Multicultural Education : From Theory to Practice [1 ed.] 9781443849968, 9781443847407

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Multicultural Education

Multicultural Education: From Theory to Practice

Edited by

Hasan Arslan and Georgeta RaĠă

Multicultural Education: From Theory to Practice, Edited by Hasan Arslan and Georgeta RaĠă This book first published 2013 Cambridge Scholars Publishing 12 Back Chapman Street, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2XX, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2013 by Hasan Arslan and Georgeta RaĠă and contributors All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-4740-2, ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-4740-7

TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Tables .............................................................................................. ix List of Illustrations ..................................................................................... xi Foreword .................................................................................................. xiii Chapter One: Foundations of Multicultural Education Bi-, Cross-, Multi-, Pluri-, or Trans-Cultural Education? Georgeta RaĠă .............................................................................................. 3 Multicultural Education: Approaches, Dimensions and Principles Hasan Arslan ............................................................................................. 15 History of National and Ethnic Minorities in the Carpathian Basin: Present-day Concept and State of Multicultural Education in Hungary and the Neighbouring Countries Edit Rózsavölgyi ....................................................................................... 35 Multicultural Education in the Ancient World: Dimensions of Diversity in the First Contacts between Greeks and Egyptians Nicola Reggiani ......................................................................................... 57 Teaching Diversity: A Perspective on the Formation of Youth by Means of Cooperation and Self-Esteem Dana Percec and Maria Niculescu ............................................................. 71 Making Sense of Education for Diversities: Criticality, Reflexivity and Language Fred Dervin................................................................................................ 85

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Chapter Two: Political Context Language, Social Class, Ethnicity and Educational Inequality Kevin Norley ........................................................................................... 103 Two Models of Education in Croatian Multilingual and Multicultural Schools: A Case Study Ljubica Kordiü ......................................................................................... 119 Engaging Multicultural Students in a Cosmopolitan Curriculum: Living Vicariously through Research Projects Naghmana Ali.......................................................................................... 133 Educational Policy towards the Ethiopian Immigrant Community in Israel: Multiculturalism or Fake Multiculturalism? Lea Baratz, Roni Reingold and Chana Abuchatzira ................................ 145 Education towards Collective Characteristics in a Plural Society: The Case of Israel Sara Zamir ............................................................................................... 165 Multicultural Counselling in Education Ercan Kocayörük and Mehmet Ali øçbay ................................................ 177 Development of Intercultural Communication Competence in the Czech Educational System through Relevant Frameworks Lucie Cviklová ........................................................................................ 185 Chapter Three: Classroom Practices of Multicultural Education Teacher Education in Preparing Student Teachers for Diverse Classrooms Sari Hosoya and Mirja-Tytti Talib .......................................................... 205 Raising Cross-Cultural Awareness of ESP Economics Students Nadežda Silaški and Tatjana Ĉuroviü...................................................... 225 Classroom Strategies and Actions in a Multicultural Classroom: A Perspective from the FYRoM Lulzime Kamberi ..................................................................................... 233

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Joint Effort for Early Childhood Education: A Continuous Cooperation between Family and Kindergarten Mona Vintilă............................................................................................ 241 Introducing Hebrew Language and Culture in an Italian High School as a Key for Multicultural Intercomprehension Davide Astori .......................................................................................... 251 Strengthening Self-Efficacy in the Framework of Multicultural Education: The Case of Israeli Pre-Service Teachers of Ethiopian Descent Efrat Kass and Roni Reingold ................................................................. 263 Implementation of Active Citizenship in Multicultural Education Programs Salih Zeki Genç ....................................................................................... 283 Intercultural Training of Pre-Service Teachers in Multicultural Vojvodina (Serbia) Biljana Radiü-Bojaniü and Danijela Pop-Jovanov ................................... 297 Informal Intercultural and Interlinguistic Education Materials: A Case Study (Romanian Banat) Eliana-Alina PopeĠi ................................................................................. 307 Being a Minority or a Majority in Transylvania (Romania) Ioana Roman............................................................................................ 319 Chapter Four: Language Education in a Multicultural Context Considering Multi-Confessionalism while Teaching English in Russian Higher Education Institutions Svetlana Polskaya .................................................................................... 339 Perceptions of Turkish EFL Teacher Candidates on Their Level of Intercultural Competence Yeúim Bektaú-Çetinkaya and Servet Çelik .............................................. 345

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Multicultural Dimension in an International English Course: A Russian Experience Polina Terekhova and Alena Timofeeva ................................................. 363 Teaching Chinese in a Multicultural Context Xiaojing Wang......................................................................................... 383 Linguistic Equality in Multicultural Societies Dubravka Papa......................................................................................... 405 The Importance of Bilingual Education of Minority Language Speaking Children and the Situation of Bilingual Schools in Hungary Márta Galgóczi-Deutsch and Edit-Ilona Mári ......................................... 411 Teaching Minority Languages, Histories and Cultures in a Multicultural Context: The Case of Ruthenian Education in Vojvodina (Serbia) Mihajlo Fejsa ........................................................................................... 423 Metalanguage in Multilingualism Sonja Hornjak .......................................................................................... 433 Contributors ............................................................................................. 441

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1-1. Hungarian population in the Carpathian Basin per region .....................49 Table 1-2. Hungarian population in the Carpathian Basin per country ...................49 Table 3-1. Examples of practices and activities in Culturally Responsive Pedagogies ......................................................................................................216 Table 3-2. Adults: children ratio ...........................................................................247 Table 3-3. Staff qualification.................................................................................248 Table 3-4. Ethnical background of the children ....................................................248 Table 4-1. Attitude: Percentages of the participants who agreed with the given statements .......................................................................................................353 Table 4-2. Knowledge: Percentage of the participants who indicated having a moderate to a great extent of knowledge about the indicated cultural elements ..........................................................................................................355 Table 4-3. Intercultural Skills: Percentage of participants who agree with the given statements ..............................................................................................357 Table 4-4. Awareness: Percentage of the participants who agreed with each statement .........................................................................................................358 Table 4-5. Distribution of participants’ language backgrounds .............................389 Table 4-6. Students’ Attitudes to teachers’ instruction language ..........................394 Table 4-7. Students’ attitudes to teaching approaches ...........................................395 Table 4-8. Students’ response to learning difficulty in acquiring Chinese ............395 Table 4-9. Number and rate of minority groups ....................................................414 Table 4-10. Comprehensive chart of non-bilingual and bilingual education and their features based on May (1997) and Skutnabb-Kangas (1997)..................420

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure 1-1. Austria-Hungary. Empire of Austria (Cisleithania): 1. Bohemia, 2. Bukovina, 3. Carinthia, 4. Carniola, 5. Dalmatia, 6. Galicia, 7. Küstenland, 8. Lower Austria, 9. Moravia, 10. Salzburg, 11. Silesia, 12. Styria, 13. Tyrol, 14. Upper Austria, 15. Vorarlberg; Kingdom of Hungary (Transleithania): 16. Hungary proper 17. Croatia-Slavonia; Austrian-Hungarian Condominium: 18. Bosnia and Herzegovina ....................................................37 Figure 1-2. The ethnic groups of Austria-Hungary in 1910. Based on “Distribution of Races in Austria-Hungary” from the Historical Atlas by William R. Shepherd, 1911, File: Austria_hungary_1911.jpg. The names of cities were changed to those in use since 1945 .............................................38 Figure 1-3. The end of Austria-Hungary after the Trianon Treaty ..........................44 Figure 2-1. Attitudes of the minority population in Tenja about Croatian (CRO) and Minority Languages (ML) ........................................................................126 Figure 2-2. Attitudes of children towards Minority Language and Croatian .........127 Figure 2-3. Attitudes of children towards the future of Minority Languages in Croatia ............................................................................................................128 Figure 3-1. Acquisition of Active Citizenship (European Commission 2007) ......293 Figure 3-2. Bilingual add in Romanian and German .............................................312 Figure 3-3. Bilingual add in Romanian and Hungarian .........................................313 Figure 3-4. Bilingual add in Romanian and Serbian .............................................314 Figure 3-5. Bilingual add in Romanian and Serbian .............................................314 Figure 3-6. Bilingual add in Romanian and Serbian .............................................314 Figure 3-7. Poster presenting the most representative Romanian and Hungarian poets ................................................................................................................315 Figure 3-8. Need for education in Romani and Hungarian students (numbers).....327 Figure 3-9. Causes of school absenteeism in Romani and Hungarian students (in numbers) ....................................................................................................328 Figure 3-10. Employment and education of Roma and Hungarian students’ parents (in numbers) ........................................................................................330 Figure 4-1. Up & Up, Book 10, p. 56 ....................................................................373 Figure 4-2. Up & Up, Book 11, p. 31 ....................................................................375 Figure 4-3. Up & Up, Book 10, p. 36 ....................................................................375 Figure 4-4. Up & Up, Book 11, p. 27 ....................................................................376 Figure 4-5. Up & Up, Book 10, p. 36 ....................................................................377 Figure 4-6. Results across the scale of appropriateness of teaching materials.......378 Figure 4-7. Hispanics by origin (Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Annual Demographic Supplement to the March 2002 Current Population Survey) ....413

FOREWORD

The book “Multicultural Education: from Theory to Practice” gives a comprehensive and multiple perspective to the field of multicultural education studies. Academic teaching staff, researchers, teachers, social workers, politicians, students and all other related persons will get significant benefits from constructial knowledge to experiential applications. The book is divided into four chapters, and each chapter provides different perspectives and case studies through several papers in order to make more clear and understandable the theory and practices. The book begins with the foundations of multicultural education to the first chapter. Then, the politics context is discussed. The third chapter focuses on the classroom practices of multicultural education through case studies and different educational levels. The last chapter underlines one of the most relevant topics: language education in a multicultural contact. The first chapter is dedicated to the foundations of multicultural education. Georgeta RAğĂ’s study of bi-, cross-, inter-, multi-, pluri-, or trans-cultural education clarifies the epistemological foundations of definitions of multicultural education. These concepts are very often misunderstood among faculty members, teachers and politicians for school politics. Semantic clarifications and specific definitions of the concepts are provided in a wider linguistic context in an attempt to better illustrate the differences between language dictionaries and literature. The author provides us proper and clear meanings of the concepts of bicultural, crosscultural, intercultural, multicultural, pluricultural and transcultural. The paper written by Hasan ARSLAN presents the issue of Multicultural Education: Approaches, Dimensions and Principles. The author examines the approaches, dimensions, perspectives, principles and characteristics of multicultural education. Then, the school types and teaching strategies are handled in the learning environment. The academic success of multicultural education depends on understanding of dimensions, principles and characteristics of multicultural education so that school staff members, parents, and the community accomplish multicultural goals. The paper History of National and Ethnic Minorities in the Carpathian Basin: Present-Day Concept and State of Multicultural Education in Hungary and the Neighbouring Countries, written by Edit RÓZSAVÖLGYI, presents how governments face the consequences of history and how they

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try to resolve the problems accumulated over the past centuries by means of a multicultural policy while discussing the political background of the Carpathian Basin. Another paper gives an ancient historical perspective to multicultural education and examines the first contacts between Greeks and Egyptians. Nicola REGGIANI takes a particular case related to one of the ancient world’s most multicultural countries, Egypt and discusses their contacts with Greeks. The author stresses similarities and differences, and to discuss possible scenarios related to multicultural education. Dana PERCEC and Maria NICULESCU’s paper focus on Teaching Diversity: A Perspective on the Formation of Youth by Means of Cooperation and SelfEsteem. The authors argue that lifelong learning through learning change and intergenerational culture creates an intercultural communication that build an attitude towards learning and accepting diversity and give up discrimination and prejudice. Fred DERVIN underlines the concept of “othernesses” in research and practice. The author proposes to make sense of education for diversities through criticality, reflexivity and language. The combination of these aspects can make education for diversities a fairer, less hierarchising and complex place and these three aspects of education should be taken into consideration by teachers, principals, teacher assistants, students teachers and researchers so that diversities flourish. The second chapter contains papers in Political Context. The paper on Language, Social Class, Ethnicity and Educational Inequality by Kevin NORLEY argues that the increasing segregation and division within society in general and education in particular, that results in communities living separate lives with little commonality. The relationship between language, social class, and achievement is overwhelming. Educational policies should be set for a move in the direction of the goals of multiculturalism. Ljubica KORDIû carries out a research on Two Models in Croatian Multilingual and Multicultural Schools: A Case Study. The author attempts to explore the difference between two models of education in Croatia and the differences in attitude towards a specific language between young people and their parents. Also, the paper argues that how the demographic factors, legal status, economic strength, and the educational system affect the subjective ethnolinguistic vitality of two multilingual communities. Another research paper was written by Naghmana ALI on Engaging Multicultural Students in a Cosmopolitan Curriculum: Living Vicariously through Research Projects. The qualitative research paper examines students who came from different cultural, ethnic, and educational backgrounds through reflective discussions. The data are derived from the reflections that students had

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about visual presentations and class observations. A further study of Lea BARATZ, Roni REINGOLD and Chana ABUCHATZIRA criticize the policy of the Ministry of Education in Israel against Ethiopian immigrants related to multicultural education through analyzing two cases. The authors claim that the ministry of education reveals the adoption of the principles of cultural pluralism to enable the immigrants to preserve their heritage: however, it is not clear whether the new policy is a fake multiculturalism or not. Sara ZAMIR draws attention upon the issue of socialization towards collective characteristics within a plural society based on immigrants. The author argues that the educational methods of socializing both during the era of the “melting pot” as well as in the new era of multiculturalism have different characteristics, and arguments about multiculturalism have continued from the law of compulsory education of 1949 of the Israeli Ministry of Education. Ercan KOCAYÖRÜK and Mehmet Ali øÇBAY underline the issue the multicultural counselling education. The authors clarify the multicultural educational training programs in three groups: student mastery, increase in knowledge and student empowerment. The necessity of multicultural counselling comes from different cultural perspectives. The authors present how counselling has been shaped and practiced in various cultures. The third chapter is dedicated to Classroom Practices of Multicultural Education. The paper on Teacher Education in Preparing Student for Diverse Classrooms by Sari HOSOYA and Mirja-Tytti TALIB presents increasing cultural diversity at schools and how teachers can be prepared as culturally responsive teachers who can facilitate the academic success of all students. It is argued that teachers should have knowledge of theories, skills to practice desirable methods, and intercultural competence in order to become a skilled agent for multicultural and diverse society. The reasons of many international business failures are explained by the lack of cross-cultural competence in the paper of Nadežda SILAŠKI and Tatjana ĈUROVIû. The authors argue that economics students graduate without having enough skills about the cross-cultural competence. Teaching cross-cultural awareness in a business context may enhance the success of economics students in their future business life. Lulzime KAMBERI’s study of Classroom Strategies and Actions in a Multicultural Classroom: A Perspective from the FYRoM attempts to answer the question “What are the problems that teachers face teaching in a multicultural context and which approach do teachers take in order to solve the problems they may encounter?” Ethnic, religious, cultural, and political issues seem the most salient problems in creating a multicultural class environment. Mona VINTILĂ’s study is trying to indicate the

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importance of cooperation between family and kindergarten. The author claims that combining care and education of a young child is the best way for the most efficient result in the development of the children at this age. This effort makes possible to acquire the intercultural skills from the early stage of education. A longitudinal observation was applied to a private kindergarten to get results. The research project on Introducing Hebrew Language in an Italian High School as a Key for Multicultural Intercomprehension was conducted by Davide ASTORI in the “M. Gioia” High School of Piacenza. The author shares with us the research findings of the research so that how to educate students multiculturalism through inserting culture in the curricular formative process of a high school program. Another case study Strengthening Self-Efficacy in the Framework of Multicultural Education: The Case of Israeli Pre-Service Teachers of Ethiopian Descent written by Efrat KASS and Roni REINGOLD. The authors try to shape guiding principles for establishing a pre-academic education program in order to strengthen the sense of self-efficacy of preservice teachers of Ethiopian descent. The paper Implementation of Active Citizenship in Multicultural Education Programs, written by Salih Zeki GENÇ, underlines the importance of active citizenship in the process of multicultural education. The author attempts to embed the dimensions of active citizenship: protest and social change, community life, representative democracy, and democratic values to the educational programs in order to keep alive the multicultural education. Biljana RADIû-BOJANIû and Danijela POP-JOVANOV’s paper present the issue of Intercultural Training of Pre-service Teachers in Multicultural Vojvodina. The authors claim that foreign language teachers should have multicultural and intercultural teaching skills to become competent intercultural communicators and successful teachers of the 21st century. That is why pre-service teachers should acquire multicultural intercultural skills in the educational process. Ioana ROMAN, with his paper entitled Being a Minority or a Majority in Transylvania, tries to reveal the problems of Romani ethnicities in general and not on interethnic cohabitation, no matter the nature of the ethnicity. The debate focuses on the problem of multiculturalism and stresses the idea of the same rights regardless of ethnicity, religion or social category. Research data obtained from questionnaires and interviews were processed regarding the issues of Hungarian ethnics and Romani ethnics. The last chapter deals with Language Education in a Multicultural Context. Svetlana POLSKAYA’s paper tries to answer a question in teaching English: Considering while Teaching English in Russian Higher Education Institutions. The author argues that people of various

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nationalities and religions live, work and study together in Russia. The majority of Russian state schools fail to provide an adequate level of English language knowledge. It seems that a number of negative consequences such as spreading national stereotypes, unnecessary conflict situations affect teaching English in Russian Higher Education Institutions. The research paper Perceptions of Turkish EFL Teacher Candidates on Their Level of Intercultural Competence by Yeúim BEKTAùÇETøNKAYA and Servet ÇELøK examines whether Turkish teachers of English are sufficiently prepared to deal with cultural matters and to guide the development of intercultural competence in their students or not through applying both qualitative and quantitative approaches to preservice ELT instructors in order to provide the perceptions of the participants. Polina TEREKHOVA and Alena TIMOFEEVA share a Russian experience related to multicultural education in an international English course. The authors argue that a clear and well-structured EIL syllabus with supplementary materials can serve not only as guidelines for students’ daily work but also as a tool for teachers’ own professional and sometimes even personal development. The study presents a number of practical implications for teaching and shows how they can implement syllabus and material design. Another research paper, Teaching Chinese in a Multicultural Context, written by Xiaojing WANG underlines the influential factors in teaching Chinese in the United Kingdom and discusses about the difficulties of teaching Chinese in a non-Chinese dominant environment. Dubravka PAPA’s paper Linguistic Equality in Multicultural Societies emphasises the importance of accepting the use of regional and minority language in a democratic society such as the EU. The author argues that the legal framework for regulating the status and rights of language minorities is not enough in order to protect for minority rights although one of the main goals of the EU is to protect and preserve cultural diversity. Márta GALGÓCZI-DEUTSCH and Edit-Ilona MARÍ underline The Importance of Minority Language Speaking Children and the Situation of Bilingual Schools in Hungary in their studies. The authors claim that bilingual education is the best way to support students’ better school achievement from the primary level and lay down the foundations of later academic success because bilingual education contributes to the preservation of culture, language, better academic achievement and career perspectives. The study carried out by Mihajlo FEJSA aims at presenting the importance of preserving the community identity in the smallest national minority, Ruthenians in Serbia. The author argues that the effective safeguarding of the collective identity of the Vojvodinian Ruthenians relies on the full implementation of the novel legal provisions.

