten i, pl. xxxiii (2); Shaw, “Balustrades, Stairs and Altars in the Cult of the Aten at El-Amarna,” 126. Also noted in Peet et al, The City of Akhenaten i, pl. xxxiv. However, the word family here is not meant to imply that family members other than Meritaten or Akhenaten were present. The inscriptions of the Maru-Aten itself contain no evidence for Nefertiti’s cartouches or titles. However, her name appears in association with the base of a badly damaged statue of her daughter, the only part preserved, originally erected in tȝ šwt rʿ n sȝt nsw n ẖt.f mr.f mryt-itn bm 1000 I.E.S. Edwards, Hieroglyphic Texts from Egyptian Stelae, &c., in the British Museum (London: The British Museum, 1939), 8:27–28, plate xxiv. Presumably this is the Maru-Aten, although the statue base does not contain the word mȝrw.

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decorative schemes were similar in both the Maru-Aten and Kom el-Nana; both were represented with scenes of the royal family shown in body cartouches.97 Another significant similarity between the two structures is that neither the Maru-Aten nor Kom el-Nana structures conform to the layout of a traditional sun altar, or an open air elevated podium reached by a flight of stairs like Hatshepsut’s at Deir el-Bahri. This lack of a conventional solar altar in either complex does not preclude their identities as sunshades, as their inscriptions conclusively identify them as such. Kemp argues that the main focus of the mii area, the collection of buildings that yielded the balustrade bearing the “Sunshade of Re” inscription, diverges from the form of the traditional solar platform. Instead the enclosure mainly focused on building a, which is similar in outline to the representation of the Sunshade of Tiye in the tomb of Huya, and the solar platforms were peripheral elements.98 However, in Huya’s tomb, the Sunshade of Tiye appears to be outlined much like the traditional Amarna temple, with the usual solar platform in the first court succeeded by smaller cult rooms at the back. In the case of the Maru-Aten, miid is more in keeping with the form expected for the traditional solar platform. Thus an Amarna sunshade was not exclusively a solar platform. Regarding the Maru-Aten, “the term ‘Sunshade of Re’ was simply applied to the (southern buildings) as a group and was not limited to a single design.”99 The northern enclosure of Kom el-Nana is incompletely excavated, and may provide evidence for a platform or solar area like the miid region at a later date. Kemp and Spencer agree that sunshade layouts and elements can vary, so the fact that no such platform has been found does not mean that the site lacked sunshades, especially considering that the inscriptions conclusively indicate the presence of sunshades. In the following chapters the northern and southern enclosures will be explored in context of the inscriptions and architecture from Kom el-Nana. Possibly both northern and southern enclosures were understood to be units

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98 99

The uniformity of the repertoire would lead to obvious anticipations of a collection of genres. Because the material is so scarce, particular caution is essential when trying to interpret associations between the two complexes. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part iii, pl. xi; Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 458–459; Stadelmann, “Kultstätte des Sonnengottes im Neuen Reich,” 162–164. Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 459. Kemp believes that most of the southern buildings could have been described as sunshades. Stadelmann notes that all the temples at Tell el-Amarna are inherently sun temples and did not deviate from the general outlines required for a solar temple. Stadelmann, “Kultstätte des Sonnengottes im Neuen Reich,” 164–165.

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of the sunshade complex, as they were both within the same enclosure walls. However the dividing wall between the northern and southern enclosures of both complexes indicates a purposeful division. The two areas may have been dedicated to two separate activities or two separate but complementary aspects of the same cult, a deduction supported by the reconstructions of the art and inscriptions, discussed more deeply in later chapters. This chapter has provided an overview of the issues and subjects that will be encountered in the next chapters of this book. Chapter 2 details each fragment used in the reconstructions and the methods used to obtain them. Chapter 3 reconstructs several inscriptions from the site, providing more evidence that Kom el-Nana played a role in the ritual life of Tell el-Amarna. The final chapter discusses the issues raised by the iconography of the reconstructions and offers final thoughts on Akhenaten and Nefertiti and the roles they played in Atenism.

chapter 2

The Reconstructions: Relief and Architecture 1

Reconstructions: Method and Application

This section focuses on reconstructions obtained by examining stone relief material from excavation squares from the site called the North Shrine of Kom el-Nana. The nature and preservation of the material prohibits the ability to precisely and systematically reconstruct the section of wall preserved in squares x39, y39, w38, x38, x37, and x36. Instead genres are re-created to understand the decoration used at Kom el-Nana’s North Shrine and to contextualize Kom el-Nana within the religion of Akhenaten. An in-depth analysis of the context and its implications will be presented. The motif of the body cartouche can be highly diagnostic of identity. With only a few exceptions, observing the directionality of the cartouches allows a determination of the stance and direction of the figure. Robins’ system of grids and proportions is used to obtain the original height of individual figures and to group together similar fragments. The status and identity of figures can be identified by their size in relationship to others in a scene. Several scenes of both royal and non-royal nature were obtained using this method. The author provides an extensive discussion of the allocation of the fragments and the reasoning behind the groupings, and then compares the reconstructions with the art from the city of Amarna. The material is intended to illustrate the basis for the proposed reconstructions and to provide their justification and legitimation. Because the area was highly damaged by modern looting, the excavation team first sunk the square x38. Once they uncovered decorative fragments, the excavation proceeded from the north to the south to see whether the stone chips were related to the South Shrine. During this process, the team found a separating wall between the south and north sides of Kom el-Nana precinct, which allowed them to identify the area as a separate installation unrelated to the South Shrine. Squares x35 through 37 are at the southern end of the excavation.1 x37 displays parallel north-to-south features that probably were at the front and

1 Barry Kemp, “A Progress Report at Kom El-Nana, 1989,” 89.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi: 10.1163/9789004325555_003

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figure 2.1 Excavation squares of the North Shrine. Left: limestone and sandstone distribution, after research of M. Serpico. Right: excavation squares of the front of the North Shrine drawing after barry kemp

southwest corner of the shrine. x and y39 are also within an area of stone chippings, with y39 displaying a portion of a gypsum platform.2 Several talatat blocks come from Kom el-Nana. They demonstrate that basic architectural methods were similar to the construction of the other buildings 2 x39 in the unpublished report to the Macdonald Institute is described as a possible area of stone working, or the locus for the destruction of the walls. In y39 the gypsum platform appears to be hacked, demonstrating further the means of the possible demolition of the site. Although x39 displays a large number of stone chippings and fragments of relief, it was not the most populated with such debris. It may be inaccurate to interpret this square as the locus for demolition. Kemp, “A Progress Report at Kom El-Nana, 1989,” 89.

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at Amarna.3 Nevertheless, the main building material was limestone, with sandstone used for accent architecture such as doorways, in contradiction to Akhenaten’s Aten structures at Karnak where the main building material is Gebel Silsila sandstone. Of the pigment traces on fragments studied so far, blue appears to have survived the best4 in shades of light robin-egg and darker, almost navy-blue. White, red, yellow, and light pink are also preserved. Several fragments have varying traces of blue pigment in unexpected areas, such as on the sun disc in Reconstruction 1 where several traces of dark blue appear rather than yellow. The blue pigments in this era tended to smear or migrate throughout a representation. The tomb of Horemheb in Luxor tt 78 and house stele je 44865 display similar problems with smeared blue pigment.5 x39 and y39 preserve a five-meter stretch of wall that was probably originally near the front of the North Shrine. This area had a high concentration of fragments, and the analysis started at this locale in spring 2007. Square x38 was examined in spring 2008. x39, y39, and x38 formed the contents of the author’s doctoral dissertation, submitted to The Johns Hopkins University in 2009. Subsequent analysis of the squares of the North Shrine followed through 2011. The assumption was first made that the fragments were close to their original contexts which proved to be correct when adjacent squares showed a much greater likelihood of containing matching fragments. When scale or proportion did not rule out including some fragments in a reconstruction, the original find spot within an excavation square was used as a final determination. However, the specific context of each fragment often failed to indicate the original location. For example, fragments s-393 and s-1934 in Reconstruction 17 form a direct match but they came from two different contexts within square x36. This evidence indicates that the blocks were dismantled closely to their original placement in the walls, so the fragments were near their correct location.

3 These include s-4034 from x39 measuring 23/33/20cm and s-2788 from x38 measuring 22/26.5/21.5 cm. The average talatat block is 27/27/54cm, with some variation. Although slightly smaller than the average, Kom el-Nana’s few intact talatat are still representative of this style of construction. For discussions of the variations in sizes of talatat see: Jean Lauffrey, “Les ‘Talatat’ du ixe Pylone et le teny-menou,”Karnak vi (1980): 67–89; Jean-Luc Chappaz, “Un nouvel assemblage de talâtât: une paroi du rwD-mnw d’Aton,” Karnak viii (1987): 81–119; Dieter Arnold, The Encyclopedia of Ancient Egyptian Architecture, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003), 274. 4 Fran Weatherhead, “Two Studies on Amarna Pigments,” ar vi (1995), 384–398. 5 Annelies Brack and Artur Brack, Das Grab des Haremheb: Theben Nr. 78 (Mainz am Rhein: Zabern, 1980), 16; Arnold, ed, The Royal Women of Amarna, 102, fig. 94.

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It was further assumed that adjacent squares would be more likely to contain the relief of several different scenes, not necessarily one cohesive scene, meaning all reconstructed scenes had to be seen in terms of temporary postulations subject to future change. The caution proved to be correct; the author has reassessed the scenes originally reported in the dissertation as new information came to light. In the following discussions, the term proper right indicates the right side of the object; viewer’s right indicates the side relative to the viewer. If the sides are not indicated, the viewer’s side is being referenced. Furthermore, the work is presented with two different narratives. The first is intended to demonstrate the logical deduction process and method used in grouping the images into separate scenes or reconstructions, used for Reconstructions 1–10. Rather than pursue such lengthy narratives for all reconstructions, 11–18 are discussed per each scene, with a more summary discussion of the deductive reasoning behind the allocations. The presentation of both narrative methods is meant to conserve space and to help the reader understand the method. The error factor is acknowledged and factored into all calculations, and many controls were employed to avoid a biased outcome. As a final control, the reconstructed scenes were added in terms of centimeters to determine whether they fit the distance of the preserved wall, adding further confidence that the methods are accurate. 1.1 Limestone Reconstructions 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7 1.1.1 Aten discs The first two squares examined, x39 and y39, contained fragments of two discs of the Aten. The first and larger disc was in two pieces (see Figure 2.2). The largest piece, s-1415, is 19.5cm high by 18cm wide, and preserves the mid-tolower proper right side of the disc and the front of the body of the uraeus serpent, usually shown on the bottom of the disc of the Aten.6 The second fragment, s-1707, is 15cm by 17cm. It preserves a smaller portion of the upper arch of the disc. Neither disc has a clear line of demarcation: the original incised outer edges of the discs are unclear, but the lower edge of the larger fragment, under the uraeus serpent to the viewer’s left, appears to be the approximate edge. These fragments nest securely and are shown together in the photo and in the drawing. Both are carved from the same white/grey stone. Both possess

6 Such as in the tomb of Meryre ii. Norman de Garis Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part ii (London: Egypt Exploration Fund, 1905), pl. xxxiii.

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figure 2.2 Fragment s-1415 (below) h: 19.5cm w: 18cm nested on top of s-1707 (above) h: 15cm w: 17cm, faint traces of blue are present on both fragments2 photo and illustration by the author

traces of blue pigment on their surfaces. When placed together, the fragments have a combined height of approximately 25 centimeters, but from the curvature, the disc was apparently much larger originally, possibly 30–50 cm or more. The cobra’s body was approximately 4–5cm wide and is preserved to a height of 8.03cm with a projected height of approximately 12.6 cm. This height can be used as a control in estimating the disc dimensions. Generally, in proportion to the rest of an Aten disc, the uraeus is one-third to one-fourth the height of the disc in the few preserved palace reliefs and the tombs of Amarna.7 Assuming most of the body is preserved here, an approximate range of 37.8 to 50.4 cm would be generally correct. Although this provides an excellent original estimate of the disc, the most accurate measurement came from fragment s-1693, Figure 2.3. This fragment preserves the curving outer edge of the sunk sun disc and several sunrays. Using a profile gage, the original diameter was probably no larger than 66cm. As no other fragments from this or the squares to either side of y39 match that size, the fragment can only be associated with s-1707 and s1415. This demonstrates that estimations of the original height of the disc, even without a clear edge, can help to determine further matches. Also, the abso-

7 Uraeus one-third of the disc height includes Berlin 14145 and Cairo Temp. Number 10.11.26.4; Freed, D’Auria and Markowitz, eds, Pharaohs of the Sun, fig. 34 number 53; Uraeus one-fourth of the disc height includes Cairo Museum Temp. Number 30.10.26.12 and je 44865, Krestner Museum Hanover 1964.3 and the tomb of Panehesy, where the disc alternates from one-third to one-fourth the height of the discs in the scenes. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part ii, pl. v–xx.

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figure 2.3 s-1693 h: 6.3 cm w: 4.3 cm

lutely precise original measurements are not necessary to give an approximate understanding of scale or the appearance of a scene or genre, as will be demonstrated. A final fragment, s-222, was added to the collection of fragments representing the sun disc. Although it does not preserve the disc proper, it preserves several Aten rays that are of the correct proportion for a disc of this size. They are too large to fit with the other discs reconstructed in this and the adjacent squares, so they are likely associated with s-1707, s-1415, and s-1693. All are seen in Reconstruction 1. The second smaller reconstructed disc from the first two squares examined was also in two pieces (Figure 2.5). The larger of the two fragments of the smaller disc, s-5652, 11.5cm high by 15 wide, also preserves the middle proper right of a sun disc and part of the body of the uraeus, approximately 2–3cm wide and 5cm high. The second fragment, s-2518, 9 cm high by 4 cm wide, is a portion of the upper proper center-to-left arch of the disc. Using the same method of extrapolation from the first disc, it is possible to estimate the diameter of the smaller disc at 20–30cm high. These ballpark estimations indicate that the first disc described was originally much larger than the second. The next limestone fragment of this disc is numbered s-700, 4.5 centimeters high and 12.5 centimeters wide (Figure 2.6). This fragment preserves the curve of the disc in the proper left corner, two incised lines in the center, and part of a vertical column of inscription in the proper right corner. Part of an ‘m’ is clearly preserved. The arc of the disc is more clearly delineated, making it possible to measure mathematically the arc dimensions using the intersecting chord theorem.

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figure 2.4 s-222 h: 10 cm w: 16 cm

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figure 2.5 s-5652 (below) h: 11.5cm w: 16cm and s2518 (above to right) h: 9cm w: 4cm

figure 2.6 s-700 h: 4.5 cm w: 12.5 cm (hieroglyphs and outline of sun disc highlighted with dark black lines)

These dimensions are .0188 centimeters for the height of the arch by 1.312 centimeters for the width of the chord, or the distance between the two end points of a preserved arc. Calculating the diameter of the circle using these dimensions yields a 23cm disc. This theorem can be used in other inquiries where only a small section of an arc is preserved, such as for pottery rims. The full theorem is presented in Figure 2.7 To be certain of the validity of the theorem for archeological inquiry, the more traditional method of imposing graduated sizes of arcs onto the fragment was also used as a control for the calculations. This method yielded a diameter of 26.5 cm, giving a span from 23–26cm. These measurements have an approximate error of plus or minus 10 percent, which can add or subtract several centimeters, in turn placing this fragment well within the boundaries of the second smaller sun disc in limestone reconstructed in 2007 and postulated as having a range of 20– 30cm. In 2010 a final fragment, s-610, from this same disc was found when the fragments from these squares were reexamined.

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figure 2.7 Intersecting Chord Theorem

This fragment preserves a deeply cut arc of the edge of a sun disc surmounted by a blue pt-sign. This arc was sufficiently preserved to be measured with confidence using a profile gage rather than resorting to the chord theorem, the result renders a disc with a diameter in the 30–34cm range. The 30 degree arc is the best match. Very likely it forms part of the disc preserved by s-2518, s-2293, and s-700. A disc with a similar arc is preserved in s-4034 in Reconstruction 3, but these are likely two different discs of the same approximate diameter. s-610 preserves a section of a pt sign very close to the edge of the Aten disc, whereas s-4034 lacks room for such a low-lying pt-sign: a large scale inscription would have pushed a pt sign farther away from the top of the arc of the disc. These can be seen in Reconstruction 2 (a–c) and s-4034 in Reconstruction 3.

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figure 2.8

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s-610 h: 5.1 cm w: 6.3 cm

figure 2.9

s-4034 h: 23cm w: 33cm

As discussed, the next best-preserved evidence for a sun disc derives from s-4034. This large fragment preserves the clear arc of a disc and sections of two columns of inscription. Faint traces of red appear on the Aten and blue on the hieroglyphs. The clear edge of the disc made a profile gage the most accurate method, yielding a diameter of 30–31cm. Although this is almost exactly the same dimensions as the disc preserved by s-2518, s-5652, s-610, and s-700, it is a different disc. Both s-700 and s-610 are cut at different depths than the disc preserved in s-4034: s4034 is cut somewhat deeper. Although they measure almost exactly the same, they are different discs. Also the presence of the pt sign on s-610 indicates they are from different scenes. In the 2008 and 2010 seasons at Tell el-Amarna, a few additional fragments were found from these limestone squares that may or may not be sun discs. Because the fragments are so small, it is difficult, even with the chord theorem, to determine the circumference of the disc or discs of which they were originally a part. In the interest of accuracy, however, an attempt was made to determine their measurements, as the presence of additional limestone sun discs would help reveal the type and number of scenes to be reconstructed. s-3739, 2.7cm high by 8cm wide, was the least informative of the fragments. Of the three sun disc fragments found in 2008, it preserves the smallest section of the arc of the sun disc, making geometrical calculations difficult. A system of graduated arcs was imposed on the preserved curve and determined to be the best method of analysis. Of these arcs, circles from 24 to 30 cm are required before an approximate match conforms to the fragment. However, the upper end of these arcs appears to come closest to mimicking the original curve, suggesting a minimum of a 30cm diameter but likely a larger disc. The arc is hard to discern on this fragment: the preserved section is very small and the original arc was very large and thus shallow. In bad lighting, the arc appears almost flat. This piece can be assigned to the larger of the two limestone discs

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

figure 2.10

s-3739, h: 2.7 cm w: 8 cm

figure 2.11

s-310 h: 2.5 cm w: 7.5 cm

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reconstructed from the 2007 season because of a small spot of blue paint within the cavity of the incised edge and the likelihood that the disc was over 30 cm in diameter. The fragment was eliminated from the final reconstruction because the measurements are unreliable. Fragment s-310 is of similar size: 2.5 cm high and 7.5 cm wide. The arc of a disc and a single ray are preserved on the proper right side. The ray angles down toward proper left, and shows traces of red paint. The same two methods used to measure s-700 were used on this section of the sun disc. The height of the arch of the arc is .060 cm and the width of the chord is 2.5cm, yielding a resulting diameter of 26.1 cm. The imposed graduated arcs suggested 27cm for the disc diameter, with again an error margin of plus or minus 10 percent. As the research progressed on this project, s-310 proved to be too shallowly carved to be reliably identified as a sun disc. Unless further evidence surfaces indicating that the Amarna period featured shallow discs of this size, the fragment is omitted from the reconstruction. The evidence is insufficient for gleaning exact dimensions, but the numbers and proportions provide a point for beginning the rest of the reconstruction efforts. In other words, these discs demonstrate that at least one large and two small limestone scenes were located in association with the discs. In Amarna tombs, the disc usually appears over members of the royal family, over the royal residence, or over the temples to the Aten.8 This means that it is 8 Norman de Garis Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part vi (London: Egypt Exploration

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possible to rule out partnering the discs with nonroyal domestic or agricultural scenes. The presence of the three discs indicates that the section of wall represented in these squares had at least three scenes containing the royal family, a palace, or a temple individually represented or grouped together. The different dimensions of the discs also indicate that the scenes varied in size. 1.1.2 Figures of the King and the Body Cartouche Method As mentioned, this stretch of wall from Kom el-Nana yields many fragments depicting individuals, some identified as royal by the presence of the body cartouche motif. In the Amarna period, only the king and queen wear the body cartouche of the Aten, a departure from the previous 18th dynasty where only nobles placed cartouches on their bodies, and only on statues intended for temple display. Earlier, the cartouches were on the right shoulder or right breast, and displayed the prenomen and nomen of the king. Instead Akhenaten and Nefertiti’s images have seven pairs of cartouches: on both biceps and lower arms and three more sets on the torso. The torso cartouches are usually arranged in an inverted triangle: two pairs on the upper chest and a third between them but lower on the body. The arrangement of the body cartouche in relation to the body is highly consistent within Amarna art. When the motif appears, the cartouches are oriented orthogonally to the ground and face the same direction as the figure wearing them, no matter what position the body assumes. Thus if an arm is stretched straight outward from the torso, the cartouches are drawn at clear right angles to the ground. When the arm hangs down, the lower crossbar of the cartouche is still horizontal. Even when the arms are held up at an angle, the line of the cartouche sometimes follows the outline of the arm but the lower

Fund, 1908), plate xviii, xxix–xxx; Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part i (London: Egypt Exploration Fund, 1903), plates x, xxv. To my knowledge the disc does not invariably appear over the palace and the temple. In three scenes in the tombs of Tutu and Ay, the Aten is represented over doorways. However, some of these representations were intended to show doors in the royal palace, so they are not exactly exceptions. The tomb of Meryre has a scene of the royal couple leaving the palace on chariots, under a sun disc. The palace appears in the upper left corner of the scene, without a sun disc over it. Also in the tomb of Meryre, the royal family is shown in two registers. On the upper register, they visit the temple complex. Only portions of the temple are shown under the Aten rays, while a small royal residence is shown in the upper right corner completely covered by its own disc with rays. The bottom register shows the “investiture” of Meryre. The royal couple stands before granaries and a large representation of the royal palace, with no sun disc.

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crossbar always faces the ground. A good example of these restrictions appears on the fragment of a balustrade in the Cairo Museum, je 87300 (see a detail of this figure of Akhenaten in Figure 2.12).9 On Akhenaten’s chest, three pairs of cartouches are oriented with the crossbars down to the ground and orthogonal to the body. One arm reaches out toward the proper right to the disc of the Aten; the other is at the side.10 On the bicep of the reaching arm, the cartouches are again orthogonal to the body with the crossbar facing the ground. However on the lower half of the reaching arm, which bends upward at the elbow, the cartouche is tilted to follow the line of the arm, but the crossbar again faces the ground, so the viewer would view right side-up hieroglyphs. The cartouches appear to be preferably oriented first to the viewer and second to the position on the body. Again, the cartouche appears only on Akhenaten’s and Nefertiti’s upper torsos and arms. Their children are not represented wearing the cartouche. In addition, the cartouches and the wearers almost always face the same direction. However exceptions to this rule occur: sometimes one or two pairs of seven face backward. However the direction of the cartouches can usually determine the original direction the figure was facing. Even if the cartouche provides mistaken evidence, additional correlating sculptural fragments provide further evidence. These guidelines have proved invaluable to the current work regarding identification of royal figures and orientation of their stances. The primary problem facing the task of associating these fragments with each other, however, is one of scale and proportion rather than of matching breakage points. Some directly but rarely associate to form an exact reconstruction. An objective system of measurement was essential for matching the pieces. Robins’ study of ancient Egyptian grids and proportions in the Amarna period made it possible to estimate the size of the squares used to

9

10

A line drawing of both sides of the balustrade and photos can be found in Roeder, Hanke, and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis, pl. 1, 2. je 30.10.26.12 is another clear example of this rule. Cyril Aldred, Egyptian Art, in the Days of the Pharaohs, 3100–320 bc (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980), 172–173, no. 139; Aldred, Akhenaten and Nefertiti, (New York: Brooklyn Museum and Viking Press, 1973), 56, figure 33; Freed, D’Auria and Markowitz, eds, Pharaohs of the Sun, 152, 226, no. 72; Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten iii, 1:77, 2: cat. 46, plate lxix, 5; Mohamed Saleh and Hourig Sourouzian, The Egyptian Museum, Cairo: Official Catalogue (Cairo; Mainz: Organization of Egyptian Antiquities; Philipp von Zabern, 1987), cat. 164. Roeder does not draw another pair of cartouches that appear on the wrist at the king’s side. The arm then has three pairs of cartouches, on the wrist, the forearm, and the bicep.

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figure 2.12 Details of je 87300

render each royal figure and to include or exclude fragments that appeared proportional to the naked eye. In the Amarna period, sculptors used a 20 horizontal line grid system.11 Clear red gridlines found on several small fragments of limestone and painted plaster from the site demonstrate the use of such a grid system at Kom el-Nana.12 A single large-scale fragment, s-2508, 15cm by 17cm, was examined to determine the exact dimensions of the individual squares used to draw one royal figure

11 12

Robins, Proportion and Style in Ancient Egyptian Art, 123. Such as: ta kn89 s-5126 in tray 9, ta kn 89 s-5135 in tray 12, ta kn89 s-5146 in tray 35.

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figure 2.13

39

s-2508 h: 15 cm w: 17 cm

(Figure 2.13). The fragment represents part of the king’s proper left leg, striding right. A pleated kilt stretches between the front striding leg and the back right leg.13 The fragment appears to represent the underneath of the far side of the kilt. Red pigment is preserved on the leg and white pigment on the pleats. The section of leg lacks clear sculptural details regarding knee or kneecap. It cannot depict the lower leg, as horizontal pleats occur from the knee up only (see Figure 2.14 a–c). Consequently, this section of the leg must be either behind or above the knee area where the thighs are undifferentiated. On the grid Robins reconstructed (see Figure 2.14 a from the royal tomb of Amarna), this section of the body of the king, where the pleats of his kilt stretch between the legs, lies between horizontal lines 4 and 6.14 It lies on the same horizontals on Robins’s hypothetical grids applied to the king’s figures on Boundary Stele s, the tomb chapel of Ay, and the balustrades from the Cairo Museum Temp. No. 30.10.26.12 and je 87300, also represented in Figure 2.14 a– c.15 This area takes up two squares in each representation of the king. These two squares cover the area between the hem of the kilt, the inner area of the striding leg (including the back of the knee), and the junction where the line of the kilt is represented as going behind the near side of the garment. In each reconstructed 13 14

15

Reversing the position of the fragment maintains this interpretation of the kilt but provides the back right leg rather than the left. In some representations, the upper surface of the near side of the kilt is preferred exclusively. For example, one of two royal scenes on je 87300 in Gay Robins, Proportion and Style in Ancient Egyptian Art, 120, 127, figures 6.1, 6.7.; as well as Roeder, Hanke, and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis, pl. 1 and 2. Robins, Proportion and Style in Ancient Egyptian Art, 122–127, figures 6.2, 6.3, 6.6, 6.8.

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figure 2.14 a (left) Royal Tomb, Cairo 10/11/26/4; b (middle) Tomb Chapel Aye; c (right) Boundary Stela s, after Robins 1994 6.1–6.3

model, the lower square between horizontals 4 and 5 have only the lower edges of the pleats; no part of the leg is represented. On the upper square between horizontals 5 and 6, the leg and the pleats are preserved. Based on these observations, s-2508 is estimated to be about the size of one grid square and can be used to determine the general proportions of the figure. Thus one square of the figure would measure approximately 15 cm, plus or minus a few centimeters, giving the whole figure a measurement of about 300 cm. However this section of relief is too poorly preserved to firmly assign the number of 15 cm to the squares. Fragment s-2572 (see Figure 2.15) allows a closer estimation of the size of the squares for this figure. The block measures 24 cm by 18.5 cm and retains Akhenaten’s lower arm. The lower edge of the block tapers to a wrist, the hand is lost, and the upper portion swells out to meet the upper third of the arm and elbow. Neither is retained. The identification of this arm as royal derives from two clearly indicated body cartouches, picked out in erratic relief and painted a very dark red. The cartouches face the viewer’s right and contain, as do most of the cartouches of Kom el-Nana, the early name of the Aten. A deeply carved curve is preserved to viewer’s left, the outer edge painted dark red. It appears to retain the sunk relief figure of the king’s belly, now lost. Under the curve of the belly are some traces of white and the line of a kilt going straight down with the arm angling away

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figure 2.15 s-2572 h: 24 cm w: 18.5 cm

from the lower body. This block has the approximately correct proportions to fit with the squares postulated above. When the far lower arm of the king is down at the side, it generally takes up about 2 grid squares.16 This arm segment, compared with other representations, appears to be approximately one and half squares. Thus the squares for this figure measured between 15–16 cm, and the whole figure measured approximately 300–320 cm, almost exactly the same proportions indicated by the fragment of leg on block s-2508. Although this does not provide an exact size for this figure, it allows a general understanding of proportion and measurement, in turn allowing the inclusion of some fragments and the exclusion of others which otherwise would appear proportional. Another fragment, s-1665 (Figure 2.16), preserves part of the clothing of a similar-sized figure. The block’s surface is rippled to indicate pleating that narrows toward viewer’s left. Two pleats are painted deep red and the rest are bright white. In the tomb of Meryre, the king is represented wearing a red

16

Based on Robins’s reconstructed grid from the Royal Tomb and hypothetical grids from the two sides of parapet je 87300. Robins, Proportion and Style in Ancient Egyptian Art, 122, 127, figures 6.2 and 6.7–8.

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figure 2.16

s-1665 h: 5.5 cm w: 10 cm

figure 2.17

Detail of the clothing worn by Akhenaten and Nefertiti on the eastern side of the south wall in the Tomb of Meryre (Tomb 4) in Tell el-Amarna photo by the author

pleated belt that wraps around the high small of the back and angles in to be tied under the belly. A line of red paint rather than an incised line indicate this belt. The fragment in Figure 2.16 may be a section of a kilt executed in the manner of that worn by Akhenaten in the tomb of Meryre (see Figure 2.17).17 The measurements of

17

Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part i, pl. xx.

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figure 2.18

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s-4047 h: 23cm w: 27.5 cm

this block appear to align it with this large-scale king, meaning the block is somewhat less than half a square. Unlike the figure of the king in the tomb of Meryre, the narrowing of the pleats suggests the torso was left-facing rather than right-facing. In Figure 2.17 the pleats widen toward the rear of the figure and taper toward the front to indicate the knot under the belly. These blocks can be used to determine the kilt style. The arm angles away from the body in s-2572. Under the bulge of the belly, the kilt does not flare toward the arm but rather is close to the body. Consequently, the king wears the simple, short, pleated kilt with a sporran, similar to that worn on Boundary Stele s.18 The more elaborate pleated garments such as those worn by the king in the royal tomb float away from the body and would not leave negative space between the upper thigh and lower arm as seen on this block. s-2508 also suggests a short, knee-length kilt. The red belt indicated in s-1665 further details a short garment. These blocks indicate two large-scale figures of the king wearing a short pleated kilt; his right leg forward and right arm down at his side; one king facing left; the other facing right. The position of the other arm is unclear, but it may have reached across the figure with a hand raised in praise or to present some offering. For reconstructions of these figures, see Reconstruction 1. Another figure of the king is preserved in block s-4047, 23cm high by 27.5cm wide, Figure 2.18. In the viewer’s lower right corner, the upper section of the blue crown and a small part of the uraeus is preserved. The king faces the viewer’s right. Five Aten rays spread out over his head, descending from the right. Each ray has traces of red.

18

Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part v, pl. xxvi.

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figure 2.19

s-607 h: 5.5 cm w: 3.5; s-1659 h: 4 cm w: 4 cm; s-1655 h: 8.5 cm w: 6.5 cm

The steep angle of the rays suggests that Akhenaten is almost directly under the Aten disc. As both the back of the crown and the rear arch of the uraeus snake are indicated, it is relatively easy to determine the squares used to carve this figure. Comparing this area with Robins’s grids, each figure takes up 3.5 to 4 squares, from the back of the crown to the back of the uraeus. Since that distance measures 18cm on this block, dividing by 3.5 suggests a square of 5 cm. Dividing by 4 indicates a square of 4.5. s-4047 preserves a right-facing king wearing the blue crown, approximately 90–100 cm high. Other fragments related to this right-facing figure of Akhenaten are s-1655, 8.5 by 6.5cm; s-1659, 4 by 4cm; and s-607, 5.5 by 3.5 cm (Figure 2.19). The three fit securely together and preserve the lower arch of Akhenaten’s pectoral. The dark red pigment makes it probable this was originally a representation of the king.19 Three pairs of body cartouches with the early name of the Aten are indicated, all facing viewer’s right. A clear arching line of blue runs through the two largest fragments with a section of white paint above the blue line. On s-1655, only the first of the two cartouches is present, but its height and most of the width is preserved; only a small section is missing from viewer’s left of the cartouche. The other piece, s-607, preserves the bottom of the first Aten cartouche and a lower half of the second. The third fragment, s-1659,

19

In Huya, North Tomb 1, on the scene on the east wall, the royal women are represented in a deep red skin tone very similar to that used for Akhenaten in the same scene. For a line drawing of the scene see Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part iii, pl. viii.

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showing only a red background, preserves most of the upper section of the first cartouche, the “wall,” and some hieroglyphs of the front half of the second. These cartouches are outside the blue curve seen on the other pieces, and this fragment has no blue and white paint, so this fragment apparently preserves a third pair of cartouches directly below the pectoral, on the chest. In total the three fragments measure approximately 10.5 cm high by 14 cm wide and preserve the lower edge of the king’s pectoral. The upper section of s-1655 shows a clear area of further breakage. However, the pectoral has a finished edge before the break, sloping down to the break and colored throughout, which could indicate the edge of the pectoral and suggest the outer edge of the king’s shoulder, if it is understood to preserve most of the pectoral. However, it more probably preserves the lower edge, not the entire garment. This pectoral is too small to fit with the first large image of the king described previously, where a single square is the same size as this entire pectoral. Consequently, another figure of the king must have appeared on a much smaller scale. The Amarna grid system requires the king’s shoulders to be about 4 ½ to 4 ¾ squares wide and the breast approximately 2 ¼ to 3 squares wide.20 Based on the arc of the blue line, if the break indicates the demarcation of the shoulder area, this pectoral could have been 15–16cm wide. Using the numbers 4.5–4.75, a grid with squares measuring 3.26cm–3.44cm can be suggested for this figure, providing the smaller king with a height of approximately 65–69 cm. However it is more likely that this covers the lower edge of the pectoral. The reconstructed king proposed above is too small across the chest to accommodate the red painted section preserved on the lower edge of the fragments. Representations of the king, the queen, and their courtiers wearing this half-circle garment or necklace indicate that very often it covered the chest, the outer shoulders, the armpit, and a small part of the upper arm.21 The arch is drawn very low, often placed over more than half of the upper curve of the breast. The author’s photo of a royal scene in the tomb of Meryre, Figure 2.17 above, demonstrates this as well. In addition, the cartouches were usually placed very low on the garment, as seen from the tomb of Tutu,22 one of the few representations with the cartouches placed on the pectoral, indicating that the garment had a curve that dipped past the breast line and was not higher up on the chest. If placed on this lower line, a figure with a square width of approximately 5.09 cm 20 21 22

Robins, Proportion and Style in Ancient Egyptian Art, 131. The tomb of Huya shows Akhenaten, Nefertiti, and their courtiers in these garments in Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part iii, pl. vi, ix. The tomb of Tutu, in Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part vi, pl. xvi.

46

figure 2.20

chapter 2

s-1647 h: 9.8 cm w: 9.8 cm

to 4.7cm could accommodate the curve and the red chest area preserved on these fragments, providing a figure of 94–100cm high. The figure of the king in the tomb of Tutu also suggests an explanation for the horizontal “break” that has a finished edge. The king reaches across his chest with his arms at shoulder height, explaining the presence of a finished edge on the pectoral. That is, the line of the king’s arm was originally cut across the surface at that location. The same stance and pectoral can be seen again from the tomb of Meryre, where the king reaches across his chest, obscuring most of the pectoral curving down almost past the breast. The proportions of these combined fragments match those found with s4047, which is also right-facing. These fragments appear to fit with that figure and indicate a right-facing king with at least one arm upraised. Another fragment, s-1647, confirms the size of this figure and indicates that the queen was directly behind the king. On this block, the toes belonging to another, smaller figure follow the heel of a larger red figure on the right. They stand on a horizontal element with a vertical element between. The vertical element is likely the royal bull’s tail, and the figure before it is the king. The area of the larger figure’s heel is approximately a square as it includes the heel and the dip before the heel connects to the lower leg. That region is usually a single square on a figure of the king. Using the maximum dimensions of the curve of the back of the heel to the bottom of the heel where it hits the baseline gives a measurement of approximately 4.7cm, meaning the figure would be about 94 cm high. This fits the proportions exactly of the king preserved in the pectoral fragments and s4047. However the smaller foot is so damaged it would be hard to determine the measurements on s-1647 except that s-1647 nests with fragment s-200, see

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

figure 2.21

47

s-200 on left and s-1647 on right

below. The two fragments join at the rear, rather than on the decorated surfaces. The area that might be the toe and part of the front of the foot is 1.6 cm, but it is hard to tell where the toe and the sandal start. It might be about half a square, counting a whole toe with part of the front of the foot, meaning about half to 75 percent of a square. If so, the figure should be a square of 3.2 and a height of about 64cm; if it is 75 percent, the square is about 2.1. This gives a figure of about 42 cm high, matching exactly the measurements for the queen represented by fragments s-200 that preserve the rest of the foot, and s-689, discussed below. s-596 is another fragment that is likely relevant to this collection. At first the object appeared enigmatic because it has a deeply cut element with streaming sunrays. First it was assumed to be a sun disc; the blue on the cut was reminiscent of the paint migration on disc fragments s-1701 and s-1415. However the cut was convex, not concave, and appeared to have an additional horizontal edge at the right. It was determined that this was the back edge of the blue crown with a very small part of the king’s neck at the right. The proportions of the fragment appear to work best with the set of fragments of a right-facing king. The other fragments that indicate a right-facing king are too large. In 2010, a fragment was found in this area with a left-facing king on a smaller scale than on fragments s-1231 and 1665. s-2293 preserves the fingers of a naturally rendered hand with the trace of an inscription under it. The vertical line of a column of an inscription is preserved along with the upper edge of what appears to be the sedge and head of a quail chick, suggesting

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figure 2.22

s-596 h: 6.8 cm w: 9.1 cm, upper image shows fragment from the front; the lower image shows fragment from the top facing down.

the word “nsw.” The fingers have traces of dark red pigment, and the inscription preserves faint blue throughout the signs and the vertical column. The fingers indicate a square of 4.25 was used to draw the figure, suggesting it was originally 85cm high. The tombs at Amarna have several similar examples showing a royal servant standing before the king, which suggests that the figure is indeed the king.23 The servant’s title is reconstructed as “imy-r nsw,” somewhat arbitrarily. 1.1.3 Figures of the Queen Excavation squares x39 and y39 also yielded fragments possibly belonging to multiple, different-sized figures of the royal women of Amarna. The figures are argued to depict Queen Nefertiti, for several reasons. For example, the body cartouche and the proportional similarity between the uninscribed and

23

Davies, The Rock Tombs of Amarna Part ii, plate xxxii; Part iv, plate viii; Part v, plate xxvi.

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

figure 2.23

49

s-2293 h: 18.5 cm w: 10.5 cm

inscribed fragments rule out Kiya or Queen Tiye. Furthermore, the female figure wears the uraeus in fragment s-2570, discussed below, indicating that at least one figure must be Nefertiti.24 Although Amarna artists executed the figure of the queen on a 20-square grid, as they did with the king, they used different dimensions for her image.25 Her height varied in relationship to the king, although the extreme height difference used in Karnak is not always typical in Amarna.26 She is sometimes drawn to more regular proportions indicating natural height difference in relationship to Akhetaten.27 However, this is not uniformly the case; on balustrades from the central city, Nefertiti is often represented with the same extreme height difference that characterized her earlier representations in Luxor. In this instance, neither the square measurements for the two kings nor their postulated heights can be used to determine the original height of Nefertiti’s images. (This topic is discussed more deeply later in this work.) The block representing the largest and clearest image of Nefertiti is s-3970, Figure 2.24, 8cm high by 20cm wide. The light-pink skin tone identifies the image as Nefertiti. 24 25 26 27

Marianne Eaton-Krauss, “Miscellanea Amarnensia,” 245–364. Robins, Proportion and Style in Ancient Egyptian Art, 133. Ibid., 133. Arnold, ed, The Royal Women of Amarna, 86.

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figure 2.24

s-3970 h: 8 cm w: 20 cm

The queen’s thigh faces viewer’s left, met by drapery swags from her long diaphanous garments. She appears to wear the long, heavily draped garment she is often depicted wearing such as on Boundary Stele s.28 These garments do not intersect with her thigh, suggesting that this is the upper part of her striding leg, where the garments drift over the swell of her thigh but do not intersect it, and the back leg does not overlap the front leg. Similar folds are demonstrated in her representations in the royal tomb on Boundary Stele s and Cairo Museum je 87300 (see Figure 2.25 below, specifically squares 6–8 from the bottom of the grid).29 Since more than one fold is represented, it cannot be too high on the leg. The higher this fold is on her leg when she wears this garment; only the long dangling belt hanging from her high waist is usually shown, and the garment disappears behind the leg.30 As mentioned, the wide expanse of the thigh in this fragment suggests a rear leg, which indicates it cannot be higher than mid-thigh. Higher on the thigh, the far striding leg often intersects the rear leg, obscuring up to half of it.31 28 29

30

31

Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part v, pl. xxvi. Geoffrey Martin, The Royal Tomb at El-Amarna, Vol. i: Objects (London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1974), plate 54; Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part v, pl. 26; Roeder, Hanke and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis, pl. 2. In many Tell el-Amarna tombs she wears a long pleated garment with a sash around her high waist. This sash usually follows the curve of her leg and is the dominant “fold” parallel to her thighs. The smaller pleats of the white garment intersect with this fold, and disappear underneath it and behind her leg. See the tombs of Panehesy, Huya, Apy, Mahu, Ay and Tutu in Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part ii, pl. vii, xx; Part iii, pl. viii ix; Part iv (London: Egypt Exploration Fund, 1906), plates xv, xxxi; Part vi, pl. xvi, xxvi. However, the east side of the south wall of Panehesy shows the far side of the garment falling over the right thigh with several pleats in addition to the sash. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part ii, pl. xii. Also Meryre a in Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part i, pl. xxii. Nevertheless this mode of representing the Queen’s garments appears to be much rarer than the style that leaves the thigh bare. See especially Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part iii, pl. viii.

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

figure 2.25

51

a (left): Cairo 10/11/26/4, b (center): Boundary Stela s, c (right): je 87300, after Robins, 1994, 6.16–6.18

According to two hypothetical grids by Robins, see Figure 2.25, this section of the thigh with pleating occupies about two squares. The pleats occupy one square, and the leg is the width of the second.32 In this fragment, the pleats are only about a third the width of the block, approximately 6cm. The thigh measures 14cm across. The farthest fold on viewer’s left, both wider and on a higher plane than the others, appears to represent her belt. Robins’s hypothetical grid applied to Cairo Museum je 87300 shows Nefertiti facing left, as she is in this block, with the pleating in this area of her leg taking about a third of a square.33 Using the examples in Figure 2.25 as a model, it is possible to suggest that the thigh area here is the width of a single square, giving a measurement of 14cm per square, which would place this figure at 280cm. (See Reconstruction 1.) Additional fragments of the pleating of this figure of Nefertiti were found. s-2123 is 22cm by 10cm, (Figure 2.26), and preserves the sweep of a left-facing group of two deeply carved pleats.

32 33

Robins, Proportion and Style in Ancient Egyptian Art, 134–135, figures 6.16–6.17. Ibid., figure 6.18 pg 135.

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figure 2.26

s-2123 h: 22 cm w: 10 cm

They narrow at one end of the block and gather in to viewer’s right to sweep out to viewer’s left at the other end of the block, reminiscent of Nefertiti’s garment seen often in Amarna tombs, specifically regarding the pleating on her lower legs. Also note pleats on Cairo Museum Temp No. 10.11.26.4, Boundary Stele s, and je 87300 (Figure 2.25). The lower pleats tend to gather toward the torso with the lines of the relief becoming narrower and tapering inward.34 When flowing away from the body, the pleats widen, to suggest a large flowing garment constrained with ties and gathers.35 At a height of 22 cm, the block fits well into the postulated dimensions of the figure suggested above.36 However, the folds could also represent upper body garments. When Nefertiti wears this long garment, a voluminous sash usually ties it directly under the high upper waist, sometimes directly under the bosom. This section of the folds of the garment can sometimes expand to a whole square, which is what

34 35

36

One can also see this in the tombs of Amarna as well. Note, for example, in Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part ii, pl. viii. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part v, pl. xxvi. In Boundary Stela s, the queen’s dress is constrained not by the ribbon-style belt described in the tombs of Amarna. Instead two swags of draperies, widening at the back and tapering to points on her front torso, are used to gather the diaphanous garment together. Robins, Proportion and Style in Ancient Egyptian Art, 124–135, figures 6.16–6.18.

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

figure 2.27

53

s-3839 h: 4 cm w: 10 cm

we would have here if this block indeed came from the upper area of the body. The deep bunching at the top of the block would indicate the garment was tied under the breasts. In Reconstruction 1 examining an image of this figure, it is placed as a lower garment as this is more likely. A fragment of an outstretched arm faces viewer’s right, s-3839, see Figure 2.27, 4 by 10cm, with traces of light red-pink pigment and the bottom sections of two Aten cartouches. The coloration coupled with the body cartouches identifies the fragment as a piece of the queen. The lower end of the piece clearly indicates the line of the arm. The cartouches are orthogonal to that line, indicating that the arm extended from the body. Doubling the width of the fragment to 8cm may allow an approximation of the arm’s original width. The presence of body cartouches indicates either the lower to mid-arm or the bicep region. The positive location cannot be determined. An approximate measurement of 8cm would be feasible for the lower arms of the figure of Nefertiti identified previously. If so, this represents a second large-scale Nefertiti figure facing viewer’s right with her arm held out. Both figures are the same size and proportion, indicating they are two identical

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figure 2.28

fragment 1/10 h: 16.5, w: 11 cm

figures facing opposite directions. This in turn secures the identification of the previous fragments as representations of Nefertiti, as the body cartouche clearly indicates the identity of one. An additional fragment of a leg belonging to Nefertiti has been found, although it is unclear which leg it may be. The fragment, my number 1/10,37 see Figure 2.28, measuring 16.5 by 11cm is U-shaped, with pink pigment and a clear convex shape, tapering to a flatter profile at one end. The size and pink coloring appear to associate it with the large-scale figures of Nefertiti. It is unclear which of the two large figures it associates with, but it fits within the parameters for either. In Reconstruction 1, the fragment is placed on the leg of the queen’s right-facing figure. The other fragments of the queen are from figures executed on a much smaller scale. One is preserved on a single block: s-2570, see Figure 2.29, 14.5 by 12cm wide. On the lower right corner of the block, the queen’s forehead faces left and wears the Nubian wig and a uraeus. The upper edge of her eyebrow is directly above the break. A ray of the Aten comes in at a low angle from the

37

At the time of the 2007 and 2008 field seasons, this fragment had no stone accession number.

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

figure 2.29

55

s-2570 h: 14.5 cm w: 12 cm

lower left of the block. Above, the lower ends of two columns of hieroglyphs are preserved. (The translation of the inscription is discussed elsewhere in this work.) The fact that the inscription faces right suggests that the epithets and titles of a significant figure were close by, perhaps of the Aten. The hieroglyphs are blue, the wig is black, and the ray of the Aten arm is dark red. The 20-square grid system ends at the brow line, but extrapolating from that grid allows the upper head to be allocated within the gridded space as well. Thus, according to the grid system where the forward section of the forehead is within one square, the area of the head represented here may be used to estimate the size of this figure.38 This area is approximately 2.8 cm high, suggesting a square of 2.8cm, which would place this figure at 56cm high. The reconstruction of this smaller scale queen can be seen in Reconstruction 2 (a–c). s-200, 4 cm high and 6.5cm wide, has been discussed in association with fragment s-1647 preserving evidence of a right-facing king and a second small-scale figure of Nefertiti. This small fragment preserves portions of two feet facing right: the toes and the arch of a sandal strap on one, and the upper arch and part of a sandal strap on the other. The fragment is also associated with a different

38

Robins, Proportion and Style in Ancient Egyptian Art, 134–135, figure 6.16–18. Although the queen’s uraeus and forehead in figure 6.16 straddles the gridlines, the general area of the forehead and uraeus would have fit within one square.

