Nativism in a metropolis : the Shiv Sena in Bombay

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N A T IV IS M IN A METROPOLIS: THE S H IV S E N A I N BO M BA Y

NATIVISM IN A METROPOLIS: THE SHIV SENA IN BOMBAY

By D IP A N K A R G U PTA

M ANOHAR

1982

© D ip a n k a r Gupta First Published 1982 Published by Ramesh Jain for Manohar Publications 2, Ansari R oad, Darya Ganj, N e w Delhi-110002 P rin ted by A sia Composer at Sunil Printers, 1067, Ajay Palace, Naraina N e w Delhi-110028

To my parents and m y wife, Harmala

Preface

This work is a revised and abridged version o f my P h .D . thesis on the Shiv Sena, which I submitted to Jawaharlal N ehru University in 1977. It deals with the Shiv Sena during the years 1966 to 1974, th a t is from the time the Shiv Sena started till roughly before the Emergency was declared in 1975. In 1974 I also wound up field work for my doctoral dissertation on the Shiv Sena. I could have o f course gone back to Bombay after 1976 to add a postscript and chronologically update my work. However, I felt such an effort was unnecessary for my m a jo r premises and the conclusions I drew from them, were unlikely to be affected by a mere accretion of additional sequential inform ation. To illustrate w hat I mean, the fact th at the Shiv Sena supported M rs. G and h i without any reservation during the Emergency, and that the latter in turn did no t choose to ban the Shiv Sena when all other so-called communal organisa­ tions were banned, speaks volumes for the close ties that ex­ isted between the two organisations. A state of affairs that I had already mentioned in my thesis. I, o f course, met some Shiv Sainiks during the Emergency and also had occasion to read some o f the Sena’s ideological rationale for supporting M rs. G andhi. The two most frequent argum ents, th at the Shiv Sainiks came up with were th at by supporting M rs. G and h i they were at least able to function. W h at has Jan a Sangh got o u t o f opposing her? And secondly, Bal Thackeray, the Shiv Sena leader, had always said that India needed a “ benevolent d ic ta to r” , so Mrs. G andhi was doing the right thing after all. All other ideological and practical considerations were blotted out from the scene. This, however, does n o t mean that the Shiv Sena was particularly active in this period, as organised political action was effectively stam ped o u t in those 19 m onths. M oreover, most Shiv

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Sainiks were accustomed to the police and the state govern­ ment backing them up and were therefore in no hurry to disobey Thackeray (and by implication the Emergency decritals), and land themselves in gaol. These are some o f the h a rd facts about the Shiv Sena during the Emergency and they should also drive home the fact th a t the ability o f the Shiv Sena to assume such forbidding potency in Bombay was to a great extent be­ cause o f the official patro nage it received. But for such official backing to be forthcom ing and effective a mass base is required. H ow the Shiv Sena acquired this mass base and how it strove to consolidate it are the questions to which this book is largely devoted. M y research interest in the Shiv Sena began in 1972, when I chose to write a short M .P hil dissertation on it. The reasons why I chose the Shiv Sena were several. I shall m e n ­ tion here only the more im p o rta n t ones. Firstly, at the time I started work, there was no full length account on the Shiv Sena, and the materials that existed were mainly in the nature o f political pamphlets, newspaper articles, o r occasional papers, like those o f K .K . G ang ad haran and M ary K atzens­ tein, in a few learned jo urn als. Secondly, as the Shiv Sena was then a comparatively recent phenom enon which in a short span o f time had gained tremendous popularity, and was one o f the few on-going movements in India, I was naturally intri­ gued to study it. M oreover, by virtue o f it being an on-going and recent movement, I th o u g h t it would be a good o p p o rtu ­ nity to know in detail the complexities and dynamics o f the movement first hand from its sponsors. Thirdly, I h ad spent a considerable part o f my life in Bombay, both during my school going years and after, and the fact that if I pursued the Shiv Sena I would no t be on unfam iliar terrain definitely helped to m ake up my m ind. My exposure to the Shiv Sena during 1972 for the purpose o f my M .Phil dissertation was brief, but it was fascinating enough to prod me on to study it in greater detail for my P h .D . thesis. I was in Bombay at a stretch from February to D ecember 1973 on field w ork for my thesis and most o f the da ta that I have used in this volume were collected during that period. I subsequently went back to Bom bay for several short visits in 1974 to fill in some gaps in my data.

PREFACE

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Barring my ineptitude and ignorance, which account for many o f the drawbacks in this w ork, the book itself would have been substantially better had the Shiv Sainiks, especially the leadership, been m ore co-operative. By and large they w ithheld any sympathy for my endeavour, and treated my recurring presence as som ething o f a nuisance. They were reluctant to g ra n t interviews and often failed to keep their appointm ents. The leaders o f the Shiv Sena were general­ ly m ore accessible and the fact that I showed up with them publicly on several occasions helped to break the ice with some o f the rank and file in the organization. The Shiv Sainiks, however, barring a few, were afraid or hesitant to talk freely, and very often I found th at they reported my interviews with them to Bal Thackeray. I was also suspected variously of being a police agent, a com m unist agent o r a newspaper re­ p o rte r inten t on vilifying the organization. This, in spite o f the fact, th a t I carried credentials from the University which verified my status as a bonafide research scholar. In fact my connection with Jaw aharlal N ehru University itself came u n ­ der sharp scrutiny, as m any members o f the Shiv Sena erroneously believe that this University is the hot bed o f com m unist and M uslim League activity. The Shiv Sena’s a n ti­ pathy tow ards b o th these organizations is well known. It is quite possible, however, that the fault lay with me. As a researcher I was unable to establish complete ra p p o rt with the Shiv Sainiks. The fact that I am not a M aharashtrian may have also contributed to their cool response. Though I generally believe that the problem o f establishing ra p p o rt with the Shiv Sainiks will be faced by any scholar who studies the Shiv Sena, given its dictatorial character and m ethod o f functioning. F u rtherm ore, as the organ­ ization is still quite inform al and as very little attem pt is made to m aintain and classify documents, it becomes difficult for the investigator to supplem ent his observations with documentary evidence. If I have been able to complete my work with a reason­ able degree o f competence then it is primarily due to my supervisor, Professor Y ogendra Singh, o f the Centre for the Study o f Social Systems, School o f Social Sciences, Jaw aharlal N ehru University. I am very grateful to him for

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guiding me in the study o f social movements and for sensitiz­ ing me to the theoretical complexities involved in this field. I am also indebted to D r. Satish Saberw al o f Jaw aharlal N ehru University who patiently went through several portions o f this w ork and offered valuable comments which helped me to tighten u p my argum ents. I should like to th a n k Prof. A.R. Desai o f Bom bay University and Prof. Y.B. D am le o f Po on a University for their comments on my thesis. I t is largely on the basis o f their comments th at I rew orked my thesis for publication. I am especially grateful to Prof. Desai for the advice he gave me in the early stages o f my field trip. I am also indebted, in no small measure, to the faculty members and students o f the Centre for the Study o f Social Systems, Jaw aharlal N ehru University, who helped me overcome the num erous problems I faced in the course o f writing my thesis. M y field trip to Bombay would not have been quite as fruitful or pleasant had it n o t been for the w arm hospitality o f Shri Anil K u m a r Bhave. His intimate association with the Shiv Sena enabled me to observe the organisation at close quarters. He also helped me in the arduous task o f translating M arath i language publications, especially the M a r m ik , into English. His enthusiasm and interest in my thesis often surpas­ sed my own. I am deeply indebted to him for his friendship and co-operation. I am afraid he will perhaps not be very happy with the position I have taken on the Shiv Sena, but I know he is big enough not to let ideological differences come in the way o f friendship. I should also like to take this o p p ortu nity to th an k all those members o f the Shiv Sena who helped me in the various stages o f my w ork. Acknowledgements are due to Prof. R a m a c h a n d ra n o f the T a ta Institute o f Social Sciences, and to my friends M r. Vinay T. G a u tam for assisting me with the tables, M r. A .W . R o h a n k a r for preparing the maps, and M r. R am esh Alve for providing some general assistance to me. There are several others who perform ed la b o u r gratis and assisted me in securing inform ation for my thesis, b u t who would no t like to be acknowledged by nam e. This does not in any way reduce my indebtedness to them. The m anuscript for publication was finalised after m uch

PREFACE

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revision while I was w o rkin g in the Centre for Social Studies, Surat, in 1979. This n aturally m eant that for some time I had to disengage myself from active service in the Centre. My other colleagues in the C entre covered up for me in this period, which allowed me to finalise my m anuscript at a leisurely pace. To these colleagues at the Centre —to Prof. I.P. Desai, Prof. G hanshyam Shah and D r. P radip K u m a r Bose—my very special gratitude. I also salute M r. K .M . Bhavsar and M rs. Silloo M ehta o f the Centre for the speed and efficiency with which they typed out the m anuscript. In spite o f the fact that they were laden with other official duties they always returned at the first opportunity to my m anuscript. H ad it n o t been for their conscientious efforts it would have taken much longer for this volume to a p p ea r. It is difficult to adequately than k my wife, H arm ala, who cheerfully bore the trials and tribulations o f being married to a Ph.D . scholar. In spite o f her academic com m itm ents she always found time to discuss perplexing issues and to read thro ug h several p re p a ra to ry drafts offering valuable suggestions. H er literary stan d ard , m oreover, is something th at I have aspired towards, but never achieved. The errors and shortcomings o f this work are. needless to say, my responsibility.

Jaw aharlal N ehru University 1982

D ipa n k a r G upta

Contents

P reface

I II III IV >V VI

An Intro du ctio n to the Study o f Social M ovements The Shiv Sena: B ackground Factors and Causes The Shiv Sena O rganization: Its Structure and M ass Base Ideology o f the Shiv Sena: Its A rticulation and Perception A reas o f Shiv Sena Activism— 1966-1974: The Issues and C onstraints Summing U p

A ppe n d ic e s

Appendix I — Interviews and Questionnaire Appendix II— H ousehold Income D istribution in the Various W ards o f Bombay Appendix I I I —N um ber o f Seats Contested in Bom bay M unicipality Election, 1968, and the T otal N u m b e r o f Votes Polled by Differ­ ent Political Parties and also Percentage of Votes Polled by Each of Them B

ib l io g r a ph y

In d e x

*

List o f Tables

Page I II III IV

V VI

VII

VIII

IX

X

Break-up o f G re ater Bombay P o p u la tio n by M ajor Linguistic Communities Age D istribution o f U nem ployed in G reater Bombay D istribution o f M igrant W orkers by State o f Birth and Education Per Cent of M igran t W orkers in Each O ccupa­ tion Division by State o f Birth in G re ater Bombay Caste, Age, Education and Income o f the Top 10 Leaders o f the Shiv Sena F a th e r’s Income and Background, and Personal Background and Em ploym ent Status o f T o p 10 Leaders o f Shiv Sena Caste, Education, Political Background o f Parents and F a th e r ’s Income o f the Middle O rder Shiv Sena Leaders Background o f the M iddle O rder Leaders o f the Shiv Sena in Terms o f their Social and Political Affiliation Before Joining the Shiv Sena, their Years o f Stay in Bombay, their Incom e and W hether they are Self-employed o r N o t R ank C orrelation Cofficient Between Votes Polled for the Shiv Sena, the O ther M ajo r Parties and the Linguistic G ro u p s o f those Born and Brought up in G reater Bombay R ank C orrelation Coefficient Between Votes Polled for the Shiv Sena and Other M ajo r Parties and the Linguistic Break-up o f M igrants to G reater Bombay

48 50 51 51

105

1C6

107

107

110

110

LIST OF TABLE

R an k C orrelation Coefficient Between Votes Polled for the Shiv Sena and the Other M ajor Parties and the Levels o f Income in G reater Bombay X II R easons Given by Shiv Sainiks for Joining the Shiv Sena, A rranged According to their H ie ra r­ chical Standing in the Organization X III Reasons Given by Shiv Sainiks for Joining the Shiv Sena, A rranged According to the Caste of the Respondents XIV Reasons Given by Shiv Sainiks for Joining the Shiv Sena, A rranged According to the Age o f the Respondents XV Reasons Given by Shiv Sainiks for Joining the Shiv Sena, A rranged According to the Income Level o f the Respondents XI

List o f M aps

1 2 3

4

M ah a ra sh tra in India Facing page T ran sp o rt N etw o rk o f M a h a ra sh tra Facing page U rb a n Population o f the D istrict as Per C ent o f Total U rb a n Population of the State o f M a h a ra sh tra — 1901-1931 Facing page U rb a n Population of the D istrict as Per C ent o f Total U rb a n Population o f the State o f M a h a ra sh tra — 1941-1971 Facing page

39 47

48

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CHAPTER 1

An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements

The study o f social movements has traditionally attracted historians and political philosophers. Though very little systematic w ork had been done on the sociology o f movements before 1930,1 it is this field which interested the forebearers o f m o dern sociological thought. The upheavals in France, the glorious French Revolution and its afterm ath, no t excluding the historic Paris Com m une, have inspired generations of social and political philosophers. Yet, by and large, the conventional approach to the study o f the phenomena has been a historical and philosophical study of their ideas and theories. These were interpreted and analysed as if they were systems o f philosophy; they were submitted to critical evaluations in terms o f empirical truth, logical consistency and ethical standards. Not much attention was puid to the meaning o f these ideas to the masses o f people who made up the movement or party, nor to the social struc­ ture o f these groups, nor to other problems o f sociological relevance .2 (emphasis mine) In short the sociological frame o f reference in the analysis has been missing. The study o f social movements is essentially a study of social change.3 The earlier “ academic” sociologists, influenc­ ed by the conventional model o f equilibrium were perhaps deterred from studying this area because many o f them believed social movements to be o f an essentially transient (though

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traumatic) character which did not deserve serious intellectual cogitation, as they disappear w ithout leaving any great im pres­ sion on “ the historical course of social ch an ge” .4 After the Second W orld W ar, a lot o f myths and a great many complacencies were shattered. The threat o f the N azi and the Fascist M ovements, the success o f the Bolshevik R evo­ lution led to a m ore serious exam ination o f movements on a scientific sociological plane. Social movements today are im p ortan t, sociologically, for a variety o f very pertinent reasons. Firstly, it has now been recognised in the m ain body o f “ academic” sociological thought that both system m a in ­ taining and change inducing factors are present in every society.5 Social movements being eminently in the field o f social change, their study naturally assumes im portance. Secondly, as a follow up it would be interesting to enquire of the possible avenues for the m anifestations of social m ove­ ments. Thirdly, to a certain extent, the study o f movements might help form ulate realistic social planning, social engineer­ ing as well as adm inistration, to the degree possible, in o rder to keep social discontinuities and strains at a low level. Alternatively, it may also help the p rop ag ato rs o f a social movement to understand the social stru ctural ramifications o f the movement. F ourthly, a detailed a n d indepth study o f social movem ents—their types, their causes, their stages, their relationship with the system, their lim itations and possibili­ ties—helps n o t only to enrich sociological theory b u t also adds a dimension to o ne’s social existence. O ur concern in this book is to study the Shiv Sena m ov e­ ment. But in order to do so we think it relevant to u n d e r­ stand some o f the issues involved in the sociological study o f movements. F irst o f all we should be clear as to w hat we understand by movements and we should also know in this connection what are the types o f social movements. Secondly, it is necessary to evaluate the theoretical perspectives applied to the study o f various social movements, in order to understand their limitations and advantages, in the light o f which the theoretical perspective th a t we shall employ to study the Shiv Sena will be justified. Wc have deliberately tried to keep the following discussion on concepts and theoretical perspectives simple and elementary,

A N INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS

3

fo r this m ight, especially in the discussion on perspec­ tives, involve a m ore intim ate participation by those readers, who like us, are groping tow ards a unity between theory and em pirical research. W ith the help o f Landsberger we may posit a sociological scheme for the study o f social m ovements. The study should investigate (a) societal changes preceding the establishment o f ' the social movement, (b) goals and ideologies of the m ove­ m ent, (c) its means and methods, (d ) the mass base o f the move­ ment, (e) conditions facilitating organisations e.g., a history o f com m unal co-operative effort. ( / ) its allies and antagonists, (g) the outcom e o f the m ovem ent or the conditions f o r success and fa ilu r e , i.e., “ determination o f its success and failure, particularly in view o f the allies o f which it disposes and the antagonists it f a c e s . '’’ This may include structural constraints .6 (emphasis mine) 1. THE CONCEPT OF SOCIAL MOVEMENT

Social movement as a concept m u st first o f all be clear before any full length sociological treatm en t o f it is under­ tak en . It is necessary (i) to distinguish it from other related phenom ena such as riots, mobs, crowds, historic trends, v olu ntary associations and political parties; (ii) to examine the structure and organisation o f a movement, i.e., its com ponent p arts and characteristics. By examining the above, the concept o f “ social m ovem ent” will be clear. O u r following discussion will revolve a rou nd the above m entioned themes. 1.1 Definitions A social m ovem ent has been defined in various ways. But Bruce C am ero n puts it most succinctly when he says: “ A social movement occurs when a fairly large num ber o f people band together in order to alter or supplant some po rtio n o f the existing culture o r sociai order . The difficulty that arises with such a definition is in m aintaining the unambiguity o f the terms involved, such as “ large nu m b e r” to which no exact m axim um o r m inim um limit can be specified. I n the definitions offered by various scholars four aspects

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have been generally stressed: (a) the ideology o r the n o rm ativ e views which bind the m em bers o f a movem ent;8 (b) the m eans the movement employs, a nd (c) the o rg an isation al stru ctu re o f the movement. The above three aspects are also employed to distinguish social m ovements from o th er related ph e n o m en a as well; and finally (d) the m ovem ent is also viewed as an instrum ent o f social change. Paul W ilkinson emphasises m ost o f these aspects when he defines a social movement as “ a deliberate, collective endeav­ o u r to pro m ote change, having at least a minimal degree o f organisation and founded upon the norm ative c o m m itm en t and active participation o f followers or m em b ers” .9 Joseph Gusfield’s definition emphasises the first aspect. A ccording to him social movements “ are socially shared activities and beliefs directed tow ards the dem and for change in some aspect o f the social o rd e r” .10 Gusfield like H eberle, lays a great deal o f stress on the integrative character o f the norm ative and ideological beliefs o f the members and followers o f a m ove­ ment. These according to Heberle are the “ constitutive values” .11 O r as W ilkinson elaborates: “ A social m o v em en t’s com m itm ent to change and the raison d'etre o f its organiza­ tion are founded u po n the conscious volition and active p a r ti­ cipation on the p a rt o f the followers o r m em bers” .12 Indeed on this count there prevails a general consensus o f o pin ion .13 John Wilson on the other han d defines a social m ovem ent as a “ conscious, collective, organized a tte m p t to bring a b ou t o r resist large scale change in the social order by non-institutionalized m eans” .14 H ere the emphasis is on the means employed by the social m ovem ent as an instrum ent o f change. Wilkinson allows for a variety of m eans which m ay be employed by a social movem ent, such as violence, illegality, revolution or withdrawal into “ u to p ia n ” c o m m un ity .15 It is misleading to construct the concept o f a social m ovem ent on the existence or non-existence o f institutionalization alone, as Gusfield does in a rather pronounced m anner. He wishes to focus on only those movements which “ a tte m p t to achieve goals through peaceful political o r m oral p ersu asio n” . G eilach and H ine have laid stress on the organizational character o f social m ovements and also significantly on the recruitm ent o f m em bers.16 H eberle, while he offers no clear

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definition o f a m ovem ent also feels th a t the lack o f organiza­ tion characterises a social m ovem ent.17 A feeling which by no means is shared by all. There seems to be a consensus, however, on the view that social movements are agents and instruments o f social change. Some authors have limited the thrust of their definitions to this aspect alone. H e rb ert Blumer defines social movements as “ collective enterprises to establish a new order o f life” .18 F o r Wendell K in g it is “ a group venturing beyond a local com m unity, o r a single event and involving a systematic effort to institute changes” .19 On a slightly variant strain T u rn e r and Killian note th a t a movement is a “ collectivity which acts with some continuity, to prom ote or resist a change in the society o r group o f which it is a p a r t” .20 1.2 Distinctions 1.2.1 M ovements and Trends The characteristics which the various a uth ors emphasise while defining a social m ovem ent are echoed when distinctions are drawn between movements and o th e r related phenomena. F o r Heberle the conceptual requirem ent o f group conscious­ ness, group identity and the feeling o f solidarity which exists between members and followers o f a social movement, dis­ tinguishes it from unconscious trends and tendencies.21 The fundam ental characteristic o f a movement for Heberle is the integration o f the movement by its “ constitutive values” . Likewise according to Gusfield the distinction between trends a n d movements is th at the latter “ possess both structure— some organisation o f people—and sentiments—beliefs about w hat ought to be done and w hat will come to pass” .22 The difference is clear, for trends are after all similar but uncoordi­ n ated actions o f m any individuals.23 L. B room and P. Selznick in the tradition o f R o bert Park bracketed social movements with oth er forms o f collective behaviour such as crowds, riots, etc. They felt th a t “ collective behaviour is the study o f relatively unstructured social situa­ tions and their products such as crowds, riots, rum our, public opinion, fads and social m ovem ent” .24 This statem ent is in

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the tradition o f Burke who in his Reflections on the Revolution characterises the “ Assembly” dero g ato rily . This set the tone • for later authors who characterised all collectivities as ep ito ­ mizing irrational behaviour. In this connection the nam es o f Le Bon and Gabriel T arde easily come to mind. However, Neil Smelser-5 and m ore recently George R ud e 6 have tu rn e d their backs on such shibboleths. R u de like M ichelet sees the crowd as people; whereas Burke and T u m in saw them as “ rabb le” .27 W hat then would be the distinction between a movement and a crowd? (We also include mobs, riots, etc.) The im p o rtan t differences are: (i) the crowd does not have a group identity b o rn out o f the integrative effect o f constitu­ tive values;28 (ii) it is n o t organised and does n o t possess a differentiation o f structure; (iii) it exists generally for a sho rt period o f time; and (iv) as Gusfield has pointed out, a social movement unlike crowd behaviour embodies a rejection of certain accepted practices and beliefs and it atte m p ts to bring a b ou t change against the resistance o f prevalent belief and authority.29 The crux o f the difference being th a t a m ovem ent has an organization and ideology which suggests how and w hat things should be changed. It has a more o r less deliberate plan o f collective action. Also, as L andsberger has pointed out, a movement does n o t indulge in expressive actions alone, like a ‘jacquerie’. Its actions are m ore instrum ental, i.e., they are oriented tow ards a goal.30 The distinctive features o f a movement are therefore organization, leadership and c on trol which are absent in either surging crowds o r wild cat strikes. 1.2.2 Movement and Political Party The trickiest distinction is th at between movem ents and political parties. A ccording to Gusfield, movements can be distinguished from political parties by the fact th a t “ many movements and m any aspects o f movements, do n o t display the degree o f organisation, definiteness and p erm anen t establishment enjoyed by . . . political p arties” . But then he goes on to say th a t movements m ay be organized, “ yet m any movements are not organizations” .31 F u rth e rm o re the a u th o r also says that a certain degree o f organisation is necessary for movements. The situation is undoubtedly puzzling. H eberle

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does not m ake m atters any better when he says, like Gusfield, th a t a political party has a form al organisation.32 Wilson believes th a t political parties operate through institutional means and movements “ a tte m p t to bring or resist large scale change in the social order by non-institutionalized m eans” .33 James Ju p p in Political Parties distinguishes a movement from a p arty because the form er with its commitment to an ideology, mobilization o f enthusiasm and its scorn for establ­ ished political institutions and practices is clearly different from political parties.34 “ A pp aren tly” , as Heberle said, “ no elear cut distinction between a movement and a party can be m ade by this m ethod o f searching for a single distinguishing tra it.” 35 The situation is further confounded by the fact th at m any political parties may be involved with a movement or several movements. However, fo r the sake o f conceptual clarity, we may distinguish a movement as a process, and a political party as a structure,36 A movement is a process that brings about organizational change, i.e., reordering or supplanting some elements o f the existing social structure, or a structural change, i.e., a complete structural transformation o f the system .2,1 A s it is eminently a process, a social movement when successful is s e lf destructive. A political party on the other hand is essentially a structure f o r achieving or trying to achieve monopolization o f the means o f coercion, as well as control over administration and governance. It is in the nature o f things s e l f perpetuating. But this is only a conceptual distinction because empirically the two pheno­ mena are often embodied in the same physical entity. 1.3 Typology o f M ovem ents

There is no uniform criterion for a typology o f social movements. They have been typologised on the basis of their structure, or on the basis o f their goals, strategy, etc.38 Sociologists now no longer, like either Lorenz von Stein or even Som bart, believe a social movement to be only “ the conception o f all the attem pts at emancipation on the p art of the p ro le ta ria t” .39 Scholars o f social movements no longer find it necessary to restrict their study only to proletarian movements.40

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T urner and K illian41 classify movements according to three fundam ental types: (i) value oriented m ovements, (ii) power oriented movements, a nd (iii) participation oriented m ov e­ ments. A nd Wilson building up on this adds 3 fu rth er types: (iv) The transform ative, (v) the redemptive, and (vi) the alienative.42 Chalmers Johnson has his own classification: (i) jacquerie, (ii) millinearism rebellion, (iii) anarchist rebellion, (iv) com m unist revolution, (v) coup d ’etat, and (vi) militarised mass insurrection.43 Gusfield typologises a movement as w ithdrawal, protest, reform and revolution.44 We may also classify a m ovem ent according to its scope as (i) revolutionary, and (ii) reform atory, akin to Smelser’s value oriented and n orm oriented movements. But even here there are different opinions on w hat is m eant by revolutionary or radical. Some define it on the basis of violence,45 and others on the basis o f its scope.46 F urth er, in this sub-category o f revolution, C rane B rinton finds further sub-types.47 We find therefore myriads o f classifications and typologies in the literature on movements. The typologies adopted by sociologists depend on the area o f their interest and on the thrust o f their contentions. The distinctions are generally based on the following criteria: (i) targets, (ii) identity o f the revolutionary masses, (iii) revolutionary goals o r ideology, (iv) spontaneous or calculated n ature,48 (v) scope, and (vi) means. It should be noted however th at these types are n ot mutually exclusive and there is frequent overlapping. F o r instance, a revolutionary m ovem ent may be seen v arian tly also as a transform ative m ovem ent o r as a “ p a rticip atio n oriented m ovem ent” , depending on which particular aspect we wish to stress. There is no single uniform criterion for classification a n d there is no point in seeking one either. 1.4 Organisation

One o f the m ost im p o rtan t contributions o f sociologists to the study o f social movement is their exam ination o f the o rg a ­ nization which spearheads the movement. We have already concluded, th a t no m a tte r what kind o f movement, there has to be a mininal organization behind it. A social m ovem ent is usually a “ poly-cephalous organisation com posed o f units

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recticulated by various personal, structural and ideological ties.” 49 Though there are many movements th a t are charis­ m atic they still possess an organisation.50 As a m atter o f fact, W eber has inadvertently led m any o f his students to take up r a th e r dogm atic positions regarding organisation and charism a. Firstly, all social movements need not be led by charis­ m atic figures. A p a rt from the traditional and rational legal leaders there m ay also be w hat Wilson calls the ideological leaders,51 who according to him are easily m ore frequent than the “ ch arism atic” type especially in secular movements. Secondly, as Gusfield has pointed out, there is nothing inherent in the n atu re o f organisations th a t make them grope tow ards com prom ise when they get routinized and gradually lose the a rd o u r and enthusiam o f their followers.52 The need for an organisation has been stressed no t only by sociologists but also by the propagators o f the movement themselves.53 A nd it is also true that many activists have cri­ ticized, quite unrealistically, the role o f organisation in move­ m ents,54 blam ing it for their oligarchical and dictatorial tenden­ cies. There is no sociological fatality inherent in this issue. M o st sociological treatm ents o f movements, however, deal exhaustively with the organisational structure o f the m ovement. Some au tho rs study it exclusively in order to deter­ mine the internal dynamics o f the movem ent.55 Comparisons also generally focus on the differential organizational a ttri­ butes o f various movements. 2.

THE DIMENSIONS FOR THE STUDY OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS

A m ovem ent may be studied either sociologically, the implications o f which we have already mentioned more sp e c ifi­ cally on page 3 o f this chapter or sequentially, which is some­ times called historically; o r it m ay be studied with a view to exploring the psychological characteristics o f the leaders and the followers o f a movement. A slight clarification will be in order. Even a sociological treatm en t o f a social m ovem ent may legitimately entail a sequential investigation o f the growth o f the movement, or even a section on the psychology and m otivation o f the activists

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But we are here isolating those scholars who are involv­ ed either in a sequential presentation, or a psychological investigation alone to the exclusion o f other sociological matrices. In this section o f o u r p ap er we are dealing n o t only with non-sociological studies o f movements, but also with the vary ­ ing perspectives in the sociological school itself, namely the functional and the M arxian perspectives and fram ew orks for the study o f social movements. Admittedly, we are excluding other perspectives in sociology. O ur reason is that generally sociological treatises on m ovements have been written by scholars who have a d o p ted either one or the other perspective and framework. Also the debate between functionalism a n d M arxism in sociology has throw n up very interesting alternatives. The above dimensions are by no means exhaustive. O ur prim ary intention is to show in relief the characteristics o f a sociological study o f movements. M oreover, the dimensions are n o t w atertight com partm ents. M odern social scientific study is largely interdisciplinary. The distinction between history and sociology for example is an antiquated one. Keeping these qualifications in mind we shall in the following pages high­ light some o f the im p o rta n t dimensions in the study o f social movements. 2.1 The Sequential Study o f S ocial M ovements

A purely sequential, or what may be crudely called a h isto ri­ cal study o f movements, is fairly com m on. As a m a tte r o f fact the bulk o f literature on social movements is generally o f this order. Typically in these studies there is a sequential p resen ta­ tion o f details, dates and events. There is no a tte m p t to explain or even in te rp re t social movements, their causes, their structure, etc. These studies are rich in facts and are valuable to any sociological investigator. They usually employ the term m ove­ ment very freely w ithout studying the concept itself from a theoretical perspective. D ’ A n to n io ’s and Pike's study is o f this o rd e r,56 for there is no a tte m p t to discuss the problem or definition o f movements.