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A multicultural curriculum decreases stereotypes, prejudice, and bigotry from preschool to higher education through providing a sense of being inclusive history, science, etc. Finally, in her article Metalanguage in Multilingualism, Sonja HORNJAK approaches the use of metalanguage. The author focuses on analysis of the use of metalanguage in studies on multilingualism and underlines the classification and representation of such terminology. It is claimed that metalanguage is expanding and becoming richer in response to changing social circumstances and the study of metalanguage, is extremely beneficial, not only for linguistics, but also society. Hasan ARSLAN

CHAPTER ONE FOUNDATION OF MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION

BI-, CROSS-, INTER-, MULTI-, PLURI-, OR TRANS-CULTURAL EDUCATION? GEORGETA RAğĂ

Introduction Since its first conceptualisations in the 1960s, multicultural education has been re-conceptualised, re-focused, and transformed. Moreover, the concepts of bicultural education, cross-cultural education, intercultural education, multicultural education, pluri-cultural education, and trans-cultural education – apparently all synonyms of multicultural education – have been used frequently (some of them interchangeably) and can be found in books, documents, and school laws all over the world. Yet, it has emerged from numerous studies that there is an on-going failure to provide a clear semantic definition or a distinct epistemological foundation for these concepts. The basic principles of such types of “education” are very often misunderstood or are scarcely known or heeded among teachers and those responsible for school politics. In view of this situation, it seems both appropriate and necessary to provide short semantic clarifications of the concepts as well as more specific definitions of multicultural education based on research and literature. Semantic clarifications and specific definitions of the concepts above are provided in a wider linguistic context in an attempt to better illustrate the differences between language dictionaries, on the one hand, and literature, on the other hand, where certain terms are used in an improper or unclear manner – a source of reinforcement of prejudices and stereotypes in education. Thus, we have also analysed the meaning of bicultural, cross-cultural, intercultural, multicultural, pluricultural and transcultural and of the nouns corresponding to them: biculturalism, cross-culturality, biculturalism, multiculturalism, pluriculturalism and transculturalism   

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Bi-, Cross-, Inter-, Multi-, Pluri- or Trans-Cultural Education?

Bicultural, Biculturalism, Bicultural Education The word bicultural “of, relating to, or including two distinct cultures” (http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/bicultural) was first used in 1940. It occurs in a number of phrases such as bicultural child / education / identity / mama / programme / support. One is not necessarily a bicultural if he/she is a bilingual (“using or able to use two languages especially with equal fluency; of or relating to bilingual education”). (http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/bilingual) There is a clear distinction in literature between monocultural bilinguals (people that live in a country and speak their mother-tongue and a foreign language), bicultural monolinguals (people that immigrate to an English-speaking country as adults but do not speak English) and bicultural bilinguals (people that immigrate to an English-speaking country in their teens and speak English). (Marian & Kaushanskaya 2005: 1484) According to LaFromboise, Coleman & Gerton 1993 (in Ramírez-Esparza et al. 2009: 100), though, bilinguals tend to be bicultural, i.e. individuals who have two internalized cultures that can guide their feelings, thoughts, and actions. (ibidem) Being bicultural also involves becoming part of the host society. (Phinney et al. 2001: 506) According to Fries (http://www.tesolfrance.org/articles/fries.pdf), when applied to an individual, bicultural suggests mixing or multiplicity, the ability to function in at least two different groups. Biculturalism, defined as “the presence of two different cultures in the same country or region,” appeared in the middle of the 1950s. (http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/biculturalism) It can occur in both bicultural and multicultural societies (Chen, Benet-Martínez & Bond 2008), and is the first step towards multiculturalism. Biculturalism and multiculturalism should not be understood as synonyms. For Ozturgut (2006: 3), in the USA, in areas with bicultural population, “Advocating for Multicultural Education, as it is defined and practiced today in U.S. schools, whether K-12 or higher, has become a shallow application of a bicultural education.” There is no biculturalism without bilingualism. (Padilla, Fairchild & Valadez 1990) Biculturalism is fostered by bicultural education. (Gibson 1984: 107) Another term for biculturalism is biculturation. (ibidem) Bicultural education is “a strategy for providing instruction in two cultures”. (ibidem: 108) Bicultural education is seen as a synonym of bilingual education (ibidem: 95, 107), for whom “the purpose of multicultural (or bicultural) education is to produce learners who have competencies in and can operate successfully in two different cultures.”

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Cross-cultural, Cross-culturality, Cross-cultural Education The word cross-cultural, first attested about the same time as bicultural (1942), means “pertaining to the identification and analysis of distinct features of human behaviour in different cultural, geographic, and social settings” (http://medical-dictionary.thefreedictionary.com/Crossculturalism), “dealing with or offering comparison between two or more different cultures or cultural areas” (http://www.merriamwebster.com/dictionary/ crosscultural), “(Sociology) involving or bridging the differences between cultures”. (http://www.thefreedictionary.com/Cross-cultural) To see how important it has become, suffices to read the following list of occurrences of crosscultural: cross-cultural adaptability / alcoholism / analysis / attitude / communication / competence / counselling / definition / difference / discussion / element / encyclopaedia / influence / institute / inventory / issue / leadership / management / meaning / objective / partner / poetics / psychiatry / psychology / research / sample / selling / solution / study / subject / supervision / survey / topic / transition. Intercultural and transcultural are sometimes substituted for cross-cultural. (http://medical -dictionary.thefreedictionary.com/Cross-cultural) For Hamilo÷lu & Mendi (2010), cross-cultural and intercultural are interchangeable. Fries (http://www.tesol-france.org/articles/fries.pdf) distinguishes between cross-cultural “something which covers more than one culture [in a non-interactional way]” (e.g., a cross-cultural study of education in Western Europe, which compares aspects of education in various countries separately, without any interaction between the various educational systems) and intercultural “something which covers more than one culture [in an interactional way]” (e.g., a cross-cultural study of the experiences of students / teachers who move from one educational system to another). The corresponding noun is cross-culturality, understood as “a process which aims at transcending cultural differences which give rise to obstacles impeding communication. [It is] a process whose purpose is to capitalize on these differences, thus generating mutual enrichment”. (Why Cross-culturality?) The first definition of cross-cultural education is, to our knowledge, the one given by Smith (1956, in Métraux 1956: 578) almost 60 years ago. For him, cross-cultural education is “the reciprocal process of learning and adjustment that occurs when individuals sojourn for educational purposes in a society that is culturally foreign to them, normally returning

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Bi-, Cross-, Inter-, Multi-, Pluri- or Trans-Cultural Education?

to their own society after a limited period. At the societal level, it is a process of cultural diffusion and change, involving temporary ‘exchange of persons’ for training and experience.” Nowadays, this type of education is labelled “educational travel”. (Bodger, Bodger & Frost 2010)

Intercultural, Interculturality, Intercultural Education The word intercultural “of, relating to, involving, or representing different cultures” (http://www.thefreedictionary.com/intercultural), “between or among people of different cultures” (Webster’s New World College Dictionary), “something that occurs between people of different cultures including different religious groups or people of different national origins” (http://www.yourdictionary.com/intercultural) was first attested in the middle of the 1930s. It occurs in a wide range of collocations: intercultural centre / communication / competence / conflict / connection / consciousness / contact / definition / dialogue / education / encounter / exchange / experience / festival / institute / inventory / learning / marriage / negotiation / network / programme / relation / resource / service / skill / society / study / training. Intercultural and cross-cultural should not be used interchangeably. (see the explanation above under Cross-cultural, Cross-culturalism, Cross-cultural Education) The word interculturalism “a government policy regarding the relationship between a cultural majority and cultural minorities, which emphasizes integration by exchange and interaction” (http://www. duhaime.org/LegalDictionary/I/Interculturalism.aspx) does not belong to the biculturalism, multiculturalism, pluriculturalism and transculturalism series. It is supplanted by interculturality “the encounter between hegemonic and non-dominant cultures as well as frictions, overlapping, interdependencies, potentials for conflict and mutual interference caused by this”. (http://www.lbs.ac.at/academicprograms/research-development/ working-definition-of-interculturality) The notion of interculturality, which underscores the conflictual encounter of divergent culture-based ideas and patterns of behaviour, should be clearly distinguished from multiculturalism (and its political and legal claims of separate cultures which exist side-by-side) and from transculturality (and its emphasis on transcultural fusions and hybrid forms). One of the ways to reach interculturality is through language teaching. (Trujillo Sáez 2002) The Council of Europe has defined intercultural education in terms of “reciprocity”. (Rey 2006, in Portera 2008: 483) Intercultural education is about “developing an understanding of and valuing others

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and […] understanding of and valuing self”. (http://ve.ese.ipcb.pt/index. php?option=com_content&task=view&id=34) Intercultural education and multicultural education are not synonymous: “Multicultural education uses learning about other cultures in order to produce acceptance, or at least tolerance, of these cultures. Intercultural Education aims to go beyond passive coexistence, to achieve a developing and sustainable way of living together in multicultural societies through the creation of understanding of, respect for and dialogue between the different cultural groups.” (UNESCO Guidelines on Cultural Education: 18) Portera (2008: 481) also distinguishes between intercultural education, on the one hand, and multicultural education and transcultural education, on the other hand. In many areas of the world, intercultural education is identified with bicultural education: in Peru, for instance, they have implemented bilingual intercultural programmes as an alternative to the hegemonic model of schooling promoted by the evangelic North-American missionaries with the complicity of the Peruvian state. (Gashe 1998, in Akkari 1998: 106)

Multicultural, Multiculturalism, Multicultural Education Multicultural, a term first attested in 1941, is defined as “relating to or containing several cultural or ethnic groups within a society” (http:// oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/multicultural), “of, relating to, or including several cultures; of or relating to a social or educational theory that encourages interest in many cultures within a society rather than in only a mainstream culture” and “(Sociology) consisting of, relating to, or designed for the cultures of several different races”. (http:// www.thefreedictionary.com/multicultural) The term occurs in a number of phrases, among which multicultural advocate / apparition / area / association / awareness / career / centre / coalition / committee / community / consortium / cookbook / council / counselling / diversity / education / literacy / literature / menu / programme / resource / society / team / workforce. Multiculturalism, attested at the beginnings of the 1960s, is defined as “the state or condition of being multicultural; the policy of maintaining a diversity of ethnic cultures within a community,” “the state or condition of being multicultural; the preservation of different cultures or cultural identities within a unified society, as a state or nation,” “the view that the various cultures in a society merit equal respect and scholarly interest” (http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/multiculturalism), “a philosophy that appreciates ethnic diversity within a society and that encourages

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Bi-, Cross-, Inter-, Multi-, Pluri- or Trans-Cultural Education?

people to learn from the contributions of those of diverse ethnic backgrounds”. (http://www.citizenwarrior.com/2008/09/definition-ofmulti culturalism.html) The National Association for Multicultural Education defines multicultural education as “a philosophical concept built on the ideals of freedom, justice, equality, equity, and human dignity as acknowledged in various documents, such as the U.S. Declaration of Independence, constitutions of South Africa and the United States, and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights adopted by the United Nations”. (http://www.nameorg.org/resolutions/definition.html) For Gibson (1984, 111), multicultural education is “a normal human experience.” For Nieto (1996, in Scherba de Valenzuela 2002), multicultural education is antiracist, basic, important for all students, pervasive, education for social justice, a process, and a critical pedagogy. Gay (1994: 3) claims that multicultural education means “learning about, preparing for, and celebrating cultural diversity, or learning to be bicultural.” For other authors, multicultural education is “a vehicle for people who have different value systems, customs, and communication styles to discover ways to respectfully and effectively share resources, talents and ideas”. (Meier 2007) Portera (2008: 485), multicultural education is a synonym for multiculturalism: “Educational intervention, defined as multiculturalism, multicultural education or multicultural pedagogy, works from the de facto situation of the presence of two or more cultures, and aims at the recognition of commonalities and differences.” Maybe the most comprehensive definition of multicultural education is the one given by Banks (2010: 20), for whom it is “a broad concept with several different and important dimensions [...]: (1) content integration, (2) the knowledge construction process, (3) prejudice reduction, (4) an equity pedagogy, and (5) an empowering school culture and social structure.” Gorski (2010) focuses on the third dimension of Bank’s definition, claiming that multicultural education is “a progressive approach for transforming education that holistically critiques and responds to discriminatory policies and practices in education.”

Pluricultural, Pluriculturalism, Pluricultural Education Trujillo Sáez (http://www.ugr.es/~ftsaez/aspectos/LEA.pdf) claims that pluricultural is a synonym for multicultural, and that one can become pluricultural through language learning. The term appears in pluricultural awareness / competence / Europe / identity / nation / people.

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Pluriculturalism is defined as “an approach to the self and others as complex rich beings which act and react from the perspective of multiple identifications”. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pluriculturalism) According to Coste, Moore & Zarate (2009: 20), pluriculturalism is to be distinguished from multiculturalism. Portera (2008: 485) considers that pluricultural education is a synonym for multicultural education. Santos (2012) suggests that pluricultural education in a cultural context such as that of Bolivia should rely on contextualisation of the English language (that focuses on known and familiar situation where learners see the useful sense of the language for real communicative purposes), a principle that favours the national pluricultural education and makes the students learn English with a practical sense.

Transcultural, Transculturalism, Transcultural Education Transcultural, a term first attested in 1951, is defined as “relating to or involving more than one culture; cross-cultural” (http://oxforddictionaries. com/definition/english/transcultural), as “involving, encompassing, or extending across two or more cultures” (http://www.merriam-webster. com/dictionary/transcultural), and as “extending through all human cultures”. (http://www.thefreedictionary.com/transcultural) It occurs in a number of phrases such as transcultural association / centre / character / communication / competence / dialogue / dimension / diversity / dynamics / element / encyclopaedia / English / ideal / image / medicine / nurse / nursing / psychiatry / relationship / subject / subjectivity / tool. Transculturalism was first defined by Fernando Ortiz in 1940 as “a synthesis of two phases occurring simultaneously, one being a deculturalization of the past with a métissage with the present [and the other one] the meeting and the intermingling of the different peoples and cultures”. (Cuccioletta 2002: 8) Tassinari (ibidem) defines transculturalism as “a new form of humanism, based on the idea of relinquishing the strong traditional identities and cultures which in many cases were products of imperialistic empires, interspersed with dogmatic religious values.” He claims that “Contrary to multiculturalism, which most experiences have shown re-enforces boundaries based on past cultural heritages, transculturalism is based on the breaking down of boundaries.” Cuccioletta (idem: 1) defines transculturalism as “seeing oneself in the other” and advances another synonym for transculturalism in his approach of the relationship between interculturality, multiculturality and transculturalism, concluding that “The policy of

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Bi-, Cross-, Inter-, Multi-, Pluri- or Trans-Cultural Education?

multiculturalism [...] has created borders and boundaries, while social multiculturalism or transculturalism left to a conscious ebb and flow of interculturality, emanating from the grass roots and not imposed and defined by government, projects this vision.” (idem: 9) For Lewis (2002), transculturalism means “integration of a political aesthetics with a cultural civics.” Slimbach (2005: 206) claims “Transculturalism is rooted in the quest to define shared interests and common values across cultural and national borders.” Transculturation or transculturism means “cultural change induced by introduction of elements of a foreign culture,” “(Sociology) the introduction of foreign elements into an established culture”. (http://www.thefreedictionary.com/transculturation) According to Pratt (1992: 6), ethnographers use the term transculturation “to describe how subordinated or marginal groups select and invent from materials transmitted to them by a dominant or metropolitan culture.” According to Portera (2008: 484), the concept of transcultural education “refers to something that pervades culture (as in the fields of cross-cultural psychology or trans-cultural psychiatry).”