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figure 2.30

s-200 h: 4 cm w: 6.5 cm

figure 2.31

s-689 h: 5.5 cm w: 6 cm

figure; no definitive markings indicating royalty are present, but it conforms to the size of the left-facing queen described above. This preserves sections of the queen’s feet that would encompass 2–2.5 squares, giving a square width of 3.25 to 2.6 and heights of 52 to 65cm. This fragment is assigned to the rightfacing figure of a queen rather than the left-facing figure above, and placed in Reconstruction 3. This decision was reinforced by the fact that s-200 nests with and matches the queen’s foot preserved in fragment s-1647, discussed above in relationship to the right-facing figure of the king preserved in the pectoral fragments and s-4047. To recap, that fragment suggests a figure with either a 2.1 or 3.2 cm grid, giving a figure of 42–64cm high. s-689 preserves a hand and part of a lower arm holding a long thin element toward the right, supported by the Aten’s hand. A small part of another Aten hand is in the viewer’s upper left side of the fragment, conclusively identifying the hand as royal: Aten hands support only the king and queen. The background is light yellow, but the hands are an overall darker pink-red, not dark enough for the king, tentatively allocating it to the queen. The hand holds a thin object, likely a scepter such as those carried by the king and/or queen in

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57

several offering scenes.39 The back of the hand represented on this block indicates a right arm reaching left. A fist is usually either slightly smaller than or the same size as a square.40 The fist preserved in s-689 is approximately 2.5 centimeters wide, indicating a grid square that is 2.5 or slightly larger, perhaps as much as 2.8 cm. This hand comes from a figure about 50 to 56cm high. These measurements fit very well within the parameters of the small, right-facing figure of the queen reconstructed from s-200. An additional royal figure, to be included in one of the smaller reconstructed scenes, is represented by fragment s-1697, see Figure 2.32, 11 cm by 6 cm wide. The block is painted light pink and white. It preserves an arm and part of a pleated garment. On the viewer’s right end of the block is the starting of the swell of the upper arm where it would have joined the shoulder. In the center of the fragment, two subtle bumps under the arm indicate the elbow. A section of the lower arm extends to viewer’s left; the surface is subtly modeled to suggest the long bones of the lower arm. On the left, under the arm, several pleats gather and narrow, to fan out and widen toward viewer’s right. The tightness and almost parallel quality of the pleats indicate the garment is being stretched rather than resting at the side where the pleats could relax into deeper curves.41 The garment appears to stretch across a torso; the taught pleating indicates a knot directly under the breast. The surface of the arm is not rippled, suggesting the garment does not cover it. Consequently, this must be the proper left arm of a figure reaching right. The pleating style and pink coloration identify the arm as belonging to a female.

39

40

41

In the tomb of Panehesy: Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part ii, pl. vii. The tomb of Ay: Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part vi (London: Egypt Exploration Fund, 1908), plate xxvi. Also seen on Cairo je 87300: Roeder, Hanke and the Deutsche HermopolisExpedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis, pl. 1–2. The fist of the king in a figure from the royal tomb is slightly smaller than one square. His fist is the same size as a grid square from je 87300. The queen’s fist is the same size as a single grid square from a representation in the royal tomb and in the tomb of Mahu, which is the only one of these four representations where the image is not facing right. Robins, Proportion and Style in Ancient Egyptian Art, 120, 127, 134, 138, figures 6.1, 6.7, 6.16, 6.22. A similar example is from the tomb of Tutu; Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part vi, pl. xvi. Another is in the tomb of Apy: Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part iv, pl. xxxi. Nefertiti’s arms reach across her body, the near one crosses her chest to create pleat lines similar to those in scenes from the tomb of Panehesy. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part ii, pl. xx.

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figure 2.32

s-1697 h: 6 cm w: 11 cm

Comparing this arm section with Robins’s grids in Figure 2.25, the same part of the queen’s extended arm appears to be two or three squares on the grid.42 The extended arm is 11cm, so a wide square range of 5.5 to 3.7 cm is proposed. The fragment contains no traces of body cartouches, however, so it is difficult to completely attribute it to Nefertiti. The royal couple is clearly represented on this wall with body cartouches. The middle of the bicep region, the area that would have had the body cartouches, has been deliberately damaged, perhaps to remove a pair of body cartouches. Amarna period relief reveals many instances where body cartouches are haphazardly destroyed. For example, in the tomb of Parennefer, the north thickness of the entrance is carved with a scene of the royal family under the rays of the Aten.43 Although they are still discernable through the post-Amarna defacement, the body cartouches have clearly been intentionally defaced. In contrast, the window of appearance scene on the west wall indicates no sign of defacement.44 There, the body cartouches are well preserved on both Akhenaten and Nefertiti. The only damage to the surface is that of time. Therefore, some scenes are likely to show intact body cartouches, while others have their cartouches entirely defaced; one scene that has the body cartouches is commonly found next to another scene that has none. Scenes showing body cartouches in each of the four tombs of Amarna are the exception rather than the rule. The thicknesses of the door to the tomb of Panehesy are a case in point. On the west thickness, the royal family offers scepters to the Aten, and both Akhenaten and Nefertiti have body cartouches.45 On the east thickness, they offer flowers and incense to the Aten; the body cartouches are absent but enough of their bodies remains to indicate that iconoclasts 42 43 44 45

Robins, Proportion and Style in Ancient Egyptian Art, 134, figure 6.16. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part vi, pl. iii. Ibid., plate iv. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part ii, pl. vii.

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

figure 2.33

59

Detail of the chest of Akhenaten in the tomb of Parennefer, north thickness, showing defacement of three sets of body cartouches photo by the author

did not remove them.46 These scenes directly face each other across a narrow entrance way. Clearly the body cartouche was not an essentially consistent element within the areas being carved and decorated. Thus this arm may have had the cartouches originally until they were chiseled off, or it may have had no cartouches. When dealing with figural fragments that lack other royal characteristics, it is always best to identify them cautiously.

46

Ibid., plate viii.

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figure 2.34

Detail of the chest of Nefertiti in the tomb of Parennefer, west wall, showing no damage to the body cartouches photo by the author

1.1.4 Figures of the Princesses However fragment s-1697 could be the arm of a royal daughter. Royal daughters are never represented with body cartouches in the Amarna period. In the tomb of Panehesy, the small figure of a daughter stands behind Nefertiti. She reaches out with both hands, to the left across her chest, and wears a similar long pleated garment.47 She holds up an object, now-indeterminate, to the Aten. Her arms are also approximately half the width of the arms of the figure of Nefertiti before her. It is possible therefore to include this fragment with the large-scale figures of the king and queen, and to suggest that this paired scene contained a representation of at least one princess, placed in Reconstruction 1. Fragment s-181, Figure 2.35, is likely to show a second princess, of approximately the same proportions, indicated by a section of a kilt flaring away from her body, with the traces of her titulary to the left. s-1236, 6cm high by 12cm wide, preserves part of an arm, but lacks distinguishing characteristics: no body cartouches, no Aten rays, and no items of distinctive clothing. Consequently, its original stance cannot be determined. The lower arm is from the elbow to the wrist, meaning either 2 or 2.5 grid squares

47

Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part ii, pl. xii.

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

figure 2.35

s-181 h 8 cm w: 8.5 cm

figure 2.36

61

s-1236 h: 6cm w: 12cm

if it is from the king. The arm measures about 8.5 or 9 cm, giving squares of 4.25 or 3.4cm. or 4.5 to 3.6. These measurements indicate possible matches for the small-scale king preserved via the reconstructed pectoral made up of fragments s-607, 5702, 1655, and s-4047. However, the figure reconstructed via the pectoral clearly wore the body cartouches, so the arms would be similarly decorated. As discussed in relationship to the s-1697 arm fragment, the royal figures could appear both with and without body cartouches within the same structure. A single figure would be unlikely, however, to have chest cartouches but not arm cartouches. This fragment is omitted from the reconstructions because it has too many identity possibilities. 1.1.5

Supplemental Details, Summary, and Context for Reconstructions 1, 2, and 3 The larger scale images have a few smaller fragments that are of a size to be included but lack clear association. A relief image of an eye facing right is preserved on s-653, Figure 2.37, 5.5cm by 6cm wide. The eye is slightly too large to associate with the king’s right-facing figure. That figure’s grid is approximately 15cm a square, which means the eye should be at least half that measurement.48 The eye on this fragment is about 5 cm: too small to be the king’s eye and too large to be equated with the smaller scene. It would be the correct width for the eye of the larger-scale queen, but she faces left. Therefore, the eye may have belonged to the second large-scale queen who faces viewer’s right.

48

Amarna art seems to accept varying eye sizes, between almost the width of a single grid square to about half the size of the square. Robins, Proportion and Style in Ancient Egyptian Art, 120, 125, 126, figures 6.1, 6.4, 6.6.

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figure 2.37

s-653 h: 5.5 cm w: 6 cm

figure 2.38

s-1231 h: 5cm w: 10cm

In the 2008 season, a medium-sized figure of a royal individual was identified by fragment s-1231, 5cm high by 10cm wide, (Figure 2.38). A section of the front of a neck is represented, partially obscured by several irregular lines of curls representing the overhanging lappet of a Nubian-style wig.49 The shoulders and jaw are missing. Many examples of the Nubian wig demonstrate wig lappets that obscure one-half or more of the neck.50 In the tomb of Meryre, the wig obscures fivesixths of the king’s neck.51 To the author’s knowledge, no representations show Nubian wigs that leave the entire neck bare. Although the first impulse would be to characterize this fragment as belonging to a royal female, Akhenaten occasionally wears the Nubian wig.52 To further complicate conclusions, many instances of nonroyals wearing this style of wig are seen in the window of appearance scene in the tomb of Panehesy. 49

50

51 52

During this period, men often wore echeloned curled wigs that swept evenly to rest behind the shoulder rather than come to a point over the clavicles. For example, see the figure of Mahu in the south thickness of the entrance to his tomb: Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part iv, pl. xxix. The wig on this relatively large fragment is more likely to be the Nubian wig. The “ladies in waiting” in Panehesy have one-half to two-thirds of their necks covered. The princess in her chariot on the east wall has two-thirds of her neck covered. The modified Nubian wigs worn by the princesses in Meryre ii cover three-fourths to one-half of their necks. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part ii, pl. x, xv, xxxii, xxxiv. The male courtiers wearing the wig in the tomb of Meryre ii also have one-half to three-fourths of their necks covered. Ibid., plate xxxv. In the tombs of both Huya and Ahmes, Nefertiti has one-half to two-thirds of her neck covered. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part iii, pl. vi, xxxiv. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part i, pl. xxx. For example, the investiture scene in the tomb of Meryre in ibid., plate xxv.

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Behind the king and queen are several rows of courtiers, including female fan bearers and male attendants. Those who are not priests or foreigners wear the Nubian wig.53 Thus assigning this fragment to a figure demands caution, as it lacks other distinguishing features such as a uraeus. The grids applied by Robins show that the king and queen have necks approximately the width of one grid square. Although the necks may be slightly more or less that width occasionally, they usually average the width of a single square. Thus one can calculate 4 cm as the original width using the neck preserved in s-1231. However since the wig coverage varies, multiple heights can be obtained. If only one-sixth of the neck is revealed, a square of 24cm is proposed, yielding a figure approximately 480cm high. Although the observation is subjective, the figure appears to be entirely too large. The wig curls would not conform to a figure almost 5 meters high, and nothing in the architecture suggests enough wall space to accommodate such a figure. Instead, the measurements derived from the other possibilities seem more likely. From some Nubian wig representations, the lappet covers one-half to two-thirds of the neck; consequently, 4cm is half or one-third the width of the neck, giving a grid square from 8cm to 12cm, a substantial difference indicating either a figure of 120 cm or 240cm. An additional possibility is that s-1231 shows one-fourth of the neck, indicating a figure with a 16 cm grid equaling 320 cm. The two large-scale figures of Akhenaten reconstructed above match this grid size precisely, having an estimated grid size of 15–16 cm, indicating that this wig probably goes with those two figures and that they both likely wore the Nubian wig. I suggest that the first large-scale scene from this area features a sun disc between an inward-facing royal couple and at least two princesses (see Reconstruction 1). The king and queen are shown with one arm at the side and the other reaching toward the Aten in the center, either in praise or in offering. The daughters hold out both hands; perhaps they are holding an unknown item. Amarna art provides precedence for the varying stances in this reconstruction: in the scene of the royal family in the tomb of Panehesy described above, each princess has a different stance.54 Smaller scale fragments of the correct dimensions but without clear context can be associated with the smaller figures of the king and queen in Reconstruction 2 (a–c). s-122 (Figure 2.39) is very small, only 2 cm by 2.5 cm. However it

53 54

Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part ii, pl. x. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part ii, pl. xii.

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figure 2.39

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s-122 h: 2 cm w: 2.5 cm

figure 2.40

s-595 h: 4.5cm w: 5cm

has the clear remains of a right-facing body cartouche. The fragment has no clear demarcation line, which means its original dimensions cannot be easily ascertained. Judging from the arch of the surface, it was clearly from a highly curved rather than a flat surface, meaning it must have been an arm. Additionally, the line of the cartouche is orthogonal to the curve of the piece, meaning that it was applied to an arm hanging vertical to the body. Only a slight pink pigment remains on the piece. It could be the fragment of the lower arm of a left-facing Nefertiti. Another arm fragment found was likely Akhenaten’s. s595 (Figure 2.40) is only 4.5 by 5cm and has retained a dark red color overlaid with white paint along with a rippled surface to indicate pleats. The background is light pink without white traces, suggesting it was not against the body. Although the fragment can be placed with a figure of Akhenaten, it is unclear where it was originally located. Both items were omitted from the reconstructions because their locations are uncertain. Reconstruction 2, shown in three parts a–c, includes the smaller viewer’s left-facing figure of Nefertiti represented by fragment s-2570, a figure of Akhenaten s-2293, and an Aten disc. Based on the almost horizontal slant of the sun’s ray or arm represented on fragment s-2570, the disc was probably located low and far away in relation to the royal couple. (Possibly one of the non-royal scenes discussed below appeared before the royal couple. They could have been approaching a temple or a palace far away to their left, for example Figure 2.24.) Regarding the stance of the figures, based on the small fragments of a vertically held arm discussed above, in all likelihood at least one arm was at their sides. As the placement of fragments s-122 and s-595 is so uncertain, Nefertiti’s arms are drawn in a neutral position in the reconstruction. s-2293 preserves the title of a courtier, who would have faced right toward the king.

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

figure 2.41

65

Detail of je 87300

The third reconstruction places the third disc, represented by fragment s-4034, with the smaller-scale, proper left-facing figures of Akhenaten and Nefertiti. Because of the scale similarity, they are paired with fragments of an offering table. The scene may not have included these fragments, but the Aten hand preserved on fragment s-689 is very similar in angle and size to the Aten hand preserved on the offering table fragment s-206, suggesting that the arms descend from a disc almost directly above the scene. The balustrades in the Cairo Museum, je 87300 and tn 30.10.26.12, represent Nefertiti as half the size of Akhenaten.55 One side of Cairo balustrade je 87300

55

Roeder, Hanke, and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopo-

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figure 2.42

Scene from the tomb of Meryre, after Davies, 1903, pl. xxv

is illustrated below. Nefertiti barely reaches the small of his back. This height difference is discussed more in Chapter 4. As these two balustrades clearly show, some relief from Tell el-Amarna was similar to Akhenaten’s Luxor temples in showing Nefertiti in comparatively small dimensions, as is shown in these reconstructions. Although she is smaller than Akhenaten, the fragments suggest identical stances. Akhenaten’s pectoral breakage suggests an arm extended out over the chest, probably to offer something to the Aten disc. Nefertiti also extends one arm and grasps the end of a scepter that is caressed by the Aten hands. The rest of the reconstructed scenes, discussed at length below, must also inform the allocation of these figures. Often on the same tomb wall, the king and queen are shown arriving at, or leaving a location such as a temple or palace, see Figure 2.42.

lis, pl. 1–2; Freed, D’Auria and Markowitz, eds, Pharaohs of the Sun, 226, no. 72.

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

figure 2.43

67

s-2638 h: 13.5cm w: 9.5 cm

In the tomb of Meryre, Figure 2.42, on the east side of the pillared hall, is a large scene represented in two registers.56 In the upper register, Akhenaten and Queen Tiye face right with arms extended bearing scepters, proceeding toward a temple. In the lower register, they face left, arms down at the sides, leaving a palace for the investiture of Meryre. As the reconstructions below suggest a palace and a temple area, these appear to provide additional evidence that the two queens are in separate scenes, each accompanied by Akhenaten, and each visiting or leaving one of those locales. 1.1.6 Scenes of Courtiers, a Palace, a Temple, and Offering Tables In addition to the royal figures in Reconstructions 1, 2 and 3, from x39 and y39, evidence exists for the details that appeared with the king and queen in those the scenes. A collection of fragments similar in size and manner of execution suggests there were courtiers and priests. The best-preserved block of this section of the wall is s-2638, Figure 2.43. The viewer’s right of the block preserves the lower bodies of four courtiers arranged in a row, facing left, all wearing pleated garments, with their hands grasping a blunt-ended item. Their bodies are preserved from the lower arm down to the area just above midthigh. In front of them, on the left, are the remains of the rear pleating of a garment suggest the back of another row of courtiers. Only the buttock region

56

Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part i, pl. xxv.

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figure 2.44

s-2286 h: 7 cm w: 6.5 cm

is preserved, so it could have been a single figure. On the east side of the pillared hall in the tomb of Meryre, in the scene Davies calls the “investiture of Meryre,” seen in the lower register of Figure 2.42, is a similar line of courtiers behind Nefertiti’s head.57 A group of male courtiers wear pleated garments and grasp handkerchiefs and half-circle-shaped fans. Behind them are female courtiers, dressed in long pleated garments and carrying handkerchiefs and feather-shaped fans. The pleats of their overdresses billow to create very similar lines to those on this fragment, and the pleats on the males before them appear to create a rounded outline similar to that preserved here. Although they face right in the tomb, this fragment and those below are believed to come from a similar scene representing the presence of the royal retinue. s-2286, 7 cm by 6.5cm, preserves a courtier’s hand grasping a staff and facing viewer’s left and a deeply carved curve for another figure, now lost. The curve of the lost figure suggests this may be a row of courtiers who are bowing rather than standing upright as in the block described above.58

57 58

Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part i, pl. xxx. This could be similar to the grouping of bowing courtiers in the tomb of Meryre, represented to the left of the window of appearance scene on the west side of the south wall. The three rows of courtiers attend during the ceremony rewarding Meryre. The courtiers on the upper row hold large fans, bow, and face the royal couple.

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figure 2.45a s-199, 8 cm by 5 cm

figure 2.45c s-666, 4.5 cm by 2.5 cm

figure 2.45b s-154, 3 cm by 4.5 cm

figure 2.45d s-191, 8 cm by 5 cm

figure 2.45e s-2540 6.1cm by 5.3cm

Further evidence for courtiers comes from multiple fragments of kilts. Each appears to be the front area of the kilt worn by an individual. If so, then each fragment may represent a single person. These include the fragments in Figure 2.45 a–e.59 Each section of pleats appears to taper and then flare at approximately the same dimensions. Also they are generally similar to the front gathering of

59

The relief on s-191 is strangely shaped. Although it may be a section of a garment, the identification is too uncertain to include it in the reconstructions.

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figure 2.46

s-2156 h: 6 cm w: 11.5 cm

male Amarna period garments, particularly those seen in the tombs.60 Unfortunately, they do not appear to diagnostically gather to a particular side, so the original direction of the figures is unknown. However, if each is an individual and is combined with the courtiers noted above, the picture of a processional grouping surfaces. s-2156 is a fragment of a single bowing individual, 6 cm by 11.5 cm, Figure 2.46. He faces left, and the hump of his back, the angle of his long neck, and the curve of the back of his head are preserved, while most of his head, arms, and lower body are not. The shoulders are slumped over. The remains of the upper arms indicate that he holds something before him. The near arm angles toward the ground, but the far arm reaches out from the angle of the neck. The figure has many traces of dark red paint. The waist of a garment also has a slight suggestion of red. This figure could represent a cleaner like the individual on the wall of the eastern side of the tomb of Meryre.61 He may be a priest offering something with his outstretched arm, like the priests on the preserved upper section of the western wall in the tomb of Panehesy62 where the last register over the horses shows a small group of priests to the left of the main scene of Akhenaten and Nefertiti offering to the Aten. The priests face right; their backs arched into a bow; their far arm reaches out to hold a half-circle shaped fan; the near arm rests on their knee, making the arm bend backward. s-2286, Figure 2.44, the fragment discussed above where a hand follows behind a deep curve may have 60

61 62

Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part i, pl. xxx. The lower half of the eastern wall in the tomb of Meryre is again useful for demonstrating the kilt style. The front section of the long garment is pleated, passed up through a belt, and allowed to billow out. At the bottom of the plate in Davies, an official gives Meryre shebyu collars. Although both characters wear pleats that are inexactly preserved, particularly the official’s pleats, it is still easy to discern that if only pieces of their kilts were preserved it would be difficult to “side” them. The same is true for the other male figures in this scene. Ibid., plate xxxiii. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part ii, pl. xviii.

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

figure 2.47

71

Tomb of Panehesy, serving figures and a priest with Akhenaten and Nefertiti above photo by the author

been part of this collection of priests, as s-2638 indicates that the courtiers were less steeply bent over than this priest. Again, in the tomb of Panehesy on the northern wall by the Coptic apse, a priest bows deeply and extends his far hand while his near hand holds a container. Behind him are two bowing officials. This vignette is placed under the figure of Akhenaten and Nefetiti facing right, with both hands raised in offering to the Aten. This could have been the layout for these figures, but that is entirely conjectural.63 63

Ibid., plate xx.

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figure 2.48 s-2562 h: 12 cm w: 4 cm

figure 2.49 s-1246 h: 11.5 cm w: 11 cm

s-2562, Figure 2.48, is another enigmatic fragment. The figure faces viewer’s right. Only the face is preserved; its identification rests on the arch under his chin, perhaps a band around the neck of a captive, or an arch of water from a cleaning person as seen in the palace scene of the tomb of Tutu (Figure 2.52).64 However, the two lines making up the border of the “water” could also be edges of two separate figures; the head, shoulder, and arm of the farthest one and the shoulder and arm of the nearer figure. This last interpretation is more likely, suggesting either two people side by side or even a representation of bound captives, but since the fragment has many options for its identification it was not placed in any of the reconstructions posed here. s-1246 Figure 2.49 is 11.5cm high by 11cm wide. In the corner to viewer’s left, this fragment shows the rear of a man’s head, shoulder, and part of his arm. He may be carrying on his back a curved object, indicated by the mark behind his neck. He seems to represent another processional or serving figure. An example closest to this figure would be a servant figure carrying something on his back from the palace scene in the tomb of Ay.65 In addition to their presence in palace scenes, figures are frequently shown carrying objects on

64 65

Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part vi, pl. xvii. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part vi, pl. xxvii.

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

figure 2.50

73

s-1678 h: 5.9 cm w: 6.5 cm

their backs in offering scenes and elsewhere. Alternatively the curved element may actually be an object behind the figure, such as the curved frameworks that hold together or decorate rows of jars in offering and palace scenes.66 A final fragment of a possible serving figure comes from square y39, s-1678, so it is associated with the other servant fragments discussed above. Unlike the others, it clearly faces right, whereas most with clear orientations face left. A proper left-facing red-painted foot narrows toward the viewer’s right of the fragment, with the pad of the lower edge indicating the start of the big toe. The arch and top of the foot is clearly indicated, but the heel is lost. It stands on a ground line painted black. As the foot is approximately 1.3 cm high, the original figure may have been about 26cm high, entirely too small to fit with any of the other reconstructions as a servant figure or a lady or man in waiting. Thus it must be part of the other, smaller, grouping of fragments. Combining this evidence and assuming that sections of pleats indicate an individual, this wall section is assumed to feature several nonroyal people. Their context is uncertain of course. They may have been associated with one of the two scenes with the royal couple discussed above. In Reconstruction 4 of this processional scene, seven fragments were allocated with some guidance from the tomb layouts of courtiers following the images of Akhenaten and

66

Although this figure could be allocated within the palace scene, as the nearest parallel in the tomb of Ay suggests, in the reconstruction here it was placed within the general processional scene because it has the same general proportions as the figures in that processional group and is far too large for the palace figures.

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figure 2.51

s-1705 h: 10 cm w: 9 cm

Nefertiti. Fragments s-2562 and s-191 were omitted because they were indeterminate. There is also evidence for architectural features. Fragment s-1705, 10 by 9 cm, Figure 2.51, may represent floor paintings surrounding the border for a garden or pool. No paint is preserved, but two incised lines down the center of the block divide two horizontal columns of plants. On viewer’s right, a ground line creates two registers. The upper register preserves the bottom branching of a flowering plant; underneath, the upper buds of a similar plant are preserved. On viewer’s left is a single plant, larger than the ones on the right, also branching into buds. The remains of the square outlines and borders around the plants are executed in broadly incised lines. These outlines are similar to the garden or pool borders in the palace scene in the tomb of Tutu, Figure 2.52.67 Reconstruction 5 of the pool is based on this evidence suggesting two rows of border plants around the pool. However, in the Amarna tombs, most pools are encircled by only one row of plants. It is equally possible that the fragment represents part of a drawing of the ground plan of Kom el-Nana’s garden area, which would explain why it lacks exact parallels in other locales. It could be the border of a pool or a section of decorative flooring elsewhere. Pendelbury suggested that the square garden plots drawn around the pools in the palace scenes in the tombs of Amarna were not drawings of gardens

67

Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part vi, pl. xvii.

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

figure 2.52

Palace from the tomb of Tutu, after Davies, rt vi pl. xvii; arrows indicate the figures salient to this discussion

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but instead represented pavement decoration.68 Certainly the parallel with the pools at the Maru-Aten surrounded by a painted garden supports this idea, especially because of the parallels with square garden plots around a pool.69 The painted decoration around the pools discovered at the Maru-Aten, the only structure similar to the Kom el-Nana layout, is perhaps the best parallel for the garden border preserved on fragment s-1705. The evidence from the painted fragments from the floor of the Water-court from the Maru-Aten indicates an elaborately painted pavement surrounding eleven T-shaped pools.70 The pools were arranged in a line, nested into each other with their upper horizontal “crossbars” alternately facing north and south. A path was made between the pools, aligned with the rear center of the rear of Building ii, which also was surrounded by a square shaped moat or pool. Building ii appears to have been the the focus of the ritual actions at the Sunshade at the Maru Aten; the Water-court could have been used for processionals or other cultic activities. The court pavement was painted in an elaborate, naturalistic manner, including birds on the wing, similar to the Great Pavement Petrie found in the Great Palace.71 However that pavement was a series of rectangular borders around a central painted pool. Here the pools are actual sunken tanks that likely contained water. Furthermore, rather than drawing the plants in a single flowing register, these T-shaped pools have an awkward and irregular outline. Instead of a simple rectangular border of plants as is seen commonly in the representations in tombs, the artists arranged the plants in the Water-court into smaller “plots” and stacked them on top of each other. The T-shapes of the pools do not precisely match, creating irregular spaces at the two ends. To fill the space, the artists painted single plants in square plots, and stacked these units into the area, until it was filled. Weatherhead reexamined the painted fragments found by the ees from the Water-court, and added new fragments to the reconstruction drawing by Newton. Her fragments 4–9 form the only direct parallel to s-1705, which has two square plots of plants, clearly topped by more.72 Specifically her fragments

68 69 70

71 72

Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten iii, 1:42. Fran J. Weatherhead, Amarna Palace Paintings (London: Egypt Exploration Society, 2007), 71. Weatherhead agrees with Pendlebury’s analysis. See Newton’s reconstruction and drawings, particularly in Peet et al, The City of Akhenaten i, pl. xxxvii. These drawings are revisited in Weatherhead, Amarna Palace Paintings, 273–343. Weatherhead, Amarna Palace Paintings, 273. Ibid., 276–277, figures 139a–b.

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

figure 2.53

77

s-1640 h: 5 cm w: 10 cm

4, 5, and 6 from the Water-court appear to match s-1705 precisely. This is the only area that reflects the unusual grouping of two squares of plants directly next to each other with additional plant layers above and beneath. Naturally the two have different applications: the painted pavement of the Maru-Aten was a functional part of a building. The fragment from Kom el-Nana was part of the stone relief on a wall, and was clearly meant to represent a structure rather than the structure itself. However, the parallel with the decoration around the T-shaped pools of the Maru-Aten is closest to the form suggested by s-1705. In Reconstruction 6, the fragment is placed within a similar arrangement of pools, informed by the orientation of Weatherhead’s fragments 4–6, to demonstrate that this fragment may represent decoration surrounding a T-shaped pool. s-1640, 5cm by 10cm, Figure 2.53 shows a further collection of branches, perhaps from larger plants. On viewer’s right is a vertical, long thin branch with a series of buds emerging straight from the thin stalk. Toward the center of the fragment is a thin curving branch. On viewer’s left, a thicker trunk is preserved with a single branch angling off to the left. These fragments are similar to the everyday life scenes in the tomb of Huya, Figure 2.54. On the south wall, the lowest register contains scenes of daily life, including planting and reaping.73 This recalls the trees and other plant life represented in garden scenes associated with palaces, such as the palace of Tutu in Figure 2.52. On fragment s-686, Figure 2.55, rendered in careful relief are a vine with a central stalk, two portions of heart-shaped leaves, and their stems. Although the quality of the relief would suggest they appeared in a royal offering scene, the royal family usually offers plants that look like lilies, with a clear cleft at the base of the leaf, to which the stem is attached.74 Instead these plants resemble

73 74

Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part iii, pl. v, vii. As can be seen for example in the Tomb of Mahu: Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part iv, pl. xv.

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figure 2.54

Tomb of Huya, naturalistic branching trees in a daily life scene photo by the author

figure 2.55

s-686, h: 3 cm w: 8.5 cm

the vines and bushes often depicted around palaces, in gardens, or in other naturalistic scenes. The Hermopolis blocks provide the best parallel for this fragment.75 Although the original location of the blocks reused at Hermopolis is still a matter for debate, the parallel indicates that the Amarna repertoire was familiar with this type of plant. Both s-686 and s-1640 are fragments of a scene containing

75

Roeder, Hanke and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis, pl. 103, number 314-viii c.

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naturalistic plant life that should be assigned to the same location, likely in a naturalistically rendered garden or pool area of a palace. Although the evidence does clarify the original plant behind the leaves of s-686, the fragment is omitted from the reconstructions until a more detailed comparanda is compiled. Many remnants of painted decoration at the Maru-Aten resemble the plants preserved on both s-686 and s-1640. Some examples, largely of plants, flowers, and cavorting animals, have been found in Maru-Aten Buildings iii and iv. The painted plant life that originally decorated the enclosure wall of the MaruAten was found in the southeast corner of the southern enclosure. The other painted areas were clustered in the northern enclosure, which is also the most significant in relationship to Kom el-Nana because it contains Building ii, the sunshade proper of Meritaten. Weatherhead observes that the stone relief on Building ii recalls the same motifs and natural elements seen in the painting of Maru-Aten and the rest of the city.76 Kemp points out that some architectural aspects of the site are also decorated naturalistically, including column fragments that recall papyrus thickets and lotus plants.77 Kemp and Arnold explain that the Maru-Aten was not only an area for royal offerings. The region was intended to be viewed in the context of a fertile park or garden.78 The close presence of the Water-court just to the north of Building ii supports that conclusion. The plants preserved in fragments s-1705, s-1640, and s-686 are typical motifs found throughout Amarna. However, their particular parallels are found on the floor paintings of the water court of the Maru-Aten and the Nilotic decorations found in the rest of the enclosure. In addition, the everyday life scenes in the tomb of Huya (Figure 2.54 above), where the branching trees and plants are parallels to s-1640, are also associated with scenes of Queen Tiye viewing a sunshade.79 Kemp and Arnold believe that all sunshades were associated with parks and parklands.80 These fragments are therefore germane to an argument surrounding the original use of the site, but it is unclear where some of the fragments from Kom el-Nana belonged. As a result, the reconstructions presented here may omit some. Nevertheless, these elements were associated with representations of royal palaces and with the scenes expected from a sunshade structure. 76 77 78 79 80

For example, on the painted pavements in the Great Palace, water motifs, plants, bovines, lions, and ducks are represented. Weatherhead, Amarna Palace Paintings, 341. Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 411–462. Ibid., 454; and Arnold, ed, The Royal Women of Amarna, 105. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part iii, pl. viii. Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 454; Arnold, ed, The Royal Women of Amarna, 105.

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figure 2.56 s-1653 h: 9 cm w: 3.5 cm

A small, seated, nude female is preserved on block s-1653, 9 cm by 3.5 cm, Figure 2.56. She faces viewer’s left. Her head, lower legs, proper left arm, and most of her proper right arm are missing. She leans back, her proper right arm extended before her. Her proper right knee is bent; the left rests on the surface on which she is seated. In the tomb of Ay we see a similar female figure represented in a palace “harem,” surrounded by musicians and other ladies of the court.81 Another seated female figure also appears in the palace represented in the tomb of Tutu in Figure 2.52. When taken together in Reconstruction 5 these fragments appear to indicate a palace or other royal residential scene. Scenes from the tombs of Meryre and Tutu were used as a template to illustrate options for the original placements of these fragments. As is true for most of the reconstructions in this work, Reconstruction 5 is not intended to be viewed as definitive but to help the reader visualize the genre of scene to which these fragments belonged Four fragments suggest that one temple to the Aten may also be represented nearby.

81

Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part vi, pl. xxviii.

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figure 2.57a s-2511, h 5 cm w 5 cm

figure 2.58

figure 2.57b s-1700 h 4 cm w 4 cm

figure 2.57c s-y39a h 4.9cm w 4.5cm

s-1651 h 5 cm w 3.7 cm

Fragments s-2511, s-1700, and s-y39a preserve the fluting of reeded columns of the temples often represented in relief at Amarna. The surfaces show slight curvature and deep vertical incisions with highly carved and rounded flutes. Fragment s-1651 preserves the cavetto cornice of a broken lintel doorway with torus moldings. Reconstruction 7 shows the temple reconstruction based on the fragments of the columns and this fragment of a doorway. Fragment s-206, 5cm high by 6.5cm wide, see Figure 2.59, shows a small pile of offerings with two Aten hands hovering above. The offering table is not preserved. The indistinct offerings have traces of a dark red pigment. The hands of the Aten descend at a steep angle; the fingers and the palm are almost at right angles to the pile, indicating the sun was almost directly above. One hand, cut

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figure 2.59

s-206 h: 5 cm w: 6.5 cm

off before the wrist, is preserved almost entirely. Only the thumb and part of the palm of the other hand are preserved. In the tomb of Meryre, the temple is represented as having fluted columns along with many tables of offerings.82 The size of s-206 is in proportion with the two fragments of columns. It could have been associated with the temple. However, it is difficult to determine where the table would have originally been located, as offering tables are shown in many locations around the temple compound.83 The columns in proportion to the hands of the Aten on this fragment would mean the Aten rays were unusually diminutive in relationship to a temple scene. Also the offerings are irregularly spaced and shaped. Offerings associated with the temples of Amarna are usually represented as quite uniform and orderly, whereas the offerings the royal couple offer to the Aten are usually diverse and disorganized.84 Due to this, and the fact that the hands of 82 83

84

Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part i, pl. xxv. For both the columns and offering tables see Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part iii, pl. viii; Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part iv, pl. vii. In the tomb of Pentu, a badly preserved scene represents the hands of the Aten coming through the roof of the sanctuary to touch the piles of offerings within the complex. Geoffrey Martin, The Royal Tomb at ElAmarna, Vol. ii (London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1989). See the reliefs, inscriptions, and architecture, plate 34. In the royal tomb, the Aten arms again penetrate the temple walls to touch the statues and offering tables represented on the periphery of the walls. For example, in the north thickness of the entrance to the tomb of Tutu, the offering stands before the royal family are loaded with identical offerings, but their arrangement becomes less uniform the higher they are on the pile. The areas under the rays of the Aten are placed irregularly, without regard for space or organization. In comparison, the offering tables of the temple scene, on the south side of the west wall of the same tomb, have one layer of offerings consisting of simple spherical objects, probably breads, spaced evenly. Norman de Garis Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part vi, plates xvi, xx.

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

figure 2.60

83

s-1207, h: 10 cm w: 12.5 cm

the Aten on this block are a better proportion and fit for the smaller-scale royal scene, it appeared more reasonable to place this fragment in Reconstruction 3. Fragment s-1207, 10cm high by 12.5cm wide preserves the corners of the bowls of two offering tables and the lower curved line of an offering. In the lower section of the fragment, a curved triangular shape represents the top of a schematically depicted bouquet of flowers. In this type of bouquet the blooms are represented by graduating levels of triangular shapes tied to a central columnar body. These bouquets are often erected under the bowls of this type of offering table. They can be associated with royal offering scenes and also appear outside a temple façade in the tomb of Mahu.85 However, in those scenes the bouquets have an element lacking on this fragment: an additional round flower bud poking out of the top of the arrangement. The best parallel for the bouquet on this fragment, which lacks the rounded element of a flower bud on top, comes from the tomb of Apy.86 There the bouquets are represented without the bud, and are also shown in association with the royal couple worshipping the Aten.

85

86

In the tomb of Panehesy, they are associated with offering tables before the king and queen. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part ii, pl. xii. The tomb of Mahu shows the bouquets beside a temple façade in Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part iv, pl. xx. However, the bouquets have small bulbous elements perched on top of the bouquets, likely representing a bud. Similar bouquets are present in the Hermopolis blocks, see Roeder Hanke, and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis, pl. 145, 304-viii. In the tomb of Apy the bouquets lack this round bud, and are also shown in company of the royal couple: Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part vi, pl. xxxi.

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figure 2.61 Offering table from the tomb of Apy

In all these parallels, bouquets with and without the extra flower bud accompany rounded offering bowls. The heads of oxen or cows are also placed on top of the tables. The lower curve of these heads matches the curve preserved on this fragment. It appears then that this fragment indicates a group of at least two offering tables with the heads of oxen and bouquets underneath. As the tombs of Apy and Mahu are the clearest parallels, and the fragment is much too small to be associated with the large-scale limestone scene, this fragment is placed with Reconstruction 3. Also in Reconstruction 3 is a small fragment that represents grapes under the Aten rays. s-117 matches with Reconstruction 3 in several ways. First the Aten rays are the same dimension as those on s-4047. Second, the top of this fragment is flat, indicating it preserves the original edge and upper surface of the talatat. The grapes/olive branch is clearly held aloft in the hand of an offering figure, as the

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

figure 2.62

85

s-117 h: 8.8 cm; w: 6.1 cm

Aten rays pass behind it and nothing is under it. Also the curve suggests the pull of gravity. When using the grids to align this fragment with Akhenaten’s hands, it was discovered that the upper edge of the talatat of this fragment aligns with the lower edge of s-4047, providing further proof for Reconstruction 3 showing Akhenaten holding the offering. The genres of scenes reconstructed to this point were probably associated with each other to form a coherent composition, either in separate registers or in one large cohesive image. As observed above, when the palace is represented in the tombs, it is usually, but not always, under the disc of the Aten. It is possible one of the royal scenes should be combined with that of the palace. The processing courtiers could be related to a series of different events, including the scene of the royal family offering or a royal peregrination to a temple. 1.2 Sandstone Reconstructions 8, 9, 10, 12 In the introduction, it was explained that limestone far outweighed sandstone in the excavation squares of the North Shrine. The sandstone fragments are mostly architectural which are discussed in greater depth in a later section, however this section reviews the the sandstone relief scenes from the North Shrine. Using the method employed to reconstruct limestone scenes, fragment s1696 furnishes the best opportunity for extrapolating the size of the grid squares of an original figure. s-1696 is 5.5cm high and 10cm wide, with traces of dark red.

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figure 2.63

s-1696 h: 5.5 w: 10 cm

Two mostly preserved body cartouches facing left are carved on the convex surface of the fragment. The cartouches are orthogonal to the pronounced curve of the piece, suggesting an arm. The outline or edge of the arm is preserved in a small section in viewer’s upper right, at a steep slanted angle to the cartouches. If this is indeed a fragment of an arm, the hieroglyph direction indicates that the arm is held out from the body and the figure faces left. As discussed, both upper and lower arms can have cartouches. The angles of this fragment suggest part of a forearm. In the tomb of Panehesy, in a scene also associated with an entranceway, the west thickness shows Akhenaten and Nefertiti offering abascepters to the Aten.87 Akhenaten extends his proper left hand out toward the Aten disc hovering overhead to viewer’s left. This figure has body cartouches on chest, bicep, and forearms. The lower arm of the figure shows a similar pronounced upward curve, to indicate the swelling of the forearm just past the elbow. The bottoms of the cartouches on the figure in Panehesy are parallel to the bottom line of the arm. Although the angle on this fragment could also describe the swell of a bicep, that curve is usually not so pronounced in relationship to the cartouches. Consequently, this is likely a fragment of a lower arm although it could be part of the upper arm. No matter the precise location on the arm, however, it is clearly a left-facing royal figure, with one arm extended outward. The red of the skin suggests a male, although as noted, Amarna women can be represented in dark red skin. Tentatively the author has assigned this fragment to a figure of Akhenaten, fully aware that it could also be Nefertiti. However, the fragments from the figures in limestone appear to indicate that light pink skin color was preferred within this

87

Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part ii, pl. vii.

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

figure 2.64

87

Right-facing king

structure to indicate females with some caveats. With this in mind, it appears reasonable to assume this arm belongs to a figure of Akhenaten. This fragment is 5.5cm wide, but does not preserve the entire expanse of the arm. Assuming that the approximate lower edge of the arm is represented under the cartouches, and considering that cartouches are usually applied to the center of an arm, the upper portion of the arm misses a substantial piece of its original diameter. The distance from the bottom of the first Aten cartouche, on viewer’s left, to the edge of the break is about 2 cm. To allow the cartouches to be symmetrically placed on the arm, an additional 2 cm should be added to the upper edge of the fragment. If correct, the arm would have been originally approximately 7.5 cm wide. In looking at Robins’s grid (see Figure 2.64), the stance is similar to what we have here, although the figure faces right. The forearm is slightly less than a single square, whereas the bicep is slightly more than a single square. Therefore, if this is a forearm fragment, a further 2 cm should be added to the measurement of 7.5 to attain an approximate idea of the original size of

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figure 2.65

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s-1702 h: 7.5 cm w: 9 cm

the square. Using the measurement of 7.5 without allowing for the fact that the forearm does not fill an entire square would assure an incorrect hypothesis. Thus, allowing a square of 8 or 9.5 would provide a lower arm slightly less than the height of a square, and in turn a figure approximately 160–190cm high. If on the other hand this fragment derives from a bicep, which is usually slightly larger than the squares on an Amarna grid, the square would be slightly less than 7.5, about 7 or 6.5cm a square. This would create a figure approximately 130–140cm high. The median between these two calculations (i.e. squares of 8– 9.5cm verses 6.5–7cm) would be approximately 150, a figure that can be used only with the understanding that a substantial height difference of up to 20– 40cm either way could have occurred. However, s-1702, another figural fragment from this area, supports the theory that this figure is the larger of the two measurements, with fragment s-1696 being located on the forearm. This fragment preserves the lower outer curve of a proper left shoulder. The fact that the lower curve of the shoulder appears to preserve an arm reaching outward indicates the arm may not have extended to viewer’s right, but reached toward viewer’s left, like s-1696. Thus fragment s-1702 could be from the same left-facing figure. The shoulder on s-1702 is painted very dark maroon, darker than the relatively bright red of the surface of the arm and cartouches of s-1696. Both could be from the same figure, the fragments having been subjected to different conditions that caused pigment variations. The painted surface of the shoulder on

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figure 2.66

89

upper fragment: s-3665 lower fragment: s-2640

s-1702 has a matte quality almost as if a varnish was applied to the surface, however, and is better preserved than the paint on the other fragment. The paint on s-1696 is brighter, patchy, and grainy. These differences could indicate that the fragments are from different figures or different levels of preservation. The two are similarly proportioned, if one accepts the positioning of the previous fragment on the forearm. The shoulder on s-1702 is 3 cm high and preserved at a width of 4.5cm, which would make the fragment half the width of the forearm, about the correct ratio for the shoulder compared to the Akhenaten forearm. This correlation in proportion indicates that the shoulder fragment belongs to the same figure as the arm represented in s-1696, despite the paint color differences. Nevertheless, the possibility that the shoulder represents a second figure cannot be dismissed. If that fragment is a part of a forearm, this second figure, also left-facing, would be the same size as the larger figure s-1696 postulated above, 160–190cm. If the fragment is part of the bicep of a smaller figure 130– 140cm high, the darkly painted shoulder may be from a larger figure and thus represent Akhenaten. The more brightly painted red figure could then be Nefertiti. However as mentioned, the bodies of female figures in limestone from Kom el-Nana appear to be painted light pink, not red. The sandstone relief may have been painted differently; the darker natural color of the stone itself may have rendered using a light color inadvisable. Fragments of an Aten disc and two vertical lines of inscription are preserved on s-2640, 10cm high by 25cm wide, Figure 2.66. The inscription reads left to right, originally contained part of the titles of the Aten, and like s-2570, appears to preserve the name or šwt rʿ the ‘sunshade of re’. See Chapter 3 for further discussion of the inscription.

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figure 2.67

s-583 h: 3.5 cm w: 5.5 cm

The lower side wall of the curve of the Aten disc can be seen to viewer’s right. This preserved curve allows the extrapolation of the original diameter of the disc. The width of the arc, or the cord of the original circle, is preserved at 4.69cm. The height of this arc is .31cm. Using these two measurements, the radius of the original disc was 9.02cm, indicating the diameter was 18.04 cm. s-3665 can be added to s-2640. Measuring 5.8 cm high by 18 cm wide, the curved surface matches the curve on the section of disc on the previous fragment. s-3665 also preserves a small section of the edge of the disc. When aligned with the outline of the disc on the other fragment, the two fragments nest securely together. Additionally, alignment reveals identical and parallel sandstone striations indicating that the block likely came from the same rock face. The upper edge of s-2640 is relatively flat and the lower edge of s-3665 is similar, suggesting that they are likely to be the original upper and lower surfaces of two separate talatats. The two fragments were not originally from the same carved block of stone but were likely quarried and decorated at the same time. No other firm evidence for a sun disc in sandstone has been found in the two squares under discussion here.88 Another fragment to contain a reference to figural decoration is s-583, 5.5 cm wide by 3.5cm high. This fragment preserves a hand and slightly flexed wrist of a ray of the Aten disc, suggesting the ray to which the hand was originally attached was at a steep angle and indicating that the Aten was almost directly over the hand. Another unclear item appears to viewer’s left of the hand, possibly smoke or flames of incense bowls set on an altar. These are all diagnostic of the decorative schemes associated with the entranceways in the tombs of the nobles at Amarna. In either entrance

88

In the cross section of s-3651, 4.3 cm high by 11 cm wide, not illustrated here, is a convex curve similar to the two fragments above. It could be part of this disc.

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figure 2.68

91

Doorway thickness of the tomb of Apy photo by the author

thicknesses or on walls flanking doorways in examples from the tombs of Meryre, Panehesy, Apy, and Tutu, the royal family often faces the entrance, with the sun disc before them over a pile of offerings.89

89

Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part i, pl. xxii South wall, east side; Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part ii, plate viii East thickness; Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part iv, pl. xxxi, entrance; Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part vi, pl. xvi. North thickness.