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However, sequential studies are both interesting and use­ ful. They detail the grow th o f the movement per se, as well as th a t o f its ideology and its positions and alliances.57 Some of these detail the conducive situations which help the form a­ tion and grow th o f a movement before going into their sequen­ tial presentations.58 These studies usually remain confined to the realm o f either political history o r individual history59 o f the leaders o f the m ovem ent. The scheme o f Landsberger remains by and large untouched. We cannot call this form o f study his­ torical, in the sense that it is understood today. The historians also talk in terms o f structures, and their study may be both synchronic and diachronic. The difference is probably one o f emphasis. A historian will m ore likely study the developm ent o f the structural conditions leading to a movement and contri­ buting to its typicality. A sociologist usually lays greater stresso n the short term historical changes th a t occur in the econo­ mic and social structure before the form ation o f the movement. M ore in the n ature, it would seem o f identifying the precipita­ ting factors. Secondly, a sociologist also examines the internal organization o f the m ovement, its leadership structure, its ideology and the m otivation o f its members m ore thoroughly. A t the same time it should be reiterated that there is nothing inherently historical that separates one approach from the oth er.60 As a m a tte r o f fact a thorough study o f any social m ovem ent should embrace ideally both history and sociology. 2.2 The P sych ological Study o f M ovem ents

The m ain focus o f such studies is on the personality dis­ positions and m otivational factors of the leaders, and those who play an active role in social movements. In these studies the emphasis is n o t on the sociological dimensions o f the move­ ment, such as social m obilization and the social bases o f the movement, but o n the personalities, psychological adjustments, and frustrations o f the individuals in the movement. The em­ phasis here is on the personal m ake up and the psychological attribu tes o f the pa rtisan s o f a social movement. The purpose is basically to show th a t certain people because o f their perso­ nality type or because o f o ther psycho-analytical reasons (such

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as repression and failure), are the ones who s ta rt and join a social movement. The m ovem ent as such is depicted as a kind o f sublimation in the F reu dian sense, i.e., an individual is a victim o f his unconscious desires. Thus according to E dw ard Spranger there are prim arily two personality types. The political and the social. The po liti­ cal type is geared tow ards attain ing pow er a nd is therefore the arch inspirator o f social m ovements.61 Similarly R o b ert C. Tucker asks : W hat are the attributes o f the radical mind? H e feels that (i) it possesses an intense element o f negation and thus characterizes a m an who criticises and negates everything, e.g., M arx , (ii) A radical is also a visionary, and (iii) an activist. Hence M a rx in his opinion possessed the archetypal radical m ind.62 Richard H ofstadter borrow ed A d o rn o ’s types o f “ A u th o ri­ ta ria n Personalities” . While studying the M cC arth y m ovem ent he said th a t the exponents o f this dissent had “ little in com m on with the tem perate and com prom ising spirit o f true conser­ vatism. . . .Their political reactions express ra th e r a profo un d if largely unconscious h atred o f our society and its ways . . . .” 62 This was in keeping with A d o rn o ’s characterization o f a pseudo conservative who “ believes himself to be in a world in which he is spied u po n plotted against, betrayed and very likely destined for total ru in ” .64 We may also add to this list the work o f A lm o nd ,65 who studied the m otivational patterns o f those who are attracted to com m unism and o f E. Hoffer,66 who found th at those who joined social m ovements did so p r i­ marily because it gave them a feeling o f togetherness against the emptiness o f individualistic existence.67 The psycho-analytical studies o f social m ovem ents stress individual frustration and repression b o rn out of failure to reach goals which in tu rn lead to aggressiveness. In certain cases when it is n o t openly exhibited this aggressiveness may find release in participation in social movements. Thus, H . Lasswell,68 for instance, discusses the m otivations o f individuals who are oriented politically and relates them directly to child­ hood repression and adolescent p a ra n o ia. Likewise G o rd o n W. A llport and H .T . M o re suggest th at atypical opinions are actuated by p artially reperessed em otional desires.69 Elmer Davis70 advances the view that those who were a ttra cted

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to M cC arth y ism were inspired by a widespread feeling of fear and fru stra tio n in the face o f the growing power o f internation­ al com m unism . A nd those who could n o t face these problems in a m ore rational way “ take it out on their less influential n e ig h b o u rs” . The m ost u n fo rtu n ate result o f adopting this approach according to Wilson is th a t “ it obscures, and on occasion totally conceals impulses to change which em anate from w ith­ in society itself” .71 This approach is, however, not without its merits. As Heberle says, it may be interesting to enquire “ to w hat extent are neurotic and psychopathic individuals more frequently found in social movements than am ong the non p articipating p o p u la tio n .” 72 But the problem remains. F ru s ­ tra te d and psychopathological people are a m inority in social movements, even in the Nazi m ovem ent.73 F u rther, only individuals are probably frustrated or pathological, groups as such are n o t fru strated and therefore it is methodologically incorrect to “ apply categories o f this kind to social entities like groups a n d movements as if they were individuals” .74 A ccording to Chalmers Johnson psychological theories o f the causes of revolution ask essentially the question “ W ho are the Revolutionaries?” instead o f “ W hat causes revolutions in a social system?” 75 He goes on to argue th at the psychological theories do n o t explain why a person un d er certain condition say writes a b o ok and why others und er similar situations “ have reacted to the same problem by getting d ru n k .” 76 The m ore relevant proposition is “ whatever the psychological roots o f their mobilization (familial, societal o r both). . . whether or n o t pressures (dysfunction) appear in society, economic depression, n a tio n a l hum iliation. . .blocked channels of social m obility—all these have conditioned. . .revolutions” .77 In other w ords, it is the opinion o f M claughlin, that the main flaw in this form o f study is th a t it “ fails to provide the total expla­ n ation o f the origin o f such movem ents” .78 To this we may a d d th at the social bases of the m ovem ent are left unspecified. 2.3 Sociological Studies of Movements In the sociological studies o f social movements we can dis­ tinguish two contending frameworks o f analyses. One is the

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functional framework, a n d the other is the M arx ian fram ew ork. This distinction is im p o rta n t because the adherents o f either fram ew ork have emphasised n o t only different facts but also because o f their vastly dissimilar world views, they have in ­ compatible theoretical concerns. This n aturally fashions diver­ gent forms o f arg u m e n tatio n and presentation, as well as diffe­ rent hypotheses and concepts. We will first discuss the func­ tionalist fram ew ork and then the M arxist one. 2.3.1 The Functionalist Framework The functionalist school is by no means undifferentiated. There are pure organic functionalists and m echanical functio­ nalists, structural functionalists and the new v a ria n t o f conflict theorists. But they have a certain m arked unity o f theme and perspective which separates them from the M arx ist sociologists. The basic postulates o f the functional view to the s tu d y ,o f social movements should be seen in relation to social change. The framew'ork o f fuctionalism is m ore attuned to the maintenance o f the social structure than changing it. F o r Parsons, the architect o f structural functionalism, a social system is a system o f action. It is m ade up o f interactions of individuals. They are n o t chaotic b u t governed by norm s which have a com m on standard which Parsons calls “ stan d ard o f value o rien tatio n ” .79 There is a general consensus in relation to social norm s and this consensus comes to be e q u a t­ ed with social equilibrium .80 F u rth er according to G ouldner: “ Basic to P arson s’ analysis o f the social systems is his focus on equilibrium and on the conditions from which this deri­ ves” .81 Societies are kept in stable form by “ two m ain classes o f m echanism by which m otivation is kept at the level and the direction necessary for the continuing operation o f the social system. . .(they) are the mechanisms o f socialization and social co n tro l” .42 H ow do the functionalists react to the problem of change? Endogenous changes are seen as variants from the d o m in a n t pattern and come about due to dysfunctions, tensions and deviance.83 They however “ tend to resolve themselves, o r to be ‘institutionalized’ in the long run. . . through built in m echa­ nisms o f adjustm ent and c o n tro l” .84

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The functionalists tre a t change as departure from normalcy. “ The integration o f a set o f com m on value patterns with inter­ nalized need disposition structure of the constituent personali­ ties is the core phenom enon o f the dynamic o f the social system. T h a t the stability o f any social system except the m ost evanescent interaction process is dependent on a degree o f such integration, may be said to be the fundamental dynamic theorem o f sociology. It is a m ajor point o f reference f o r any analysis which claims to be dynamic” .85 (emphasis added) Change in the social system is seen, therefore, as a d epar­ ture from norm alcy. The stability o f a social system depends on the consensual absorption of value patterns, and instability and change arise when there is a variation from this pattern. C hange is dependent upon the degree to which the value patterns are not internalized. This is a fundam ental characteristic o f functionalism. Likewise, in the process o f change the fissiparous tendencies which come into being tend to be institu­ tionalized in the long run .86 This process usually manifested in a m ovem ent continues till consensus is reached again at a different level. 2.3.2 Conflict Theory Wc have briefly m entioned the basic form ulation to which the functionalists adhere. But there are scholars who do not necessarily adhere completely to the above categorical position o f the functionalists, especially with regard to change and con­ flict. D a h re n d o r f87 and Coser88 have criticized the idyllic stable p o rtra it of a hom eostatic society rather severely. M o re recently Oberschall, a follower of D ahrandorf, has sum­ marised the position they take vis-a-vis the Parsonian functio­ nalists. H e rightly says th at according to Parsons the “ change agents” are studied from the point o f view o f the trouble they might m ake for the established groups.89 Strain is manifested in wishful thinking, utop ian idealism, etc. (naturally, as it is ru p tu ring the consensus). He also adds that Parsons does no t see m obilization and control as two sides o f the same coin.90 Sociologists should look for continuities between every­ day behaviour and routine social processes, and not emphasise

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discontinuities and differences alone n o r overlook the exis­ tence o f strain. In short, the model o f Parsons et. al. is static according to Obserchall. It lists only certain contingencies under which some outcomes are m ore likely to occur than oth er outcom es. A genuinely dynamic approach should, however, account for the contingencies themselves. The crux o f the m atter is that the “ static” functionalists have n o t realized th a t “ the truly d y n a ­ mic elements o f conflict and collective behaviour occur due to the interaction between mobilization and c on tro l process” .91 This view is seconded, am ong others by K la p p .92 But the simi­ larity between this school and the earlier P arson ian school is that neither o f them examines the basic causes o f conflict, but see how the initial causes o f strains are m ediated and filtered through intervening social structures.93 Coser94 for instance, finds th a t conflicts, because of their widespread locii in societies can, when they criss-cross each other, lead to greater stability, where the values m ost cherished by and w orthy to the system are retained a t the expense o f those that are disruptive. The similarity with M ontesquieu is marked. Smelser,95 in his study o f the C o tto n Mills of Lancashire and the Industrial R evolution applied what is called the dynamic com ponent o f structural functionalism. Here again the causes o f the Industrial R evolution are not mentioned. But the Industrial Revolution is seen as fitting because it gradually b rought about a consensus o f values which was more suitable for this higher form o f organization. Similarly, many movement studies in Africa have been found certain movement to be “ acculturative” whereby whole groups adapt to changed conditions.96 Crane B rinto n’s perspective is perhaps the m ost explicit am ong the “ dynam ic” functionalists. To begin with he says, “ the conceptual scheme o f social equilibrium is probably in the long run the m ost useful for the sociologists o f revolution. . ,97 We shall regard revolutions as a kind o f fever. . . .There will be signs o f the coming disturbance. . .these signs are not quite symptoms, since when the symptoms are fully developed the disease is already present. They are perhaps b etter described as pro-dorm al signs.” 98 Then comes the time “ when full symptoms disclose themselves, and when we can say the fever

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'

o f revolution has begun. . .frequently accompanied by delirium' . . .The Reign o f terror. A fter the crisis comes a period o f convalescence, usually m arked by a relapse o r two. Finally the fever is over and the person is himself again, perhaps in some respects actually strengthened by the experience, immunized at least for a while from a similar a tta ck , but certainly not wholly made over into a new m an.”™ (emphasis mine) The above passage reveals two im portant points: (i) Brinton recognises the possibility o f conflict and in certain respects finds it healthy and beneficial like Coser and D ahrendorf; (ii) he does n o t believe th a t conflict, revolution, or movement can change society. It will remain basically the same. Here again the similarity with D a h re n d o rf and with the conflict theorists is pronounced.100 This point is im p o rtan t for it illus­ trates a vital difference between functionalism and M arxism. Social strain, referred to earlier, is viewed by functionalists and conflict theorists alike as the result of a rupture in the value consensus o f society. Some o f course leave it at th a t, b u t others try to operationalise it, in terms o f a cause or a series o f causes. They however do not grant the dominance o f any one cause over the other. Sorokin for instance, listed “ 162 disturbances in intra-group relationship” between 656 and 1921 in E n gland,101 w ithout any attem pt towards o p e ra tio ­ nalising the term strain itself.102 The causes o f s tru c tu ra l strain most com m only put for­ w ard by all varieties of functionalists are— (i) the structural-econom ic and political weaknesses o f the system. (ii) the new circumstances whereby power is effectively put into the hands of a new group o f people. (iiij the m aladjustm ents in the social order which a ttract the m arginals to the movement. (iv) Relative D eprivation. These causes are however no t mutually exclusive. (i) Structural Weakness: Economic and Political—Accord­ ing to Crane B rinton in all those societies where Revolutions have occurred, i.e., England, America, Russia, France it is the government th a t is in financial difficulties, not the society

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themselves. . .103 Thus we see economic grievances—usually n o t in the form of economic distress, b u t rath er as a feeling on the p a rt o f some o f the chief enterprising groups th at their opportunities for getting on in this world are unduly limited by political arrangem ents. . . .” 104 On the o th e r'h a n d , “ as regards the actual working o f the machinery, the governments seem to have been relatively inefficient and the governed relatively im patient.” 105 According to Wilson, when the discontented find the institutionalized political and economic machinery inadequate to voice their grievances or to change the situation, they despair and start a social m ovem ent.106 Fascist movements, according to Lipset are caused by the th re a t o f extinction which the middle class faces from big capitalists.107 He also believes like D a h ren d o rf that differential status positions are the causes o f conflict, and what is required therefore is a uniform perspective (or consensus) regarding the structure and operation o f modern capitalist systems.10S (ii) The rise o f a new power class: This cause has also been dealt with at length by m any sociologists. D avid Riesman and N a th a n Glazier argue th at M cC arthyism arose because new big money pushed back the earlier tradition o f laissez faire capitalism, and its adherents.109 A ccording to D avid D onald the abolitionists o f 19th century America were generally from New England. They could trace their ancestors to the signatories o f the D eclaration o f independence. They were n o t “ money grabbers” like the new a nd rising bourgeois class—a class which was gradually ousting them in the spheres o f both wealth and power. The fact th a t the abolitionists were more like zealots can be explained by this fact” .110 A n a tta ck on slavery was their “ best if no t quite unconscious atta ck on the new industrial system. . . (it) offered these young people a chance for reassertion o f their traditional values, an o p p o r­ tunity for association . . . and a position for achieving self­ fulfilment which should traditionally have been theirs as social leaders” .111 Plath argues that the “ withdrawal m ov e­ m ents” in »'Japan occurred because some people could not identify themselves with the new values o f m o dern ization .112 These people were dispossessed not so m uch in the m aterial sense as in the realm o f ideas, life-styles and views which

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were flouted.113 On the o ther hand , the spread o f modern technical education, o f research, o f adm inistration, “ creates a new constituency, the technical and professional intelli­ gentsia. . .” 114 This new emergent group, is often directly in strum en tal in bringing a b o ut great social changes. Bruce M cCully illustrates this po int in his essay “ English Education a n d In d ia n N atio n alism .” H e puts forward the view that the rise o f English education, norm s and values were the m otor force behind In dian Independence.115 (iii) M aladjustm ents and disintegration: K orn hau ser, and A re n d t116 suggest th a t the structures o f m odern life produce a weakening o f attachm ents between persons. T otalitarian move­ ments arise in such a situation. T o talitarian movements, whether Nazi, Fascist or Bolshevik a ttra c t their adherents and leaders from am ong those who are n o t well integrated in the system. According to K o rnh au ser democratic societies are vulnerable to penetration and control by totalitarian m ove­ ments when they lack strong secondary organizations o r assoeiational groups capable o f m ediating between elites and n o n ­ elites.117 This has been argued against by, among others, Lipset who says th a t the attachm ent to prim ary and secondary social groups is essential for the movement to be ongoing. The im personality o f the m odern industrial age has been exaggerated according to him. Lipset contends that the discrete social bases o f G erm an Fascism, French Poujadism and M cC arthyism were found am ong the lower middle classes, similarly the w orking class provided the bulk o f activists for the com m unist movements. The socially alienated and m arginals are n o t the prim ary groups which join these m ovem ents.118 (iv) Relative Deprivation: The concept o f relative depri­ vation and its application is a significant landm ark in the study o f social m ovem ents.319 The accent o f the sociologists unlike the psychologists with respect to Relative Deprivation, as M erton illustrates,120 is on the word “ Relative” and not on the w ord “ D e p riv a tio n ” . This concept has attem pted to bring clarity to the vexed issue o f the possible conditions for social movements. As David Aberle states the conditions which in one instance start a m ovem ent m ay also in another situation give rise to apathy,

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despair a nd diso rgan isatio n.121 D eprivation alone does no t lead to movements, it is the a ttitu de o f mind ado pted tow ards these conditions th a t m atters. L an dsberg er’s study o f peasant movements also illustrates this point.22 The better off sections are the ones who are usually the most vociferous and form the vanguard o f the peasant movement. Therefore, quite unlike the m ore usual theme th a t the absolute co n ten t o f deprivation gives rise to movements, relative deprivation focuses o n the perceptions o f deprivation a n d misery. A ccording to R uncim an there are three dim en­ sions o f relative deprivation: (a) the m agnitude or the size o f the discrepancy between the hopes and aspirations o f the people and the actual situation; (b) the frequency or the n u m ber o f those who feel actually deprived in a g ro up which faces similar conditions; and (c) the degree o r the intensity o f feeling o f relative d e p riv a tio n .123 Tocqueville, before Jam es Davies, d em onstrated th a t people rise u p in revolt when rising standards o f living result in greater expectations than can be m e t.124 This gives rise to a feeling o f deprivation am ongst the people. Earlier when their m aterial position was far more wretched they evinced no sign o f revolt and neither were they restive. Davies applies the same framework in his study o f revolution. A ccording to him, rising economic expectations are fanned by im proving econo­ mic standards; and th a t when the rise tapers off som ew hat o r when there is a slump, various possibilities for revolution emerge, in Davies’ own words: “ Revolutions are m ost likely to occur when a prolonged period o f objective economic a n d social development is followed by a short period o f sharp reversal. 125 Therefore, the actual level o f social econom ic development is less significant than the expectation th a t p a st progress now blocked can and m ust continue in fu tu re.” 126 (emphasis mine) Relative deprivation therefore seeks to bridge the gap between o n e ’s self an d “ the significant o th e rs” . But according to Wilson, th ough it is adm irably suited for rationally m o tiv a ­ ted groups, seeking self im provement, “ the model is poorly equipped to deal with movements which are n o t so clearly oriented to the restitution o f rights” . The rich for instance he says, may question: “ W ho am I?” and not “ W h at should I

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do?” He cites the example o f the H ippie movement in the U nited States.127 F urtherm o re, it may n o t be so much relative dep riv ation per se b u t the understanding th a t the prevailing m isfortune or deprivation is n o t fated to blight the group o r society concerned and th a t it can be alleviated and or removed, th a t is far m ore significant. A new ideology, a scientific exam ination o f society may show the path towards rectification o f these deprivations. As T urner said: “ A signi­ ficant social m ovem ent becomes possible when there is a revision in the m anner in which a substantial group looks at some m isfortune, seeing it no longer as a misfortune, w a rra n t­ ing charitable consideration b u t as injustice which is intole­ rable in society.” 128 Also the rapidly deteriorating economic situation may spur social movements as R ude has shown regarding the “ uprising o f the people” in 18th century F ran ce.329 F ro m the above presentation o f the functionalist frame­ w ork for the study o f social movements we may glean certain im p o rta n t points which will be useful when we compare it with the M arxian fram ew ork. Firstly, the functionalists do n o t believe in structural change. The conflict theorists adm it that conflict is p a rt of routine social life. But as they lack a philosophy o f history they consider the present social system as given and the most w orkable and n a tu ra l form o f social order. Also, according to the functionalists, if the society allows for free and public expression o f grievances and does not consider various and diverse opinions as a danger to social o rd e r and instead strives tow ards accom m odating them, then social stability can be m aintained. M oreover, those who are involved in social movements should also in turn respect “ their opponents as fellow m embers o f the larger com m u­ nity.” 130 They should in no way alter the very rules o f the game, so to say, or the basic structure o f the society. Some societies, the functionalists believe, have these innate m echa­ nisms to adm it reform and dissent, typically the U SA.131 There­ fore in their opinion, ap p rop riate reforms at the proper time should be un dertak en for this will take the wind out o f the sails o f m any to talitarian m ovements.132 They do n o t adm it th a t there may be some inherent contradictions in the system

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itself which can only be overcome by a revolutionary o r s tru ctu ral transform ation. Secondly, as in their opinion conflicts arise because o f a breakdow n in the consensus o f values, th e ir dynam ism is confined to this breakdow n and to the subsequent reassertion o f consensus. The general causes which the functionalists refer to and which we have m entioned above are rooted ultim ately in this consensual breakdow n. 2.4. The M a rx ist Framework The M arxist fram ew ork th at we shall dilate u po n in this section will emphasise the aspects o f unity ra th e r than differen­ tiation that exist am ong M arxist scholars today. Recently, there have been ra th e r intense debates am ong M arxists re g a rd ­ ing the role o f consciousness, political praxis, a nd dialectics. Here, however, we shall elaborate the basic elements o f the M arxian fram ew ork upon which there is general agreem ent am ongst M arx ist scholars, and which in effect signifies the crucial and critical break between M arx ist and no n -M arx ist sociology. The basis o f society for M arx was the m ode o f production and the production relations into which m an entered, a n d history, i.e., material history, was founded on the different stages o f development o f the modes o f production. In the Preface to the C ritique of Political Economy, M arx stated his m e th o ­ dological principle, or as he called it “ his guiding th re a d ” . H e wrote: In the social pro du ction o f their life, men enter into definite relations th a t are indispensible and independent o f their will, relations o f production which correspond to a definite stage o f development o f their m aterial p ro d u c ­ tive forces. The sum total o f these relations o f prod uctio n constitute the economic structure o f society, the real foundation on which rises a legal and political super structure and to which correspond definite forms o f social consciousness. The m ode o f p roduction o f m ate ria l life conditions the social, political and intellectual life process in general.133

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Social change, according to M arx, occurs due to the irreconcilable forces th a t exist in the material basis o f society. In M a r x ’s words, “at a certain stage o f development, the material forces o f production in society come in conflict with the existing relations o f production o r — what is b u t the legal expression of the same th in g—with the p rop erty relations that had been at work before. F ro m forms of development o f the forces of production, these relations tu rn into their fetters. There comes a period o f social revolution. W ith the change o f the economic foundation the entire super-structure is more or less rapidly transfo rm ed.” 134 Therefore, as M arx wrote in his celebrated Communist Manifesto'. “ The history of all hitherto existing societies is the history o f class struggles.” A social movement is similarly to be understood in terms o f the economic contradictions o f the society in which it is manifest a nd the class interests it sponsors. In other words it is vital to M arxism to grasp the class character o f the move­ ment. A t one level the class charactcr o f a movement is easily ap p aren t in terms o f the social and economic background of its adherents. But at an oth er level, and this again signifies the break between M arxists and functionalists, the class . . . > character o f a m ovem ent is understood on the basis o f its approach tow ards the determinate contradictions o f the economic structure o f the society, i.e., o f the mode o f produc­ tion. The M arxist approach then examines whether the move­ m ent addresses itself to this basic contradiction which is to be rectified, or gets enmeshed in a host o f subsidiary issues, and also whether it comes out openly against any change in the given society. F ro m the position a movement takes on these issues its class interests, and the classes it aligns with and those it antagonises clearly emerge. From this also the outcom e o f the movement can be gauged and its interactions with other classes, groups and structures can be mapped. In the M arxian perspective, as should be clear, classes in society are n o t viewed in the integrated m anner as is done by the functionalists. The historical progress o f a society and o f social movements in it can be understood fully only in relation to class struggle a n d class conflict in th at society. Quite often an ideology which seems apparently oblivious o f class antago­ nisms reflecting an overtly ascriptive, religious or regional

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passion can be traced dow n to the different class interests fro m which it springs. As Engels said: “ Even the so called religious wars o f the 16th century involved positive m aterial class interests: those wars were class wars too , just as the later collisions o f England and France. A lthough class struggles o f th a t day were clothed in religious shibboleths, the interests, requirem ents and dem ands o f the various classes were concealed behind a religious screen. . . .” 136 The principal criticism levelled against M arxism has been th a t M arxism is a vulgar m aterialist doctrine and th a t it c a n ­ not accom m odate the vital forces o f culture, tra d itio n and values, o f which, the critics o f M arx contend, the stuff o f history is made. Such a criticism does n o t take into account the fulness o f M arxism , and m istakes the “ guiding th re a d ” o f M arxism for its totality. F o r as M arx said in Grundrisse: “ It fa specific kind o f production) is a general illu­ m ination which bathes all the o th e r colours and modifies their particu larity . It is a p a rtic u la r ether which determines the specific gravity o f every being which has m aterialized within it.” 337 So there is no question o f M a rx and o f M arxism ignoring non-economic factors. R ath er these non-econom ic factors do n o t hang as disparate entities exercising a ra n d o m influence on the phenom ena being examined, b u t are woven toge­ ther to bring ab o u t “ a unity o f heterogeneous elem ents,” a n d the principal factor governing this unity, lending it cogency and realizability, is the basic contradiction in the economy. It would be convenient to defend M arxism by saying merely that everything is economic in the last instance. This would, as Colletti has shown, give the semblance o f layers o f reality in M arxism , “ stratified one on top o f the o th e r,” 138 B ut it would be a vulgar interpretation. It is necessary to rem em ber the above as it is o f great im portance in the study o f social movements. Once we a b a n ­ don both the vulgar critics o f M a rx and vulgar M arxism , we are sensitized tow ards an investigation into the m anner in which the contradictions o f the economy unite and fuse w ith other contradictions and so called “ non econom ic” factors to bring ab o u t a social movement. A ccording to G ramsci, a given social class as an economic force alone is incapable o f creating a new

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state and exercising hegemony, inasm uch as it lacks ‘intellec­ tu al a n d m oral prestige’. A catharsis has to take place, to wit a passage from a “ purely economical, egotistically and passionate m om ent, to an ethico-political m om ent, th at is the superior elaboration o f the structure into superstructure in the minds o f m en.” 139 With this brief exam ination o f both the non M arxist and the M arx ist fram ew orks we m ay now summarise the basic points for the study o f social movements that emerge from the application o f the M arxist framework, and contrast it with the functionalist framework. According to the M arxist fram ew ork the basic cause for the rise o f all movements and revolutions lies in the c on tra­ dictions in the m aterial basis o f society. The functionalists stress other causes, which we have already listed, and do not concede th a t movements erup t because o f m aterial c o ntra­ dictions. They believe they occur because of a breakdown in value consensus. Those am ong the functionalists who put for­ w ard economic and social reasons for the rise o f the movement, e.g., poverty, the rise in the cost o f living, the discontent of the middle class, do n o t seek the causes behind them. R ather in their view they are due to m ismanagement o f the system or because o f the prevalence o f an incorrect understanding am ongst members o f society. Proper reforms and greater appreciation o f the value patterns o f society will, they feel, bridge these cleavages. Some say, as we have already m en­ tioned, th at movements occur when non-violent evolutions have n o t taken place,140 and when society does not possess the mechanism(s) for absorbing dissensions within it self. The con­ trast with the M arx ist position is m ade further evident by the fact that the functionalists do n o t posit the primacy o f any one factor as the cause o f social movements. According to the M arxists the principal cause for the rise of a social movement lies in the m aterial contradictions o f society. The functionalists as the above also illustrates, do no t possess in their fram ew ork adequate concepts or a viable theoretical perspective to un derstan d structural change. The funtionalists allow for gradual evolutionary change within the system bringing it to a peak level o f efficiency and harmony. The M arxists while they do n o t neglect completely the

NATIVISM IN A METROPOLIS

possibilities o f grow th and adjustm ents within the system, stress the eventual limitations o f a social o rder based on antagonistic class relationships which can ultim ately be solved only by a stru ctu ral change in keeping with the progressive forces o f history. The M arxist fram ew ork o f social change sees the progress o f history in term s of the resolving o f contradictions. The principal contradiction is th a t between the bourgeoisie and the p ro letariat (in a bourgeois society) a n d the non-principal contradictions are the result o f the “ overdeterm ining effect” 141 o f this principal co n tradictio n and m ay be m anifested in other spheres o f the society. _ The functionalist fram ew ork as we have elaborated does n o t see social change in the form o f progress th ro ug h various epochs. This is because o f its limited perspective on the ques­ tion o f social change in general as m entioned earlier. The M arxists do n o t g ran t the fatality o f any given social o rd er. They regard every historically developed form to be in fluid movement and therefore take into account its tran sien t n ature. The M arxist fram ew ork therefore provides the perspective by which one is able to analyse the outcome o f a m ovem ent by virtue o f its historical setting, and its class character. This the functionalists are unable to do. Some view movements and changes as a departure from ‘norm alcy’ and others, who believe th a t conflict is endemic in all societies, find it necessary to study how they can be controlled and channellized. The structural limitations o f the social o rd e r are n o t gone into and instead piecemeal reforms and changes and the m echanism o f a “ safety valve” are insisted u p o n . A social m ovem ent is usually evaluated on the basis o f the tru th or falsity o f its ideology and p ro gram m e. We believe that the M arx ist fram ew ork adds depth and perspective to the sociological analysis o f social movements. It is superior to the non M arxist functionalist app ro ach p ri­ marily because it considers forces bringing a b o u t social change anterior to the forces contributing to stability. Even co m m o n sense observation denies the prevalence o f value consensus even in the so called “ stable” and “ n o rm a l” societies. It helps to locate inm ore concrete terms the source o f social change, and provides us with the direction and mechanisms