Conclusions The six types of education above have been defined in the following terms: bicultural education is a strategy for providing instruction in two cultures (Gibson 1984); cross-cultural education is a reciprocal process of learning and adjusting in a cross-cultural context (Smith 1956); intercultural education is also about reciprocity (Rey 2006); multicultural education is a philosophical concept (http://www.nameorg. org/resolutions/definition.html), a human experience (Gibson 1984), a process and a pedagogy (Nieto 1996), a process of learning (Gay 1994), a vehicle (Meier 2007), a concept (Banks 2010), an educational approach. (Gorski 2010) Pluricultural education and transcultural education are not clearly defined. The authors cited above fail to provide a clear semantic definition or a distinct epistemological foundation for these concepts. Thus, on the one hand, bicultural education is considered a synonym for both intercultural education (Gashe 1998) and multicultural education (Gay 1994), while pluricultural education is considered a synonym for multicultural education (Portera 2008); on the other hand, intercultural education is considered an antonym of multicultural education because of the difference in character between the two – active vs. passive. (UNESCO Guidelines on Cultural Education) We could not find two identical definitions of multicultural education either, except for dictionary ones. In time, educators have tried

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to make this concept fit their particular focus, seeing multicultural education as: - a classroom climate issue or teaching style that serves certain groups while presenting barriers for others; - a shift in curriculum (e.g., adding new, diverse materials and perspectives to be more inclusive of traditionally under-represented groups); - an education change as part of a larger societal change in which we explore and criticize the oppressive foundations of society (capitalism, exploitation, socio-economic situations, white supremacy, etc.) and how education serves to maintain the status quo; - an institutional and systemic issue (e.g., funding discrepancies, standardized testing, tracking, etc.). The choice of the focus in a multicultural education approach (age, class, culture, ethnicity, exceptionality, gender, historical truth, language, race, religion, sexual orientation, and social class) depends on language, sociopolitical context (school policies, school type), teacher expectations, and teacher preparation. Instead of suggesting our own definition of multicultural education, we would like to quote Banks (2010: 3) for whom “Multicultural education is at least three things: an idea or concept, an educational reform movement, and a process.”

References Akkari, A. (1998). Bilingual Education: Beyond Linguistic Instrumentalization. Bilingual Research Journal 22 (2, 3, & 4): 103125. Banks, J. A. (2010). Multicultural Education: Characteristics and Goals. In J. A. Banks & Cherry A. McGee Banks (Eds.), Multicultural Education: Issues and Perspectives. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. 3-32. Bicultural. Online: http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/bicultural. Biculturalism. Online: http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/biculturalism. Bilingual. Online: http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/bilingual. Bodger, D. H., Bodger, P. M. & Frost, H. (2010). Educational Travel – where does it lead? Online: http://www.docstoc.com/docs/24020811/Educational-Travel---wheredoes-it-lead#.

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Chen, Sylvia Xiaohua, Benet-Martínez, Verónica & Bond, M. H. (2008). Bicultural Identity, Bilingualism, and Psychological Adjustment in Multicultural Societies: Immigration-Based and Globalization-Based Acculturation. Journal of Personality 76 (4): 803-838. Coste, D., Moore, Danièle & Zarate, Geneviève. (2009). Plurilingual and Pluricultural Competence. Strasbourg: Council of Europe, Language Policy Division. Cross-cultural. Online: http://medical-dictionary.thefreedictionary.com/Cross-cultural. Cross-cultural. Online: http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/crosscultural. Cross-cultural. Online: http://www.thefreedictionary.com/Cross-cultural. Cuccioletta, D. (2002). Multiculturalism or Transculturalism: Towards a Cosmopolitan Citizenship. London Journal of Canadian Studies 17: 111. Fries, Susan. Cultural, Multicultural, Cross-cultural, Intercultural: A Moderator’s Proposal. Online: http://www.tesol-france.org/articles/fries.pdf. Gay, Geneva. (1994). A Synthesis of Scholarship in Multicultural Education. Medford, MA: North Central Regional Educational Laboratory. Gibson, Margaret Alison. (1984). Approaches to Multicultural Education in the United States: Some Concepts and Assumptions. Anthropology & Education Quarterly 15 (1): 94-120. Gorski, P. C. (2010). Critical Multicultural Pavilion: Working Definition. Online: http://www.edchange.org/multicultural/initial.html. Hamilo÷lu, Kamile & Mendi, B. (2010). A content analysis related to the cross-cultural/intercultural elements used in EFL course books. SinoUS English Teaching 7 (1): 16-24. Intercultural Education. Online: http://ve.ese.ipcb.pt/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=3 4. Intercultural. Online: http://www.thefreedictionary.com/intercultural. Intercultural. Online: http://www.yourdictionary.com/intercultural. Interculturalism. Online: http://www.duhaime.org/LegalDictionary/I/Interculturalism.aspx. Interculturality. Online: http://www.lbs.ac.at/academic-programs/researchdevelopment/working-definition-of-interculturality. Lewis, J. (2002). From Culturalism to Transculturalism. Iowa Journal of Cultural Studies. Online: http://www.uiowa.edu/~ijcs/issueone/lewis.htm.

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Marian, Viorica & Kaushanskaya, Margarita. (2005). Autobiographical Memory and Language in Bicultural Bilinguals. In J. Cohen, Kara T. McAlister, Kellie Rolstad & J. MacSwan (Eds.), Proceedings of the 4th International Symposium on Bilingualism. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Press. 1478-1486. Meier, Amy L. (2007). Defining Multicultural Education. Reno, NV: University of Nevada. Métraux, G. S. (1956). Introduction: An Historical Approach. International Social Science Bulletin VIII (4): 577-584. Multicultural Education. Online: http://www.nameorg.org/resolutions/definition.html. Multicultural. Online: http://oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/multicultural. Multicultural. Online: http://www.thefreedictionary.com/multicultural. Multiculturalism. Online: http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/multiculturalism. Multiculturalism. Online: http://www.citizenwarrior.com/2008/09/definition-ofmulticulturalism.html. Ozturgut, O. (2006). Acknowledging the “I” in Multicultural Education. Essays in Education 18: 1-18. Padilla, A., Fairchild, H. & Valadez, Concepción. (Eds.) (1990). Advances in Language Education: Theory, Research, and Practice. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications Phinney, J. S., Horenczyk, G., Liebkind, Karmela & Vedder, P. (2001). Ethnic Identity, Immigration, and Well-Being: An Interactional Perspective. Journal of Social Issues 57 (3): 493-510. Pluriculturalism. Online: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pluriculturalism. Portera, A. (2008). Intercultural education in Europe: epistemological and semantic aspects. Intercultural Education 19 (6): 481-491. Pratt, Mary Louise. (1992). Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation. London – New York: Routledge. Ramírez-Esparza, N., Gosling, S. D., Benet-Martínez, Verónica, Potter, J. V. & Pennebaker, J. W. (2009). Do bilinguals have two personalities? A special case of cultural frame switching. Journal of Research in Personality 40: 99-120. Santos, A. A. (2012). “Contextualization”: a helpful didactic principle towards a pluricultural education. Online: http://www.eltcommunity.com/elt/docs/DOC-1842. Scherba de Valenzuela, Julia. Defining Multicultural Education. Online: http://www.unm.edu/~devalenz/handouts/nieto2.html.

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Slimbach, R. (2005). The Transcultural Journey. Frontiers: The Interdisciplinary Journal of Study Abroad. 205-230. Transcultural. Online: http://oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/transcultural. Transcultural. Online: http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/transcultural. Transcultural. Online: http://www.thefreedictionary.com/transcultural. Transculturation. Online: http://www.thefreedictionary.com/transculturation. Transculturism. Online: http://www.thefreedictionary.com/transculturation. Trujillo Sáez, F. (2002). Towards Interculturality through Language Teaching: Argumentative Discourse. Revista de Filología y su Didáctica 25: 103-119. Trujillo Sáez, F. Culture Awareness and the Development of the Pluricultural Competence. Online: http://www.ugr.es/~ftsaez/aspectos/LEA.pdf. UNESCO Guidelines on Cultural Education. (2006). Paris: UNESCO. Webster’s New World College Dictionary. (2010). Cleveland, OH: Wiley Publishing, Inc. Why Cross-culturality? Online: http://www.mondialink.com/GB/pdf/mondialink-why-crossculturality.pdf.

MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION: APPROACHES, DIMENSIONS AND PRINCIPLES HASAN ARSLAN

Multicultural education incorporates the idea that all students, regardless of their social class, race, ethnicity, religion or gender characteristics, should have an equal opportunity and freedom to learn. Schools should carefully examine the idea and teach their students all ideas, values, rituals, and ceremonies (Arslan 2009). Multicultural education is an equitable education for all students regardless of ethnic and cultural background or religious affiliation. From this perspective, multicultural education is implemented to enhance tolerance, respect, understanding, awareness, and acceptance of self and others in the diversity of their cultures (Irwin 2001). Multicultural education represents the ways in which we differ from each other, including ethnicity, race, religion and gender characteristics (Tileston 2004). Some of these differences are highly visible at one extreme while others are totally invisible at the other extreme. (Greene 2003) However, it does not make sense to focus on a visible site of differences. The key point is to understand and accept differences in students, be they visible or invisible. Culture is a particularly crucial element that provides a general design for living and patterns for interpreting reality, and it consists of behaviour, ideas, attitudes, habits, customs, beliefs, values, language, rituals, and ceremonies (Nobles 1993). Culture is a way of life that includes knowledge, belief, art, customs, and other capabilities and habits (Seckinger 1976). In any country, there are usually a number of communities or sub-societies that regard themselves as distinct, and these sub-societies develop certain values and practices, and so possess their own sub-culture. They may have professional, economic, geographical, political, religious, racial, ethnic, or language differences that form a particular background (Kneller 1971). People live in a more complex society in which diversities have to be together (Akyol 2006). Schools are thought to have an important function

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Multicultural Education: Approaches, Dimensions and Principles

in establishing social integration in the society, in perceiving the diversities as richness not the reason of separation, and in making this opinion prevalent in the society. The policy of multiculturalism helps teachers achieve harmony in the schools (Banks 2001a, English 2003). It is important for students to learn about different cultures, races, and religions and study different histories, languages, and modes of life. Students having different lifestyles and cultures have an opportunity to meet each other at the school, and they are affected by the others’ lifestyles and cultures. Multicultural curricula help students understand each other (Arslan 2009, Elrich 1994). Multicultural curricula provide a lens to understand their own culture and others and connect to a larger global community. It is important to teach multiculturalism at all school levels not only to understand their society but also the world cultures. Post-modern curricula are open and place a high value on human thought (Bruner 1986). Multicultural curricula require an understanding and recognition of the values of the diverse groups (Hodgkinson 2000), and the issue of “whose values” gains central significance posing challenges to leadership and wisdom. Riley et al. (1995) engage with the issue by discussing the extent to which the leader’s values and beliefs, the school’s values and beliefs and the community’s values and beliefs can be harmonized for effectiveness. To create a culturally sensitive education, educational policy must set goals for culturally diverse students. These goals for culturally diverse schools are to establish settings where all students are made to feel welcome, are engaged in learning and are included in the full range of activities, curricula, and services. Principals and teachers must work collaboratively with school staff members, parents, and the community to accomplish goals. The benefits of culturally diverse schools are numerous and include preventing academic failure and reducing dropout rates. At the end of multicultural education, academic success of culturally diverse students increases (Richards, Brown & Forde 2004). Multicultural curriculum should help students recognize and understand the values and experiences of one’s own ethnic cultural heritage, promote sensitivity to diverse ethnicities and cultures through exposure to other cultural perspectives, develop awareness and respect for the similarities and differences among the diverse groups, and identify, challenge and dispel ethnic/cultural stereotyping, prejudice, and discrimination in behaviour, textbooks and other instructional materials. The goals of multicultural education were defined by Gollnick & Chinn (1990): promote the strengths and value of cultural diversity,

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promote human rights and respect for those who are different from oneself, promote equity in the distribution of power and income among groups, promote social justice and equality for all people, and promote alternative life choices for people. However, Bennett (1995a: 17) claims the major goals of multicultural education are the development of the intellectual, social, and personal growth of all students to their highest potential and the elimination of stereotypes through the reduction of racism and bigotry. In addition to the above authors, Sleeter & Grant (1994) explain the goals of multicultural education: -

To acquire the skills, attitudes and knowledge necessary for increasing an individual’s ability to function effectively within a multicultural environment; To develop the ability for seeking information about the economic, political, and social factors of various cultures; To foster the affirmation of all cultures; To provide individuals with opportunities for experiencing other cultures and recognizing them as a source of learning and growth; To build an awareness of an individual’s cultural heritage that provides a basis for personal identity; To increase tolerance and acceptance of different values, attitudes, and behaviours.

Even if most policy makers and educators accept the importance of multicultural education, the implication of multicultural programmes has been problematic. The idea of multicultural education is to establish justice, equality, and freedom for every member of the society, regardless of ethnic, racial, religious, gender, language, and social class background (Sinagatullin 2003). The problem is how to implement these ideas in educational programmes and develop proper contents, approaches, dimensions, strategies and frames of multicultural education so that all students have equal opportunities to learn at school. Education systems should develop the fundamental humanistic characteristics and meet the demands of students regardless of ethnic or cultural backgrounds. The idea of multicultural education should be a continuing process and reform movement that all children have an equal chance to experience school success (Banks 2001a).

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Multicultural Education: Approaches, Dimensions and Principles

Need for Multicultural Education The number of migrant people increases in all countries. Arutunian, Drobidzeva & Susokolov (1999) state that demographic change affects student structure in classrooms and educational policy should include multicultural implications. There are three types of migration: (a) pendulum-like and seasonal, (b) vertical, and (c) external. Increasing polarization of human societies between the rich and the poor adds not only to economic but also religious, racial, ethnic, political, and sexual polarisation: these changing demographic factors need multicultural education to keep societies democratic, free and peaceful. Arutunian, Drobidzeva & Susokolov (ibidem) claim ethnocentrism is increasing and causes tensions and conflicts in societies. Increasing number of children with physical and mental disabilities need subsequent care and educational approaches in both mainstream and special classrooms. The rise of ethnocentrism and the growing number of children with disabilities make multicultural education necessary. Additionally, Baruth & Manning (1994) add four factors that affect the rise of multicultural education: -

Civil rights movement; A rise in ethnic consciousness; A more critical analysis of textbooks and other materials; Loss of belief in theories of cultural deprivation.

Characteristics of Multicultural Education Multicultural education has several characteristics that hold students together in the educational environment and empower peace and freedom in the society. Ovando (1998b) and Nieto (1996) describe several key characteristics of multicultural education in our society: -

Multicultural education is an ongoing and dynamic process; Multicultural education is critical pedagogy because both students and teachers involved in a multicultural teaching and learning process do not view knowledge as neutral and apolitical; Multicultural education is antiracist; Multicultural education is basic because, along with other disciplines, it represents an integral component of education; Multicultural education is pervasive in the overall schooling process; Multicultural education is vital for the majority and minority students; Multicultural education is aiming at school justice.

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Dimensions of Multicultural Education Banks (2001a) divides multicultural educations into five dimensions that can be used as a guide by teachers. Students can only share knowledge and values when the teachers apply certain techniques and methods that empower the academic achievements of students from different ethnic and social groups. The first dimension is content integration, which needs the infusion of ethnic and cultural content into the subject area instruction. However, it may not be necessary to integrate equally multicultural content in different subject areas. The inclusion of ethnic and cultural content may be easily applied to social studies. There may not be so many opportunities for mathematics and sciences. Content integration provides a better understanding of oneself and others, facilitating interactions between oneself and others. The knowledge construction is described as a second dimension by Banks (idem). This dimension helps learners understand and determine the influence of cultural assumptions, perspectives, and biases on the way knowledge is constructed within a subject area. Teachers may ask students some questions related to historical, religious, racial, ethnic, political and sexual perspectives in order to construct knowledge about multicultural ideas. The third dimension is prejudice reduction. Teachers are required to help students develop expected and tolerant attitudes to different ethnic, racial, religious, and cultural groups. As a result, students are expected to behave respecting each other both at school and out of school. If this dimension is neglected at school, some misunderstanding may happen among social groups in society. This dimension helps students develop positive feelings about various cultural groups through instructions that give positive images of ethnic people. Equity pedagogy, the fourth dimension, has some specific goals in facilitating and improving the academic achievement of students from different racial, cultural, gender, religious, and social class groups. This dimension insists on using a variety of teaching styles and approaches congruent with the learning styles of children from different ethnic, religious and cultural groups. Equity pedagogy is encouraged when teachers teach the learning styles of the various divergent groups and modify them to suit the cultural and social class groups of their students. Teachers should use a combination of a wide variety of teaching styles. The fifth dimension is empowering school culture, which include all members of the school staff. Creating or empowering school culture

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Multicultural Education: Approaches, Dimensions and Principles

cannot be the responsibility of the principal or teacher alone. A strong and multicultural school culture empowers students from diverse backgrounds and promotes gender, ethnic, religious, and social-class equity. To create and empower an expected school culture, the total school environment must be re-shaped. Empowerment is a process in which the culture of the school promotes equality for students from diverse groups. The procedure includes examining the teachers’ ethnic and racial attitudes and the influence of these attutides on the ethnic students’ academic performance. To implement multicultural education successfully in the school environment, one of the prime focuses should be on the school’s latent curriculum because it represents a powerful part of the school culture communicating the school’s attitudes toward a whole range of problems, including how the school views the students as human beings and its attitude toward males, females, and students from various ethnic, religious, cultural and racial groups (idem).