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figure 2.69

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s-3307 h: 18 cm w: 92 cm d: 75.5 cm

The disc is located as close to the doorway as possible, with at least two lines of inscription facing outward, away from the royal family and toward the entrance. The Aten’s arms and hands extend straight down toward the offerings directly underneath the disc, and outward toward the royal family approaching at worship. Similar layouts are found on the balustrades from Amarna, such as je 87300. As discussed in more detail in a later section, the evidence from the excavation of the North Shrine suggests a sandstone doorway to the south of the squares of excavation. The sandstone fragments are few in comparison with the limestone fragments, suggesting that the sandstone fragments were set into the limestone framework of the building. Although the fragments of cavetto cornice and torus molding are not immediately diagnostic of a gateway, they would be expected to decorate such a structure. The evidence points toward the conclusion that royal scenes were carved into the sides of a sandstone gateway. Images faced toward the entrance, rightfacing figures on the left and left-facing figures on the right. The sandstone scene could then have been within a thickness or on an inner wall facing outward, toward the entrance. In Reconstruction 9, the author reconstructed one royal figure with both associated body fragments. The proper left forearm was chosen as the locale for s-1696, and s-1702 is drawn on the proper left shoulder. No information remains regarding the hands or dress of the figure, here rendered as Akhenaten because of the dark red paint. As the shoulder appears bare, the figure may have worn a kilt that left the torso bare. The sun disc of the Aten is drawn at a high angle to an offering table located before the king. The author used the highest estimate for the reconstruction of this figure, a 9.5 centimeter square grid with a height of 190cm. s-3307, 18cm high by 92cm wide by 75.5cm deep (see Figure 2.69), supports the postulation that a sandstone doorway was located in this area. This large fragment preserves a very clear doorjamb. In addition to a decorative inscription, an offering scene and several rays of the Aten disc are preserved.

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figure 2.70

93

s-1244 h: 5.7 cm w: 8.1 cm

The section of the block with rays of the Aten disc is 39–40 cm wide. The depression of the jamb steps down 4cm to meet the expanse with the 35 cm wide inscription. In other words, this block has a stair-step cross-section clearly indicating a doorway. Two zigzagging water signs with traces of blue paint are carved between two red-painted Aten rays. The recessed section has three vertical lines of inscription, which likely originally read ʿnḫ.ti //// nb.t tȝ.wy (/////)/// (nsw)t wr.t///. Each register is 6cm wide. Compared with the other inscribed sandstone block, s-2640, the columns are 6.5 to 7cm wide, so they were likely not directly associated. s-1244, 5.7cm high and 8.1cm wide (Figure 2.70) preserves the width of one Aten ray; another is partially indicated by a single blue zigzag line. This fragment was clearly originally part of the same scene as s-3307. The compilation of images with similar zigzag water lines and Aten rays was at first problematic. Similar arrangements of water and Aten rays appear on at least one scene on a block from Hermopolis, where a princess is being purified with issues of water,90 also indicated by zigzagging lines. However the closeness of the doorjamb edge must inform the reconstruction. Because of the proximity of the door jamb, the space toward viewer’s right cannot accommodate the additional figures present on the Hermopolis example, and the presence of hieroglyphs indicates that the scene did not continue onto the recessed entryway.

90

The zigzag lines have traces of blue, from the collection of Mr. and Mrs. Norbert Schimmel. This object is currently in the Metropolitan Museum of Art; John Cooney, Amarna Reliefs from Hermopolis in American Collections, (New York: Brooklyn Museum, 1965), 29–30, number 17.

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figure 2.71

Lintel of the tomb of Panehesy, after Davies 1905, rt ii, pl. v

A better parallel for this scene comes from the entrance lintel to the tomb of Panehesy, Figure 2.71.91 In this mirror image scene, the royal family and members of the retinue offer to the Aten in the center, over a large collection of offering tables. On viewer’s right, not shown in Figure 2.71, Akhenaten holds up an incense burner to the Aten, but on the left, represented here, he pours a liquid from a small spouted container. The liquid pours down in two streams, represented as zigzagging lines. The lines break off and then resume in between the Aten rays, as they do on this large sandstone block. It appears that on s-3307 we have a simple offering scene, with Akhenaten pouring out liquid before the Aten disc. In all probability this liquid is being poured over an offering table. However, the streams are so close to the jamb on s-3307 that Akhenaten could not have been to the left of the zigzagging lines; the doorjamb does not leave enough room for an additional figure. This means that the left-facing king reconstructed from the fragments discussed above could not have been

91

Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part ii, pl. v.

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

figure 2.72

95

s-1801 3.7 cm high and 11.3 cm wide.

associated with this block. Instead a right-facing king would have stand close to the edge of the jamb. This is a very typical arrangement in the thicknesses of Amarna tomb entrances. The tomb of Panehesy shows Akhenaten and Nefertiti offering scepters to the Aten disc overhead. The king’s scepter is so close to the edge of the scene that the scepter almost leaves the boundary created by the Aten rays streaming from overhead.92 Furthermore, the inscription on the recessed surface of the block also faces right, indicating that a figure of Nefertiti proceeded to the right as well. s-1801 preserves another royal figure, facing left and holding up a vessel to the Aten overhead. This fragment can take either 85 or 90 percent of a grid square because hands of this type, preserved from this angle, take either 85 to 90 percent of a square, which indicates a different type of math is required to understand their original size. In short, one divides 3.7 by the unknown (x) to achieve 85 percent of the square’s original height, and the same for 90. Thus 370 = 85x or 370 = 90x. This leaves x with two possible values: x= 4.3cm or 4.1 cm, which means the grid square was originally between 4.1 and 4.3cm high, giving a figure approximately 82 or 86cm high. The identification of the figure as female derives from the thick orange applied over a thin layer of red paint. This height fits perfectly within the proportions for the smaller scenes of the limestone gateway set by the clear inscription and upper edge on s-3301. Also the inscription on s-3301, as discussed, indicates a smaller scene with Nefertiti. The one issue is that Nefertiti would face right, but this figure faces left, adding further evidence that the gateway had similar decorations on both sides, with at least one large figure of Akhenaten and Nefertiti. Two smaller registers of the king and queen preceded them. Several other smaller fragments preserve elements of these scenes, including fragments of offering tables, pt-signs above each scene, and inscriptions, seen in Reconstructions 8 and 9 of both sides of the gateway and the remains

92

Ibid., plate vii.

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of the cartouches. In particular, their proportions and directionality reinforce the deduction that the two sides of the gateway appeared to be very similar. The north and south thicknesses of the entrance way are reconstructed on Reconstructions 8 and 9, with a schematic breakdown of the entrance way on Reconstruction 10. The recessed panel of s-3307, on Reconstruction 8, faced inward toward the building interior, as royal figures are usually represented as processing toward the interior of cultic structures. The left-facing figure of Akhenaten reconstructed above was then on the southern side of the gateway. Reconstruction 10 is again a schematic plan of the gateway. Using the postulated sizes of the figures discussed above, it is possible to estimate the original depth of the doorway. Area a would have been approximately 214 cm and Area b would be 109cm. The thick black line indicates the walls of the door; the thin black lines provide a border for the drawing and do not represent an architectural feature. To summarize this argument, section a on Reconstructions 8, 9, and 10 was a royal scene of Akhenaten and Nefertiti facing an offering table, offering to the Aten. On the northern thickness, Akhenaten offered a liquid over an offering table. The offerings on the southern section are left blank in this reconstruction. Once past the lip of the door jamb, section b started with the titles of Nefertiti, who was probably close to the jamb and processing inward, likely behind Akhenaten. Because this scene was clearly very small in relationship to section a, possibly an additional upper register contained a similar royal scene. It is also probable that two additional sun discs were carved in section b, to accompany Akhenaten and Nefertiti. To the sandstone gateway can be added additional elements found in w38 and x38, fragments of very large-scale cartouches in sandstone placed in Reconstruction 12. Similar large cartouches of the Aten can be found at the small Aten temple in Tell el-Amarna, flanking the inner doorway. Four sandstone fragments, s-2207, s-3531, s-3435, and s-1804, all seen in Reconstruction 12, were part of two large horizontal Aten cartouches, similar to the horizontal cartouche seen in the small Aten Temple, Figure 2.73, which makes up part of the gateway to the inner sanctuary. Three more fragments of a sandstone cartouche frame were also found, but s-3901, s-3911, s-3883, and s-1826 preserve a cartouche of a much larger scale than that of s-2207, s-3531, s-3435, and s-1804. They can also be seen in Reconstruction 12. It is unclear whether this larger cartouche was horizontal or vertical, and it is also unclear whether it preserved the name of the Aten or a member of the royal family. It has been reconstructed with the name of the Aten, but this is a supposition. The reconstruction also shows the larger cartouche frame in association with a decorative border. The Hermopolis blocks preserve many examples of similar large-scale cartouches, and they are often in proximity to decorative borders

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

figure 2.73

View of inner gateway at the small Aten Temple with details of the large sandstone cartouches flanking the inner gateway photos by the author

97

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figure 2.74

s-2539 h: 18 cm w: 9.5 cm

such as those drawn in Reconstruction 12, which is based on 309-viiic and 792viiic from Hermopolis.93 As Kom el-Nana has provided no definitive evidence for this frieze, it cannot be suggested with total confidence. Instead it is offered as a possibility with a view toward gaining an understanding of the greatest variety of possibilities for the original appearance of the gateway. These sandstone cartouches were probably part of a decorative frieze associated with the sandstone gateway, similar to the example above from the small Aten temple at Tell el-Amarna. 1.3 Unclear fragments s-2539 in Figure 2.74 is 18cm high by 9.5cm wide, decorated with elaborate relief and extensive polychromatic traces of red and blue. The precise contents of the decoration are difficult to parse. On the lower viewer’s left, what may be the curve of an offering table is preserved. The rest of the block’s relief decoration is muddled with a series of vertical and horizontal shapes. Dark red has been applied to much of the surface of the block except for the center, which has instead a series of painted red lines. On viewer’s right appear a series

93

Roeder, Hanke and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis, pl. 110.

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

figure 2.75

s-1230 h: 3.5 cm w: 9.5 cm

figure 2.76

s-1188 h: 7 cm w: 6 cm

99

of triangular shapes that may have been lotus blossoms, decorated with a few light blue lines. This may have been a small fragment of a larger scene featuring a series of offering tables heaped high with meats, vegetables, and flowers. However, the author has been unable to assemble sufficient comparanda to be assured of this tentative identification. As a result, the fragment is omitted from the reconstructions proposed here. The shapes on s-1230, Figure 2.75, also elude easy identification. This is likely a collection of offerings or the lower parts of two offering bowls, but this is unclear so this fragment is not included in the reconstructions. S-1188, Figure 2.76, eludes classification. It could be part of the decoration of an architectural element or a part of a scene. In some ways it is reminiscent of a persea fruit, but this is tentative.

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figure 2.77a s-146 h 5 cm w 6 cm

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figure 2.77b s-2554 h 7.6 cm w 9.1 cm

figure 2.77c s-221 h 8cm w 10cm

1.4

Limestone Reconstructions 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19, 21 and Sandstone Reconstruction 18 Unlike the previous sections Reconstructions 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, and 21 will be summarized according to each scene for brevity. However the human figures and other elements within each are allocated using the same methods described in Sections 1.1 and 1.2. The following discussion is provided to clarify the exact proportions and reasoning behind the remaining reconstructions/ genres of scenes. The fragments discussed above contained evidence for several genres, including scenes of the royal family offering to the Aten, a palace, a temple, courtiers, and a sandstone gateway. Similar scenes of the royal family offering to the Aten make up the majority of the genres in the remaining squares, but they are joined by several examples of inscribed panels. 1.4.1 Limestone Pier or Panel (Reconstruction 11) Returning to square x39, a panel of decoration made of s-146, s-2554, and s-221, Figure 2.77, is likely to be an ornamental inscription and offering table. Possibly from the edge of a doorway, or even a wall pier, s-146 and s-2554 preserve the edge of the same sun disc with a diameter of 26 cm. This measurement is obtained by using a profile gage because the arc of the discs on both fragments is well preserved, eliminating the need for extensive geometrical analysis. The deduction that this is the decoration of a discrete panel, or an engaged wall pier, is based on s-2554, which preserves a flat and finished edge on the undecorated side to the right, indicating a corner. The decorated side of s-221 has the edge of an offering table represented with part of the base of an Aten cartouche. To the right is a scene boundary line, placed very close to the edge of the table, and then a finished corner like s-2554. At first the author was reluctant to place s-221 with s-2554 because the distance between the scene boundary and the corner is not exactly identical on both fragments. However after examining all the fragments from the North Shrine, they were

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placed together with more confidence, as straight lines are not characteristic of most of the decoration at Kom el-Nana. s-2554’s decoration is very irregular; the frame of the cartouche of the Aten wanders out of its right angle and the scene boundary line has a serpentine quality. In addition, there are no other corner fragments like this, so these two fragments were very likely related. It is of course possible that they were part of different panels. Caution must be at the forefront of any reconstruction attempt, but it is very likely that they were part of the same architectural element and involved in the same scene. These three fragments indicate a 26cm diameter sun disc, with the Aten cartouches to the right, the Aten titles to the left, and some kind of offering table under the disc. The corner of an architectural element was to the right, possibly an engaged wall pier or the corner of a doorway or wall. Reconstruction 11 leaves space to the left of the offering table to indicate possible additional decoration to the left, perhaps a figure of Akhenaten and Nefertiti facing the right corner. However the current evidence indicates either a pier or a corner element associated with the sandstone gateway nearby, without representations of the royal family. This may have been a limestone cap to the edge of the sandstone gateway, at the edge of the northern thickness. 1.4.2

Right-Facing Limestone Figure of Nefertiti with Offering Table (Reconstruction 13) Three limestone fragments, Figure 2.78, from w38 preserve evidence of an offering table and an image of Nefertiti facing right. Both s-1860 and s-1790 have body cartouches that indicate a right-facing figure. The curve of s-1790 and the white ground suggest it came from a chest, likely Nefertiti’s, with her long white garments. s-1860 is a very light pinkorange, also suggesting that it came from a female. Since the cartouches on s-1860 are upright, and the curve of the fragment is also pronounced, this probably came from an arm extended outward to the right. s-1860 is the most diagnostic of the two in terms of precise measurements for the original figure. It has clearly indicated arm borders, 5.3cm, which would be accurate if part of a lower arm or bicep. Using this, the fragment is approximately 75 percent of a square. Add one-fourth, which is 1.3, and the square size is 6.6, or a figure of approx 132cm high. s-1790 has similarly sized cartouches, and fits those proportions perfectly when placed within a figure of 132cm height. This would suggest a figure of Nefertiti, facing right, in square w38, in limestone. Its association with the sandstone gateway is unclear. In fact, these two fragments may actually belong to the figure of Nefertiti in Reconstruction 15, described below. All fragments

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figure 2.78a s-1860 h: 3.5 cm w: 5.3 cm

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figure 2.78b s-1790 h: 5.3cm w: 4.3cm

figure 2.78c s-3893 h: 6.3 cm w: 18 cm

for the figure of Nefertiti discussed here, however, are from square x37. The distance between w38, the only square to the west of the main line of excavation squares, and x37, renders it difficult to place s-1790 and s-1860 into the same reconstruction, even though Nefertiti in Reconstruction 15 is the same height, wearing similar clothing, and facing the same direction as the figure in Reconstruction 13. In fact, these fragments may be part of the same figure, but the distance between the squares makes it necessary to place them within a different reconstruction, while noting that the scene was not likely independent. The same can be said for s-3893, which represents ranks of flat round breads often found on offering tables. As in w38, like s-1860 and s-1790, it is associated with the Nefertiti drawn in Reconstruction 13, but may be part of Reconstruction 15. 1.4.3 Decorative Frieze with Late Aten Cartouche (Reconstruction 21) w38 also contains a block inscribed with the second late Aten cartouche: s-2574. The of the middle of the second cartouche of the late form of the Aten can be determined only under a raking light, despite damage to the stone surface, indicated by the arrow in Figure 2.79. The ramifications for the date of

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

figure 2.79

103

s-2574: h: 21 cm w: 16 cm

the carving at Kom el-Nana is discussed in Chapter 4. However the decorative border around the column of inscription suggests similar motifs found in the Hermopolis material.94 Since this is the second of the two cartouches of the name of the Aten, it suggests a similar column with the first cartouche nearby, as in the example from the tomb of Meryre.95 Also note that the hieroglyphs are carved with more delicacy than many other examples from Kom el-Nana, suggesting a different artistic hand at work as well as a different time period, also discussed in Chapter 4. This block has been reconstructed in Reconstruction 21. The last two squares, x37 and x36, contain similar elements as discussed for the fragments from x39, y39, w38, and x38. x35, the southernmost square excavated in association with the North Shrine, contains evidence for the wall that separates the northern and southern halves of the complex, but contained

94 95

Roeder, Hanke and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis, pl. 140, 712-viii, 717-viii, 239-vi, 404-vii. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part i, pl. xxxix, xl.

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figure 2.80a s-77 h: 5.7 cm w: 6.5 cm

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figure 2.80b s-75 h: 5.9cm w: 4.6cm

no further evidence of the North Shrine. Thus we can conclude that the wall of the North Shrine ended in square x37, with stone chippings from that wall also found in x36. This last confirms that fragments from the original wall did not fall far from their original location. If the fragments had scattered extensively, they would have been discovered in x35. However, Reconstructions 13 and 15 are reconstructed from this evidence. They feature identically sized figures of Nefertiti. The fragments from w38 in Reconstruction 13 and the fragments of Nefertiti from x37 in Reconstruction 15 are possibly the same figure. However the distance between the two squares made it reasonable to locate the figures in two separate reconstructions. 1.4.4 Chariot Figures (Reconstruction 14) The first scene to be discussed from x37 is small, 33–34 cm high, and features nonroyal figures riding in a chariot, Figure 2.80. These fragments are of nonroyal individuals of approximately the same size. The diagnostic element of the fragments is in s-77, where charioteers grasp the folded reins with arms held close to their chins. The discovery of two other fragments, Figure 2.81, further supported this identification of the reins. s-x37b is given a number relating to the square where it was discovered. It was found in a bag of small fragments that were not given official “s-” accession numbers. To avoid interfering with the official numbering system, the fragments from the bag were given their square of origin and then assigned a letter to distinguish them. s-x37b preserves the bottom of a second pair of hands holding the reins; the reins curve down toward the horse’s back. At first the red background of s-41 was a deterrent in placing this fragment in the reconstruction, but some pigments at Kom el-Nana combined with evidence

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

figure 2.81a s-41 h: 2.5 cm w: 3.2 cm

105

figure 2.81b s-x37b h: 3.3cm w: 6.4cm

from this scene were convincing enough to include the scene in Reconstruction 13. The element may belong in the scene in Reconstruction 14, however. Reconstruction 14 uses fragments from x38 and x37; the x38 fragments are toward the right of the scene, and those from x37 are to the left, further proof of the accuracy of the method used for this study. The Aten disc is to the right of the scene, preserved through rays and an Aten hand, s-50 and s-286. The dimensions of the disc are unclear. A servant figure facing the royal couple is preserved in s-2566, but the other serving figures in the scene are postulated. s-321 shows a small pair of Aten cartouches. The fragment may or may not indicate an offering table, but its size in relationship to the other inscriptions suggests it was likely, but not definitively, on an item of furniture rather than being a proper inscription. 1.4.5

Limestone Scene of the Royal Family Facing Right (Reconstruction 15) Fragments s-334, s-246, and s-263 preserve elements of the royal titles and names, while s-54, s-56, and s-15 preserve the names of three of their daughters, see Reconstruction 15 and the catalog for images. In fact s-56 and s-15 join to preserve parts of the names of Meritaten, Meketaten, and Ankhsenpaaten, this join can be seen in the color plates in the catalog.96 s-2556 preserves a small dwarf likely associated with the princesses. Although the figure seems surprisingly small, other examples have been found showing the princesses followed by small dwarf figures.97 s-65 preserves part of the egg-shaped head, side lock, back of the neck, shoulder, and broad collar of Princess Ankhsenpaaten. Although the backs of princesses’ necks are typically covered, this fits within the existing cor96 97

I am thankful to Marc Gabolde for his fortuitous discovery of this join. Hanke and Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis; Neue Veröff. u. Studien, 218, Abb. 6, 14; 219, Abb 7, 14.

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figure 2.82

s-65 h: 5.7 cm w: 4 cm

pus that includes examples showing uncovered necks.98 In s-65 the neck would cover approximately a single square; it measures 2.1 cm, so the figure could be about 42cm high. The size of the figure is the reason for assigning it to Ankhsenpaaten. If it belonged to an older princess, the other princesses would have to be shorter than 42cm. This seems unlikely, especially as the princesses must be associated with the only other right-facing royal figures within reasonable distance to the original spot where the princess fragments were found. The proportions and context indicate s-65 belonged to the youngest and the smallest princess mentioned in joining fragments s-56 and s-15. The figures of Akhenaten and Nefertiti are preserved through several fragments. Figure 2.83 shows the three fragments diagnostic of the figure of Nefertiti in this reconstruction. s-9 preserves part of a broad collar and the pleats of a right-facing garment, stretched out to accommodate a raised arm. s-2126 preserves part of the thighs, facing right, painted light pink. s-19 preserves part of Nefertiti’s wig and right-facing head. s-19 is difficult to size precisely. Careful observation of s-2126 reveals that an area of maximum thigh width that would also include the curve here suggests a 6.9 square with a height of 138. However s-9 is almost an entire square, giving a figure closer to 132cm. s-19 was placed on several figures, with different heights and proposed hairstyles. This figure of

98

Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part iv, pl. xxxi; and for the appearance: Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part vi, pl. iv.

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

figure 2.83a s-9 h: 6.2 cm w: 3.8cm

figure 2.83b s-2126 h: 7.2 cm w: 7.7 cm

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figure 2.83c s-19 h: 8cm w: 8.4cm

Nefertiti was the best match for the size and decoration, so it was placed within this reconstruction, with some reservations. As discussed, another figure of Nefertiti 132cm high was discovered in w38, and was placed in Reconstruction 13. Those fragments may actually be part of the figure in Reconstruction 15, but these three fragments were discovered in w38 and x37, far apart from each other, so it seemed appropriate to divide them into separate scenes. s-29 and s-44 in Figure 2.84 preserve two joining fragments of Akhenaten’s kilt. The girdle or belt with ribbons or streamers is preserved to the right, with pleats of linen stretching down to the left. At the upper left corner they stretch horizontally, indicating the pull exerted on the garment as the body swells back toward the buttocks and lower back. When placed against a figure with the same angle of pleats, this fragment proportionally takes up a square, suggesting a grid with 10cm squares and a figure 200 cm high, facing right. Although the deduction seems accurate, sashes and girdles are often drawn at varying proportions to the royal wearer. This reconstruction is suggested with some confidence, but it is possible that the fragment may belong to a slightly larger or smaller figure. In summary, Reconstruction 15 contains inscriptions identifying Akhenaten, Nefertiti, and three of their daughters. It contains evidence for the Aten, but no evidence for the original size of the Aten disc. The inscriptions and figural fragments all indicate right-facing figures, with a maximum height of 200 cm for the king. They are joined by at least two serving figures, one a dwarf, and may have also been joined by figures in chariots, in Reconstruction 14. 1.4.6

Left-Facing Limestone Scene with the Royal Family (Reconstruction 16) A number of left-facing inscriptions in x38 and x37 indicate a scene with the king, queen, and a left-facing Aten disc, seen in Reconstruction 16.

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figure 2.84

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Left s-29 h: 8 cm w: 8 cm; Right s-44 h 4.3 cm w: 5.3 cm

In Figure 2.85 s-40 preserves part of both cartouches to the Aten, facing right, and s-28 preserves the bottom of one cartouche and the inscription underneath. This suggests the Aten is to the left of the inscription and by proxy will be the focus of the scene. The original diameter of the Aten disc is indicated by s-255, Figure 2.86. From the edge of the disc, it preserves not the disc itself but the outer edge of the sunken border around it and several sunrays. Applying a profile gage to the curve, enough is preserved to determine with some accuracy that the disc was 32cm in diameter. A hand of the disc is preserved in fragment s-2208, see Reconstruction 16. The fact that the royal family would have been facing left, toward the disc, is supported by s-2121 in Figure 2.85 which preserves part of Nefertiti’s cartouche, facing left, and part of another cartouche to the left, likely that of Akhenaten. s-1201 in Figure 2.87 preserves part of the epithet for the royal offspring: “of his body, who he loves.” Due to this evidence, the grouping of three princesses mentioned in Reconstruction 15 on fragment s-15 are presumed to be here as well. Fragment s-5 in Figure 2.87 indicates that these figures had close proximity to a directly adjacent corner preserved up to three inches. Also s2788, Figure 2.87, preserves the two small females wearing long garments. The figure to the left is larger than the figure to the right, with a space in between. This suggests that instead of a crowd or cluster of serving women, this image shows two of the three daughters, in descending height behind their mother. The fragments in Figure 2.88 preserve left-facing images of Akhenaten and Nefertiti. As these squares provide no other left-facing figural evidence, they are certainly related to the inscription fragments above. Two of the three fragments, s-2568 and s-239, are from x37. s-287 is from x38, but again it is clearly left-facing and must be associated with this collection of fragments.

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

figure 2.85a s-40 h: 10.6 cm w: 16.3 cm

figure 2.85c s-2121 h: 9.1 cm w: 9.7 cm

figure 2.86

s-255 h: 5.5 cm w: 5.7 cm

figure 2.85b s-28 h: 6cm w: 7.7cm

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figure 2.87a s-1201 h: 4.5 cm w: 6 cm

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figure 2.87b s-5 h: 9.2cm w: 6.5cm

figure 2.87c s-2788 h: 22 cm w: 26.6 cm

Similar to the fragments s-29 and s-44 in Reconstruction 15, s-239 Figure 2.88A is a fragment of Akhenaten’s kilt, but faces left. It is also rendered in thicker relief, with more space between the pleats, indicating a striding leg to the left and a standing leg to the right with the sporran or girdle in between. Using the curve and length of the leg suggested by the pleats and the dimensions of the sporran and comparing it with Robins’s gridded representation of the king in the tomb of Ay, it is difficult to gain a narrow range of sizes for this king. Using Robins’s grid over the king’s figure with the same kilt type and leg showing in the tomb of Aye, it appears that this fragment preserves the curve of a leg and that the ties of the sporran hang down in ways that equal approximately a square. Using this as a guide, 9.6 would be the height of the grid square. Another approach would be to use just the 5.3cm leg on this fragment as a guide, which is approximately a half square. Using these two as a range of upper and lower estimates, the figure was originally (with 9.6 grid square) 192cm high, or (with 5.3 cm grid

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

figure 2.88a s-239 H: 9.6 cm w: 10.8 cm

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figure 2.88b s-2568 h: 8.3 cm w: 13.3cm

figure 2.88c s-287 h: 5.2 cm w: 8.2 cm

square) approximately 106cm high. The first measurement would put the king at a similar height to the king in Reconstruction 14, 200 cm high. However the smaller range is more likely because of the queen’s size, described below. Nefertiti is best represented by fragment s-287, which preserves a uraeus and part of the “bag wig,” likely from a figure approximately 56 to 72cm high. Taking the area of the forehead as one square, 2.8cm here, would suggest a figure 56cm high. However, if the forehead in the grid included all of the uraeus, the area would be 3.6cm, giving a figure of 72cm. This is reinforced by s-2568, where the back of the bag wig is preserved along with a hand of the Aten. The tallest 72cm measurement of Nefertiti was chosen to match the lowest 106cm measurement of Akhenaten. Again, they are the only left-facing figural fragments of the royal couple in this area and are certainly related. However, at Kom el-Nana, Nefertiti is often quite diminutive in relation to Akhenaten, so assumption about their relative heights may be incorrect. Fragments s-2559 and s-62, not shown here, were combined in Reconstruction 16 to represent offerings under the Aten disc. However this is conjectural. Reconstruction 16 combines the left-facing elements to include a sun disc of

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figure 2.89a s-987 h: 5.7 cm w: 7.8 cm

figure 2.89d s-383 h: 3.1 cm w: 8 cm

figure 2.89b s-26/3 h: 9.8 cm w: 4 cm

figure 2.89c s-1289 h: 2.1cm w: 7.5cm

figure 2.89e s-2564 h: 6.5cm w: 16cm

32cm in diameter, left-facing images of Akhenaten and Nefertiti, and their three daughters who likely joined them at the corner of an architectural element to the right. s-1201 must be associated with this collection of fragments, as no other elements from squares x38 and x37 are left-facing. All fragments in Reconstruction 16, except for s-1201 and s-2788 from x38, are from x37, the square that contains the outer edge of the North Shrine. Because s-5 preserves an edge, this may indicate an additional doorway or that the scene came from a rectangular element of architecture such as a pier or engaged pilaster. 1.4.7

Right-Facing Limestone Scene of Akhenaten and Nefertiti (Reconstruction 17) A collection of fragments from x36 in Figure 2.89 combine to form a scene of a right-facing Nefertiti and Akhenaten accompanied by several small-scale female servant figures. Because of their similar proportions and find spots in x36, these fragments have been placed together in Reconstruction 17.99 s-26/3 is given another 99

However fragments s-363, of a right-facing cartouche of Nefertiti, and s-413, of a right-

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

113

unusual, nontraditional Amarna stone number because it was labeled according to a group of larger-sized fragments stored in large plastic trays in the Amarna magazine. To catalogue it for this research, it was numbered 26, the tray number. Then the fragments in the tray were assigned individual numbers. This is number 3 from tray 26. From the way the arm is carved, it appears to be the lower part of an upward-reaching arm, specifically the lower part with a wrist, curving out to meet an elbow at the bottom. The arm is bare; no ripples suggest a pleated garment. The arm is 10cm, and is either 2 squares or 1.5 squares. If 2 squares, they would measure 5cm each, giving an original height of 100cm, but if 1.5 is correct, this indicates a square of 6.6, yielding a figure 132cm high. Fragment s-987 indicates the smaller height is more likely. s-987 preserves the fingers to about half their full length. According to grids, this takes approximately 50 to 75 percent of a grid square. The preserved fingers measure 2.6cm, meaning their square was about 5.2 cm with a figure height of 104. However if these are assumed to take 75 percent of a square, then the grid was 3.4cm, and the figure would be approximately 68 cm high, but the first measurement is more accurate as it matches with s-26/3. The presence of an Aten ray next to the fingers indicates a royal hand raised in a ritual gesture. The decorated surface of the king’s fragment s-1289 in Figure 2.89 is 7.2 cm wide, and preserves part of the lower edges of body cartouches facing right. The fragment has a curved cross section so it is likely to be the right-facing king’s proper left arm, at the side, hanging down. The background shows no paint. Only the cartouches are painted red. The rest of the fragment has the same stark limestone whiteness as the front, suggesting the arm was not originally painted or even given a light wash of base color, in contrast to s-26/3 that retains clear evidence of red paint. The lack of color should not be considered to indicate separating the two fragments, or to suggest that s-1289 actually represents a light-skinned female. The dimensions of the original figure eliminate that possibility. Instead, the lack of paint may be explained as a representation of a white garment. The cartouches are preserved to the outer edges of both frames. The cartouches are always centered on an arm. The preserved decorated surface is 7.2cm, so the original width of the arm was approximately an additional 3.1cm, giving an arm width of 10.3cm. Arm width is usually only facing cartouche of the king, were excluded from the drawing, although they came from x36. Both do not match in size with the king’s or queen’s cartouche. As such it was impossible to determine whether they “belonged” in Reconstruction 17 or should even be placed together at all. Another scene may have been in this area, but no other figural fragments were discovered to correlate this deduction, or to allow a reconstruction attempt.

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slightly less than a square, so initial approximation for figure height could be as large as 206cm, perhaps larger. Right-facing figures of several women attached to the royal entourage join Akhenaten and Nefertiti; their feet and long garments are preserved in s-383 in Figure 2.89. No definitive evidence for offerings or other members of the royal entourage were discovered. The presence of the Aten disc is indicated by the presence of a ray of the Aten in s-987, over Nefertiti’s hand. The original dimensions of the Aten disc are unclear, but the remnants of Aten hands and the top of an offering table are preserved in s-2564 from x37. The relief has the same high quality seen with fragment s-26/3. The proportions of the offerings and the Aten hands do not match any of the other images discovered so far, so it is a part of this scene indicating two hands of the Aten, the edge of a papyrus flower, the curving neck of a duck, and the edge of a round bread. 1.4.8 Decorative, Inscribed Panels in Sandstone (Reconstruction 18) Instead of figural fragments, large fragments of inscriptions were discovered in x37 and x36, see Reconstruction 18. In particular, the joining fragments s-2764, s-2170, and s-2761 represent a very large cartouche. s-4001 and s-2760 preserve a section of a large pt-sign. The size of the fragments makes it clear that they did not come from a panel constructed of talatat, but were larger stone slabs, providing further evidence that limestone was quarried in talatat size, while sandstone was quarried in larger, more traditional slabs, and was used to create larger architectural elements such as doorways and panels. No evidence for figural representations in sandstone were present in x37 or x36; only inscriptional elements such as the very large cartouche frames in s-3474, s-2139, s-2451, and s-2442. Many fragments preserving smaller scale cartouches of Akhenaten were found, such as the joining fragments s-393, s-1934, s-2439, s-82, and s-268. A cartouche fragment of Nefertiti’s name is preserved in s-2441. Together, the fragments suggest a vertical panel containing decorative inscriptions, such as found in the tomb of Meryre, and thus were combined together to enable a general visualization of their original appearance.100 Reconstruction 18 relies on the decorative panels from Meryre as a template to suggest the possible appearance of the panel or panels. The fragments from x36 and x37 are separated into two representations in recognition that more than one panel may have been located in x36 and x37. However it seems more

100

Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part i, pl. xl “panel a.”

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

figure 2.90

115

s-7012 (7077) h: 2.7 cm w: 11.5

likely that they were part of the same panel: the fragments of the Akhenaten cartouches have the same width in both squares, and the large cartouche frame of the Aten is the same approximate dimension in all fragments. This sandstone panel could have been as tall as 360cm, but the measurement must be taken as an abstraction, as this is merely a tentative suggestion for the original appearance of the sandstone inscription panel. Its architectural purpose is unclear: it may have been a raised panel, a pier, or even part of another sandstone gateway. Further excavation may reveal its purpose. 1.4.9 Decorative Panel from a Column (Reconstruction 19) The diagnostic fragment, s-7012 (7077)101 2.7cm high and 11.5 cm wide forms the primary basis for extrapolation of this scene, see Figure 2.90. The foot of a royal person, likely Akhenaten wearing a sandal facing left, is preserved walking on a border or thick ground line. The decorated surface has a convex profile. The curve of the decorated surface of the fragment suggests it might have come from the relief panel of a column, of the type used frequently at Tell elAmarna. For an example, see Reconstruction 19. The arc of this fragment may not give precise information regarding the original diameter of the column, but it may have been approximately 58–60cm. Although this is not large, as the drawing in Reconstruction 19 demonstrates, the panel would have been associated with a smaller area of the column, with the diameter growing larger toward the base. The foot is 5.6cm long from heel to toe. Divided by 3.25, the number of grid squares, the square measures 1.7cm, meaning the figure was approximately 34 cm high. However the foot can sometimes take approximately 3.33 grid 101

This fragment has two numbers. Its excavated number is s-7077, but when it was temporarily removed from storage for display in the proposed Tell el-Amarna visitor’s center it was given number s-7012. For the sake of clarity, both numbers are noted here, but the fragment’s museum number (7012) is the one used in the database for this project. However it can be found under number 7077 at the Amarna dig house storeroom.

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figure 2.91

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s-7012 (7077) with curve indicate by arc

squares, which suggests a square measuring 1.6 cm, with a figure approximately 3234cm high. The sandal indicates royalty; also column panels do not frequently represent non-royal figures. The identification of the figure as Akhenaten is tentative; it could be Nefertiti. The other elements of this scene in Figure 2.92 are proposed as s-2443 and s-8, both from x37 like s-7012. s-3580 from x36 may also be associated with this scene, as discussed below. Of the three fragments, s-8 is most likely to match s-7012 (7077), but the other two must be considered for the reasons discussed below. Enough is preserved of the sun disc, including the uraeus, in fragment s-2443 to determine that its original diameter was 6cm, making it a likely candidate to match the 32–34cm high figure preserved on s-7012 (7077). However the disc is small, which means it might have been part of a hieroglyph. Many sun disc hieroglyphs in the Amarna period have uraeii like their larger Aten counterparts. s-8 preserves part of the border of the scene and a sunray, indicating the sun disc was to the right of the fragment, with the rays coming down at a steep angle. The decorated surface of the fragment has a similar curvature to s-7012 (7077), and also has a second finished side, creating a corner. This corner is also curved, adding further proof that it was the edge of the curved panel of decoration on a column, making it the most likely candidate to match s-7012 (7077) and allowing the scene to be visualized as a royal figure facing a sun disc in the right corner of a rectangular scene on a column. The disc was likely over an offering table. Another item to be possibly included in Reconstruction 19 is s-3580 from x36, but the addition requires caution for many reasons. The main reason to include it here is that it preserves the edge of a sun disc, indicated by a deeply carved curve and a sunray. The edge of the disc is preserved enough to indicate a disc measuring 6cm, a match for s-2443. This also lends credence to the suggestion that s-2443 is not a hieroglyph but a small Aten disc. However the surface of s3580 is flat, unlike s-8 and s-7012 (7077), which both show a clear curve on their decorated surfaces. For this reason, this may be the edge of another 6 cm disc

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

figure 2.92a s-2443 h: 5.8 w: 4.4 cm

figure 2.93

s-3580 h 9.8 w: 5.9

figure 2.92b s-8 h: 8.5cm w: 4.8cm

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not on a column but a flat surface like a wall. Also, these excavation squares yield no human figures of a size to match such a small disc and no evidence of an Aten temple or other architectural element. Because several arguments can be made for and against including this fragment, it was allowed to remain in Reconstruction 19, but with the heavy caveat that it may in fact be part of a scene that left no other trace. In conclusion, fragment s-7012 is the best predictor of this scene, as it shows a clear if shallow curve and must be from the curved scene on a column. The original appearance of the columns is discussed in the next section on the architectural evidence from Kom elNana. Conclusion The following list indicates the general locations of the reconstructions according to the excavation squares x39, y39, w38, x38, x37, and x36. Again, the locations of the reconstructions are not exact. Because it is unclear whether they were from the outside or inside of the wall, no attempt was made to place them all together in a linear reconstruction. How these scenes are interrelated cannot be determined with total confidence. Rather than precise reconstructions, the scenes are intended to reveal the genres of decoration used at Kom el-Nana. Those genres are analyzed later in greater depth for their iconographic importance, placing Kom el-Nana within its proper context of the iconography of the reign of Akhenaten. Reconstruction 1: x39, x38 Reconstruction 2: x39, y39, x38 Reconstruction 3: x39, y39, x38 Reconstruction 4: x39, y39, x38 Reconstruction 5 and 6: y39 Reconstruction 7: y39 Reconstruction 8, 9, 10 (Sandstone gateway): x39, y39, w38, x38 Reconstruction 11: x39 Reconstruction 12: x38, w38 Reconstruction 13: w38 Reconstruction 14: x37 Reconstruction 15: x38, x37 Reconstruction 16: x38, x37 (most in x37) Reconstruction 17: x37, x36 Reconstruction 18: x37, x36 Reconstruction 19: x37 Reconstruction 21: w38

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Architectural Evidence

Both limestone and sandstone architectural fragments are found in the following squares of the North Shrine, listed from north to south: x39, y39, w38, x38, x37, and x36. No stone architectural fragments are found in square x35, where the brick dividing wall runs between the north and south enclosures. Only a few architectural fragments join directly, such as sandstone fragments 4029, 3941, and 1855 from w38 in Figure 2.94.102 However, enough evidence is preserved to indicate that architectural features could be small interior elements like doorways or they could be monumental in size suggesting exterior decoration, such as the large torus molding in Figure 2.94. Speculations regarding size are possible, but it is impossible to determine with complete certainty which elements were interior or exterior. Akhenaten’s temples were frequently as open to the sun as possible. Thus a large feature could be located inside as easily as outside, especially given the Egyptian preference for monumental architecture. As with the relief, enough is preserved to demonstrate the genres of architectural features that characterized the appearance of the North Shrine. The architectural categories discovered from Kom el-Nana are: torus moldings, cavetto cornices, uraeus friezes, and columns. The tables below summarize the architectural fragments. It is hoped that a more comprehensive understanding of the architecture will emerge in the future, particularly following further excavation. All fragments discussed in this section can be seen in the catalog if they are not shown in this section. Torus Moldings All squares of the North Shrine, except for x36 and x35, have many fragments of torus moldings. Oddly, torus moldings can sometimes be easily confused with fragments of reeds from columns, especially since both are often painted yellow. Some torus moldings have flat stretches of wall still attached, like s-3758, or their attachment to the wall has been broken off, as in s-3465 from square x38. The torus moldings are painted either solid yellow if they are small, as in s-3460 and s-3931 which is only 2.7cm, or have yellow stripes on a white background as on s-4029 in Figure 2.94 and the color plates in Volume 2, from w38. Torus moldings could be monumental in size like sandstone s-4029, which has a diameter of 13cm, or very small like limestone s-3931, both from w38.

102

s-1855 also joins with s-1845. They share a red guide line, indicating that guide lines were used to decorate the surface, similar to the relief.

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figure 2.94

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Large sandstone torus molding, join of s-4029, s-3941, s-1855, torus 13cm diameter, height of combined fragments approx 46 cm.

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

figure 2.95

121

s-4094 h: 21 cm w: 53 cm d: 24 cm

However the smaller torus moldings can also be mistaken for the stamens from palmate column capitals. For example, s-3657 from x39 is painted yellow, like many smaller torus moldings from Kom el-Nana. However it curves, which a molding would not, so it is part of a column capital. The absence of torus moldings in x36 is interesting, especially since that square has substantial evidence for columns but not as much evidence for cavetto cornices. x36 may have featured a columned area but may have lacked walls decorated with torus moldings. Cavetto Cornices Like torus moldings, sandstone and limestone were used for cavetto cornices, but unlike torus moldings, sandstone cavetto fragments are more common than limestone cavetto fragments. Fragments ranging from full-sized talatat to smaller fragments of cavetto cornices appear in all excavation squares but x35 of the North Shrine. Some are monumental in size, while others are modestly proportioned. s-4094 in Figure 2.95 is the size of a talatat. The vertical stripes that decorate the cavetto cornices are not outlined by incised lines as is often the case in Egyptian architecture. Instead they are painted against a white background and sometimes they are painted very sloppily as is s-3728 from x38. Sandstone cavettos are painted with red, white, and blue stripes. Limestone cavettos can have red, white, blue, and green stripes. Uraeus Frieze Only seven fragments of stone uraeus friezes have been found from the North Shrine, from squares x39, x38, x37, and x 36, although one, s-69, may not be a

122 table 1

chapter 2 List of sandstone torus moldings

Sandstone torus nr. s- Square Color(s) 3427 3428 3429 2553 3899 3894 4029 (w. prt. wall) 3469

table 2

x39 x39 x39 x39 w38 w38 w38 x37

White with yellow stripe White with yellow stripe White with yellow stripe White with yellow stripe White White White with yellow stripe, blue on wall border White and yellow

List of limestone torus moldings

Limestone torus nr. s-

Square Color(s)

4031 3853 3977 3845 3847 3971 3854 3855 3997 3475 3401 3397 3409 3637 (or prt. column?) 2481 1813 (w. prt. wall) 3904 2502 3931 (sm. corner frag.) 3929 3934 (pr prt. column?) 3942

y39 y39 y39 y39 y39 y39 y39 y39 x39 x39 x39 x39 x39 x39 x39 w38 w38 w38 w38 w38 w38 w38

n/a Yellow n/a White with yellow stripe White n/a White with yellow stripe White with yellow stripe White with yellow stripe White with yellow stripe Traces stripe of faded color White with yellow stripe n/a n/a n/a White with yellow stripe, blue wall border White with yellow stripe Yellow Yellow Yellow n/a n/a

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

Limestone torus nr. s-

Square Color(s)

3920 3998 3758 3465 3776 3464 3770 3460 66 (w. prts wall + inscr.) 3373 3380 3374 3382 3390 3370 3369 3376 3367 3372 2142 3473 3468 3331 3329 3345 3346 3356 2447 3519 3520 3507 3512 3516 3515 3518 (or prt. column?)

w38 x38 x38 x38 x38 x38 x38 x38 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37

n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a Yellow, red stripes Yellow n/a White with yellow stripe White with yellow stripe White with yellow stripe White with yellow stripe White with yellow stripe White with yellow stripe White with yellow stripe White with yellow stripe White with yellow stripe n/a Yellow stripe Yellow stripe n/a Yellow stripe Yellow stripe White with yellow stripe White with yellow stripe n/a Yellow stripe Yellow stripe Yellow stripe Yellow stripe Yellow stripe Yellow stripe Yellow stripe Yellow and red stripes

123

124 table 3

chapter 2 List of sandstone cavetto cornices

Sandstone cavetto nr. s- Square Stripe Color(s) 4019 1871 3851 3829 3814 3811 3812 2278 3870 2158 2164 3863 3986 3431 3425 2482 3421 2552 2484 3882 1817 85 2134 2122 57 3343 3602 3796

y39 y39 y39 y39 y39 y39 y39 y39 y39 y39 y39 y39 x39 x39 x39 x39 x39 x39 x39 w38 w38 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x36 x36

Red, white, blue Red, white Red, white Red, white Red, white White, blue n/a Red, white Red, white Red, white Red, white Blue Red, white, traces blue Red Red, white Red, white Blue Red, white Red, white White Red, white Red, white White, green White, green Red, white, blue Red, white Red, white White

the reconstructions: relief and architecture table 4

List of limestone cavetto cornices

Limestone cavetto nr. s- Square: Stripe Color(s) 4017 3650 3896 3444 3728 3777 3748 3335 3339 3499 4090 (most of talatat) 4046 3571 3585 3630 3616 2172

table 5

y39 x39 w38 x38 x38 x38 x38 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x36 x36 x36 x36 x36

Red, white Blue Red, white Red, white Red, white Red, yellow, blue Yellow, blue Yellow n/a Red, white Red, white, blue, green n/a Red (?), green (?) Red n/a Green (?) White, blue, green

List of limestone uraeus

Limestone uraeus nr. s- Square: Color(s): 2279 132 69 (?) 2144 230 382 3800

y39 x39 x38 x37 x37 x36 x36

Yellow, red Yellow, red Blue Yellow, red Blue, yellow n/a Yellow, red

125

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figure 2.96

s-382 h: 9.3 cm w: 9.5 cm Bodies of Uraeii

figure 2.97

s-3800 h: 5.6cm w: 9cm Painted Sun disks of Uraeii

uraeus. All are in limestone, and have traces of yellow, red, and blue paint. They are of the usual type: rearing cobras in a row facing outward and wearing sun disc crowns. The uraeus friezes from the Maru Aten were composite, carved from sandstone with crimson eyes inserted into granite heads.103 The uraeus friezes from the North Shrine at Kom el-Nana were less elaborate: they lacked inlaid heads but were brightly painted. Columns Evidence for columns from the North Shrine is more extensive. Only two fragments of sandstone columns are found, suggesting that while most of the columns were limestone, sandstone was used for the columns as well. Most appear to have been of the bundled reed style. The reeds and the bases of the columns were painted yellow and red. The columns were circled with carved horizontal and vertical bands painted red, yellow, or blue. Evidence also indicates panels decorated in relief carved on the body of the columns, one of which appears in Reconstruction 18. The spreading palm capital type of column appears as well: the palm leaves are painted white, yellow, and blue; the stamens are painted yellow. Substantial evidence is preserved for these columns, but the evidence does not provide precise information regarding their original dimensions. Enough remains to suggest they were monumental, perhaps not as large as those in the Small Aten temple, but on the same scale as some of the columns in the north and south tombs, such as the columns in the tomb of Ay. Several fragments are well enough preserved to indicate the method used to carve the columns. No evidence exists for fully round column “drums,” but

103

Peet et al, City of Akhenaten i, 122, pl. xxxiii, 5.