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o f social change a n d o f social movements. It also links idealist reality to existential reality. The tying down of ideology to class interests also helps us to evaluate the limits, n a tu re a n d possibilities o f the social movement. 3. THE PERSPECTIVE

The key ideas in my analysis are derived from the insights o f M arx ist scholarship, specifically, those o f Althusser142 and P ou lan tzas143 as they deal explicitly with the dom inant themes to be considered here. M ost generally, the perspective I shall employ asserts the prim acy o f the economic dom ain for u n d e r­ standing b o th the origin and the dynamic of a social movement: it asks th a t a social m ovem ent be placed first in its economic context, for th a t is the d o m inant aspect of a social system. M arx ian tho u g h t links the rise of a social movement principally to the divergent class interests in society. These divergent class interests arise out o f the contradictions o f the economic structure, namely, the mode o f production. In the capitalist mode o f p ro d uctio n, for instance, irreconcilable contradictions emerge from the conflicting interests between the owners o f the m eans o f production, the capitalist class, a n d the non-ow ning working class. The objective necessities o f a capitalist economy dictate the capitalist class should make profits by a p pro priating the surplus produced by the workers. This is the determ inate co n trad ictio n o f the structure. In this process, not only is the w orking class affected adversely but very often the interm ediate classes, like the middle classes and the mass o f salaried w orkers also suffer. The foregoing is a very simplified account. It is not my intentio n to gloss over the varieties o f capitalist exploitation, e.g., m onopolism , colonial m erchant capitalism, etc. However, my purpose here is to underline the ubiquity of the contradic­ tio n between the workers and the capitalist in all capitalist societies, m aking it the determ inate contradiction. But the contradictions o f the economy, or the determinate contradiction, by its simple direct power cannot usually induce a situation o f unrest, be it a movement, a ‘jacquerie’ or a social revolution: ‘I f this contradiction is to become “ active” in the strongest sense. . .there m ust be an accumulation of

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“ circumstances” and “ c u rre n t” so that w hatever their origin and sense. . .they “ fuse” into a ruptnral u n ity '.144 In o th er words the determ inate contradiction must act in conjunction with elements in the superstructure, such as values, tr a d i­ tions, political culture even tensions (such as between m igrants and sexes), etc., dom inant at th a t time. T ho ug h these elements may n o t be directly influenced by the epoch in which they find expression, the determ inate contradiction which dom inates the period ‘is active in all these “ co ntrad ictio ns” and even in their “ fusion” .’145 A lthusser’s m erit lies in recognizing th a t the elements in the superstructure cannot be seen as mere o u tgrow th s o f the basis, i.e., the economy. F o r once they are created ‘they have sufficient consistency to survive beyond their im m ediate life context, even to “ secrete sufficient conditions o f existence tem porarily” .’146 Nicos Poulantzas exemplifies this in detail with regard to political classes and the State. Poulantzas points ou t th a t the determ inate class is n o t homogeneous and different sections o f the bourgeoisie and the landlord class have com peting interests. Also the State is relatively autonom ous, and it would n o t only be simplistic, b u t factually incorrect to state that ‘the relationship between the state and the ruling class is principally constituted by the ‘interpersonal’ relation between the mem bers o f the state ap p aratu s and those o f the ruling class” .147 This perspective does not attribute united and farsighted m achinations to an allegedly unified ruling class. It implies th a t the m em bers o f a class do not necessarily grasp their interests ‘objectively’. This is true not only o f the working class, but o f the whole range o f classes in society. I f the ruling class were hom o gene­ ous, and if the various groups within it could grasp their interests objectively they would unite at all times148 and override their factional interests to atomize the w orking class m ove­ m ent.149 The state alone can do this, because it represents the general interests o f the bourgeoisie and safeguards private own­ ership o f property, and does n o t represent any p articu lar faction o f this class or o f its interests. Therefore, it very often happens th a t the measures taken by the state may be resented by a wide cross-section of the bourgeoisie and the petit bourgeoisie.150

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P o u la n tz a s ’ explication is im p o rtan t for it helps us to study a m ovem ent in action, to see its limitations and constraints in its stru ctu ral setting. It highlights the contradictions between short-term a nd long-term economic interests and analyzes the objective grounds o f maneuverability of various classes and political parties and of the State. Like Althusser he does not link the su perstructu re (state, capitalist class, political party, etc.) in a simple m an n er to the basis (i.e., the capitalist mode o f production). W ith the fram ew ork th at has ju st been elaborated one can improve upon the existing literature on the Shiv Sena. While many com m entators on the Shiv Sena have discussed the causes for the rise and efflorescence of the movement, they have either stressed the determ inate contradiction o f the economy, o r have focused on the d om inant aspects of the Shiv Sena’s ideology w ithout elaborating on the actual struc­ tural contradictions which have heightened these aspects. The problem with the former is th a t it overlooks the ‘historically specific conjuncture’ in which the Shiv Sena arose;131 and the latter, by ignoring the class basis of the movement and the constraints a n d contradictions of the economic and social struc­ ture, is unable to analyze the outcome and limitations o f the m ovem ent in its interaction in a live social milieu. In the following pages for the sake o f analytical clarity we shall discuss the causes and limitations of the Shiv Sena move­ m ent separately. But as will become obvious, the two are closely interlinked. So far, with o u r perspective, we have focused only on the external referrents of a movement, i.e., in its relation to the m acro social structure. But for a fuller sociological treatm ent o f a social movement its internal aspect, i.e., organisational structure, leadership structure, decision making structure, etc., should also be studied. Such a attem pt has also been made in this book. The exam ination o f the so called “ internal aspects” of a movement is also aided by ou r M arxist perspective. The study o f the organisational structure, for instance, cannot be pursued with a theoretically neutral perspective. Generally, “ organi­ sational theorists” have tried to mask their theoretical prefer­ ences and have attem pted to make the study of organisations,

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a theoretically n eu tral affair. Quite often a M a rx ist may also be tempted to employ a M arx ian perspective to study the causes o f a movement, and a t the same time bo rrow the cons­ truct o f organisational theorists to study the internal aspects o f the movement, w ithout being aware o f any serious th e o re ­ tical inconsistency. Why is this so? Does no t organisational theory belong to the species “ middle range th e o ry ” , and does it n o t therefore become equally amenable to scholars of different theoretical persuasions? A pure organizational theory, such as p ro p o u n d e d by Blau, Schoen’n err, Whyte and even E tzioni,153 does n o t take into account the interaction o f the organisation w ith the wider social structure, and as such confines the dynamics o r efficacy o f an organization, such as o f a movement, to factors internal to it. F o r organizations to thrive it is said certain functional prerequisites relating to goal adaptatio n, integration, tension managem ent, etc., m u st be satisfied. F o r these to be satisfied there must exist in any large scale organization a differentia­ tion o f powers and functions—in other words a differentiated structure. I f this frame o f reference is bo rrow ed for the study o f the organization o f a social m ovement, then one should locate the m ajor forces determining the outcom e and lim ita­ tions of, as well as progress m ade by a movement, in factors, internal to it; factors which have their own dynam ism , which constantly threaten to expand, formalise and differentiate. The social milieu of the movement is then relegated to a secondary position, as a m atter o f fact it rarely ever makes an a p p e a r­ ance. This clearly dem onstrates the theoretical incom patibi­ lity between the M arxists and the so-called middle range o rg a ­ nizational theorists. I t is true th at every movement has an o rganization , and th at to keep an organization going certain crucial structures m ust exist within it. But this is a limited tru th . This does n o t mean that an organization develops according to its own dynamic alone. I t does not also mean th a t the continued viability o f the organization depends solely on to w hat extent it has been able to differentiate and formalise. N eith er does it m ean th a t as an o rganization grows in size a p ro p o rtio n a te am o u n t o f form ulation and differentiation should inevitably take place. Finally, it does no t mean, th a t the m ore form al

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and differentiated an organization is the better equipped and longer lasting it will be. In our exam ination o f the organisation o f the Shiv Sena m ovem ent we have tried to move ou t o f the narrow confines o f the so called “ organisational theorists” and have tried to place the developm ent o f the Shiv Sena organisation in the context o f the dem ands its social milieu m ade on it, and the steps it took for its defence and development. Similar!} we have tried to show th at the success o r failure o f the Shiv Sena movem ent, o r o f its organisational structure, depended not so much on how well it was able to differentiate and fo rm a ­ lise itself, but on the degree to which it was able to incorporate and activate larger numbers o f people by creating openings for itself and by effectively meeting the challenges, tactically and ideologically, throw n up to it by other structures in the society. This we believe is consistent with the M arxian perspective. In the following pages the reader will n o t find a heavy theoretical exercise. W h at I have a ttem p ted to do is n o t so m uch to present a theoretical justification o f the M arxian perspective, with evidences, bu t to present instead the Shiv Sena as completely and as competently as possible given my lim itations. The reason why 1 have taken up so much space on theoretical issues is th a t the M arx ian perspective th at is being advocated here helped me to understand the Shiv Sena m ovem ent in its total context, as well as helped me fit in so m any pieces o f inform ation which otherwise made no sense. I hope the reader will also find the theoretical perspective ju sti­ fied, even though I m ay no t have fully understood its subtlelities, or may have even inadequately applied it in my study. But most o f all I hope th a t the reader, will, after p u ttin g down this book, believe he has now a fair am o u n t o f inform ation on the Shiv Sena.

N OTES 1. Jerome D avis, Contem porary Social Movements (D. A ppleton Century Inc., N e w York, 1930). 2. R u d o lf Heberle, Social M ovem ent (Appleton Century Crofts Inc., N e w York, 1951), pp. 1-2.

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3. Paul W ilkinson, S o cia l M ovem ent (Pall M all Press, L on d on , 1971),, p. 29. Turner and K illian also advocate this vi ;w. K illian says: “ S ocial M ovem ent is one o f the m ost im portant ways through w hich social change is m anifest” in A n th on y O berschall, Social Conflict and S ocial M ovem en t (Prentice H a ll, N ew Jersey, 1973), p. 15. 4. John W ilson , Introduction to S ocial M ovem ents (B asic B ook Inc. Publishers, N ew Y ork, 1973), p. 5. 5. O berschall, op. cit., p. 15. , 6. Harry A . L andsberger, ed ., R ural P ro test, P easants M ovem ents and S ocial Change (M acm illan Press, L on d on , 1974). pp. 24-27. 7. W illiam Bruce C am eron, M o d ern S ocial M ovem en ts (R andom H ouse, N ew Y ork, 1966) p. 7. 8. In R u d o lf H eberle, op. cit., p. 13. 9. Paul W ilkinson, op. cit., p. 104. 10. Joseph R . G usfield, e d ., P ro te st, R eform and R evo lt (John W iley & Sons Inc , N ew Y ork, 1970), p. 2. 11. H eberle, op. cit., p. 13. 12. W ilkinson, op. cit., p. 29. 13. S e e also Luther P. G erlach and Virginia H . H ine, P eople, P ow er, Change: M ovem ent o f S ocial T ransform ation (Bobbs M errill, N ew Y ork, 1970). T hey define a social m ovem ent as “ a group o f people w ho are organised for, id e o lo g ic a lly m otivated by, and com m itted to a purpose w hich im plem ents som e form o f persona1 or social change . . .” p. xiv. 14. W ilson, op. cit., p. 33. 15. W ilkinson, op. cit., p. 29. 16. G erlach and H ine, op. cit., p. xiv. 17. H eberle, op. cit., p. 10. 18. H . Blum er, N ew Outline o f the Principles o f Sociology (Barnes & N o b le, N ew Y ork, 1951), p. 1. 19. W endell K in g, pSocial M ovem ent in the U nited S ta te s (R andom H ouse, N ew Y ork, 1956), p. 27. 20. R alph Turner and Lewis M. K illia n , C ollective Behaviour (Prentice H a ll, E nglew ood Cliffs, N ew Jersey, 1957), p. 308. 21. H eberle, op. cit., pp. 8-9. 22. G usfield, op. c it., p. 8. 23. R u d o lf H eberle, “ Types and F u nction o f S ocial M ovem ent” in In­ tern ation al Encyclopaedia o f S ocial Sciences, V ol. 14 (The M acm illan C o. and T hs Free Press, U .S .A ., 1968), pp. 439-444. 24. Q uoted in O berschall, op. cit., p. 15. 25. N e il Sm elser, Theory o f C ollective Behaviour (R ou tled ge and K egan Paul, L ondon) 1962. 26. G eorge R ude, The C row d in H isto ry (John W iley & Sons, N ew Y ork, 1964, p. 10. _ 27. Ibid., pp. 10-11. 28. VUlkinson, op. cit., p. 13.

AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS

29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37.

38.

39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46.

47.

33

G usfield, op. c it ., p. 6. Landsberger, e d ., op cit., p. 21. G usfield, op. c it., p. 6. H eberle, op. cit., p. 10. W ilson, op. cit., pp. 9-10. In W ilkinson, op. c it., p. 108. (See also p. 29. H e agrees with Jupp on the characteristics o f political parties). H eberle, op. cit., p. 10. The distinction betw een structure and process is derived indirectly from W ilson, op. c it., pp. 57-58. This is sim ilar to B lum er’s distinction betw een R evolutionary a n d Reform M ovem ents. H . Blum er, “ A nalysis o f Social M ovem ents” , in B. M clau ghlin , ed ., S tu dies in S ocial M ovements (Free Press, N ew Y ork, 1969), pp. 20-21. It should be n oted that B lum er’s distinction between general and specific m ovem ents are n ot types. They are rather the two com ­ ponents o f a m ovem ent sim ilar to G usfield’s directed and undirec­ ted com ponents. D irected m ovem ents are characterised by organised and structured groups; w ith specific program m es, a form al leadership structure, definite id e o lo g y and objectives. The undirected phase o f the m ovem ent is characterised by reshaping o f perspectives, norm s and v alu es. The follow ers are partisans but n o t m em bers. See J.R . G usfield, “ On the Study o f Social M ove­ m ents” in In tern ation al E ncyclopaedia o f Social S ciences, op. cit., V ol. 14. p. 445. W ilkin son , op. cit., p. 21. H eberle 1968, o p . cit., p. 439. Q uoted in G eoffrey O estargaard, Gentle A narchist (C larendon Press, O xford, 1971), p. 23. W ilson, op. cit., p. 32. Chalm ers Johnson, R evolution and the S ocial System (H oover Institute Studies, Stanford, 1964), p. 28. G usfield, op. cit., p. 85. O estergaard, op cit., pp. 16-17. See for instance G erlach and H ine, op. cit., or even Sm elser’s, -op. cit., d istinction betw een value oriented and norm oriented m ovem ents. C rane Brinton, The A natom y o f Revolution (Vintage Books, N ew

Y ork, 1965), p. 21. 48. Johnson, op. cit., pp. 28-29. 49. G erlach and H ine, op. cit., p. xvii. 50. T .K . O om en, C harism a, S ta b ility and Change (Thom pson Press,. N ew D e lh i, 1972). 51. W ilson, op. cit., pp. 209-16. 52. See J.R . G usfield, Sym bolic Crusade: S ta tu s P o litics and th e A m erican Tem perance M ovem ent (U niversity o f Illinois Press,. U rbana, 1963).

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53. V .I. L enin, “ One Step F orw ard Two Steps B ack” in S elected W orks in 3 vols. (Progress Publishers, M oscow , 1970), V ol. 1, pp. 299-446. See also K arl M arx and F rederick E ngels. “ A ddress o f the Central C om m ittee to the C om m unist L eague” , in K arl M arx and F. E ngels S elected W orks in 3 vols. (Progress Publishers, M oscow , 1969), V ol. I pp. 181-182. 54. See R obert M ichels, P olitical P a rties: A Sociological Study o f the , Oligarchical Tendencies o f M odern D em ocracy (C ollier B ooks, N ew Y ork, 1962); also R . Blackburn, “ B r ie f G u id e to B ourgeois Id eo lo g y ” , in R . B lackburn and A . C ockburn, e d ., Student P ow er (Penguin, L ond on, 1969). 55. G erlach and H ine, op. c it., p. xxiii. '.56. W .VJD’ A nton io and F .B . Pike, R eligion Revolution and R eform ' (Burnes and D a tes, L on don , 1964). 57. W illiam Shirer, The R ise and F all o f the Third R eich —A H isto ry o f N a zi Germ any (Sim on Schuster, N ew Y ork, 1960). A lso evident in Priscilla R obertson , Revolution o f 1948— A S ocial H isto ry «(Princeton U n iversity Press, N e w Jersey, 1967). 58. G eoffrey Pridham , H itle r ’s R ise to Power— The N a z i M ovem ent in r B avaria (Harper & R ow , N ew Y ork, 1973). 59. Sir Ivone K irkpatrick, M ussolini—Study o f a D em agogue (O dham s L td. W atford, 1964). See also Peter R eedaw ay, The Human R ights " M ovem ent (Jonathan C ape, L ond on, 1972). It is a chronicle o f events gleaned m ainly from new spaper reports. '60. See Ram krishna M ukherjee, “ The Social Background o f B angla­ desh’1, in K ath leen G o u g h and Hari P. Sharm a, e d ., Im perialism and R evolution in South A sia (M onthly R eview Press, N ew York and L ond on, 1973), pp. 399-418. This article is an adm irable illustration o f m y point. 61 . H eberle, op. cit., pp. 102-3. •62. R obert C . T ucker, “ T he D erad icalization o f M arxist M ovem en ts” , in Am erican P o litica l Science R eview , vol. L X I, n o. 2, June 1967, pp. 343-58. F or the bulk o f follow ers Tucker allow s for propitious circum stances. 63. R ichard H ofstadter, “ The P seudo C onservative R e v o lt” , in D a n iel B ell, e d ., The R adical R ight (A nchor B ook , N ew Y ork, 1964), p. " 76. 64. Ibid ., p. 78. 65. G . A lm on d , The A p p ea ls o f Communism (P rinceton Press, N ew Jersey, 1954) 66. E. Hoffer, The True B eliever (H arper, N ew Y ork, 1951). ■67. E. H offer, M in n eapolis Tribune, 24 O ctober 1968. Q uoted by G erlach and H in e, op. c it., p. xiv. A n d later com m enting on the B erkeley U n iversity stu d en ts’ riot, w herein he found that the students were gen erally w ell educated and n ot products o f so cial d isorgan isation, he con d em n ed it as a m aliciou s play. ,68. H . L assw ell, P sychopathology and P o litic s (C hicago U niversity Press, C hicago, 1960).

A N INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS

35

69. See T. M cC orm ack, “ The M otivation o f R a d ica ls" in M claughlin. e d ., op . c it., p. 77. 70. Elm er D a v is, But We W ere Born F ree (G reenw ood, N ew Y ork 1954), pp. 35-36. ’ 71. W ilson, op. cit., p. 54. 72. H eb erle, op. cit., p. 103. 73. Ib id ., p. 109. . 74. Ib id . . 7 5 ‘ Chalm ers Johnson, op. c it., p. 23. 76. Ibid. 77. Ib id ., p. 26. . 78. M cL aughlin, e d ., op . c it ., p . 109. •79. See T. P arsons, The S o cia l S y ste m (Free Press, G lencoe. Illin ois, 1961). See also K ingley D a v is, Human S ociety .(M acm illan, N ew Y ork, 1970), pp. 52-63. 80. See I.L . H arow itz, “ C onsensus, C onflict and C oop eration ” , in N .J . D em erath III and R ichard A. P eterson, ed ., System s, Change and Conflict (Free Press, N ew Y ork, 1967), p. 267. A lso T. Parsons, S ocia l S ystem , op. c it., p. 507. ■ 81. A lvin W . G ou ldn er, The C om ing C risis o f Western Sociology (H einem ann E du cational B ook s L td ., L o n d o n /N ew D elh i, 1971), p. 231. See a lso T alco tt Parsons, Essays in Sociological Theory (L ight and Life P u blications, N ew D e lh i, 1975), p. 239. 82. T. Parsons and E. Shils, e d ., T o w a rd s a General Theory o f Action (H arper and R ow , N ew Y ork, 1962), p. 227. 83. Pierre L. van der Berghe “ D ia le c tic s and F u n ction alism ” , D em e­ rath and P eterson, ed ., op. cit., p. 295. • 84. Ibid. 85. Parsons, The S o cia l S ystem , op. cit., p. 44. 86. Van den B erghe, op. c it., p. 295. 87. R . D ahrend orf, Class an d Class Conflict in Industrial Society (R outledge and K egan Paul, L ondon, 1969). 88. Lewis A . C oser, The Functions o f S ocial Conflict (Free Press, G len co e, Illin o is, 1956). 89. O berschall, op. cit., p. 20. 90. Ib id .,p . 21. 91. O berschall, op. cit., p. 23. 92. Orinn E. K lap p , C urrents o f Unrest: A n Introduction to Collective Behaviour (H olt R inehart and W inston, N ew Y ork, 1972), p. 36. 93. O berschall, op. cit., p. 23. 94. C oser, op. cit. 95. N e il Sm elser, S o c ia l Change in the Industrial Revolution: A n A ppli­ cation o f Theory to Lanchashire C otton Industry, 1770-1840 (R out­ ledge & K egan Paul, 1965). In his book Theory o f Collective Behaviour, op. cit., pp., 18-19, Sm elser analyses collective behavi­ our o f all kinds. The basic cause is strain, anxiety etc. The causes for these are not exam ined.

36

96. 97. 98. 99. 100. 101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107.

NATIVISM IN A METROPOLIS

G erlach an d H in e, op. cit., p. xiv. R evolution s are accord ing to us a type o f m ovem ent. C rane Brinton, The A natom y o f Revolution, op. cit., p. 16. B rin ton , ib id ., p. 17. G enerally sociologists agree w ith this view . See H eberle, op. c it., p. 458. G usfield, op. cit., p. 8. See Brinton, op. cit., p. 27. See W ilson, op. cit., p. 36. B rinton, op. cit., p. 29. Ibid., p. 34. Ibid., p. 36. W ilson, op. cit., p. 32. S.M . L ipset, “ F a sc ism —Left R ight and C en tre” , in G usfield, e d .,

op. cit., p. 36. 108. Ibid. 109. D avid R eism an and N ath an G lazier, “ T he Intellectuals and th e D isco n ten ted C la sses” , in D a n iel B ell, ed ., op. c it., pp. 105-35. 110. D a v id D o n a ld , “ T ow ards a R econ sid eration o f A b o litio n ists” , in G usfield, e d ., op . cit., p. 22. 111. Ibid. 112. D a v id W. P lath, “ M od ern ization and its D iscon ten ts: Japan’s L ittle U to p ia s” in G usfield, ed ., op. c it., pp. 92-98. 113. In B ell, e d ., op . cit., p. 24. 114. Ibid., p. 22. 115. Bruce M cC ully in G usfield e d ., op. cit., pp. 25-27. 116. H . A rendt, Origins o f T o talitarian ism (G eorge A llen an d U n w in , L ond on , 1967). 117. W. K ornhauser, The P o litic s o f M a ss S o ciety (Free Press, N e w Y ork, 1968), A lso see K ornhauser “ M ass S o ciety ” International Encyclopaedia o f Social Sciences, op. cit., V ol. 10, p. 60. 118. S.M . L ipset, P o litica l M an — The S ocial B ases o f P o litics (D o u b le ­ day, N ew Y ork, 1960), ch. 5. 119. The study o f the A m erican Soldier brought into focu s issues crucial to the understanding o f reference group behaviour and relative deprivation. See in R .K . M erton, S o cia l Theory and S ocial Structure (A m erind P u b lication , N ew D e lh i, 1972), pp. 281-8. 120. Ib id ., pp. 288-90. 121. D a v id A berle, “ A N o te on R elative D eprivation T heory as A p p lied to M illinearism and Other C ult M ovem en ts” in W .A . Lessa and E .A . V ogt ed s., Reader in C om parative Religion (H arper & R o w , N ew Y ork 1965). 122. L andsberger, op. cit. 123. W. R uncim an, R elative D eprivation and S ocial Justice (U n iversity o f C alifornia Press, B erkeley, 1966), p. 14. 124. A lexis de T ocqu eville, The O ld R egim e and the French Revolution (D ou b led ay, N ew Y ork, 1955).

AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS

37

125. J. C. D a v ie s, “ Tow ards a T heory o f R e v o lu tio n ” , in M cLaughlin, ed ., op. c it., p. 85. 126. Ibid. 127. W ilson , o p . cit., pp. 81-82. 128. R a lp h Turner, “ The Them es o f C ontem porary Social M ovem ents” , B ritish Journal o f Sociology, v o l. 20, N o . 4. D ecem ber 1969. p. 391. ' 129. R udé, op. cit., A lso quoted by O berschall, op. cit., p. 35. 130. H eb erle, op . cit., p. 457. 131. G usfi?ld, op. cit., p. 8. 132. H eb erle, op. cit., p. 458. 133. K arl M arx “ Preface to C ontribution to the Critique o f P olitical E conom y” , in M arx and Engels, Selected W orks, op. c it., vol. I. p. 503. 134. K arl M arx,” C ontribu tion to the C ritique o f P o litical E conom y” , op. cit., p. 504. 135. M arx, C om m unist M anifesto in M arx and Engels S elected W orks, op. cit., V o l. I. 136. F . E n gels, P easant W ar in Germany (F oreign Languages Publishing H ou se, M oscow , 1956), p. 54. K arl Marx in a letter to A rnold R uge advised as a m easure o f retaliation to religious fobbism “ to punch as m any h oles, in the C hristian State as possible and to struggle in the rational as far as we c a n .” See, D . M clellan, ed ., K a rl M a rx E arly T e x ts (Basil B lack w ell, O xford, 1970), p. 60. 137. K arl M arx, Grundrisse (Penguin B ooks, H arm ondsw orth. 1973), p. 307. 138. L u cio C o lletti, From Rousseau to Lenin ( M o n t h l y R eview , New Y ork, 1974), p. 19. 139. See A n to n io G ram sci, S election s fro m the Prison N otebooks ed. and tr. by Q uentin H oare and G eorge L ow ell Smith (International P ublishers, N ew Y ork, 1971), p. 366. 140. Johnson, op. cit., p. 6. 141. See L ouis A lthusser, For M a rx (Penguin B ooks, H arm ondsw orth, 1971), pp. 88-100. 142. Ibid . 143. N . P oulantzas, “ The Problem o f C apitalist State” in R obin B lackburn e d ., Ideology in S ocial Science (Penguin B ooks, L ondon, 1972). 144. A lth u sser, op. cit., p. 99. 145. A lth u sser, op. cit., p. 100. 146. A lth usser, op. cit. p. 116. 147. P oulantzas, op. c it., p. 279. 148. Schum peter, C a p ita lism , S ocialism and D em ocracy (G eorge A llen and U n w in L td ., L o n d o n , 1961). 149. A s it is they unite on ly tem porarily and evanescently when faced w ith the p o litica l threat o f w orking class hegem ony. 150. P oulantzas, op. c it., pp. 45-47, 130-133; See also D avid A . G o ld .,

38

NATIVISM IN A METROPOLIS

C larence Y . H . L o ., E ric O lin W right et. al. “ R ecent D evelop m en ts in M arxist T heory o f C ap italist S tate” , M onthly Review, N e w , Y ork, 1975, V ol. 27, n. 5, pp. 29-43. t 151. G .S . Sardesai, The M a in C urrents o f M a ra th a H isto ry (P hoenix P u blication s, B om bay, 1949). 152. M ary K a tzen stein , “ O rigins o f N ativism : T he Em ergence o f Shiv Sena in B om bay” , A sian Su rvey, Berkeley, 1973, V ol. 13, n. 4, pp. 386-99. See a lso K .K . G angadharan, S ociology o f Revivalism : A Study o f ln dianization , S a n k ritiza tio n and G olw alkarism (K alam kar, N ew D e lh i, 1970). 153. See for instance Peter M . B lau and R ichard Schoenherr, TheStructure o f O rganisation (B asic B ook , N ew Y ork, 1971), A m itai E tzioni, C om plex O rganisation (Free Press, N ew Y ork, 1961). M . C rozier, The Bureaucratic Phenomenon (U niversity o f C h icago Press, 1971). See a lso W .F . W hyte, “ P a rson s’ T heory o f O rgani­ z a tio n ” , in M ax Black, e d ., The S o c ia l Theory o f T a lc o tt P arsons (C ornell U n iv ersity Press, C ornell, 1961).

CHAPTER II

The Shiv Sena: Background Factors and Causes

In this C hapter o u r prim ary concerns are to introduce the Shiv Sena a nd to present the background factors responsible for the rise and efflorescence o f the Shiv Sena movement. (Shiv Sena, literally the army o f Shivaji the legendary w arrior king o f 16th century, M ah arash tra). To begin with we shall provide a brief sketch o f the n atu re and ideology o f the Shiv Sena. Int oduction

The Shiv Sena movement was formally launched on 19 June 1966 in Bombay, a leading industrial city on the west coast o f M a h a ra sh tra (see M ap 1) and since 1960 also the capital o f the unilingual State o f M ah a ra sh tra. The leader o f the Shiv Sena, Bal Thackeray, was a cartoonist in the Free Press Journal which he left in the late 50s, to start his own cartoon weekly, M arm ik. M arm ik (literally “ the essence” ) is now one o f the forem ost M arath i language weeklies with an estimated sale o f 60,000 copies a year. Since 1964, Bal Thackeray, through M arm ik, steadily p o p u ­ larised an ideology which the Shiv Sena was to em brace explicitly in 1966. He made vivid the point that M aharashtrians were being deprived o f jobs and economic opportunities in Bombay by n o n -M a h ara sh tria n migrants to the city. In the early years o f the Shiv Sena, the South Indians faced the b ru n t o f its w rath, though o f late the Shiv Sena has also attacked m igrants from other states as well, such as from U tta r Pradesh and P u n ja b . The response the Shiv Sena received soon after it came

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NATIVISMIN A METROPOLIS

into being was phenom enal. It was able to open 95 branches o r ‘shakhas’ within the first 6 m onths o f its existence. In 1968 it won 42 seats in the Bombay M unicipality elections, standing second only to the Congress. Its representation in the State Legislature has, however, been minim al with only two re ­ presentatives. (Pram od N av alkar who was directly elected as M .L.A . and M a n o h a r Joshi who was no m in ated by the M u n i­ cipal C o rp o ratio n o f Bombay as M .L.C .) This is so because its support structure is confined to G re ater Bom bay and to some extent, Thana. The Shiv Sena is a dictatorial organisation, and Bal Thackeray as the Sena P ram u k h is the unquestioned leader. The m ain elements in the Shiv Sena’s ideology are: (i) that 80% o f all jobs and economic opportunities should be reserved for M ah a ra sh tria n ‘sons o f the soil’; (ii) th at m igration to Bombay should be discouraged as the m igrants are in a cons­ piracy which seeks to exploit the native M aharash trian s; (iii) th a t industrial production should be raised as this will c o n tri­ bute tow ards greater prosperity and hence greater employment. In order to do so the communists should be crushed for they hold up production by frequently resorting to anti-national activities like factory strikes, etc., and (iv) that H induism should be the dom inant culture in India, for only H indus can be true patriots. The Shivaji legend and the grandeur o f the historic M a ra th a Empire prim arily m ould the Shiv Sena’s ideology in this regard. 1. BACKGROUND FACTORS

W hat are the background factors against which the Shiv Sena emerged and consequently developed? We consider the following five factors to be o f importance: (i) nativism and regionalism in M ah arash trian culture and politics, (ii) the origin and development o f the city o f Bombay, (iii) dem ographic a n d migrational structure o f G reater Bombay; (iv) o ccup a­ tion al structure o f Bombay, and (v) economic structure o f Bombay. This is, however, not to suggest th a t there are no o th e r factors at play.