Multicultural Perspectives There are two main multicultural perspectives – vertical and horizontal: 1. Vertical Perspective: Multicultural education consists of several enlarging layers. A classroom can be seen as the bottom layer, a school can be seen as a larger layer and the country as an even larger layer. They are called “class layer,” “school layer,” “country layer,” etc. The multicultural goals of a particular layer may coincide with those of other layers in the hierarchy (Sinagatullin 2003). 2. Horizontal Perspective: Multicultural education may incorporate a single variable or a diversity of variables in a particular class, school, country or larger socio-geographical area. The general idea firmly remains intact: creating equal opportunities and quality education for all students. In one school, teachers may place greater emphasis on ethic issues, in another institution, on teaching children with alternative health, in still another school, on bilingual education. A rural school may be concerned with a problem of quality education and equal informational opportunities for all students (ibidem).

Approaches to Multicultural Education Banks (1997b) claims that educational equality is that ideal toward which people work but never attain, because, for instance, such categories as racism, sexism, and discrimination against people with disabilities will

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exist to a certain extent no matter how hard people work to do away with these problems. There are many interpretations of multicultural approaches in the literature. Banks (1997a, 1997b), Eldering (1996), and Sleeter & Grant (2001) examine multicultural approaches. Banks (1994) discusses about three major groups of approaches: curriculum reform, achievement, and intergroup education. Each group has different conceptions, strategies and paradigms. Curriculum reform has four sub-approaches: the contribution approach, the additive approach, the transformative approach, and the social action approach. The contribution approach is linked to the content of ethnic and cultural groups’ heroes, celebrations, and holidays. The additive approach presupposes an addition of cultural content and concepts to the curriculum without changing its basic purpose and structure. The transformative approach entails some changes in the curriculum to enable the students to view problems, events, and concepts from various cultural and ethnic perspectives. The social action approach enables learners to follow activities and take civic actions related to the concepts and issues they have studied. The second approach is the achievement approach, which aims at increasing the academic achievement of low-income and disabled students, as well as students of colour and women. Two conceptions are important in the achievement approach: cultural deprivation and cultural difference. The intergroup education approaches are related to fostering the development of students’ more positive attitudes toward people from different ethnic, cultural, religious and gender groups as well as toward their own group (McIntosh 2000). Nicholas (1999) categorizes multicultural approaches into two approaches quite different from Banks’ and Eldering’ perspectives – assimilationist and multicultural: -

-

Assimilationist Approach: In many societies, assimilationalists claim that education should help all students from various groups acquire knowledge, skills, and values that are needed to participate in the mainstream culture. They are not generally against integrating a multicultural content into the curriculum. However, they do not give support to construct an education grounded on an equal and unbiased basis for all ethnic, cultural, religious, and immigrant groups. Multicultural Approach: Education in an ethnically and culturally diverse society promotes cultural pluralism and social equality, and

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Multicultural Education: Approaches, Dimensions and Principles

that all students should have access to quality and equitable education and be able to function effectively in an independent world. Eldering (1996) claims there are two main approaches in multicultural education: a particularistic (ethnic and cultural groups) and a universalistic approach (all groups). According to the position of minority groups, multicultural education can follow the disadvantaged, enrichment, bicultural approach, or the collective equality approach. The disadvantaged approach focuses on students from various ethnic and cultural groups that have educational disadvantages even if the majority groups do not. This approach of multicultural education tries to remove these disadvantages. The second approach, the enrichment approach, is aimed at students from specific ethnic and cultural groups and is based on monocultural courses, which are designed to address the ethnic, religious, language, and cultural needs of ethnic and cultural groups. These courses are intended for all students, regardless of their ethnic and cultural background. Another approach is the collective equality approach, which focuses on the collective equality of groups rather than the equality of individuals. The collective equality approach has two sub-approaches. The first one focuses on the equal rights of the diverse ethnic and cultural groups in society. The second assumes to make the entire school system more multicultural (Griego-Jones 2001). Sleeter & Grant (2001) describe five approaches: -

Teaching the exceptional and culturally different; Human relations; Single-group studies; Multicultural education; Education that is multicultural and social reconstructionist.

The first approach, teaching the exceptional and culturally different, focuses on students in the existing social structure and culture. This approach takes exceptional or culturally different students by using strategies and culturally relevant materials according to students’ learning styles. The human relations approach focuses on assimilating individual students into the dominant verbal and practical activities of the classroom. The approach encourages instruction that insists on collaborative learning among students.

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The third approach is based on the separate teaching of knowledge about a particular group both to its members and to others. The multicultural education approach emphasises the promotion of social equality and cultural pluralism. Curriculum in this approach is organized around the contributions and perspectives of a certain group both to its members and to others. The final approach is the multicultural and social reconstructionalist approach that is based on promoting social and structural pluralism. This approach involves students’ active and democratic decision-making, prepares educators to make both formal and informal curricula developmentally appropriate and culturally authentic, and supports the idea that effective classroom management is based on teachers’ knowledge of self, students and their families, and communities (Koza 2001).

Multicultural Education and School Types Before examining possible multicultural strategies, approaches, and dimensions, it is reasonable to realize the school types in the school system because each school has different kinds of student structure that need various strategies and approaches. There are at least six types of institution: institutions with monoethnic (monolingual) student population, institutions with multiethnic (multilingual) learning groups, institutions for exceptional students and student with learning and behavioural problems, institutions for gifted students, urban and rural institutions, institutions with a bilingual-bicultural learning public (Fields 2010). 1. Institutions with monoethnic (monolingual) student population: These institutions may be located in ethnically and linguistically homogeneous societies. There are both talented and low-achievement students in the same classroom. Students may come from both wealthy and low-income families, from families with different religious beliefs, or they may be students with alternative behaviour and health issues. In these schools, there may be a dominant culture and students from minority cultures who do not possess the official or dominant language. Such schools may be located in both urban and rural areas. Schools with monoethnic curriculum present one way of perceiving, believing, behaving, and evaluating, and reinforce negative myths and stereotypes about minorities. 2. Institutions with multiethnic (multilingual) learning groups: This kind of schools may be located in ethnically heterogeneous nations and relatively homogenous nations. These institutions may have students

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Multicultural Education: Approaches, Dimensions and Principles

from different immigrant, achievement, social class, ethnic, culture, and religious groups. Such schools may be located in both urban and rural settings. These types of institutions are common in many societies. Institutions for exceptional students and students with learning and behavioural problems: There is a variety of special institutions ranging from schools for students suffering from learning disabilities and behavioural problems to institutions for the profoundly handicapped. These institutions generally have students from different ethnic, religious, language, and social class groups. Interaction between teacher and student relies on the principle of tolerance and mutual understanding. Institutions for gifted children: These schools have elite students with special cognitive and intellectual abilities. These students have high academic and creative performance. The idea is to use the intellectual potential of the students for the nation’s further progress. However, placing talented learners into elitist schools may violate the rules of educational and personal equality and equity. Urban and rural institutions: The location of schools has both advantages and disadvantages. The strategies of rural and urban education and rural and urban residents’ lifestyles vary more or less distinctly. Each school has its own school culture. Rural schools have various characteristics. These schools may have separate or joint functioning, staff issues, monocultural or multicultural enrolment, various curriculum content, settled-permanent or nomadic-mobile, mainland or island location. Institutions with a bilingual-bicultural learning public. These institutions exist in countries represented by the majority and minority segments of population and two or more ethnic groups whose languages have more or less equal status in the nation. Educational institutions with bilingual or bicultural student populations should encompass students from different social class, gender, religious, and academic achievement groups.

It is impossible to design an ideal multicultural approach capable of fitting each educational institution in all societies, even if some basic multicultural contents, approaches, and strategies may be relevant in all classrooms across all cultures. For this reason, the multicultural is categorized into two major approaches: particularistic and universalistic. The particularistic approach expects to meet the needs of all students and particularly those of a particular ethnic or cultural group. On the other

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hand, the universalistic approach aims at addressing members of all ethnic, linguistic, gender, and social class groups in a given academic group (classroom, school, etc.).

Teaching Strategies in a Multicultural Classroom The basic principle of multicultural teaching is to create a learning environment so that students from diverse cultural groups have an equal opportunity to learn. Multicultural literature shows that the students’ cultural background plays a crucial part in the learning process. Banks (1991) points to three kinds of knowledge necessary for teachers to be effective in the classroom: -

Social science knowledge about their societies and about the diverse cultural and ethnic groups that make them; Pedagogical knowledge that can help teachers make effective instructional decisions and become skilful in the classroom; Subject matter content knowledge.

Gay (2000) states that a culturally responsive pedagogy is critical in developing a curriculum since it emphasizes the needs of a multicultural and diverse group of students. Educational strategies enhance the learning process. Gay (ibidem) outlines culturally responsive teaching into characteristics: validating, transformative, empowering, comprehensive, multidimensional, and emancipatory. First, validating draws on the cultural knowledge, traditions, and styles of diverse students while affirming and extending their strengths and competencies. Second, culturally responsive education is transformative: implications rely on each student’s strengths and extend them further into the learning processes. Third, the culturally teaching process is empowering: teachers expect all students to succeed and develop structures that enhance the probability of student success. Fourth, culturally responsive teaching is comprehensive because teachers use cultural referents to impart knowledge. Fifth, multidimensional teaching can be taught through multiple perspectives. Finally, culturally responsive teaching is emancipatory: students are given the freedom to move beyond the traditional canons of knowledge and explore alternative perspectives. Jennings (1995: 171) advocates four kinds of multicultural classroom environments to develop a culturally responsive curriculum: -

Teach children to respect the cultures and values of others;

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Promote the development of a positive self-concept in those students who are most affected by racism, sexism, handicapism, or other prejudicial attitudes that tend to label students different from the norm; Help all students learn to function successfully in a multicultural, multiracial society; Encourage students to view people of diverse cultures as a unique part of a whole community.

Models of Multicultural Education Boyer & Baptiste Jr. (1996: 130-135) provide the following guidelines for the school environment toward multiculturalism to build a model of multicultural education: -

The official endorsement of multicultural transformation by school boards, curriculum councils, staff development centres, service centres, curriculum advisory groups, and others; The creation of a policy on diversity in the curriculum, clearly stated and submitted to any policy-making body; Suggestions for curriculum leadership whether it is through various committee, commission, or large group activities; Developing an understanding of multicultural curriculum development; Accepting the tenets of multicultural curriculum, assuring equity and social justice, and eliminating curriculum bias and instructional discrimination; Increasing ethnic and linguistic literacy by understanding how second language learning occurs; Analyzing societal institutions (e.g., how museums and galleries embrace diversity); Recognizing poverty and learning relationships, i.e. how impoverished learners approach the schooling experience; Understanding national programmes, resolutions, mandates, and official endorsements; Examining stereotypes and images; Activating demonstration lessons, learning from colleagues who are creative in integrating an ethnic content; Analyzing library holdings, collaborative efforts with teachers, librarians, parents, and community people; Employing current ethnic content; Reviewing the testing programmes;

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Reviewing the students activities programmes, how inclusiveness is handled; Examining school food services (Are cultural foods offered?); Assessing school social services (Does the school social service effort provide an understanding of cultural factors in service provision?); and Conducting a curriculum analysis (how direct instructional time, ethnic, racial, and linguistic groups are emphasised in the curriculum).

Banks & Banks (2010) provide a model of multicultural education. They describe four levels or approaches of multicultural education into the curriculum: -

-

-

The contribution approach is level one and it is the most used approach in multicultural education because it is easily practiced. A school initially attempts to integrate ethnic and multicultural content into an existing curriculum. The approach puts emphasis on heroes, holidays, and some discrete cultural elements in the curriculum. The use of culturally dominant characters is excluded from this perspective. The contribution approach is very easy for teachers to integrate in the curriculum with ethnic content. The addictive approach is supposed to add content, concept, themes, and perspectives to the curriculum without changing its basic structure, purposes, and characteristics. This approach is sometimes accomplished by the addition of a book, unit, or course to the curriculum. The approach is second level in implementing multicultural education in the curriculum. It allows teachers to add ethnic content into the curriculum without restructuring it. The approach includes ethnic content from the perspectives of mainstream historians, writers, artists, and scientists. The approach does not let the teachers help students understand that different cultural and ethnic groups often share different points of view about the same historical events. The addictive approach fails to help the students’ view of society from the perspective of a diverse culture. The transformation approach changes the basic assumptions of the curriculum and enables the students to view concepts, issues, themes, and problems from the perspective of diverse, ethnic, and cultural groups. The mainstream-centric perspective of the curriculum is only one of the perspectives from which issues, problems, and concepts are viewed. The approach uses the infusion of different perspectives,

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frames of references, and content from various groups. This approach presents a multiple acculturation perspective. The social action approach contains all the elements of the transformative approach. However, it adds components that require students to make a decision and take actions related to the concepts and issues studied in the course. The major purpose of this approach is to educate students for social criticism and social change and to teach them decision-making skills. In addition, this approach helps students acquire the knowledge, values, and skills they need to participate in social change without being victimized or ethnically excluded.

Multicultural Curriculum Students are to be taught in a manner that reflects their surroundings, personal experiences, and new learning experiences that integrate their social and economic awareness. For example, many textbooks and resources have been developed to enable educators to present a holistic overview of past, present and future life-learning events (Banks 2001). Regardless of the students’ cultural backgrounds, educators are expected to provide all students with the skills allowing them to learn from each other as well as the new concepts presented in class (Fields 2010). Nieto (2003) advocates a combination of theories and concepts such as integrated multicultural curriculum, professional multicultural preparation programmes for teachers and administrators, the monitoring and encouragement of student interaction, and consistent work within the guidelines of the school reform act will ultimately benefit all public school students. He also states that developing the curriculum to fit multicultural classrooms can help many students understand their diverse nature. Professional, multicultural programmes can make educators more aware of their cultural diversity.

Life-centred Curriculum Bandura (1997) describes life-centred curriculum as a positive means to teach students the life skills of social adjustment. Teachers learn through multicultural development programmes; all students are not equal; there is no single formula for teaching all students. In a life-centred perspective, curriculum is presented to students to enable them succeed in future educational opportunities in the school environment. Bandura argues that many skills are essential for students to become their own advocates as they venture through life. The skills and abilities to make decisions, set

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goals, organize time, and become responsible students in society are taught with important key concepts in life-centred roles throughout school. Teachers in multicultural development programmes learn that as students are provided with classroom and school responsibilities, such as helping in planning club activities and school events, having a voice in choosing new textbooks, and working on the school newspapers, they develop positive assertiveness and self-determination skills.

Implementing Multicultural Teaching According to Harrington (1994: 57), being multiculturally aware means being able to recognize, interpret, and understand the cultural fundamentals that contrast with one’s own behaviour, values, and beliefs. In other words, it is important for teachers to understand how their students live within their traditional upbringing. Multicultural development programmes are essential for the growth and competence of the classroom teacher. These programmes instruct teachers on how to recognize and teach ethnically and culturally diverse students. Teachers learn to use versatility in their teaching styles to develop classroom environments in which all students can learn (Nieto 2003, Sleeter 1996). Gorski (1997) states that teachers are the leaders of cultural diversity and multicultural education. Without having qualified teachers and multicultural curricula, it is impossible to be successful in classrooms. Gorski defines three major components to multiculturalism – curriculum, teacher, and student – and focuses on teacher development programmes that should use a curriculum that explores several ethnic groups and demonstrates real-life ethnical situations. Teachers should be trained in similar situations in their diversity programmes to gain first-hand experience of multiculturalism. The essential issues that should be addresses in multicultural development programmes include the following considerations (Fields 2010): -

Every teacher must have a clear understanding of his/her own attitudes and prejudices when dealing with any ethnic group; Available support groups must exist for teachers to learn about the multicultural issues they will face in their classrooms: to this end, it is important that each group be small but as diverse as possible; Additional training is a must for all teachers if they are to integrate new material on multiculturalism into their classrooms: confidence in answering students’ questions is a vital element in the programme;

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To be effective in the classroom, teachers should be dedicated to providing the best possible learning environments for all students.