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127

List of limestone column fragments

Limestone column nr s-

Square

Area of column

Color(s)

4015 3975 1421 3852 3843 1872 3837 2257 3807 2514 2510 4009 3383 172 159 198 3414 620 617 3643 3667 3679 153 x39b 3637 3659 3657 3663 3660 3647 663 114 2473 2470 2480 3888

y39 y39 y39 y39 y39 y39 y39 y39 y39 y39 y39 x39 x39 x39 x39 x39 x39 x39 x39 x39 x39 x39 x39 x39 x39 x39 x39 x39 x39 x39 x39 x39 x39 x39 x39 w38

Palm capital Palm capital Palm capital Palm capital stamen Body/reed of column Body/reed of column Body/reed of column Palm capital Palm capital Body/lower section column Body/lower section column Body/reeds of column Prt. column base? Body/lower section column Body/lower section column Body/lover section column? Palm capital stamen Body/lower section column Body/lower section column Body/lower section column Body/reed of column? Body/reed of column Body/lower section column Palm capital stamen Body/reed of column Palm capital stamen Palm capital stamen Body/reed of column Body/reed of column Body/reed of column Horizontal bands around column Body/lower section column Body/reed of column Body/lower section column Body/reed of column Palm capital column

White, yellow Blue Blue, yellow Yellow n/a n/a n/a Yellow Blue, yellow n/a Yellow, red n/a Red, yellow Yellow, red n/a Yellow Yellow Yellow, red n/a n/a Red, yellow? n/a Yellow Yellow n/a Yellow Yellow n/a n/a n/a Red Yellow n/a n/a n/a Yellow?

128 table 6

chapter 2 List of limestone column fragments (cont.)

Limestone column nr s-

Square

Area of column

Color(s)

3875 3873 3877 3880 3892 2500 3936 3919 3917 3914 3909 4000 1181 2214 2205 322 720 3787 3736 3737 3522 7012 105 3386 2270 2269 91 94 2125 74 2129 71 2147 2141 2145 3480

w38 w38 w38 w38 w38 w38 w38 w38 w38 w38 w38 x38 x38 x38 x38 x38 x38 x38 x38 x38 x38 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37

Palm capital column Palm capital column Palm capital column? Palm capital column? Palm capital column? Palm capital stamen Palm capital stamen Body/lower section of column? Horizontal bands around column Horizontal bands around column Horizontal bands around column? Body/reeds of column Body of column? Palm capital column? Body/lower section of column Body/lower section of column Body/reeds of column Body/lower section of column Body/lower section of column Palm capital stamen Body/reed of column Relief panel on column Horizontal bands around column Body/reed of column Body/reed of column Body/reed of column? Body/lower section of column Body/lower section of column Body/lower section of column Body/lower section of column Body/lower section of column Body/lower section of column Body/lower section of column Body/reed of column Top or base of column? Body/reed of column

Blue, yellow n/a Blue Yellow Yellow Yellow, blue Yellow Red n/a Red, yellow n/a n/a n/a n/a Yellow Yellow, red n/a Yellow Yellow Yellow? n/a Blue, red Red, white? n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a Yellow, red Yellow n/a Red Yellow, red? n/a Red n/a

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Limestone column nr s-

Square

Area of column

Color(s)

3486 3481 3485 3488 3338 3362 3326 3325 3361 3355 2457 2450 3500 3498 3514 3494 671 3491 4008 4036 4023 4005 410 386 3583 3605 3584 3591 3593 3587 3599 3590 3597 3589 3594 3632 3628

x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x37 x36 x36 x36 x36 x36 x36 x36 x36 x36 x36 x36 x36 x36 x36 x36

Body/reed of column Body/reed of column Body/reed of column Body/reed of column Body/reed of column Body/reed of column Body/reed of column Body/reed of column Body/reed of column Body/reed of column Body/reed of column Body/reed of column? Palm capital stamen Body/reed of column Body/reed of column Body/lower section of column Body/lower section of column Body/lower section of column Horizontal bands around column Horizontal bands around column Body/reed of column Body/lower section of column Body/lower section of column Body/lower section of column Body/lower section of column Body/lower section of column Body/lower section of column Body/lower section of column Body/reed of column Body/reed of column Upper area of column? Body/lower section of column Body/reed of column Body/reed of column Body/reed of column Body/reed of column Body/reed of column

n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a Yellow n/a n/a Yellow, red Yellow Yellow, red Red, blue? n/a Yellow, red n/a n/a Yellow, red, white? Yellow, red Yellow Yellow n/a White Blue Yellow n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a

130 table 6

chapter 2 List of limestone column fragments (cont.)

Limestone column nr s-

Square

Area of column

Color(s)

3612 3627 3618 3620 3609 3631 3610 x36g 3613 982 979 986 3719 3721 3703 3712 3700 3710 1278 3716

x36 x36 x36 x36 x36 x36 x36 x36 x36 x36 x36 x36 x36 x36 x36 x36 x36 x36 x36 x36

Body/reed of column Body/reed of column Body/reed of column Body/reed of column Body/reed of column Body/reed of column Body/lower section of column Palm capital stamen Body/reed of column? Body/lower section of column Body/lower section of column Body/lower section of column Body/reed of column Body/lower section of column Body/reed of column Body/lower section of column Body/reed of column Body/reed of column Body/lower section of column Body/reed of column

n/a n/a n/a Red? n/a n/a n/a Yellow Red Yellow, red Yellow Yellow, red n/a Yellow, red n/a Yellow n/a n/a n/a n/a

table 7

List of sandstone column fragments

Sandstone column nr s- Square: Area of column 3614 3705

x36 x36

Color(s)

Body/reed of column? Could be large torus White/yellow Palm capital column White

evidence indicates talatat with one surface carved with the surface fluting of a column, which indicates that the columns at Kom el-Nana’s North Shrine were carved from talatat. Rectangular pillars of talatat were erected and then sculpted into the final column shape. The appearance of the body of these columns as swelling bundles of reeds is echoed in the Small Aten temple. However, the columns from the Small

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

figure 2.98

131

Reconstructed column at the Small Aten temple (left) with original column drum/fragment (right)

Aten temple were carved from large blocks of sandstone in more conventional “drums” and not from a tower of talatat. It appears that when a monumental stone feature was required at Amarna, or if a large block of raw stone was needed, Akhenaten chose sandstone over limestone. As discussed previously in the reconstruction chapter, the sandstone gateway at the North Shrine is constructed from large sandstone slabs and not talatat. The reed pattern of the Small Aten temple columns is repeated at Kom el-Nana, although they used limestone talatat for columns rather than large sandstone drums. Large rounded lobes or reeds alternate with smaller reeds that have triangular cross sections. For s-4000, the top, sides, and back are carved, indicating that it is a talatat and not broken off from a large column drum. The reed is clearly bounded on both sides by the slim, triangular elements that separate the reeds on the Small Aten temple columns. Similar columns were used in the tomb of Ay, although those were of course cut from the rock matrix of the tomb. The leafy yellow decoration at the bottoms of the columns is also repeated at Kom el-Nana. The horizontal and vertical bands that cross the top section of the column under the capital on the Small Aten temple, see Figure 2.98, were also found at the North Shrine. The precise shape of the capital of these columns likely looked similar to Reconstruction 20a.

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figure 2.99

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Fragment s-4000, x37, h 16 cm, w. 14.5 cm Depth 17.5 cm.

figure 2.100 Section of one of the original sandstone columns from the Small Aten temple (left) and a column from the tomb of Ay (right)

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figure 2.101

133

Close up of the original yellow leaves at the bottom of the columns in the Small Aten temple, reconstructed column in the background.

figure 2.102 s-4005 section of a talatat preserving the bottom of the leaves of a column. The cross section on the right demonstrates the curve of the bottom of the bundle of reeds.

figure 2.103 s-4036 demonstrating the vertical bands, painted red and blue as in the example from the small Aten temple, and right a cross section demonstrating the curvature.

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figure 2.104 s-4015 the end of a spreading palm capital

Another type of column at Kom el-Nana is indicated by the shape of the capital, a spreading palm; see s-4015 above. A proposed drawing can be seen in Reconstruction 20b. Spreading palm capitals were also found in the stone mii area of the Maru-Aten, where the inscription identifying Maru-Aten as a sunshade was discovered. The column body associated with this type of capital was subtly tapered.104 However no column bodies of this type were found at the North Shrine. The column bodies may have been composite, carved of a stone more precious than limestone such as granite, subsequently quarried, and reused.105 Amarna lacks extensive evidence for this specific type of smooth-sided column with a spreading capital occurring alongside a bundled reed column. In relief, the spreading palm capital is often associated with palace structures and domestic environments, such as the scene in Meryre’s tomb where Akhenaten and Nefertiti are in the window of appearance. Behind them are several spreading palm capitals, but no reeded columns.106 A similar type of column with a smooth body, little entasis, and a spreading palm capital is often represented in palace architecture as well.107

104 105

106 107

Peet et al, City of Akhenaten i, pl. xxxi, 3–6; xl. Another option for these columns may lie in the absence of evidence. The possibility should be mentioned although it is highly unlikely: The closed papyrus columns do not have definitive evidence for their capitals. On the other hand, the open spreading capitals do not have definitive evidence for their shafts. Thus spreading palm capitals may have topped the reeded columns, although that would be an exception to the corpus of Amarna architecture. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part i, pl. vii. Ibid., pl. xviii.

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The rounded end of the spreading palm on s-4015 is also attested at the central palace.108 In relief, the best parallel for this type of column capital can be seen in the representation of a palace/window of appearance structure on the eastern wall of the tomb of Meryre i.109 This type of column is almost never shown with a reeded papyrus type column in relief. Nevertheless it seems likely the two types of columns existed side-by-side at the North Shrine at Kom el-Nana. As is also advanced in other chapters, this suggests the site is meant to host both cultic activities and public activities, since the reeded columns appear more frequently with cultic architecture. The question remains: what did the North Shrine look like? That question cannot be easily answered. A small strip of a garden was discovered “in front” of the shrine, to the east, so the garden-like elements of the obvious parallels in the mii area at the Maru Aten can be invoked, but with limitations because mii’s buildings are unique. The available evidence is insufficient for determining whether the North Shrine was similar. The South Shrine, the subject of a future study by the author, is another obvious resource for the possible appearance of the North Shrine. Better preserved and more extensively excavated, it is directly opposite the North Shrine, and it appears to have had approximately the same square footage on the ground, and may therefore be very similar in ground plan. The South Shrine has a deep colonnade at the front with two rows of columns leading back to a series of rooms that may or may not have been roofed. The North Shrine had a large sandstone gateway and has evidence for columns as well. Possibly it had a similar ground plan as the South Shrine, with a large columned hall and a sandstone gateway leading to a series of rooms. Those columns appear to have been both of the reeded closed papyrus type and straight-sided, spreading palms type. We cannot determine for sure until the area is excavated in more depth.

108

109

Petrie, Tell el-Amarna, pl. vi. However, no evidence exists for inlay on these columns, although rectangular elements may have inlaid s-2475 (sandstone from x39) as it has deeply carved recesses that fail to correspond to relief decoration. A similar type of column capital was discovered at the River Temple, but Barry Kemp argues that the architecture there is likely from the later New Kingdom. Kemp “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 446. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part i, pl. xxvi.

136 3

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The Reconstructions in Context

The reconstructions proposed in this work draw from a variety of source material, including the tombs at Tell el-Amarna as well as the blocks from Hermopolis. The North and South tombs have offering scenes, processional scenes, and scenes of the royal palace. These were used extensively to provide a framework for these reconstructions as the temples and palaces of Amarna were decorated with much the same repertoire of scenes as found in the tombs.110 It is thus not too much of a jump to utilize the tombs as a source of information. The tombs also provide an intact artistic program, despite the post-Amarna defacement. Horemheb and Ramses ii took talatat from Tell el-Amarna to form the foundation layers and fill for their structures at Hermopolis, and thus the blocks from there preserve a disassociated jumble of scenes.111 It is also unclear where the majority of the Hermopolis blocks were originally located. Although Roeder believed they derived from the Maru-Aten, Hanke has advanced the idea they came primarily from the Great Aten temple.112 It is also possible that they came from a variety of locations, including the Maruaten, the Great Aten temple, and Kom el-Nana itself. Many of the blocks preserve inscriptions naming the Sunshade of Re of Ankhsenpaaten in the pr ḥʿy n pȝ itn n pr itn, which demonstrates that many of the decorated blocks represent the type of relief that was germane to a sunshade of Re.113 No matter which location or group of locations the Hermopolis blocks belong to, only sections of the original relief scenes are preserved, not an entire panorama of images as in the tombs.114 These blocks demonstrate, however, that an artistic repertoire including Aten worship as well as domestic and cultivation scenes could be found within the central city. That is, such decoration was not restricted to the tombs. Many of the motifs and arrangements also have very close parallels in the blocks from Kom el-Nana.

110 111

112 113

114

Kemp, Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization, 272. Jeffrey Spencer and Patricia Spencer, Excavations at el-Ashmunein ii the Temple Area (London: British Museum Publications, 1989), 15–16, 26; Freed, D’Auria and Markowitz, eds, Pharaohs of the Sun, 117. Hanke and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis; neue Veröff. u. Studien, 67–69. Roeder, Hanke and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis, pl. 19, 207-viia. However her name should be followed by m pr ḥʿy n pȝ itn m pr itn m ȝḫt itn, as on pl. 19, 328-viiia and pl. 55, 450-viia. Kemp, Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization, 272.

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Despite the fact that they do not preserve a linear artistic program, the similarity of the reconstructed scenes using the Hermopolis blocks from Kom el-Nana allow the clearest legitimation for the artistic program proposed in this work. As the buildings and the temples of the central city, especially those noted above as sunshade structures, are more closely related to the original purpose of Kom el-Nana, they can also be used as an important control for the reconstructions based on the tombs of Amarna.115 The artistic program postulated for this section of the North Shrine of Kom el-Nana likely represents the artistic genres of many of the royal buildings in the city proper. Many examples from Hermopolis show the royal couple offering to the Aten with their hands raised upward.116 Roeder has observed that the Hermopolis material reveals two basic organizational plans regarding the representation of the royal family at worship.117 The first is Akhenaten, either alone or accompanied by his family, with the disc of the Aten above and to one side of the scene. The figures face toward the disc and raise their hands in offering. The second is essentially an expanded version of this basic unit, consisting of two mirror images of the royal family flanking a single disc of the Aten in the middle.118 In addition to the 52 blocks from Hermopolis that Roeder did not publish, Hanke reconstructed several wall scenes that feature the royal couple. On his Plate 25, he combined two scenes of the royal family, both facing inward to a sun disc.119 Grouped on the viewer’s left, and facing viewer’s right, are Akhenaten, Nefertiti, and possibly a daughter whose presence is suggested by the inscription also containing the cartouches and titles of the Aten and Akhenaten. Nefertiti is not named in the inscription, but the relief attests to her presence. All members of the royal family, according to his reconstruction, hold offerings in both hands, both arms upraised to the Aten. Nefertiti is shown on a much smaller scale than Akhenaten: her baseline places her feet on a level

115 116

117 118 119

Ibid., 272. Roeder, Hanke and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis, pl. 17–18 500 viii a and c, 10 viii c and a, 896 viii a, 340 vi a, number 632—viii a plate 29, pc 23 (Cooney collection 32) plate 173, pc 24 and 25, Brooklyn/Cooney collections 60.197.6 and 60.197.1 plate 173, pc 169 and pc 192 plate 200, and pc 71 plate 217; Cooney, Amarna Reliefs from Hermopolis in American Collections, numbers 3–4. Roeder, Hanke and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis, 343, 360. Ibid., 343. Hanke and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis; neue Veröff. u. Studien, 237, pl. 25.

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figure 2.105

Hermopolis block 461-vii showing Akhenaten followed by another royal figure, with hands upraised120 photo by the author

with Akhenaten’s mid-thigh. Under the couple are several bowing courtiers and a pair of priests setting up a brazier or offering table. The other scene is a mirror image, without the courtiers. In 2008, the author was given permission to search the talatat magazines at Ashmunein, and the Hermopolis blocks providing parallels for Kom el-Nana were photographed. Scenes of the royal couple extending either one or both hands up to the Aten are found on 16 of the 18 sets of Hanke’s reconstructed royal scenes.121 Additionally, two balustrades from the Cairo Museum mentioned frequently in this study, numbers 30.10.26.12 and 20.6.28.8, provide examples of the royal couple facing the Aten with their hands upraised. Both balustrades come from the city proper.122 In this way, the material from the central city further supports

120 121

122

Roeder, Hanke and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis, pl. 5. Hanke and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis; neue Veröff. u. Studien, 237, pl. 5 (represents a seated king with an attendant queen) pl. 28 (represents the royal chariot scene) pl. 1 no. 1 and 2, pl. 25, 27, 30–41 (all represent versions of the royal family offering to the Aten with one or both hands upraised), pl. 36 and 39 (The scenes show Nefertiti and a daughter alone, but Hanke believes the scenes were paired with a larger image of Akhenaten on a separate level directly above them.) The original location of these balustrades is somewhat at issue. Also note their publication and discussion in Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten iii, 1:77; 2: pl. lxiv; Petrie, Tell El Amarna, 46, 11, pl. xii no. 1. Shaw catalogues and analyzes approximately 30 balustrades from Amarna, and notes that only one does not represent the royal family standing before

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figure 2.106 Hermopolis block 436-viia representing a palace, including columned rooms and doorways with tables serviced by a priest or courtier123 photo by the author

the royal scenes proposed in this work. The royal offering scene is not confined to the mortuary sphere, but is prevalent throughout the city of Tell elAmarna. Palace musicians, priests, and processing courtiers are equally represented in the Hermopolis and excavated blocks.124 Hanke published several examples from Hermopolis of bowing priests and processing courtiers that provide clear city parallels for Kom el-Nana fragments.125 The branched trees represented in Kom el-Nana are also represented in the Hermopolis blocks.126

123 124 125

126

the Aten with their hands raised. Shaw, “Balustrades, Stairs and Altars in the Cult of the Aten at El-Amarna,” 116. Roeder, Hanke and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis, pl. 60. Roeder, Hanke and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis, 360. Hanke and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis; neue Veröff. u. Studien, pl. 6–7: no. 14 (represents a line of processing courtiers holding scarves and batons) pl. 8 no. 13–16; a bowing courtier with one arm extended, although not bald, is on block 17 plate 9, and block 27 plate 13. Roeder, Hanke and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis, pl. 99 number 439 vii, plate 101, 611 vii c. Also note the trees and grasses from the Great Aten temple, 351. This is also in Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten iii, 2: pl. lviii. Hanke

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figure 2.107

Hermopolis block 68-viiic ( joins with 77-viiic) representing a palace, with feet of a serving figure in viewer’s left upper corner127 photo by the author

figure 2.108 Hermopolis block representing two bowing figures128 photo by the author

127 128

has no exact parallels but he does have several blocks decorated with vegetation, fowl, and fish in water: Hanke and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis; neue Veröff. u. Studien, pl. 20–23 nos. 47–52. Roeder, Hanke and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis, pl. 66. This block is not published in either Roeder or Hanke.

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141

figure 2.109 Hermopolis block representing branched plants, followed by a sandaled courtier standing on a rectangular border, perhaps of a structure129 photo by the author

figure 2.110

Hermopolis block 480-vii, sides a and b, representing naturalistic branching plants130 photo by the author

Fragment s-1705 is the only element that does not have an almost exact parallel from the various blocks of the central city. s-1705 contains part of a vegetative border similar to those typically found around a pool in scenes from the tombs or in the decorative floor paintings associated with the royal locales.131 The 129 130

131

This block is not published in either Roeder or Hanke. Roeder, Hanke and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis, pl. 101, 480-viib. This block is decorated with vegetation on the stretcher side and the far right header, indicating a corner block. However painted plaster fragments from the bridge in the central city between the Great Palace and the King’s House were shown to contain a similar garden scene, reconstructed

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figure 2.111

Detail of the structure under the window of appearance scene in the tomb of Meryre ii, after Davies, rt ii 1905 pl. xxxiii

relief from the central city may not have a precise parallel for the fragment, but, as mentioned in the discussion for the reconstruction of the pool this belonged with, the water garden from the Maruaten provides a good parallel. There the plants painted around the T-shaped pools are executed in irregular blocks. Several fragments from this court provide actual architectural parallels to the pool and its decoration represented by this fragment.132 Also in the tomb of Meryre ii, in the window of appearance scene, Meryre arrives in his chariot to a structure that appears to have a large garden and a single T-shaped pool within a walled compound.133 The pool is represented as being surrounded by a painted border. The single T-shaped pool with painted border is of a type that was represented in relief in addition to having an actual parallel. It is then entirely possible that this block was representative of the floral border around such a pool but was more closely associated with a layout like the irregular pools of the water court in the Maru-Aten. The similarity of the two enclosures combined with the possibility that they were both sunshades suggests that this could be the case. Fragment s-1705 may mimic the designs on the pool court either at the Maru-Aten, or on one as yet undiscovered in the northern enclosure of Kom el-Nana. Weatherhead also observes the parallels between the paintings and relief designs in the tombs and the areas decorated with daily activities and objects.134 This decoration may have been meant to specifically recall the garden areas or their painted pavements perhaps located within the enclosure wall of the northern half of Kom el-Nana.

132 133 134

in F.J. Weatherhead, “Wall Paintings from the Bridge in the Central City,” ar vi (1995): 406– 409, fragments 3, 8, 9 and 10. Weatherhead, Amarna Palace Paintings, 276–277, fig. 139a–b. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part ii, pl. xxxiii. Weatherhead, Amarna Palace Paintings, 345.

the reconstructions: relief and architecture

figure 2.112

143

Hermopolis block, badly damaged, with a representation of the fluted papyrus columns of a temple structure, in the viewer’s right half of the block photo by the author

A palace was likely represented on this section of wall from the North Shrine.135 Roeder and Hanke observe that images of the palace, activities around the palace, and other domestic scenes were present in the Great and Small Aten temples.136 This demonstrates that scenes containing the royal residence were present in the central city and not exclusive to the tombs. Representations of the temples of the Aten, with the same fluted columns found in the fragments of Kom el-Nana, are also found in the Hermopolis blocks.137 The author took the photograph above of a damaged talatat in the 135 136

137

Roeder, Hanke and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis, pl. 67. Ibid., 351–353. The palace and temples are represented in: Hanke and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis; neue Veröff. u. Studien, pl. 12, block 33, pl. 13, blocks 30–31. Martin, The Royal Tomb at El-Amarna, Vol. ii, pl. 34, 35, 37, 39–41; Hanke and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis; neue Veröff. u. Studien, pc 256, pc 253, Abb. 29; Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part iii, pl. viii.; Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part iv, pl. vii. In the tomb of Pentu, a badly preserved scene represents the hands of the Aten coming through the roof of the sanctuary to touch piles of offerings within the complex. Also, the arms of the Aten disc again penetrate the walls of the temple to touch the statues and offering tables represented on the periphery of the walls. Columns with rows of offering tables were also found in the Hermopolis blocks: Cooney, Amarna Reliefs from Hermopolis in American Collections, 99, no. 60. For hands touching a pile of offerings: Roeder, Hanke and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition,

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Ashmunein magazines. The bottom of one column can be seen on the viewer’s right edge of the block. An entire column is preserved to the left, and an additional column, not as well preserved, is in the center of the block. The other half of the block is dedicated to several offering tables piled with food. At Tell el-Amarna, a single expanse of wall with two separate mirror image scenes of the royal family offering to a centrally placed Aten disc is not a frequent image.138 Amarna has many mirror image scenes, but to the author’s knowledge, no Amarna location represents two such scenes together on the same wall.139 This reinforces the likelihood that the best approach is to separate the figures into different scenes based on the number of Aten discs discovered. However, the Pillars of Nefertiti discovered in the second pylon at Karnak Temple in Luxor have several registers containing mirror image scenes of Nefertiti and her daughter offering to a central Aten disc.140 So, although not entirely without precedent, a reconstruction containing two scenes of the royal family

138

139

140

Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis, pl. 21–22, 454-vii, 421-vii, 458-vii, 458-vii a, pl. 88, 781viii. Hanke and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis; neue Veröff. u. Studien, Abb. 32–33. The only somewhat similar reconstruction is Hanke’s reconstruction of a shrine or kiosk from the Hermopolis blocks 652-viii, 677-viii, 684-viii, where a mirror image of Akhenaten offering under the Aten disc tops a register containing a mirror image of some royal women with their hands raised in front of them. However, they are not provided with an additional disc and they have only small offering stands in the center as opposed to the more traditional square offering table, so it is clear the lower register is meant to be an addendum to the register above, not as a separate independent scene. But this does provide some support for a reconstruction of a shrine interior with more than one scene/register of the royal family on a given wall. Cyril Aldred believed that Akhenaten conceived of a wall as a single unit. Thus he postulated that one scene would be present on one wall. Aldred, “Tradition and Revolution in the Art of the xviiith Dynasty,” in Immortal Egypt, Invited Lectures on the Middle East at the University of Texas at Austin, ed. Denise Schmandt-Besserat, (Malibu: Undena Publications Aarchaeological Institue of America, 1978), 60, pl. xl–xlvii. However, note the occurrence of multiple scenes on a single wall in the Royal Tomb at Amarna as drawn in Martin, The Royal Tomb at El-Amarna, Vol. ii, pl. 29, 58. This is suggested by the presence of multiple sun disks, as well as in room Alpha, plate 58, where two registers of the royal family are placed on top of each other on wall f. Also note the reconstructions advanced by Hanke based on evidence from Hermopolis, where he reconstructs several scenes with multiple registers. Hanke and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis; neue Veröff. u. Studien, Abb 27–41. Christian Loeben, “Nefertiti’s Pillars,” Amarna Letters 3, (1994): 41–45; Donald Redford, The Akhenaten Temple Project Volume 1: Initial Discoveries (Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1976), 79–83.

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figure 2.113

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Detail of Wall a, room Alpha, in the royal tomb of Amarna, after Martin, pl. 34

worshipping the Aten in mirror image on the same wall is accepted with some caution. In the way the scenes are reconstructed here, Reconstruction 2 should be combined with the courtiers of Reconstruction 4 and with the reconstructions of the temple and palace, reminiscent of wall a in room Alpha of the Royal Tomb.141 There the royal couple process to the left, holding out aba-scepters to the Aten disc in the upper left corner. Behind them is a royal palace and before them is the Aten temple. The rays of the Aten descend down through the walls to touch the offerings and statues within as well as the royal couple to the right, who are followed by their children and royal retinue. The couple are surrounded by many servant figures and offering tables. It is also similar to the upper register of the northeast walls in the tomb of Meryre, where Akhenaten and Nefertiti again proffer aba-scepters to the disc of the Aten on the left.142 Behind them are their daughters, their retinue, and a scene of the royal palace in the far right corner. Before them to the left, under the disc with them, is a pile of offerings together with the main temple gates. Behind the gates, though no longer directly under the rays of the Aten, are the courtyards and pillared halls with piles of offerings. Both Wall a in the royal tomb and the northeast wall of Meryre represent the servant figures on a small scale in relation to the royal family. The

141 142

Martin, The Royal Tomb at El-Amarna, Vol. ii, pl. 34. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part i, pl. xxv.

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figure 2.114

Princess Panel, with small-scale servant figure to the viewer’s left, after Weatherhead, 2007, fig. 62

servants vary from half the size of the queen to even smaller. Usually, however, they are not represented as exceptionally diminutive. For that reason, the servant figures in Reconstruction 4 are suggested to be compatible with the smaller scale royal figures in Reconstruction 2. However, in the King’s House in the central city of Amarna, on the exterior northern wall of the throne room and Hypostyle Hall complex, the famous “Princess Panel” suggests this conclusion must remain tentative.143 Servants represented to one side of the royal family are shown on a much smaller scale than even the youngest princess. The two youngest daughters, who sit on the floor at the feet of their parents, are substantially larger than the adult courtier/servant to the viewer’s left of the scene. Indeed, when compared with the lower limbs of the royal couple, this same servant would not reach the knee of the reconstructed figure on a chair to the viewer’s right. The fact that a representation of a nonroyal individual could have such wide parameters in terms of height in relationship to the royal family means that the nonroyal figures found from Kom el-Nana cannot be

143

First described by Petrie who observed that the design was the legs of an Asiatic, in Petrie, Tell el-Amarna, 15. Also mentioned in Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten iii, 1:88. Weatherhead confirmed the locations of the paint, but not the identifications of Petrie: Weatherhead, Amarna Palace Paintings, 87–89.

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assigned a definitive place because of their size. This must be kept in mind when contemplating the allocation of the servant/courtier/priest processional figures preserved from Kom el-Nana. It is also unclear where the palace would have been placed in association with the royal figures. As the palace can be represented without a sun disc over it, it is possible the palace was shown to one side of the royal couple with the temple more closely associated with one of the discs. A decorated sandstone doorway was reconstructed close to this collection of scenes. It is possible that the limestone scenes were intended to interact with this architectural element. Amarna art often is organized not only programmatically but also practically to reflect the associations of particular areas to the activities of the royal court. For example a painted scene of the royal chariot procession was preserved at the North Riverside Palace.144 Although it is not clear on which wall the chariot was depicted, the large scene originally came from the monumental gateway area leading into the North Riverside Palace.145 A chariot scene located so closely to the entrance way of a royal enclosure suggests the decoration was designed to be compatible with the area’s role in daily life. It is clear from the tombs at Amarna that the royal family went on many chariot processions. The representation of a member of the royal family in a chariot is relevant to the actual function of a gateway set into a large enclosure wall. It also parallels the daily traditions of the family represented in the tombs. It is also likely these processions were intended to reflect and tie the royal family in with the daily progression of the sun disc in the sky. The presence of a chariot with nonroyal drivers and passengers from the North Shrine further indicates the consistency of this motif throughout the city, and underlines its importance. Thus the decoration would perform a dual function, both sacred and practical, reiterating Akhenaten’s ideology while reflecting and celebrating the activities that took place in that region. The same combination of the decorative with the relevant and the sacral can be found in the painted scenes of the Great Palace, the King’s House, and the North Palace. At least one charioteer has been reconstructed from Kom el-Nana, also in relatively close proximity to the sandstone entrance gateway.

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Pendlebury led excavations of this site in 1930–1932. No full excavation reports are provided except for two articles: Pendlebury, “Preliminary Report of the Excavations at Tell El-Amarnah 1930–31,” jea 17 (1931): 233–244; Pendlebury, “Preliminary Report of the Excavations at Tell El-Amarneh 1931–1932,” jea 18 (1932): 143–149. Weatherhead, Amarna Palace Paintings, 217–220.

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Processions of courtiers were found at the North Palace, in the large hypostyle hall on the eastern wall, near the throne room.146 Actual processions of courtiers were very likely to have taken place within those rooms, facing the seated king, demonstrating the relationship between decoration and reallife activities. Large offering stands and bouquets accompanied them, objects that were likely a part of the real ceremonial processions that took place in the room.147 The Princesses Panel in the King’s House preserved representations of architecture that reflected the actual architecture within the building.148 Reminiscent of a photograph taken within a certain room and then subsequently displayed within that same room, the panel displays a moment that could happen within the building and recreates the surrounding architecture. The artistic program of a building could reflect and mimic, and perhaps preserve for eternity, the actions undertaken by the royal family on behalf of their people for the Aten. Note that the images of the royal family at worship were spread in several locations throughout the central city and were not confined exclusively to the structures formally recognized as temples. If this is the case, then it is possible to tentatively identify part of the area of Kom el-Nana under discussion in this work. As discussed previously, it appears a doorway was present in this general area, and the section of limestone wall under discussion here is likely less than 5 to 10 meters from where it was removed. The tombs contain mirror image scenes of the royal family at worship in a single register. Panehesy’s outer lintel to the entrance of his tomb is decorated with a mirror image scene of the royal family.149 According to the author’s site research, tomb 7 of Parennefer, tomb 10 of Apy, tomb 15, tomb 18, tomb 20, tomb 22, and tomb 23 all have similar scenes on their outer lintels.150 In the center an Aten disc extends hands and rays to the left and right. The mirror images of Akhenaten, Nefertiti, and usually at least one daughter stand facing inward toward the disc. They sometimes merely extend their empty hands toward the disc or offer an item such as incense. An inscription that contains only their titles and epithets surrounds them.151

146 147 148 149 150

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Weatherhead, Amarna Palace Paintings, 114. Ibid., 203. Ibid., 92 fig. 62, 106 pl. 15. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part ii, pl. v. More tombs may have this scene but could not be identified because large modern metal doors cover their entrances. Also exposure to wind, sand, and abrasion from the doors themselves has greatly damaged many scenes. Scenes exist of the royal family “at meat” where they face other family members over a

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figure 2.115

149

Outer door lintel of Tomb 20 with mirror image scene

The Boundary Stele also very often show mirror image scenes of the royal family worshipping the Aten, such as on Boundary Stele s.152 However, these stele are not within a temple or palace complex and do not appear to be immediately relevant to the question of the allocation of decoration within enclosed spaces. The mirror image scenes in the tombs of Amarna appear to congregate around doorways. Although tomb decoration may prove helpful, it cannot be used as a one-to-one guide for a temple. Scenes would likely have been allocated using a different set of priorities for a tomb versus a temple, as a temple was intended to be an active stage for enacting the royal pageant, even if it was associated with funerary offerings as I propose in a subsequent chapter. On the other hand, the tombs may have used similar guidelines for allocating scenes in a space, and thus these types of decoration could be understood as being correlated with entryways. The scenes reconstructed here from the North Shrine at Kom el-Nana are consistent with the most popular genres of decoration preserved from many locations at Tell el-Amarna.

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meal. For example see the scene of Queen Tiye sharing a meal with the royal family in Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part iii, pl. iv. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part v, pl. xxvi.

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The Hieroglyphic Inscriptions, Funerary Implications, and Nefertiti Introduction In this chapter, the author uses fragments from the North and South Shrines1 to reconstruct the ancient titles of Kom el-Nana. The titles reveal that Kom elNana was the location for a sunshade of Re and an enigmatic locale called the rwd ʿnḫw itn. To illuminate the function of the sunshade of Re and the rwd ʿnḫw itn structures, the titles from Kom el-Nana are placed in context of similar titles from other areas at Tell el-Amarna and tomb 127 of Senemiah in Luxor where Hatshepsut’s Sunshade of Re structure is mentioned in the early 18th dynasty. Kom el-Nana is posited to have played an active role in supporting the nonroyal dead in their afterlife at Amarna and Akhenaten and the Aten were rejuvenated under the auspices of the semi-divine Queen Nefertiti.

Fragments from Kom el-Nana with the Titles “Sunshade of Re” and “rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn” Chapter 2 provided a brief discussion of the Sunshade of Re inscription on fragment s-2570. A second inscription on fragment s-2640, which preserves the lower half of a sandstone disc in Reconstruction 9, also mentions the Sunshade.2 The upper “fan” of a šw is partly preserved in the lower half of the left column. The remaining space under this sign would provide space for the “pole,” as

1 In the 1960s, the local inspector Osiris Gabriel conducted a series of test excavations in the southern half of the Amarna enclosure at Kom el-Nana, specifically at the South Shrine area. In 2008, I relocated his excavated material stored in the main talatat magazine at the site of Ashmunein. Using Gabriel’s notes, I photographed and cross-referenced the 263 fragments from his excavations. Number 58 is in Figure 3.3. His test trenches are placed on a map of the site in Kemp, “Preliminary Report on the El-Amarna Survey, 1978,” 30, Figure 5. 2 Nefertiti is not mentioned by name on the boundary stelae or on the docket from Tell el-Amarna 24/114. However, the inscriptions are likely to refer to her. For a review of the inscriptional evidence from Amarna: H.W. Fairman, “The Inscriptions” in Pendelbury, The City of Akhenaten iii, 1:201–202, hieratic docket (e): 24/114.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi: 10.1163/9789004325555_004

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figure 3.1 Block s-2640 with reconstruction of the Sunshade of Re portion of the inscription

only a thin, upright, hieroglyph could have fit within. The elements beside the proposed šw are more enigmatic. The first sign could be read as either a half circle bread loaf ‘t’ or an ‘r’ but raking light fails to show a suggestion of a lower curve, so it appears to be a ‘t’. The sign underneath is also somewhat unclear. The upper crossbar is curved, and a vertical line bisecting the interior is preserved. This sign could be the house determinative ‘pr’ or the sed festival pavilion, as the lower edge of the sign is missing, and it is unclear how far up the central line extended. The epigraphy of the hieroglyphs carved here can be better understood by examining the next column of inscription. In the second vertical column next to the sun disc, the sign ‘n’ in the word itn is carved in a similar slipshod fashion to the postulated ‘t’. If the context were less clear, the sign could be mistaken for the canal or ‘mr’ sign. In addition to modern damage, the sculptor may have been less-accomplished because the signs were executed haphazardly. Understanding that the sculptor was not carving in rigidly straight lines, the rectangular sign in the first vertical column might be read as a pr sign. Here, it is used as a determinative similar to the morphology used on block s-2570 to write šwt rʿ.

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figure 3.2 s-2570

Fragment s-2570, the fragment from the north shrine discussed in Chapter 2, preserves evidence for the Sunshade of Re and for a second structure called the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn. The preposition m appears after šwt rʿ with rwd following it in the lower left column. The better-attested rwd mnw itn structure, known for example from the Karnak Aten complex, would have been a possible emendation to complete the inscription. However Ashmunein fragment number 58,3 in Figure 3.3, preserves the rest of the title proving that the inscription refers to the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn and not the rwd mnw itn.4 The title rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn is difficult to translate with confidence because of a question of the predicate, so it will continue to be referenced as the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn.5 3 This is one of the blocks Gabriel excavated. As it is sandstone, it is larger than a talatat, and may have been part of a monumental gateway. Several other fragments from Kom elNana preserve further evidence for the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn: Amarna fragment s-708 and Ashmunein fragments (my numbers) 171, 175, and possibly 70. Gabriel’s notes were not fully available at the time of cataloging the material at Ashmunein, so his original numbers were later crossreferenced with my own, which I use here. 4 For more on the Karnak rwd mnw itn: Donald Redford, The Akhenaten Temple Project Volume 2: Rwd-Mnw and Inscriptions (Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1988). 5 Note rwd had the nuance of strong when referenced in association with a building. A. Erman, H. Grapow, Wörterbuch der Agyptischen Sprache, ii, (Berlin, 1971), 412, ln. 10: Strong (of a building).

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figure 3.3 Ashmunein Fragment no. 58, w: 62 cm h: 27 cm (sandstone)

The only other time the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn is mentioned on another monument at Tell el-Amarna is in the tomb of Ay6 where the inscription carved on the ceiling of the central corridor tomb says:7

rd.tw.n.k snṯr ḳb(b) m rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn in nsw sȝ pȝ itn wḏ n.k sy r nḥḥ šsp.k pr.k m bȝḥ.f rʿ nb May you be given incense and cool water in the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn by the King, the son of the Aten, who commands it for you forever. May you receive it and may you go forth in his presence every day.8

6 Davies, The Rock Tombs of el-Amarna Part vi, 35, pl. xxxiii, lines mid. 7 Davies, The Rock Tombs of el-Amarna Part vi, 35, pl. xxxiii, lines mid. 8 However the ỉn may mark the so-called participial statement, followed by a prospective sḏm(w).f, yielding a translation of “it is the King the son of the Aten who will command it for you forever.” This is awkward and misses the future nuance of the passage. In addition, a suffix pronoun should be used as the subject of the participial statement, not a dependent pronoun. However the influence of Late Egyptian may be evident, as is often the case at Amarna, causing sloppy use of the classes of pronouns and perhaps an additional confusion between the Middle Egyptian and Late Egyptian pronoun sy. An additional argument against the participial statement option is that Late Egyptian does not make extensive use of the

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The rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn is also mentioned on several hieratic dockets from Tell el-Amarna in the British Museum: bm 58890 and 598849 and on fragments supposedly belonging to the sarcophagus of Akhenaten.10 The rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn is mentioned a few more times on blocks that came from Kom el-Nana originally but were removed in the demolition following Akhenaten’s reign.11 These include a talatat discovered at Asyut,12 a block discovered at Abydos,13 a talatat allegedly from Hermopolis,14 a block from the Musées d’ art et d’ histoire, Geneva, inv. 22011,15 and Brooklyn Museum 16.719.16 Also in October 2015, Christie’s of London sold to the Carlos Museum in Atlanta a sandstone block that mentions the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn.17 These fragments are all from architectural elements like walls and gateways. However, the private Khawam Brothers collection has an unpublished fragment from the back pillar of a calcite/Egyptian alabaster statue that mentions the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn.18 The material from Kom el-Nana demonstrates the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn is in association with the Sunshade of Re located there.19 This explains the enigmatic m

9 10

11

12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

passive participle. Černý, Jaroslav and Sarah Israelit Groll, A Late Egyptian Grammar, 4th ed. (Rome 1993), 477–478. It is not recorded from which area in the city these dockets derive. H.W. Fairman, “The Inscriptions” in Pendelbury, The City of Akhenaten iii, 1:192, n. 5. Because of the curved cross-section, Marc Gabolde believes this derives from a balustrade originally from the central city and not the sarcophagus. Martin, The Royal Tomb at elAmarna Vol. i: Objects, pl. 13, no. 346. Also possibly associated: Nos. 624, 656, plates 13, 14. Marc Gabolde and Jean-Luc Chappaz assisted me in compiling comparanda. I am grateful for Gabolde’s suggestions regarding my reconstructions of these inscriptions and for his suggestions regarding the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn on block s-2570. Sami Gabra, “Un temple d’ Aménophis vi à Assiout,” Chronique d’Egypte vi, no. 12, (1931): 238–239, fig. 3. William Kelly Simpson, Inscribed Material from the Pennsylvania-Yale Excavations at Abydos (New Haven: 1995), 76–77, no. nk 41, fig. 135, pl. 23, no. 23c. Roeder, Hanke and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis, pl. 200, pc 167. Jean-Luc Chappaz, “L’ Horizon d’ Aton,” 74–76, fig. 1. T.G.H. James, Corpus of Hieroglyphic Inscriptions in the Brooklyn Museum (Brooklyn, Brooklyn Museum, 1974), 1:152, no. 360, pl. xxx no, 360. This block, measuring 21.1 × 22.5cm, will be the subject of a subsequent publication by the author. Like the fragment from Christie’s London, now in the Carlos Museum, this back pillar will be the subject of a future study by the author. Jacquelyn Williamson “Two Names, One Compound: the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn and the Sunshade of Re at Kom el-Nana,” 143–152. Williamson “Hieroglyphic Inscriptions from Kom elNana: Finding the rwd ʿnḫw itn and Reconstructing the Titles of the Sunshade Temple of Nefertiti,” forthcoming; Williamson, “The Sunshade of Nefertiti,” 5–7.

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figure 3.4 Hermopolis block 450-viia with inscription of the Sunshade of Princess Ankh(s)enpaaten photo by the author

that comes after šwt rʿ on s-2570.20 That m is somewhat out of keeping with the very small corpus of the inscriptions at Amarna referring to sunshades, where the mention of a sunshade is followed immediately by an indirect genitive n and the name of the owner. For example, on the balustrade fragment from the Maru-Aten, the inscription says tȝ šwt rʿ n sȝt nsw mr.t-itn m pȝ mȝrw n pȝ ȝḫt itn.21 Only after the ownership of the sunshade in question has been established with an n (of the king’s daughter Meritaten) does the description of the location of the sunshade occur, preceded by the preposition m (in the Maru Aten). The same pattern can be seen on Hermopolis talatat 450-viia, detailing the Sunshade of Ankh(s)enpaaten as being in the pr ḥʿy.22

20

21

22

The plural is rendered here as a w-bird because of the precedent set by the other examples mentioned above where the word’s morphology is rendered without the more usual papyrus roll and three plural strokes. Peet et al, The City of Akhenaten i, pl. xxxiv (1 and 2); Shaw, “Balustrades, Stairs and Altars in the Cult of the Aten at El-Amarna,” 109–127 122, pl. x.1 Ashmolean 1922.141. Note also the inscriptions on the Boundary Stelae, where the Sunshade of Nefertiti is also indicated by the indirect genitive. Roeder, Hanke and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs Aus Hermopolis, pl. 55, pl. 19, 207-viia (where the reconstruction erroneously suggests Ankhsenpaaten’s

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In keeping with this other pattern, fragment s-2570 skips the name of the “owner” of the Sunshade and proceeds directly to the locale, indicated by the presence of the m and then rwd ʿnḫw itn. This is further reinforced by the inscription on Ashmunein fragment number 58, as seen in Figure 3.3 above. Using these examples, the full title of Kom el-Nana is to be understood:

tȝ šwt rʿ m rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn “the Sunshade of Re in the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn” The use of the preposition m on s-2570 and Ashmunein no. 58 departs from the method used in some inscriptions that generally mention a šwt rʿ. If the owner of the structure is mentioned, šwt rʿ is more typically followed by a genitival n and the name of the owner instead of an m. This can be seen on Ashmolean 1922.141: tȝ šwt rʿ n sȝt nsw mr.t-itn or “the sunshade of Re of the king’s daughter Meritaten.” The translation suggested above for tȝ šwt rʿ m rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn is “the Sunshade of Re in the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn” which recalls the conventional understanding of the title of the Sunshade of Princess Meritaten as being “in” the Maru Aten. The academic literature dubs the sunshade of Meritaten “the Maru Aten” because of the inscription on the Ashmolean balustrade mentioned above, 1922.141,23 where her sunshade’s full title is written: tȝ šwt rʿ n sȝt nsw mr.t-itn m pȝ mȝrw ỉtn, conventionally translated as “the Sunshade of Re of the King’s daughter, Meritaten, in the Maru Aten.” Although not an exact match for the text on s2570, the similarity is obvious. Both texts imply the sunshade is located in m, another structure. This follows the pattern laid out by evidence preserved on other blocks that mention a sunshade of Re in relation to a different structure, in particular the blocks that depict Akhenaten as a sphinx and mention the ḳd f ȝḫt n ỉtn.24 On

23 24

name appears twice with two different sets of epithets. Instead her name should be followed by m pr ḥʿy n pȝ itn m pr itn m ȝḫt itn, as on block 328-viiia pl. 19 and 450-viia pl. 55.) Peet et al, The City of Akhenaten i, pl. xxxiv, nos. 1–2. I am again grateful to M. Gabolde for reminding me of this format, which led to the final reconstructions proposed in Figure 3.5. Also note Kestner Museum Hannover 1964.3, Museum of Fine Arts Boston 64.1944, Genève inv. 27804 and the other so-called sphinx

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the Museum of Fine Arts Boston 64.1944, for example, the titles and cartouches of both Akhenaten and the Aten are followed by ḥr(y)-ỉb tȝ šwt rʿ ḳd f ȝḫt n ỉtn m ȝḫt ỉtn. However, on two items from Abydos, a different pattern emerges when the šwt rʿ is not discussed: ḥr(y)-ỉb ḳd f ȝḫt (n ỉtn).25 In short, if one structure is discussed, ḥr(y)-ỉb is followed by the place name, followed by m and the name of the relevant royal family member. If more than one structure is discussed, the pattern usually followed is an initial ḥr(y)-ỉb followed by a series of buildings linked by the preposition m. Using this model, the complete titles of the site, based on fragments s-2640 and Ashmunein 58, can be proposed to appear as in Figure 3.5. In 5a, s-2640 mentions the sunshade temple, and in 5b Ashmunein 58 does not, but they may have consisted of the same basic elements.