THE SHIV SENA! BACKGROUND FACTORS A ND CAUSES

41

1.1. N ativism in the Culture and P olitics o f M aharashtra

The 17th and 18th centuries witnessed the establishment o f the M a ra th a empire which dom inated western India. W h at is today the imilingual State o f M ah a ra sh tra was earlier a part o f this empire. The M arath as valiantly fought first against th e j M ughals and then against the British in India, when the other parts o f the counlry were m ore or less under the sway o f the la tter two imperial pow ers .1 The ceaseless warrings between the M a ra th a s and the M ughals (which was ideally epitomized in the rivalry between Shivaji and A urangzeb) to ok the shape o f not only num erous political and military campaigns bu t also religious conflicts between the Hindus and the Muslims. The successful preservation and expansion o f the M aratha empire m ade it the bastion o f H in du ism —the Hindu pad padshahi. M oreover, the M a ra th a empire also came to symbolise for the indigenous people the last haven in their struggle against the alien M ughals and British. T he M arath a s resisted the alien invaders for over two centuries, till their empire was finally dismembered by the British in 1818. The success o f the M arath a empire was n o t the w ork o f a single political adventurer, “ it was the upheaval o f the whole population, strongly bound together by the com m on affinities o f language, race, religion and literature, and seeking further solidarity by a common political exis­ tence ” .2 The eventual downfall and dism em berm ent of the M a ra th a empire was a traum atic experience for the M ah a ra sh ­ trians, who since then longed for a retu rn to their form er days o f glory and for a united M ah a ra sh tra. This feeling o f depriva­ tion was heightened all the more by the fact th a t the M arath a Em pire was in existence till as late as 1818 and its records of grandeur are still extant. Initially un der the leadership o f G opal K rish na Gokhale and later m ore pointedly under the leadership o f Tilak, the M ah arash trians sought in the early 20th C entury, to reassert themselves in the main stream o f In d ia ’s national and political life. T ila k ’s charism a and political acumen were largely responsible for this. Tilak reemphasized the high points o f M a h a ra sh tria n history by hearkening back to the c’ays o f the H indu p a d padshahi. H e revived the G an ap athi and

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Shivaji festivals a nd proclaim ed th a t “ Shivaji is the only hero to be found in Indian H isto ry ” ,3 thereby activating on a social scale the pride th a t the M ah arash trian s have for their culture and tradition. He also expressed the ye arn in g o f the M aharashtrian s for a united M a h a ra sh tra by dem anding o f the Congress D em ocratic P a rty in 1918 th a t it constitute a un iling ual province o f M a h a ra s h tra .4 All th ro u g h the twenties to the forties, M ah a ra sh tria n national leaders and o th er public figures kept advocating the creation o f a State o f M ah a ra sh tra. Appeals were m ade o n the grounds of culture, history, tradition and language .5 These were, however, distant rumblings com p ared to the articulate focus given to M ah a ra sh tria n consciousness by the Sam ayukta M ah a ra sh tra Samithi (SMS) which fought for a unilingual State o f M a h a ra sh tra between 1955 and I 9 6 O. It successfully tapped the latent energy of M a h a ra sh tria n regional­ ism with telling effect; the prevailing sentim ents legitimizing its raison d'etre. The SMS m ore than an ything else in con­ tem porary history is responsible for crystallising- these sentiments and employing them successfully. We shall, there­ fore, present below a sketch o f the SMS which will suggest in relief, how it facilitated the Shiv Sena by providing a regional idiom and a fram e o f reference which was conducive to the functioning o f the latter. The dem and for redrawing o f state boundaries to correspond with linguistic region was voiced by the Congress Party as early as 1921. A fter six years o f vacillation after independence it created A n dh ra, the first new linguistic state, from the erstwhile state o f M adras. In D ecem ber 1953 the G o v e rn m e n t o f In d ia appointed a three-m an State R eorganisation C ommission. In Jan u a ry 1956 there was a mass uprising in B om bay which dem anded th a t the unilingual states o f Sam ayukta M ah a ra sh tra and M ah a G u ja ra t be carved ou t o f the erstwhile bilingual state of Bombay. The SMS was form ed in 1955 to fight for the creation o f a state o f M a h a ra sh tra , with Bombay as the capital. It was a m ulti-party combine a n d the entire M ah a ra sh tria n pop ulation was behind it. The P raja Socialist P arty (PSP) and the C o m ­ m unist P arty o f India (CPI) figured in it prom inantly. C ong­ ressmen were also attracted to the SMS and its first titu lar

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43

leader was a Congressman, Shankarrao D e o .6 Congress leaders such as Y.B. C havan, and N.V. Gadgil and various other ministers were in favour o f a unilingual state o f M aharashtra w ith Bom bay as the c ap ital .7 They rejected the existence o f B om bay as a separate unit. The M ah a ra sh tra Pradesh Congress Com m ittee (M P C C ) endorsed these decisions on 21 O c to b er .8 The C om m unists 9 and the PSP10, the former after some hesitation ,11 also decided th a t they wanted Samayukta M a h a ra sh tra immediately, and they would fight for it. S.K. Patil o f the Bombay Pradesh Congress Committee (B PC C ) opposed the Sam ayukta M ah a ra sh tra Samithi and advocated a separate u n it for Bombay city, and said that he would hold hun dred meetings a day if necessary to have the State R eorganisation Commission re p o rt implemented .12 The Sam ayukta M a h a ra sh tra Samithi stood for M ah arash tra with B om bay 13 and for immediate action .14 Soon Congressmen began to flout their party directives. T.R. Narvane, a Deputy M inister o f the Bom bay State G overnm ent presided over a meeting o f pro-SM S activists on 6 N o vem ber .15 C.D. Deshmukh resigned from the Union M inistry in 1956 because he did not w ant B om bay to be outside M a h a ra s h tra .16 The M aharashtra C h am ber o f Commerce supported this move. This Chamber o f Commerce is m ade up o f members o f all communities and has business interests outside Bombay. The Indian M erchants C h am b er o f Bombay, however, opposed this move and met the Congress President, M rs. Indira Gandhi, to protest against the proposed break-up o f B om bay .17 The non-C om m unist wing o f the SMS opposed the exclusion of Bombay from M a h a ra sh tra prim arily on the grounds o f emotional and linguistic affinity. I t argued th at the largest single linguistic group in Bom bay were M aharashtrian s. .The C PI while agreeing with this upheld th at the creation o f a separate unit o f Bombay was ta n ta m o u n t to han ding it over to the monopolists .18 I t should also be noted th a t the inclusion o f the areas of Belgaum and K a rw a r in M a h a ra sh tra were in the Samithi’s p ro g ra m m e .19 Those living in Belgaum and K arw ar thoroughly supported this. The K o n k an M aharashtrians o f K arw ar are the largest single linguistic group there and they declared th at they were M a ra th i in m anner, custom , habit, dress and mode o f living; therefore full m embers o f the society o f M arath i

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speaking people .20 The subsequent exclusion o f Belgaum a n d K a rw a r in 1960 from the state o f M a h a ra sh tra rem ained a controversial affair, easily inflammable, The communists gradually assumed the leadership o f the SMS and became the m ajor opposition group in M a h a ra s h tra .21 The PSP and other constituent parties followed the C PI and walked o u t in su pp ort o f the CPI Resolution on the first day o f the m onsoon session in 1959.22 But with the C on gress’ promise o f bifurcation in 1959, a split between the PSP and the C PI occurred. This rift was aided by Y.B. C h a v a n .23 The Sino-Indian b o rd e r dispute was utilized to malign the C ommunists, and the PSP asked the C PI to leave the S M S .24 They also offered C havan responsive co-operation once it was decided th a t the state o f M a h a ra sh tra would take effect from 1 April I960.25 After 1960, the SMS lingered on for a n o th er four years before it folded up. The SMS went ab o u t systematically emphasising the cul­ tural identity o f the M a h a ra sh tria n s, urging th a t the form ation o f linguistic states was necessary for advancing social dem ocracy .'26 As S.M . Joshi p u t it, “ Language is a great cementing force” , and in order to eliminate the evils o f casteism a com m on effort based on linguistic and em otional integration is required. This he said was u nd ertak en by the SM S .27 The a u tho rity o f L okm anya Tilak and G andhiji was invoked ,28 and the C om m unists felt th a t the struggle for a linguistic state o f M a h a ra sh tra was a genuinely dem ocratic a sp iratio n .29 The sages and heroes o f M ah a ra sh tra, which included reform ers like A m bedk ar and Bal Shastra Jam b e k a r, were cited and quoted to strengthen their ideological ap p eal .30 A nd Shivaji, "above all, was especially glorified 31 and became a public G od and hero. The SMS kept the struggle alive for 5 long years and ulti­ mately gained its objective. This period witnessed intense mass activity, violence and riots. The masses were mobilized and sustained on the inebriating fervour of linguistic passion. N o m atter, communist or non-com m unist, the p rim ary plank o f the SMS was one o f linguistic chauvinism. It m ade the M aharashtrians conscious o f their deprivation and their com ing together as a single com m unity also made them conscious o f the power they could wield. T heir m ain targets o f attack

THE SHIV SENA! BACKGROUND FACTORS AND CAUSES

45

during this period were the G ujaratis and the Bombay Pradesh Congress C om m ittee (BPCC) whose members were generally n o n -M a h ara sh tria n s and opposed the move that Bombay be m ade the capital o f M ah a ra sh tra. The lines were clearly draw n... M ah a ra sh tria n s vs. outsiders. The Communists widened their base with the SM S ,32 and in 1966 tried to reacti­ vate M a ra th i sentiment, which had earlier served them so well by organising th e S a m p o o rn a M a h a ra sh tra Samithi to help them win the 1967 General Election. This Samithi was formed on the dem and that Belgaum and K a rw ar be included in M a h a ­ rash tra. A fter the Bombay M unicipal elections in 1968 this Samithi was also dissolved. The setting in m otion o f M a ra th i sentiments o f linguistic regionalism and parochialism was done systematically and pointedly for the first time by the SMS. The people o f M ah a ra sh tra as a whole regardless o f their political or class background supported the cause o f the SMS. This movement as we have suggested was principally bolstered by the pride and consciousness am ong M ah arash trian s o f their culture and history. This consciousness as well as the glorification o f M ah a ra sh tria n heroes o f yore, the struggle for the inclusion o f Belgaum and K arw ar, and the feeling that M aharashtrians were being discriminated against by the C entral G overnm ent ,33 were excited and ingrained am ong the M aharashtrians by the SMS. The SMS was one o f the largest and most cogent political movements in contem porary Indian history, which based itself alm ost exclusively on regional and linguistic sentiments. Roughly six years after the form ation o f the unilingual state o f M a h a ra sh tra the Shiv Sena movement flared up in Bombay. The Shiv Sena, as we mentioned in our introduction to this chapter, appeals to the regional and linguistic senti­ m ents o f the M ah a ra sh tria n s m uch as the Sam ayukta M a h a ­ ra sh tra Samithi had done earlier. It also invokes the glorious days o f Shivaji M aharaj, o f the M arath a empire and the H indu p a d padshahi. The Shiv Sena thrives on the belief th at M aharashtrian s who are a superior community with an exemplary history a n d culture, are the underdogs in Bombay, as they are exploited by m igrants from other states. The h o rta to ry message o f the Shiv Sena is almost exclusively based on this point.

46

NATIVISM IN A METROPOLIS

We, however, do n o t m ean to suggest th a t the Shiv Sena is a natural outcome o f the Sam ay uk ta M a h a ra s h tra Samithi. O n the other han d o ur submission is th a t the popularity and mass appeal both these m ovements succeeded in attain in g were m ade possible to a large extent by relying on the d o m in a n t sentiment am ong M ah a ra sh tria n s regarding the exclusiveness and superi­ ority o f their culture and history. The Shiv Sena came into being in Bombay, and its appeal even now is largely restricted to the Bombay T h a n a industrial belt. Its program m es and policies also largely relate to the u rb a n m etropolis o f Bombay. To understand, therefore, the specificity o f the Shiv Sena’s appeal one must examine the b a ck ­ ground features o f the city in which it finds its best expression. In this connection we will highlight the economic, dem ographic, .migrational, occupational and literacy structures o f Bombay, factors which we feel will bring out some o f the d o m in an t features o f the city and which may also help account for the specificity o f the Shiv Sena’s appeal and for its being largely confined to the G reater Bombay region. We shall first detail the grow th and development o f Bombay city which will serve as a backdrop to ou r ensuing discussion. 1.2. The Origin and Development of Bombay To u nd erstand the present demographic and m igrational structure o f Bombay, we should briefly sketch the historical development o f the city itself. The development o f Bombay into a giant m etro po litan industrial centre began when the East India C o m pany tra n s ­ fe rre d its seat o f operation and control from Surat to Bom bay in 1672. But it was with M o n stu a rt Elphinstone (1819-27) th a t the Bombay Presidency was enlarged. A m ong the many who have contributed to the growth and rise o f Bombay, the Parsee community played a stellar role. G erald Aungier, the President o f Surat, when he transferred the seat o f the East India C o m ­ pany from Surat to Bombay p ro m o ted religious tolerance which prom pted many Parsees to come to B o m bay .34 The first Parsee o f repute w;as Lavji Naserw anji W adia, a ship-builder from Surat. H e supervised the building o f docks and began w hat turned o u t to be a fine shipyard.

THE SHIV SENA: BACKGROUND FACTORS AND CAUSES

47

F ro m 1838 Bombay grew as an im p o rtan t centre o f trade and commerce, and with the im provem ent of tran sp ort and com m unication, the flow o f raw cotton to Bombay to be exported to the c o tton mills o f Britain, increased rapidly .35 O ther notable Parsees like D av ar and J.N . T a ta contributed immensely to the development o f Bombay as an industrial centre. D a v ar established the first cotton mill in Bombay in 1851 and T a ta began a project to harness the monsoon rains, which flowed down the western ghats, as a source o f hydro­ electric power for Bombay. This project was completed by his son D orabji T a ta .36 The M ah a ra sh tria n s in Bombay from the very beginning played a role less significant than the business community o f the city. This is probably because Bombay came into p ro m i­ nence p rim arily as an industrial and financial centre, and the M a h a ra sh tria n s, who are not a business com m unity had very little to offer in the early growth and development o f the city. “ P o o n a was the hub o f M a h a ra s h tra ,” 37 it was the seat of M a h a ra sh tria n cu ltu re and learning and it remains so even today. Bom bay on the other han d was dominated by the nonM a h a ra s h tria n business com m unities .38 The local population o f Bombay fell by and large outside the pale o f commercial activity. U nfo rtu n ately , there is no record o f the flow o f mig­ ra n t M ah a ra sh tria n s from M a h a ra sh tra to Bombay. But in the 18th century, according to M o rris, there was a large influx o f traders, goldsmiths, iron smiths and construction w orkers ,39 a n d it would be fair to surmise th a t they were generally nonM ah a ra sh tria n s. M ah arash trian s began coming into Bombay during the la tte r ha lf o f the 19th century and they were gene­ rally labourers who came to w ork in the then developing factories o f Bombay, o r they were the educated class of Saraswat B rahm ans and the P a th a ra Prabhus who were traditionally the scribes o f the Peshwas .40 Over the years, with increasing migration o f M ah arash trian labourers and other classes to Bombay, the city began to acquire a m ore M ah a ra sh tria n character. But the dom ination o f n o n -M ah arash trian s in the city’s economic, intellectual, and political spheres still rem ained .41 This brought about a feeling o f estrangem ent am ong the M aharashtrian s in Bombay,

NATIVISM IN A METROPOLIS

48

especially am ong the educated and literate sections. This was felt all the m o re keenly because o f the increasing p ro p o rtio n o f M aharashtrian s in the to ta l p o p u la tio n o f B o m bay .42 It was in order to stress the increasing M ah a ra sh tria n character o f the city and to press forw ard their claims to dom i­ n ation o f this u rb a n m ultilingual complex th a t the SMS demanded th a t Bombay should be integrated into M a h a ra sh tra a n d m ade its capital. But even the accom plishm ent o f this did no t wipe o u t the dem ographic features o f Bombay. We shall now examine these features in the context o f the comtem p orary situation in G reater Bombay. 1.3. Dem ographic and M igrational Structure o f B om bay

B arring the B om bay-Poona Industrial belt the o th e r areas o f M a h a ra sh tra are relatively underdeveloped. In term s o f sheer p o p u la tio n G reater Bombay stands ou t. (See M aps 3 and 4) According to the 1971 census the po pu la tio n stands at 5 970, 545 .43 This works out to a p o p u latio n density o f 9,901 persons p e r square kilo m etre .44 The influx o f incoming families is a b o ut 300 a day. The concentration o f factories a nd workers in Bombay is also far greater th an in any other district o f M a h a ra sh tra . According to the 1961 C e n s u s , the linguistic b reak -up o f G reater Bombay is as follows: TABLE I

Break-up o f Greater Bom bay Population by M ajor L inguistic Communities

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

M other Tongue K annarese M alayalam Tam il T elugu G ujarati H indi M arathi

M a le 53,064 48,130 63,453 61 493 4,34,498 2,59,952 10,48,752

F em ale 29,768 17,543 40,934 36,500 3,58,273 70,577 972,632

The above table deals with only the m ajor linguistic com ­ munities in G reater Bombay. T he M ah arash trian s are a d o m i­ n a n t community in Bombay, though they are n o t the m ajority

URBAN

POPULATION

OF THE

DISTRICT

POPULATION

AS OF

PERCENT THE

STATE

OF

TOTAL

URBAN

URBAN

POPULATION

OF THE

DISTRICT

POPULATION

AS

PERCENT

OF THE

STATE

OF

TOTAL

URBAN

THE SHIV SENA : BACKGROUND FACTORS A N D CAUSES

49

com m unity. 43% o f the city’s population are M arathis, 19% G ujaratis, 9% South Indians (i.e. those belonging to the four south Indian States of K a rn a ta k a , A n d hra Pradesh, Tam il N adu and K erala p u t together) and 8 % are Hindi speaking. Between 1901-1961 there was a general upw ard trend in th e population o f G reater Bombay 45 accompanied by a down-ward’ trend ia the relative contribution o f migrants to the total! intercensal population o f the city .46 When we examine the; distribution o f m igrants in G reater Bombay by place o f birtft we find that the num ber o f migrants from South India are less than the num ber o f m igrants from the other districts o f M a h a ra sh tra and from G ujarat. The num ber o f migrants from South India according to the 1961 census total 4,20,836, from G u ja ra t 47 4,50.832 and from M ah a ra sh tra 1,110,553. The n u m b e r o f m igrants from U tta r Pradesh and Bihar, and P unjab and R ajasthan are less th an the num ber o f migrants from the four South In d ia n states p u t together. In terms o f total figures, according to the 1961 census figures, 64.2% o f the 4.5 million citizens o f G re ater Bombay were b orn elsewhere. This is lower th an the figure in the 1951 census which stands at 7 2 .1%48 We may, from the above, draw the following conclusions : (i) M ah arash trian s are the largest linguistic group in G reater Bombay, bu t as they comprise 43% o f the city’s population they do not constitute a m ajority o f the population o f the city. (ii) The num ber o f South Indians, even if we take the mig­ rants from the four South Indian states together, are no t the largest category o f non-M arathi speaking migrants in G reater Bombay. But they are quite signi­ ficant in their num bers and stand second to the G ujaratis who are the largest non-M aharashtrian speaking migrants in G reater Bombay. (iii) The population o f G reater Bombay is increasing though the contribution o f m igrants to the population shows a downward trend.

NATIVISM IN A METROPOLIS

50

1.4. Occupational and Literacy Structure

rate o f unem ploym ent is increasing in Bombay a n d it is particularly high in the age group 15-24 o f the first time unemployed. M ore significantly, those who are unem ployed now but were employed previously are also very m any in num ber—touching 30% o f the total unemployed in the age group 25-34. The following table will m ake the situation The

clearer: \

TABLE II

Age D istribution o f Unemployed in Greater Bom bay

A ge G roup T otal 15-19 20-24 25-39 30-34 35-44 45-59 60 +

15+

T otal first T otal U n em ployed time unem ployed M ale Fem ale M ale F em ale 100 22.8 34.0 24.0

19.2

100 26.3 35.9 20.7

17.1

100 34.0 41.4 13.3 4.7 6.6

100 36.3 42.1 12.2 4.3 5.1

U n em p loyed who w orked previously F em ale M ale 100 11.5 26.5 30.0

100 12.5 27.4 26.4

15.8 13.6 2.6

17.9 13.1 2.6

Source : K .C . Z achariah, op. c it., T able 2.15, p. 40.

The unem ploym ent situation is heightened because it is coupled with increasing literacy. At the tu rn o f the century the proportion o f illiterates in Bombay was about 81%. By 1961 it was reduced to 41% o r 40 age po in ts .49 Though the literacy rate o f the city is fast increasing the rate of literacy am ong the M ah arash trian s in Bombay is the lowest. The 1961 Census reveals that as m any as 55.83% o f M aharashtrian m igrant workers are illiterate, whereas only 38.04% o f G u jarati migrants and 39.81% o f South Indian migrants are illiterate. Table III below illustrates the edu ca­ tional attainm ents o f the m ajor m igrant communities in G r e a ­ ter Bombay.

THE S H IV SENA : BACKGROUND FACTORS A ND CAUSES

51

TABLE III

D istribution o f M igrant W orkers by S tate o f Birth and Education State o f Birth

T otal

T otal M ahara­ shtra South India G ujarat

100.00

48.34

17.93

17.13

11.14

0.73

4.73

100.00

55.83

16.14

17.16

7.48

0.35

3.04

100.00 39.81 100.00 38.04

19.01 17.68

15.08 23.09

18.69 11.81

1.49 1.39

5.92 16.00

Illite ­ rate

Literate without ed u ca ­ tional level

Prim ary

M atric

D egree D ip lom a

Source : C om puted from Z achariah, op. c it., Table 9.10, pp. 173-4.

It is because o f their low literacy rates that the M ahashtrians generally find jobs as labourers and preponderate in the working force o f the textile industry 50 where the educational requirem ents are the lowest am ong all the industries .51 The M ah a ra sh tria n s are at a disadvantage in securing better placed jo bs and the m igrants from South India and G ujarat fare better in securing white collar positions, especially professional and adm inistrative jobs, which require greater educational a tta in ­ m ent and professional expertise. Table IV details this dimension. TABLE IV

Percent o f M igrant W orkers in Each Occupation Division by S tate o f Birth in Greater Bombay52 O ccupational D ivision s P rofessional A dm inistrative C lerical Labourers

M aharashtrian 6.6 1.3 8.4 49.0

Gujarati 12.2 4.5 12.3 28.2

South Indian

11.0 3.7 13.3 41.7

Source • C om puted from Z achariah, op. c it., table 13.5, p. 315, See for co m p lete tables, Census o f India 1961, V ol. X , M aharashtra, G reater B om bay, Special M igration T ables, Part X (1-c), T able V.

NATIVISM IN A METROPOLIS

52

The above table shows us th at th ough South In dians tend to be m ore d o m in a n t than M ah a ra sh tria n s in white collar o ccupations ,53 they are by no means n on existent in lower class occupations. I t is by no means true th a t the South Indians occupy only the better placed jobs. As a m a tte r o f fact, the percentage o f South Indians in lower class occupations is higher th an those in upp er a nd middle class occupations. But, relatively speaking they seem to be better placed. The some­ w hat anam olous factor is th a t the G ujaratis who rarely occupy lower class occupations a n d belong to the literate up per class g rou p are not attacked by the Shiv Sena. This is probably because the G ujaratis predom inate in commerce, (according to Z achariah 41% o f the G u ja ra ti m igrants specialise in th at industry ) 54 an industry in which M ah a ra sh tria n s rarely enter. The m igrants from U tta r Pradesh are very strongly represented am ong the lower class, but neither are they, like the G ujaratis, persecuted by the Shiv Sena to the degree th a t the South Indians are. We m ay conclude thi,c section with the following points: (i) A large num ber o f m igrants are lured to B om bay in search o f jobs. (ii) South Indians (taking the four South In d ia n states together) are generally m ore literate with higher educa­ tional qualifications than the M a h a ra sh tria n m igrants. (iii) The South Indians fare better in securing white collar jo b s com p ared to M ah a ra sh tria n s. (iv) There is a high degree o f unem ploym ent particu larly amongst those in the age group 25-34 who were em p­ loyed previously. (v) The literacy rate is fast increasing in the city. 1.5. The Economic Structure W ith ou t presenting a detailed critique o f the developm ent o f contradictions o f the Indian economy it is however necessary here to highlight some o f the m ore im p o rta n t dimensions before we narrow dow n o ur concern to Bombay specifically. Industrialisation in India did not take place with an industrial revolution either capitalist or socialist. I t developed within

THE SHIV SENA : BACKGROUND FACTORS A ND CAUSES

53

the confines o f a colonial system which resulted in large urban m e tro p o lita n centres surrounded by vast areas of poverty and backw ardness. Very little or no attem pt was m ade to develop the hinterlands. Even after the atta in m en t o f political inde­ pendence India has been unable to wipe o u t this colonial heritage. N ative capitalism developed in In dia from the second half o f the nineteenth century b u t did not really get going till after the F irst W orld W ar and the rise o f the Indian N a tio n al M ove­ m ent. The early capitalists were those who had engaged in middlemen activities in the scheme o f colonial exploitation or had become rich due to trade, commerce and money-lending .55 India, as Levkovsky correctly pointed out, developed with the m erchants exercising sway over production in contrast to the m ore revolutionary path where the producer turns capitalist .56 In the ru ral areas rem nants o f pre-capitalist feudalism still existed, though capitalist relations had penetrated there as well. This resulted, in the w ords o f Kathleen G ough, in an a g ra ria n system which un der colonialism was no t one o f feudalism pro p er b u t o f a colonial style m erchant capitalism .57 C ap italist relations in the country-side ravaged the peasantry, a n d invited and accentuated differentiation throwing out a mass of impoverished and landless peasants to the cities in search o f jobs. It is prim arily because o f the m anner in which capitalism was introduced in India th a t free and unfettered capitalism did n o t develop fully. The capitalist sector o f the Indian economy tod ay is dom in ated by m ulti-national corporations and m o n o ­ poly houses b o th In dian and foreign. The tertiary sectors such as trade and tra n s p o rt have developed, unfortunately at the expense o f p rim ary goods industries. Both foreign and indigeneous m onopolists invest in capital intensive machinery. M ore a n d m ore investments are being harnessed to produce luxury items to a closed and protected m a rk e t of the urban and the ru ral rich which is particularly favourable to the profit and well-being o f the oligopolists 58 and to that extent the oligopo­ lists stand to benefit from “ inaction on agrarian reform s .” 59 All these serve to impede employment opportunities. F ro m the latter h a lf o f the nineteenth century Bombay developed rapidly as an im p o rtan t industrial centre where the

54

NATIVISM IN A METROPOLIS

native bourgeoisie played a very p ro m in ent p a rt, in co n tra st to C alcu tta .60 In 1884 Cowasji N an abh o y D a v ar established the first textile mill of Bombay, and since then “ the textile industry has been the pace setter o f ind ustrialisation . ” 61 It is still today the single largest industry in Bombay. Today Bombay remains a m ajor financial and industrial centre o f India. It attracts investments on a large scale from all over India and likewise finds a nation-wide m a r k e t .62 The private sector is also the largest single employer o f labour in B o m b a y .63 Bombay alone has roughly h a lf the n u m b e r o f industrial establishments in the whole o f M a h a ra sh tra with around two-thirds of its labour force .64 40% o f total p ro d u ctio n in M a h a ra sh tra takes place in Bombay 65 and if we take nonagricultural production the figure is bound to be much higher. M ah a ra sh tra with 9% o f In d ia ’s population has 22.62% o f the total productive capital, fixed and w orking, in India. On the other hand the four southern states o f Tamil N ad u , K a rn atak a , K erala and A ndhra Pradesh with 22% o f In d ia ’s population account for 15.37% o f the to ta l productive capital in In d ia .66 The logic o f m igration to G reater Bombay is deter­ mined by this factor. Due to the advantages o f economies o f scale and the well-known effects o f agglom eration, new investments are con­ stantly attracted to Bombay. O ther areas o f M a h a ra sh tra are relatively underdeveloped and no other industrial or u rb an centre has proved capable o f either holding the p o p ulatio n or significantly diverting the flow from Bombay (see M a p 3). W hat little industrial developm ent has occurred in other are as o f M ah a ra sh tra has largely occurred during the 1960s. Bombay with its high investment rate and its developm ent as a gigantic industrial complex, is like an oasis in a desert o f underdevelopment. M ig rants therefore come in large num bers from other states as well as from M ah a ra sh tra. The m ig ­ rants from M ah a ra sh tra are generally from the ru ral areas ,67 and find w ork (or seek it) as labourers in B o m b ay .63 A n overwhelming m ajority o f them find their way to Bom bay because o f the ‘p u s h ’ from their ru ral hom es .69 In spite o f the fact th a t the rate o f grow th o f factories in Bom bay has slowed dow n com pared to areas like Poona, N asik, T hana etc., B om bay