Gorski (1997) argues that teachers should be taught that all students come to school with their own stories and levels of awareness. Students in a multicultural classroom need to understand and learn why they should respect each other’s values. All classes have rules that apply both inside and outside the classroom. All students must understand the applicable rules in a diverse classroom. Teachers are expected to work according to their expertise, understanding, outlooks, and beliefs in order to educate their students effectively about as many diverse cultures as possible. Teachers are not cut from the same mould: each has developed his/her own effective teaching techniques to communicate effectively with diverse co-teachers, administrators, and students. Multicultural education is a tool to empower all teachers to teach in a diverse classroom. Sleeter (2000) believes that, in order for multicultural students to achieve significant goals in life, teachers must be educated academically as well as worldly. Students will thus have the opportunity to understand their own diversity and use their diversity to strengthen themselves and those around them. Ladson-Billings (1994) identifies five areas that play an important role in the education of multiculturally diverse population: -

Teachers’ confidence in their students; Teacher training; Learning atmosphere; Classroom management; Curriculum objectives.

Banks (1994) proposes five dimensions of multicultural education: -

Integrating curriculum (cross curriculum teaching with a multicultural approach); Developing knowledge (teaching students about other cultures); Teaching cultural differences (teaching students to understand and respect others’ cultural, ethnic, and racial differences); Developing fairness in pedagogy (teaching about society, differences, and other cultures); Teaching culture and social structure.

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Conclusion Approaches, models, dimensions, levels and principles do not fully support major goals and principles of multicultural education. Teacher knowledge and reflection are very important considerations in designing and implementing multicultural courses. These courses change and transform knowledge. The students should be able to envisage just how issues of cultural diversity manifest in the classroom (Nord 2000). Some implementation of successful teaching strategies should be available for teaching in a diverse classroom. Teachers face some new challenges such as diverse population and school reform in the class setting. Changes in schools are major challenges for teachers. Multicultural education perspectives provide a system in which teachers can accept and affirm diversity (Bennett 2002). Multicultural education is designed to help the teachers process the concepts learned. Each teacher is required to teach a lesson in a classroom setting to a small diverse group of teachers. Teachers are expected to work within expertise, outlooks, beliefs and understanding in order to educate their students about as many diverse cultures as possible. Multicultural educational programmes have been approved by different national commissions on education. Multicultural classrooms are learner-centred and rely on teachers that know and attend to the knowledge, beliefs, skills and background that each student brings to the classroom. It is time to be empowered to teach all students regardless of their ethnical, cultural, racial, and religious backgrounds. Teachers should be aware of their own beliefs about the different issues of diversity and about how these beliefs affect their actions, behaviours and school achievements. They need to be advocates of equity in the classroom.

References Akyol, T. (2004). Shiis, Sunnites, Kurds. Online: www.ankarahaber.com. Arslan, H. (2009). Educational Policy vs. Culturally Sensitive Programs in Turkish Educational System. International Journal of Progressive Education 5 (2): 16. Arutunian, Y. V., L. M. Drobidzeva & A. A. Susokolov. (1999). Etnosotsiologiya [Ethnosociology]. Moscow: Aspent Press. Bandura, A. (1997). Self-efficacy: The Exercise of Control. New York, NY: W. H. Freman. Banks, J. A. & McGee Banks, Cherry A. (1997b). Reforming Schools in a Democratic Pluralistic Society. Educational Policy 11 (2): 183-193.

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Banks, J. (1994). Transforming the Mainstream Curriculum. Educational Leadership 51 (8): 4-9. —. (2001a.). Multicultural Education: Characteristics and Goals. In J. A. Banks & C. A. M. Banks (Eds.), Multicultural Education: Issues and Perspectives. New York, NY: John Wiley & Sons. 3-30. Banks, J. A. & McGee Banks, Cherry A. (2010). Multicultural Education Issues and Perspectives. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Baruth, L. G. & Manning, M. L. (1992). Multicultural Education of Children and Adolescents. Needham Heights, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Bennett, Christine I. (1995a). Comprehensive Multicultural Education Theory and Practice. Boston: Allyn & Bacon. Boyer, James B. & Baptiste, P. H. (1996). Transforming the Curriculum for Multicultural Understandings: A Practitioner’s Handbook. San Francisco, CA: Caddo Gap Press. Bruner, J. (1986). Actual Minds: Possible Worlds, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Eldering, L. (1996). Multiculturalism and Multicultural Education in an International Perspective. Anthropology and Education Quarterly 27 (3): 315-30. Elrich, M. (1994). The Stereotype Within. Educational Leadership 51 (8): 12-14. English, F. W. (2003). The Post Modern Challenge to the Theory and Practice of Educational Administration, Springfield: Charles C. Thomas. Fields, B. E. (2010). What is the Impact of Faculty Development Workshops in Multicultural Education for Teachers? Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation. Grant, C. A. & Gomez, M. L. (2001). Journeying Toward Multicultural and Social Reconstructionist Teaching and Teacher Education. In C. A. Grant & M. L. Gomez (Eds.), Campus and Classroom: Making Schooling Multicultural. Upper Saddle River, N. J.: Prentice Hall. 314. Gay, G. (2000). Culturally Responsive Teaching: Theory, Research and Practice. New York, NY: Teachers College Press. Gollnick, Donna M. & Chinn, P. C. (1990). Multicultural Education in a Pluralistic Society. New York, NY: Macmillan. Gorski, P. (1997). Initial Thoughts on Multicultural EducationMulticultural Pavilion. New York, NY: Macmillan. Greene, B. (2003). What Difference Does a Difference Make? Societal Privilege, Disadvantage, and Discord in Human Relationships. In J. D.

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Robinson & L. C. James (Eds.), Diversity in human interactions. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. 3-20. Griego-Jones, T. (2001). Reconstructing Bilingual Education from a Multicultural Perspective. In C. A. Grant & M. L. Gomez (Eds.), Campus and Classroom: Making Schooling Multicultural. Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Prentice Hall. 93-108. Harrington, H. (1995). Illuminating Belief About Diversity. Teacher and teacher education 46 (4): 276. Hodgkinson, H. (2000). Educational Demographics: What Teachers Should Know. Educational Leadership 58 (4): 6-11. Irvine, J. J. (2001). Culturally Responsive Teaching: Lesson Planning for Elementary and Middle Grades. New York, NY: McGraw Hill. Jennings, T. (1995). Developmental Psychology and the Preparation of Teachers Who Affirm Diversity: Strategies Promoting Critical Social Consciousness in Teacher Preparation Programs. Journal of Teacher Education 45 (3): 245-250. Koza, J. E. 2001. Multicultural Approaches to Music Education. In C. A. Grant & M. L. Gomez (Eds.), Campus and classroom: Making Schooling Multicultural. Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Prentice Hall. 239258. Kneller, G. F. (1971). Foundations of Education. New York, NY: John Wiley & Sons. Landsman, J. & Lewis, C. W. (2006). White Teachers, Diverse Classrooms. Sterling, VA: Stylus Publishing. McIntosh, P. (2000). Interactive Phases of Personal and Curricular Revision with Regard to Race. In G. Shin & P. Gorski (Eds.), Multicultural Resource Series: Professional Development for Educators. Washington, DC: National Education Association. 41-61. Nicholas, D. M. (1999). The Implementation of a Multicultural Strand in Selected Teacher Education Courses in a Monocultural Institution. Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation. Nieto, S. (1996). Affirming Diversity: The Sociocultural Context of Multicultural Education. New York, NY: Longman. —. (2003). What Keeps Teachers Going? New York, NY: Teachers College Press. Nobles, W. (1993). The Infusion of African and African American Content: A Question of Content and Intent. In S. L. Wyman (Ed.), How to Respond to Your Culturally Diverse Student Population. Alexandria, VA: Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development.

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Nord, W. A. 2000. Multiculturalism and religion. In C. J. Ovando & P. McLaren (Eds.), The Politics of Multiculturalism and Bilingual Education: Students and Teachers Caught in the Cross Fire. Boston, MA: McGraw-Hill Higher Education. 63-81. Ovando, C. J. & McLaren, P. (Eds.). (1998b). The Politics of Multiculturalism and Bilingual Education: Students and Teachers Caught in the Cross Fire. Boston, MA: McGraw-Hill Higher Education. Richards, B. & Ford, X. (2004). Responsive Pedagogy. Alexandria, VA: Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development. Riley, P. (1995). Gender, Culture and Organizational Change: Putting Theory into Practice. Thousand Oaks, CA: Corwin Press. Seckinger, D. S. (1976). Problems Approach to Foundations of Education. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Sinagatullin, I. M. (2003). Constructing Multicultural Education in a Diverse Society. Kent: Scarecrow Press Inc. Sleeter, C. E. & Grant, C. A. (1993). Making Choices for Multicultural Education: Five Approaches to Race, Class, And Gender. Columbus, OH: Merrill. Sleeter, C. (2000). Empowerment Through Multicultural Education: From Reproduction to Contestation of Social Inequality Through Schooling. New York, NY: State University of New York Press. Tileston, D. W. (2004). What Every Teacher Should Know About Diverse Learners. Thousand Oaks, CA: Corwin Press.

HISTORY OF NATIONAL AND ETHNIC MINORITIES IN THE CARPATHIAN BASIN: PRESENT-DAY CONCEPT AND STATE OF MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION IN HUNGARY AND THE NEIGHBOURING COUNTRIES EDIT RÓZSAVÖLGYI

Introduction In the present paper, we would like to examine how and why the actualization of the cosmopolitan model represented by the first Hungarians to live in the Carpathian Basin, according to which economic integration was the pillar on which the country’s existence rested and which was devoid of the fear of the other, and otherness, instead, enriched the country, changed over the course of history. Hungary’s first monarch, Saint Stephen (997-1038), set forth the following teachings to his son Prince Imre in his work Admonitiones ‘Admonitions’: “unius linguae uniusque moris regnum imbecille et fragile est.”1 Cohabitation with other ethnic groups was a natural part of the life of Hungarians and a continuation of the traditions of their nomadic migrations embarking from the east. However, when presenting arguments about the current situation, Ignác Romsics, an acknowledged academic of 20th century Hungarian history posits “From a nation and nationality viewpoint, Central and Central-Eastern Europe is comparable to an area littered with minefields where the explosion of one mine may trigger the explosion of another one, and even the entire region could be set aflame in the worst case scenario.”2 (Romsics 2005: 348)

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Our aim is to pursue how modern governments face the consequences of history and how they try and manage to resolve the huge amount of problems accumulated over the past centuries by means of a multicultural education policy. We posit that education has an enormously important role in developing a multicultural perspective in people, in whom discrimination and xenophobia are not present. This is not so easy to realise given the particular historical and political background of the Carpathian Basin. Cohabitation among two or more ethno-linguistic communities and the joint exercising of power within a given state is not impossible today either. However, this ideal state presupposes an understanding of the moral values of every ethnic community, the assurance of their future, as well as their unperturbed cultural reproduction.

Historical Background Hungary’s medieval history can shortly be summed up with the notion of congregatio populorum used generally during that era. Ever since its foundation, various ethnic groups arriving from both the west and the east found their place in the medieval Kingdom of Hungary in the form of regional political and economic units. They could preserve the use of their own language if local isolation and the introspective nature of their communities enabled them to do so. Ethnic and linguistic diversity was considered positive. The issue of nationality did not exist, nor did the modern concept of nationality. After 150 years of Turkish occupation (dating from the lost Battle of Mohacs to the liberation of Buda in 1686), spontaneous and organised settlement movements carried on feeding the migration of masses of people. Ethnic relations in the Carpathian Basin the way we know them today evolved during the 18th century. Connections and the mode of cohabitation between various nationalities were reminiscent of the medieval model, which perfectly suited the feudalistic national ideology, according to which the natio ‘nation’ incorporated the nobility, no matter which ethnic group it happened to belong to, and not the entire population of the country (Rózsavölgyi 2007). As a consequence of the Treaty of Carlowitz (1699) endorsing the expulsion of the Ottoman Turks, the entire area of Hungary and Transylvania was ceded to the Hapsburg Empire. The Hapsburg Monarchy was formed as an outcome of a long historical process, and was ethnically, linguistically and culturally such a heterogeneous empire that had never existed before in the history of Europe and has never occurred since. From 1288, its regional centre was gradually transferred from the west to the east, mainly after 1699, when a

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substantial ppart of the Hunngarian region ns was effectiively amalgam mated into the estates oof Hapsburg ruulers. Howeveer, Hungary neever integrated into the Monarchy aas strongly as the ruling fam mily would haave liked it to.. In 1867, a constitutioonal monarchhic union bettween the croowns of the Austrian Empire andd the Kingdoom of Hungary created the Austro-H Hungarian Monarchy or Austro-Huungarian Em mpire as a rresult of the AustroHungarian C Compromise. By the begin nning of the 20th century, the total area of the eestates integraated in this neew empire waas 676,000 km m2 (Figure 1-1), in whhich 51,000,0000 people beelonging to 112 nationalitiies3 lived around 19100 (Figure 1-2).

Source: http:///en.wikipedia.oorg/wiki/Austria-Hungary#Linnguistic_distribu ution Austria-Hungarry. Empire of Austria (Cisle ithania): 1. Bo ohemia, 2. Figure 1-1. A Bukovina, 3. Carinthia, 4. Carniola, 5. Dalmatia, D 6. G Galicia, 7. Küsttenland, 8. Lower Austriia, 9. Moravia,, 10. Salzburg,, 11. Silesia, 1 2. Styria, 13. Tyrol, 14. Upper Austriaa, 15. Vorarlberrg; Kingdom off Hungary (Trannsleithania): 16 6. Hungary proper 17. C Croatia-Slavoniaa; Austrian-Hun ngarian Condoominium: 18. Bosnia B and Herzegovina.

However, leet’s go back foor a moment to t the end of the 18th and beginning b th of the 19 ccentury. It wass during this period p that huuge changes to ook place

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in the Carpathian Basin, representing a rupture with the past. Conflicts broke out in a multiethnic Hungary between Hungarians and other ethnic groups as an outcome of the nation-building aspirations of Hungarian liberal nationalism.

Germans Hungarians Czechs Slovaks Poles Ukrainians Slovenes Croats, Serbs Romanians Italians Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Austria_Hungary_ethnic.svg. Figure 1-2. The ethnic groups of Austria-Hungary in 1910. Based on “Distribution of Races in Austria-Hungary” from the Historical Atlas by William R. Shepherd,

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1911, File: Austria_hungary_1911.jpg. The names of cities were changed to those in use since 1945.

Liberalism, which took to the stage in the 19th century, was accompanied by the emergence of the modern doctrine of nationalism and the concept of nation-state. We need to go back to the 1789 French Revolution to understand the concepts of “nation” and “nationalism” in the modern sense, which posited that every citizen of France belonged to the French nation and were, hence, equal legal residents. This represented a major shift from the medieval concept of natio, since it rejected the idea of a class-based society and introduced the concept that equal access must be ensured to political power for every member of the political unit. The nation became the foremost political playing ground of modernity, alongside the ideal of democracy and the concept of citizenship which became inseparable from the former. The significance of nationalism is embedded in the ideology that promotes the legitimisation of the modern nation. One of the most acknowledged researchers in this field, György Schöpflin, defined nationalism as “[...] a modern doctrine, which is used to justify the nation in its modern sense. It builds on the following main principles: the world is subdivided into nations and nations only; every individual is a member of a nation and one nation only; every nation has a unique past and future; in all probability, every nation can be linked to a specific area, which in given cases is symbolic.”4 (Schöpflin 2003: 10)

Therefore, the ideal of a bourgeois national state was born, which became a model for the peoples of Central-Eastern Europe by the time they began to evolve into civic nations. However, contrary to Western Europe, the state developed in a different context in Central and Eastern Europe, which can be attributable to the region’s deficient social structure. While, in the West, there were signs of the formation of civil society and the entire structure of social stratification (aristocracy, gentry, bourgeoisie, peasantry and an evolving proletariat) at the end of the 18th century, only the nobility and the peasantry, or even only the latter in some places, existed in the eastern regions of Europe. Peoples living in this area did not have their own state structure, since they lived in empires comprised of diverse nationalities at various levels of subordination. The historically formed political boundaries were not aligned to ethnic boundaries, nor did they form a homogeneous unit from a linguistic perspective. The bourgeoisie was weak because of their economic and social arrears. National evolution in the Central-Eastern European region engendered different changes to that of the classical French development path. Two

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main avenues of development can be differentiated. One is represented by ethnic groups with a broader social structure, having their own nobility and a feudal past (Hungarians, Croatians, Poles), whilst the other is characteristic of ethnic groups with lacking feudal social structure, not having their own leading class and feudal history. In the latter case, intellectuals played a key role in formulating national ideology and fostering national culture. They created myths because of their political shortcomings. They eagerly searched for true or assumed motifs in the past and present that strengthened their sense of national self-awareness. Research on the development of the consciousness of being a nation among the peoples of Central-Eastern Europe and comparison of national literatures dealing with this argument show that, at the beginning of the 19th century, the so-called national myths and legends had a strong intellectual influence. One of the most powerful myths examined which peoples were the first to occupy the Carpathian Basin and, consequently, who had more right to rule over the others. In other words, the question was who in the distant past had secured a dominating power in this region, who had a more ancient and profound culture and, therefore, the right to dominate. The Panslavic theory and the Daco-Romanian theory are examples for this. To use Dobossy László’s (1993) words, “I call intellectual constructs [...] that present and interpret a past situation, state or event, by embedding it in the illusions and dreams of the present disregarding the real circumstances of its formation, national myths [...]. In other words, they fail to present historical facts, but are, instead, aligned to present-day beliefs or possibly desires. The ultimate consequence of this is that ethnic groups living side by side and often even interknitted are given an ideology engendering suspicion, hatred and hostility.”5

These myths played an important role in Hungarian public opinion, too. The tragic events that unfolded over the course of Hungarian history (the Mongol invasion of Hungary in 1241 and the Turkish conquest during the 16th century), as a result of which the Hungarian population was decimated, offered a backdrop for theories6 that shed doubt on the Hungarians’ leading role as a nation in the Carpathian Basin, giving rise to the fear that Hungarians were doomed to die out, unless they made a monumental effort to avert this. This prevailing atmosphere of concern, associated with the worry that “the nation is decaying,” led to an allembracing awareness of national identity: there could only be one type of Hungarian, because this was the only way they could survive. This is why assimilation offered by 19th century liberalism was characterised by “the nation is one, Hungarians are united” (Rózsavölgyi 2003).