Identity and Function of the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn The rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn is enigmatic because it is not mentioned frequently at Tell el-Amarna.26 As discussed, the inscription carved on the ceiling of the central corridor of the tomb of Ay says:27 “May you be given incense and cool water in the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn by the King, the son of the Aten, who commands it for you forever. May you receive it and may you go forth in his presence every day.” This inscription states that the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn is where Ay can expect to receive offerings as part of a mortuary cult that will sustain his spirit. In addition he is told that the king will provide those offerings to his spirit when it is in the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn, which we now understand to be associated with the Sunshade of Re at Kom el-Nana.

25 26

27

block in the Thalassic collection. See also Chappaz, “Amenhotep iv à Karnak,” 65–83. Fig. 7–8; Freed, D’Auria and Markowitz, eds, Pharaohs of the Sun, 103, 231, fig. 68, cat. no. 89, 90. Similar blocks may be found in Arnold, ed, The Royal Women of Amarna, 23, fig. 14; Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten iii, 1:57, 70, 79; 2: pls. xli 2,3 and lxviii 3,4. Simpson, Inscribed Material from the Pennsylvania-Yale Excavations at Abydos, 76–77, nk 42, nk 43, fig. 136, 137. For a list of the items that mention the structure, see Williamson “Two Names, One Compound: the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn and the Sunshade of Re at Kom el-Nana,” 143–152. Williamson “Hieroglyphic Inscriptions from Kom el-Nana: Finding the rwd ʿnḫw itn and Reconstructing the Titles of the Sunshade Temple of Nefertiti,” forthcoming. Davies, The Rock Tombs of el-Amarna Part vi, 35, pl. xxxiii, lines mid.

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figure 3.5 Two fragments from Kom el Nana with the full title of the sunshade

The 18th Dynasty Theban Tomb 127 of Senemiah, Hatshepsut’s overseer of the treasury, provides a precedent for the nonroyal funerary interaction with a sunshade of Re structure:28 28

Urbain Bouriant, ‘Notes de Voyage’, Recueil de Travaux 13 (1890): 153–179; Frederike Kampp, Die thebanischen Nekropole: Zum Wandel des Grabgedankens von der xviii. bis zur xx.

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wnm.k šns r gs ptḥ rwd29 n nb psḏt šd.k psš r bw ẖr.f ḥr šnsw n šwt rʿ May you eat the offering bread to the side of the stairs in front of Ptah, Lord of Ennead. May you take half (of that bread) to the place where he is upon the altar of the Sunshade of Re. In this inscription, the deceased anticipates being able to partake of the offerings left at Hatshepsut’s Sunshade, at first enjoying the offerings at the stairs. The Sunshade of Re chapel at Deir el-Bahri is a small unroofed room primarily given over to a large podium reached by a set of shallow stairs, so this description fits the architecture of the site. Next the inscription indicates the spirit of Senemiah is able to participate actively in the cult itself, encouraged to donate part of its offerings directly to the god on the altar. This also indicates an active involvement in the cult of a sunshade of Re chapel by a nonroyal person after death and provides context for understanding the inscription in the tomb of Ay. In his tomb at Amarna, Ay’s spirit is instructed to partake of offerings within the sunshade complex, at its rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn. The pharaoh is invoked as the active party giving Ay his offerings, which Ay passively accepts. Senemiah’s spirit is more actively engaged: his spirit can help itself to offerings and even donate to the cult the offerings he does not eat. Ay’s interaction is described as passive: he is not allowed to go into the sunshade itself and can only receive offerings given to him in an area associated with it, the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn. This is likely best understood as an Amarna period development, because Akhenaten had seized exclusive control of access to divine/spiritual realms. Ay’s passive reception of offerings and inability to participate in the cult is in keeping with Akhenaten’s singular access to the Aten.

29

Dynastie (Theben, 13) (Mainz am Rhein: Verlag Philip von Zabern, 1966), 417–418, fig. 308; Daniel Polz, “Bemerkungen der Grabbenutzung in der thebanischen Nekropole,” mdaik 46 (1990): 312; Bertha Porter and Rosalind Moss, Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings. i, 1. The Theban Necropolis: Private Tombs (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1960), 241–243; Torgny Säve-Söderberg, Four Eighteenth Dynasty Tombs (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1957), 11–21; Kurt Sethe, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie vol. 5, Heft 7 (Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs, 1906), no. 161: 497–498. rd wr written for rwd—which itself can also be written as rd or rdw—likely a scribal confusion over rd wr “heavenly waters.” The determinative is key to the proper word.

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Sunshades of Re are often associated with mortuary cults. The Sunshade of Hatshepsut is within her mortuary temple at Deir el-Bahri, and the Sunshade of Re chapels of Amunhotep iii and Ramses iii are located within their mortuary temples.30 These structures demonstrate that sunshades of Re can be associated with mortuary cults before and after the Amarna period; although not a mortuary temple itself Kom el-Nana continues that tradition. The focus of the cult within the sunshade, the protection and support of the rebirth of the sun in its form as a creator was likely seen as a reasonable parallel with the cult in the mortuary temples, oriented around the eternal preservation of the owner. Nefertiti, enhanced by her Hathor-like associations,31 oversaw the cult of Aten, whose creator form assured the life-giving rejuvenation needed for mortuary activities.32 The nobles at Amarna frequently invoke the Aten as a source of self-generated fertility: one who creates himself daily and then extends the life-giving capacity to all creation.33 As sunshades of Re were primarily for celebrating and ensuring this aspect of the sun god, they were appropriately associated with a funerary cult.34 This could also explain why Akhenaten felt the need to establish so many sunshades of Re, and why it was necessary for a different female member of the royal family to oversee each sunshade. One structure could not have satisfied the needs of the mortuary lives of the population at Tell el-Amarna. However, Queen Nefertiti is not described as able to provide the offerings for the nobles herself; only Akhenaten could do that. The complementarity of this arrangement clearly performs the essential gender division that is a key element of Akhenaten’s religion: Nefertiti safeguards or brings about the creator’s self-creation, and Akhenaten is in charge of the outcome. The deceased’s ability to inhabit the temple complex at Kom el-Nana has a precedent in the Sunshade of Re of Hatshepsut, but Amarna itself has similar evidence.35 In their tombs, Huya and Pentu describe receiving funerary offer30 31

32 33 34 35

Stadelmann “Kultstätte des Sonnengottes im Neuen Reich,” 161–169. Gay Robins, “The Small Golden Shrine of Tutankhamun: an Interpretation,” in Millions of Jubilees: Studies in Honor of David Silverman, edited by Zahi Hawass and Jennifer Houser Wegner, vol. 2, 207–231 (Cairo: Conseil Suprême des Antiquités de l’Égypte, 2010). Williamson, “Death and the Sun Temple: New Evidence for Private Mortuary Cults at Amarna,” jea 102, 2017 (forthcoming). Tutu’s inscription, south wall thickness. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El-Amarna Part vi, pl. xv. Stadelmann, “Kultstätte des Sonnengottes im Neuen Reich,” 161. Jan Assmann, “A New State Theology—The Religion of Light,” in In the Light of Amarna: 100 Years of the Nefertiti Discovery, ed. Friederike Seyfried, 79–83 (Petersberg: Imhof, 2012).

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ings after death at the Small Aten temple, and Tutu similarly describes receiving offering loaves from the ḥwt bnbn.36 The inscriptions from Huya are especially interesting, as his is the only tomb at Amarna with representations of a mummy and associated procedures that recall traditional 18th Dynasty funeral depictions.37 Inscriptions in Tutu’s tomb also discuss visiting a temple of the Aten as a spirit to gain eternal benefit from the rituals and offerings.38 These texts from the Amarna nobles demonstrate they anticipated inhabiting the Aten temples as spirits to sustain themselves for eternity. The nobles at Amarna are in this way expected to continue to reside at Tell el-Amarna after their death, surviving on the king’s benefactions given on their behalf within the temples to the Aten.39 As Aten temples contained statues of the royal family only, elite courtiers could not erect statues of themselves— statues which in traditional times were designed to help their owner benefit from a temple’s cult. Since the spirit of a courtier could not hope to benefit from their own statue’s intercession in the temple, instead their spirit had to actively visit the it to gain the sustenance allotted to its mortuary cult. Akhenaten’s reforms meant that he and his Aten temples became the mortuary outlets for his entire city. This provides further proof to the theory that the afterlife of the nobles at Tell el-Amarna was tied firmly to the royal family and to the Aten temples, of all varieties, on the Amarna plain.40 Although Atenism required that Akhenaten remove the traditional deities of burial, he was able to replace some aspects of the maintenance of the dead by linking them to the maintenance of the Aten cult.41

36

37 38 39 40 41

Huya’s inscription on the east thickness, Davies, The Rock Tombs of El-Amarna Part iii, pl. 2.; Pentu’s inscriptions on the north and south thicknesses, Davies, The Rock Tombs of El-Amarna Part iv, pl. 3–4; Tutu’s inscription on left doorway jamb, Davies, Rock Tombs of El-Amarna Part vi, pl. xv. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El-Amarna Part iii, pl. xxii. Tutu’s ceiling inscriptions, south column. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El-Amarna Part vi, pl. xiv. Erik Hornung, Akhenaten and the Religion of Light (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2001), 96–100. I am grateful for Friederike Seyfried’s observations regarding this precedent in Berlin, December 3, 2013. Akhenaten may have thus made himself, and the royal women, mortuary priests for the entire population at Tell el-Amarna.

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Other Implications of the Titles of Kom el-Nana The rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn may be a title meant to encompass the entire site. A similar suggestion has been posed regarding the mȝrw component of the title of the Sunshade of Kiya/Meritaten, tȝ šwt rʿ n sȝt nsw mr.t-itn m pȝ mȝrw n pȝ ȝḫt itn. Based on the balustrade with this inscription, section mii of the princess’ complex was given the explicit label of a Sunshade of Re, whereas it appears the entire dual enclosure was given the overarching name of “mȝrw” as the Sunshade of Re of Meritaten is described as being “in” the “mȝrw” of the Aten. Kemp has suggested that “mȝrw” should be understood as closer to its original etymology of “viewing place” with the nuance of “park” or “parkland.”42 This would then relegate the term to being, in his words, “a less specific domain term and either referring to a broader zone in the southern part of the Amarna plain or acting as a picturesque term in apposition,” although many disagree with this deduction.43 In both the Maru-Aten and Kom el-nana, the fragments preserving the inscriptions mentioning the term “sunshade” come from the northern enclosures. In that instance, the entire Kom el-Nana structure could be understood as like that of Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahri or Amunhotep iii at Kom el-Heitan: a funerary temple with a sunshade chapel within it. However the explanation seems to be too simple because of the parallels mentioned above regarding the possibility that nobles at Amarna inhabited the other religious structures at Tell el-Amarna for their afterlife sustenance. If the nobles at Amarna anticipated being able to participate in all temples at Amarna for their funerary establishments, then those temples can all be considered a type of mortuary temple. But clearly the Great and Small Aten temples, rather than being only mortuary temples, have more obligations to the ritual landscape of Atenism and so must Kom el-Nana. The fact that Kom el-Nana is called a Sunshade of Re and a rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn indicates that the compound served more than one purpose. In fact this sunshade of Re at Kom el-Nana and the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn are mentioned together at Kom el-Nana and nowhere else, for example the tomb of Ay

42

43

Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 454. Also note the discussion in Peet et al, The City of Akhenaten i, 156–158. Regarding the understanding of this term as it relates to the mȝrw of Amunhotep iii, see Lise Manniche, “The Maru Built by Amenophis iii: Its Significance and Possible Location,” in L’ Égyptologie en 1979: Axes prioritaires de recherches, vol. 2, 271–273 (Paris: Editions du cnrs, 1982); Bell, “Aspects of the Cult of the Deified Tutankhamun,” 31–59. Also see Meltzer’s summary of the discussion and bibliography in Redford, The Akhenaten Temple Project Volume 2: Rwd-Mnw and Inscriptions, 82–118. Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 455.

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does not mention the sunshade of Re and the Boundary Stelae do not mention the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn.44 The occupants of Tell el-Amarna may have understood the two structures as distinct entities serving different purposes, and thus rarely referred to them at the same time. Several other explanations for these omissions are possible. Many areas at Amarna underwent periodic refurbishment and expansion, and evidence shows such refurbishment took place at Kom el-Nana as well.45 Possibly the Sunshade of Re and the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn were constructed at different times and thus did not mention each other because one did not yet exist. It is also possible that when Akhenaten commissioned the Boundary Stelae, he had not yet selected a location for either the Sunshade of Re of Nefertiti or the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn. Furthermore, the omission of the Sunshade of Re in inscriptions discussing the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn and the omission of the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn in the Sunshade of Re inscriptions may be merely a manifestation of the “short hand” convention used to refer to buildings at Amarna. For example, the Boundary Stelae call the Great Aten temple merely the pr ỉtn. However the Great Aten temple was a vast compound composed of many different buildings, some with their own names. In other inscriptions, if further details regarding the buildings within its enclosure walls are discussed, ḥr(y)-ỉb is followed by names of buildings, such as the pr ḥʿy and the gm pȝ ỉtn, separated by the preposition m. For example the pr ḥʿy is linked with the pr ỉtn by the preposition m: ỉtn ʿnḫ wr imy-ḥbsd nb tȝ nb pt ḥr(y)-ỉb pr ḥʿy n pȝ ỉtn m pr ỉtn m ȝḫt ỉtn.46 This “short hand” convention is used on the Boundary Stelae; the pr ỉtn stands as a reference to all the structures “in” it. The smaller buildings inside the Great Aten temple, such as the pr ḥʿy, are omitted because they were smaller components of the larger whole, and naming only them would have been insufficient. The Sunshade of Re is “in” the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn tȝ šwt rʿ m rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn. As discussed, this is like the Sunshade of Kiya/Meritaten: tȝ šwt rʿ n sȝt nsw mr.t-ỉtn m pȝ mȝrw ỉtn, ‘the Sunshade of Re of the King’s Daughter Meritaten in the mȝrw ỉtn’ where the Sunshade of Re of Meritaten is located “in” the mȝrw ỉtn so the Sunshade of Re at Kom el-Nana is “in” the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn. According to the model discussed above concerning the Great Aten temple,

44 45

46

Williamson “Two Names, One Compound: the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn and the Sunshade of Re at Kom el-Nana,” 143–152. Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 411–462. Also, new evidence from the reexamination of the Great Aten temple indicates that extensive refurbishment occurred there as well. Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten iii, 1:186.

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the Boundary Stelae should not mention the Sunshade of Re but rather the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn because the Sunshade of Re at Kom el Nana is, according to its inscriptions, inside the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn like the pr ḥʿy is inside the Great Aten temple. So if the sunshade was merely a component within a larger compound called the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn, like the pr ḥʿy inside the pr ỉtn temple, then the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn should be the place name mentioned on the Boundary Stelae, not the Sunshade of Re.47 It is possible the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn did not yet exist, explaining why the Sunshade of Re of the queen is referred alone on the Boundary Stele. Or it is possible the Sunshade of Re was understood as more important and thus merited an independent mention. Similar to the Maru Aten, Kom el-Nana has two conjoined enclosures with minimal access between them, isolating the northern from the southern half. While the name “Great Aten temple” includes by inference the single enclosure wall and all the structures inside it, Kom el-Nana is not designed with a single enclosure wall encompassing a collection of structures. Instead it has two compounds sharing a wall through which there is no access. Rather than a single unit, the architecture suggests two. Ashmunein fragment no. 58 mentions only the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn but not the Sunshade of Re.48 The fragment was found in Kom el-Nana’s southern enclosure. In contrast, the inscriptions that mention the Sunshade of Re and the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn together, such as s-2570, come from the northern enclosure. This suggests the Sunshade of Re was understood as being in the northern half, although again a literal reading of the inscription may indicate the Sunshade of Re was understood to be “in” or m the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn.49 The sunshade may have been restricted

47

48 49

Williamson “Two Names, One Compound: the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn and the Sunshade of Re at Kom el-Nana,” 143–152. Williamson “Hieroglyphic Inscriptions from Kom el-Nana: Finding the rwd ʿnḫw itn and Reconstructing the Titles of the Sunshade Temple of Nefertiti,” forthcoming. Williamson “Two Names, One Compound: the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn and the Sunshade of Re at Kom el-Nana,” 143–152. In this case, the preposition m might have a different nuance than “in.” There are examples of m replacing ḥnʿ or “together with,” Ricardo A. Caminos “Fragments of the “Book of the Dead” on Linen and Papyrus,” jea 56 (1970): 129, n. 2; Paul C. Smither, “A New Use of the Preposition m” jea 25 (1939): 166–167, examples 3, 6, 7 from the Middle Kingdom demonstrate ḥnʿ used interchangeably and in parallel with m, examples 9,10,11,12 indicating the same nuance is possible in Late Egyptian. Also note that Akhenaten sometimes elected to replace ḥry-ib with m. M. Doresse, “Les temples atoniens de la région thébaine,” Orientalia 24 (1955): 113–135; Sayed Tawfik, “Aten and the Names of His Temple(s) at Thebes,” in The Akhenaten Temple Project Volume 1, ed. Donald Redford, 58–63 (Warminster: Aris

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to the northern half of the site, but the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn is mentioned from inscriptions in both the north and south halves. However the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn was associated with both the north and the south despite being omitted from the Boundary Stelae texts.

Akhenaten’s and Nefertiti’s Roles in the Sunshade of Re and the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn The rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn evidence reviewed so far suggests it was associated with Akhenaten’s distribution of material goods on behalf of his subjects. As is well known, temples were supported through their own economic institutions. Akhenaten created several such institutions and also imposed unique taxes to support the foundations of the Aten cult.50 Taxes in the form of material goods in return for the rental of temple property and livestock were given to a temple to maintain both cult offerings and temple personnel. Often a temple controlled a vast section of land, as indicated in the reign of Ramses iii when the Domain of Amun controlled 2,300 square kilometers of agricultural land,51 including vineyards, gardens, and other means of material production. Wine dockets from Amarna indicate similar economies existed at Amarna, and British Museum ostracon bm 58890 and 59884 prove that similar provisions were made for the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn.52 The primary duties of a king included the proper financing and maintenance of temple economies, as well as provisioning funerary establishments for his officials. The king created institutions meant to provide temples with valuable materials such as precious metals and more practical revenue in the form of grain that could then be stockpiled within the temple’s storerooms and granaries.53 This stockpiling would have been impossible at Kom el-Nana, however, because it had no large granaries or areas yet identified as mass storage. It also had no offering tables to display or receive such goods like

50 51 52 53

& Phillips, 1976), 60. And also the Dictionary of Late Egyptian indicates various prepositional meanings such as in, on, at, with, from, out of, by, about, and along. Leonard Lesko and Barbara Lesko, eds, A Dictionary of Late Egyptian (Berkeley: bc Scribe Publications, 1982), 1:194. Traunecker, “Amenhotep iv, percepteur royal du disque” 145–182. Richard Wilkinson, The Complete Temples of Ancient Egypt (New York: Thames & Hudson, 2000), 50. Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten iii, 1:163–169. Kemp, Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization, 190–191.

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the Great and Small Aten temples.54 The only area at Kom el-Nana associated with the amassing of such material goods is the central platform, which Kemp identified as a structure containing a window of appearance.55 The central platform, in the southern enclosure of Kom el-Nana, had three platform areas within a columned hall at the front of the structure. Stairways from the building’s interior were used to reach each platform.56 In the rear of the central platform was a complex of rooms similar in layout to the area Kemp has suggested is the “window of appearance” in the king’s house in the central city, which may indicate the platforms in the columned hall were meant for viewing the royal family.57 Kemp has suggested that Amarna possibly had more than one window of appearance. In addition to the central platform at Kom el-Nana, one may have been within the king’s house on the royal road in the central city,58 and another in building mvii in the south enclosure of the Maru-Aten.59 All these areas have a large empty space before them. The enclosure of Kom el-Nana is similar in that the entire “front” of the southern enclosure facing the viewing platforms in the central platform is completely devoid of structures. In this way, the area could accommodate and feed a great many people because

54 55

56 57 58 59

Williamson “Two Names, One Compound: the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn and the Sunshade of Re at Kom el-Nana,” 143–152. Kemp, “Discovery and Renewal at Amarna” ea i (1991): 19–22; Kemp, “The Window of Appearance at El-Amarna, and the Basic Structure of this City,” jea 62 (1976): 88; Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 411–462. Kate Spence has reservations regarding this identification; she believes the importance of the Window of Appearance indicates it must have been executed in stone rather than the more plebian mud brick. Evidence indicates that many Tell el-Amarna structures were constructed in mud brick first and then refinished in stone as Akhenaten’s residence continued there. The central platform may have been intended to be refurbished in stone like so many areas at Tell el-Amarna later in Akhenaten’s reign. Kemp, “Discovery and Renewal at Amarna,” 19–22. Kemp also notes its similarity to New Kingdom representations of windows of appearance. Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 436. Kemp, “The Window of Appearance at El-Amarna,” 88; Freed, D’Auria and Markowitz, eds, Pharaohs of the Sun, 27, 65. Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 459. mvii has two sections, the eastern consisting of a throne dais and the western a viewing platform. The fact that it was built of brick and not refurbished in stone but was still the focal area of the enclosure could either suggest it served a ceremonial rather than cultic function, or that it was a temporary structure intended to be refurbished in stone later.

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figure 3.6 Reconstruction of the central platform in the southern enclosure of Kom el-Nana, compared with the window of appearance in the tomb of Ay after kemp, ea 1, 1991

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figure 3.7 Block found on the surface of the southern enclosure of Kom el-Nana

of the industrial bakeries in the northern enclosure.60 The southern enclosure of Kom el-Nana, and perhaps that of the Maru-Aten, which Kemp suggests also held a window of appearance, seem to have been dedicated to royal rather than religious activities, specifically to stage royal appearances while providing food for the assembled crowds.61 A large decorated block found on the surface in the southern enclosure, Figure 3.7, may lend support to this theory. The block represents a torus molding, a cavetto cornice, and the bases of three uraeii in sunk relief, facing right. Underneath are three and a half fruits, all painted a bright robin-egg blue. Approximately the size of a talatat, the block preserves a section of the baldachin similar to those that are often over the figure of Akhenaten found in the rock tombs of Amarna. Details of the baldachin can vary, but all representations reference the same kind of structure.62

60 61

62

Kemp, “Discovery and Renewal at Amarna,” 19–22. Ibid. Note the potentially problematic division between “royal” versus “religion,” as the two were sides of the same coin. One aspect of the site may have been prioritized over the other, implied by the fact that the first areas to be finished in stone were the locations for the active, exclusive, celebration of the deity, with no activities for the court. For example, two are found in Meryre ii: Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part ii, pl. xxxii, pl. xxxviii.; another can be found in Parennefer: Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part vi, pl. vi and in Huya; Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part iii, pl. xiv.

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figure 3.8 Detail of baldachin over the heads of Akhenaten, seated on the right, and Nefertiti, on the left after rt ii pl. xxxii

The baldachin is generally characterized by elaborate columns with attached streamers. The roof has a cavetto cornice with a row of uraeii with sun discs. Under the cornice is another row of uraeii over a row of depending round fruits and flowers.63 This structure is shown in the tombs of Amarna as elevated on a platform reached by a ramp or shallow staircase.64 In the tomb of Meryre ii, Akhenaten is seated under this elaborate structure holding a trio of lotus flowers in one hand and a cup in the other.65 Nefertiti is standing before him pouring liquid through a strainer into the cup. Under her is their daughter Meritaten who is also holding up to her father a now-lost item for his enjoyment. Under this scene, a group of musicians are shown with three priests or courtiers busying themselves with containers, perhaps to serve the king.66

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64

65 66

Such egg-shaped fruits are hard to identify. They could be pomegranates, persea, or mandragore fruit. For commentary regarding the difficulty of identification, see Marianne Eaton-Krauss and Erhart Graefe, The Small Golden Shrine from the Tomb of Tutankhamun (Oxford: Griffith Institute, 1985), 20. For the possible sexual/fertility symbolism of these plants and their fruits, see Philippe Derchain, “Le Lotus, le mandragore, et le persea,” Chronique d’ Egypte 50 (1975): 65–86. A possible reconstruction of this type of kiosk or shrine based on the Hermopolis blocks has been attempted by Hanke: Hanke and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, AmarnaReliefs Aus Hermopolis neue Veröff. u. Studien, 273 Abb 26. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part ii, pl. xxxii. Ibid., pl. xxxvii–xxxviii.

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In the tomb of Parennefer on the east wall, a poorly preserved scene shows Akhenaten wearing the Atef crown, seated in a similar baldachin.67 Murnane suggests that his family originally accompanied him in this scene; he found traces of only one princess.68 A single ramp to the front, occupied by Parennefer and another servant, provides access to the structure in the Parennefer scene. Their shaved heads suggest a cultic role. Their hands and the items they are carrying are mostly gone, but it is possible to see that Parennefer carries a jar with a cloth and extends his other hand up toward the face of the king. Behind this tableau are many registers with offerings, musicians, and bowing courtiers. The inscription above the two individuals on the ramp says: “… [O Pharaoh] who is established for millions of years and myriads [of jubilees], O brilliant child of the Aten, may you be young for us … while you shine with the brilliance of the living Aten and see his beauteous rays …”69 This statement is arranged over the bald servitors, who hold up items to the king as if offering to the statue of a god, which suggests this image is associated directly with the adoration of the royal person. The scene appears to be dedicated to simply viewing and adoring the king because of his association with the Aten.70 The primary objective appears to be in the examples discussed: the king appears in this baldachin as an object of celebration or veneration by his wife, daughter, foreign dignitaries, and the court. Another representation of the baldachin, unoccupied this time, occurs in the tomb of Huya on the west wall.71 In this example, the structure is represented with three ramps or shallow staircases, one coming toward the viewer and two more on either side. Four columns are represented, each with a palmate top and streamers. The cavetto cornice at the top is again crowned with a row of uraeii with sun disks. The pendant row of fruits and papyrus are not represented, perhaps because the baldachin is not the focus of the scene and is shown more schematically. However, a screen wall is represented as running between the columns, leaving an open space for access from the ramp in the center. Along this half screen, another line of uraeus serpents with sun disks are represented on either side of the door. To the viewer’s left of the structure, the sun disc hangs over a large group of offerings and a group of three solar 67 68 69 70 71

Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part vi, pl. vi. William J. Murnane, Texts from the Amarna Period in Egypt (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1995), 178. Translation after ibid., 178, no. 78.3. Also observed in Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part vi, 5. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part iii, pl. xiv.

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figure 3.9 Detail of foreign tribute scene in the tomb of Huya, showing the baldachin unoccupied after rt iii, pl. xiv

platforms flanked by a pair of buildings. Although not seen in Figure 3.9, the royal chariots are parked in the lowest register, and the army and several rows of courtiers are arranged to the left. To the right are several rows of foreign delegations being led toward the baldachin. The three solar platforms in this representation, behind the baldachin, as Kemp has observed, are a parallel to the mii b-d group of buildings in the southern enclosure of the Maru-Aten.72 The baldachin in front of them may be a parallel to the structure mii a. The building is also similar to that on the central platform in the southern enclosure of Kom el-Nana (see Kemp’s reconstruction in Figure 3.6). Three sets of internal stairs lead up to daises for access to what could be windows of appearance, as Kemp suggests. Four ramps give access to the building, two on the east side (to the rear of the building) and one each on the southern and northern sides. From the front, the western entrance, the building would appear much like the baldachins in the tombs.

72

Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 427–428.

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These baldachine structures appear to be dedicated not to the royal worship of the Aten but for the public adoration of the royal person, specifically the king.73 As suggested from the inscription in the tomb of Parennefer, when the king is represented under this baldachine, it may have signaled he is there to be viewed and celebrated as the intermediary of the god Aten.74 The presence of this baldachin in the art of the southern enclosure may indicate that a similar structure was erected there, which would be in keeping with the display of the royal person suggested by a window of appearance. The possible window of appearance structure/central platform area had a region of storage rooms behind the window of appearance hall proper, possibly a staging area for the window of appearance ritual. Since the materials collected by the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn were not being stored in conventional granaries or other large storage magazines on site, they may have been used to supply and maintain the window of appearance ritual, if one accepts Kemp’s identification of the central platform. The inscription from the tomb of Ay may support this interpretation, as he is told to receive the material goods for his mortuary establishment from the king in the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn. This name may be associated with the central platform/window of appearance structure, either naming the building in which it resides or the enclosure around it. Although the offerings mentioned in the inscription from the tomb of Ay are supposed to come from the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn via the king, the funerary overtones discussed previously are perhaps the clue to explain the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn’s proximity to the Sunshade of Nefertiti. The Sunshade of Re was associated with the rebirth and continued life brought by Nefertiti through her semi-divine status emphasized by Akhenaten. Whether actually associated with the window of appearance, the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn certainly served as the staging area for Akhenaten to distribute the funerary goods as described in the tomb of Ay, while at the same time the Queen’s Sunshade of Re reinforced the funerary aspects of the goods.75 73

74

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This is not to imply that this was the only location set apart for royal adoration in the city of Amarna or that the adoration of the royal family was specific to these environs, see: Claude Traunecker, “Aménophis iv et Néfertiti: le couple royal d’après les talatates du ixe pylône de Karnak,” Bulletin de la Société Français d’Égyptologie 107 (1986): 17–44; Cyril Aldred, “Tradition and Revolution in the Art of the xviiith Dynasty,” 51–62, pl. xxxix– xlvii; Salima Ikram, “Domestic Shrines and the Cult of the Royal Family at El-Amarna,” jea 75 (1989): 89–101; John A. Wilson, “Akh-En-Aton and Nefert-Iti,” jnes 32 (1973): 235–241. A similar covering structure topped by uraeii with pendent fruits was on the palanquins that Akhenaten and Nefertiti used in the Sed-Festival procession scenes at Karnak. Jocelyn Gohary, Akhenaten’s Sed-Festival at Karnak, plate ix 17 and 18. As mentioned, the sunshade structure proper may have been located in the northern

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The entire site of Kom el-Nana, which included the Sunshade of Re and the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn may have been ultimately dedicated to the proper maintenance of Maat by the royal couple: Nefertiti via the actions of the Sunshade of Re and Akhenaten via the rwd ʿnḫw ỉtn in support of his court, both acting in concert to support rebirth. This aspect reflects the larger organizing principle of Kom el-Nana where the male and female roles of regeneration are represented. All sunshades of Re at Amarna appear to be dedicated to the female members of the royal entourage.76 However, the male nature of the window of appearance is centered on the largess of the king and his support of the court, working in concert with the female aspect of the sunshade. In fact, this duality is representative of the role the royal women played within the new religion. The queen was traditionally concerned with assisting and supporting the divine kingship both before and after the Amarna period. The representations of Queen Tiye from the reign of Amunhotep iii on several carved carnelian gems appear to associate the queen with the ability to offer rebirth to the king in his Sed Pavilion, thereby ensuring his continued reign.77 Her depictions in both the tomb of Kheruef where she is equated with Maat, and in her temple at Sedinga, where she is equated with Hathor, further demonstrate the tradition of equating the reigning queen with those goddesses.78

76

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enclosure where the industrial baking and brewing areas were also located. This may have been intentional, as the provisions from those areas may have sustained both Kom elNana’s funerary obligations and the window of appearance rituals. Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 462; Stadelmann, “Kultstätte des Sonnengottes im Neuen Reich,” 159–178; Spencer, The Egyptian Temple: A Lexicographical Study, 125; The blocks from Hermopolis which mention a Sunshade of Ankhsenpaaten: Hanke and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis; neue Veröff. u. Studien, pl. 19, 207-viii, pl. 55, 450-viia, pl. 148, 338-via. Also the tomb of Huya’s representations of Tiye and her sunshade: Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part iii, pl. viii also note the stele with sphinx couchant which mentions a sunshade of Re, but does not imply explicit ownership by any particular person, although the names and titles of Akhenaten, Nefertiti, and the Aten are all present. Cyril Aldred, Akhenaten and Nefertiti, 99, no. 13; Tawfik, “Was Aton—the God of Akhenaten—Only a Manifestation of the God Re?” 217–226, pl. 53. Metropolitan Museum of Art, Edward Harkness Gift, nos. 26.7.1339–.1340, 26.7.1342, Arielle P. Kozloff and Betsy M. Bryan, Egypt’s Dazzling Sun: Amenhotep iii and His World (Cleveland: Cleveland Museum of Art, 1992), 442–444, no. 123. Traunecker, “Nefertiti la reine sans nom,” 117–134; The Epigraphic Survey, The Tomb of Kheruef: Theban Tomb 192 (Chicago: Oriental Institute, 1980), pl. 26; W. Raymond Johnson, “Monuments and Monumental Art Under Amenhotep iii: Evolution and Meaning” In Amenhotep iii Perspectives on His Reign, eds. David O’Connor and Eric H. Cline (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1998), 63–94.

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In the 18th dynasty, the Egyptian queen was the divine female counterpart to divine male kingship.79 Without cyclic regeneration, the cosmos would cease to exist. Sexual interaction of man and woman, or the king and the queen, was essential for generating and renewing that paradigm. When Akhenaten and Nefertiti adopted the identities of Shu and Tefnut, they explicitly invoked this sexually oriented renewal. Before the Amarna period, female goddesses were frequently represented on the walls of Egyptian temples, showcasing their importance as the female half of the cosmic renewal equation.80 The profusion of images of the king and queen in the Amarna period meant that they explicitly replaced the implied sexual metaphors. When the female creator goddesses were rendered anathema, a void remained in the cosmogony of the Aten religion. Traditional Egyptian religion had functioned by creating triads, pairing a male with a female god, who in turn created an offspring. The only divine figure in the Amarna period was male or gender-neutral. The traditional triad grouping was recreated within the restrictions of Atenism to include Akhenaten and Nefertiti as Shu and Tefnut, the offspring of the creator god. The king and queen thus filled a void left when the traditional pantheon was abandoned. Nefertiti and her daughters may have been used to satisfy the need for a female divine presence.81 Nefertiti was already associated with the solar goddesses Hathor and Maat in Luxor, before the move to Tell el-Amarna.82 The fertile park-like area of the Sunshade of the Maru Aten was associated with the queen’s “recreative” and “Hathoric” capacities.83 The talatat bearing a portion of the upper area of the king’s baldachin from the surface of the southern enclosure bears fruits associated with sexuality and fertility. These items all suggest that the Sunshade of Nefertiti was dedicated to the aspects of the queen that were associated with the cosmogonal aspects 79 80 81

82 83

Lana Troy, Patterns of Queenship in Ancient Egyptian Myth and History, 145–150. Gay Robins, “The Small Golden Shrine of Tutankhamun, an Interpretation,” 207–231. Sayed Tawfik, “Aton Studies, 3: Back again to Nefer-Neferu-Aton,” mdaik 31 (1975): 159– 168, Plates 51–52; Silverman, “Divinity and Deities in Ancient Egypt”, 88; Anne K. Capel and Glenn Markoe, eds, Mistress of the House, Mistress of Heaven: Women in Ancient Egypt (New York: Hudson Hills Press, 1996), especially 44 and 46; Arnold, ed, The Royal Women of Amarna, 107; Lyn Green, “Evidence for the Position of Women at Amarna,” in Proceedings of the Seventh Annual International Congress of Egyptologists, ed. Christopher Eyre, 483– 488 (Leuven: Peeters, 1998); Aldred, “Tradition and Revolution in the Art of the xviiith Dynasty,” 51–62, pl. xxxix–xlvii. Traunecker, “Nefertiti la reine sans nom,” 117–134; Traunecker, “Aménophis iv et Néfertiti: le couple royal d’ après les talatates du ixe pylône de Karnak,” 17–44. Arnold, ed, The Royal Women of Amarna, 105–107.

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of queenship. The female protective and creative solar principle is joined to the male role of king and manifestation of the sun god by combining the northern Sunshade of Re area with the southern enclosure featuring a window of appearance. A large parade ground is provided for the reception and review of the populace and for supporting the funerary establishments of the court.84 Kom el-Nana was possibly used for both representing and celebrating Akhenaten as the manifestation of the sun god, but was ultimately dedicated to Nefertiti. Consequently, it could have encapsulated the roles of the king and the queen. The activities of royal display, veneration, and the funerary support of the court are conducted under the overarching auspices of Nefertiti whose household guaranteed the site and manifested her cosmogonical/mythic duties in support of Akhenaten. 84

Several images of Akhenaten from Kom el-Nana depict him in the blue crown, which calls attention to his image as the living embodiment of the sun god.

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Conclusions Introduction In the previous sections, the author reconstructed several genres of scenes and inscriptions from Kom el-Nana. In this section, these reconstructions are discussed in the broader context of Atenism and the ancient city of Amarna. First addressed is the question of when the walls of the site were carved, as evidence suggests decoration may have started during the first years at Amarna and continued until at least the eleventh year. The second and third sections will present a discussion of the importance of the royal family in the art of both Kom el-Nana and the city of Akhetaten, as the scenes recovered from Kom elNana were primarily focused on images of the royal family worshipping the Aten. The palace and temple scenes express the practical everyday life of the royal family correlated with the rejuvenating powers of the daily solar cycle. Lastly art from Kom el-Nana shows Nefertiti as quite small in relation to Akhenaten. Her small stature requires a reexamination of the role her image plays in the reign of Akhenaten. Rather than being puzzled by the disjunction between height and status, the height differences should be contextualized as the complex and perhaps even contradictory gender role Nefertiti performed in Akhenaten’s religion. She was both his equal opposite, embodying the divine female elements needed to fill a void in cosmogony created by his religious reforms, but she was also hierarchically subordinate: her abilities to rejuvenate the kingship served at Akhenaten’s need.1

Date of and Style of the Carving at Kom el-Nana The stone carving at Kom el-Nana was certainly started during the first phase of occupation at Tell el-Amarna. Inscriptions mentioning the first three princesses, Meritaten, Meketaten, and Ankhesenpaaten, were found in the North Shrine. This indicates that most of the carving was carried out during the first

1 This latter aspect is representative of the traditional role of the divine queen in the 18th dynasty, where she served to assure that the king could create the cosmos and maintain its order. Gay Robins, “The Small Golden Shrine of Tutankhamun, an interpretation,” 207–231.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi: 10.1163/9789004325555_005

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years of occupation at Tell el-Amarna, since Ankhesenpaaten, the youngest of the three, was likely born about the eighth year.2 Another fragment of inscription from Kom el-Nana, s-2574, preserves the late Aten cartouche, which appears at Tell el-Amarna around year 11. This indicates the carving was not completed at once, but progressed over several years. The hieratic quarry inscription from Deir el-Hinnis informs us that Nefertiti was alive in Akhenaten’s year 16. It also indicates she was still called the Great Royal Wife, Neferuneferuaten Nefertiti and the royal couple was still commissioning building activities in the small Aten temple.3 If construction was ongoing at the small Aten temple as late as year 16, construction could have also continued at Kom el-Nana until the last year of Akhenaten’s reign.4 Fragment s-2574 in Figure 4.1, with the late name of the Aten, is executed in a more delicate relief style than other examples of relief from Kom el-Nana. This evidence may support the theory that Akhenaten’s artistic style evolved from a more extreme style at the start of the reign in Karnak to a more delicate style at the end of the occupation of Tell el-Amarna.5 However, the hasty carving of most Kom el-Nana art indicates what might be expected in the first rush of building activity that occurred when Akhenaten

2 Boundary Stele p, q, and u all have sockets to hold a statue of the princess, a sign she must have been born just after their completion. All three princesses are carved into the side of Nefertiti’s offering table in Boundary Stele a. The descriptions of the royal inspection of the steles place these emendations around year 8, suggesting they were close to the year of Ankhensenpaaten’s birth. Murnane and Van Siclen, The Boundary Stelae of Akhenaten, 175– 176; Dimitri Laboury, Akhénaton (Paris: Pygmalion, 2010), 142. 3 Athena van der Perre, “Nefertiti’s Last Documented Reference, For Now.” in In the Light of Amarna: 100 Years of the Nefertiti Discovery, ed. Friederike Seyfried, 195–197 (Petersberg: Imhof, 2012); Athena van der Perre, “The Year 16 Graffito of Akhenaten in Dayr Abū Ḥinnis: a Contribution to the Study of the Later Years of Nefertiti,” Journal of Egyptian History 7, no. 1 (2014), 67–108; personal communication Harco Willems at Deir el-Hinnis, April 7th, 2014. 4 Ample evidence indicates that many areas of the city were periodically refurbished or rebuilt. Kemp, “Discovery and Renewal at Amarna,” 19–22. Also the ongoing excavations at the Great Aten Temple demonstrate at least two different phases of building activity, suggesting the ground plan of the first version of the temple was revised completely. 5 Dorothea Arnold, “From Karnak to Amarna: An Artistic Breakthrough and its Consequences,” in In the Light of Amarna: 100 Years of the Nefertiti Discovery, ed Friederike Seyfried, 143– 152 (Petersberg: Imhof, 2012). In contradiction to the artistic evolution theory, see Dimitri Laboury, “Amarna Art,” in ucla Encyclopedia of Egyptology, ed. Willeke Wendrich, (Los Angeles: ucla, 2011), 10. However he discusses the sculpture of the era, not the relief, which appears to undergo a change from a more angular and exaggerated style to one of more delicacy and sensuousness.

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figure 4.1 Drawing by Andy Boyce of fragment s-2574

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figure 4.2 Top: s-2208 h: 11 cm w: 6 cm; Bottom s-2568 h 8.3 cm w 13.3 cm

moved the court to the site of Tell el-Amarna. Rapidity was valued over quality, with the understanding that a layer of plaster and a coat of paint would hide artisans’ mistakes as they rushed to meet their deadlines. Some variance in artistic styles may indicate that multiple work gangs with different levels of artisanal accomplishment worked on the same monuments simultaneously.6 6 Aldred and others have identified three stages in the evolution of Akhenaten’s art: the first phase includes the Karnak Aten structures and Tell el-Amarna to year 8 including, for example, the Boundary Stele and the Berlin family stele. The second phase concludes in year 12 and is characterized by the relief in the tomb of Ay. The third phase includes the statuary at Thutmose workshop and the relief in the tomb of Huya. However this strict categorization is too rigid and fails to consider the evidence for different workers working on the same structures simultaneously.

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figure 4.3 s-2564 h: 6.5 cm w: 16 cm

The two fragments in Figure 4.2, s-2208 and s-2568, represent the hands of the Aten, but they are rendered completely differently. The artist who worked on s-2208 carved each finger carefully and individually, indicating the knuckles and carefully arching the backward-curling fingers. The artist who worked on s2568 separated the fingers with summarily etched lines, omitted knuckles, and ended the fingers in a blunted square shape. Occasionally at Kom el-Nana the Aten hands are abstracted even further: they resemble lobster claws, without detailed fingers, and the pincer-like thumbs hook inward. But in fragment s2564 in Figure 4.3 the hands are highly crafted. The delicate and detailed hands of the Aten hovering over a pile of offerings combined with the masterful combination of raised and sunk relief indicates a more accomplished—or less rushed—artist than the artisans who carved the hands in fragments s-2208 and s-2568. Consequently, Nefertiti’s varying height shown by the relief reconstructed at Kom el-Nana could be the product of different work gangs as well as stylistic evolution. Many similar artistic variances are found at the city of Amarna as well; instead of a hermetic iconographic plan, multiple gangs of artisans may have hurried to meet deadlines without strict supervision and with different styles.7 je 87300, Figure 4.4 is a fragment of a balustrade carved on both sides with figures of Akhenaten and Nefertiti worshipping the Aten. On one side, Nefertiti barely clears Akhenaten’s buttocks; on the other side she reaches the small of his back. The height difference seen on this balustrade fragment could be a product of two different sets of workers whose outline draftsmen did not coordinate their drafts. Also, on one side of the balustrade, the figures of Akhenaten and Nefertiti definitely show more swelling around their lower bodies.

7 Arnold, “From Karnak to Amarna, An Artistic Breakthrough and its Consequences,” 143–152.

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figure 4.4 je 87300 Two sides of the balustrade

If the balustrades from Amarna can be categorized as part of the first wave of construction at Tell el-Amarna, which is likely, then Kom el-Nana apparently belongs within that period of artistic flowering. Akhenaten appears to have settled at the site without giving much time or allowance for the vast construction projects he decreed there, and the early art reflects this haste. The nonroyal tombs may be the only examples of a uniform artistic vision, since they were not revisited periodically for refurbishment as were the temples. Each tomb was a contained unit, and its carvings had a clear endpoint.

Identity of the Royal Family in the Relief at Kom el-Nana The royal family worshipping the Aten is one of the most common motifs in the reign of Akhenaten.8 Most of the scenes reconstructed from the North Shrine at Kom el-Nana are a basic unit: Akhenaten and Nefertiti offering to the Aten,

8 The royal family was the primary subject of the art of this period. Others were represented only in terms of their relationship with the royal family, even in their own tombs. Freed, D’Auria and Markowitz, eds, Pharaohs of the Sun, 117–119.

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occasionally joined by their daughters. Prior to Akhenaten, kings approached the god or gods in their temple, made offerings, were received, and awarded life, stability, health, and legitimized rule.9 However, in the reign of Akhenaten, the Aten no longer waited for the king to come to his temple; instead the Aten was an ever-present entity acting continuously for Akhenaten and Nefertiti. The royal couple is always exclusively represented with the sun disc of the Aten overhead. The sun rays terminate in hands that support their bodies, stroke their heads, and even offer them life and other sustaining elements.10 Their daughters and the people of Amarna do not receive the same direct favors. This unit replaces a variety of scenes common to the cultic life and responsibilities of pharaohs in previous reigns. The repertoire of royal art in the Amarna period11 omits scenes such as representations of the divine engendering of the king, of his ceremonial purification, of the divine coronation, and of Thoth, Atum, or Sheshat inscribing the king’s name on the Ished Tree. Akhenaten’s new religion precluded such scenes and introduced instead the royal family nurturing the Aten and vice versa. Thus, Akhenaten usurped the attention usually granted to the traditional gods and redirected it to himself and Nefertiti.12 Interaction with the god was not confined to the temple; the Aten disk was visually present wherever the royal couple was located. In addition, the Amarna period placed unusual importance on dogmatic adherence to ideology at the expense of other beliefs or expressions. Previously, Egyptians approached their religion with an absence of dogma and with a fluid system of syncretism.13 However, in Akhenaten’s reign, the repertoire of beliefs was limited and the identity of the Aten was tightly controlled via the strenuously dogmatic name of the Aten. Although Akhenaten strictly identified the god, he was equally strict in keeping detailed knowledge about the god to himself14 as revealed by his iconographic freedom in representing the Aten’s presence and support as the ever-present disc with life-giving arms overhead. His benevolent vision combines equally with his restriction of the Aten’s sup-

9 10 11 12 13

14

Aldred, Akhenaten and Nefertiti, 69. Arnold, ed, The Royal Women of Amarna, 4; Freed, D’Auria and Markowitz, eds, Pharaohs of the Sun, 118. Jan Assmann, “A New State Theology—The Religion of Light,” 79–83; Aldred, Akhenaten and Nefertiti, 69. Aldred, Akhenaten and Nefertiti, 69–70. John Baines, “The Dawn of the Amarna Age,” in Amunhotep iii: Perspectives on His Reign, eds. David O’Connor and Eric Cline, 271–312 (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1998). Ibid.