THE SHIV SENA : BACKGROUND FACTORS AND CAUSES

55

still has a daily inflow o f some 300 families. This coupled with the increasing auto chth on ou s population accentuates the em ploym ent problem of Bombay. The overall rate o f unem ploym ent in Bombay was 4.6% of the total labour force in 1961. In 1951 it was 2.5%. Organised em ployment grew fairly steadily in the first half o f the 60s. 1966 was a period o f stagnation and recession. Though indus­ trial growth picked up somewhat the increase in organised employm ent in the period 1961-1971 was only 26%. The increase in labo ur force on the other hand was 34%. In a period when the city’s population increased by nearly 2 ,000,000 and the la b o u r force by 600,000, there were only 250,000 addi­ tional jobs in the organised sector .70 W h at were the causes behind unemployment in Bombay ? Why is the rate of unem ploym ent increasing in this city ? It is o ur submission th a t these are due to two prim ary reasons. Firstly, as we have already m entioned, the ‘push’ from the rural areas and the unevenness o f development in M ah arash tra and in India as a whole has resulted in the traditional associa­ tion o f surplus jo bs with this metropolis. This spurs the cease­ less m igration to Bombay. Secondly, and more specifically, the n ature o f capitalism in Bombay discourages the gainful em ployment o f large num bers in the city. ^ W hy is this so? It may well be argued th a t increasing investments will open u p greater opportunities for employment. The concrete situation of Bombay wholly falsifies this argum ent. It is no t th a t investments are no t taking place in Bombay. But as Zachariah rightly points out, more and more capital is being invested in capital-intensive industries in the oligopolis sector ,71 a sector which today dominates Bom bay’s industrial activity. In the 1964 R eport of the Bombay Mill Owners Asso­ ciation, the monopoly houses strongly advocated technological development and m o d e rn isatio n .72 This was perm itted by the G overnm ent and also actively encouraged, knowing full well that this would choke em ploym ent opportunities and result in retren ch m en t .73 This is not only apparent in the chemical and engineering industries but is also to be seen progressively in the textile mills o f Bombay. A brief examination o f the textile industry will, we believe,

56

NATIVISM IN A METROPOLIS

present a clearer picture. We have chosen this industry because it is a premier industry o f Bombay which employs 50% o f the labourers in the m anufacturing industry and roughly 25% o f the workers in the organised sector are employed in the cotton mills .74 M oreover, M ah arash trian migrants are predom inantly found in the textile mills and this fact has a direct bearing on the growth and popularity o f the Shiv Sena. A study o f the S tatistical A bstract o f M aharashtra 75 for the years 1963 to 1971 reveals that between 1962-68 bo th the num ber o f mills and the productive capital employed have increased, whereas the num ber o f persons employed has decreased rapidly over these years. The productive capital (in thousand rupees) increased from Rs. 1,226,979 in 1962 to Rs. 2,075,556 in 1968. The num ber o f people employed on the other hand has fallen appreciably from 302,110 in 1962 to 279,629 in 1968.76 Also, the production o f fine cloth and luxury wear has increased while the o u tp u t o f loom cloth has fallen .77 This is an other indication that the ratio o f capital and material inputs to labour has increased. While this has resulted in falling employment it has, h ow ­ ever, helped the big business houses and the captains o f indus­ try to reap high profits in a closed and protected m a rk e t .78 The total output of cloth a n d yarn is decreasing or at best stagnant , ' 9 whereas the prices o f finished goods have been raised .80 This leads to a stagflationary situation where the lower and middle classes are hit by unem ploym ent and falling standards o f living, while at the same time higher profits for the oligopolists and big business houses are ensured. The general belief that the textile industry is stagnating does not hold true for the big business houses o f Bombay like Dawn, Poddar, Gokak, Swan Mills, etc., who have been m aking steady profits over the last decade .81 A nother trend is also getting more crystallized. Profits are being ploughed into other m anufacturing, engineering and chemical industries .82 These industries are and always have been highly capital intensive and therefore offer only limited employment opportunities. It is also worthwhile to point out that the years 1965-67 were particularly turbulent years for the In d ia n econom y. These years saw the aggravation o f the crisis o f unem ploym ent

THE SHIV SENA : BACKGROUND FACTORS AND CAUSES

57

and falling stand ard s o f living for the lower and middle classes. This may have contributed to the popularity o f the Shiv Sena, as it arose when the crisis was at its height in 1966. P o o r rainfall in the years 1965-67 resulted in the non-avail­ ability o f food crops, cash crops as well as raw materials. This coincided with the m a turin g o f industrial recession which according to P a tn a ik was steadily building u p .83 F o r though harvests improved considerably in 1967, the textile industry for instance did not pick up production. As a m a tte r o f fact o u tp u t fell .84 Anyhow, the coupling o f droughts with indus­ trial recession deepened the gloom o f the lower and middle classes in Bombay, as elsewhere. The G overnm ent was unable to hold the price line which eventuated in a sharp rise in the consum er price index for workers in Bombay. The cost of living rose by m ore than 60% and the real wages in M ah a ra ­ shtra tended to go d o w n .85 Severe unem ploym ent and inflation m ade it difficult not only for the lower classes and the u nem p­ loyed, bu t even the middle classes felt the aggravating squeeze on their consum ption because o f escalating prices. 2.

CAUSES

We shall now try to establish the causes responsible for the rise o f the Shiv Sena movement. In our endeavour to do so we also hope to throw some light on the roots o f its typicality.' O u r presentation in the pages above o f the socio-economic and political complexion o f Bombay will serve as a backdrop to our understanding o f the rise o f the Shiv Sena. By relying on the dis­ cussion above, we hope to bring o u t the “ historically specific c o n ju n ctu re ” which coloured the organisation with its varied traits and also added to its appeal. We do not think that the results o f this excercise will be infallible or even complete in their exploration. We merely wisht o highlight what seems to our mind the more crucial factors. The fundam ental causes for the rise o f the Shiv Sena were increasing unem ploym ent and a sense o f economic deprivation am ong the lower and middle classes in Bombay. These were, as we pointed ou t earlier in this chapter, a result o f the con­ tradictions o f the economic structure and the nature and quality o f capitalism and o f industrialization in India and more p a rti­

58

NATIVISM IN A METROPOLIS

cularly in Bombay, which on the one hand discouraged em ploy­ ment and on the other encouraged m igration to the city. The Shiv Sena in its origin provided a vehicle for furthering the interests o f the lower a n d middle class M aharashtrians in Bombay, who in the face o f increasing economic insecurity and hardship were attracted to the regional passion a n d the nativists elements in the Shiv Sena’s ideology. Though a social movement arises from the contradictions o f the economic structure which aggravate divergent class interests, the m anner in which the Shiv Sena professed to protect the interests o f these classes is n o t simply related to the contradictions o f the economy. According to A lthusser, accum ulation o f currents and events lead to a “ his­ torically specific c o nju ctu re .” 86 It is im p o rta n t to understand this conjuncture for it alone can account for the appeal a p articular m ovem ent has in a specific social setting. T he question is, therefore, n o t so much why the Shiv Sena has its peculiar characteristics, b u t why the Shiv Sena has received such mass following a n d support? In this context it is possible to understand w hat happened by asking w hat a lte rn a ­ tives were closed and why. This will show the selective influences from the environm ent acting in favour o f the particular ideology and p rog ram m e o f the Shiv Sena. Firstly, the political climate that prevailed during the period the Shiv Sena came into being, in no small measure helped in giving the Shiv Sena its mass appeal and instant popularity. In the period 1966-67, when the masses were hit by inflation and recession, there seemed to be a kind o f “ political vacu um ” in the country and in the state o f M ah a ra sh tra. The grip o f the monolithic Congress Party was loosening, and it was severely splintered by w arring factions. Political opportunism had reached its height and floor crossing was a frequent occurrence. In this reign o f chaos the Shiv Sena appeared to stand up for order; in an atm osphere o f political degeneracy it appeared to cham pion exemplary ethical conduct. It came up from outside the established political structure to fill this “ v acu u m ” by prom ising militancy, integrity and a solution. Why did the m ood n o t tu rn against capitalism? O r more specifically why were the C om m unist parties unable to a ttra c t the masses to radicalism? It is true th at the split in the

th e

sh iv

S

en a

:

b a c k g r o u n d

fa cto rs

a n d

causes

59

C om m unist P arty in 1964 considerably lessened the hope that people had pinned on the C om m unist forces. But as we hope to show there were other reasons too. T o begin with, during the period 1956-65, i.e., the period beginning with the Second Five Year Plan, there was a sudden spurt o f investment, and num erous factories and mills suddenly sprouted in Bombay. The n um ber o f factories employing between 1,000 and 5,000 people increased from 65 to 85 between 1959 and 1969. Factories employing between 500 to 999 increased in num ber from 45 to 70. Between 1956 and 1965 there was a net gain o f as m any as 25,000 registered factories .87 P.K . K u ra n e o f C IT U and B.S. D hum e o f A IT U C feel that the promise o f imm ediate employment and wage increases robbed the working class unions o f their larger role. “ In this p eriod ” says D hum e, “ the tribunals and courts granted almost every wage dem and, and the feeling that the mill owner and the government were friends o f the working class grew stro n g .” 88 This feeling came to prevail even in the G irni K a m g ar U nion, the traditional com m unist stronghold. In this situation it is quite understandable that the leftist forces found it diffi­ cult to penetrate the ideological hegemony o f the ruling class, n o r in all tru th were any serious attem pts made in th a t direc­ tion. This can be gauged from the fact that even after this initial period o f industrial optim ism subsided around 1965, the leftist organisations did n o t call for a general strike or press for w orkers dem and on pure economic issues, let alone arm ing them ideologically. Between 1950 and 1966 no general strike was called by A IT U C in Bom bay .89 Moreover, after 1954 the strikes were rarely on economic demands. A cti­ vism was used prim arily to forw ard the cause o f the Samay u k ta M a h a ra sh tra Samithi. As K urane said: “ A generation was brought up by the communists to believe in the Sam ayukta M a h a ra sh tra S am ith i .” 90 The split in the communist party in 1964 aggravated its impotence and inertia and the leftist forces in Bombay failed to capitalise on the crises o f 1966. M oreover, unlike Bengal, where communism had taken deep roots am ongst the literate population with the establish­ m ent o f the Progressive Writers W orkshop and the Indian

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People’s T heatre A ssociation ,91 com m unist values a nd ethics had no t been able to a ttra c t M a h a ra sh tria n intellectuals* Whereas in Bengal, M arxism and C om m unism had left their im print on art, literature, theatre and scholarship, and continued, even after Independence, to play a m ajo r political role; these elements were noticeably missing in M a h a ra sh tra and in Bombay. It is necessary, therefore, to appreciate the crucial juncture at which the Shiv Sena came up. The political crisis pervading the entire country plus increasing economic deprivation m ade it a particularly propitious period for the rise o f the Shiv Sena. It is n o t easy to say whether if the Shiv Sena had come up at some other point o f tim e it would have enjoyed the same p o p u ­ larity it did. But we would n o t be incorrect in saying that the worsening political a nd economic crises in the year 1966 aided in swelling the num bers o f Shiv Sena partisans. The Shiv Sena n o t only sponsored militancy but establish: ed a kind o f ‘hegem ony’ in the G ram scian sense. It tapped popular beliefs and values, glorified the ‘little cultures’ o f M a h a ­ rashtra, and perm eated a wide vista, o f social relationships. These were activated, pointedly and w ith p a rtic u la r emphasis to the socio-economic context. The nativitist element in the Shiv S en a’s ideology were favoured by ,the following two im p o rta n t factors: (i) The occu­ pational and m igrational stru ctu re o f Bombay, and (ii) the ascriptive and regional style o f politics in India, m ore speci­ fically in M ah a ra sh tra, which heightened M a h a ra sh tria n c h a u ­ vinism by emphasising th at their culture and tra d itio n were superior to that o f other linguistic groups. This engendered a d om inant attitu de am ong M ah arash trian s th at they were being persecuted both on the n ational and regional plane. The demographic and the occupational structure o f Bombay are the prime rationale o f T hack eray ’s appeal and underpin the ideology o f the Shiv Sena. The fact th at the n o n -M a h ara sh tria n s are generally m ore affluent th a n the M ah a ra sh tria n s in Bombay because o f their d o m in ation over trade and com m erce and also because they are prop ortio nately better represented than the M aharashtrians are in well paid jobs due to better education a n d expertise, has given rise to the feeling am ong M a h a ra s h ­ trians that the m igrants are wrongfully tak in g ad vantage o f the

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61

b o u n ty o f Bombay which should rightfully come to them. T hough the SMS was successful in securing Bombay as the capital o f M ah a ra sh tra, this did n o t result in the dom ination by M aharashtrians o f the cultural or economic life o f the city. Bom bay still bears a pronounced n o n -M a h ara sh tria n character. T o add to this, the fact that the M aharashtrians comprise 43% o f the total population, a n d are, therefore, though a dom inant m inority, not a m ajority com m unity in the capital o f their own state, may have added to their feelings o f insecurity and deprivation. In our opinion the general socio-economic disparity and com petition for jobs between M ah arash trians and nonM ah arash trian s have b o th given rise to this feeling and indeed it is difficult to isolate one from the other. We disagree with K atzen stein ’s view that jo b com petition am ongst m igrants and natives o f Bombay is no t an im portant consideration. F o r according to her the M ah arash trian s hold white collar jobs and lower class jobs m ore o r less p rop o rtio n ate with their p o p u la tio n .92 But this does no t account for the fact that the South Indians and other m igrants are better placed p ro p o r­ tionately. In a tense situation o f unem ploym ent where jobs are scarce and m igrants are m ore successful than the natives in securing better placed jobs (though the latter may prepo nd e­ rate in absolute num bers) jo b competition between b o th com m unities is a reality th a t cannot be ignored. M oreover as K atzenstein has herself shown, with 9% o f the total p op u la­ tion the South Indians occupy 23% o f adm inistrative jo b s .93 The relativity o f the situation is w hat often moulds the social perceptions o f the people. A t the same time, the fact th a t Bal Thackeray focuses on South Indians and no t on G ujaratis goes back to his personal experiences and to his own antipathy towards the South I n d ia n s ,94 as well as to the his own class position. Thackeray has no quarrel with the industrialists and therefore, finds no need to pick on the linguistic comm unity, i.e., G ujaratis, who are the m a jo r financiers and industrialists o f this city. M o re ­ over, by picking on the South Indians Thackeray gives vent to the frustrations o f the middle class white collar M ah a ra sh t­ rians, who like himself, find the South Indians their m ajor com petitors for white collar jobs. H a d he been anti-G ujarati,

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like the S.M.S. was, he would no t have been able, perhaps, to motivate so fervently this petty bourgeois class o f M a h a ra sh ­ trians, who till today, form the main p la n k o f the Shiv Sena’s support structure. An atta ck on the G ujaratis would have involved at least some am o u n t o f hostility to the industrial capitalist class. But this, after the form ation- o f M a h a ra sh tra State, would have m eant a different socio political a n d intellec­ tual orientation, which would n o t have appealed so im m edia­ tely, as the then prevailing Shiv Sena ideology did, to the volatile M aharashtrian middle and lower middle classes. Secondly, the play o f regional and linguistic factors in national and state politics only reflects the fact th a t the various regional and linguistic groups in the country have n o t been successfully integrated. U nfortunately, the endorsem ent by the Congress in the 1920s (M otilal N ehru R epo rt o f 1923) a n d even after Independence o f the principle o f linguistic states has kept alive regional chauvinism and parochial passions .95 It is also on this ascriptive basis th at much o f p o s t-In d e ­ pendence political action and recruitm ent has taken place in In d ia .96 N earer to home, the Sam ayukta M ah a ra sh tra Samithi had from 1955-60 heightened the feeling o f chauvinism amongst the M aharashtrian in Bombay. The existence o f a c o m m u n a l co-operative history barely six years before the birth o f the Shiv Sena made it easy for the latter to whip up c o m m u n a l and nativist passions, especially when the Shiv Sena focused on the fact th a t outsiders in B om bay were better o f f than the M aharashtrians. We do n o t m ean to say th at the Sam ayukta M a h a ra sh tra Samithi is the d ire c t p ro ­ genitor o f the Shiv Sena. But the actual occurrence and success o f the Sam ayukta M ah arash tra Samithi may have contributed towards keeping the regional passions socially alive in Bombay and in M aharashtra. The nation that the M a h a r a s h t r ia n s are being deprived by outsiders and the activa­ tion o f M a h a r a s h tr ia n c o n s c i o u s n e s s , may h a v e facilitated th e emergence o f the regional and nativist idiom o f the Shiv Sena. The cultural alienation that the M ah a ra sh tria n s faced in Bombay made the nativist appeal o f the Shiv Sena m ore accep­ table. M ah arash trian language and culture were certainly n o t dom inant in Bombay. A large num ber o f Shiv Sainiks felt th at

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63

their culture was being underm ined by outsiders. Some even confessed th a t in public places they hesitated to speak in M arathi. Coupled with this situation the belief am ong the M ah a ra sh tria n s (which we detailed earlier in this chapter) that th e ir history and culture is o f an exemplary order 97 made their cultural alienation in Ihe city all the more acute. The militant pro-H induism o f the Shiv Sena is also no t new to M ah a ra sh tra. M ilitant H indu nationalism had reared its head in the late 19 th century, but nowhere had it formed a mass m ovem ent as in M ah arash tra. The cult of Shivaji in M a h a ­ rash tra expressed itself in violent opposition to the Muslims. Tilak introduced the G an ap ath i festival in 1893 to keep this spirit alive, and to revitalise M aharashtrian chauvinism by introducing no t only traditio n al sacred symbols, but also such m ilitant activities as training in the a rt o f defence .98 In M a h a ­ rashtra, H in d u nationalism —the revering of the Gita and the exaltation o f Shivaji—and anti-M uslim feeling rolled into one com posite whole. We find, therefore, th a t the d o m in a n t values and ethos o f the M ah a ra sh tria n s in Bombay were effectively brought to ­ gether in the ideology o f the Shiv Sena to explain the economic deprivation faced by M ah arashtrian s in Bombay. This is what gave and continues to give the Shiv Sena its almost instantane­ ous popularity and mass appeal. In this context it should be m entioned that though the dom inant elements in the super­ structure, the incipient tensions in the society, etc., may be viewed as “ accelerators” o f a social movement, they should n o t be seen as “ independent triggers ” .99 For it is the ideology o f the m ovem ent and the strategy and tactics o f its leadership th a t bring ab o u t a group consciousness which is able to opera­ tionalise these d om inant elements o f the superstructure to fu rth er certain class interests. We have above related briefly the contradictions and cons­ tra in ts o f the economic structure and the nature o f industria­ lisation in India, m ore particularly in Bombay, which allowed the Shiv Sena to exploit the M ah a ra sh tria n ’s feeling th at he was being culturally and materially oppressed in his city by outsiders. The contradictions o f the economy, as we have tried to show heightened the prevailing trends and currents in the superstructure leading to a ‘historically specific

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conjuncture.’ This accounts for the specificity o f the Shiv Sena movement. Therefore, to th at extent it has been o ur endeavour in this chapter to highlight the accum ulation o f circumstances that favoured the rise and grow th o f the Shiv Sena. In conclu­ sion we would like to reiterate th a t the grow th o f the Shiv Sena should not be seen simply as an eruption o f the accum ulated circumstances and contradictions. But th a t these circum stances and contradictions created a situation which facilitated the rise and popularity o f the m o vem en t .100

NOTES

1. See G .S . Sardesai, M ain C urrents o f M arath a H isto ry (P hoenix P ublication , B om bay, 1949), pp. 11-16. A ccord in g to Sardesai, the M aharashtrians b elieve they are a superior com m unity because o f the indom itable valour o f the M aratha army w hich fought near single han d edly against the invaders. 2. M .G . R an ad e, R ise o f M aratha P ow er (P u b lication D iv isio n , N ew D e lh i, 1961), p. 3, Q uoted by R am Joshi, in “ M aharashtra” in M yron W einer, e d ., S ta te P o litics in India (P rinceton U niversity Press, P rinceton, N ew Jersey, 1968), p. 178. 3. The M a h ra tta , 24 June 1906. The text is reproduced in full in B a l Gangadhar T ila k —H is W ritin gs and Speeches (G anesh and C o ., M adras, 1922), p. 48. 4. M em orandum subm itted by the Sam ayukta M aharashtra Sam iti to the State R eorganisation C om m ission. R eorganisation o f S ta te s in India with P articular Reference to the F orm ation o f M a h arash tra. (Sam ayukta M aharashtra Parishad P u b lication , B om bay, 1964) p. 56. 5. Ib id. This m em orandum traces the dem and for a unilingual state o f M aharashtra from T ilak onw ards, p. 5. 6. M arshall W indm iller, “ The P olitics o f State R eorgan isation in India: The case o f B om bay” , Far E astern Survey, V ol. 25, no. 9, Septem ber 1956, pp. 129-43. 7. Tim es o f India, 18 O ctober 1955. 8. B h arat J y o ti, 23 O ctober 1955. 9. N ew A ge, 20 N ovem ber 1955. 10. Purshottam T rikam das, “ Sam ayukta M aharashtra—H ere and N o w ” , Janata, V ol. 10, no. 57, 15 January 1956. 11. W indm iller, op. c it., p. 134. 12. Free P ress Journal, 7 N ovem b er 1955.

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65

'

13. H indu, 25 O ctober 1955. 14. The C om m unists were h esita n t partly because o f the BulganinK h ru sch ch ev’s visit o f 23 N ovem ber 1955 and the im proved relations betw een N ehru and the Soviets. But as the mass uprising was spontaneous they had to jo in in or be left out. Free Press Journal, 20 N ovem ber 1955. 15. W indm iller, op. c it ., p. 134. 16. Statesm an , 10 Septem ber 1959. 17. S ta te sm a n , 2 O ctober 1959. 18. T he Parliam entary Board o f the SM S said that they w ould not consid er Sam ayukta M aharashtra as fully and com pletely accom ­ plished until the disputed areas o f Belgaum , Karwar and Bidar w ere not resolved and in clu d ed in M aharashtra, T im es o f India (N ew D elh i), 7 O ctober 1959. 19. M em orandum o f SM S, op. cit., pp. 81-85. 20. Ibid. 21. The Hindu, 13 N ovem ber 1959. 22. Ibid. 23. Ibid. 24. Ibid. 25. S tatesm a n , 5 O ctober 1959. 26. SM S M em orandum , op. cit., p. 56. 27. S.M . Joshi, “ Som e Stray T houghts on E m otional Integration” , Janata V ol. 13 no. 1, 26 January 1958, p. 3. 28. Ibid, p. 4. See also “ R econ sider D ecisio n over B om bay” , Com ­ m erce, 28 July 1956, pp. 15.3-4; and Shriped R. Tikekar, “ Trouble Over B om bay” , Indian Affairs R ecord, V ol. 2, no. 7, 15 January 1956, pp. 3-4. _ 29. “ C om m unist MPs D em and Changes to M eet Linguistic Principles— D issen tin g N o te to Joint C om m ittee R ep ort” , N ew A ge, 29 July 1956. 30. S.M . Joshi, op. cit., p. 3. 31. See S.M .S. M em orandum , op. cit. 32. The Hindu, 13 N ovem ber 1959. 33. S.M . Joshi, op. c it., p. 4. Mr. D hum e o f A IT U C said: “ The Sam ayukta M aharashtra Sam ithi was to fight for our dem ocratic p eop les’ rights. This was being granted to other states. W hy n ot Maharashtra? We wanted to bring B om bay in the mainstream o f M aharashtra and smash the dom inance o f ‘ Gujaratis and big m on op oly cap ita lists.” (Personal interview, O ctober 1973, Bom bay). 34. Encyclopaedia Britannica (E ncyclopaedia Britannica In c)., V ol. I I , pp. 895-6, Section on “ B om bay” . _ 35. M orris D . M orris, The Emergence o f Indian Labour Force in Indiar A Study o f Bom bay Cotton M ills, 1854-1947 (Oxford U n iversity Press, B om bay, 1965), p. 13. 36. E ncyclopaedia B ritannica, op. cit. See also S.M . Edw ardes, The

NATIVISM IN A METROPOLIS

66 R ise o f B om bay: 37.

38.

'39. 40 ’

A

R etro sp ect (Tim es o f India Press, Bom bay,

1902), pp. 264-5. . G ord on Johnson, “ C hitpavan Brahmins and P olitics in W estern India in the Late 19th C entury and the Early 20th century' , in E. Leach and S .N . M ukherjee, ed ., E lites in South A sia (Cam bridge U n iversity Press, C am bridge, 1970), p. 96. ^ Such as the Parsees, K hojas, M em ons, Gujaratis and K apol Banias. See Indian Industrial Com m ission R eport, 1916-18 (Superintendent, •Government Printing), p. 72. A lso A .K . B agchi, P riva te Invest­ m ent in India (O rient Longm ans, A ssociation w ith Cam bridge U n iversity Press, C am bridge, 1975), p. 170. M orris D . M orris, op. cit., p. 11. . . . C hristine D ob b in , “ C om peting E lites in B om bay C ity P olitics in the M id N ineteen th Century (1852-1883)” in Leach and M ukherjee,

éd ., op. cit., pp. 92-93. _ _ 41. D ob b in , ibid. D obbin presents the figures in the m unicipal elections in the late 19th century, i.e ., from 1875 onw ards, to show the d om i­ n atio n o f non-M aharashtrians in the elected bod y. p. 92. 42. Ibid., p. 93. 43. Census o f India, 1971. General P opulation T able, Section II, Part 1I-A , M aharashtra, pp. 37-38. The total p opulation o f B om bay according to the 1961 C ensus w as 4,152,056. C e n s u s o f India, 1961 V ol. X , M aharashtra Part X (1-B), Greater B om bay C ensus T ables, Table A -IV , p. 35. 44. Ibid., p. 38. 45. Census o f India, 1961, v o l. X , part X (1-B), G reater Bom bay C ensus T ables, T able A -II, p. 35. 46. K .C . Z achariah, M igran ts in G reater B om bay (A sia Publishing H ouse, Bom bay, 1968), p. 45. 47. C om puted from Census o f India, J961, V ol. X , M aharashtra, Part Il-C (ii), M igration Tables, Table D T I, p. 23. 48. Zachariah, op. cit., T able 3.1, p. 45. 49. Ibid, p. 29. A m o n g the m illion cities the proportion o f illiterates in G reater Bom bay is one o f the low est together w ith C alcutta and M adras. D elh i is slightly higher, ibid ., p. 28. 50. Ibid. table 12.6, p. 246, for the preponderance o f M aharashtrians in textile industry. 51. F or correlation betw een educational achievem ent and industrial d ivision see ib id., Table 12.8, p. 251. 52. We have taken only the major linguistic categories and occupa­ tional divisions, consequently the colum ns do n ot add up to one hundred. The p rofession al, adm inistrative and clerical divisions correspond to the census classification o f occupational d ivisions. In the ca tegory ‘labourers' we have collap sed census divisions 7 and 8 which stand for craftsm en, production process workers and labourers not elsew here classified.

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-53. See also M ary K atzenstein, “ T he O rigins o f N ativism —T he Emer­ gence o f Shiv Sena in B o m b a y ” , Asian Survey, V ol. 13, no. 4, April 1973, p. 391. 54. Z achariah, op. cit., p. 248. 55. A .K . B agchi, op. cit., pp. 181-2, and A .I. Levkovsky, C apitalism in India: B asic Trends in its D evelopm ent. (Peoples Publishing H ouse, N ew D e lh i, 1972), p. 70. 56. L evkovsky, ib id , pp. 69-83. -57. G ail O m vedt, C ultural R evolt in a Colonial S o ciety (Scientific S ocia list E ducation Trust, Bom bay, 1976), p. 24. 58. R .K . Sau, “ Indian E conom ic Growth: C onstraints and P rospects”, Economic and P o litica l W eekly, V ol. 7, nos. 5-7 Special N um ber, February 1972. 59. B aldev Raj N a y a r, “ Business and E conom ic Planning” , Asian Survey, V ol. 11, no. 9, Septem ber 1971, p. 861. 60. A .K . Bagchi, 1975, op. c it., p. 174; and “ Entrepreneurship in In d ia ” , in E. Leach and S .N . M ukherjee, ed ., op cit., pp. 223-56. ■61. M orris D . M orris, op. cit., p. 4. _ 62. But the control o f these investm ents is largely vested in the b ourgeoisie located in and around Bom bay. €3. H eather and Vijay Joshi, Surplus Labour and the C ity: A C ase Study o f B om bay (O xford U n iversity Press, B om bay 1976). See also S ta tis tic a l A b s tra c t o f M aharashtra 1968-69, Table 10.4. 64. A ccording to S ta tis tic a l A bstract o f M ah arash tra S ta te 1967-68, there w ere 4,472 factories in G reater B om bay and 9,186 for the rest o f M aharashtra. G reater B om bay accounted for 556,357 workers and th e total num ber o f workers for rest o f M aharashtra was 884,822. T able 12.1 p. 190. €5. Teclmo-Econo mie Survey o f M aharash tra, 1963, N a tio n a l C ouncil o f A p plied E conom ic R esearch, N ew D e lh i, p. 7. • 66. Annual Survey o f Industry 1961. Q uoted by P .B . W aidya, Shiv Sena—The F ascist M enace: Behind the Pseudo M aharashtrian M a sk (M aharastra State C om m unist Party o f India, Bom bay. 1968). 67. M orris D . M orris 1965, op . cit., p. 63. 68. K .C . Zachariah 1968, op. cit., p. 315. ■69. H eather and V ijay Joshi, op. cit., p. 123. 70. Ib id ., pp. 57-58. T he m agnitude o f the unem ploym ent situation is also m anifest from the 1961 census data w hich shows that 30% o f the unem ployed who w ere em ployed previously were in the age group 25-34. (See Table II o f this C hapter). M oreover, inform ation available from the 19th R ound o f the N SS indicates that only 33.2% o f the unem ployed registered them selves. So the actual unem ploym ent figure was m uch higher. See B .T . R an ad iv z, Unity and Struggle— Path before the W orking C la ss. (C .I.T .U . P ublication, Bom bay 1970), p. 8. 71. Z achariah, op c it., p. 337. 72. B om bay M illow n ers’ A ssociation R ep o rt, 1967, p. 7.