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As demonstrated above, ethnicity did not represent a serious problem before the modern era; assimilation was not on the agenda either, since the form of governance and administrative structure the monarchy represented was capable of controlling a mixed population in the given economic context, which was acceptable for the various ethnic groups. However, the different kind of state required greater consensus, which could be reached through ethnicity. This is why the state strongly promoted assimilation. The modern state needs to put in place a certain degree of ethnic homogeneity, which can be realised with the help of the education system (Schöpflin 2003). Therefore, animosity between Hungarians and nonHungarians ensues from the principle of the bourgeois state and the organisation of the modern order of work. Beyond the relative majority of the Hungarian population7, the way in which, besides Germans, Hungarians were at a more advanced level in terms of social development in relation to the rest of the ethnic groups, and particularly because of how the nobility, the best organised power of the Kingdom of Hungary in the era, was practically Hungarian (accounting for 80% of the natio) was what decided which ethnicity would become the state-forming nation in the Carpathian Basin. Due to the lack of bourgeoisie, this Hungarian nobility, more specifically, the Hungarian liberal reform opposition launched the fight for civic transformation and national independence against Hapsburg absolutism in the Carpathian Basin region. It made sense to them that the Hungarian language should consolidate the civic nation state within the boundaries of their historical state. The theory justifying the grounds of this aspiration was born in the 1840s, which, using modern terminology, we call “political nation.” According to this concept, language alone is not a sufficient nationcreating factor; only ethnic groups that had a continuous political élite representing some kind of historical consciousness and a continuous link with a state that had existed since the Middle Ages can aspire to become a nation. In other words, only Hungarians and, within certain limits, Croatians were entitled to claim a nation status in the Carpathian Basin. Consequently, Croatian liberals were recognised by the Hungarians as a nation, in the sense of a distinct nationality; however, the rest of the nationalities lacking historical feudal social structures were not. Politicians confronted serious contradictions on account of how many different ethnic groups lived within the boundaries of the Hapsburg Empire and in Hungary. If favouring one language (Hungarian, German) over the rest, the right of the other ethnic groups to use their own mother tongue would have been neglected. However, it would have been

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impossible for the modern state to function if the idea of a unified state idiom had been abandoned. With its complex institutions (railway, post, etc.), the new bourgeois state of the 19th century demanded monolingualism in the administration of a given region. At the same time, while linguistic consolidation is in the interest of state administration, fostering the native language benefits modern production, since the expertise needed can be perfectly acquired in the mother tongue. A dilemma arose as an outcome of the confrontation of the above interests: How well should non-Hungarian ethnic groups learn to speak Hungarian? What should the language of instruction be? From this point on, the nation issue coupled with that of the language caused serious problems for every Hungarian political trend. This was the first time in Hungary when the question of language was connected to human rights. At the beginning of the 19th century, the Hungarian nobility was aware of the fact that the Hungarians could be the leading nation within the boundaries of the state if Hungarian was designated the region’s native language. From this point on, the mother tongue served as proof of the national existence of a language community (Rózsavölgyi 2012). After the repression of the 1848-1849 Hungarian revolution and war of independence, the Hapsburgs deprived Hungary of political power and every legal form of expression of opinion. At the same time, they applied the principle of divide et impera ‘rule and divide’ to combat the linguistic separatism arising in several places, which reinforced ethnic animosity. The Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867, which led to the creation of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, guaranteed political consolidation in the Carpathian Basin up to the beginning of the 20th century. At the time, this was the only realistic political solution for every nation in the region. Hungary’s economy was booming. The peaceful era during the next five decades promoted entrepreneurship and lured capital from the west. The rapid pace of development and the strengthening of the economy reinforced aspirations of national independence. The Hungarian nation concept during the 1848 revolution and the reform age was rather based on a certain type of “acceptance” and not on force, although they undoubtedly counted on many people becoming Hungarian as a result of the civic progress programme and being educated in Hungarian. The 1848 revolution abolished feudal privileges and liberated the villeinage by individually giving everyone new civic rights, without distinction of nationality. The construction of the entire structure of civic nations could get underway. However, beyond the rights of the individual, the various national movements demanded collective

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recognition, as well as territorial and political entitlements later on. Since they were denied these, they set themselves against the new Hungarian state with increasing vehemence and related to the Hapsburgs. By the turn of the 20th century, Hungarian culture, economy and trade were practically unimaginable without the contribution of the other ethnic groups, especially Jews. The success of the Jewish people was frightening, as was the thought that Jews would become Hungarians if things continued this way. It was stated that Hungarian culture could not be learnt and that the Hungarian ethnic group and Hungarian culture had to be protected. So the process of integration, beside assimilation and dissimilation, could not be articulated because the Hungarian awareness of national identity did not accommodate this. To become integrative, it would have to get rid of being driven by fear, after which it could be acknowledged that there were many kinds of Hungarians and that this did not mean that the nation was decaying (Rózsavölgyi 2003). The Hungarian model of modernity failed in 1918, primarily because it was unable to tackle the multi-ethnic nature of the state. The modern state was incapable of assimilating the ethnic minorities as soon as they began to gain awareness of their own identity. The Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was dissolved by the Treaty of Trianon on June 4, 1920 as the conclusion of World War I. At that moment, a truly multi-ethnic state ceased to exist, and its various parts were divided among the newly-created nation states. As a consequence, Hungary became a more or less homogeneous country both from ethnic and religious perspectives; however, some 3.5 million Hungarians were placed under the jurisdiction of foreign governments in a new neighbouring state in the position of ethnic minority from one day to the next (Figure 1-3). The disintegration of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy led to the birth of several nation states and created the opportunity for societies of different ethnicity to provide multi-faceted native language education aligned to civic labour training demands and to fulfil their national aspirations. However, it dismantled the exchange system relying on the complementary areas of labour, expertise and of the economy. In place of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, four independent states emerged, namely, Austria, Hungary, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. Poland, Romania and Italy took their share from the former territories of the empire. Hungary lost 67% of its territory and 60% of its population. Since 1920, according to the rearrangement of the Central European region, Hungarians have been living in eight different states (Hungary, Slovakia,

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Ukraine, Romania, Serbia, Croatia, Slovenia, and Austria). About 30% of Hungarians inhabiting the Carpathian Basin have established themselves as a linguistic and ethnic minority and diaspora outside the borders of the majority nation, under the threat of losing their identity due to various forms of discrimination manifested at a social, economic and political level (Kollár 2010).

Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Austria-Hungary#Linguistic_distribution. Figure 1-3. The end of Austria-Hungary after the Trianon Treaty

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Consequently, the boundaries of the linguistic and the political community are not aligned in the case of the Hungarians even today. While, before 1920, approximately half of the population of the Kingdom of Hungary claimed that Hungarian was not their mother tongue, later on, approximately 1/3 of native Hungarians became foreign citizens residing outside the borders of the Hungarian state. During the implementation of the Paris peace treaties (1919-1920), the ethnic composition of the Carpathian Basin was not taken account of to the extent it could have been, which contributed to the outburst of World War II twenty years down the road (Romsics 2000). The typical language problems of the Hapsburg Empire and the Monarchy resurfaced in the new states; however, no solution was found. The situation became even more critical after World War II. In the socialist countries, internationalism and monocultural homogeneity, whether real or only apparent, were posited. In practice, this meant nationalism and the disappearance of ethnic conflicts for 40 years. Communism tried to disregard ethnicity and attempted to create a classbased identity superior to the nation. Ethnic minorities were subjected to hardship, which in turn strengthened distrust among ethnicities. Minorities were afraid of assimilation, whilst the majority felt frustrated, hence conserving the traditional intrinsic fear associated with the survival of the group, which is typical of eastern European ethnic groups in the modern era.

Multicultural Perspectives Hungarian foreign policy and geopolitical projection are based on three main commitments made after the political changes of 1989: (a) European integration; (b) cooperation with neighbouring countries; (c) safeguarding the interests of Hungarian minorities beyond Hungarian political borders. The Hungarian nation exists as a linguistic and cultural community of which Hungarians living beyond its borders are an integral part (Article D of the Basic Law). The education system also needs to respond to multi-ethnicity. As we mentioned above, education plays a key role in society: school reflects society and incorporates the impacts of economic, political and social changes, whilst governments use it, or may use it, as a means of actualizing their policies. The global phenomenon of multiculturalism has, over recent years, perceivably influenced education in Hungary. Multiculturalism and its ensuing education have a different meaning for the countries of Western Europe and those of Central and Eastern

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Europe. While, in the West, the task focuses on the issue of resolving the integration of migrant labourers in society and the field of instruction, the challenge in the East primarily relates to educating their own minorities, fostering their traditions and language and only focuses on processes facilitating the integration of immigrants to a lesser degree, since there are far fewer of them in these countries. This strongly correlates to the geopolitical context that has evolved in this region over the course of history, namely, the way in which the destiny of ethnic groups living in this area has always been closely interconnected with the fate of other ethnicities. National identity is historically determined in Central-Eastern Europe, contrary to regionalism characteristic of the West. While, in Western Europe, minority education focuses on fostering the language and traditions, the main goal in Central Europe relates to preserving and strengthening national identity. In Hungary, minority legislation introduced after the political changes of 1989 began to approach European standards. Today, legislation pertaining to minority education conforms to EU-level regulations. However, in the context of routine daily practice, basic rights are sometimes abused, most frequently, the ban on negative discrimination, which has been a basic constitutional right in Hungary ever since 1989 (Section 2 of Article XIV of the Basic Law of Hungary). In Hungary, multicultural education takes account of different demands, plural values formulated in a diverse society incorporating a range of cultures. In the narrower sense, this refers to issues associated with the situation and schooling of ethnic minorities. They can be grouped into the following three distinct categories: -

Autochthonous, historical minorities; Hungarian minorities across the border; Non-Hungarian refugees and migrants residing (temporarily) in Hungary.

Autochthonous, Historical Minorities Act LXXVII of 1993 regulates the rights of national and ethnic minorities (http://www.nek.gov.hu/data/files/156899249.pdf). Ministry of Education and Culture Decree 32/1997 (XI.5) sets forth the detailed series of directives concerning the principles of national and ethnic minority education. Point b) of the first paragraph of Article 48 of the Public Education Act also focuses on instruction of ethnic groups.

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In accordance with the first paragraph of Article 61 of Act LXXVII on the Rights of National and Ethnic Minorities, the following groups qualify as autochthonous historical minorities of Hungary: Bulgarian, Gypsy, Greek, Croatian, Polish, German, Armenian, Romanian, Ruthenian, Serbian, Slovak, Slovenian and Ukrainian. The expressions nemzeti kisebbség ‘national minority’ and etnikai kisebbség ‘ethnic minority’ are used as synonyms in the texts of legislation, whilst usually Gypsies are referred to as an ethnic group colloquially and in political dialogue and the rest are denoted as national minorities based on how the former have no motherland, whilst the latter do. Based on the data of the census of 2001, 4.34% of the population of Hungary belongs to one of the national and ethnic minorities listed in the Act. Only the German (1.18%) and the Roma (2.02%) exceed the 1% threshold (Tóth-Vékás 2001). The Roma population has a special status among the minorities. Based on research, their estimated number is 500,000-600,000 of the 10 million of inhabitants in Hungary. Their fate is intertwined with poverty, social exclusion, prejudice and problems manifested in the domain of education and employment. Ban on discrimination constitutes one of the basic principles of minority policy, more specifically education (Point 2 of Article XIV of the Basic Law of Hungary). Intolerance at school affects the Roma minority, which is why, over the past few years, the Government has taken measures and amended legislation to attempt to avoid the negative discrimination of them. Historical minorities in Hungary have the right to organise ethnic schools, classes and student groups, hence ensuring native language education from preschool through high school to higher education. However, the lack of teachers and financing prevents the attainment of these goals (Imre 2009). Positive discrimination is realised by supporting minority education institutions. The problems, needs of minority groups were neglected during the socialist era. They were either educated together with the majority within a context of full integration or were segregated and placed in special classes/schools at the periphery of society. The political changes induced shifts, drew attention to different needs and recognised that the integration of linguistic and ethnic minorities was in the interest of the majority society, too. Today, the concept of multiculturalism has been incorporated in basic teachers’ training. Annex 4 of Ministry of Education Decree

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15/2006 (IV.3) on Teacher Training prescribes that the teacher must be capable of representing multiculturalism oriented educational practice. Calls for applications announced within the framework of the National Development Plan promoted the dissemination of the concept of multiculturalism. Numerous good practices have since evolved in the field of multicultural education (Torgyik 2009). At the same time, there is still much work to be done in respect of the cultural heritage, language and identity of ethnic or national minorities living in the country to satisfy human rights commitments assumed by Hungary within the framework of universal, regional and bilateral agreements. The most pertinent problem is the absence of a stable, clearly structured implementation system. Requirements set out in international and bilateral commitments are not adjusted to national legislation on minority rights in respect of public administration competences. Therefore, for example, bilateral minority protection memorandums of understanding concluded with Ukraine, Croatia, Slovakia, Serbia-Montenegro, Romania and Slovenia have only partially been implemented and the Ombudsman for Minority Rights had to intervene by putting forth several proposals. Themes pertaining to education are continuously on the agenda. Most recommendations put forth are geared towards improving the quality of minority education, expanding the scope of bilingual and native language instruction, creating the professional conditions required for this (native language trainers, teaching material and textbooks) and ensuring financing for national minority education institutions catering for a limited number of students, with special regard to the stable functioning of bilingual and native language schools. The report issued in 2010 by the Parliamentary Commissioner for National and Ethnic Minority Rights on the assessment of the enforcement of minority cultural rights (http://www.kisebbsegiombudsman.hu/data /files/165788766.pdf) summarised shortcomings and put forth numerous recommendations, which, however, the Minister responsible for social policy did not accept in his response issued on 30 April 2010 (Tóth 2011).

Hungarian Minorities across the Border Demographic research commissioned in 2003 by the Government Office for Hungarian Minorities Abroad assessed the ethno-demographic status of the Hungarian population in the entire Carpathian Basin based on census data gathered in 2001-2002 (Gyurgyík 2005). We present the data regarding the Hungarian population in the Carpathian Basin in the following two tables broken down according to historical Hungarian

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regions (Table 1-1) and countries indicating the political affiliation of these regions (Table 1-2). Table 1-1. Hungarian population in the Carpathian Basin per region Country Slovakia Subcarpathia Transylvania Voivodina Croatia Mura region Burgenland Total

Hungarian population (N) 520,528 151,516 1,415,718 290,207 16,595 5,212 6,641 2,406,417

(%) 9.7 12.1 19.6 14.3 0.4 41.0 2.4 11.7

Table 1-2. Hungarian population in the Carpathian Basin per country Country Slovakia Ukraine Romania Serbia Croatia Slovenia Austria Total

Hungarian population (N) 520,528 156,600 1,431,807 293,299 16,595 6,243 40,583 2,465,655

(%) 9.7 0.3 6.6 3.9 0.4 0.3 0.5 2.5

The ratio of the Hungarian population in the Carpathian Basin beyond the borders of Hungary is declining. In overall terms, the population of Hungarian communities in regions inhabited by Hungarians annexed from the motherland in 1920 has decreased from 16.3% to 14.9% over the past 20 years. The ethnocratic minority policies of the neighbouring countries profoundly transformed the ethnic structure of the Carpathian Basin. The Hungarian ethnic character has been preserved beyond the Hungarian political border in Csallóköz (Žitný ostrov) and Mátyusföld (Matušova zem) in Slovakia; Beregszász District (Berehove) in Transcarpathia; the border region of Bihar (Bihor) and Szatmár (Satu Mare) counties in Romania; Székelyföld (Secuimea) situated far away from the Hungarian

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border in Transylvania (Romania); some northern and other districts by the Theiss in Voivodina. The majority of the Hungarian minority population now lives in the diaspora, which is a clear threat to their ethnic identity and culture. They struggle with severe handicaps in relation to the majority nations, especially in the field of tertiary education. They are in an increasingly worse position, and the system of education of Hungarian minorities in the Carpathian Basin will be less and less capable of offering modern alternatives to young people (Kollár 2010). In accordance with Article D of the Basic Law of Hungary, “Motivated by the ideal of a unified Hungarian nation, Hungary shall bear a sense of responsibility for the destiny of Hungarians living outside her borders, shall promote their survival and development, and will continue to support their efforts to preserve their Hungarian culture, and foster their cooperation with each other and Hungary.”8 (http://www.kormany.hu/download/0/d9/30000/Alapt%C3%B6rv%C3%A 9ny.pdf)

Caring for Hungarians with foreign citizenship could begin after the political changes of 1989. Act LXII of 2001 on Hungarians Living in Neighbouring Countries and connecting decrees lay down the legal framework for this. Two modes of promoting the education of Hungarians across the borders have evolved, namely: (a) they are entitled to study in Hungary and (b) Hungary supports schooling in Hungarian language in the neighbouring countries. In both cases, the intention of the Hungarian Government relates to strengthening the position of Hungarian intellectuals living beyond its borders in the countries of which they are citizens without encouraging their long-term migration to Hungary (Fleck 2004). Comprehensive assessments on results have not been compiled to date.