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port to himself and his queen; the Aten’s life-giving rays do not extend even to his own children. Akhenaten was seeking to both restrict access to the deity and reinstate the supremacy of the office of pharaoh, which had diminished in influence and power in the earlier 18th dynasty.15 In a deviation from the tradition of Ancient Egyptian nonroyal tomb decoration, the nonroyal tombs at Amarna focus not on the deceased but on the royal couple’s interaction with the Aten in both the cultic and everyday lives of the deceased.16 Although the tomb owner is often depicted asking the royal couple to intercede with the Aten on his behalf, only one tomb at Amarna shows funerary rites. Instead the owner is represented only where his life intersected with that of the royal family, such as when the king bestows honors on the owner from the window of appearance. The rituals of preparing for an eternal existence are almost never depicted.17 The new belief system of the Amarna age redefined the royal family’s role in the afterlife of their citizens and the king’s relations with the divine world.18 The god and the king were of primary importance over all. Possibly the king even took precedence over the god.19 The religion of Amarna emphasized the present rather than the eternal, and restricted access to the god,20 perhaps because Akhenaten wanted to emphasize an eternal existence at Amarna.21 The worship of and access to the Aten was the exclusive purview of the royal family. Nefertiti is represented as an equal participant alongside Akhenaten in the tombs, and their children enact supportive roles by playing the sacred sistra.22 This elemental scene, with some variation in terms of the presence of the princesses, encapsulates Akhenaten’s new ideology and emphasizes the identities of the king and queen in relation15

16 17 18 19 20 21 22

Jan Assmann, Ägypten: Theologie und Frömmigkeit einer frühen Hochkultur (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1984), 253–257; David O’Connor, “The City and the World: Worldview and Built Forms in the Reign of Amenhotep iii,” in Amenhotep iii: Perspectives on His Reign, eds. David O’Connor and Eric H. Cline (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1998), 140. Freed, D’Auria and Markowitz, eds, Pharaohs of the Sun, 118; Kemp, Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization, 272. Assmann, “A New State Theology—The Religion of Light,” 79–83. Assmann, “A New State Theology—The Religion of Light,” 79–83; Baines, “The Dawn of the Amarna Age,” 271–312. Baines, “The Dawn of the Amarna Age,” 271–312. James Allen, “The Religion of Amarna,” in The Royal Women of Amarna, ed. Dorothea Arnold, 3–5. Assmann, “A New State Theology—The Religion of Light,” 79–83. Arnold, ed, The Royal Women of Amarna, 85–86.

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figure 4.5 North entrance thickness to the tomb of Ay, the royal family offering to the Aten, with the tomb owner and his wife in the lower register.

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figure 4.6 Window of appearance scene in the tomb of Ay, indicated here by an arrow, who is receiving shebyu collars from the king. The upper half of Aye’s body has been destroyed.

ship to their concept of the divine and their subjects.23 The nobles petition Akhenaten and Nefertiti for their afterlife benefits, instead of appealing directly to a god.24 By usurping the divine epithet “who lives on Maat” for himself, Akhenaten was attempting to establish both himself and Nefertiti as the gods Shu and Tefnut within the nobles’ tombs at Amarna.25 This deduction is further reinforced by the fact that the Sunshade of Re at Kom el-Nana had a direct role in the funerary cults of the nonroyals at Amarna.

23 24

25

Kemp, Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization, 265. Lyn Green, Queens and Princesses of the Amarna Period: The Social, Political, Religious and Cultic Role of the Women of the Royal Family at the End of the Eighteenth Dynasty (Toronto: University of Toronto, 1988), 452–453. W. Raymond Johnson, “Amenhotep iii and Amarna: Some New Considerations,” jea 82 (1996): 65–82, Plates iv–viii. He also observes that in the tomb of Huya in Amarna, Akhenaten and Nefertiti worship Amunhotep iii and Tiye, indicating that Akhenaten’s understanding of his status and the Aten derive from his parentage and the divinization of Amunhotep iii as the “Dazzling Sun.”

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Regarding the divinity of the royal family in Amarna, the presentation scene in the tomb of Kherouef, dated to the reign of Amunhotep iii, has parallels with the window of appearances scenes of Akhenaten’s reign.26 The association of Amunhotep iii/Re and Tiye/Maat-Hathor can be considered synonymous between the two reigns, meaning that both Akhenaten and Nefertiti are equated with Re and Maat as well as with Shu and Tefnut.27 To achieve the association with Shu and Tefnut, Akhenaten appropriated the beliefs that originated in the Middle Kingdom, detailed in the Coffin Text Spells 75–80, where one creator is hailed as having two children to create the universe.28 According to some theories, Aten was not the sun god but rather the engendering power of light, and from that, life itself.29 According to this hypothesis, the Aten was therefore associated with Atum, the original primordial creator who engenders the first pair of life-giving opposites, Shu and Tefnut, who together represent life, truth, time, and even recreation or rebirth. Thus Akhenaten attempted to parallel these beliefs, by equating his status with the divine child Shu of the creator god Atum/Aten. Nefertiti is his divine twin Tefnut.30 Akhenaten’s art was intended to express this association and to emphasize to the living and the dead that they could obtain eternal sustenance only through the intercession of the royal couple.31 The house stelae found at Amarna include statements regarding this hermetic identity of the divine triad of Amarna—the Aten as creator god is shown with his twin offspring Shu/Akhenaten and Tefnut/Nefertiti who control access to the creator.32 By worshipping the divine/royal family on the house stele, 26 27 28 29

30

31 32

Traunecker, “Nefertiti la reine sans nom,” 117–134. Green, Queens and Princesses of the Amarna Period, 202, 447. James P. Allen, Genesis in Egypt: The Philosophy of Ancient Egyptian Creation Accounts (New Haven: Yale Egyptological Seminar, 1988), 18–24. Assmann, “A New State Theology—The Religion of Light,” 79–83; Orly Goldwasser “The Aten is the ‘Energy of Light’ New Evidence from the Script,” jarce 46 (2010): 159–165; James Allen, “The Natural Philosophy of Akhenaten” Religion and Philosophy in Ancient Egypt, ed. William Kelly Simpson (New Haven: Yale Egyptological Seminar, 1989), 93– 94; Jan Assmann, Egyptian Solar Religion in the New Kingdom: Re, Amun and the Crisis of Polytheism (London: Kegan Paul International, 1995), 80. Assmann, “A New State Theology—The Religion of Light,” 79–83; Assmann, Egyptian Solar Religion in the New Kingdom, 80; Johnson, “Monuments and Monumental Art Under Amenhotep iii,” 91. Johnson, “Monuments and Monumental Art Under Amenhotep iii: Evolution and Meaning” in O’Connor and Cline, Amenhotep iii Perspectives on His Reign, 92. Assmann, “A New State Theology—The Religion of Light,” 79–83; Arnold, ed, The Royal Women of Amarna, 97–100. Arnold also suggests that these stele represent the royal

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the owner invoked their intercession with the Aten. Akhenaten was the active means by which the Aten’s gifts came to the world, the intermediary between his subjects and the god, and the purveyor of the divine to the entire world.33 The king’s chosen name specifically refers to this capacity: Akhenaten or ȝḫ n itn translates to “the effective one for/of the Aten.”34 At Karnak, Nefertiti’s equation with Hathor and Maat, perhaps originally inspired by the role Queen Tiye played in the Heb-Sed scenes in the tomb of Kheruef, is also emphasized. For example, Nefertiti is often shown in Hathoric crowns. Her name is likely also an allusion to Hathor, and was given to her when she married Akhenaten and acceded to the throne to supply his theological need for Hathoric elements in Atenism, without referencing Hathor directly.35 Also, the royal couple is portrayed at Karnak in association with a bed in a palace room, and similar scenes of the royal bedchamber are emphasized in nonroyal tombs at Amarna.36 The only other time a royal 18th dynasty couple was represented near a bed are scenes describing the divine origins of the king. Consequently this is a clear and decorous way of alluding to the engendering role of the goddess/queen and the god/king.37 Wilson was first to propose Nefertiti’s direct assumption of goddesshood,38 based on representations of Nefertiti smiting captives from the Hermopolis talatat currently in the Museum of Fine Arts Boston, number 64.521. The smiting of captives fulfills a royal and kingly obligation, however, and thus does not signify her divinity.39 The iconography of the Karnak colossi of Akhenaten, some wearing tall plumed crowns reminiscent of Shu’s crown, has been thought additionally

33 34 35 36 37 38

39

family in a birth bower, to take the place of the traditional household deities that would have previously watched over the welfare of women and children. Also note Salima Ikram, “Domestic Shrines and the Cult of the Royal Family at El-Amarna,” jea 75 (1989): 89–101; Rolf Krauss, “Die amarnazeitliche Familienstele Berlin 14145 unter besonderer Berücksichtigung von Massordnung und Komposition,” Jahrbuch der Berliner Museen 33 (1991): 7–36. James Allen, “The Natural Philosophy of Akhenaten,” 98. Ibid., 98–99. Traunecker, “Nefertiti la reine sans nom,” 117–134. Ibid., 117–134. Traunecker, “Aménophis iv et Néfertiti,” 17–44; Baines, “The Dawn of the Amarna Age” 300–301. John A. Wilson, “Akh-En-Aton and Nefert-Iti,” jnes 32 (1973): 235–241. He proposes that in the tombs of the nobles at Amarna, she fulfills the role of a mother goddess figure, and that the king and queen act as intercessors. Green, Queens and Princesses of the Amarna Period, 451.

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prove that Akhenaten assumed the role of son of the creator god.40 The plumed headdresses of Akhenaten and Nefertiti in their Karnak representations, in particular on the colossi of Akhenaten, indicate that the king and queen already associated themselves with Shu and Tefnut/Hathor at Karnak.41 Akhenaten often uses the title tit rʿ or “image of Re.”42 A tit indicates the divine prototype of a god, not a physical resemblance.43 In the New Kingdom when the word twt is associated with a king, he is a representative or likeness of a god44 acting for or on behalf of the god, in particular when he is equated with Re or Amun-Re.45 Thus twt, rarely if ever used in association with Akhenaten, has a concrete nuance The word tit, on the other hand, is more abstract and invested with cosmogonical overtones. This suggests that Akhenaten’s identity

40

41

42 43 44

45

Arnold disagrees with this conclusion. Arnold, “From Karnak to Amarna: An Artistic Breakthrough and its Consequences,” 143–152; Lise Manniche, The Akhenaten Colossi of Karnak (Cairo: American University of Cairo Press, 2010), 85–115; J.R. Harris, “Akhenaten or Nefertiti?” Acta Orientalia 38 (1977): 5–10; Johnson, “Amenhotep iii and Amarna: Some New Considerations,” 65–82, pl. iv–viii; Freed, D’Auria and Markowitz, eds, Pharaohs of the Sun, 113. The Karnak colossi wearing the double-plumed headdresses may represent the king in the form of Shu. The colossi in the taller crowns may refer to Tefnut, while those in the double crowns are equated with Atum. Arnold suggests the femininity of these statues communicates the Egyptian correlation of femininity with a passive field awaiting cultivation. The royal couple was the fertile field awaiting the Aten’s inspiration. Arnold, “From Karnak to Amarna: An Artistic Breakthrough and its Consequences,” 143–152; Baudouin van de Walle, “Survivances mythologiques dans les coiffures royales de l’ epoque atonienne,” Chronique d’Egypte 55 (1980): 23–36; Rolf Krauss, “Piktogramme des jüngeren Goldhorusnamens von Achenaten,” Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache 121, Heft 2 (1994): 106–117; Harris, “Akhenaten Or Nefertiti?” 5–10; Mohammad Hasan Abd-ur-Rahman, “The Four Feathered Crown of Akhenaten,” asae lvi (1959); 247–249, Plates i–ii. The possibility that the “nude” colossi, je 55938, was originally a female statue may negate the arguments interpreting its appearance as representing the neutrally gendered creator god. Sayed Tawfik, “Was Aton—the God of Akhenaten—Only a Manifestation of the God Re?” 217–226, plate 53. Boyo G. Ockinga, Die Gottebenbildlichkeit im Alten Ägypten und im Alten Testament (Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz, 1984), 106–124. Note the phrase twtʿnḫ, as in the name of Tutankhamun. Ockinga, Die Gottebenbildlichkeit im Alten Ägypten und im Alten Testament, 128; Marianne Eaton-Krauss, The Representations of Statuary in Private Tombs of the Old Kingdom (Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz, 1984), 87–88. Ockinga, Die Gottebenbildlichkeit im Alten Ägypten und im Alten Testament, 128–129. Note examples 21, 22, v. 23. The word tit is less closely associated with the solar gods Re or AmunRe, but can be used in association with any gods.

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is to be understood as at least semidivine, further reinforced by his appearance in the blue khepresh crown, originally thought to be a war crown but now understood to indicate the wearer has the divine office of kingship, particularly when he acts as the tit of the sun god.46 A small statue of Akhenaten represented as a child, sadly lost in the war, underlines his iconographic program in which he is the child of the Aten.47 Akhenaten’s belief in the reviving capacity of Nefertiti as a goddess is explicitly expressed on his sarcophagus. Nefertiti replaces Isis as the regenerative presence that embraces the sides of the royal sarcophagus to grant Akhenaten resurrection.48 This reference to the rejuvenation of Osiris and the rebirth of the divine king through the medium of his sister/wife/queen is reinterpreted within Atenism: Nefertiti endows Akhenaten with this rebirth. As Nefertiti is represented on all four sides of the sarcophagus, she also takes the place of Nephtys and the protective goddesses Selket and Neith.49 By replacing all these goddesses, Nefertiti is understood to protect the reborn pharaoh. This also indicates a continuation of the movement toward using Nefertiti’s image to replace the female deities removed under the gender-neutral/male Aten. The daughters of the royal couple in many ways encapsulate the same aspects of fertility and fecundity. They advertise the royal couple’s personal fertility, which supports Nefertiti’s role as a regenerative cosmogonal goddess within the sun temple.50 The daughters are similar to Nefertiti’s assumption of

46

47 48

49

50

Tom Hardwick “The iconography of the blue crown in the New Kingdom,” jea 89 (2003), 117–141; Betsy Bryan, “A ‘New’ Statue of Amunhotep iii and the Meaning of the Khepresh Crown,” in The Archaeology and Art of Ancient Egypt: Essays in Honor of David B. O’Connor, ed. Zahi Hawass and Janet Richards, 151–167 (Cairo: Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’ Égypte, 2007); Robins, “The Small Golden Shrine of Tutankhamun, An Interpretation,” 207–231. Marianne Eaton-Krauss, “Eine rundplastische Darstellung Achenatens als Kind,” Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache 110, Heft 2 (1984): 127–132, Tafel ii–iv. The reconstructed sarcophagus is currently in the Cairo Museum, but a corner fragment with the image of Nefertiti as Isis in a double-plumed crown like Hathor is in the Berlin Museum, äm 14542. Sayed Tawfik, “Aton Studies, 3: Back again to Nefer-Neferu-Aton,” 159–168, pl. 51–52. He notes her presence on the sarcophagus from the royal tomb, where it appears Nefertiti stands in for and plays the role of the traditional protective goddesses. Georgia Xekalaki, Symbolism in the Representation of Royal Children during the New Kingdom (Oxford: bar International Series, 2011), 25. Children are often images of rebirth, such as the child sun reborn in the morning. Nevertheless female child deities do not appear in the 18th dynasty, so it is difficult to find a precedent to indicate that the female children in Amarna represented anything other than the divine fertility of the royal couple.

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the protective roles of Selket and Neith, in that they are shown in several house stele gesturing to their father as if to suggest a magical protective practice. Their frequent presence in Amarna art may indicate they protect and embody his procreative power.51 The princesses are always represented with the sidelock of childhood no matter their actual age at the time.52 This perpetual or eternal childhood highlights the royal couple’s fertility and cosmogonal abilities. The queen can produce children; therefore she can also produce life in the broader sense of regeneration, ultimately put to the service of the king and the funerary cults of the nobles. Furthermore, when their parents offer to the Aten, the daughters carry sistra, a mark of Hathoric priestesses, which further highlights the association with Hathor and thus sexual rejuvenation. Kom el-Nana’s relief program is identical to that of the tombs in representing the central scene of the divine children of the Aten, Akhenaten and Nefertiti, whose unique identities allows them to worship the Aten on behalf of, and to the exclusion of, their people. The reason for this similarity in tomb and temple decoration may be that the temples were meant to be the source of funerary offerings for those buried there.53 Huya, Pentu, and Tutu all mention receiving mortuary offerings in temples at Amarna. The author’s analysis of the hieroglyphic inscriptions from Kom el-Nana demonstrates that Kom el-Nana served a similar purpose: to supply the dead with funerary sustenance.54 In this way it is unsurprising that the tombs and Kom el-Nana had similar decorative programs, both showcasing the royal family worshiping the Aten, as they were both meant to communicate that the “proper” home for the dead is the temples of the Aten at Tell el-Amarna.55 In summary, the identities of Akhenaten and Nefertiti appear to reside in a semidivine area, where they are the twins begat by the Atum/Aten and are the priest/ess of their new cult. The dogmatic approach to the beliefs of their new religion and their need to disseminate that message was perhaps a main driving

51 52 53 54

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Xekalaki, Symbolism in the Representation of Royal Children during the New Kingdom, 87. Ibid., 89. For a brief discussion of this possibility: Hornung, Akhenaten and the Religion of Light, 96– 100. Huya’s inscription on the east thickness, Davies, The Rock Tombs of El-Amarna Part iii, pl. 2; Pentu’s inscriptions on the north and south thicknesses, Davies, The Rock Tombs of El-Amarna iv, pl. 3–4; Tutu’s inscription on left doorway jamb, Davies, Rock Tombs of El-Amarna vi, pl. xv; Williamson, “Death and the Sun Temple: New Evidence for Private Mortuary Cults at Amarna,” jea 102 (2017) (forthcoming). Assmann, “A New State Theology—The Religion of Light,” 79–83.

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force behind Akhenaten’s iconographic choices.56 The North Shrine at Kom el-Nana emphasizes the iconographic genre of the royal family as the primary semidivine participants in the Aten cult, consistent with Atenist dogma.

Rejuvenation of the Daily Solar Cycle In addition to the scenes of the family at worship, the other genre most prevalent at Amarna is that of the pharaoh’s daily life. Also reconstructed in this work from Kom el-Nana are courtiers, a palace with a pool and gardens, a temple, and other elements of daily life. Representation of the daily life of the royal family replaces the cycle of the sun and traditional worship scenes in both tombs and temples.57 From both the tombs at Amarna and the fragments of decoration preserved from Hermopolis, this cycle can be summarized as (1) the departure of the royal family from their palace, (2) their journey, surrounded by courtiers and police, to (3) the temple where they conduct elaborate offering rituals to the Aten.58 The Aten disc overhead accompanies their every step; the arms/rays support or nurture them. This theme and the corresponding representation in unusual detail of the interiors of palaces and temples forms part of the expression of the iconographic message intended to express Akhenaten’s philosophy. They are part of the revealing/not revealing duality inherent in the King’s vision; the identity, basic theology, and worship of the Aten is clearly revealed, but direct association with the divinity is severely curtailed.59 The art of the Amarna period revealed the everyday life of the semidivine intercessionary royal couple as integral players in the new triad, like the Aten.60 Both their actual and iconic daily cycle of processions from residence to temple

56 57

58 59

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Baines, “The Dawn of the Amarna Age,” 271–312. This begins in Karnak, possibly to replace the processions formerly carried out in Thebes. Freed, D’Auria and Markowitz, eds, Pharaohs of the Sun, 114; Kemp, Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization, 279. Aldred, Akhenaten and Nefertiti, 70. Also discussed in Sue D’Auria “Preparing for Eternity,” in Freed, D’Auria and Markowitz, eds, Pharaohs of the Sun, 172. An unusual painted stela, je 55458 from Tell el-Amarna, excavated from the North Suburb of Amarna at complex t36.45, may indicate a level of access to the Aten not granted via royal intercession to less affluent residents of Tell el-Amarna. Anna Stevens, “An Unusual Aten Stela from Amarna,” The Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology 14 (2003): 85–94, pl. 8. Freed, D’Auria and Markowitz, eds, Pharaohs of the Sun, 115.

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and back again are enacted and represented as theological display, as a parallel for the path of the sun disc.61 The relief in tombs and temples clearly depict palaces, temples, interiors, and courtiers as part of this openness and efforts to communicate the message.62 This “axis mundi” served as the focal point for divine power, and the means by which this divine favor was disseminated to the world at large.63 All aspects of the city were by proxy directly associated with the Aten and its worship. The daily life scenes of temple and palace coincided with the new theological need to represent the royal family’s passage through sacred space and also preserved and celebrated the cosmos of the Aten as defined by Akhetaten.64 The processions may have also served to replace popular processions of the Amun cult at Thebes such as the Beautiful Feast of the Valley and the Opet Festival. In contradiction to this theory, Kemp observes that the nonroyal or secular sections of Tell el-Amarna lack orthogonal planning or other elements of organization apart from convenience and pragmatism.65 He says the “only buildings that mattered” to the king were his palaces and temples, which he goes out of his way to mention on the Boundary Stelae.66 The other buildings were erected without a master plan.67 The point is valid; the tendency to over-theorize the Amarna period can be a trap. However, the domestic city of Thebes was as haphazardly organized in the 18th Dynasty, but the processional ways between many Theban temples were as straight as the royal road at Tell el-Amarna, suggesting that the disorganization of one did not affect the importance of the theological pageantry of the other. On that basis, a compromise is suggested. The royal road on its original axis cuts a very straight line from the palaces in the north of the city, through the

61

62 63 64 65

66 67

Aldred, Akhenaten and Nefertiti, 70. Also see the discussion in David O’Connor, “City and Palace in New Kingdom Egypt,” Cahiers de Richerches de l’Institut de Papyrologie et d’ Egyptologie de Lille 11 (1989), 86. Kozloff and Bryan, Egypt’s Dazzling Sun, 73–111. Amunhotep iii conducted extensive modifications to the Theban area to reflect an ideological perspective as well. O’Connor, “City and Palace in New Kingdom Egypt,” 82. In contradiction to this theory: Barry Kemp, “Bricks and Metaphor,” Cambridge Archaeological Journal 10 (2000), 335–346. Influencing factors would be family connections and economic ties. He also notes that in the New Kingdom, newly established cities are not generally established on an orthogonal plan, whereas in the Middle Kingdom it appears to be the opposite. Kemp, “Bricks and Metaphor,” 342–343. Ibid., 342. Ibid., 342.

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central palaces and temples that encapsulated the center of royal pageantry and ended in the south and Kom el-Nana. According to Akhenaten’s ideology, his intercession through the creation of the royal road and the founding of the royal buildings along it gives Maat, order, to the world. This, associated with the daily progression and the solar cycle, allowed the common people to continue their daily existence and establish their households on the Amarna plain. Akhenaten’s rhetoric appears to be embodied in the fact that the primary buildings along the royal road were orthogonally organized and that the secular and nonroyal areas were not.68 The Aten temples and the palaces, which even today dominate the landscape of the ancient city, were so visible that they emphasized the presence of Akhenaten and the Aten. The dependency of the new city on the presence of the king and his new cult was tacit and explicit. Akhenaten would not have cared how the other houses of the city were organized, as long as he had a theater of royal display to replace the Theban processions his people expected. The Amarna artists would therefore consider it to be of great theological and iconographic significance to represent a temple and a palace with a procession of charioteers. One of the more significant iconographic messages of Amarna art is to use the royal display arena to disseminate the beliefs advanced in the Great Hymn. Architecturally, columns were often executed as stylized bundled reeds and flowers, decorated with inlays of faience grapes and flowers. Many columns from both the Maru-Aten and Kom el-Nana appear to have been of this type.69 The emphasis on this abundance was intended to make an opulent setting for the rituals of kingship.70 These rituals, surrounded by representations of fertility, were tied to the king and the sun god to state their parallel authority, identity, and importance.71 The representations of everyday activities, such as the king receiving his court and the court processions to greet the king were, as O’Connor has observed of the North Palace, a statement and assurance of the stability of the realm as relating to the king.72 The processional scenes combined with those

68

69 70 71 72

O’Connor addressed Kemp’s reservations at the annual meeting of arce in Seattle, 2008. According to his comments, a city does not require strict rectilinear planning to be seen as the embodiment of a sacred concept. Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna,” 411–462. Weatherhead, Amarna Palace Paintings, 31. O’Connor, “City and Palace in New Kingdom Egypt,” 78. Weatherhead, Amarna Palace Paintings, 147.

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of an overly abundant land suggested the king’s ability to uphold and maintain the order, or Maat, so essential to the continuance of life.73 Equally significant is the probability that these decorations served multiple purposes. Their primary messages would have been royal power, state stability, and the status of the royal family’s association with the Aten, and thus Maat. It also evoked a fecund Nile, suggesting prosperity and, in the scenes without humans, referring to the moment of creation generated by the Aten but sustained by the royal family in their forms of Shu and Tefnut.74 The fact that the royal road originally ended either at Kom el-Nana or near it suggests Kom el-Nana was a significant stop within the display of the daily solar cycle.75 The processions began in the north, with the palaces representing the location of the rebirth in the morning of the child sun. As the procession went through the central area of the city, the daily rituals were carried out at the temples and administrative centers. Once the procession headed south, however, sunset is implied. This sunset, the metaphorical end of the road, would require the rejuvenation that was the primary objective of the Sunshade of Re temple. The cycle would continue the next day because the Sunshade of Re temples guaranteed and protected the sun god’s rebirth and also served the mortuary cults of the tombs of the nobles. By ending at Kom el-Nana, the royal road activated and encapsulated the solar cycle starting with birth in the north and ending with death and resurrection in the south.

Nefertiti at Kom el-Nana At Kom el-Nana, Nefertiti is shown as an active participant in the cult alongside Akhenaten but is also shown at half the natural height of her husband.76 If Kom el-Nana is indeed her sunshade of Re, should she not be represented at least at a natural height in relation to Akhenaten?77 And should she, as in her

73 74 75 76

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O’Connor, “City and Palace in New Kingdom Egypt,” 73–87. Weatherhead, Amarna Palace Paintings, 345. After time, the royal road deviated to follow the natural path of the river, but the original intent of Akhenaten’s vision is clear. These images of a small royal female are most certainly Nefertiti. The images of the princesses are even smaller. No names or titles of any other royal woman such as Tiye or Kiya have been found at Kom el-Nana. The owner of a monument is usually the one showcased. Even if their husband is present, women are shown at natural heights when close to their own monuments, such as within their own funerary chapels. Ann Macy Roth, “Little Women, Gender and Hierarchic

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pillared hall and pylon at Karnak, be shown alone under the disk of the Aten? The consensus among many scholars is that the Karnak pylon and pillars that represent Nefertiti offering to the Aten without her husband78 are a sign of her high status within Akhenaten’s reign.79 Using this deduction, one would anticipate scenes of her offering to the Aten alone, without Akhenaten, in her Sunshade of Re temple, but instead she is always shown with Akhenaten and is always at an unnaturally small height to him. Many scholars also suggest the iconography of Nefertiti in both the Karnak and Amarna relief indicates that she had a strong courtly and political status as well as cultic status.80 In this argument, Nefertiti’s representation as a sole participant in the cult of the Aten on the Nefertiti Pillars and a Karnak pylon with similar decoration has been interpreted as key evidence that she possessed unusually high status81 in the Aten cult.82 The monuments from Karnak were found well before the reconstructions were made of the material from Kom el-Nana. Speculating about the appearance of her Sunshade of Re at Tell el-Amarna, which had not been located, it has been assumed the pillars and pylon gateway could be used to predict the type of scenes we were likely to find at her Sunshade.83 Surprisingly the scenes reconstructed from Kom el-Nana do not support this deduction, which requires a restructuring of our understanding of Nefertiti’s image in general, and on the pillars and gateway specifically. When Nefertiti is shown alone before the Aten, the scenes should be read not as a message of independence or empowerment but rather as conforming to traditional gender and family hierarchy divisions in Egyptian art. When women are shown taking part in temple rituals of the early 18th Dynasty, they are shown either as sistrum-playing priestesses or as chantresses.84 As Gay Robins observed, in traditional Egyptian art, when a woman is the primary owner of a monument or acts as the primary officiant before a deity, her husband is not shown with her unless he performs the ritual

78 79 80 81 82 83 84

Proportion in Old Kingdom Mastaba Chapels,” in The Old Kingdom Art and Archaeology, ed. Miroslav Bárta, 281–296 (Prague: Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic, 2004). Christian Loeben, “Nefertiti’s Pillars,” Amarna Letters v (1994): 41–45. Williamson, “Alone before the God: Gender, Status, and Nefertiti’s Image,” jarce 51 (2015), 179–192. Freed, D’Auria and Markowitz, eds, Pharaohs of the Sun, 87–91, 115–116. Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, 53–54. Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, 55–56. Laboury, Akhénaton, 154. Gay Robins, “Some Principles of Compositional Dominance and Gender Hierarchy in Egyptian Art,” jarce 31 (1994), 33–40; Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, 145.

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for her. Otherwise his status would appear to be subordinated to hers.85 If a married woman must be shown as the owner and primary officiant on a monument (such as a votive stele), her husband is omitted from the scene to avoid undermining his status.86 Akhenaten’s absence is necessary in the scenes of Nefertiti offering to the Aten on the pylon and in the pillared hall from Karnak to preserve his superior status as husband and, especially, king. The images of Nefertiti acting alone under the rays of the Aten emphasize, not elevate, her subordinate status. This suggests that Nefertiti’s ability to act as a ritualist alongside her husband is a better indicator of an eminence that may have been granted after the structures were built, not before or during.87 For example, the images on the pillars contrast with later images of Nefertiti in Amarna where she is shown worshiping alongside her husband instead of observing his actions passively. Without question, in Nefertiti’s images at Tell el-Amarna, including those reconstructed here from Kom el-Nana, she appears to have an active role in the cult and is recognized as having enough status within it to be represented alongside her husband, but her isolation in the pillared hall at Karnak aligns more with traditional gender divisions in representations of Egyptian ritual. The fact that Nefertiti is shown with Akhenaten at Kom el-Nana, mimicking his ritual actions under the rays of the Aten, indicates she achieved a higher status within the Aten cult by the time of the carving of the North Shrine. Height in the art of ancient Egypt also indicated status and importance.88 The viewer was meant to understand the tallest and largest figures in any scene as the most active and important. Logically, figures descending in height were understood to also descend in status and importance.89 Using the Amarna 85

86

87 88

89

Williamson, “Alone before the God: Gender, Status, and Nefertiti’s Image,” 179–192; Robins, “Some Principles of Compositional Dominance and Gender Hierarchy in Egyptian Art,” 33–40. Gay Robins “Women and Votive Stelae in the New Kingdom” in Ancient Egypt, the Aegean, and the Near East: studies in honor of Martha Rhoads Bell, ed Jackie Phillips, 445–454 (San Antonio: Van Siclen Books, 1997). Williamson, “Alone before the God: Gender, Status, and Nefertiti’s Image,” 179–192. Gay Robins, The Art of Ancient Egypt (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997), 21; Robins “Women and Votive Stelae in the New Kingdom,” 445–454. It also had a gendered component, but hierarchy or status trumped gender, as discussed below. Lyn Meskell suggests the size differences between men and women indicate disparity in gender status. Ann Roth disagrees and suggests the differences in size between a nonroyal husband and wife is more complex than simple gender status. However, the discussion here is limited to royal individuals, so Roth’s argument has limited application. As Roth points out, size differences become more pronounced in the royal sphere because of

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tombs of the nobles as a primary reference, Nefertiti is usually represented at a more natural height to Akhenaten after they moved to Amarna.90 This contradicts her earlier representations at Karnak where she is always shown diminutive and also suggests that her religious importance has increased to be nearly equal to Akhenaten’s when they establish their city at Tell el- Amarna.91 Her iconographic change in height and active stance is seen to underline her presence and participation in the new Aten ideology. This is often correlated with the appearance of Nefertiti’s unique distinctive blue crown that appears to set her apart from other queens. But the change in height is not seen at Kom el-Nana, which was likely one of the first Tell el-Amarna buildings. Only one scene preserved from the North Shrine represents Nefertiti at a natural height to Akhenaten; all the others favor unnaturally small images.92 In addition, there is no conclusive evidence for her tall blue crown at Kom el-Nana, although evidence indicates the Nubian wig and the bag-style wig.93 In all periods of Egyptian art comparative heights of male versus female nonroyal tomb owners vary sometimes dramatically in the same monument, increasing and decreasing depending on proximity to particular chapels or scenes.94 The balustrades of the central city of Amarna preserve several scenes

90

91 92

93 94

the need to reference the king’s status. Lyn Meskell, “Size Matters: Sex, Gender, and Status in Egyptian Iconography,” in Redefining Archaeology: Feminist Perspectives, eds. Mary Casey et al, 175–181 (Canberra, anh Publications, 1998); Roth, “Little Women, Gender and Hierarchic Proportion in Old Kingdom Mastaba Chapels,” 281–296. Arnold, ed, The Royal Women of Amarna, 85. However this is not always the case in the relief at Tell el-Amarna. Balustrade fragments Cairo je 87300 and Cairo Temporary Number 30.10.26.12 have images of the royal couple offering to the Aten. In each scene, Nefertiti is reduced in natural size almost as much as she is on the Karnak reliefs. It is particularly noteworthy that Akhenaten is represented in the body cartouches on these balustrades, but she is not. Arnold, ed, The Royal Women of Amarna, 85. Roth, “Little Women, Gender and Hierarchic Proportion in Old Kingdom Mastaba Chapels,” 281–296. In fact she is rarely shown exactly the same height in proportion to the king. Roth points out that this is actually quite typical, although the exact reasoning for the variance in size in a single monument is unclear. I suggest that different work gangs who did not coordinate their drafts and other influencing factors such as ownership and status within a particular scene may account for the variance. However this absence of evidence is not necessarily evidence of absence. Her blue crown may be present at Kom el-Nana, but diagnostic fragments of it have not yet been identified. Roth, “Little Women, Gender and Hierarchic Proportion in Old Kingdom Mastaba Chapels,” 281–296. These variances are observed in the Old Kingdom and in nonroyal mastabas,

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of Akhenaten and Nefertiti together where the top of her head does not clear the small of his back. The two sides on Cairo Museum je 87300 do not match in terms of her height relative to Akhenaten; on one side she is smaller than on the other.95 Although she is not shown quite as small as on this balustrade je 87300, she is unnaturally small in some scenes in the tomb of May, and on Boundary Stele n,96 the tomb of Parennefer, and the tomb of Tutu, to name a few examples.97 The tomb of Meryre shows an interesting height variance in the queen’s image, more extreme than the one seen on Cairo je 87300. In the chariot procession in Meryre’s pillared hall, Nefertiti barely clears the small of the king’s back and is driving a chariot similarly reduced in scale, but in the same room, on the eastern side of the southern wall, she is more naturally proportioned.98 A similar variance is seen at the tomb of Panehesy. The lintel of his tomb shows the queen at a natural height to the king;99 her eyes are equal to the height of Akhenaten’s lower neck. But inside on the eastern thickness of the door, she is vastly reduced in height; her eyes align with Akhenaten’s breast. Context does not always easily explain the height of the women and the full reasoning behind the variance of height is not always evident. Female figures in nonroyal mastabas of the Old Kingdom show a similar height variance, increasing and decreasing in relation to the men in the scenes.100 In some cases an increase in the woman’s height is correlated with her proximity to a chapel dedicated specifically to her in the mastaba. A similar correlation cannot be observed at Amarna, as Amarna tombs are not focused on the tomb owners and their families but rather on the king and queen. Furthermore, the tomb owners and their families were the ones who exhibited height variations. The male or female “nameless” people in the tomb scenes, such as offering bearers or workers in the field, did not vary in height.101 Amarna scenes are similar, but the women and men represented as having direct contact with the royal family have clear height variances. For example, the tomb of Meryra in the pillared hall on the west side shows the royal cou-

95 96 97 98 99 100 101

so a correlation between the data sets must be approached with caution. Roeder, Hanke and the Deutsche Hermopolis-Expedition, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis, pl. 1–2; Freed, D’Auria and Markowitz, eds, Pharaohs of the Sun, 226. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part v, pl. iii, xxxiii. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part vi, pl. iii, xvi. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part i, pl. xvii. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part ii, pl. v, pl. viii. Roth, “Little Women, Gender and Hierarchic Proportion in Old Kingdom Mastaba Chapels,” 281–296. Ibid., 281–296.

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ple approaching a temple. The people of the temple are arranged at the front in several registers with their arms outstretched in praise for the arriving royal retinue. Two registers contain women wearing long pleated garments shown either taller than or at an equal height to the male priests, and taller than the men in charge of the cattle in the lowest register of the scene.102 On the lower half of the eastern wall, where Akhenaten and Nefertiti reward Meryre, the princesses and their female attendants are taller than Meryre, and are in fact taller than most of the male attendants in the scene. In those examples, rank trumps gender: the higher the rank, the taller the figure, regardless of gender. Although height can certainly indicate gender hierarchy, it is a better predictor of rank or significance. The king will by proxy be the highest ranked person in any scene and will always be taller than the next-ranked queen who will be the next-tallest figure.103 In conclusion, if Nefertiti were shown worshipping the Aten alone at her Sunshade at Kom el-Nana as on the Karnak Nefertiti Pillars and pylon, her status in the religion would have been undermined, not elevated. This would communicate that she was not elite enough to act alongside the king in rituals before the Aten. Small or not, her image standing with the king and copying his ritual gestures is a far more powerful statement regarding her status in his new religion. She is still the next-tallest to Akhenaten, so her status is emphasized and her participation in the cult is underlined.

Gender, Status, and Power at Kom el-Nana Akhenaten asserts his uniqueness and his exclusive access to the Aten in many texts from his reign.104 His primary public persona is that his word is incontrovertible because he has exclusive divine access. On the Boundary Stele, Akhenaten publicly asserts this identity, eschewing any influence other than the Aten’s word: Nor shall the King’s Chief Wife say to me, “Look there is a nice place for Akhet-Aten someplace else.” Nor shall I listen to her. Nor shall any officials 102 103

104

Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part i, pl. xa. At first I considered that her small appearance indicated that her ritual actions at the sunshade, the locus of the renewal of the sun god, benefitted both the Aten and the King as the tit of the sun god. However, her height variance appears all over the city, which demands a more uniform approach rather than a solution applying to one area only. Williamson, “Alone before the God: Gender, Status, and Nefertiti’s Image,” 179–192.

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in my presence—be they officials of favor or officials of the outside, or the chamberlains, or any people in the entire land say to me, “Look there is a nice place for Akhet-Aten someplace else.” Nor shall I listen to them … I will not say “I shall abandon Akhet Aten so that I may hasten and make Akhet-Aten in this other nice place.”105 This speech on Akhenaten’s stele is unique and unlike the mannered, stylized royal statements typical to Ancient Egypt. Nefertiti and his officials are named as individuals whose opinion is irrelevant to his decisions.106 This suggests that, true or not, Akhenaten wanted others to believe that no one had influence over him or his new religion. He wanted to show himself as a visionary with only the will of the Aten to guide him. Nefertiti’s influence, along with the rest of the court, is relegated to the sidelines in favor of the Aten’s and Akhenaten’s wishes. The inscription on the statue of the sculptor Bak indicates Akhenaten took an active role in crafting his new artistic style.107 However, no similar evidence exists for Nefertiti’s role in crafting her representations, either at Karnak or at Amarna. In fact the only information we have about her is the public identity crafted to fulfill the needs of Atenism. We cannot assert with any confidence any details of her life before she became queen. Her name was popular at the time, and may in fact have been given to her at her crowning to reinforce her association with Hathor and to gender her as the female element lacking in Atensim. As queen she needed to manifest the Hathoric elements of beauty and love to guarantee regeneration, and her representations in tombs also served Akhenaten’s theological needs.108 The identity of Nefertiti was, like all royal images from Ancient Egypt, carefully controlled to reinforce the king’s reign and, in this case, his new religion. Nefertiti’s unique and unusual status within Atenism cannot be denied. The profusion of images of Nefertiti offering to the Aten in the company of Akhenaten and using gestures identical to his communicate her importance to Akhenaten’s religion. No other queen is showcased so extensively.109 However, her images have been mistaken for Nefertiti the historic person, which has

105 106 107

108 109

Murnane, Texts from the Amarna Period in Egypt, 76–77. Specifically the early proclamation on Boundary Stelae x, m, k. Williamson, “Alone before the God: Gender, Status, and Nefertiti’s Image,” 179–192. Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung Berlin 31009. Rolf Krauss “Der Oberbildhauer Bak und sein Denkstein in Berlin,” Jahrbuch der Berliner Museen, 28 (1986): 5–46: Freed, D’Auria and Markowitz, eds, Pharaohs of the Sun, 244 cat. no. 131. Laboury, Akhénaton, 235. Note the remarkable image of Nefertiti smiting enemies of Egypt on mfa 64.521.

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given rise to many different interpretations of Nefertiti’s character without placing her and her image in context of the time period. These interpretations include investing Nefertiti with jealous and vain attributes, insisting that she was actively involved in developing Atenism, and asserting that she was a protofeminist.110 For example: I believe that Nefertiti would be a great feminist leader in today’s times. Nefertiti was not afraid to voice her own opinions, even in a time when women were supposed to be seen not heard. She took her own initiative to make things she believed needed to happen, happen. Nefertiti would definitely help get equal rights for women. In a time where it was not unheard of a pharaoh treating his wife as an equal, Nefertiti accomplished just as much if not more than her husband. Nefertiti would be appalled at the pay gap between women and men in the workplace, especially since most of the women do the same work if not more than their male counterparts. Nefertiti would empower women to take a stand for their beliefs. She would encourage women to move out of the shadow of their husbands or male superiors and make changes for themselves. Nefertiti would be a great advocate and leader for that issue because she conquered it in her own time.111 Such popular (mis)conceptions of Nefertiti are an example of anachronism, imposing modern hopes onto the past.112 The assumptions underlying these ideas seem to be the product of some modes of contemporary thought, where individuals are celebrated for acts of independence and sometimes defiance of tradition.113 In western scholarship, women are often only accorded agency, or the independent ability to act, when they rebel against social norms that proscribe their equality. If a woman acts to support the social norms that demand her subordinate status, she is seen as lacking the ability to make her own decisions, because it is assumed that the “correct” way for her to act would be in rebellion. She is thus categorized as disempowered. However power can be located in many 110 111 112 113

Dominic Montserrat, Akhenaten: History, Fantasy and Ancient Egypt (London: Routledge, 2003), 122, 145. http://queennef.wordpress.com/about/ (Last accessed September 13, 2015). Williamson, “Alone before the God: Gender, Status, and Nefertiti’s Image,” 179–192. Saba Mahmood, “Feminist Theory, Embodiment, and the Docile Agent: Some Reflections on the Egyptian Islamic Revival” Cultural Anthropology 16, no. 2 (2001): 202–236.

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places, and can be found in the conscious, educated support of a traditional power hierarchy.114 Many popular interpretations seem to look for Nefertiti’s identity in terms of western individualism or modern western feminist notions of agency: paradigms that obfuscate when applied to a culture 4,000 years removed. If Akhenaten decided to abrogate tradition and emphasize Nefertiti and her daughters as a means to communicate that abrogation, Nefertiti may have been obliged to complement and support her husband’s desires no matter her own opinion. No evidence indicates whether she was either pro or con Atenism. Akhenaten’s support of traditional gendered hierarchy in his art, along with a lack of Nefertiti’s voice in the textual record from the era, could indicate that she was a dutiful supporter. This is not to indicate a lack of “power” on Nefertiti’s part, but rather to place her involvement within the framework or hierarchy of her society. In Nefertiti’s case, that hierarchy can be defined through her role as queen and as a wife of the king. Akhenaten likely married Nefertiti around the same time he began his extreme Atenist changes at Karnak.115 He may have decided to marry at that time because Atenism needed the Hathoric element of queenship. Traditional Egyptian queenship is complex, the queen is both the king’s semidivine equal, but she also ultimately serves as the creative principle, the locus through which the eternal cycle of kingship is renewed and guaranteed. Akhenaten emphasized this identity within the restrictions of Atenism, which needed the divine female principle to inspire regeneration. The gender roles assumed by the king and queen, predicated by the identities of Shu, Tefnut, and Hathor, required the performance of those roles in the art of Amarna. Akhenaten and Nefertiti appear by bedsides, embrace, hold hands, and fondle their children, performative actions that reinforce their gendered, highly sexualized, relationship.116 In this way they both reinforce and create the gendered, sexual identities of their reigns. These repeated actions define their gendered identities and reinforce a gender hierarchy, which they perform in the visual culture of Akhenaten’s reign.117

114 115 116 117

Ibid., 202–236. Laboury, Akhénaton, 233. Traunecker, “Nefertiti la reine sans nom,” 117–134. Rosemary Joyce has successfully translated Judith Butler’s theory of gender performativity into the archaeological milieu. Joyce, “Feminist Theories of Embodiment and Anthropological Imagination: Making Bodies Matter,” in Feminist Anthropology, Past, Present, Future, eds. Pamela Geller and Miranda Stockett, 43–54 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 2006).

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Hatshepsut could not rule as a queen: she had to be represented as a male because she was “performing” a male gender role by adopting male rulership. Artistic renditions had to show her “performing” as a male. Nefertiti’s image also performed a complex role, gendered as an equal opposite in the form of Tefnut operating for the recreation of the universe, as well as the supportive divine queen whose creative capacity for renewal served at the need of the king. However her image had to walk a delicate line, accommodating the performance of what might have been conflicting identities. At Tell el-Amarna she was also performing as Akhenaten’s near equal in the cult of the Aten, a male role that could potentially undermine the king’s authority. To counteract any potential threat, her epithets focus on her beauty and her ability to inspire love, titles that recall Hathor and reinforce her gendered status. This works to ensure the king’s authority is not usurped or threatened, only reinforced and renewed.118 Thus although her diminutive form at Kom el-Nana seems to modern eyes to contradict her active engagement in Atenist ritual, the ancient viewer probably did not perceive it as such. Instead her images performed the complex identity that Akhenaten’s religious reforms required of her. Nefertiti was shown as a significant actor in the cult through her engagement in ritual. Her diminutive stature, in keeping with traditional gender representation, placed the viewer’s attention on the Aten and the king. 118

Williamson, “Alone before the God: Gender, Status, and Nefertiti’s Image,” 179–192.