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73. T his awareness was there as early as 1952 in the R e p o it o f the W orking P a rty fo r the C otton T extile Industry (M anager o f P ublica­ tion, D e lh i, 1952), pp. 40-43. 74. H eather and Vijay Joshi, op. cit., p. 63. 75. T hough the figures in the S ta tis tic a l A b stra ct o f M aharashtra S ta te are for M aharashtra as a w hole, the textile industry is concentrated alm ost exclusively in B om bay and hence any trend in the textile industry for M aharashtra as a w h ole will naturally reflect the trend in Bom bay. 76. See S ta tis tic a l A b stra ct o f M aharash tra S ta te 1963-65. T able I 2 -10’ p. 214, for figures from 1963-65. Figures o f 1966 see in S ta tistic a l A b stra c t o f M aharash tra S ta te , 1969-70. T able 12.9 (A ) p. 199. F o r 1967-68 see S ta tistic a l A b stra ct o f M aharashtra S ta te , 1970-71, T able 8.5, p, 179. 77. H eath er and V ijay Joshi, op. c it., p. 87. 78. T he S ta te’s p rotection o f o lig o p o list industries on ‘infant indus­ tries’ grounds m akes them secure from foreign com petition as w ell. 79. B om bay M illo w n ers’ A ssociation, R ep o rt, 1969, p. vi. 80. T his can be gauged from the fact that even in 1965-67, the years o f recession, though the output o f cloth and yarn fell (B om bay M illow n ers’ A ssociation R eport, 1967, p. vi) the gross output at ex-factory value show s a steady increase in the sam e period (see S ta tistic a l A b stra ct o f M aharashtra S tate, 1963-65 to 1970-71). 81. Stock Exchange D irectory, vol. 8. In the accounts presented by the various textile m ills as brought out by the Stock E xchange D irec ­ tory o f B om bay, lo o k under the colum n “ R eturn on Capital E m p loyed” for these years to have an estim ate o f the profit rates o f the m ills concerned. 82. T hose interested in this aspect m ay glance through M en o f F IC C I— Who is Who (F IC C I, N ew D e lh i). This b ook let reveals the d iversi­ fication o f the business entrepreneurs w ho origin ally started off w ith cotton textile m ills. 83. Prabhat Patnaik, “ D isp rop ortion ality Crises and C yclical G row th ” , Economic and P o litic a l W eekly, V ol. 7, nos 5-7, Special N um ber, February 1972. 84. Bom bay M illo w n ers’ A ssociation R eport, 1969, p. v. 85. B .T . R andive, op. c it., pp. 7-9. 86. A lthusser, op cit., p. 110. 87. See S ta tistic a l A b stra c t o f M aharash tra 1969, op. cit. 88. Personal Interview in B om bay, A ugust 1973. 89. A general strike was how ever called on 20 February 1966 and it w as called off on the 10 M arch 1966 w ithout a single demand being m et. 90. Personal interview in Bom bay, A ugust 1973. Paul Sw eezy and R .P . D u tt believe that the rise o f extrem e right-wing m ovem ents is facilitated by a lethargic w orking class m ovem ent w hich fails to

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69

m ob ilise support during critical periods. See Paul Sw eezy, Theory o f C a p ita list D evelopm ent, P rin ciples o f M arxian P olitical Economy (D enn is D o b so n , L ond on, 1962), and R .P . D u tt, Fascism (India P u b lica tio n s, A llah abad ). 91. Prem en A d d y and Ibne A za d , “ P olitics and Society in B engal” , in R . Blackburn, ed ., Explosion in a Sub-Continent (Penguin, L on don , 1975), p. 136. 92. K a tzen stein , op. c it., p. 399. 93. Ibid. 94. “ H o w D id it G ro w ” , M ain stream , V ol. 6, N o. 32, 6 April 1968. In Shiv Sena’s official release, Shiv Sena Speaks, Bal Thackery, ed. (M arm ik C artoon W eekly, B om bay 1968) it is explicitly said that the Shiv Sena does n ot think that the Gujaratis are outsiders. “ They have clo sely identified them selves w ith this soil (Bom bay) for over tw o hundred years” , p. 7. 95. Selig H arrison, India: The M o st Dangerous D ecades (O xford U n iversity Press, M adras, 1965), pp. 55-95 and 165-7. 96. Rajni K othari, e d ., C a ste in Indian P o litic s (Orient Longm an L td ., N ew D e lh i, 1970)., pp. 13-14. 97. See a lso B .G . G ok hale, “ Shivaram M ahadeo Paranjape: N a tio n ­ alism and the U se o f the P a st” , Journal o f Indian H isto ry, V ol X L V III, Part II, A ugust 1970, pp. 259-74. 98. Bem anbehari M azum dar, M ilita n t N ation alism in India and its Socio-Religious Background (1899-1917) (General Printers and Publi­ shers, C alcutta, 1966), p. 82. 99. W .F . W ertheim , Evolution or Revolution: The Rising Waves o f Human E m ancipation (Penguin B ooks, L ondon, 1974), p. 202. 100. See L eonardo Salem ani, “ The Specificity o f M arxist S ociology in G ram sci’s T h eory” , Sociological Q uarterly, V ol. 16, no. 1, W inter 1975, pp. 65-86.

CHAPTER III

The Shiv Sena Organisation: its Structure and M ass Base

In the following pages we shall enquire into the o rg a n i­ zational structure o f the Shiv Sena, see how it functions a nd also study the nature o f its mass base. M ost o f the data in this chapter are from personal interviews and observations. An organization may be defined “ as a relatively perm anen t and relatively complex discernible interaction system. O rgani­ zations can be observed as a series o f p atterned interactions am ong acto rs .” 1 H ere the emphasis is clearly n o t on the m ere collection o f actors but “ rath er on the interaction a m o n g th e m ” .2 O ther sociologists such as P arso n s ,3 C ooley ,4 and M ax W eber 5 (especially in the la tte r’s treatm ent o f b u re a u cra ­ tic organizations) have given competent definitions o f org an i­ zations. We have presented the definition o f H ass and D ra ab e k as it clearly emphasizes the interaction am ong actors which we consider to be very im p ortan t. The Shiv Sena organization is, as we shall see later, a formal o n e ,6 in the sense there are regulations and form al com m unication and decision m akin g systems, and the actors have different positions and ranks. As a m a tte r o f fact, decentralization and differentiation are the h allm arks o f all formal and complex organizations as E tzio ni ,7 Blau and Schoenherr 8 have demonstrated. In this connection a w ord o f caution needs to be in tro ­ duced. O rganizational theorists, like the ones quoted above, tend to lean tow ards a static model, as Allen rightly pointed out, in the sense that the robustness o f an organization seems to depend largely on factors internal to it. The discussion o f conflict is also un d ertaken within the confines o f the o rg an iza­ tional structure .9 A great deal o f emphasis is, for instance,

THE SHIV SENA ORGANISATION

71

pu t on the functions o f goal attainm ent, com m itm ent, leader­ ship, stru ctu ral differentiation, etc. Though these organisa­ tional theorists, including Crozier, do talk o f the environmen­ tal influences as well, the environm ent enters as a passive subject, which has to be controlled by degrees by the organisation as it gets m ore complex and diversified .10 Such an ap pro ach plays down the fact th a t the capacity to tackle the environm ental milieu does not necessarily depend on the degree o f complexity o f an organisation. An organisation, we believe, is sustained n o t so much by its efficiency or by its complex and well dem arcated institutional structure, as by its capacity to orient itself to the environm ent in keeping with its stated goals. It is true, that any large scale organisation in order to survive m u st differentiate and a degree o f formalisation is also neces­ sary but these, alongwith decentralisation, need not proceed apace with its capacity to increasingly expand its area of acti­ v ity .11 We hope to illustrate this point in this chapter, with reference to the organisation o f the Shiv Sena. Certain organisations thrive, as we shall see, with a loose and am orphous structure. In the following pages we shall try to dem onstrate th a t th ough the Shiv Sena was m ore organised in 1974 than it was in 1966, the increase in organisational complexity did not arise from the internal dynamics o f the organisation so much as it did from the pressing influences th at the social milieu exerted on it. The Shiv Sena had to take up diverse issues and expand its support base in ord er to survive as a vital organisation and to protect the interests o f those it purpo rted to represent. A n o th e r issue th a t needs to be raised before we go into an empirical analysis o f the organisation o f the Shiv Sena is the issue o f charism a and institutionalisation. Those who are fam iliar with W eber’s works on this subject might recall th a t according to him as institutionalisation and formalization proceeded, charism atic a u th ority receded. We find th at this is no t borne o u t in the case o f the Shiv Sena. Thackeray, as we shall see in the next chapter, is in many ways a typical charism atic leader. But Thackeray has himself encouraged a certain am o u n t o f form alisation in the organisation w ithout losing either his grip over it o r his charisma. Secondly, in the process o f diversification o f the organisation, Thackeray’s

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ch arism atic appeal reached ou t to even wider sections. A large n u m ber o f people were made aware o f T h a c k eray ’s superior abilities by his lieutenants and supporters. Therefore, instead o f chipping away at his charismatic autho rity , diversification and differentiation actually helped to build it up. The concrete case of the Shiv Sena is interesting in this respect. It might also throw some light on the fact that the inci­ dence o f charismatic auth ority and its fading away, is n o t so m uch an individual or organisational phenom enon, as it is a social one. One needs to examine more thoroughly the p ecu­ liar concurrence o f social and individual factors which build and break charismatic authority. W ith this b rief theoretical excursus let us proceed to des­ cribing the Shiv Sena organisation. In keeping with what we have said above in our presenta­ tion o f the organisation o f the Shiv Sena, we shall elaborate u po n both its structural and processual aspects. We shall discuss them in the following sequence: (a) The emergence o f the organisation. (b) The organizational structure. (c) The components o f the organisation and their a c ti­ vities. (d) M obilization and diversification. (e) Leadership: Decision-making, control and co m m u n i­ cation. (f) R ecruitment. (g) Social B ackground o f the members and supporters o f the Shiv Sena. 1. EMERGENCE OF THE ORGANISATION

W hen the Shiv Sena started in 1966 it centrcd mainly a ro u n d Bal Thackeray (the Sena P ram uk h or Chief o f the Shiv Sena), which to a g reat extent it does even today, with the ■difference that there are certain officials now who look after specific branches and activities o f the Shiv Sena. After the 31st O ctober 1966 meeting Bal T hackeray was ■besieged by his well wishers and sympathisers to set up the Shiv Sena in an organised m anner right away. M o st o f them w anted to participate in the Shiv Sena actively so as to voice

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73

the grievances o f their lot. The effect was sudden, forceful and unexpected .12 The Shiv Sena was not preceded by an o rg a ­ nised structure. It was purely an individual effort on the p a rt o f Bal T hackeray and a few o f his close friends. N ow Thackeray was more o r less forced to organise. As he was at one time a m em ber o f the Rashtriya Sevak Sangh (RSS) the first model that came to his mind was that o f the RSS. He asked his supporters to open shakhas (branches) a n d his associates went around propagating this line o f action. The actual io rm that these shakhas should take, where they should be set up and what functions they should perform was left unspecified. F urther, at this time, neither Thackeray nor his associates knew anything about those whom they were asking to start the shakhas. M an y o f them were only names to Thackeray. G radually po pu lar people in certain areas were b ro ug ht to T hack ery ’s notice, and he along with his friends went a ro u n d and contacted them and canvassed for their support. M a n y o f them joined the Shiv Sena. B ut according to Thac­ keray very few did so. M ost o f the people who joined the Shiv Sena were n o t know n for any particular organisational ability. The Shiv Sena had ju st begun and, therefore, it needed as m any m embers as possible to get off the ground. As Bal Thackeray pu t it: “ I did n o t want to hold up the movement. ) Everything was happening too quickly for me, so I let the tide take me with it, b u t I constantly maintained that those who jo in me should be willing to obey me as their leader. I do n ’t believe in your so-called democracies .” 14 W hen the 1968 municipal elections came up and the Shiv Sena decided to contest them, the leadership found th a t this could be best done by a rational distribution o f shakhas. These shakhas would help circulate propaganda and would facilitate systematic campaigning. By this tim e the Shiv Sena had a sufficient num ber o f members and shakhas which they could dis­ tribute rationally to cover as m any municipal wards as possible. O ne shakha was assigned to each ward, and if another shakha fell in the same area it was shifted to the adjacent ward (i.e. if there was none there) provided o f course that there were a sufficient n u m b er o f supporters living there .15 I f there were no shakhas in nearby wards then other established contiguous shakha members would help in getting them started. They did

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this with the su p p o rt o f their friends or with the aid o f other com m itted Shiv Sainiks. Very often they would hold a small meeting prior to the inauguration o f the shakha and this meeting would be addressed by one o f their leaders. The Shiv Sainiks did not face any serious difficulty in starting new shakhas as their range o f - social associations spilled over their w ard boundaries and their enthusiasm was spontaneous. After the shakhas were started the Shiv Sainiks were given the specific jo b o f canvassing for their candidates for the coming municipal elections. The victory o f the Shiv Sena in 42 wards o f Bom bay in 1968, b rought about a further expansion o f its organisation. The c o rp orator o r ‘nagar sevak' now h a d an office o f his own and worked in collaboration with the shakhas. In 1969, D a tta P rad han (a prom inent Shiv Sainik who was later given the responsibility o f formalizing and strengthening the o rg a n i­ zation) joined the Shiv Sena. He was formerly a J a n a Sangh partisan, and he still retains strong ties with this p a rty .1® He was appointed the Sangathan Pramukh and was given the special task o f expanding, diversifying and formalising the o rg an i­ sation. He enlarged the existing num ber of shakhas to cover the 140 wards o f G reater Bombay. Over the Shakha Pram ukh were now the Vibhag Pram ukhs ,17 who were in charge of an area roughly equivalent to a parliam entary constituency. In 1969 two m ajor changes to o k place in the organisational structure. Firstly, D a tta P rad h a n was removed from the position of Sangathan Pram ukh and an eight-member advisory body or Karya Karani was established instead. Secondly, the Chattra Shakha (Students Wing) was also disbanded .18 The organisational structure o f the Shiv Sena, as it stands now, was completed by the second ha lf o f 1970. 2 . THE ORGANISATIONAL STRUCTURE

Bal Thackeray, as the ch art on the organisational structure reveals, in his capacity as Sena P ram u k h , is at the top. H e is the ‘C hief’ and there is nobody in the organisation who is either equal to him or above him in any field o f activity within the organisation. He is followed by the Karya Karani, a kind of advisory body. There are nine members on this body. These

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75

m embers have, with the exception o fD e sh m u k h and Deshpande, specific responsibilities in the various wings o f the Shiv Sena. D eshm u k h and D eshpande are n o t in charge of any specific area and they are generally assigned duties from time to time depen­ ding on the circumstances. The Sena P ram ukh and the K arya K a ran i are the highest decision-making bodies o f the Shiv Sena. A ccording to N avalkar there are m ore than 80,000 Shiva Sainiks, b u t there is no record to substantiate this. Except for a brief period in 1966, the organisation has no form al m em ­ bership forms. In the next rung o f our chart are the 5 m ajor organisational com ponents of the Shiv Sena. These are: (a) The Shakhas, (b) The C o rpo ration , (c) The Bharatiya K am gar Sena, (d) T he E m ploym ent Bureau, a nd (e) The C hitrapat Shakha. O f the five, the first three are m ore im p o rtan t. In keeping with their relative im portance the leaders o f these three components are also members o f the K arya K a ra n i with delegated au th o ­ rity. We shall now discuss each o f the five components in greater detail. 2 .1 . The Components and their Activities: The Shakhas

This is know n by the Shiv Sainiks as their “ organisational wing” prim arily because it takes the m ajor responsibility o f organising the m ajority o f Shiv Sena activities. It is also th rou g h the shakhas th a t the Shiv Sena retains its contact with the masses. This wing is the organisational backbone of the Shiv Sena. Twenty-five to thirty five thousand voters roughly make up one m unicipal ward which is under the jurisdiction o f a shakha. In 1969 Vibhag P ram uk h s were appointed with the view th a t this would enable a speedier and sm oother functioning o f the shakhas, and th a t the K arya K arani and Bal Thackeray would n o t be bogged down by m inor problems. Every Vibhag P ram u k h has three U p a Vibhag Pram ukhs, and every Shakha P ram u k h has one U p a Shakha P ram uk h . Besides this, in every Shakha there are several “ G a ta ” Pram ukhs, whose appoint­ m e n t is largely unofficial. The G a ta Pram ukhs are instrum ental in mobilising support for the organisation in and around theareas where they live. I f it is a biggish chawl, then there may

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be two “ G a ta ” P ram ukhs. The lane or “ m ohalla in which a G ata P ram u k h lives is usually un der his jurisdiction. The shakhas are probably the m ost developed com po nent o f the Shiv Sena organisation. They have helped to strengthen and expand the Shiv Sena’s mass base. The only o th e r co m ­ p onent with an approxim ate status and an in d ep en d en t mass base is the B haratiya K am gar Sena. The Shakhas are mobilised, whenever members have to be mustered physically as a show o f strength for any occasion. Till 1967 no systematic w ork was un dertaken in the shakha offices. I t was only after the 1968 municipal elections th a t the shakhas with their shakha pram ukhs and other officials were given specific duties and a modus operandi so to say, was esta­ blished .19 On week days the shakhas norm ally open at 5.00 p.m ., i.e., after office hours when their m em bers are free to participate in Shiv Sena activities .10 A ccording to N avalk ar they handle all kinds o f problems “ from husband-wife quarrels to leaking pipes and em ploym ent problem s .” 21 They accept all kinds o f people too, regardless o f their caste or religion, b u t never a com m unist (i.e., if he is know n to be one). Christians ■and Muslims can be seen frequenting their offices often enough, though one rarely comes across a South Indian. Yet many Shiv Sainiks have South Indian friends. The shakha offices in Bombay are small one or two room ed structures which are n o t always built o f brick a nd m o rtar. In the Santa Cruz w ard, for instance, the office is housed in a tin shed. But they are situated in the most conspicuous locations, such as near a railway station or in the m arket place. The -saffron Shiv Sena flag flies prom inently on top o f their offices, ■and there is a bo ard near the entrance which displays the Shiv Sena emblem o f a tiger head. These shakhas are n o t run very ‘officially’ a nd there is no officiousness pervading them . It is a relaxed com fortable place, where young men come to talk and while away their time. M ost offices have a carrom bo ard , and some like the D a d a r shakha, even have a small lending library. It is generally the m ost convenient meeting place for the youth o f th a t locality. One is no t p erm itted to ■enter the shakha office with o n e’s shoes on and this is .something th at is followed in m o st M arath i middle class homes. Smoking is also prohibited inside the office .22

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77

The shakha offices are generally quite busy in the evenings w ith a row o f people waiting to meet the Shakha Pram ukh with their com plaints. Sometimes the C o rp o rato r of the ward also sits in the shakha office. The Shakha Pram ukhs o f diffe­ ren t wards co-operate with each other. In one case for instance a Christian Lady o f G oregaon ward came to the G oregaon shakha because she had been dismissed from the factory where she w orked, and her paym ent had also been held up. This factory was in W orli. So the Shakha Pram ukh o f G oregaon together with the Shakha Pram ukhs o f Worli and D a d a r worked on her case and managed to persuade the factory m a n a ­ gement to pay her salary. R egarding their m ethods o f getting things done the Shakha P ra m u k h o f G oregaon had this to say: . . .when they come to know that we are from the Shiv Sena h a lf our jo b is done. But if this does no t work then we look a ro u n d and see if there are any unauthorised struc­ tures and the like in the factory. All these businessmen do something or the other which is illegal, either by building unauthorised structures or by taking up small strips o f land which are not legally theirs, or over using their power quota. We know o f these things. But when we have to pressurize them then we investigate more thoroughly and with the help o f o u r connections in the c o rp o ra tio n we can land a businessman in serious trouble. This method is very useful, we do no t always believe in using force .23 The shakhas generally excel in municipal work like building and repairing roads, solving drainage and water problems, etc. The bulk o f their day to day activity is of this kind. The com­ plaints are taken down in writing and then their corporators, if they have any in that ward, are appraised o f the problem. I f they do not have any corp orators then the Shiv Sainiks take the case to some o f their other corpo rators and help to solve the problem. In this way m any Shiv Sainiks have learnt the formalities and procedures involved in getting things done in the corporation. This alone is a big help to the complainants o f the ward as they are mostly unaw are o f the complex procedures o f the municipal c o rp o ra tio n . I n rural and semi ru ral areas outside G reater

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Bombay the shakhas have to face different problem s like those o f land rent, the fixing o f water a nd electricity connections, the problem o f State T ra n s p o rt buses, etc. The shakhas participate heartily in cultural festivals like G anapati, Janam ashtam i, and Shivaji Jayanti, and they usually organise these festivals in their locality. These festivals are occasions for building up the Shiv Sena ethos. Even in areas which are not preponderantly M ah arashtrian, like Colaba. on G a np ati day hordes o f boys walk on the streets with Shiv Sena vests, and the saffron flag is to be seen everywhere. The entire Shiv Sena machinery is activated during these festivals .24 This draws even the non-partisan M ah arash trian closer to the shakhas who in addition also organise theatres for p op ular entertainm ent at a nominal charge. This serves the dual purpose o f raising funds for the organisation and also helps mobilise the mass o f uncommitted M aharashtrians. Besides, they also patronise small cultural associations like “ P ra b h o d h a n ” which are supposely n o n -p a rtisa n .25 The shakhas in both the urban and in the rural areas have to deal quite frequently with the police and the law. If any Shiv Sainik is arrested it is the duty o f the shakha to arrange for his bail, for his lawyers and for his u ltim ate release. They have their own lawyers. These lawyers are n o t always m e m ­ bers of the Shiv Sena, but friends o f the Shakha or Vibhag P ram ukh, or o f T h ackeray .26 Some o f them have also joined the Shiv Sena and have become corporators. We have in this section elaborated mainly the norm al day to day activities o f the shakhas and their routine dealings with the members o f their respective wards. The shakhas as can be seen are, in fact, the main props o f the Shiv Sena organisation. They p erfo rm a variety o f activities, from political m obilisation and solving municipal and em ployment problem s to organising cultural festivals. This will become even m o re evident when we discuss the m obilisation and em ployment activities o f the various wings o f the Shiv Sena later on in this chapter. But it is im p o rtan t to note th at the shakhas handle the entire range o f Shiv Sena activities. The shakhas are the basic units through which the Shiv Sena reaches o u t to the rank and file o f the population. They are prim arily

THE

of

S h iv S ena a s

on

SHIV

O r g a n isa t io n a l Structure

1974

SENA

Bal Thackeray—Sena Pram ukh ICARYA K A R A N I H .C . G upte

Shakha

C orporation

D. M. S. L.

Pradhan D eshpande D eshm ukh D aka

Vibhag Pramukh (6) and Z illa Pram ukh (6) Shakha Pramukh (140) *Till 1974.

D utta* Pradhan

V .S. M ahadik S. Joshi A .B . Patii M. Sawant D . N alavade Bhai Shingare Corporators (40)

V.S M ahadik

D atta Salve

M anohar Joshi

Sudhir Joshi

M adhav Shyam D eshpande D eshm ukh

B haratiya K am gar Sena

Em ploym ent Bureau

C h itra p a t Shakha

A . D ankekar A . Joshi S. Palakar

G . Shidke

D atta Salve M. D hulup

U nion in factories (300)

Sthaniya Lokadhikar Sam ithi (12)

H ead Office R oop Tara Stadium . A ll affairs are co n ­ ducted from here.

ORGANISATION

Liladhar Daka

80

N A T IV ISM IN A M E TR O PO LIS

responsible for enlarging and consolidating the mass base o f the Shiv Sena. 2.2. The Corporation The rousing victory o f the Shiv Sena in the m unicipal c o r­ poration elections o f G reater Bombay in 1968, when they w on 42 seats, immensely enhanced its prestige. After the Congress the Shiv Sena had the largest num ber o f representatives in the corporation. Also the presence o f Shiv Sena co rp o rato rs eased the tasks and increased the efficiency o f the shakhas. The c o rp orators are generally older than the Shakha Pram ukhs and have earned a certain am ount o f respectability through age, education and experience. But m any o f the c o r­ porators were not Shiv Sena activists before they were elected. Hem Chand G upte one such c o rpo rato r was elected M ay o r o f Bombay in 1970. In the corporation building the Shiv Sena has a ‘G a t a ’ or unit, staffed with a clerk and a typist. Before a c o rp o ra tio n meeting is called they assemble in an adjoining ro o m and discuss the im p ortan t issues likely to come up for the day. These meetings are held in an atmosphere of mock seriousness. The Shiv Sainik corporators are elected to various committees, like the Standing C om m ittee, Education Com m ittee, etc. They, however, have very little scope to use their influence in these committees to further the Shiv Sena ideology. Bhai Shingare, Chairman o f the Education C ommittee, denied th at he had in any way used his influence to alter the text books and course content taught in schools to popularise the Shiv Sena ideology. H e said th a t his job had been prim arily administrative in n a tu re .27 M rs. M aniben Shah, an official o f the Education Committee o f the corporation, felt th a t it would be impossible for the corporation to function if the co rp o rato rs overtly pushed their ideology in such committees. “ F o r one c o rp o ra to r goes and an o th er comes and we can’t keep changing every tim e.” 28 In the corporation, various issues are discussed, and Shiv Sena participation here is not confined to the M ah a ra sh tra p ro b ­ lem, or to the migration situation alone. A variety o f issues are dealt with, such as the building of over-bridges, display o f

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advertisem ent hoardings, the p ro p e r adm inistration of housing, boards, etc. In some cases this has led to a softening in the earlier rigid stand o f the Shiv Sena. Earlier the Shiv Sena had w anted all slums rem oved.29 But now, coming to grips with the actual situation, they advocate the maintenance of slums when definite alternative housing is n o t assured. The alliances in the corp oratio n are o f significance on only two occasions, before the co rp oratio n elections and during the mayoral election.30 Even in the Legislative Assembly where the Shiv Sena has only 2 m embers it keeps away from forming a cohe­ sive opposition group. As Pram od N avalkar said: . . .we do not have an opposition leader because an o p p o ­ sition leader has a ministerial status and this results in in­ fighting in the opposition. So we have in the Council H ouse our n ational dem ocratic fro n t o f the Congress (O), Jan a Sangh and Shiv Sena. The other two fronts are led by the S.IC.P. and by the S.S.P. We have disagreements with the J an a Sangh and Congress (O), but generally on the floor we u n ite .31 Sometimes when an issue on which the Shiv Sena is a g ita t­ ing precipitates, like the border issue o f 1973, they bring it to the corporation and to the legislature. They do n o t do so with the intention o f getting their sanction but use their presence in these bodies to popularise their program m e and their ideology. (In the Council Hall the issues are broader but the Shiv Sena norm ally deals with Bombay based problem s.)32 The co rp orato rs are m ost effective when they work with the shakhas, solving civic problem s, which because of their pre­ sence in the co rpo ration , they, are able to handle prom ptly and efficiently. The c o rp orators outside the corp o ration are in many ways, an a rm o f the shakhas. 2.3. The Bharatiya K am gar Sena The B haratiya K a m g ar Sena (henceforth BKS) started in 1968. I t is the T rad e U nion Wing o f the Shiv Sena. The BKS has one President, a General Secretary, a Secretary, eight field

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workers, legal advisors and office staff. The field w orkers and office staff are recruited from am ong the Shiv Sena activists. P R E S ID E N T 1 1 G eneral Secretary 1 1 8 field workers

- » -

L egal A dvisors 1 1 Office Staff 1

. 1 R etainers

300 Factory U nions (approxim ately)

The field w o rk e r’s job is to assess the employment and w orking conditions o f the various factories, and to keep the BKS supplied with valuable inform ation. The BKS m em bership is around 25,3 9 233 with approxim ately 300 units in various factories. The leaders o f these units assemble and m eet Salve, the President o f the BKS, regularly, although there is no fixed schedule. Their meetings are held more frequently w hen there is an issue at hand, like a strike or an impending strike or some other industrial crisis. The BKS was set up in 1968 with the specific in ten ­ tion o f wiping out communism from the m inds o f the w orkers in the factories. As D a tta Salve said: “ We did n o t like w hat we saw. The workers were shouting ‘Lai Bauta Z in d ab a d ’ in the factories b u t were Shiv Sainiks outside. We said th a t if we d o n ’t remove this c o rru p t menace from the workers minds inside the factories, the com m unists will always have a place to s ta n d .” 34 The BKS is not the only Shiv Sena T ra d e U nion wing. Besides it, there are also the Bombay Electric Supply and T ra n s ­ port (BEST) K am g ar Sena run by D a tta P radh an , and the M azgaon D ock Union where the Shiv Sena is the sole union, controlled again by D a tta Prad h an . These T rade U nion wings are n o t independent o f either the Shiv Sena or Bal Thackeray.35 The BKS does n o t believe in class struggle b u t in c o-op era­

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tion betw een the w orkers and the management. D a tta Salve said. The workers and m anagem ent in the factory are the two wings o f p ro d u c tio n .” 36 But, “ if the management is bew koof' then we have to fight.” 37 After 1968 many factory ow ners asked the Shiv Sena to set up a unit in their factories. In the first year according to Salve, 55 unions were set up, and m a n y w orkers joined them .38 The factory managem ent also helped the Shiv Sena in setting up offices to counteract the influence o f the existing unions, as in the case o f T. M aneklal and Voltas factories.39 In D a tta P ra d h a n ’s words: A fter the Shiv Sena started many businessmen cleverly m ade friends with Thackeray and established personal relations with him. Some even informed him o f the labour problems in their factories.” 40 Besides the BEST and M azgaon D ock U nion which are relatively auton om o u s from the BKS, the BKS has a strong h o ld in International T ractors, Larsen and Toubro, A m barnath F actory, Indo-B urm a Petroleum , Special Steel, M aneklal, N irlon, V itram Glass, Nelco, Standard Mills, Excel Products a n d Nerolac. Yet the BKS and D a tta P ra d h a n ’s Trade Unions still -depend on the shakhas for physical support and for mobiliza­ tion. The shakhas p ro p up weak factory units until they are strengthened. They also, under Bal Thackeray’s directives, put pressure on the BKS workers to accept settlements which they m a y no t be in favour of. For instance, in 1969, Thackeray direc­ te d the shakhas to break the strike in T. M aneklal when the bulk o f the BKS workers it seemed were against it. To quote D h um e o f the A IT U C : “ The C hief’s presence compels them to do it and on the next day a satyanarain puja is held, Thackeray is garlanded, Shivaji’s statue is garlanded and the Shiv Sena is declared successful.” 41 Generally, the Shiv Sena has been successful in getting wages raised for the workers (e.g., in Larsen and Toubro in 1973).42 This enhances the attraction o f the BKS to the workers. A s K urane o f the C IT U complains: “ The workers now have no loyalty with the union and are only in search o f higher wages, and if anybody ever promises to give them a higher wage they will leave the union and join up with it.” 43 But this ■does not mean th at the BKS factory managem ent relations