Non-Hungarian Refugees and Migrants Residing (Temporarily) in Hungary Migration to Hungary represented a new challenge for the Hungarian education system, since relevant experiences did not exist in this regard. Lack of professional expertise and financial problems reinforce intolerance, which is why it may occur that migrant children are exposed to similar discrimination to which Roma people are subjected. At the same time, we also have the opportunity to witness numerous good practices, which are primarily called to life by civil society organizations and

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associations. Regular cooperation with the non-profit sphere on behalf of the Government is still not in place; however, progress has been made in this area as well. Act XXXIX of 2001 and connecting decrees regulate the right of entry and stay of foreigners, as well as the placement, allocation of migrants approved refugee status. The public education act rules their instruction. From January 1, 2002, schools must enrol every migrant child residing in Hungary. Hungary is fundamentally a transit country, and the high rate of fluctuation causes difficulties for educational institutions. Problems arising in connection with migrant schooling can be deduced to the following three reasons: (a) the institutions admitting migrant children are not aware of relevant legislation; (b) the teachers lack the professional expertise to educate non-native students; (c) socio-cultural differences between Hungarians and migrants. The concise overview of minority education sheds light on how some of the numerous problems arising exist independent of the minority status and ensue from difficulties hampering Hungarian public education (such as financial obstacles, teachers being overloaded, the high number of students in a class, lack of equipment) and are only in part minorityspecific. The way in which the legislative framework has been put in place represents major progress in our opinion; however, there is still much work to be done in regard to transposing this into practice, as well as in the area of encouraging acceptance on behalf of the general public. A new approach, attitude needs to be introduced in society as a whole, which, instead of emphasizing otherness, shifts the focus to what can be learned from one another and how different cultures can complement one another. Serious legal abuses also occur, primarily to the disadvantage of the Roma minority; however, migrant children are also targeted. As regards historical minorities, there is little room for movement for making progress in respect of the enforcement of minority rights. Non-governmental organizations have neither been integrated in the decision-making process regarding minorities relating to education and other areas, nor in the implementation of the commitments, although major steps have been taken in this regard over recent years. At present, minority rights have become increasingly prioritised in many regards in society, taking into due consideration the complex nature of the composition of the population.

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Conclusion The demand for the acceptance of multiculturalism is growing in the Carpathian Basin in the 21st century, which is coupled by the number of rights guaranteed for minorities. However, their declining population reduces their power to enforce their interests and maintain their institutional system, which poses the threat of slow assimilation. Fears associated with the uncertainty of survival agonise every Central and Eastern European nation. They see a threat of their existence in their neighbours. The past appears sinister and the future potentially dark. This is why preserving and strengthening their ethnic identity is what is most important to them, which they try to attain by protecting their language. Protecting the language is the foremost obligation of every member of the cultural community and is more important than anything else. It is more important than human rights, democracy, the constitution or international treaties, since the language is the only tangible symbol of belonging somewhere offering some sort of security. During the course of its political activities, every community relies on its identity; however, this reference point is hidden under a civic mask. Language plays a pivotal role in the reproduction of hidden and camouflaged civic ethnic norms. Language carries cultural and political meta-messages. Every major European model of identity policy relied on the hegemony of the largest ethnic component within the state, which forced its own model on everyone else. The adaptation of this model in Central and Eastern Europe had tragic consequences for several reasons. Neither of the dominant ethnic groups demographically outnumbered the others, nor did they have an efficient state that could have successfully offered civic status in exchange for assimilation. The development of Central Europe differs from the model known in the West. Imported transformation initiatives propelling modernization gained ground in this region from the 16th century, which were basically responses to needs that arose elsewhere. This sort of subordination to an external political or cultural power is what is characteristic of the countries of the Carpathian Basin and which develops reactions coupled with dependence and self-pity. It is, by no means, simple or pleasant for a group of people to attempt to determine themselves from this weak position. They attempted to grasp cultural power, seeing they were in a weak position to gain control of political power. This is what came to form the basis of the ethnic determination of their nation, the Central European response to the challenges of the French Revolution.

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Major positive changes can nevertheless be observed over the past few years in the domain of inter-ethnic relations. Ethnic groups in a hegemonic status (Hungary, the Czech Republic and Slovenia) are willing to offer concessions to groups speaking other languages which, however does not mean that those in a minority position are offered the opportunity to reach civic status, which remains the exclusive privilege of the dominant groups. “Judging 10 years of postcommunist inter-ethnic relations necessarily depends on what we choose as a criterion of success. If stability is designated as this criterion, which can be measured on the grounds of the absence of aggression and decrease in tension, then, besides Yugoslavia, the results are good. However, if we apply a more complex, sophisticated criterion and also include the full attainment of civic status in the assessment, the picture is not as favourable. However, the West is just as responsible for these shortfalls as the postcommunist countries are, since the West stubbornly refused to understand the nature of multi-ethnicity and mixed it up with multiculturalism. According to the more rigorous criterion, this problem will only be resolved in the long run if Central and South-Eastern Europe creates its own modernity model and finds the means to integrate every ethnic group in the structures of democracy”9 (Schöpflin 2003: 158-159).

Notes 1. ‘A country with a single language and set of customs is weak and fallible…’ Admonitiones is the first book of the work Corpus Juris Hungarici published in 1207 and is also included in several medieval codexes. The following is considered its most authentic modern publication: Imre Szentpétery, 1938: Scriptores Rerum Hungaricarum II. Budapest, 619-627. 2. “Közép- és Kelet-Európa nemzeti-nemzetiségi szempontból ma egy olyan aláaknázott területhez hasonlítható, ahol az egyik akna felrobbanása elĘidézheti a másik robbanását, s legrosszabb esetben az egész térség lángba borulhat.” 3. 12 million Germans (24%), 10 million Hungarians (20%), 6.5 million Czechs (13%), 5 million Poles (10%), 4 million Ruthenians (8%), 3.2 million Romanians (6%), 7 million Yugoslavs (of which 5% Croatian, 4% Serb and 2% Slovenian), 2 million Slovaks (4%), 500,000-1,000,000 Bosnians (1-2%), 0.7 million Italians (1.5%) (Romsics 2005: 304). 4. “…olyan modern doktrína, melyet a – modern értelemben használt – nemzet igazolására használnak. LegfĘbb alaptételei a következĘk: a világ nemzetekre, és csakis nemzetekre oszlik; minden egyén egy nemzet tagja, és csakis egy nemzet tagja; minden nemzet egy csakis rá jellemzĘ múlttal és jövĘvel rendelkezik; valamint, minden valószínĦség szerint, minden nemzet egy bizonyos – adott esetben szimbolikus – területhez kapcsolható.”

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5. “[…] nemzeti mítosznak, […] azt a szellemi konstrukciót nevezem, amely egy múltbeli helyzetet, állapotot, eseményt úgy mutat be, s olyként értelmez, hogy a keletkezés valódi körülményeivel mit sem törĘdve a jelen ábrándjainak és álmainak ködébe burkolja... Vagyis: nem a múlt tényeit, hanem a jelen hiedelmeit, esetleg kívánalmait követi. Ennek pedig nem lehet más következménye, csak az, hogy az egymás mellett, sĘt gyakran egymásba fonódottan élĘ népekben ideológiai tápot kap a gyanakvás, a gyĦlölet, az ellenségeskedés.” 6. For example, in a historical-philosophical treatise of great importance, Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte der Menschheit (‘Ideas for the Philosophy of the History of Mankind’), between 1784-1791, Johann Gottfried von Herder writes about the Hungarians as follows: “In some centuries, it will not even be possible to discover the language of the Hungarians so few in number and wedged in among other peoples” (Dobossy 1993). 7. Although the Hungarian ethnic group was the relatively largest one in a country comprised of many nationalities, it (including Croatia and Transylvania) only represented 40% of the overall population (approximately 6 million of the total population of 14 million). Consequently, the Hungarians were effectively in minority in the civic nation in which every citizen of the country was a member with equal rights. 8. “Magyarország az egységes magyar nemzet összetartozását szem elĘtt tartva felelĘsséget visel a határain kívül élĘ magyarok sorsáért, elĘsegíti közösségeik fennmaradását és fejlĘdését, támogatja magyarságuk megĘrzésére irányuló törekvéseiket, egyéni és közösségi jogaik érvényesítését, közösségi önkormányzataik létrehozását, a szülĘföldön való boldogulásukat, valamint elĘmozdítja együttmĦködésüket egymással és Magyarországgal.” 9. “A posztkommunista etnikumközi viszonyok tíz évének megítélése szükségképpen függ attól, hogy mit választunk a siker kritériumának. Ha a kritérium a stabilitás, amelyet az erĘszak hiányában és a feszültségek csökkenésében mérhetünk, akkor a mérleg Jugoszláviát leszámítva nem rossz. Ha azonban igényesebb kritériumot alkalmazunk, és a megítélésbe bevonjuk a közpolgáriság teljes elérését, akkor már kedvezĘtlenebb a kép. Ám ezekért a hiányosságokért ugyanannyira felelĘsség terheli a Nyugatot, mint a posztkommunista országokat, minthogy a Nyugat makacsul félreértette a multietnicitás természetét, és összekeverte azt a multikulturalizmussal. Hosszabb távon a problémát a szigorúbb kritérium szerint csak az fogja orvosolni, ha Közép- és Délkelet-Európa kialakítja saját modernitásmintáját, és megtalálja a módját, hogyan integrálja az összes etnikai csoportot a demokrácia struktúráiba.”

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References Dobossy, L. (1993). A nemzettudatot torzító mítoszok [Myths Distorting the Consciousness of Nationality]. INFO-Társadalomtudomány 25 (INFO-Social Science): 47-54. Fleck, G. (2004). Report on Minority Schooling in Hungary. RAXEN_CC National Focal Point of the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia (EUMC), Minority Education RAXEN_CC National Focal Point Hungary, Institute of Ethnic and National Minority Studies of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Vienna, 30. Online: http://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/fra_uploads/274-EDU-Hungaryfinal.pdf. Gyurgyík, L. (2005). A határon túli magyarok számának alakulása az 1990-es években [Changes in the Hungarian Population Beyond the Border During the 1990s]. Magyar Tudomány 2: 132-150. Online: http://www.matud.iif.hu/05feb/03.html. Imre, Anna. (2009). Az idegennyelv-oktatás kiterjedésének hatása a nemzetiséginyelv-oktatásra [How the Expansion of Foreign Language Teaching Influences Education in Minority Languages]. Tudástár, Intézményi szintĦ folyamatok, Tartalmi változások a közoktatásban a 90-es években, Oktatáskutató- és FejlesztĘ Intézet. Online: http://www.ofi.hu/tudastar/tartalmi-valtozasok/idegennyelv-oktatas. Kollár, Andrea. (2010). I diritti linguistici delle minoranze ungheresi del bacino carpatico dopo il Trianon [Linguistic Rights of Hungarian Minorities in the Carpathian Basin After the Treaty of Trianon]. In Gizella Németh & A. Papo (Eds.), Il Trianon e la fine della grande Ungheria. Trieste: Luglio Editore. 133-140. Romsics, I. (2000). A nagyhatalmak és az Osztrák-Magyar Monarchia felbomlása [The Great Powers and the Disintegration of the AustroHungarian Monarchy]. Kisebbségkutatás 2. Online: http://www.hhrf.org/kisebbsegkutatas/kk_2000_02/cikk.php?id=242. —. (2005). Helyünk és sorsunk a Duna-medencében [Our Place and Destiny in the Danube Basin]. Budapest: Osiris Kiadó. Rózsavölgyi, Edit. (2003). The Holocaust in Hungary. Wiener elektronische Beiträge des Instituts für Finno-Ugristik 16. Online: http://webfu.univie.ac.at/themen.php?rid=2&nam=Kulturwissenschafte n. —. (2007). A nyelv szerepe a kultúra, a nép és a nemzet azonosságtudatának alakításában [The Role of the Language in the Formation of a Nation’s Cultural Identity]. In S. Maticsák et al. (Eds.),

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Nyelv, nemzet, identitás. Budapest-Debrecen: Magyarságtudományi Társaság. 125-139. Online: http://mek.oszk.hu/05100/05146/pdf/hunkong2006_1.pdf. —. (2012). La lingua e la letteratura ungheresi nella formazione dello stato nazionale ungherese ([The Role of Language and Literature in the Formation of the Hungarian Nation-State]. In I. Putzu & Gabriella Mazzon (Eds.), Lingue, letterature, nazioni. Centri e periferie tra Europa e Mediterraneo. Milano: Franco Angelli. 347-370. Schöpflin, G. (2003). A modern nemzet [The Modern Nation]. MáriabesenyĘ-GödöllĘ: Attraktor. Szarka, L. (1999). A közép-európai kisebbségek tipológiai besorolhatósága [Typological Arrangements of the Central European Minorities)]. Kisebbségkutatás 2. Online: http://www.hhrf.org/kisebbsegkutatas/kk_1999_02/cikk.php?id=57. Torgyik, Judit. (2009). Jó gyakorlatok a multikulturális nevelés körébĘl [Good Practices in the Field of Multicultural Education]. In E. Kállai & L. Kovács (Eds.), Megismerés és elfogadás. Pedagógiai kihívások és roma közösségek a 21. század iskolájában. Budapest: Nyitott KönyvmĦhely. 31-41. Tóth, Ágnes & Vékás, J. (2001). Nemzeti és etnikai kisebbségek Magyarországon (a 2001. évi népszámlási adatok rövid összefoglalása) [National and Ethnic Minorities in Hungary (overview of the census data gathered in 2001]. Ethnic and National Minority Research Institute, Centre for Social Sciences of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. Online: http://adatbank.transindex.ro/regio/kutatoioldalak/htmlk/pdf999.pdf. Tóth, Judit. (2011). A kisebbségek kulturális jogai Magyarországon a nemzetközi vállalások tükrében [Cultural Rights of Minorities in Hungary in the Light of International Commitments]. Kisebbségkutatás 1. Online: http://www.hhrf.org/kisebbsegkutatas/kk_2011_01/cikk.php?id=1939. Vágó, Irén & Vass, V. (2009). 5. Az oktatás tartalma [The Content of Education]. Tudástár, Jelentés a magyar közoktatásról, Jelentés a magyar közoktatásról 2006, Oktatáskutató- és FejlesztĘ Intézet. Online: http://www.ofi.hu/tudastar/jelentes-magyar/vago-iren-vassvilmos-5.

MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION IN THE ANCIENT WORLD: DIMENSIONS OF DIVERSITY IN THE FIRST CONTACTS BETWEEN GREEKS AND EGYPTIANS NICOLA REGGIANI

Introduction When keeping to the research of new strategies aiming at a multicultural education capable to fit contemporary needs1, it is useful to analyze examples from Mediterranean Antiquity that can be compared to current problems and offer a challenging key to interpretation and comparison2. A diachronic perspective is indeed helpful in better understanding the dynamics of cultural phenomena, and past civilizations assume an exemplary value which is often enriched by the chance of observing the results of dynamics that can be compared to modern trends. This paper aims at presenting a particular case related to one of the ancient world’s most multicultural countries, Egypt, and discussing it as a source of issues about education and integration between different languages and cultures. The topic of (multicultural) education in ancient Egypt, especially in the Greco-roman period, is well studied3, but the case presented here seems to have many points of contacts with a modern situation (an educational programme managed by the United States just before the Second World War) and, therefore, it will be fascinating to compare the two events in order to stress similarities and differences, and to discuss possible scenarios for a decidedly “multicultural” education.