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Index Abydos 157 block discovered at 154 Akhenaten access to the Aten 15, 159, 199 adoption of identity of Shu by 174 artistic style of 177, 179n, 186 Atenist changes of, at Karnak 202 belief in Nefertiti as goddess 189 body cartouches on 36, 37 building program of 10, 12 as child of the Aten 189 daughters of 18, 146–147, 183, 189–190 depiction of, as sphinx 156–157 establishment of sunshades of Re by 160 figure of, on tomb of Amarna 168 figures of 36–48 height of Nefertiti in relation to 194–195, 197–198 iconography of the Karnak colossi of 187–188 identity of 188–189 ideology of 193 as intermediary to Aten 15 as manifestation of the sun god 175 marriage to Nefertiti 202 Nefertiti as equal to 183–184 petitioning to, for afterlife benefits 185 philosophy of 191 reign of 176, 177, 182, 195, 197 rejuvenation of 150 religion of 26 rhetoric of 193 right-facing limestone scene of Nefertiti and 112–114 role of, in sunshade of Re and the rwd ʿnḫw itn 165–175 role of sunshades in religious reforms of 1–2 sarcophagus of 17 as semi divine 190–191 support of traditional gendered hierarchy 202 on tomb of Parennefeer 170 use of title tit rʾ 188 value of solar-associated structures to 16

wearing of Nubian wig by 62 worshiping of the Aten by 180, 181–182 Akhetaten (city), worshiping of Aten by royal family at 176 Amarna, Tell el- 160, 161, 166, 176 afterlife of nonroyal dead at 150 art and artists in 26, 180, 190, 191–192, 193, 202 balustrades from 181, 197–198 building construction at 28 funerary cults of nonroyal at 185 grid system in 45 hermetic identity of the divine triad of 186 house stelae found at 186–187 importance of dogmatic adherence to ideology 182–183 inscriptions at 155 King’s House in 146 nonroyal tombs at 183, 187 palaces at 136 refurbishment at 163 reliefs at 58, 195 religion of 183–184 temples at 13, 82, 136 tombs of 9, 30, 35–36, 48, 74, 137, 157, 168, 169, 196–197 mirror image scenes in 149 women in 87–88 Amarna period 8 Amarna sunshade 24 el-Amariya 1 Amun cult 192 Amunhotep iii 162 chapel of 160 reign of 16, 173 Ankhesenpaaten (princess) 105–106 birth of 177 inscription mentioning 176 sunshade of 136, 155 Apy, tomb of 83, 84, 91, 148 Ashmolean balustrade 1922.141, fragments of 22 Ashmunein 8 Ashmunein fragment no. 58 164–165 Asyut, talatat from 154

220 the Aten 8, 9–10, 13, 170 Akhenaten’s access to 15, 159, 199 body catrouche of 36 cult of 160, 203 depiction with Shu/Akhenaten and Tefnut/Nefertiti 186 as engendering power of light 186 hands of the 180 identity of 182–183 rejuvenation of 150 royal family’s association with 194 as source of self-generated fertility 160 temple to the 80–81 worshiping of the 176, 180, 181–182, 199 Aten cartouche 177 Aten cult foundation of 165 Nefertiti and 203 Aten disc 29–36, 86, 89, 90–92, 92–93, 191 arc of 31–32 original dimensions of 114 Atenism 18, 161, 176 Hathoric elements in 187 involvement of Neferti in development of 201 status of Nefertiti within 200–201 Aten religion, cosmogony of 174 Atum 182 association of the Aten with 186 Axis mundi 192 Ay, tomb of 72–73, 80, 110, 153, 157, 159, 162– 163, 167, 172, 179n, 184, 185 Bak, statue of 200 Baldachin, 168 169 representation of 170–172 Beautiful Feast of the Valley 192 Berlin family stele 179n Body cartouches 8, 26, 36–48, 87–88, 96, 98 decorative frieze with late Aten 102–104 directionality of 26 Boundary Stelae 149, 163, 164, 165, 179n, 192, 198, 199–200 British Museum hieratic ostracon bm 58890 154, 165 bm 59884 154, 165 Brooklyn Museum 16.719, 154

index Cairo Museum je 87300 37, 39, 51, 52, 55–56 No.10.11.26.4, Boundary Stele s 52 No. 20.6.28.8 138 No. 30.10.26.12 39, 55, 138 Carlos Museum (Atlanta) 154 Cavetto cornices 121, 124, 125 Chariot, limestone figures of 104–105 Coffin Text Spells 75–80, 186 Columns 82, 126–135, 193 decorative panel from limestone (reconstruction 19) 115–118 Courtiers 67–70, 73–74, 148 Cultic practices 15–16 Daughters 18, 146–147, 183, 189–190. See also Princesses, Ankhesenpaaten (princess), Mertaten (princess), Meketaten (princess) Deir el-Bahri 15, 162 Hatshepsut’s Sunshade of Re chapel at 17, 24, 159 Deir el-Hinnis, inscription from 177 Domain of Amun 165 Egyptian art height as indication of status and importance 196–197 women in 195–196 Everyday activities, representations of 194 Funerary implications

193–

172

Gabriel, Osiris 150n excavations of Kom el-Nana 1, 8 Gardens 74–75, 79 Gebel Silsila sandstone 28 Gender performativity, theory of 202n Great Aten temple 6, 9, 136, 143, 162, 163–164, 166 Great Palace 76 Great Pavement 76 Hathor 173 as solar goddess 174 Hathoric element of queenship Hatshepsut reign of 15

202

index representation of, as male 203 sunshade of 17, 24, 150, 159, 160 el-Hawata 1 Hermopolis 9 building programs at 6 structures at 136 talatat from 154 Hermopolis blocks 78–79, 96, 98, 103, 136, 137, 139, 140, 141, 143–144 Hieroglyphic inscriptions 150–165 Horemheb 136 tomb of 28 Huya, tomb of 21–22, 24, 44n, 78, 79, 160–161, 170, 179n Hypostyle Hall complex 146 Iconoclasm 6 Intersecting Chord Theorem 33 Ished Tree, inscription of king’s name on 182 Karnak Akhenaten’s Atenist changes at 202 Akhenaten’s Aten structures at 28 Nefertiti pillars and pylon at 199 reliefs at 6, 195 rwd mnw structure from Aten complex at 151 Khawam Brothers collection 154 Kheruef, tomb of 173, 187 King. See also Akhenaten primary duties of 165–166 Kiya (Akhenaten’s minor wife) 17, 18–19, 49 death of 19 Kom el-Heitan 162 Kom el-Nana 2 alignment on pathway of Royal Road 9, 11 archaeological significance of the site of 9 bread molds from 10 Central Platform at 3, 4, 22 columns from 193 construction at 177 date and style of the carving at 176–181 dating to Amarna period 1 enclosure of 166, 167, 168, 171 fragments from 150–157, 162

221 gardens at 3, 3–4, 5, 23 gender, status, and power at 199–203 general site plan of 1 hasty carving of art at 177, 179 identity of royal family in the relief at 181–191 implications of the titles of 162–165 inscriptions from 1, 10 labeling of, as Roman camp 1 lack of architecture at 4–5 limestone for structural walls at 4 map of 20 Nefertiti at 194–199 northern enclosure at 3, 5, 24 orientation to the Amarna Period at 2–7 quarrying at 6 relief figures at 7 sandstone for features at 4 southern enclosure of 3–4, 22–23 South Pavilion at 3–4 style of destruction at 6 as sunshade of Re 1, 14 western wall of 2–3 worshiping of Aten by royal family at 176 Kom el-Nana North Shrine artistic program from 137 damage from looting 26 excavation squares of 27 genres of decoration used at 26 ground plan for 135 sandstone gateway at 7, 9, 26–149, 135 talatat blocks from 27–28 Kom el-Nana South Shrine 3, 4, 5–6, 8, 26 ground plan for 135 Limestone chariot figures (reconstruction 14) 104– 105 decorative frieze with late Aten cartouche (reconstruction 21) 102–104 decorative panel from a column (reconstruction 19) 115–118 pier or panel (reconstruction 11) 100–101 quarrying of 7 reconstructions, numbers 1–7, 29–85 right-facing figure of Nefertiti with offering table (reconstruction 13) 101–102 right-facing scene of Akhenaten and Nefertiti (reconstruction 17) 112–114

222 royal family facing left (reconstruction 16) 107–112 royal family facing right (reconstruction 15) 105–107 use of 4, 7 Luxor Karnak Temple in 144 temples in 66 Maat 174, 187, 193 Mahu tomb of 83, 84 Maru-Aten 1, 136, 164 balustrade fragment from 155 columns from 193 detail of buildings at 21 enclosure of 11, 166 fragments from 23, 162 garden at 23 north and south precinct of 19 plan of 19 pools at the 76 royal family found in 23–24 sunshade at 76, 174 water court at 142 Meritaten (princess) 22, 105, 169 head of 22 inscription mentioning 22, 105, 176 sunshade of 18, 79, 156, 162 Meryre, tomb of 41–48, 62–63, 67, 68, 70, 80, 82, 91, 103, 114, 134, 145–146, 169–170, 198–199 Meryre ii, tomb of 142 Mortuary cults, association of sunshades of Re with 160 mr sign 151 Museum of Fine Arts Boston 64.19 157 Nefertiti 160 association with rebirth 17 assumption of goddesshood by 187 capacity of, as goddess 189–190 cartouches on 36, 37 character of 201 cult of Aten and 203 daughters of 18, 146–147, 183, 189–190 diminutive stature of 183, 203 as equal to Akhenaten 183–184 figures of 48–59 gender role of 160, 176

index as Great Royal Wife 177 height of, in relation to Akhenaten 180, 194–195, 197–198 iconography of 195 identity in terms of western individualism 202 involvement of in development of Atenism 201 at Kom el-Nana 194–199 lack of voice in the textual record 202 marriage to Akhenaten 202 need for female divine presence and 174 petitioning to, for afterlife benefits 185 right-facing limestone figure of, with offering table 101–102 right-facing limestone scene of Akhenaten and 112–114 role of, as queen 202 semi-divine status of 150, 172, 190–191 small stature of, in art of 176 status of, within Atenim 200–201 sunshade of 1, 12, 165–175 Tefnut and 174, 186 worshiping of the Aten by 180, 181–182, 199 Neith 189 protective role of 190 Nephtys 189 North Riverside Palace 147–148 Nubian wigs 62, 63 Offerings 82–83, 91 Offering tables 81–85, 96, 101–102, 138 Opet Festival 192 Palaces 72–73, 75, 76, 84, 85 Panehesy tomb of 62, 70, 71, 83n, 87, 91, 94– 95 Parennefer, tomb of 58, 59, 148, 170, 172, 198 Pentu, tomb of 160–161 Petrie, Flinders, map published by 1 Pillars of Nefertiti 144 Priests 70–72 Princesses. See also Ankhesenpaaten (princess); Meketaten (princess); Meritaten (princess) figures of 60–61

index Princesses Panel, Ashmolean Museum 1893.1.43(267) 146, 148 Proper right 29 pr sign 151 Queen. See also Hatshepsut; Nefertiti; Tiye, Queen cosmogonal aspects of 174–175 Ramses ii 6, 17, 136 reign of 165 Ramses iii, chapel of 160 Reconstructions in context 136–149 Reconstructions: method and application 26–118 reconstructions 1–7 in limestone 29– 85 reconstructions 1–3 supplemental details, summary, context 61– 67 Aten discs 29–36 figures of the king and the body cartouche method 36–48 figures of the princesses 60–61 figures of the queen 48–59 scenes of courtiers, a palace, a temple, and offering tables 67–85 limestone reconstructions 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19, 21 and sandstone reconstruction 18, 100–118 chariot figures (reconstruction 14) 104–105 decorative frieze with late Aten cartouche (reconstruction 21) 102–104 decorative, inscribed panels in sandstone (reconstruction 18) 114–115 decorative panel from a column (reconstruction 19) 115–118 left-facing limestone scene with the royal family (reconstruction 16) 107–112 limestone pier or panel (reconstruction 11) 100–101 limestone scene of the royal family facing right (reconstruction 15) 105–107 right-facing limestone figure of Nefertiti

223 with offering table (reconstruction 13) 101–102 right-facing limestone scene of Akhenaten and Nefertiti (reconstruction 17) 112–114 reconstructions 8, 9, 10, 12 in sandstone 85–98 unclear fragments 98–99 Re-Horakhty 15 sunshade dedicated to 15 Re temples, sunshades of 1 Robins’ system of grids and proportions 26, 37–38, 39, 41n, 51, 55, 63 Royal family artistic representation of daily life of 191 limestone scene of facing left (Reconstruction 16) 10–112 limestone scene of facing right (Reconstruction 15) 105–107 Royal Road path of 9, 11 at Tell el-Amarna 192–193 rwd ʿnḫw itn fragments from Kom el-Nana with 150– 157 identity and function of 157–161 role of Akhenaten and Nefertiti at 165– 175 Sandstone decorative, inscribed panels in (reconstruction 18) 114–115 Gebel Silsila 28 reconstructions 8, 9, 10, 12 in sandstone 85–93 use of 4, 7 Sedinga 173 Selket 189 protective role of 190 Senemiah, tomb 127 of 150, 158 Serpico, Margaret 6 Sheshat 182 Shu 18, 174, 186, 202 identity of 202 Small Aten temple 6, 9, 143, 162, 166 Solar cycle, rejuvenation of daily 191– 194 Sun disc 151

224

index

Sunshade of Re 1, 12–13, 24, 172 association with mortuary cults 160 evidence for 16 fragments from Kom el-Nana with 150– 157 function of 150 role in the funerary cults at Amarna 185 role of Akhenaten and Nefertiti at 165– 175 at Tell el-Amarna 16–17, 195 Sunshades role of in Akhenaten’s religious reforms 1–2 Syncretism 182

royal road of 192–193 sunshades of Re at 1, 16–17, 195 tomb of Ay at 153 tombs at 136 Thebes Amun cult at 192 haphazard organization of 192 Thoth 182 tit, cosmogonical overtones of 188 Tiye, Queen 1, 17, 49, 79, 173, 187 sunshade of 24 Torus moldings 119–121, 122 Tutu, tomb of 45–46, 72, 77, 80, 91, 161, 198 twt 188

Talatat 6 Tefnut 18, 174, 202, 203 Nefertiti and 174, 186 Tell el-Amarna 6, 139, 144 afterlife of the nobles at 161 construction at 181 lack of orthogonal planning 192 map of 1 occupation at 177, 179 relief from 66

Uraeus 63 Uraeus frieze

121, 125, 126

Viewer’s right

29

Water-courts at the Maru-Aten 76, 77, 79 Western scholarship, women in 201–202 Women in Egyptian art 195–196 in western scholarship 201–202

Nefertiti’s Sun Temple

Harvard Egyptological Studies Editor Peter Der Manuelian (Harvard University)

Harvard Egyptological Studies This monograph series (“hes”) was established in 2015 to present scholarly publications in the field of Egyptology. It highlights, but is by no means limited to, sites and selected aspects of the Harvard University-Boston Museum of Fine Arts Expedition (1905–1947). Invited topics include recent PhD dissertations; reports from excavations; specialized studies in ancient Egyptian language, history, and culture; conference proceedings; publications of scholarly archives; and historiographical works covering the field of Egyptology. Harvard Egyptological Studies is published by the Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, and the Department of Anthropology, both of which are in the Faculty of Arts and Sciences at Harvard University.

volume 2/2

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/hes

Nefertiti’s Sun Temple A New Cult Complex at Tell el-Amarna volume 2

by

Jacquelyn Williamson

leiden | boston

Cover illustration: Standing figure of Nefertiti from Amarna, house P 47.2. Limestone. Ägyptisches Museum, ÄM 21263. Photo courtesy Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, Berlin. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Williamson, Jacquelyn, author. Title: Nefertiti's sun temple : a new cult complex at Tell El-Amarna / by Jacquelyn Williamson. Other titles: Harvard Egyptological studies ; v. 2. Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill, 2016. | Series: Harvard Egyptological studies ; volume 2 | Includes bibliography and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2016028375 (print) | LCCN 2016028912 (ebook) | ISBN 9789004325524 (hardback, set : alk. paper) | ISBN 9789004325531 (hardback, volume 1 : alk. paper) | ISBN 9789004325548 (hardback, volume 2 : alk. paper) | ISBN 9789004325555 (e-book) Subjects: LCSH: Kom el-Nana Site (Egypt) | Temples–Egypt–Kom el-Nana Site. | Relief (Decorative arts)–Egypt–Kom el-Nana Site. | Nefertiti, Queen of Egypt, active 14th century B.C. | Tell el-Amarna (Egypt) | Egyptians–Antiquities. Classification: LCC DT73.T25 W55 2016 (print) | LCC DT73.T25 (ebook) | DDC 932/.2–dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016028375

Want or need Open Access? Brill Open offers you the choice to make your research freely accessible online in exchange for a publication charge. Review your various options on brill.com/brill-open. Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface. issn 2352-7501 isbn 978-90-04-32552-4 (hardback, set) isbn 978-90-04-32553-1 (hardback, volume 1) isbn 978-90-04-32554-8 (hardback, volume 2) isbn 978-90-04-32555-5 (e-book) Copyright 2016 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi and Hotei Publishing. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill nv provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, ma 01923, usa. Fees are subject to change. This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

Contents Introduction 225 Catalogue: Square X39 Catalogue: Square Y39 Catalogue: Square W38 Catalogue: Square X38 Catalogue: Square X37 Catalogue: Square X36

227 261 282 304 327 371

Reconstructions (Color Plates) Other Color Plates

427

406

Introduction to the Catalogue The diagnostic stone fragments from the North Shrine at Kom el-Nana are presented in this catalogue starting from the northern excavation squares progressing to the south in the following order: x39, y39, w38, x38, x37, x36. When possible the fragments have been arranged in ascending numerical sequence. Margaret Serpico assigned most of the numbers to the stone fragments and designed the storage system for them; this work would not have been possible without her. Dr. Serpico assigned numbers to the fragments in the order they arrived in the Tell el-Amarna dig house, and thus are not representative of the order in which they were excavated but rather in the order of their arrival in the house. The numbers for one square often proceed sequentially only to have a large break in that sequence, resumed later at a higher number, reflecting the completion of one tray and the start of another from a different square. These numbers take the format: “ta kn x36 s-” which stands for Tell el-Amarna Kom el-Nana, square x36, Stone number- ?. These numbers usually appear as “s-123” for example. However some very small fragments, usually those less than 3 cm, were registered as a collection according to lot or find bag, rather than individually. For clarity the author assigned numbers to these fragments using a different format so that they could not be mistaken for the original registration numbers. Thus the form “s-x36a, s-x36b etc” was often used to mark fragments that were either omitted from or were too small for the original registration efforts. Also over the years some fragments were assigned two different numbers—cross cataloging them for the future Amarna site museum/visitor’s center. Some confusion arose when this was discovered. To resolve the confusion for this catalogue only, the original number was combined with a “/1, /2” leading to the form s-1234/1. It should be noted that this is a catalogue of all potentially diagnostic fragments from the excavation of the North Shrine. Due to the limitations of print media only the primary decorated side of a fragment can be included here. Some of these fragments are decorated on two sides: the architectural fragments in particular are often decorated on three sides. In a few cases it was possible to include additional photographs. Many of these fragments are painted, but a full color catalogue was economically prohibitive. A selection of painted fragments and fragments that join to others can be seen in the color plates. An effort has been made to orient the fragments correctly in the photographs, but it is the author’s hope that the more enigmatic fragments will be identified

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi: 10.1163/9789004325555_008

226

introduction to the catalogue

in the future. To avoid biasing the viewer the author included only numbers, dimensions, and stone type (limestone/sandstone) in the labels. All the fragments are arranged in trays in the Amarna site magazine and can be studied further with the proper permissions. The author photographed these fragments over several years and circumstances often imposed limitations in the quality of photography. An effort has been made to make the catalogue entries as uniform in appearance as possible. Credit should be given to the following former students of the author, who contributed to the formatting of these photographs (in alphabetical order): Lauren Amacio, Caitlin Chang, Althea Francis, Stephanie Malyn, Joan Maro, Geneva Million, Emily Rozhon, Siobhan Shinn, and Jeremy Simmons.

Catalogue: Square X39

s-x39a

h: 3.9 cm, w: 3.8 cm, Limestone

s-x39b

h: 4.9cm, w: 3cm, Limestone

s-x39c

h: 3.2 cm, w: 1.8 cm, Limestone

s-x39d

h: 2.8cm, w: 2.1cm, Limestone

s-x39e

h: 1.6 cm, w: 3.7 cm, Limestone

s-x39f

h: 2.9cm, w: 4.4cm, Limestone

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi: 10.1163/9789004325555_201

228

catalogue: square x39

s-x39g

h: 3.2 cm, w: 3.1 cm, Limestone

s-6/3

h: 1.5cm, w: 4cm, Limestone

s-6/4

h: 1.5 cm, w: 3 cm, Limestone

s-108

h: 8.3cm, w: 3.6cm, Limestone

s-110

h: 5.5 cm, w: 13 cm, Limestone

s-114

h: 3.8cm, w: 5.8cm, Limestone

229

catalogue: square x39

s-115

h: 6.7 cm, w: 8 cm, Limestone

s-117

h: 8.8cm, w: 6.1cm, Limestone

s-118

h: 5.5 cm, w: 7.7 cm, Limestone

s-122

h: 2cm, w: 2.5cm, Limestone

s-123

h: 8.7 cm, w: 5.9 cm, Limestone

s-124

h: 7cm, w: 5.9cm, Limestone

230

catalogue: square x39

s-125

h: 5.9 cm, w: 5.6 cm, Limestone

s-126

h: 5.5cm, w: 6.5cm, Limestone

s-131

h: 3.2 cm, w: 4.1 cm, Limestone

s-132

h: 6.6cm, w: 5.3cm, Limestone

s-134

h: 7.9 cm, w: 3.7 cm, Limestone

s-135

h: 3.3cm, w: 6.4cm, Sandstone

231

catalogue: square x39

s-136

h: 2.5 cm, w: 4.3 cm, Sandstone

s-137

h: 2cm, w: 4.8cm, Sandstone

s-138

h: 2.8 cm, w: 5.5 cm, Sandstone

s-139

h: 1.8cm, w: 10cm, Sandstone

s-140

h: 7 cm, w: 6 cm, Sandstone

s-141

h: 3.5cm, w: 9.5cm, Sandstone

232

catalogue: square x39

s-142

h: 4.5 cm, w: 6.5 cm, Sandstone

s-143

h: 10cm, w: 3.5cm, Limestone

s-144

h: 6.5 cm, w: 13 cm, Limestone

s-145

h: 2.5cm, w: 6.5cm, Limestone

s-146

h: 5 cm, w: 6 cm, Limestone

s-148

h: 8.5cm, w: 10cm, Limestone

233

catalogue: square x39

s-149

h: 3.5 cm, w: 6.5 cm, Limestone

s-153

h: 7.2cm, w: 6cm, Limestone

s-154

h: 3 cm, w: 4.5 cm, Limestone

s-155

h: 9.2cm, w: 9cm, Limestone

s-159

h: 8.5 cm, w: 7.4 cm, Limestone

s-163

h: 10cm, w: 5cm, Limestone

234

catalogue: square x39

s-166

h: 2 cm, w: 6.2 cm, Limestone

s-169

h: 3.5cm, w: 9.5cm, Limestone

s-170

h: 8.4 cm, w: 7 cm, Limestone

s-172

h: 4.6cm, w: 6.2cm, Limestone

s-174

h: 6.1 cm, w: 2.9 cm, Limestone

s-175

h: 4.5cm, w: 6cm, Limestone

235

catalogue: square x39

s-180

h: 14.3 cm, w: 10.7 cm, Limestone

s-181

h: 8cm, w: 8.5cm, Limestone

s-182

h: 6.7 cm, w: 6.7 cm, Limestone

s-186

h: 5.8cm, w: 2.9cm, Limestone

s-187

h: 5.3 cm, w: 6 cm, Limestone

s-188

h: 7.6cm, w: 4.9cm, Limestone

236

catalogue: square x39

s-189

h: 4 cm, w: 7.5 cm, Limestone

s-190

h: 3cm, w: 13.5cm, Limestone

s-191

h: 8 cm, w: 5 cm, Limestone

s-194

h: 6.5cm, w: 10.5cm, Limestone

s-196

h: 3.5 cm, w: 7 cm, Limestone

s-198

h: 7.3cm, w: 4.3cm, Limestone

237

catalogue: square x39

s-199

h: 8 cm, w: 5 cm, Limestone

s-200

h: 4cm, w: 6.5cm, Limestone

s-201

h: 3.5 cm, w: 12 cm, Sandstone

s-204

h: 4cm, w: 10.5cm, Sandstone

s-206

h: 5 cm, w: 6.5 cm, Limestone

s-210

h: 6.7cm, w: 4.5cm, Limestone

238

catalogue: square x39

s-2/10

h: 4 cm, w: 3.5 cm, Limestone

s-217

h: 8cm, w: 10cm, Limestone

s-221

h: 8 cm, w: 10 cm, Limestone

s-222

h: 10cm, w: 16cm, Limestone

s-223

h: 7.5 cm, w: 3 cm, Sandstone

s-224

h: 11cm, w: 6cm, Sandstone

239

catalogue: square x39

s-5/14

h: 8 cm, w: 2.5 cm, Limestone

s-584

h: 9cm, w: 10cm, Limestone

s-585

h: 6 cm, w: 4 cm, Limestone

s-587

h: 5.5cm, w: 5cm, Limestone

s-590

h: 4.7 cm, w: 7.7 cm, Limestone

s-591

h: 7.3cm, w: 5.7cm, Limestone

240

catalogue: square x39

s-592

h: 3.5 cm, w: 5.5 cm, Limestone

s-593

h: 3.6cm, w: 4.3cm, Limestone

s-595

h: 4.5 cm, w: 5 cm, Limestone

s-596

h: 6.8cm, w: 9.1cm, Limestone

s-598

h: 5.4 cm, w: 15.5 cm, Limestone

s-599

h: 2.6cm, w: 6.1cm, Limestone

241

catalogue: square x39

s-601

h: 3 cm, w: 7 cm, Sandstone

s-603

h: 5cm, w: 3.5cm, Sandstone

s-607

h: 5.5 cm, w: 3.5 cm, Limestone

s-609

h: 7.9cm, w: 4.4cm, Limestone

s-610

h: 5.1 cm, w: 6.3 cm, Limestone

s-612

h: 3.9cm, w: 6.8cm, Limestone

242

catalogue: square x39

s-615

h: 6.3 cm, w: 5.2 cm, Limestone

s-616

h: 3cm, w: 11cm, Limestone

s-617

h: 8.8 cm, w: 5 cm, Limestone

s-618

h: 5.2cm, w: 5.6cm, Limestone

s-619

h: 5 cm, w: 4.5 cm, Limestone

s-620

h: 8.9cm, w: 4.8cm, Limestone

243

catalogue: square x39

s-622

h: 8 cm, w: 6.5 cm, Limestone

s-624

h: 3.5cm, w: 7.8cm, Sandstone

s-625

h: 9.5 cm, w: 7.3 cm, Sandstone

s-626

h: 7.5cm, w: 3.5cm, Limestone

s-653

h: 5.5 cm, w: 6 cm, Limestone

s-654

h: 2.7cm, w: 9cm, Limestone

244

catalogue: square x39

s-655

h: 10.6 cm, w: 4.1 cm, Limestone

s-656

h: 8.5cm, w: 7cm, Limestone

s-658

h: 9.5 cm, w: 6.5 cm, Limestone

s-659

h: 11cm, w: 6.5cm, Limestone

s-660

h: 4 cm, w: 4.1 cm, Limestone

s-661

h: 3.7cm, w: 7.5cm, Limestone

245

catalogue: square x39

s-663

h: 13.8 cm, w: 8.2 cm, Limestone

s-666

h: 4.5cm, w: 2.5cm, Limestone

s-670

h: 7 cm, w: 2 cm, Limestone

s-672

h: 9cm, w: 7.6cm, Limestone

s-673

h: 5.7 cm, w: 10.4 cm, Limestone

s-675

h: 4.5cm, w: 5.5cm, Limestone

246

catalogue: square x39

s-676

h: 6 cm, w: 9 cm, Limestone

s-677

h: 4.5cm, w: 8cm, Sandstone

s-680

h: 4.5 cm, w: 18 cm, Sandstone

s-713

h: 5.5cm, w: 9.5cm, Limestone

s-1111

h: 4 cm, w: 11 cm, Sandstone

s-2290

h: 5.7cm, w: 14.6cm, Limestone

247

catalogue: square x39

s-2291

h: 4.6 cm, w: 9.2 cm, Limestone

s-2292

h: 4cm, w: 6cm, Limestone

s-2293

h: 18.5 cm, w: 10.5 cm, Limestone

s-2294

h: 13cm, w: 10cm, Limestone

s-2426

h: 3.4 cm, w: 9.7 cm, Limestone

s-2460

h: 5cm, w: 18cm, Limestone

248

catalogue: square x39

s-2463

h: 4.5 cm, w: 10.6 cm, Limestone

s-2464

h: 6.9cm, w: 3.8cm, Limestone

s-2465

h: 3.3 cm, w: 8 cm, Sandstone

s-2466

h: 4.3cm, w: 4.4cm, Limestone

s-2467

h: 6 cm, w: 3.5 cm, Limestone

s-2470

h: 3.6cm, w: 5.6cm, Limestone

249

catalogue: square x39

s-2471

h: 4.1 cm, w: 5.7 cm, Limestone

s-2472

h: 3cm, w: 3.5cm, Limestone

s-2473

h: 4.7 cm, w: 2.7 cm, Limestone

s-2474

h: 6cm, w: 2.8cm, Limestone

s-2475

h: 5 cm, w: 19 cm, Sandstone

s-2476

h: 4.5cm, w: 4cm, Limestone

250

catalogue: square x39

s-2477

h: 6 cm, w: 10.3 cm, Limestone

s-2478

h: 8.9cm, w: 6.9cm, Limestone

s-2479

h: 5.9 cm, w: 14.6 cm, Limestone

s-2480

h: 5.6cm, w: 7.9cm, Limestone

s-2481

h: 4.5 cm, w: 6.8 cm, Limestone

s-2482

h: 3cm, w: 6.5cm, Sandstone

251

catalogue: square x39

s-2484

h: 6.7 cm, w: 4.2 cm, Sandstone

s-2485

h: 6.8cm, w: 12.3cm, Limestone

s-2486

h: 7.5 cm, w: 16 cm, Sandstone

s-2530

h: 4.6cm, w: 5.2cm, Limestone

s-2531

h: 3.9 cm, w: 6.5 cm, Limestone

s-2536

h: 4.7cm, w: 10.3cm, Limestone

252

catalogue: square x39

s-2537

h: 5.5 cm, w: 3.6 cm, Limestone

s-2540

h: 6.1cm, w: 5.3cm, Limestone

s-2543

h: 7.1 cm, w: 7.5 cm, Sandstone

s-2551

h: 4.4cm, w: 5.3cm, Limestone

s-2552

h: 11.7 cm, w: 12 cm, Sandstone

s-2553

h: 3.4cm, w: 6cm, Sandstone

253

catalogue: square x39

s-2554

h: 7.6 cm, w: 9.1 cm, Limestone

s-2762

h: 18cm, w: 19cm, Limestone

s-3383

h: 3.2 cm, w: 9.5 cm, Limestone

s-3397

h: 8.8cm, w: 5.4cm, Limestone

s-3401

h: 17.5 cm, w: 6.1 cm, Limestone

s-3414

h: 3.7cm, w: 3.3cm, Limestone

254

catalogue: square x39

s-3421

h: 10 cm, w: 4.5 cm, Sandstone

s-3422

h: 4.5cm, w: 6.5cm, Sandstone

s-3425

h: 5 cm, w: 5.5 cm, Sandstone

s-3427

h: 5.3cm, w: 4cm, Sandstone

s-3428

h: 4.4 cm, w: 3 cm, Sandstone

s-3429

h: 4.4cm, w: 3cm, Sandstone

255

catalogue: square x39

s-3431

h: 3.5 cm, w: 3 cm, Sandstone

s-3433

h: 15cm, w: 7.8cm, Limestone

s-3475

h: 9.2 cm, w: 5.9 cm, Limestone

s-3636

h: 12.9cm, w: 4.8cm, Limestone

s-3637

h: 12.5 cm, w: 6.5 cm, Limestone

s-3643

h: 4.3cm, w: 5.8cm, Limestone

256

catalogue: square x39

s-3644

h: 8.1 cm, w: 4.7 cm, Limestone

s-3645

h: 13.5cm, w: 6cm, Limestone

s-3646

h: 10 cm, w: 4 cm, Limestone

s-3647

h: 7.2cm, w: 11.8cm, Limestone

s-3650

h: 4 cm, w: 5.5 cm, Limestone

s-3651

h: 7.5cm, w: 9cm, Sandstone

257

catalogue: square x39

s-3652

h: 3.6 cm, w: 4.1 cm, Limestone

s-3653

h: 7.5cm, w: 9cm, Sandstone

s-3655

h: 3.9 cm, w: 4.8 cm, Limestone

s-3657

h: 3.5cm, w: 3cm, Limestone

s-3659

h: 4.2 cm, w: 3.1 cm, Limestone

s-3660

h: 12.6cm, w: 6.7cm, Limestone

258

catalogue: square x39

s-3663

h: 1.5 cm, w: 7.4 cm, Limestone

s-3665

h: 5.8cm, w: 18cm, Sandstone

s-3667

h: 10.8 cm, w: 11.8 cm, Limestone

s-3669

h: 5.2cm, w: 7.3cm, Limestone

s-3670

h: 10.6 cm, w: 6 cm, Limestone

s-3673

h: 6.1cm, w: 3.1cm, Limestone

259

catalogue: square x39

s-3679

h: 10.2 cm, w: 7.4 cm, Limestone

s-3680

h: 8.8cm, w: 7.1cm, Limestone

s-3986

h: 12.5 cm, w: 20 cm, Sandstone

s-3997

h: 5.5cm, w: 9cm, Limestone

s-4009

h: 21 cm, w: 13 cm, Limestone

s-4024

h: 26cm, w: 24.5cm, Limestone

260

catalogue: square x39

s-4034

h: 23cm, w: 33 cm, Limestone

s-4047

h: 23cm, w: 27.5cm, Limestone

s-2539/1

h: 9.5 cm, w: 3.4 cm, Limestone

s-5126/1

h: 7.5cm, w: 4.5cm, Limestone

s-5126/2

h: 4 cm, w: 4 cm, Sandstone

s-3409

h: 10.2cm, w: 3.8cm, Limestone

Catalogue: Square Y39

s-y39a

h: 4.9 cm, w: 4.5 cm, Limestone

s-y39b

h: 3.2cm, w: 3.1cm, Limestone

s-1/10

h: 16.5 cm, w: 11 cm, Limestone

s-1412

h: 3cm, w: 7cm, Limestone

s-1415

h: 19.5 cm, w: 18 cm, Limestone

s-1416

h: 7cm, w: 9.5cm, Limestone

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi: 10.1163/9789004325555_202

262

catalogue: square y39

s-1419

h: 7.2 cm, w: 7.6 cm, Limestone

s-1421

h: 8cm, w: 23cm, Limestone

s-1422

h: 10 cm, w: 4.5 cm, Limestone

s-1424

h: 5.5cm, w: 5.7cm, Limestone

s-1427

h: 5 cm, w: 3.5 cm, Sandstone

s-1429

h: 9.5cm, w: 5.5cm, Sandstone

263

catalogue: square y39

s-1430

h: 8 cm, w: 9.4 cm, Limestone

s-1432

h: 6cm, w: 11cm, Limestone

s-1453

h: 8 cm, w: 10.5 cm, Limestone

s-1640

h: 5cm, w: 10cm, Limestone

s-1641

h: 6 cm, w: 10 cm, Limestone

s-1642

h: 3.5cm, w: 5.5cm, Limestone

264

catalogue: square y39

s-1645

h: 4.5 cm, w: 8.4 cm, Limestone

s-1646

h: 10cm, w: 4cm, Limestone

s-1647

h: 9.8 cm, w: 9.8 cm, Limestone

s-1651

h: 5cm, w: 3.7cm, Limestone

s-1653

h: 9 cm, w: 3.5 cm, Limestone

s-1655

h: 8.5cm, w: 6.5cm, Limestone

265

catalogue: square y39

s-1659

h: 4 cm, w: 4 cm, Limestone

s-1664

h: 11cm, w: 13cm, Limestone

s-1665

h: 5.5 cm, w: 10 cm, Limestone

s-1666

h: 11cm, w: 3.5cm, Sandstone

s-1668

h: 3.5 cm, w: 5 cm, Sandstone

s-1678

h: 5.9cm, w: 6.5cm, Limestone

266

catalogue: square y39

s-1680

h: 2.5 cm, w: 6.3 cm, Limestone

s-1681

h: 7cm, w: 13.5cm, Limestone

s-1685

h: 5 cm, w: 5.5 cm, Limestone

s-1690

h: 5cm, w: 4.5cm, Limestone

s-1693

h: 6.8 cm, w: 4.3 cm, Limestone

s-1696

h: 5.5cm, w: 10cm, Sandstone

267

catalogue: square y39

s-1697

h: 6 cm, w: 11 cm, Limestone

s-1698

h: 8cm, w: 8.5cm, Limestone

s-1700

h: 4 cm, w: 4 cm, Limestone

s-1701

h: 8cm, w: 11cm, Limestone

s-1702

h: 7 cm, w: 8.5 cm, Sandstone

s-1703

h: 6cm, w: 7cm, Limestone

268

catalogue: square y39

s-1704

h: 11.5 cm, w: 6.5 cm, Sandstone

s-1705

h: 10cm, w: 9cm, Limestone

s-1707

h: 15 cm, w: 17 cm, Limestone

s-1708

h: 15cm, w: 16.5cm, Limestone

s-1871

h: 9.5 cm, w: 11 cm, Sandstone

s-1872

h: 22cm, w: 11.1cm, Limestone

269

catalogue: square y39

s-1875

h: 4.1 cm, w: 7.1 cm, Limestone

s-1876

h: 5.3cm, w: 16.3cm, Sandstone

s-2123

h: 22 cm, w: 10 cm, Limestone

s-2152

h: 5.5cm, w: 5.7cm, Limestone

s-2155

h: 16 cm, w: 8.5 cm, Limestone

s-2156

h: 6cm, w: 11.5cm, Limestone

270

catalogue: square y39

s-2157

h: 15 cm, w: 17 cm, Limestone

s-2158

h: 12cm, w: 7cm, Sandstone

s-2164

h: 1.5 cm, w: 12 cm, Sandstone

s-2237

h: 6.5cm, w: 3cm, Limestone

s-2239

h: 3.5 cm, w: 14.5 cm, Sandstone

s-2241

h: 3cm, w: 6.5cm, Limestone

271

catalogue: square y39

s-2242

h: 2.5 cm, w: 8 cm, Sandstone

s-2244

h: 8cm, w: 7cm, Sandstone

s-2245

h: 9.5 cm, w: 12.9 cm, Limestone

s-2257

h: 12.3cm, w: 8.5cm, Limestone

s-2278

h: 5 cm, w: 11 cm, Sandstone

s-2279

h: 6cm, w: 10.5cm, Limestone

272

catalogue: square y39

s-2281

h: 5 cm, w: 19.5 cm, Sandstone

s-2285

h: 6cm, w: 14cm, Limestone

s-2286

h: 7 cm, w: 6.5 cm, Limestone

s-2288

h: 8cm, w: 9.8cm, Limestone

s-2507

h: 8.5 cm, w: 16 cm, Limestone

s-2508

h: 15cm, w: 17cm, Limestone

273

catalogue: square y39

s-2510

h: 6 cm, w: 5.3 cm, Limestone

s-2511

h: 4cm, w: 4cm, Limestone

s-2514

h: 9.4 cm, w: 7.5 cm, Limestone

s-2515

h: 13.2cm, w: 5.6cm, Limestone

s-2516

h: 6 cm, w: 8.9 cm, Limestone

s-2517

h: 7.5cm, w: 12cm, Limestone

274

catalogue: square y39

s-2518

h: 9 cm, w: 4 cm, Limestone

s-2539

h: 18cm, w: 9.5cm, Limestone

s-2562

h: 12 cm, w: 4 cm, Limestone

s-2570

h: 14.5cm, w: 12cm, Limestone

s-2572

h: 24 cm, w: 18.5 cm, Limestone

s-2638

h: 13.5cm, w: 9.5cm, Limestone

275

catalogue: square y39

s-2640

h: 10 cm, w: 25 cm, Sandstone

s-2767

h: 23cm, w: 8cm, Limestone

s-3805

h: 16.5 cm, w: 11.5 cm, Limestone

s-3807

h: 5.9cm, w: 6.7cm, Limestone

276

catalogue: square y39

s-3809

h: 11 cm, w: 5 cm, Sandstone

s-3811

h: 7cm, w: 8.5cm, Sandstone

s-3812

h: 6 cm, w: 12 cm, Sandstone

s-3814

h: 4.3cm, w: 6.4cm, Sandstone

s-3821

h: 4 cm, w: 6 cm, Limestone

s-3824

h: 5.5cm, w: 4cm, Limestone

277

catalogue: square y39

s-3829

h: 3 cm, w: 6.5 cm, Sandstone

s-3831

h: 8.5cm, w: 5cm, Sandstone

s-3837

h: 16.7 cm, w: 10 cm, Limestone

s-3839

h: 4.5cm, w: 11cm, Limestone

s-3843

h: 6.6 cm, w: 15.3 cm, Limestone

s-3844

h: 6.5cm, w: 9cm, Limestone

278

catalogue: square y39

s-3845

h: 17cm, w: 7 cm, Limestone

s-3847

h: 15.5cm, w: 10cm, Limestone

s-3851

h: 6.5 cm, w: 9.8 cm, Sandstone

s-3852

h: 7.5cm, w: 3cm, Limestone

s-3853

h: 17cm, w: 7.5 cm, Limestone

s-3854

h: 9.5cm, w: 6.3cm, Limestone

279

catalogue: square y39

s-3855

h: 14 cm, w: 5 cm, Limestone

s-3863

h: 2cm, w: 5.5cm, Sandstone

s-3870

h: 10 cm, w: 9 cm, Sandstone

s-3952

h: 4.5cm, w: 13.5cm, Sandstone

s-3970

h: 8 cm, w: 20 cm, Limestone

s-3971

h: 19cm, w: 7.5cm, Limestone

280

catalogue: square y39

s-3975

h: 14 cm, w: 24 cm, Limestone

s-3977

h: 19cm, w: 11cm, Limestone

s-4010

h: 16 cm, w: 13 cm, Limestone

s-4015

h: 13.5cm, w: 24cm, Limestone

s-4017

h: 14 cm, w: 13 cm, Limestone

s-4019

h: 19cm, w: 31.5cm, Sandstone

281

catalogue: square y39

s-4031

h: 23 cm, w: 22 cm, Limestone

s-5652

h: 11.5cm, w: 16cm, Limestone

Catalogue: Square W38

s-1789

h: 4.8 cm, w: 5.3 cm, Limestone

s-1790

h: 5.3cm, w: 4.3cm, Limestone

s-1791

h: 4.5 cm, w: 5.7 cm, Sandstone

s-1792

h: 2.8cm, w: 5.6cm, Sandstone

s-1793

h: 5.9 cm, w: 3.6 cm, Limestone

s-1794

h: 3.3cm, w: 8.1cm, Sandstone

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi: 10.1163/9789004325555_203

283

catalogue: square w38

s-1796

h: 4.8 cm, w: 10.2 cm, Sandstone

s-1797

h: 2.6cm, w: 5.2cm, Sandstone

s-1798

h: 5.3 cm, w: 3.3 cm, Limestone

s-1799

h: 3.7cm, w: 15cm, Limestone

s-1800

h: 5.6 cm, w: 18.5 cm, Sandstone

s-1801

h: 3.7cm, w: 11.2cm, Sandstone

284

catalogue: square w38

s-1802

h: 4.1 cm, w: 9.8 cm, Sandstone

s-1803

h: 7.2cm, w: 11.3cm, Sandstone

s-1804

h: 4.7 cm, w: 11.1 cm, Sandstone

s-1805

h: 8cm, w: 2.6cm, Sandstone

s-1806

h: 5.6 cm, w: 5.8 cm, Limestone

s-1807

h: 6.2cm, w: 4.7cm, Limestone

285

catalogue: square w38

s-1808

h: 4 cm, w: 5.7 cm, Limestone

s-1810

h: 5.4cm, w: 2.6cm, Limestone

s-1811

h: 5.4 cm, w: 5.7 cm, Limestone

s-1812

h: 6.8cm, w: 4.8cm, Limestone

s-1813

h: 6.9 cm, w: 9.7 cm, Limestone

s-1814

h: 6.7cm, w: 3cm, Limestone

286

catalogue: square w38

s-1815

h: 4.5 cm, w: 3.9 cm, Sandstone

s-1816

h: 6.4cm, w: 1.7cm, Sandstone

s-1817

h: 6.1 cm, w: 4.5 cm, Sandstone

s-1820

h: 5.2cm, w: 5.1cm, Limestone

s-1821

h: 5.1 cm, w: 6.8 cm, Limestone

s-1823

h: 7.2cm, w: 7.1cm, Sandstone

287

catalogue: square w38

s-1824

h: 7.7 cm, w: 5.9 cm, Sandstone

s-1826

h: 6.5cm, w: 12.6cm, Sandstone

s-1829

h: 6.4 cm, w: 4.9 cm, Limestone

s-1831

h: 10.5cm, w: 3.4cm, Limestone

s-1832

h: 5 cm, w: 4.1 cm, Limestone

s-1834

h: 11.1cm, w: 7.5cm, Sandstone

288

catalogue: square w38

s-1835

h: 3.7 cm, w: 9.6 cm, Limestone

s-1838

h: 3.9cm, w: 4.8cm, Sandstone

s-1839

h: 5.9 cm, w: 13.3 cm, Sandstone

s-1840

h: 7.3cm, w: 4.2cm, Sandstone

s-1842

h: 4.2 cm, w: 5.5 cm, Limestone

s-1843

h: 2.3cm, w: 6.1cm, Sandstone

289

catalogue: square w38

s-1844

h: 4.1 cm, w: 16 cm, Sandstone

s-1845

h: 12.7cm, w: 11.8cm, Sandstone

s-1846

h: 6.4 cm, w: 5 cm, Sandstone

s-1847

h: 3.4cm, w: 6.6cm, Limestone

s-1848

h: 5.2 cm, w: 4.6 cm, Limestone

s-1849

h: 5.9cm, w: 3.6cm, Sandstone

290

catalogue: square w38

s-1851

h: 5.4 cm, w: 5 cm, Sandstone

s-1852

h: 12.2cm, w: 11cm, Sandstone

s-1853

h: 7 cm, w: 4.8 cm, Limestone

s-1854

h: 3.8cm, w: 5.8cm, Sandstone

s-1855

h: 11.8 cm, w: 14.3 cm, Sandstone

s-1856

h: 4.4cm, w: 17cm, Sandstone

291

catalogue: square w38

s-1857

h: 3.1 cm, w: 6.2 cm, Limestone

s-1860

h: 3.5cm, w: 5.3cm, Limestone

s-1861

h: 4.4 cm, w: 4.8 cm, Limestone

s-2488

h: 12.5cm, w: 4cm, Sandstone

s-2489

h: 10.3 cm, w: 3.5 cm, Sandstone

s-2490

h: 10.4cm, w: 10.8cm, Limestone

292

catalogue: square w38

s-2491

h: 10 cm, w: 6.9 cm, Sandstone

s-2492

h: 14.6cm, w: 9.5cm, Limestone

s-2493

h: 6.8 cm, w: 11.3 cm, Sandstone

s-2494

h: 6.7cm, w: 12cm, Sandstone

s-2496

h: 5.7 cm, w: 4.8 cm, Limestone

s-2497

h: 8.5cm, w: 12.9cm, Limestone

293

catalogue: square w38

s-2498

h: 6.1 cm, w: 3.9 cm, Sandstone

s-2499

h: 2.3cm, w: 7.7cm, Limestone

s-2500

h: 6.4 cm, w: 3.8 cm, Limestone

s-2502

h: 8.5cm, w: 4.6cm, Limestone

s-2574

h: 21 cm, w: 16 cm, Limestone

s-2661

h: 17cm, w: 27cm, Sandstone

294

catalogue: square w38

s-3872

h: 13.9cm, w: 3.9 cm, Sandstone

s-3873

h: 13.9cm, w: 6.5cm, Limestone

s-3874

h: 10.4 cm, w: 10 cm, Limestone

s-3875

h: 5.6cm, w: 7.4cm, Limestone

s-3876

h: 14.2 cm, w: 4.2 cm, Sandstone

s-3877

h: 11.1cm, w: 9.2cm, Limestone

295

catalogue: square w38

s-3878

h: 11.7 cm, w: 8.5 cm, Limestone

s-3879

h: 8.4cm, w: 3.5cm, Sandstone

s-3880

h: 2.6 cm, w: 8 cm, Limestone

s-3881

h: 3.4cm, w: 7.1cm, Limestone

s-3882

h: 7.4 cm, w: 7.6 cm, Sandstone

s-3883

h: 5.8cm, w: 14cm, Sandstone

296

catalogue: square w38

s-3884

h: 10.5 cm, w: 3.7 cm, Limestone

s-3885

h: 8.6cm, w: 6.5cm, Limestone

s-3888

h: 9.9 cm, w: 7.5 cm, Limestone

s-3889

h: 4cm, w: 13.2cm, Sandstone

s-3891

h: 5.9 cm, w: 4.3 cm, Sandstone

s-3892

h: 5.7cm, w: 5cm, Limestone

297

catalogue: square w38

s-3893

h: 6.3 cm, w: 18 cm, Limestone

s-3894

h: 16.5cm, w: 9.3cm, Sandstone

s-3896

h: 10.2 cm, w: 9.7 cm, Limestone

s-3899

h: 9.2cm, w: 9cm, Sandstone

s-3900

h: 6.4 cm, w: 2.6 cm, Limestone

s-3901

h: 10.7cm, w: 4cm, Sandstone

298

catalogue: square w38

s-3904

h: 13.3cm, w: 7.2 cm, Limestone

s-3905

h: 5.7cm, w: 6.6cm, Sandstone

s-3908

h: 11.1 cm, w: 6.8 cm, Sandstone

s-3909

h: 12cm, w: 9.5cm, Limestone

s-3910

h: 6.9 cm, w: 12.3 cm, Sandstone

s-3911

h: 8.6cm, w: 9.5cm, Sandstone

299

catalogue: square w38

s-3912

h: 7.5 cm, w: 9 cm, Sandstone

s-3913

h: 14cm, w: 16cm, Limestone

s-3914

h: 21.5 cm, w: 5 cm, Limestone

s-3917

h: 21cm, w: 10.5cm, Limestone

s-3919

h: 8.1 cm, w: 8.1 cm, Limestone

s-3920

h: 13.2cm, w: 5.4cm, Limestone

300

catalogue: square w38

s-3924

h: 8.8 cm, w: 4.6 cm, Limestone

s-3929

h: 3.5cm, w: 4.7cm, Limestone

s-3931

h: 2.7 cm, w: 5.5 cm, Limestone

s-3934

h: 7.5cm, w: 4.2cm, Limestone

s-3936

h: 7.5 cm, w: 4.3 cm, Limestone

s-3940

h: 11.8cm, w: 4.8cm, Sandstone

301

catalogue: square w38

s-3941

h: 13.5 cm, w: 11 cm, Sandstone

s-3942

h: 6.9cm, w: 5.8cm, Limestone

s-4029

h: 32.5 cm, w: 26 cm, Sandstone

s-3907/1

h: 2.4cm, w: 5.1cm, Sandstone

302

catalogue: square w38

s-3907/2

h: 3.8 cm, w: 2.4 cm, Sandstone

s-3907/3

h: 4cm, w: 2.6cm, Limestone

s-3907/4

h: 3.1 cm, w: 3.6 cm, Limestone

s-3907/5

h: 1.9cm, w: 3.1cm, Limestone

s-3907/6

h: 2.1 cm, w: 6.7 cm, Limestone

s-3907/7

h: 2cm, w: 2.1cm, Limestone

303

catalogue: square w38

s-1830

h: 3.9 cm, w: 6.6 cm, Sandstone

s-1858

h: 4.8cm, w: 12cm, Sandstone

Catalogue: Square X38

s-273

h: 5.6 cm, w: 2.5 cm, Limestone

s-277

h: 4.2cm, w: 9.9cm, Limestone

s-278

h: 5.2 cm, w: 7.7 cm, Limestone

s-281

h: 9.8cm, w: 7.5cm, Limestone

s-282

h: 2.8 cm, w: 9.3 cm, Limestone

s-285

h: 4.1cm, w: 4.7cm, Limestone

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi: 10.1163/9789004325555_204