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are uniform. W ith the gradual m aturin g o f situations a few im p o rtan t developm ents have taken place n o t only in the BK S m anagem ent relationship, bu t also in the p ro g ram m e and ideo­ logy o f the BKS itself. ' Firstly, where the BKS is the d o m in an t union it is a t times forced to ask for wage increments. But there is a tendency n o t to aggravate the issue. Sometimes, however, things come to a head as they did in Nelco in 1973 for instance. A ccording to an executive o f Prem ier A utom obiles “ In the absence o f o th e r unions the BKS takes the initiative in asking for higher wages. O f course, they d o n ’t strike w ork at the d ro p o f a hat. B ut w hat bothers us m ore is their reluctance to w o rk .” 44 Secondly, the BKS has been forced to consider the legiti­ m ate rights o f the n o n -M a h ara sh tria n workers, a n d has accom ­ m o dated them in its organisation. The U nion in V itrum Glass F actory is supported largely by M uslim s fro m U t t a r Pradesh. Thirdly, they cannot oppose all strikes, for they feel th is will segregate them clearly from the mass o f workers. R eg a rd ­ less o f the correctness o r otherwise of their stand, continued, opposition to general workers activities will isolate them .45 In the 42-day textile mill strike in 1973, in spite o f the fact th a t the BKS steered clear o f com m itting itself, it nevertheless did n ot oppose the workers a nd the strike as such. To quote D a t t a Salve once again: “ I f the dem and is ju s t we fight with the Com m unists but we always m aintain o u r separateness. We do n o t enter into any agreem ent with th e m .” 46 The BKS is also a source o f vital inform ation for the Shiv Sena O rganisation. It keeps it supplied w ith news o f fresh vacancies and inform ation, the general industrial position a nd the activities o f other unions. Its main aim, as we said earlier* is to com bat left workers unions in factories. As Satish P rad h a n , the Zilla P ram u k h o f Thana, said: “ I f t h e r e i s a C ongress stronghold in a particular factory or village then we d o n ’t take it seriously. But if there is a com m unist stro n g h o ld we do o u r best to b reak it.” 47 2.4. The Employment W ing

T hough the Shiv Sena has what it calls an “ E m p lo y m en t

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B ureau” , its functions are as a m atter o f fact conducted th ro u g h the various shakhas in each locality. Three Shiv Sainiks, A ru n Joshi, A. D an dek ar and S. Palekar, are entrusted specifically to look after the em ploym ent o f M aharashtrians in the various offices and factories o f Bombay. The Em ploym ent Bureau does n o t have a separate office— the b ru n t o f its w ork is carried out through the Shakha P ram u kh s or the Y ibhag P ram u k h s or their deputies. It is only in situations where the m anagem ent is reticent, or where dis­ cussions are necessary on the general principles o f employment, th a t either A. Joshi or D a n d ek a r is sent to negotiate. To every im p o rta n t office, a senior leader like M an o h a r Joshi or N a v alk a r is sent to negotiate.48 D and ekar and A. Joshi have less standing th an the members o f the “ K arya K aran is” . They are on the same level as the m embers o f the Vibhag Pram ukhs. This E m ploym ent Wing, therefore, is not a discrete body as such, but m ore a wheel within a wheel, with thrée Shiv Sainiks particularly entrusted with this job. A. Joshi and D a n d ek a r w ork in the Bank o f America. P rio r to joining the Shiv Sena they had felt th at they were being persecuted by the managem ent. This brought them to N a v alk a r whom they personally knew. N avalkar took them to Thackeray. Thackeray supported their stand in the bank. This drew them closer to the Shiv Sena, and Thackeray decided to a p p o in t them in charge o f employment in the Shiv Sena O rga­ nisation.49 A new branch office was no t opened in this case, instead they were absorbed into w hat already existed. R egarding em ploym ent, the Shiv Sena stand is that a p art from highly skilled jobs in factories, other jobs, that do n o t require any special skill, should be given to the M aharashtrians w ithout the slightest dem ur. Similarly they feel that in white collar occupations, M ah a ra sh tria n s can easily be employed as clerks, in offices and as lobby managers, bell hops, waiters, etc. in hotels.50 Every shakha office has printed forms for those who are looking for jobs. These forms have various columns eliciting comprehensive inform ation regarding the applicants education, experience and economic background. Highly educated people with M asters Degrees in Science and Arts and even engineers figure in these forms. When the Shiv Sena officials get any

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inform ation regarding vacancies they subm it these ap plicatio ns depending on the type o f job. They claim th at over 2,000 p e r­ sons have been employed this way. But again there are no records to prove this. In 1972, the Sthanik Lokadhikar Sa m iti was form ed.51 T his is a sort o f a para-union organised in various governm ent and commercial offices to rally the salary earners and the w hite collar workers un der the general umbrella o f the Shiv Sena. A m ongst the Bank and Insurance employees there are 12 such Sthanik L o k ad h ir Samitis which are supervised by L ad and R an e. They have units in im p o rtan t offices like the Reserve B ank o f India, the State Bank o f India, the B ank o f B aroda, the Bank o f America, the A cco u n ta n t G en eral’s Office, the Life Insurance C om pany, and the General Assurance C om pany . They demand (i) th a t 80% o f all local M a h a ra sh tria n s should be employed. This does n o t imply th at there should be any retrenchm ent but that all fresh recruitm ents should follow this rule; (ii) that there should be no harassm ent o f M a h a ra sh tria n workers, and th at their prom otions and transfers should be ju st. F ro m their side they promise (a) to look into the dem and o f every body irrespective o f caste, class or creed, and (b) to m aintain efficiency and o u tp u t.52 The Karya K arani and Bal Thackeray feel that the SLS is a powerful weapon in their hands. According to Thackeray: • . . 65% o f our economy is concentrated in B ombay, a nd 85% o f Bank H .Q .’s are in Bombay. I f the Shiv Sena gets a hold in them we can, if any day a dem an d comes u p for separating Bombay from M ah a ra sh tra, create panic in the financial circles. The Prime M inister will have to come a nd negotiate with us. So you see we are w orking with a deeper understanding.53 2.5. The C hitrapat Shakha The C h itrap at Shakha is the latest addition to the Shiv Sena O rganisation. It was established in M arch 1970. Though it is very small com pared to the shakha pro p er o r to the BKS it brings in a lot of m oney, publicity and glam our. It is concer­ ned with the film industry and is in the charge o f G. Shidke, a

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M ah a ra sh tria n film producer and a close friend o f Bal Thakeray. Shidke’s official designation is C hitrap at Shakha Pram ukh. He is assisted by a three-member “Sal/aghar Subhasad”, o f w hom 2 are n o n-M ah arashtrians, and 4 “ K aryakari Sabhasad” . In all, Shidke has 11 officials to assist him and the Chitrapat Shakha has 1,200 members. N ila k an tar is one o f the founders o f the C hitrapat Shakha and he is their Pramukh Sallagar. He is also a Shiv Sena member o f the C orporation. A ccording to Shidke the prim ary goal o f the C hitrapat Shakha is to fight injustice. “ M arathi films were no t getting p ro p e r theatres for their exhibition and this scarcity dealt a bad blow to M arathi producers. Having judged the position the Shiv Sena C hief thundered an appeal . . . to allow theatre exhibition to M arathi films.” 54 He goes on to write: “ The Shiv Sena C h itra p a t Shakha is the only living organisation which is helping the film industry, including the producers, financiers, artists, technicians, workers, etc. It is . . . . inspired, blessed, assisted and co-operated by the Shiv Sena P ram u k h , H onorary Balasaheb Thackeray.” 55 M arathi producers were also advised by the C hitrapat Shakha to book their movies for exhibition through it. F o r this purpose it opened a special departm ent called the Shiv Sena Chitrapat Vitaran, and its first client was the producer o f the M arathi film ‘N a nd ini’56. In 1972 the Chitrapat Shakha started its K alakar Sangh to prom ote junior artists and to “ introduce new faces at reasonable rates.” 57 Even before the C h itra p a t Shakha was formed, Bal Thac­ keray was sensitive to these issues and many Shiv Sena agita­ tions centred a ro u n d the film industry. Shiv Sainiks had picketed a few halls which had not released M arathi films on time. They had also attacked certain films because they were supposedly propagating a vicious culture. With the C hitrapat Shakha coming into existence these activities became more intense and organised. Shidke was o f the opinion that: . . . it helps the Shiv Sena to work with the film industry for then the Shiv Sena knows of the actual day to day problems, it can nip injustice in the bud instead o f atta ck ­ ing it after it has spread. Through the C hitrapat Shakha we have seen to it that all the film industry employees

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fro m film stars to humble technicians are looked after. We also believe M arathi films should be encouraged by the State o f M a h a ra sh tra and M arath i films should be m ade tax free.58 The C h itia p at Shakha is patronised by m any p ro m in ent stars as its brochure reveals. Rajesh K h an n a, L ata M angeshkar, M oh am m ed Rafi, Saira Banu, M anoj K u m a r, D a d a K ondke, N a n a Palsikar are am ong some o f the names associated with it. According to N ilakant: “ People come to us because we have helped them in the p a st.” 59 D a tta P ra d h a n feels th a t the organisation was needed because “ in Bombay the film industry is a vital section o f the economy . . . the M a h a ra sh tria n p r o ­ ducers have en masse welcomed this shakha.” 60 The C hitrapat Shakha is a rich source o f Shiv Sena funds. T he very fact that as much as Rs. 12 is charged from the lowest technician for his membership (no m embership fees are charged in the sh akh as—all contributions are voluntary) testifies to this. The rates are higher for the better paid artists and stars.61 Bhave, a prom inent Shiv Sainik from Panvel, feels It is good to suck money from such people. W h at is the harm ? It helps us.” 62 The functions held by the C h itrap at Shakha are similar in style to other functions held by the Shiv Sena. The same slogans are shouted with the same gusto. These functions begin with the gailanding o f a bust o f Shiv.aji accompanied by slogans o f “ Bal Thackeray Sena P ram ukh Z in d ab ad ” . The Shiv Sena through the C h itra p a t Shakha also awards Shiv Sena prizes to the best actor,, actress, supporting actor/actress, music director and so forth. But ironically many o f these awards co to non -M aharashtrian stars as in 1973. " Neither the C h itrapat Shakha P ra m u k h n or any o f its members figure either in the regular meetings held by Bal T hackeray and the Shakha Pram ukhs, or in those held by th e K arya Karanis. They meet Bal Thackeray separately a n d informally. M any Shiv Sainiks do n o t appreciate this a n d feel th a t Thackeray should n o t give them too much im portance by meeting them individually for they do n o t w ork with the mass o f the Shiv Sainiks. D atta Pradh an feels th a t as the C hitrapat Shakha is run by a producer it addresses itself

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mainly to producers’ interests. “ Shidke does no t pay much a tte n tio n to the problems o f the workers and technicians.” 63 But he docs not deny the im portance o f the C h itra p a t Shakha. H e agrees with Bal T h ackeray ’s view when he says: “ We must enter into all aspects of our life. The film industry is not only a source o f employment, b u t it also affects the M arath i way o f life and can strengthen o u r patrio tism .” 64 3 . MOBILISATION A N D DIVERSIFICATION

M obilisation in the Shiv Sena involves every one from the highest Shiv Sena official to the lowest. W hen any situation arises th a t needs im mediate discussion at various levels a notice is published in the M arm ik (the Shiv Sena mouthpiece) with the date, time a nd venue o f the meeting indicated. In cases o f extreme urgency, however, the V ib h a g P ra m u k h sare informed either by Thackeray in person, o r more often by a member o f the K ary a K aran i. The Vibhag P ram ukh then informs the C o rp o ra to rs, the U pa Vibhag Pram ukhs, and Shakha Pram ukhs, who in turn inform the other members and visitors o f the shakhas all the way to the level o f the gata. F o r those who can no t be reached by telephone or who are no t easily available, special messengers are sent by the shakhas. A nnouncem ents o f the Shiv Sena programmes are com m unicated similarly, and the shakha members publi­ cize them on blackboards which are placed in the im po rtan t areas o f the ward for the benefit o f Shiv Sena activists as well as for the general public. Sometimes the blackboards explain to the Shiv Sainiks why they need to adopt a particular line o f action, or cultivate a pa rtic u la r ethic. The blackboards also give directions as to how and where Shiv Sena activists should assemble before they proceed for a mass demonstration. The messages are written in bold ornate letters with different shades o f chalk. Strategy in detail and in depth, say in ease o f a bandh or a morcha, is discussed by the K ary a K arani and the news is passed down the hierarchy. A fter this the K ary a K aranis go ro un d to various shakhas to explain the exact method o f op eration and to answer questions th at may arise. Sometimes as S. D eshm ukh says, “ word passes swiftly from one shakha to

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another so th a t by the time I have finished with three or four shakhas the news has reached the other places ahead o f m e.” 65 The efforts o f the K arya K aranis culm inate a t times, as in December 1973 before the Shiv Sena Bandh, in a speech by Bal Thackeray a t a massive Shiv Sena rally. The G a ta Pram ukhs play a very im p o rta n t role in Shiv Sena mobilisation. The G a ta Pram u k hs are usually fam iliar with all the people residing in their localities. They keep a tab on the persons who are against the Shiv Sena and those who are likely to su p p o rt it. This makes it difficult for any one to remain effectively neutral, especially in areas like D a d a r which are Shiv Sena strongholds. It is also difficult to escape the notice of the G a ta P ram u kh , and ignore his behests to come o u t and participate. This influences m any people to join the Shiv Sena in any dem onstration or bandh so as to stay in their good books. Sometimes these are also looked upon as outings with neighbours and friends. The Shiv Sena also has its own group o f select bodyguards. Some o f them are T hack eray’s personal bodyguards. These people have contacts with the underworld. “ I f the Shiv Sena is in any tro ub le,” said the Shakha P ram uk h o f A ndheri, “ We have no problem in getting physical help. The task force we sent to K ausa in 1971, sensing trouble for Balasaheb from the Muslims, was collected in an h o u r.” 66 Bhide, the Zilla Pram ukh o f Panwal had this to say: “ We have friends in many m atkas (a popular form o f gambling in Bombay) and b o o t­ legging dens. These dens are organised and they have their groups o f toughs. They also help us for they know we can help them to o .” 67 The m anner in which the Shiv Sena extends and diversifies its organisational base by mobilising mass sup po rt in its favour further exemplifies its methods o f m obilisation. We will now present the process by which the Shiv Sena extends its hold to (i) the ru ral areas, (ii) factories and bureaucratic organisations in urban areas. Its advance in these regions has been more calculated unlike the spontaneous m ushroom ing of shakhas in Bombay in 1966. We shall in this section briefly touch upon the issues th a t the Shiv Sena capitalizes upon, and the methods that it utilizes in a deliberate effort to diversify the organisation, reaching out to a larger cross section o f the

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p opulation. It is assisted in this attem pt by its established organizational bases in G reater Bombay a n d to some extent in T h an a. / 3.1. Rural A reas

.

Unlike the G reater Bombay a nd Thana Municipal areas68 where the acceptance o f the Shiv Sena was by and large spon­ taneous, its grow th in the rural areas has been more deliberate. It has been a thought out prem editated advance. The Shiv Sena used the existing schisms and factions in the villages and in the outlying tehsils and exploited them to its advantage. In th e rural areas the threat that the M aharashtrians faced in Bombay from outsiders was by and large non-existent, n o r was there m igration o f any significance to these areas.69 Therefore, the Shiv Sena sought to reflect the sentiments and problems o f the rural and semi-rural M aharashtrians in order to mobilise their support and energy and thereby extend its organisational base in these areas. In the B haindar Division o f Thana, for instance, it dem an­ ded th at a proper bridge be built across the creek which separates U tta m from B haindar. M any local people supported and sympathised with the Shiv Sena on this demand and in the ensuing m om entum four shakhas were set up. In Bhaindar again, it sided with the salt processors (shilotri) against the D alals (the traders who act as middle men) in their dispute over the exacfw eight o f the salt processed. Also many o f the shilotris were unable, because o f the complex red tapeism involved, to transfer plots from their grand-fathers’ names to their own. The Shiv Sena helped them in a large num ber o f cases so as to win their support. In Ju ch an d ra in Bassein taluka it dem and­ ed that a tannery and skinning workshop in a residential area be rem oved as it disturbed the neighbourhood with its. foul odour. In Virar it bought some sewing machines and employed a teacher to enable women to come and learn how to sew. In K alher, it dem anded a pipeline for the village, and V. M ah ad ik (a Shiv Sena C o rpo rator) from Bombay pushed this dem and through in the Bombay C orporation. In Tewdee and Paryer villages the Shiv Sena agitated for a b etter bus service. Similarly in Saatpati taluka it dem anded

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cold storage facilities for the fishermen, and in Saffala, which is an im p o rta n t milk producing centre, it called for regular train services so as to ensure milk supply to Bombay. The Shiv Sena’s spread to Bhiwandi, M a h a d and K alyan was accelerated by the com m unal tension prevailing there in 1970-71 between the H indus a nd the M uslims. In K alyan and M ah a d it fought for the Hindu claims over the D u rg ad i and M ahak aw ati temples respectively. In Bhiwandi it aggravated a tense com m unal situation leading to what are known as the famous Bhiwandi riots. A ccording to Satish P ra d h a n they were able to set up four shakhas w ith active local su pp ort in Bhiwandi reaching out as far as T a ro z a in K o la b a district “ because o f our heroism in Bhiwandi” .70 Recently the Shiv Sena has been fighting for the residents o f the village who come under the new Bombay Scheme, th at is fro m Airoli to T h a n a creek. A ccording to M a n o h a r Joshi, “ com pensation alone is not sufficient for the peasants who forfeit their land. They should be given p ro p er jo b opportunities for which they should be trained. Their employm ent should be assured.” 71 On the Shiv Sena’s m ethod o f mobilisation in these o u t­ lying areas we will quote Satish P rad h a n , the P ram u k h o f T hana, in full: O ur hold in the Thana M unicipality helped us a lot. We came to know various types o f people in different areas o f this district and gradually our relationship grew. I am also provided with a jeep and this helps me to u r the area extensively. F u rth erm ore, I have lived in this area all my life and I have been fairly active as well. I have relations a nd friends in other villages who come to T h a n a to w ork. Those who are inclined tow ards the Shiv Sena tell us o f their problems in their particular villages and if they invite me, I go there prom ptly. But if there is no invitation I w ork such a way th a t they are forced to host me. W henever I listen to any problem I think how the Shiv Sena can be taken there. Then it also happens th a t when we are visiting one village we come to know the problems o f the adjoining village. I came to know the Shilotri affair this way. We hardly have any official backing in the initial stages to help us; we go there on ou r own in a small group o f 7-10

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people and assess the situation. We organise a meeting there with the person who is hosting us, or we ask someone to help us arrange a meeting. I f the response is good then we establish a shakha there. L ater one o f our senior leaders goes to some o f the main centres, and sometimes Balasaheb visits these areas with his entourage o f five or six cars and truck loads o f Shiv Sainiks (as in his K o n k a r to u r o f 1970). This gives the villagers an un derstand in g o f o u r power. In case they are harassed, they come to us for they know we have the strength to protect them .72 Stories of the Shiv Sena’s bravado image. M ad hav Bhide, Zilla P ra m u k h boys o f the G overnm ent School in the surrounding areas supply him also on occasion host his visits. Bhide

.

and daring also help its of K o lab a confided that Panwel who come from with inform ation and felt that:

The difference between us and other parties is that they start with an office and then start mobilising support, we first make o ur friends and supporters there, and very often they are as eager as we are, before we start a shakha. Sometimes when I am asked quite unexpectedly to open a shakha I ask them for a bust of Shivaji o r for his picture in a calendar or anywhere, and for a coconut. In the village I norm ally emphasize against caste, and as I am a Brahmin myself it carries more effect. I also stress on our religion.73

The expansion o f Shiv Sena shakhas to these areas n o r­ mally proceeds quietly and unostentatiously.74 But when mass action is required or when a serious confrontation, like that in Bhiwandi, is in the offing volunteers are sent by trucks from Bombay, well arm ed with chains,knives and rods. The Shiv Sena uses the local problems and tensions as its springboard to exercise its influence over a wider dom ain. Personal contacts and the popular image o f the Shiv Sena helps to draw people closer to it. The presence o f organised groups in Bombay and T hana provides it with the essential physical and numerical su p p ort in times o f crises.

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3.2. Urban Areas: F actories and Offices

The Shiv Sena enters the factories in the following ways: (a) Shiv Sainiks working in a factory set up a unit there a n d campaign for workers to jo in it. I f they are successful in establishing a unit, they then ask one o f their leaders to address it and he in tu rn brings a num ber o f Shiv Sainiks from the adjoining shakhas to ensure a good gathering. (b) W hen there is a strike on, the Shiv Sena elements start dissuading the workers. They do not do this in the initial stages but only when the strike is a few weeks old and there are no signs o f a settlement. They try to influence a section of the workers on the futility o f strikes. If they are able to sway a sizeable section (as in T. M aneklal in 1969) then one o f the Shiv Sena leaders, either Salve or P rad h an or M a n o h a r Joshi negotiates with the factory m anagement and the job is done. The management accedes to the demands and the Shiv Sena is given credit for the settlement. An agreem ent is m ad e with the BKS.75 This robs the existing unions o f their strength. D hum e o f A IT U C says that on various occasions he has been faced with a complete volte fa c e by the w orkers.76 (c) W hen there is a m ilitant strike o n in a factory and there is no significant section o f the Shiv Sena w orking there, o r the workers are strongly united (this happens m ainly in the textile mills) then the Shiv Sena resorts to strike breaking. A Shiv Sainik factory w orker of C entury Mills, and a BKS activist had this to say: . . . These industrialists inform Balasaheb. I f it is a C o m ­ munist organised strike then Balasaheb is happy to help, but on the condition that his men are employed. A truck load o f arm ed Shiv Sainiks storm the factory gates, break the strike and enter the factory. The striking workers are fired and the Shiv Sainiks are employed in their places.77 In 1971 in the case o f Bombay, a foreman, 600 people to break attem pt was made in

the Parle Bottling F acto ry in Andheri, who was a Shiv Sainik, employed the strike. A similar but unsuccessful Oil Seeds in 1973.73 D a tta P rad han

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supports this but he feels th a t it cannot be done so easily in every ease. Only when a large section of the workers are unskilled and semi-skilled is the m ethod effective. F o r in his own words “ we cannot replace all the skilled w orkers” .79 Strike breaking (or blacklegging) is the favourite ploy o f the Shiv Sena against left sponsored strikes. W a i d y a o f t h e C PI says: “ The Shiv Sena has specialised in blacklegging and anti-working class activity.” so In this sphere they are helped by the shakha organisations. D a tta Salve does n o t deny the strike breaking role o f the Shiv Sena, and justifies it by saying, “ when have the com m unists ever believed in democracy or fair play? They are here to sabotage India and help Russia. We are acting in the interest o f our co un try .” 81 (d) The fo urth m ethod is best exemplified by the BEST K a m g a r Sena manoeuvres. According to D a tta Pradh an they first concentrate on depots w ith a large num ber o f M a h a ­ ra sh tria n workers. Elaborating this point he said: We tell the shakhas in th a t area to arrange for a crowd a n d do some advance p rop ag an da for us. We contact certain people whom we know and cultivate that section o f the employees who are relatively neglected in the present union set up. Then with the help of D eodhar (he was an employee o f the BEST and ex-corporator o f the Shiv Sena) o r N avalkar we atta ck the existing unions and exploit their fractions and ask for support. In the BEST we found that the technicians in the engineering division were better off than the conductors and drivers. So we concentrated on them .S2 They failed in Colaba and Bombay Central Bus Depots where there were m any non-M aharashtrians. The response, he adm itted, was feeble in the beginning but gradually gained m om entu m . (e) The last m ethod is m ost applicable to small establish­ ments. W hen the entrepreneurs o f these come to ihe Shiv Sena for help in getting licences, electricity connections, etc., the Shiv Sena, where it can possibly help, does so on the condi­ tion that its men be employed.83 This guarantees a Shiv Sena unit in the establishment.

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96

The Shiv Sena enters the ranks o f the white collar workers in various offices th ro ug h the Sthaniya L o kadh ik ai Sam ithi (SLS). Its m ethods follow a similar p attern. A ccording to Rane, an official o f the SLS: In the Reserve Bank o f India there are 3,000 workers, and a ro u n d 10 com m itted Shiv Sainiks. Some youths who are n ot o f the Shiv Sena when they hear o f o ur intention o f opening a u n it o f the SLS in their office come to us offering their help, we send them back to whip up sentiments a n d bring back m ore people. Soon we have a sizeable support.84 Then a meeting is arranged for the staff where the Shiv Sena’s program m e is announced. The m ain attack in these cases centres around the issue that n o n -M a h ara sh tria n s enjoy top positions in office establishments and th a t M a h a ­ rashtrians should be given 80% o f the jo b s.85 Then with great fanfare, as in the cases o f the Reserve Bank o f India and A ir India, Shiv Sainiks dem onstrate in front o f the G overnor s or the C h airm an’s office, and force him to gran t an ap pointm ent to them .S6 Excitement is thus built up in the office and this b e c o m e s the talk o f the staff. A half day strike or a full day strike is called and N avalkar or M ahadik is asked to speak at the entrance o f the office. By this time they have established a foothold in the office and various strata of white collar em p ­ loyees from liftmen to a few officers are attracted to the SLS. As a Branch M anager o f the State Bank o f In dia, p u t it: “ The S.L„S. makes us feei secure and p ro te c te d .” 87 A.

l e a d e r s h ip : d e c is io n -m a k i n g a n d c o n t r o l

In spite o f the fact that gradual differentiation and decen­ tralization is taking place in the Shiv Sena org an isatio n and in spite o f the considerable delegation of au tho rity , Bal T h a c ­ keray is still the final arbiter o f all disputes. All decisions taken by the various branches and bodies o f the Shiv Sena must have his concurrence. Thackeray’s decision is final in every case. F o r these reasons and also because o f the fact that T h a c ­

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keray openly ridicules democracy, he has been accused o f being a dictator.88 M an o h a r Joshi disagrees with the pejorative con n otation s of the term dictatorship. “ Good leadership” , he.says, “ you call dictatorship and bad leadership” , he says, “ you. call democracy. Can any party do w ithout a leader? Can anyship do without a captain?” 89 According to N avalkar there is^ no question o f dictatorship:

We sit together and discuss the issue for hours. Sometimes we disagree with Balasaheb and many o f us put forward o u r disagreements in terms o f doubts and clarifications, and we do not m ake any show of opposition. But the issues are settled through com m on participation. Balasaheb is our leader, and the decisions are his finally.90 Thackeray feels that he is like a father. “ I look upon the Sainiks as my children. A family can only run when one m an makes the decisions.” 19 The K arya K a ran i in discussion with Bal Thackeray fo r­ m ulates all top level decisions regarding the program m e and strategy o f the Shiv Sena as a whole. The decisions to organise Bombay Bandhs, to plan election strategy, etc., originate from here. This body also guides the Shiv Sena movement ideologically, and any modification or change in the Shiv Sena ideology is decided by this body under the stewardship o f Bal Thackeray. Also pressing problems and vexatious issues relating to other branches o f the organisation which have wider ra m i­ fications, are sorted out here. Policy decisions as we have said are its m onopoly. These decisions are then conveyed to the o th e r organs like the shakhas, the BKS, the SLS, etc. D ayto-day routine m atters are handled by the various officials con­ cerned. Even the members o f the K arya Karani, as heads o f various organisations, are naturally involved in them. But if a lower official is unable to solve a problem he takes it to the higher official and if he wishes he may bring the m atter to T hackeray’s notice.92 T hackeray’s decision in this case is. final. However, Thackeray may freely intervene and overrule the decisions o f any official o r body o f the Shiv Sena.93 Thackeray is, however, not oblivious to organisational

98

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pressure, and he was forced to dismiss the G eneral Secretary o f the BKS in Jan u a ry 1974 due to rising resentm ent in the w orkers’ ranks against the latter. _ Bal Thackeray makes no bones about the fact th a t he is the undisputed chief o f the Shiv Sena. The other leaders o f the organisation, such as the members o f the K a ry a K a ra n i are selected by Bal Thackeray, a n d owe their .position solely to h i m a n d to the degree o f confidence Thackeray has in them. T his gives Thackeray the controlling leverage against any m em ber who dares to oppose him. He uses this effectively to remove anybody from office. In 1969, soon after D a tta P rad h a n was a p p oin ted to build the organisational base o f the Shiv Sena a m inor power tussle ensued. Pradh an tried to dilute the trust o f the ra n k and hie •of Shiv Sainiks in T hackeray, and urged them to consider an judge issues independently. This inform ation was b ro u g h t to the notice o f Thackeray by the very people with whom P rad han had conversed. W hen the next meeting was held Thackeray b ro ug h t this issue out in the open, and asked m embers to give their evidence. P radh an had a difficult tim e defending him self and ;t is said th a t he was completely humiliated, belittled and ridiculed. The image th a t he had built up by telling others th a t he had been senior to Thackeray in the RSS, and th a t T h a c ­ keray depended on his advice crumbled. The facts were, how ­ ever, m ore or less true. After this P rad h a n was removed from the post of Sangathan P ram u k h . Y et Thackeray wished to retain his services, and inducted him into the K a ry a K a ra n i which was established soon after. After P ra d h a n ’s hum iliation a body o f advisers or the K ary a K arani was formed. The K ary a K a ran i with eight members o f equal ran k does n o t give an individual m em ber any special power, n or is there any one person officially next to Thackeray in the hierarchy. This seals the lid on the possi­ bility of any one m em ber challenging Thackeray s authority. A ccording to Thackeray: “ I made it very clear th a t if anybody has any disagreements with me and carries it outside, or opposes me openly, he is welcome to leave. Once he is o u t I ’ll never take him b a ck .” 94 This holds true for Lone who defec­ ted to the Congress (R) in 1971, for Bandu Shingare who broke away in 1974 and opposed R. Adik in the Parliam entary b y ­

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election and also for Pallav, a C o rp o rato r, and Shakha r r a m u k h o f C olaba (who was replaced by Bhaskar, his nearest rival), to nam e a few. Thackeray and the Shiv Sena leadership as a whole, take certain disciplinary measures to control the actions o f their officials and followers. The Shakha P ram u k h o f Byculla a d m it­ ted “ It is hum iliating to be lashed by Balasaheb, for it is done publicly. Therefore, before we take any tricky decision we meet h im .” 90 In certain areas, o f course, they have Bal T hac­ keray s full su pp ort in doing ju st ab o u t anything they want, particularly if the victim is a C om m unist or anti Shiv Sena.96 But indiscriminate attacks on the Congress are n o t well received,97 and in the Bombay Bandh o f 1974 Thackeray chided his followers for burning m any railway compartments. Bhujbal, a co rp o ra to r from M azgaon, and an ex-Shakha P ram u k h adm irably related what he called the indirect form o f c on trol exercised by Bal Thackeray: We all take Balasaheb as our supreme com m ander. W h at­ ever he says is an order for us, and we d o n ’t go against it. W hen I sit in my office every evening from seven to ten a big line o f people come to me with their problems. Then there are lafras o f all sorts. I try to solve them. But whatever decision I take m ust be in accordance with o ur chief’s direc­ tives. Sometimes a com plaint against us goes to o u r chief. All sorts o f people come to meet me, M arathis, Parsis, Sind his, M uslims. I f they complain against me, Balasaheb will call me for an explanation if he doubts the correctness o f my decision. A nd if I c a n ’t convince him he will give me a firing in front o f that person. I f such things continue then he will ask me to leave the post. Sometimes if there a re too m any complaints he will send a m an to watch me a n d he will watch and repo rt to Balasaheb. This has h a p ­ pened many times, fortunately not with me. It is also our duty to look after ihe Sainiks in our ward. Quite often we have com plaints from hoteliers saying th a t some Shiv Sainiks have n o t paid them. I f the hotelier is a good man we see th at he is n o t wronged for we d o n ’t want to give Shiv Sena a bad n a m e.98

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100

N avalkar adm itted th a t some o f his “ boys” get carried away and indulge in acts o f unnecessary heroism. H e sets these people right and does n o t allow them to ru n up credit in any shop o r hotel. He added: “ I f an official is form ally relieved from the Shiv Sena a notification appears in the M arm ik and from then onw ards he is a dead force.” 99 S. D eshm u kh , a m em ber o f the K ary a K a ran i had this to Say: “ I f we have to discipline or expel anybody we do it in o ur meetings for there, we can completely expose the person and he will have no chance to hit back in the future and in the next issue a notification will appear in M arm ik” .100 These disciplinary measures it appears are very arbitrary. Thackeray alone decides on th em and there is no definite criteria for choosing any one o f them. H e may tolerate a person who indulges in gambling and bootlegging, b u t may summarily dismiss anyone who opposes him in meetings. There is no formal procedure whereby a person is expelled. B ut it is usually done with the full knowledge o f the K a ry a K arani, Shakha Pram uk hs and other bodies. The victim’s expulsion and hum iliation takes place in public, follo­ wed by a notification in the M arm ik. 5.