305

catalogue: square x38

s-286

h: 8.2 cm, w: 5.8 cm, Limestone

s-287

h: 5.2cm, w: 8.2cm, Limestone

s-288

h: 1.5 cm, w: 5.5 cm, Limestone

s-289

h: 5.9cm, w: 4.2cm, Limestone

s-290

h: 6.7 cm, w: 5.9 cm, Limestone

s-291

h: 7.3cm, w: 8.8cm, Limestone

306

catalogue: square x38

s-292

h: 9.3 cm, w: 6 cm, Limestone

s-295

h: 12cm, w: 5.7cm, Limestone

s-296

h: 3.8 cm, w: 5.7 cm, Sandstone

s-297

h: 6.7cm, w: 9.4cm, Sandstone

s-300

h: 3.5 cm, w: 14.6 cm, Sandstone

s-302

h: 6.8cm, w: 5.7cm, Sandstone

307

catalogue: square x38

s-304

h: 3 cm, w: 8.5 cm, Sandstone

s-305

h: 17.5cm, w: 8.8cm, Sandstone

s-310

h: 2.5 cm, w: 7.5 cm, Limestone

s-312

h: 6.5cm, w: 7cm, Limestone

s-317

h: 5 cm, w: 8 cm, Limestone

s-318

h: 3.5cm, w: 2cm, Limestone

308

catalogue: square x38

s-321

h: 5 cm, w: 13 cm, Limestone

s-322

h: 5.5cm, w: 7cm, Limestone

s-325

h: 9 cm, w: 5.6 cm, Limestone

s-326

h: 7cm, w: 5.5cm, Limestone

s-327

h: 3.5 cm, w: 12.5 cm, Limestone

s-328

h: 7cm, w: 6cm, Limestone

309

catalogue: square x38

s-333

h: 2.5 cm, w: 3.5 cm, Limestone

s-334

h: 3.5cm, w: 6cm, Limestone

s-335

h: 3 cm, w: 5.5 cm, Limestone

s-336

h: 6.5cm, w: 3cm, Limestone

s-338

h: 3.4 cm, w: 4.7 cm, Sandstone

s-341

h: 6.7cm, w: 5.7cm, Sandstone

310

catalogue: square x38

s-342

h: 4.5 cm, w: 5.5 cm, Sandstone

s-343

h: 3.2cm, w: 10.8cm, Sandstone

s-346

h: 1.5 cm, w: 7.6 cm, Sandstone

s-352

h: 14cm, w: 11.5cm, Sandstone

s-375

h: 3.6 cm, w: 10 cm, Limestone

s-643

h: 8.5cm, w: 9.5cm, Limestone

311

catalogue: square x38

s-645

h: 7 cm, w: 12 cm, Limestone

s-662

h: 9.9cm, w: 10.4cm, Limestone

s-667

h: 6.2 cm, w: 5.2 cm, Limestone

s-674

h: 4.8cm, w: 5.2cm, Limestone

s-682

h: 4 cm, w: 4.5 cm, Limestone

s-686

h: 3cm, w: 8.5cm, Limestone

312

catalogue: square x38

s-687

h: 5 cm, w: 4.4 cm, Limestone

s-688

h: 4cm, w: 7cm, Limestone

s-689

h: 5.5 cm, w: 6 cm, Limestone

s-692

h: 4.5cm, w: 7.8cm, Limestone

s-694

h: 6 cm, w: 4.5 cm, Limestone

s-697

h: 5cm, w: 4.5cm, Limestone

313

catalogue: square x38

s-705

h: 6 cm, w: 15 cm, Limestone

s-706

h: 5.5cm, w: 7.5cm, Limestone

s-708

h: 8 cm, w: 2.5 cm, Limestone

s-714

h: 9cm, w: 4cm, Limestone

s-715

h: 3 cm, w: 11.5 cm, Limestone

s-719

h: 4.5cm, w: 7cm, Limestone

314

catalogue: square x38

s-720

h: 6.5 cm, w: 10 cm, Limestone

s-722

h: 3.1cm, w: 4.6cm, Sandstone

s-723

h: 2.7 cm, w: 8.7 cm, Sandstone

s-950

h: 6.5cm, w: 4cm, Sandstone

s-1181

h: 5.5 cm, w: 5 cm, Limestone

s-1187

h: 4.5cm, w: 9cm, Limestone

315

catalogue: square x38

s-1188

h: 7 cm, w: 6 cm, Limestone

s-1189

h: 4.6cm, w: 4cm, Limestone

s-1190

h: 5 cm, w: 4 cm, Limestone

s-1191

h: 5.5cm, w: 7cm, Limestone

s-1192

h: 4.5 cm, w: 6.5 cm, Limestone

s-1193

h: 3.3cm, w: 7cm, Limestone

316

catalogue: square x38

s-1196

h: 2.5 cm, w: 6.5 cm, Limestone

s-1200

h: 9cm, w: 3.5cm, Limestone

s-1201

h: 4.5 cm, w: 6 cm, Limestone

s-1202

h: 4cm, w: 4.5cm, Limestone

s-1206

h: 3.5 cm, w: 11 cm, Limestone

s-1207

h: 10cm, w: 12.5cm, Limestone

317

catalogue: square x38

s-1209

h: 7.5 cm, w: 5 cm, Limestone

s-1210

h: 2cm, w: 9cm, Limestone

s-1212

h: 12 cm, w: 7.5 cm, Limestone

s-1216

h: 8.2cm, w: 6.5cm, Sandstone

s-1227

h: 6.5 cm, w: 2.5 cm, Limestone

s-1230

h: 3.5cm, w: 9.5cm, Limestone

318

catalogue: square x38

s-1231

h: 5 cm, w: 10 cm, Limestone

s-1232

h: 11cm, w: 6.5cm, Limestone

s-1233

h: 5.5 cm, w: 5.5 cm, Limestone

s-1235

h: 6cm, w: 10cm, Limestone

s-1236

h: 6 cm, w: 12 cm, Limestone

s-1237

h: 12cm, w: 13cm, Limestone

319

catalogue: square x38

s-1242

h: 7 cm, w: 10 cm, Limestone

s-1246

h: 11.5cm, w: 11cm, Limestone

s-1247

h: 18 cm, w: 4 cm, Sandstone

s-1249

h: 5.5cm, w: 18.5cm, Limestone

s-2204

h: 4.2 cm, w: 6.4 cm, Sandstone

s-2205

h: 4cm, w: 6.5cm, Limestone

320

catalogue: square x38

s-2206

h: 6 cm, w: 6.5 cm, Limestone

s-2208

h: 11cm, w: 6cm, Limestone

s-2209

h: 8.3 cm, w: 3.5 cm, Limestone

s-2210

h: 8cm, w: 6cm, Limestone

s-2211

h: 7 cm, w: 3 cm, Sandstone

s-2212

h: 4.3cm, w: 8cm, Limestone

321

catalogue: square x38

s-2213

h: 11 cm, w: 6.5 cm, Limestone

s-2214

h: 2.5cm, w: 12cm, Limestone

s-2215

h: 7 cm, w: 15 cm, Limestone

s-2766

h: 6cm, w: 27cm, Sandstone

s-2788

h: 22 cm, w: 26.5 cm, Limestone

s-3307

h: 18cm, w: 92cm, Sandstone

322

catalogue: square x38

s-3435

h: 14 cm, w: 5.5 cm, Sandstone

s-3436

h: 5.5cm, w: 10.5cm, Limestone

s-3446

h: 4 cm, w: 7.3 cm, Limestone

s-3447

h: 6cm, w: 9cm, Limestone

s-3460

h: 13.5cm, w: 6 cm, Limestone

s-3464

h: 18.5cm, w: 11.5cm, Limestone

323

catalogue: square x38

s-3465

h: 11 cm, w: 4 cm, Limestone

s-3522

h: 17.5cm, w: 7cm, Limestone

s-3531

h: 13.1 cm, w: 3.2 cm, Sandstone

s-3533

h: 6cm, w: 6cm, Limestone

s-3728

h: 6.3 cm, w: 6.5 cm, Limestone

s-3736

h: 6cm, w: 4cm, Limestone

324

catalogue: square x38

s-3737

h: 4.5 cm, w: 3.3 cm, Limestone

s-3739

h: 2.7cm, w: 8cm, Limestone

s-3740

h: 6.5 cm, w: 4 cm, Limestone

s-3741

h: 9.5cm, w: 7cm, Limestone

s-3748

h: 4.4 cm, w: 4.5 cm, Limestone

s-3757

h: 5cm, w: 3cm, Limestone

325

catalogue: square x38

s-3758

h: 15 cm, w: 10 cm, Limestone

s-3770

h: 10.5cm, w: 5cm, Limestone

s-3771

h: 4.4 cm, w: 10.9 cm, Sandstone

s-3776

h: 11cm, w: 8.5cm, Limestone

s-3777

h: 3.5 cm, w: 4 cm, Limestone

s-3787

h: 4cm, w: 6.5cm, Limestone

326

catalogue: square x38

s-3998

h: 11.6 cm, w: 10.3 cm, Limestone

s-4000

h: 23cm, w: 24cm, Limestone

s-269

h: 2 cm, w: 6.8 cm, Limestone

s-700

h: 4.5cm, w: 12.5cm, Limestone

s-2207

h: 10.8 cm, w: 7 cm, Sandstone

s-3444

h: 5cm, w: 11.5cm, Limestone

Catalogue: Square X37

s-1

h: 6.6 cm, w: 8.9 cm, Limestone

s-2

h: 2.3cm, w: 5.8cm, Limestone

s-3

h: 5.3 cm, w: 5.7 cm, Limestone

s-4

h: 6.4cm, w: 5cm, Limestone

s-5

h: 9.2 cm, w: 6.5 cm, Limestone

s-6

h: 9.7cm, w: 8.4cm, Limestone

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi: 10.1163/9789004325555_205

328

catalogue: square x37

s-7

h: 4.2 cm, w: 4.2 cm, Limestone

s-8

h: 8.5cm, w: 4.8cm, Limestone

s-9

h: 6.2 cm, w: 3.8 cm, Limestone

s-10

h: 3.9cm, w: 3.1cm, Limestone

s-11

h: 3.2 cm, w: 3.4 cm, Limestone

s-12

h: 5.6cm, w: 5cm, Limestone

329

catalogue: square x37

s-13

h: 3.1 cm, w: 5.5 cm, Limestone

s-14

h: 6.5cm, w: 8.7cm, Limestone

s-15

h: 8.7 cm, w: 11 cm, Limestone

s-16

h: 11.6cm, w: 4.2cm, Limestone

s-17

h: 4.2 cm, w: 5.4 cm, Limestone

s-18

h: 2.6cm, w: 7.3cm, Limestone

330

catalogue: square x37

s-19

h: 8 cm, w: 8.4 cm, Limestone

s-24

h: 2.4cm, w: 3.8cm, Limestone

s-26

h: 4.8 cm, w: 9.8 cm, Limestone

s-27

h: 2.7cm, w: 7.4cm, Limestone

s-28

h: 6 cm, w: 7.7 cm, Limestone

s-29

h: 8cm, w: 8cm, Limestone

331

catalogue: square x37

s-31

h: 4.1 cm, w: 5.5 cm, Limestone

s-32

h: 3.6cm, w: 5.1cm, Limestone

s-33

h: 5.9 cm, w: 2.4 cm, Limestone

s-36

h: 2.8cm, w: 7.6cm, Sandstone

s-x37c

h: 1.9 cm, w: 4.4 cm, Limestone

s-x37d

h: 2.4cm, w: 4.6cm, Limestone

332

catalogue: square x37

s-x37e

h: 4.2 cm, w: 2.5 cm, Limestone

s-37

h: 6.2cm, w: 3.4cm, Sandstone

s-x37a

h: 13cm, w: 5.5 cm, Limestone

s-x37g

h: 3.2cm, w: 4cm, Limestone

s-x37b

h: 3.3 cm, w: 6.4 cm, Limestone

s-x37f

h: 1.9cm, w: 4.5cm, Limestone

333

catalogue: square x37

s-38

h: 8.8 cm, w: 4.8 cm, Sandstone

s-40

h: 10.6cm, w: 16.3cm, Limestone

s-41

h: 3.2 cm, w: 2.5 cm, Limestone

s-42

h: 4.2cm, w: 7cm, Limestone

s-44

h: 4.3 cm, w: 5.3 cm, Limestone

s-45

h: 5.5cm, w: 12.7 cm, Limestone

334

catalogue: square x37

s-46

h: 4.1 cm, w: 4 cm, Limestone

s-47

h: 5.4cm, w: 4.7cm, Limestone

s-49

h: 4.6 cm, w: 11.1 cm, Limestone

s-50

h: 6.9cm, w: 11cm, Limestone

s-51

h: 10.9 cm, w: 6.3 cm, Limestone

s-53

h: 3.5cm, w: 5.6cm, Limestone

335

catalogue: square x37

s-54

h: 8.4 cm, w: 6 cm, Limestone

s-56

h: 10cm, w: 8.6cm, Limestone

s-57

h: 8.9 cm, w: 11 cm, Sandstone

s-59

h: 11.6cm, w: 11.7cm, Sandstone

s-60

h: 10.2 cm, w: 13.6 cm, Sandstone

s-61

h: 7.6cm, w: 8.3cm, Limestone

336

catalogue: square x37

s-62

h: 4.6 cm, w: 12.4 cm, Limestone

s-63

h: 2.6cm, w: 4.4cm, Limestone

s-64

h: 6.9 cm, w: 14.6 cm, Limestone

s-65

h: 5.7cm, w: 4cm, Limestone

s-66

h: 19cm, w: 17 cm, Limestone

s-68

h: 3.9cm, w: 7.2cm, Limestone

337

catalogue: square x37

s-69

h: 3.8 cm, w: 3.6 cm, Limestone

s-71

h: 5.5cm, w: 9.8cm, Limestone

s-73

h: 1.7 cm, w: 3 cm, Limestone

s-74

h: 9.5cm, w: 7.9cm, Limestone

s-75

h: 5.9 cm, w: 4.6 cm, Limestone

s-76

h: 10.4cm, w: 13.2cm, Limestone

338

catalogue: square x37

s-77

h: 5.7 cm, w: 6.5 cm, Limestone

s-78

h: 7.5cm, w: 6.9cm, Limestone

s-81

h: 9.7 cm, w: 7.5 cm, Limestone

s-82

h: 5.6cm, w: 10.3cm, Sandstone

s-83

h: 6 cm, w: 5.5 cm, Sandstone

s-84

h: 5.2cm, w: 8cm, Sandstone

339

catalogue: square x37

s-85

h: 5.7 cm, w: 6 cm, Sandstone

s-86

h: 11.5cm, w: 19.5cm, Sandstone

s-88

h: 5.5 cm, w: 6 cm, Limestone

s-89

h: 4cm, w: 5.2cm, Limestone

s-90

h: 13.6 cm, w: 8.3 cm, Limestone

s-91

h: 7.5cm, w: 5.8cm, Limestone

340

catalogue: square x37

s-92

h: 4.6 cm, w: 4.7 cm, Limestone

s-93

h: 3.5cm, w: 3.4cm, Limestone

s-94

h: 5.6 cm, w: 7.5 cm, Limestone

s-95

h: 9.1cm, w: 5.9cm, Limestone

s-97

h: 5.9 cm, w: 5.6 cm, Limestone

s-98

h: 2cm, w: 3.3cm, Limestone

341

catalogue: square x37

s-99

h: 6.6 cm, w: 5 cm, Limestone

s-100

h: 4.1cm, w: 5.1cm, Limestone

s-101

h: 9.6 cm, w: 6.1 cm, Limestone

s-102

h: 7.4cm, w: 7.9cm, Limestone

s-102

alternate view

s-104

h: 8.7cm, w: 12.1cm, Limestone

342

catalogue: square x37

s-105

h: 16 cm, w: 4.5 cm, Limestone

s-106

h: 5.7cm, w: 12.7cm, Sandstone

s-107

h: 8.8 cm, w: 8.1 cm, Sandstone

s-229

h: 4.7cm, w: 6.8cm, Limestone

s-230

h: 5.6 cm, w: 3.7 cm, Limestone

s-231

h: 5.2cm, w: 7.7cm, Limestone

343

catalogue: square x37

s-233

h: 3.8 cm, w: 6.2 cm, Limestone

s-235

h: 2.5cm, w: 5.8cm, Limestone

s-237

h: 4.7 cm, w: 4.4 cm, Limestone

s-239

h: 9.6cm, w: 10.8cm, Limestone

s-241

h: 6.6 cm, w: 13 cm, Limestone

s-242

h: 5cm, w: 3.6cm, Limestone

344

catalogue: square x37

s-243

h: 7.3 cm, w: 4.7 cm, Limestone

s-245

h: 6.2cm, w: 6cm, Limestone

s-246

h: 5.3 cm, w: 6.9 cm, Limestone

s-247

h: 7.7cm, w: 10.2cm, Limestone

s-248

h: 9 cm, w: 6 cm, Limestone

s-249

h: 5.3cm, w: 9.1cm, Limestone

345

catalogue: square x37

s-250

h: 5.2 cm, w: 9.6 cm, Limestone

s-251

h: 10cm, w: 11.3cm, Limestone

s-253

h: 8.3 cm, w: 10.3 cm, Limestone

s-254

h: 4cm, w: 5cm, Limestone

s-255

h: 5.5 cm, w: 5.7 cm, Limestone

s-256

h: 5.7cm, w: 7.5cm, Limestone

346

catalogue: square x37

s-257

h: 4.3 cm, w: 4.6 cm, Limestone

s-258

h: 3.4cm, w: 6.6cm, Limestone

s-260

h: 5.0 cm, w: 13.9 cm, Limestone

s-261

h: 9.8cm, w: 5.7cm, Limestone

s-26/2

h: 5 cm, w: 11.4 cm, Limestone

s-263

h: 5.9cm, w: 4.7cm, Limestone

347

catalogue: square x37

s-265

h: 6.2 cm, w: 4.4 cm, Sandstone

s-267

h: 5cm, w: 9.1cm, Sandstone

s-268

h: 10 cm, w: 8.8 cm, Sandstone

s-671

h: 3.9cm, w: 10.6cm, Limestone

s-671

alternate view

s-985

h: 3.6cm, w: 13.5cm, Limestone

348

catalogue: square x37

s-2118

h: 4.8 cm, w: 15.3 cm, Limestone

s-2120

h: 4.9cm, w: 5.5cm, Sandstone

s-2121

h: 9.1 cm, w: 9.7 cm, Limestone

s-2122

h: 1.5cm, w: 3.9cm, Sandstone

s-2125

h: 5.1 cm, w: 4.7 cm, Limestone

s-2126

h: 7.2cm, w: 7.7cm, Limestone

349

catalogue: square x37

s-2129

h: 5 cm, w: 6.5 cm, Limestone

s-2131

h: 4.7cm, w: 4.2cm, Sandstone

s-2132

h: 4.5 cm, w: 11.1 cm, Limestone

s-2133

h: 7.2cm, w: 7.1cm, Limestone

s-2134

h: 3.5 cm, w: 6.6 cm, Sandstone

s-2136

h: 7.8cm, w: 4.8cm, Sandstone

350

catalogue: square x37

s-2137

h: 5.5 cm, w: 8.5 cm, Limestone

s-2139

h: 8.9cm, w: 7.1cm, Sandstone

s-2141

h: 6.9 cm, w: 9.3 cm, Limestone

s-2142

h: 4.8cm, w: 4.1cm, Limestone

s-2143

h: 5.5 cm, w: 5.1 cm, Limestone

s-2144

h: 5.3cm, w: 7.2cm, Limestone

351

catalogue: square x37

s-2145

h: 2.2 cm, w: 5.9 cm, Limestone

s-2147

h: 8.7cm, w: 4.9cm, Limestone

s-2263

h: 9.5 cm, w: 10.6 cm, Sandstone

s-2264

h: 6cm, w: 4.9cm, Limestone

s-2265

h: 7.6 cm, w: 12.2 cm, Limestone

s-2266

h: 7.1cm, w: 7.9cm, Limestone

352

catalogue: square x37

s-2269

h: 17cm, w: 7.5 cm, Limestone

s-2270

h: 21.5cm, w: 10cm, Limestone

s-2271

h: 18 cm, w: 14 cm, Limestone

s-2274

h: 5.8cm, w: 5.2cm, Limestone

s-2426

h: 6 cm, w: 4.5 cm, Limestone

s-2427

h: 5cm, w: 6.5cm, Limestone

353

catalogue: square x37

s-2430

h: 6.5 cm, w: 7.8 cm, Limestone

s-2431

h: 5.5cm, w: 4.3cm, Limestone

s-2434

h: 3.4 cm, w: 3.4 cm, Limestone

s-2435

h: 4.4cm, w: 5.5cm, Limestone

s-2436

h: 4.8 cm, w: 3.8 cm, Sandstone

s-2437

h: 5cm, w: 6.9cm, Limestone

354

catalogue: square x37

s-2438

h: 5.7 cm, w: 1.8 cm, Limestone

s-2439

h: 7.1cm, w: 7.5cm, Sandstone

s-2441

h: 5.8 cm, w: 3.7 cm, Sandstone

s-2442

h: 2.9cm, w: 6.6cm, Sandstone

s-2443

h: 5.8 cm, w: 4.4 cm, Limestone

s-2447

h: 5.2cm, w: 4.8cm, Limestone

355

catalogue: square x37

s-2449

h: 7.6 cm, w: 6.5 cm, Limestone

s-2451

h: 4.9cm, w: 4.2cm, Sandstone

s-2457

h: 12 cm, w: 16 cm, Limestone

s-2458

h: 11cm, w: 7.8cm, Limestone

s-2556

h: 10.4 cm, w: 7.7 cm, Limestone

s-2559

h: 11.1cm, w: 11.3cm, Limestone

356

catalogue: square x37

s-2564

h: 6.5 cm, w: 16 cm, Limestone

s-2566

h: 9cm, w: 14.3cm, Limestone

s-2568

h: 8.3 cm, w: 13.3 cm, Limestone

s-3325

h: 6.5cm, w: 13.5cm, Limestone

s-3325

alternate view

s-3326

h: 4.4cm, w: 12.2cm, Limestone

357

catalogue: square x37

s-3328

h: 4.4 cm, w: 7.5 cm, Limestone

s-3329

h: 10.6cm, w: 3cm, Limestone

s-3330

h: 8 cm, w: 9 cm, Limestone

s-3331

h: 14.7cm, w: 4.3cm, Limestone

s-3332

h: 5.5 cm, w: 2.9 cm, Limestone

s-3334

h: 7.9cm, w: 9.5cm, Limestone

358

catalogue: square x37

s-3335

h: 10.7 cm, w: 4.3 cm, Limestone

s-3335

alternate view

s-3337

h: 4 cm, w: 10 cm, Limestone

s-3338

h: 10.8cm, w: 11.4cm, Limestone

s-3339

h: 8.3 cm, w: 11.8 cm, Limestone

s-3339

alternate view

359

catalogue: square x37

s-3342

h: 2.8 cm, w: 5.7 cm, Sandstone

s-3343

h: 10.5cm, w: 9.2cm, Sandstone

s-3344

h: 5.7 cm, w: 4.2 cm, Limestone

s-3345

h: 9cm, w: 5.2cm, Limestone

s-3346

h: 6.6 cm, w: 4 cm, Limestone

s-3348

h: 4.1cm, w: 3cm, Limestone

360

catalogue: square x37

s-3349

h: 7.4 cm, w: 3.2 cm, Limestone

s-3350

h: 2.7cm, w: 5.4cm, Sandstone

s-3354

h: 5.7 cm, w: 4.2 cm, Limestone

s-3355

h: 4.9cm, w: 11.5cm, Limestone

s-3356

h: 9.6 cm, w: 4.9 cm, Limestone

s-3358

h: 4.6cm, w: 3.6cm, Limestone

361

catalogue: square x37

s-3359

h: 6.3 cm, w: 7.1 cm, Limestone

s-3360

h: 3.7cm, w: 6cm, Limestone

s-3361

h: 8.8 cm, w: 9.3 cm, Limestone

s-3362

h: 7.3cm, w: 7.7cm, Limestone

s-3367

h: 9 cm, w: 8.1 cm, Limestone

s-3368

h: 9.8cm, w: 4.9cm, Limestone

362

catalogue: square x37

s-3369

h: 22cm, w: 9 cm, Limestone

s-3370

h: 10.4cm, w: 4.9cm, Limestone

s-3372

h: 16 cm, w: 6.7 cm, Limestone

s-3373

h: 13.6cm, w: 7.2cm, Limestone

s-3374

h: 4.4 cm, w: 3.2 cm, Limestone

s-3375

h: 5.1cm, w: 10.1cm, Limestone

363

catalogue: square x37

s-3376

h: 15 cm, w: 5.4 cm, Limestone

s-3380

h: 8.5cm, w: 3.7cm, Limestone

s-3381

h: 5.3 cm, w: 12.8 cm, Limestone

s-3382

h: 4.4cm, w: 5.7cm, Limestone

s-3384

h: 6.3 cm, w: 13.7 cm, Limestone

s-3386

h: 17.5cm, w: 14.5cm, Limestone

364

catalogue: square x37

s-3389

h: 7 cm, w: 4 cm, Limestone

s-3390

h: 7.2cm, w: 3.8cm, Limestone

s-3468

h: 7.3 cm, w: 8.6 cm, Limestone

s-3469

h: 5.2cm, w: 4.4cm, Sandstone

s-3472

h: 3.1 cm, w: 10 cm, Sandstone

s-3473

h: 19cm, w: 7cm, Limestone

365

catalogue: square x37

s-3474

h: 9.7 cm, w: 5 cm, Sandstone

s-3476

h: 7.2cm, w: 4cm, Limestone

s-3477

h: 6.3 cm, w: 5 cm, Limestone

s-3479

h: 4.3cm, w: 6.1cm, Limestone

s-3480

h: 11.9 cm, w: 8.1 cm, Limestone

s-3481

h: 7.4cm, w: 14cm, Limestone

366

catalogue: square x37

s-3484

h: 6.3 cm, w: 10 cm, Limestone

s-3486

h: 7.6cm, w: 12.2cm, Limestone

s-3487

h: 6.4 cm, w: 7.2 cm, Limestone

s-3488

h: 8.6cm, w: 9.9cm, Limestone

s-3491

h: 4.3 cm, w: 7.6 cm, Limestone

s-3494

h: 9cm, w: 12cm, Limestone

367

catalogue: square x37

s-3498

h: 4.7 cm, w: 12.2 cm, Limestone

s-3499

h: 4cm, w: 12cm, Limestone

s-3500

h: 6.6 cm, w: 5.4 cm, Limestone

s-3507

h: 7.7cm, w: 6cm, Limestone

s-3511

h: 6 cm, w: 4 cm, Limestone

s-3512

h: 4.6cm, w: 3.6cm, Limestone

368

catalogue: square x37

s-3514

h: 11.2 cm, w: 10.7 cm, Limestone

s-3515

h: 7.8cm, w: 4.6cm, Limestone

s-3516

h: 7.1 cm, w: 5 cm, Limestone

s-3518

h: 4.6cm, w: 10cm, Limestone

s-3519

h: 16 cm, w: 6.3 cm, Limestone

s-3520

h: 12.9cm, w: 7.6cm, Limestone

369

catalogue: square x37

s-4005

h: 22.5 cm, w: 27 cm, Limestone

s-4005

alternate view

s-4008

h: 21.5 cm, w: 13.5 cm, Limestone

s-4023

h: 11cm, w: 37cm, Limestone

s-4036

h: 24.5 cm, w: 36 cm, Limestone

s-4036

alternate view

370

catalogue: square x37

s-4046

h: 16 cm, w: 12.5 cm, Limestone

s-4094

h: 21cm, w: 53cm, Limestone

s-7012

h: 2.7 cm, w: 11.5 cm, Limestone

s-2123/1

h: 4.5cm, w: 10.4cm, Limestone

s-2450

h: 5.7 cm, w: 12.3 cm, Limestone

s-3485

h: 12cm, w: 8.9cm, Limestone

Catalogue: Square X36

s-x36a

h: 2 cm, w: 1.7 cm, Limestone

s-x36b

h: 3.7cm, w: 1.5cm, Limestone

s-x36c

h: 3.1 cm, w: 2.8 cm, Limestone

s-x36d

h: 2.5cm, w: 3.2cm, Limestone

s-x36e

h: 2.6 cm, w: 2.6 cm, Limestone

s-x36f

h: 3.1cm, w: 3.7cm, Limestone

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi: 10.1163/9789004325555_206

372

catalogue: square x36

s-x36g

h: 4.7 cm, w: 2.5 cm, Limestone

s-x36h

h: 2.8cm, w: 1.3cm, Limestone

s-x36i

h: 2.2 cm, w: 2 cm, Limestone

s-x36j

h: 1.3cm, w: 5.8cm, Limestone

s-x36k

h: 2.6 cm, w: 3.3 cm, Limestone

s-x36l

h: 2.9cm, w: 2cm, Limestone

373

catalogue: square x36

s-x36m

h: 2.8 cm, w: 3.7 cm, Limestone

s-x36n

h: 4.5cm, w: 2.5cm, Limestone

s-x36o

h: 2.4 cm, w: 1.5 cm, Limestone

s-x36p

h: 1.7cm, w: 3.3cm, Limestone

s-x36q

h: 3.2 cm, w: 2.9 cm, Limestone

s-26/3

h: 9.8cm, w: 4cm, Limestone

374

catalogue: square x36

s-353

h: 11.8 cm, w: 9.7 cm, Limestone

s-354

h: 6.4cm, w: 5.8cm, Limestone

s-355

h: 6.5 cm, w: 7.9 cm, Limestone

s-356

h: 3.5cm, w: 10cm, Limestone

s-357

h: 12.2 cm, w: 18.5 cm, Limestone

s-359

h: 6.6cm, w: 7.1cm, Limestone

375

catalogue: square x36

s-360

h: 5.9 cm, w: 10.4 cm, Limestone

s-362

h: 3.3cm, w: 3.6cm, Limestone

s-363

h: 5.6 cm, w: 12.7 cm, Limestone

s-364

h: 6.8cm, w: 10.3cm, Limestone

s-365

h: 6.9 cm, w: 11.4 cm, Limestone

s-366

h: 4.6cm, w: 11cm, Limestone

376

catalogue: square x36

s-367

h: 8.7 cm, w: 8.9 cm, Limestone

s-368

h: 7.5cm, w: 9.2cm, Limestone

s-369

h: 12.5cm, w: 5.7 cm, Sandstone

s-372

h: 5cm, w: 7.6cm, Sandstone

s-374

h: 9.4 cm, w: 6.8 cm, Sandstone

s-378

h: 7.2cm, w: 16.5cm, Limestone

377

catalogue: square x36

s-379

h: 8.3 cm, w: 6.7 cm, Limestone

s-380

h: 7.5cm, w: 9.5cm, Limestone

s-382

h: 9.3 cm, w: 9.5 cm, Limestone

s-383

h: 3.1cm, w: 8cm, Limestone

s-384

h: 10 cm, w: 5 cm, Limestone

s-386

h: 5.1cm, w: 7.5cm, Limestone

378

catalogue: square x36

s-387

h: 3.2 cm, w: 18 cm, Limestone

s-388

h: 10.3cm, w: 12.6cm, Sandstone

s-390

h: 8.6 cm, w: 6.1 cm, Sandstone

s-390a

h: 8cm, w: 10.8cm, Sandstone

s-391

h: 3.8 cm, w: 11.1 cm, Sandstone

s-392

h: 5cm, w: 10.2cm, Sandstone

379

catalogue: square x36

s-393

h: 12 cm, w: 12.3 cm, Sandstone

s-394

h: 5.6cm, w: 12cm, Sandstone

s-395

h: 9.5 cm, w: 19 cm, Sandstone

s-397

h: 12cm, w: 8.5cm, Limestone

s-398

h: 8.8 cm, w: 8.5 cm, Limestone

s-399

h: 9.2cm, w: 3.6cm, Limestone

380

catalogue: square x36

s-400

h: 8.4 cm, w: 6.9 cm, Limestone

s-401

h: 9cm, w: 2.2cm, Limestone

s-402

h: 4.6 cm, w: 6.3 cm, Limestone

s-403

h: 3.6cm, w: 3.9cm, Limestone

s-404

h: 3.3 cm, w: 5.2 cm, Limestone

s-406

h: 6.7cm, w: 4.7cm, Limestone

381

catalogue: square x36

s-407

h: 8.9 cm, w: 8.5 cm, Limestone

s-409

h: 5.4cm, w: 5cm, Limestone

s-410

h: 8.2 cm, w: 8.9 cm, Limestone

s-411

h: 3.5cm, w: 3.7cm, Limestone

s-412

h: 4.9 cm, w: 7 cm, Limestone

s-413

h: 8.7cm, w: 7.4cm, Limestone

382

catalogue: square x36

s-414

h: 4.7 cm, w: 6.9 cm, Sandstone

s-417

h: 6cm, w: 12.7cm, Sandstone

s-418

h: 7.4 cm, w: 10.4 cm, Sandstone

s-419

h: 6cm, w: 10.8cm, Sandstone

s-420

h: 7 cm, w: 15.2 cm, Sandstone

s-421

h: 7.9cm, w: 15cm, Sandstone

383

catalogue: square x36

s-970

h: 4.2 cm, w: 3.3 cm, Limestone

s-971

h: 11.2cm, w: 9.2cm, Limestone

s-972

h: 7.2 cm, w: 9.8 cm, Limestone

s-973

h: 4.3cm, w: 8.5cm, Limestone

s-974

h: 4.9 cm, w: 4 cm, Limestone

s-975

h: 7.1cm, w: 7.1cm, Limestone

384

catalogue: square x36

s-976

h: 6.4 cm, w: 10.5 cm, Limestone

s-977

h: 4.7cm, w: 4.2cm, Limestone

s-978

h: 7.2 cm, w: 8 cm, Limestone

s-979

h: 4.6cm, w: 5.3cm, Limestone

s-982

h: 8.3 cm, w: 11.3 cm, Limestone

s-984

h: 8.3cm, w: 11.5cm, Sandstone

385

catalogue: square x36

s-986

h: 2.4 cm, w: 5.4 cm, Limestone

s-987

h: 5.7cm, w: 7.8cm, Limestone

s-988

h: 4.7 cm, w: 3.7 cm, Limestone

s-992

h: 8.6cm, w: 14.8cm, Sandstone

s-996

h: 6 cm, w: 21 cm, Sandstone

s-997

h: 3.6cm, w: 6.2cm, Sandstone

386

catalogue: square x36

s-999

h: 9.1 cm, w: 4.6 cm, Sandstone

s-1000

h: 4.5cm, w: 3.6cm, Sandstone

s-1001

h: 6.8 cm, w: 7.6 cm, Sandstone

s-1002

h: 5.4cm, w: 3.5cm, Sandstone

s-1003

h: 5.1 cm, w: 3.3 cm, Limestone

s-1004

h: 4.8cm, w: 3.8cm, Sandstone

387

catalogue: square x36

s-1005

h: 5.2 cm, w: 4.1 cm, Limestone

s-1278

h: 4.7cm, w: 13.3cm, Limestone

s-1280

h: 3.7 cm, w: 17 cm, Sandstone

s-1281

h: 7.8cm, w: 3.8cm, Sandstone

s-1282

h: 4.8 cm, w: 13.3 cm, Sandstone

s-1283

h: 7.5cm, w: 15cm, Sandstone

388

catalogue: square x36

s-1284

h: 7.1 cm, w: 5.9 cm, Sandstone

s-1285

h: 5cm, w: 4.4cm, Limestone

s-1286

h: 7.8 cm, w: 7.2 cm, Limestone

s-1287

h: 10.3cm, w: 7cm, Sandstone

s-1288

h: 6.2 cm, w: 4.6 cm, Sandstone

s-1289

h: 2.1cm, w: 7.5cm, Limestone

389

catalogue: square x36

s-1291

h: 4.5 cm, w: 6 cm, Limestone

s-1292

h: 5.7cm, w: 4.3cm, Sandstone

s-1293

h: 9.3 cm, w: 13.1 cm, Sandstone

s-1296

h: 7.8cm, w: 11.3cm, Sandstone

s-1934

h: 7.5 cm, w: 11.5 cm, Sandstone

s-1936

h: 13.5cm, w: 13.7cm, Sandstone

390

catalogue: square x36

s-1937

h: 14.5 cm, w: 10.5 cm, Limestone

s-1938

h: 4.9cm, w: 5.7cm, Limestone

s-1938

alternate view

s-2169

h: 2.9cm, w: 4.8cm, Sandstone

s-2170

h: 9.9 cm, w: 18.5 cm, Sandstone

s-2171

h: 16.5cm, w: 13cm, Sandstone

391

catalogue: square x36

s-2172

h: 9.1 cm, w: 11.8 cm, Limestone

s-2760

h: 24cm, w: 8cm, Sandstone

s-2761

h: 8.5 cm, w: 23.5 cm, Sandstone

s-2764

h: 9cm, w: 39cm, Sandstone

s-3554

h: 13.3 cm, w: 8 cm, Sandstone

s-3559

h: 2.2cm, w: 4.7cm, Limestone

392

catalogue: square x36

s-3561

h: 5.4 cm, w: 18 cm, Sandstone

s-3564

h: 10.4cm, w: 6.9cm, Limestone

s-3566

h: 5.7 cm, w: 7.8 cm, Sandstone

s-3568

h: 7.6cm, w: 4.1cm, Limestone

s-3570

h: 5 cm, w: 8.4 cm, Limestone

s-3571

h: 10.2cm, w: 14cm, Limestone

393

catalogue: square x36

s-3574

h: 11.2 cm, w: 9.9 cm, Limestone

s-3580

h: 9.8cm, w: 5.9cm, Limestone

s-3583

h: 11.5 cm, w: 10 cm, Limestone

s-3583

alternate view

s-3584

h: 5 cm, w: 13 cm, Limestone

s-3584

alternate view

394

catalogue: square x36

s-3585

h: 9.5 cm, w: 11.5 cm, Limestone

s-3587

h: 14cm, w: 7cm, Limestone

s-3589

h: 7 cm, w: 9 cm, Limestone

s-3590

h: 5.8cm, w: 3.6cm, Limestone

s-3591

h: 7.5 cm, w: 3.8 cm, Limestone

s-3592

h: 4.2cm, w: 8cm, Limestone

395

catalogue: square x36

s-3593

h: 16.3 cm, w: 7.8 cm, Limestone

s-3594

h: 12.5cm, w: 8cm, Limestone

s-3595

h: 4.3 cm, w: 3.4 cm, Limestone

s-3597

h: 5.7cm, w: 11cm, Limestone

s-3599

h: 5.7 cm, w: 7.5 cm, Limestone

s-3601

h: 8.8cm, w: 4.8cm, Sandstone

396

catalogue: square x36

s-3602

h: 7.5 cm, w: 6.8 cm, Sandstone

s-3603

h: 8cm, w: 3.3cm, Sandstone

s-3605

h: 4.3 cm, w: 7.8 cm, Limestone

s-3607

h: 4.8cm, w: 3cm, Limestone

s-3608

h: 10 cm, w: 6.8 cm, Limestone

s-3609

h: 10cm, w: 9.1cm, Limestone

397

catalogue: square x36

s-3610

h: 2.4 cm, w: 4.3 cm, Limestone

s-3612

h: 10.7cm, w: 9.5cm, Limestone

s-3613

h: 15.5 cm, w: 7.7 cm, Limestone

s-3614

h: 7cm, w: 7cm, Sandstone

s-3616

h: 7.5 cm, w: 13 cm, Limestone

s-3618

h: 3.2cm, w: 10.6cm, Limestone

398

catalogue: square x36

s-3620

h: 11 cm, w: 5.8 cm, Limestone

s-3621

h: 11.4cm, w: 5.1cm, Sandstone

s-3624

h: 7.5 cm, w: 6.2 cm, Sandstone

s-3625

h: 4.2cm, w: 6.3cm, Sandstone

s-3626

h: 12.2 cm, w: 5.2 cm, Limestone

s-3627

h: 8.6cm, w: 10.5cm, Limestone

399

catalogue: square x36

s-3627

alternate view

s-3628

h: 7cm, w: 16.5cm, Limestone

s-3628

alternate view

s-3630

h: 11.6cm, w: 5.4cm, Limestone

s-3631

h: 10 cm, w: 3.7 cm, Limestone

s-3632

h: 2.5cm, w: 11.2cm, Limestone

400

catalogue: square x36

s-3632

alternate view

s-3700

h: 13.7cm, w: 8.2cm, Limestone

s-3701

h: 5.7 cm, w: 9.3 cm, Sandstone

s-3702

h: 8.4cm, w: 4.7cm, Limestone

s-3703

h: 6.6 cm, w: 9.3 cm, Limestone

s-3705

h: 11.2cm, w: 12.2cm, Sandstone

401

catalogue: square x36

s-3706

h: 8.4 cm, w: 12.4 cm, Sandstone

s-3708

h: 4.9cm, w: 10.4cm, Sandstone

s-3710

h: 9.8 cm, w: 11.2 cm, Limestone

s-3710

alternate view

s-3711

h: 6.8 cm, w: 10.6 cm, Sandstone

s-3712

h: 4.8cm, w: 9.7cm, Limestone

402

catalogue: square x36

s-3715

h: 3 cm, w: 5.7 cm, Limestone

s-3716

h: 9.3cm, w: 8.2cm, Limestone

s-3718

h: 8.8 cm, w: 5 cm, Sandstone

s-3719

h: 6.5cm, w: 6.3cm, Limestone

s-3720

h: 12.8 cm, w: 5.7 cm, Limestone

s-3721

h: 5.5cm, w: 5.8cm, Limestone

403

catalogue: square x36

s-3790

h: 10.7 cm, w: 6 cm, Sandstone

s-3791

h: 11.7cm, w: 5.3cm, Limestone

s-3792

h: 3.1 cm, w: 6.1 cm, Sandstone

s-3793

h: 6.5cm, w: 10.6cm, Limestone

s-3793

alternate view

s-3794

h: 4.6cm, w: 3.9cm, Sandstone

404

catalogue: square x36

s-3795

h: 9.1 cm, w: 4.4 cm, Sandstone

s-3796

h: 7.3cm, w: 14.9cm, Sandstone

s-3796

alternate view

s-3800

h: 5.6cm, w: 9cm, Limestone

s-3801

h: 2.8 cm, w: 10.7 cm, Limestone

s-3801

alternate view

405

catalogue: square x36

s-3983

h: 8.5 cm, w: 31 cm, Sandstone

s-3984

h: 7cm, w: 15cm, Sandstone

s-4001

h: 8 cm, w: 55.5 cm, Sandstone

s-4003

h: 9cm, w: 27.5cm, Sandstone

s-4003

alternate view

Reconstructions (Color Plates)

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi: 10.1163/9789004325555_207

reconstructions (color plates)

407

408

reconstructions (color plates)

reconstructions (color plates)

409

410

reconstructions (color plates)

reconstructions (color plates)

411

412

reconstructions (color plates)

reconstructions (color plates)

413

414

reconstructions (color plates)

reconstructions (color plates)

415

416

reconstructions (color plates)

reconstructions (color plates)

417

418

reconstructions (color plates)

reconstructions (color plates)

419

420

reconstructions (color plates)

reconstructions (color plates)

421

422

reconstructions (color plates)

reconstructions (color plates)

423

424

reconstructions (color plates)

reconstructions (color plates)

425

426

reconstructions (color plates)

Other Color Plates

s-15 (x37) and s-56 (x37)

s-29 (x37) and s-44 (x37)

s-42 (x37)

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi: 10.1163/9789004325555_208

428

other color plates

s-286 (x38)

s-393 (x36) and s-1934 (x36)

s-607 (x39), s-1655 (y39), and s-1659 (y39)

other color plates

s-687 (x38)

s-688 (x38)

s-1289 (x36)

429

430

other color plates

s-1647 (y39) and s-200 (x39)

s-1845 (w38) and s-1855 (w38)

s-1855 (w38), s-3941 (w38), and s-4029 (w38)

other color plates

s-1938 (x36)

s-2132 (x37)

s-2158 (y39) and s-2164 (y39)

431

432

other color plates

s-2170 (x36), s-2761 (x36), and s-2764 (x36)

s-2172 (x36)

s-2213 (x38)

other color plates

s-2518 (y39) and s-5652 (y39)

s-2570 (y39)

s-2574 (w38)

433

434

other color plates

s-2640 (y39) and s-3665 (x39)

s-3427 (x39), s-3428 (x39), and s-3429 (x39)

s-3636 (x39) and s-3645 (x39)

other color plates

s-3844 (y39)

s-3883 (w38) and s-1826 (w38)

s-3901 (w38) and s-3911 (w38)

435

436

other color plates

s-3986 (x39)

s-4001 (x36)

s-4094 (x37)