RECRUITMENT

The selection o f m em bers to various posts also follows T h ackeray ’s dictates, strengthening his control over the organisational app aratu s. The same process o f decision-m ak­ ing is repeated here with Thackeray m aking the final decision. In the beginning, i.e., in 1966, the ap po in tm en t o f Shakha P ram u kh s was done haph azard ly w ith a rough and ready m ethod o f m atching personality with dem onstrable conviction. L ater before the 1968 elections those Shakha P ram u k h s who did n o t work efficiently were weeded out. N o w Shakha Pram ukhs are appointed by Bal T hackeray on a m ore ration al basis. He takes into account their experience and their re p u ta ­ tion in the locality. Bhujbal o f M azgaon ward believes th a t he was chosen as the Shakha P ram u k h because he was well educa­ ted and could deliver speeches fluently in public.102 After 1969 Thackeray has also, it seems, tak en into account the n ature o f the job and the educational qualifications o f the aspirant for the post o f Shakha P ra m u k h .103

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101

F o r the selection o f candidates to fight the C o rp o ratio n election in 1968 the above qualities were emphasized. But these were n o t the exclusive criteria. The choice o f a candidate was also determined by his zeal and enthusiasm. The background o f the candidate is supplied by the o ther Shiv Sainiks o f the w ard who sponsor him. T he leaders o f the shakhas are norm ally well-known in the locality, have participated in cultural functions and are members o f various cultural organi­ sations. Some, like Shingare, were known as fighters and active campaigners for the RSS. A t other times they are also selected because o f their family standing Therefore, in these selections a variety o f factors come into play. The selection o f candidates for the 1973 C orp oratio n elec­ tion was m ore systematic. F ro m each ward the Shakha P ra m u k h and the Vibhag Pram ukhs decided on the likely can­ didates for the election. They were chosen not only from among the active workers and office bearers but also from among respectable and reputed persons in the locality like doctors and lawyers and those who ra n typing and coaching classes. These persons should also have shown their sympathy and support to the Shiv Sena over the years. A list o f names was then m ade out with complete inform ation on the backgrounds and qualifications o f each one so selected and sent to Thackeray. There is no fixed num ber o f candidates names to be sent to Thackeray, and they may exceed ten from each ward. Deshpande avers th a t they interviewed around 800 people.104 This motley list featured Vibhag Pram ukhs, U pa Vibhag Pram ukhs, Shakha Pram ukhs and other regular workers. An interview o f each o f the candidates was held jointly by the K arya K aranis a n d Bal Thackeray. Sometimes B.K. Desai, a close friend and confidante o f Thackeray was also invited. D eshmukh said th a t for a c o rp o ra to r they needed a m an who could speak well and was “ polished” in his dem eanour. The occupation o f the appl­ icant would be taken into consideration, to assess whether he would get time off from his work to devote to other tasks. I f he is self-employed and with m ore time at his disposal it is all the better. But such people are h ard to come by, and they rarely satisfy the o th e r requirem ents.105 Thackeray takes pride in being a good judge o f faces. He boasts: “ I have chosen my men with intuition. I can m ake out

102

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from the face. N o b o d y can fool m e .” 106 The final decision is T hack eray ’s but he listens to his advisers before tak ing it. The others do n o t com plain for they revel in the fact th at in their organisation it is selection and n o t election. “ W ith elections infighting starts and this ruins the m orale o f o u r leader. I t is the leader after all who decides” says K . T h a c ­ keray, a c o rp o ra to r.107 O n the other hand it also keeps the members under Bal T hackeray’s control for if they are select­ ed by him he can also drop them a t will. This ensures their subservience and loyalty to him. Some believe that Thackeray is biased in favour o f “ sophisticated” persons with dignity o f bearing, for public and prestigious posts. A ccording to Bhave o f Panwel, Thackeray chose Sudhir Joshi and n o t M ah a d ik as the M ayoral candidate because he believed th a t Joshi had m ore polish and was definitely better turned o u t.108 H e also cited the case o f D r. H .C . G upte. D r. G u pte is a reputed and prosperous physician who fought as an indepen­ dent candidate for the C o rp o ratio n elections o f 1968, b u t was supported by the Shiv Sena as their m ayoral candidate in 1971. H e was later inducted into the K arya K arani. There is, however, no form al screening o r apprenticeship period for those who wish to become Shiv Sena mem bers. According to Sudhir Joshi, then M ay o r o f Bombay, “ anyone who feels the interest o f M a h a ra sh tria n s close to his h e art is a Shiv Sainik.” 109 They do n o t have to fill in membership" form s,110 no r do they have to pay any m em bership fees.111 But according to Shakha P ram uk h, Tendulkar, from tim e to time they collect donations from Shiv Sena activists and sym pa­ thisers from their wards. There is, however, n o fixed a m o u n t th a t each m em ber has to contribute.112 A p o rtio n o f the finances o f the Shiv Sena is also forcibly extracted un der threat from M uslim s,113 and South-Indian shopkeepers and hoteliers as “ pro tection ” m oney.114 6 . CONCLUSION

To sum up, we m ay say th a t though the Shiv Sena has gradually expanded and diversified over the years, this has n o t in any way resulted in the dim inution o f Bal T h ackeray ’s au th o rity as the supreme leader. His leadership still rem ains

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d ictato rial in character. The Shiv Sena organisation may be called a form al one, in the sense Etzioni, Blau and Schoenherr have employed the term. The “ differentiation into com po­ nents along various lines in the form al structure o f the o rg a n isatio n ” 115 is apparent in the Shiv Sena with its a p p ro p ria te delegation o f auth ority and specialisation of activity. But a t the same time the Shiv Sena organisation has many inform al characteristics. It does not have, as we have already m entioned, a membership register, or a regularised system o f subscription to build its funds by way o f membership fees. Its regular full time office staff is also very small. Its offices are generally run by Shiv Sena partisans who are employed elsewhere. They are available therefore, and not very regularly at that, only after office hours. F o r this reason the maintenance o f records in Shiv Sena offices is o f a very p o o r order. The Shiv Sainiks recognise this but they do not consider it to be very im p ortant, and evidently there is no move to .rectify m atters in this direction. We have also noted in this chapter the m anner in which the Shiv Sena branched out in several directions from the rural areas to the glam our world o f the film industry. We have also m entioned how the Shiv Sena gradually rationalised and fo r­ malised its organisational basis. But in spite o f all this we find th a t the initial organisational character o f the Shiv Sena has n o t changed much since 1970. The first impetus to organise came after Thackeray realised that he had more followers than he had imagined (this was after the first public meeting in O ctober 1966), b u t the organisational structure that came ab o u t was ad hoc in nature. The expansion o f the organisation and the degree o f form alisation that exists today, came ab o u t prim arily as a a result of the Shiv Sena’s wanting to reach ou t to a large cross-section of-the masses and consolidat­ ing itself, rath er than because of an ever burgeoning m em ber­ ship or because o f a dynamic internal to it. 7.

SOCIO-ECONOMIC BACKGROUND OF THE SUPPORT STRUCTURE

To round off o u r discussion o f the Shiv Sena organisation

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it will be worthwhile to examine its mass base a n d the socio­ economic background o f the Shiv Sainiks. In this section, therefore, we shall deal firstly with the socio-economic b a ck ­ g ro u n d o f those who are members o f the Shiv Sena, and second­ ly, we shall presen t the socio-economic b a c k g ro u n d o f the larger support structure o f the Shiv Sena. The d a ta for the first we have derived from our questionnaire (See A ppendix I) a n d for the second we have relied on the voting figures o f the 1968 Bombay M unicipal Elections,116 on the census data o f 1961 pertaining to G reater Bombay and on a survey conducted by T a ta Institute o f Social Sciences, Bombay. F ro m the census d a ta we have made use largely o f the tables which detail the linguistic breakup o f the various wards o f G re ater Bombay. The survey o f the T ata Institute o f Social Sciences gives one an indication o f the income breakup o f the various census wards o f G reater Bombay. The T a ta Institute o f Social Sciences survey is reproduced in A ppendix III. U nfortunately, it was not possible to elicit detailed information from the Shiv Sainiks via the questionnaire. Bal Thackeray objected to any detailed scrutiny o f his m embers, a n d an early questionnaire was rejected specifically on this ground. Thackeray said, “ An outsider m ust n o t know too much about us.” 117 The questionnaire th a t was finally circu­ lated (see A ppendix I) after meeting with Bal T h ack eray’s approval and was used as the basis for m ost o f the interviews, has several draw backs, which under the circumstances could n o t be helped. It does not go into the details o f occupation, its classification by industry and the precise m onthly income o f both the parents o f the Shiv Sainiks and the Shiv Sainiks themselves. M oreover, the m om ent the Shiv Sainiks saw a questionnaire they became reticent. I had also little time to meet them as they were all generally busy and did not think th a t my work was very im p o rtan t. The questions on income a n d caste were quite vague, and so I have not tried to make any precise statem ent on their basis. M y b ro a d income a n d caste categories^were the best I could arrive at und er the circumstances. Very often I had to get inform ation on some Shiv Sainiks th rough others, i.e., indirectly, though I tried to verify it subsequently. As for the caste categories: high caste refers to the Brahmins, middle caste to the M arath a s and to

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the C h andrasani K ayastha P rab hu s (C K P). The lower castes include the M ah a rs, M angs, C ham ars, D hor, the neo Buddhists, etc. Bal Thackeray is o f the opinion: “ Mine is not a caste based organisation and it is n o t necessary to enquire on the particulars o f the caste o f my m en.” 118 K eeping all this in m ind I would like to caution the readers th a t the da ta are n o t very precise, but they certainly provide a m ore or less realistic picture o f the background o f the Shiv Sainiks. 7.1. Socio-Econom ic Background o f the Shiv Sainiks

We shall present below inform ation, in the form o f tables, on the top ten leaders o f the Shiv Sena, i.e., the members o f the K a ry a K a ra n i and Bal Thackeray. We. will detail next the social background o f members o f the various Shiv Sena organisations, such as Zilla Pram ukhs, Shakha Pram ukhs and o ther lower officials. T able V

Caste, Age, Education and Income o f the Top 10 Leaders o f the Shiv Sena Respondents Top Ten Leaders C aste H igh M id dle L ow

2 7

Age 21-25 years 26-30 years 31-35 years 36-40 years 40 and above

2 5 3

Education School D eg ree/D ip lo m a

2

Income H igh — R s. 1,001 and above ' M id d le— R s. 500 to R s. 1,000 L ow — R s. 499 and b elow

4 4

8

2

N A T IV ISM IN A M E T R O PO LIS

106 T a b le

VI

Father’s Incom e and Background, and Persona] Background and Employment Status o f Top 10 Leaders o f Shiv Sena. R espondents Top 10 Leaders F ath er’s Income H igh M iddle L ow

1 6 3

P o litic a l Background o f P arents Y es No

4 6

Socio-political Affiliation before joinin g Shiv Sena M em ber o f som e party Sym pathizer S ocial and Cultural W orker N one

2 113 4 1 3

E m ployed S tatu s Em ployed Self-E m ployed

7

Years o f S ta y 20 years and above Born and brought up

3 7

3

The above tables show th a t (i) the leadership is composed largely o f people belonging to the middle castes. There are only two Brahmins and one m em ber o f a lower caste; (ii) ex­ cept for Bal T hackeray all o f them are well qualified, m ost o f them are degree holders; (iii) they are com paratively young, in the age group 30-45; (iv) their income category is not homogeneous; (v) the political influence o f their parents am ong the top nine is n o t very strong; and (vi) only two m embers o f the top were politically involved p rior to joining the Shiv Sena. Both o f them were RSS and SMS members. N ow we shall present the breakup o f the middle levle leaders, i.e., o f the Councillors (35), and Vibhag, Zilla and Shakha P ram u k h s (123).

TH E SH IV SE N A O R G A N ISA T IO N

v

T a b le

107

VII

C aste, Education, P olitical Background o f Parents and Father’s Income o f the M iddle Order Shiv Sena Leaders. Councillors (35)

Z illa Pramukh Shakha Pramukh Vibhag Pramukh (123)

C aste H igh M id dle L ow

10 21 4

28 89 16

Education D egree School Primary Illiterate

13 17 4 1

38 71 14 —

P o litic a l H isto ry o f P aren ts Y es No

4 31

12 111

F ather's Income H igh — R s. 1,001 and above M id d le— R s. , 500 to 1,000 L ow — R s. 499 and below

5 16 14

3 51 69

T a b l e V III

Background o f the M iddle Order Leaders o f the Shiv Sena in Terms o f the S ocial and Political Affiliation Before Joining the Shiv Sena, Their Years o f Stay in Bombay, Their Incom e and Whether They are Self-em ployed o f N ot Background

(0

A ge 21-25 26-30 31-35 36-40 40 and above

Councillors (35)

— 2 4 8 21

Vibhag Pramukh Shakha Pramukh Z illa Pramukh (123)

11 28 55 17 12

N A T IV ISM IN A M E T R O PO LIS

108

(ii) 'S o c io -P o litic a l Affiliation before join in g Shiv Sena M em ber o f a party Sym pathiser S ocial and C ultural W orker N on e (iii) I f m em ber o f som e p a rty ( which p a r ty ) RSS SMS

6

10

19 5 58 41

4

12

3 16

2

any Other

(iv) Years o f S ta y in B om bay B elow 15 16-25 Since Birth (v) Income H igh — R s. 1,001 and above M d d le — R s. 500 to R s. 1,000 L ow — R s. 499 and b elo w (vi) E m ploym ent S ta tu s E m ployed S e lf Em ployed

8 (6 o f them w ere m em bers o f both SMS and RSS) 3 w ith C ongress 1 w ith Swatantra 1 w ith PSP

3 15 17

12 33 78

6 20 9

13 67 25

19 16

17

F ro m the above tables the following points emerge: (i) The corporators are o f the average age o f 35 w ith two who are over 45 years o f age. The Shakha, V ibhag a nd Zilla Pram ukhs are younger, a ro u n d 30 years o f age, w ith eight who are over 45 years and six who are below 25 years o f age. (ii) They are mostly o f the middle castes, (iii) They generally are n o t from politically active families, (iv) The Shakha, Zilla and Vibhag Pram ukhs come mostly from low income homes, while m ost o f the c orp orato rs are from middle income families, (v) Only six out o f thirty-five co rp o rato rs and nineteen out o f 123 Vibhag, Zilla and Shakha P ram uk hs were involved p oliti­ cally before joining the Shiv Sena. A large n um ber were active as social and cultural workers, b u t quite a few had no

T H E SH IV SEN A O R G A N ISA T IO N

109

experience whatsoever, (vi) Those who were politically active prior to joining the Shiv Sena were mainly associated either with the RSS or the SMS or both, (vii) The m ajority o f these middle level leaders have lived in Bombay between 16-25 years. Only 3 o f the 35 c o rp o ra to rs and 12 o f the 123 Vibhag, Zilla and Shakha P ram u k h s have lived in Bombay for less th a n 15 years, (viii) They generally belong to the middle income group themselves, (ix) M ost o f them are employed, b u t a pro po rtion ately bigger num ber o f Councillors (16 out o f 35), than the Shakha, Vibhag and Zilla P ram ukhs (17 out o f 123), are self-employed, (x) All o f them, with the exception o f one councillor, are literate, and a large number o f them are degree holders. 7.2. The M ass Base o f the Shiv Sena

In order to estimate the popularity o f the Shiv Sena we have taken the voting figures o f the 1968 municipal elections in Bom bay as an indicator o f its popularity. We have calculat­ ed the ra n k correlation coefficient between voting for Shiv Sena a n d the linguistic groups in Bombay in terms o f (i) those born and bro u g h t up in Bombay, and (ii) those who have m igrated to Bombay. This was done in order to bring out the regional and linguistic appeal of the movement. The inform a­ tion on linguistic groups, and m igration to Bombay is from the 1961 census re p o rt.920 We have also calculated the rank correlation coefficient between voting for the Shiv Sena and the levels o f income in the wards o f G reater Bombay. The income data is from a sample survey carried out by the Tata Institute o f Social Sciences, Bombay. We present the rank correlation matrices below not only o f the Shiv Sena but also o f some o f the other m ajor parties who contested the elections. F o r our p a rt we will be concerned with the interpretation o f the figures in connection with the Shiv Sena alone. We will now present the rank correlation coefficient bet­ ween votes polled for the Shiv Sena, the other major parties and the linguistic groups born and brought up in G reater Bombay.

110

N A T IV ISM IN A M E T R O PO LIS

T

a ble

IX

R ank Correlation Coefficient Between Votes Polled for the Shiv Sena, the Other M ajor Parties and the Linguistic Groups of Those Born and Brought Up in Greater Bombay P o litica l P a rty

Shiv Sena Congress Jana Sangh Swatantra S.S.P. P .S .P . C .P .I.

M aharash tra

+ + “f~ +

.95 .66 .46 .11 .78 .16 .55

G ujarat

South India

U ttar Pradesh

+ “f+ + + -

+ .52 - .40 + .03 0 + .03 - .48 “f- .05

+ .34 - .66 + .30 + .23 + .48 + .10 + -19

.75 .54 .36 ' .55 .26 .36 .20

We shall now present the rank correlation coefficient m atrix between the different linguistic groups o f m igrants to G reater Bombay and votes polled for the Shiv Sena a n d other m ajor parties. T abll X

Rank Correlation Coefficient Between Votes Polled For the Shiv Sena and O ther M ajor Parties and the Linguistic B reak­ up of M igrants to Greater Bombay P o litica l P a rty

Shiv Sena Congress Jana Sangh Swatantra S.S.P P.S.P. C .P .I.

M ah a ra sh tra

+ + + + + +

.20 .15 .33 .17 .33 .23 .15

Gujarat

+ + + + + -

.41 .44 .59 .52 .35 .92 .28

U tter P radesh + +

.53 .33 .21 .70 .19 .05 .25

South India + + + + -

.45 .59 .09 .02 .14 .13 .04

The following table relates the correlation coefficients bet­ ween votes polled for the Shiv Sena and the levels o f income o f the voters.

TH E SH IV SEN A O R G A N ISA T IO N

T

able

111 XI

R ank Correlation Coefficient Between Votes Polled for tfoe Shiv Sena and the O ther M ajor Parties and the Levels of Income in G reater Bombay P o litic a l P a rty Shiv Sena P .S .P . Jana Sangh Congress Swatantra S.S.P . C .P .I.

High Income

+ + + + -

.08 .10 .06 .07 .34 .35 .45

M iddle Income + + + +

.04 .27 .04 .11 .33 .03 .01

Low Income - .08 + .05 + .05 + .17 - .36 - .01 - .05

On analysing tables IX, X and XI on pre-pages a few significant points emerge. (1) The relationship between Shiv Sena perform ance and M aharashtrian s born and brought up in Bombay is very high a t + .95. (2) The other interesting factor is th at even some South Indians vote in favour o f the Shiv Sena. The rank correlation is + . 5 2 . 222 (3) M aharashtrians who have been born and brought up in Bombay vote m ore for the Shiv Sena than M aharashtrian migrants. The m igrants correlations stands at + .2 0 9 which indicates a positive direction but insignificant correlation. (4) The G u ja ra ti settlers in Bombay are strongly against the Shiv Sena with a negative and significant correlation o f —.75. Their antipathy to the Shiv Sena is higher than the m igrant G ujaratis whose ra n k correlation coefficient stand at —.416. (5) By examining the rank correlation with respect to household incomes, we find th at the Shiv Sena voting figures have a negative and low rank correlation coefficient with high and low income groups standing a t —.08 in both cases, and positive b u t low ran k correlation with the middle income group. This shows that the Shiv Sena’s popularity does no t depend on any one income group. The fact that with the middle in ­ come group there is a positive bu t low correlation does not give any strong indications either. It should, however, be noted th a t these figures are not absolutely valid. They indicate a t best certain tendencies.

112

N A T IV ISM IN A M E TR O PO LIS

NOTES

1. J.E. H aes and T .E . D raabak, C om plex O rganisations (M acm illan, N e w Y ork , 1973), p. 73. 2. Ibid. 3. T. Parsons, The Structure an d P ro cess in M odern S ociety (Free Press G len coe, Illin o is, 1960), p. 17. 4. C .H . C o o le y , S ocial O rganisation (Seribon, N ew Y ork, 1915), p. 6. 5. H .H . G erth and C .W . M ills, From M a x W eber: E ssays in S ociology (O xford U n iversity Press, N ew Y ork, 1946). 6. A m itai E tzion i, C om plex O rganisation (Free Press, N ew York* 1961) p. xi. 7. Ibid. 8. Peter B lau and R ichard Schoenherr, The Structure o f O rganisation (Basic B o o k In c., N ew Y ork, 1971), p. 300. 9. V .L . A llen , S o cia l A n a lysis: A M a rx ist C ritique and A ltern ative (L ongm an, L ond on, 1975) pp. 69 if. 10. M . C rozier, The Bureaucratic Phenomenon (U niversity o f C hicago Press, 1971), p. 136. 11. See Blau & Schoenherr, op. c it., p. 300. 12. Personal Interview with Bal T hackeray, Septem ber 1973, B om bay. 13. Personal Interview , Septem ber 1973, Bom bay. 14. Personal Interview , Septem ber 1973, Bom bay. 15. There is no record o f the p osition s o f the shakhas earlier and their degree o f concentration. Even the Shiv Sainiks d o not remember correctly. But in certain areas lik e D adar there were as m any as three shakhas. 16. Personal Interview w ith D atta Pradhan, M ay 1973, Bom bay. 17. Pramukh litera lly m eans the c h ie f or the leader. 18. B al Thackeray said that “ students should study. That is their j o b .” A ccord ing to A .K . Bhave, “ there is nothing special about the chattra shakha which the shakhas cannot do. B alasaheb is also against co lleg e p o litic s .” (P ersonal interview , February 1973, Bom bay). 19. H ow ever, till tod ay the m aintenance o f records is very poor and haphazard. Further vital inform ation like the num ber o f m embers has not been kept at all. 20. M ost o f th e Shiv Sena officials h old a job. 21. Personal interview w ith Pram od N avalkar, February 1973, Bom bay. 22. The Shiv Sainiks do not sm oke in T hackeray’s presence as he is som ething o f a father figure. Som e Shiv Sainiks say that sm oking is prohibited in the shakha offices for they are very sm all. Others say that a shakha office is a sacred tem ple o f Shivaji, and one does not sm oke in a tem ple. 23. Personal Interview , O ctober 1973, B om bay.

T H E SH IV SE N A O R G A N ISA T IO N

113

24. The ordinary Shiv Sainik is quite religious. G anesh is the most popular deity in M aharashtra, and m any Shiv Sainiks display it both in their offices and in their hom es. 25. There are two Shiv Sainiks in the com m ittee o f the Prabodhan. But this does not make m uch difference as there is no form al m em bership in the Shiv Sena. T he Prabodhan, how ever, is not: o vertly pro Shiv Sena or id eo lo g ica l in its activity. It is mainlyconcerned w ith putting up plays, etc. 26. The lawyers are m ostly M aharashtrians. But there are also nonM aharashtrian law yers w ho w ork for the Shiv Sena. 27. Personal Interview , A pril 1973, Bom bay. 28. Personal Interview , A pril 1973, Bom bay. 29. See W aidya, op. cit. 30. B oth in 1968 and 1973 they form ed a tacit alliance with the R .P .I. F or the M ayoral election o f 1973 it came to an understanding (unconfirm ed though it is) w ith the C ongress (R) w hereby the latter w ould not use the state m achinery to crush the Shiv Sena sponsored Bom bay Bandh o f D ecem b er 1973, 31. P ersonal Interview , July 1973, B om bay. 32. See M a h a ra sh tra Vidhan Sabha P roceedings, V ols. 31-37, Pub­ lished by M aharashtra Legislature Secretariat, Bombay. 33. T his figure is for the year ending 31st D ecem ber 1973. This infor­ m ation is from the office o f the R egistrar o f Trade U nions, M aharashtra State, Bom bay. 34. Personal Interview , A ugust 1973, B om bay. 35. A ccording to a legal adviser o f the BK S, the BK S is independent o f the Shiv Sena. But D atta Salve puts this speculation to rest, “ We are a branch o f the Shiv Sena and w ill alw ays b e .” (Personal Interview , O ctober 1973, Bom bay). * 36. R ajsh ree, V ol. 9 N o . 7, Special Issue, A ugust 1972. 37. Personal Interview , A u gust 1973, B om bay. 38. Personal Interview , A ugust 1973, Bom bay. 39. Personal Interview w ith B.S. D hu m e, A pril 1973,Bom bay. But in Johnson and Johnson, for instance, where the BKS is strong, the m anagem ent supported B om bay M azdoor Sabha, a non-party union. (Personal Interview with D hup, D ecem ber 1973, Bom bay). 40. Personal Interview , M ay 1973, Bom bay. 41. Personal Interview , June 1973, Bom bay. 42. F or a text o f this agreem ent see B.S. D hum e, Treachery o f B haratiya K am gar Sena (Engineering and Metal Workers U nion, A IT U C Bom bay). 43. P ersonal Interview , July 1973, Bom bay. 44. Personal Interview , N ovem b er 1973, Bom bay. 45. D atta Salvi, P ersonal In terview , Septem ber 1973, Bom bay. 46. Personal Interview , Septem ber 1973, Bombay. 47. Personal Interview , N ovem ber 1973, Thana. 48. In the A ir India disturbance for instance in 1973.

114

NATIVISM IN A METROPOLIS

49. Personal Interview w ith A . Joshi, D ecem ber 1974, Bom bay. 50. Personal Interview w ith M anohar Joshi, M arch 1973, Bom bay. 51. D a tta Pradhan considers the SLS to be a w ing o f the Trade U n io n o f the Shiv Sena. But as it deals m ainly with em ploym ent we are d iscussin g it in this section . 52. Mr. R ane, Personal Interview , D ecem ber 1973, Bom bay. 53. P ersonal Interview , June 1973, Bom bay. 54. Brochure o f C hitrapat Shakha, Second A nniversary N u m ber, M arch 1972. 55. Ibid. 56. Ibid. 57. Ibid. 58. Personal Interview , N ovem ber 1973, Bom bay. 59. Personal Interview , N ovem b er 1973, B om bay. ■60. Personal Interview , N ovem ber 1973, Bom bay. •61. T hey did not d isclo se how m uch. -62. Personal Interview , D ecem b er 1973, Bom bay. *63. Peasonal Interview , N ovem b er 1973, B om bay.