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The Ancient Case: Psammetichus I and the Greek Mercenaries Ancient Egypt used to have a specific vocation for multicultural encounters: its linguistic experience too arose from a concrete demand of relationships with different people4, such as Greeks. It seems that the first Greeks came to Egypt seeking a fortune as merchants and/or mercenaries5, in the first half of the 7th century BC, in an early stage of the reign (664610 BC) of Psammetichus I, founder of the so-called XXVI Dynasty (664525 BC)6. From the end of Assyrian domination up to that time, Egypt was divided into different reigns, but Psammetichus managed to conquer and, therefore, to unify the country again, taking advantage of the efficient military techniques of the new “immigrants”7. He decided to reward the Greeks for having helped him and, among various grants (such as stable settlements in the Egyptian chǀra), according to Herodotus (II 154, 2), he decided to send some Egyptian children to the Greeks so that the former could learn the latter’s language and, later on, become the interpreters between the two people: “To Ionians and Carians, who had helped him, Psammetichos gave plots of lands on which they could settle; the plots were separated by the Nile, and he named these properties ‘The Camps’. In addition, he gave them all the other rewards he had ever promised to them. Moreover, he entrusted Egyptian children to them to be taught the Greek language, and it is from these Egyptians who thus learned the [Greek] language that the presentday interpreters in Egypt are descended.” (Herodotus II 154, 1-2)8

Psammetichus’ position is rather unusual, considering the general cultural closure of ancient Egypt (which we can still find in later time, in the clear controversy against the inadequacy and ineffectiveness of Greek language as a mean for translating Egyptian texts (Assmann 2001: 465-466). Indeed, he seems to subvert the traditional Egyptian behaviour towards strangers, whose languages were known and tolerated (and sometimes used for international diplomacy), but assimilated into the local frame9; in particular, it is worth noting that, during pharaonic times, foreign children (almost from Nubia) called hrdw n k3p (‘the children of the [royal] nursery’) were brought up at the royal palace so that they could learn Egyptian and “[…] as Egyptized people, they go back to the countries in which they will exercise their authority: in one word, Egyptians prepare homoglot

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interlocutors within the same circle to which they officially correspond in a foreign language.” (Donadoni 1980: 8)

Furthermore, stranger mercenaries (and prisoners) were forced to forget their own languages and to learn Egyptian, as it is reported on a stela of the age of Ramses III: “Once they were brought back to Egypt, they were put into a fortress… They heard the Egyptian speech (mdw.t) while accompanying the king; he let their speech be dropped; he reversed their tongues.” (Borghouts 2000: 11-12, revised against the Italian translation by Donadoni 1980: 8)

Therefore, Psammetichus can be considered as a sort of forerunner of later times, when Egyptians – now governed by a Greek-speaking and Greekthinking ruling class – would be forced to learn the “others’ language” in order to communicate (Clarysse 1993 and, in general on Greek education, Cribiore 2001), while Greeks learning Egyptian were exceedingly rare, mostly urged by economical matters10; in other words, it was “[…] an event of great significance, since it was the starting point of Greek-Egyptian bilingualism, which will be one of the most interesting topics after Alexander the Great’s conquest of Egypt and the establishment of a ruling class of Greek language and culture, whose linguistic and cultural interaction with the Egyptian one is a very studied but not still completely solved problem of the Hellenistic and Roman ages.” (Pernigotti 1999: 30)

What makes the episode of Psammetichus so singular, even – in a sense – a milestone in the history of multicultural education is the voluntariness of the decision? “The settlement of the Greeks in Egypt was clearly depending on a strategic plan by Psammetichus I, as it is shown by the fact that the Egyptian king also made sure to train a group of interpreters in order to make connections between the newcomers and the Egyptians easier.” (Pernigotti 1999: 29)

The Egyptians were not urged by contingent needs; it was a deliberate choice by the Pharaoh, who (fore)saw the importance of knowing the “immigrants’ language” in order to establish profitable relationships with them (this can be clearly argued from Diodorus of Sicily, who states that, from then on, Psammetichus used to rely on the Greeks for government issues and to maintain a large number of mercenary troops (Diodorus of

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Sicily I 67, 1-211). Of course, he could not foresee that Greeks would become the new rulers of Egypt, yet his choice is surprising, meant to learn the foreign language rather than teach his own – which was, at that time, the dominant one. Education can mean either a form of (social / cultural) command12 or a form of integration13; the latter potential would never be exploited in Greco-roman Egypt14, while the “openness” of earlier times was clearly a means, not for integration but social, political, cultural and linguistic domination. Psammetichus’ choice appears quite clear: he aimed at both (a) controlling a useful but also threatening group of powerful “immigrants” by means of the knowledge of their language (the understanding of what they said), and (b) saving the traditional closure of Egyptian language (and culture), meanwhile preserving its power and strength. In fact, while the influence of Greek would be always strong during the history of Egypt, the original Egyptian cultural tradition, constantly withstanding adaptations and contaminations, apart from apparent syncretism (Kanazawa 1989), kept itself powerful and independent (but only culture did so). Therefore, a seeming act of intercultural integration through education (learning the “others’ language”) was, in fact, an act of supremacy and – in a manner of speaking – “nationalism,” rapidly overthrown by succeeding events. Let us turn now to the modern side of the question, analyzing another unique example of “multicultural education” which may be studied in parallel with the ancient case.

The Modern Case: The U.S. Army Specialised Training Program in Foreign Languages In order to operate in the outcoming Second World War, the United States Government decided to start a programme of intensive language training since, in that country, the period between the two wars had been characterized by cultural and linguistic isolationism. The so-called Army Specialised Training Program (ASTP) in Foreign Languages (or Foreign Area and Language Program – FALP) (Nugent 2007: 12ff.) was established in December 1942 as a part of a more general project (Civil Affairs Training School – CATS) aiming at ensuring technical and professional skills for men involved in the prosecution of the war: “[...] [d]uring W[orld ]W[ar] II, the US Army did not seek knowledge about global processes that threatened to stir up potentially dangerous peoples living along the external frontiers and the internal lines of fracture

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of an expanding capitalist order. Instead, the military was in need of a single, overarching conceptual framework that would facilitate direct territorial administration of diverse peoples living in scattered, war-torn areas. [...] The military sought a form of knowledge that would assist in its efforts to govern these areas – that would allow its soldier administrators to know the territories for which they would be responsible before they actually began governing them, and that would make it possible for these soldier-administrators to deepen their understanding as they governed. In other words, military planners sought of a form of knowledge that would equip soldiers with conceptual armature they could use to effect the dayto-day administration of occupied territories (Europe, Africa, Asia, and the Pacific).” (Nugent 2007: 7)

The primary aim of the experimental project was “to develop in trainees ‘a command of the colloquial spoken form of the language’” (Velleman 2008: 388): “[...] [t]his command includes the ability to speak the language fluently, accurately, and with an acceptable approximation to a native pronunciation. It also implies that the student will have a practically perfect auditory comprehension of the language as spoken by natives.” (Agard et al. 1944, in Velleman 2008: 388)

Such languages were mainly less-commonly taught idioms like Arabic, Bengali, Burmese, Chinese, Finnish, Greek, Hindi, Japanese, Malay, Russian, Serbo-Croatian, Swedish, and Turkish, but also Italian, Spanish, French (Velleman 2008: 387ff.). The great importance given to speaking abilities led to combine, in the teaching practice, a “linguist scientist” and a “native-speaking ‘guide’”15, a method that was very criticized by academics because, while “[t]he former lacked the pedagogical knowledge of the skilled language teacher [...] the latter was not a member of the profession, frequently misunderstood his or her role, and in many cases was an ‘illiterate’ layperson.” (ibidem: 393ff.)

Some Concluding Reflections The ASPT lasted for only one year, and was officially closed in February 1944, chiefly because of the lack of men in field operations: “the ASTP served no need recognized as immediate by most elements in the Army.” (Palmer 2003, in Velleman 2008: 402) We do not know how long Psammetichus’ experiment did last but, apart from evident differences16, we are entitled to draw attention to some interesting similarities between the two episodes.

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In both cases, in a context of cultural and linguistic closure and the urge of military needs – basically for the control of stranger populations17, they established a language educational experiment that was centred on the learning of the “others’ language,” by means of the employment of “native speakers,” rather than of foreign “scouts” in field operations, as used to happen in ancient pharaonic times, when people called Õ˸’3w.w “interpreters” or “foreigners” are attested, probably “Egyptianized foreigners who were used not only as interpreters but as scouts, spies, agents, couriers and foremen or mercenaries.” (Fischer 1964, in Donadoni 1980: 4)18

Linguistic experimentation was not new to Psammetichus19, who was credited with having tried to discover the primordial language by isolating newborn children (Suáek 1989); his further endeavour has some points in common with the theories of Leonard Bloomfield, one of the founders of American structural linguistics and one of the inspirers of the ASTP: “‘Listening and speaking go first’ is the essence of [Bloomfield’s] language teaching theories, which is embodied in the following two aspects: on the one hand, the first aspect of the teaching ideas is informant, on the other hand, it is overlearning. The former is also called native speaker, because Bloomfield considered that the language learners should get a great number of opportunities to listen and imitate speech from native speakers as possible as they can and then should obtain the nearly standard and native pronunciations and speech. When the language learners imitate the speech of native speakers, native people could check immediately whether the language learners’ pronunciations reach the standard and native level, at least those could be accepted by natives. Native speakers must correct suddenly their pronunciations if the learners’ pronunciation does not up to the standard. The latter is also called over practice; Bloomfield considered that learning a language is not only to learn language knowledge, but also to practice the language.” (A Survey on Bloomfield’s Structural Linguistics in Foreign Language Instruction. Online: http://www.p-papers.com/tag/astp)

The comparison between the ancient linguistic learning experiment and the modern one leads us to some interesting remarks. In both cases, the context is a long period in which what we can call “linguistic education” was devoted to teaching the “dominant” language (Egyptian and American English) to people speaking different idioms but living in the “dominant” speakers’ country; this corresponds, in both cases, to a linguistic (and cultural, generally speaking) isolationism. Specific (military) needs led to

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a significant shift in “educational” methods, causing the experimentation of a new model based on learning the “others’ languages.” U.S. ASPT was limited in time and purposes, but we can take Psammetichus’ project as a litmus paper to analyze the aftermath of such a learning model. Greeks became the new rulers of Egypt: probably we will never know how much the creation and isolation of Greek specific settlements, not assimilated into Egyptian social tissue, affected later Greek entrance in the country, but the risk of creating isolated, non-integrated groups is clear and real20. On the other hand, even an educational policy aiming at teaching the “dominant” language is destined to create a “vertical assimilation,” and by no means a true integration. The results of this enquiry are evident: an educational model based on the learning of the “others’ language” is methodologically and conceptually limited (so much that the ASPT programme had a very short life and many criticisms), but nevertheless it can help to think about the possible scenarios of integrations, since a possible combination of both moments (teaching and learning) seems to be a positive answer for the question of a truly “multicultural” education.

Notes 1. For a general introduction to multicultural education development and issues see Banks: “A major goal of multicultural education, as stated by specialists in the field, is to reform the school and other educational institutions so that students from diverse racial, ethnic, and social-class groups will experience educational equality. […] Multicultural education theorists are increasingly interested in how the interaction of race, class, and gender influences education […]. However, the emphasis that different theorists give to each of these variables varies considerably.” (Banks 1993: 3-4) 2. For a very general overview about antiquity as a key to interpret modern linguistic issues see Reggiani (2012). 3. Cribiore (2001: 15ff.) and Thompson (2007), with further bibliography. 4. Donadoni (1980: 3); for multilingualism in ancient Egypt see Bernini & Reggiani (2011: 50ff.), with further references. A recent volume on this subject is Papaconstantinou (2010). 5. Bettalli (1995: 54ff.), Assmann (2001: 405-406), Caporali (2012: 120-126). For this phenomenon in the more general area of Eastern Mediterranean, see Luraghi (2006); in general, for Egypt, see Laronde (1995). It is not relevant here whether the Greek mercenaries were sent to Egypt by king Gyges of Lydia with the geopolitical aim of weakening Persian domination (Braun 1982: 36-37, Bettalli 1995: 58-59, Pernigotti 1999: 26-27, Caporali 2012: 117-118) or not. 6. See Pernigotti (1999: 21-24). It was not the very first time that Egypt came in contact with Greek people since we have evidence of contacts as far as from

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7.

8.

9. 10.

11.

Multicultural Education in the Ancient World: Greeks and Egyptians the Bronze Age, but from the 7th century such contacts became much less transient, marking the beginning of a long-term (and closer and closer) relationship between the two people (Braun 1982: 32-35). On Psammetichus I, see Lloyd (1982). The Herodotean tale about the prophecy speaking of the “bronze men appearing from the sea” who would help the king to defeat his enemies is wellknown: and when “some Ionians and Carians who had sailed out for plunder were driven off course to Egypt and forced to land there […], they put on bronze body armour, so that an Egyptian who had never seen men armed in bronze delivered a message to Psammetich[u]s […] that bronze men had come from the sea.” (Herodotus II 152, 3-4; transl. by A. L. Purvis, from Strassler 2009: 189). It was thanks to their hoplitic bronze armours and tactics that the Greeks managed to help the king in such an effective way (Braun 1982: 35-36, James 1991: 708ff., Bettalli 1995: 53-73, Pernigotti 1999: 21ff., Caporali 2012: 116-120 with reference to different traditions about the arrival of the Greeks in Egypt). ȉȠ૙ࣂȚ į੻ ੍ȦࣂȚ țĮ੿ IJȠ૙ࣂȚ ȀĮȡࣂ੿ IJȠ૙ࣂȚ ࣂȣȖțĮIJİȡȖĮࣂĮȝȑȞȠȚࣂȚ Į੝IJ૶ ੒ ȌĮȝȝȒIJȚȤȠࣂ įȚįȠ૙ ȤȫȡȠȣࣂ ਥȞȠȚțોࣂĮȚ ਕȞIJȓȠȣࣂ ਕȜȜȒȜȦȞ, IJȠ૨ ȃİȓȜȠȣ IJઁ ȝȑࣂȠȞ ਩ȤȠȞIJȠࣂ, IJȠ૙ࣂȚ Ƞ੝ȞȩȝĮIJĮ ਥIJȑșȘ ࣂIJȡĮIJȩʌİįĮ. ȉȠȪIJȠȣࣂ IJİ įȒ ࣂijȚ IJȠઃࣂ ȤȫȡȠȣࣂ įȚįȠ૙ țĮ੿ IJਛȜȜĮ IJ੹ ਫ਼ʌȑࣂȤİIJȠ ʌȐȞIJĮ ਕʌȑįȦțİ. ȀĮ੿ į੽ țĮ੿ ʌĮ૙įĮࣂ ʌĮȡȑȕĮȜİ Į੝IJȠ૙ࣂȚ ǹੁȖȣʌIJȓȠȣࣂ IJ੽Ȟ ਬȜȜȐįĮ ȖȜ૵ࣂࣂĮȞ ਥțįȚįȐࣂțİࣂșĮȚǜ ਕʌઁ į੻ IJȠȪIJȦȞ ਥțȝĮșȩȞIJȦȞ IJ੽Ȟ ȖȜ૵ࣂࣂĮȞ Ƞੂ Ȟ૨Ȟ ਦȡȝȘȞȑİࣂ ਥȞ ǹੁȖȪʌIJ૳ ȖİȖȩȞĮࣂȚ (Herodotus II 154, 1-2). The passage is cited, but not much commented, in the main reference works about Herodotus (Lloyd 1993: 137, Murray & Moreno 2007: 355, Donadoni 1980: 1, Caporali 2012: 45-46). “[L]’ideale politico è quello dell’assimilazione” [“the political ideal is that of assimilation”] (Donadoni 1980: 9, and passim for more references). A letter written on papyrus by a mother to his son in the 2nd century BC clearly shows how studying Egyptian language was, for a Greek, a purely economic matter: ʌȣȞșĮȞȠȝȑȞȘ ȝĮȞșȐ|ȞİȚȞ ࣂİ ǹੁȖȪʌIJȚĮ | ȖȡȐȝȝĮIJĮ ࣂȣȞİȤȐȡȘȞ ࣂȠȚ | țĮ੿ ਥȝĮȣIJોȚ, ੖IJȚ | Ȟ૨Ȟ [Ȟ૨Ȗ pap.] Ȗİ ʌĮȡĮȖİȞȩȝİȞȠࣂ | İੁࣂ IJ੽Ȟ ʌȩȜȚȞ įȚįȐȟİȚࣂ | ʌĮȡ੹ ĭĮȜȠȣ [...] ોIJȚ \ੁĮIJȡȠțȜȪࣂIJȘȚ/ IJ੹ | ʌĮȚįȐȡȚĮ țĮ੿ ਪȟİȚࣂ | ਥijȩįȚȠȞ İੁࣂ IJઁ ȖોȡĮࣂ (“on hearing that you are learning Egyptian letters I rejoiced you and myself, because now you may go [to] the city and teach the servants at the house of Phalou [...] es, the doctor who uses washes; and you will have spending money for your old age”). The text was published as UPZ I 148 and then republished as Chrest. Wilck. 136 (for papyrological abbreviations see Sosin et al.’s Checklist of Greek, Latin, Demotic and Coptic Papyri, Ostraca and Tablets at http://scriptorium.lib.duke.edu/papyrus/texts/clist.html) (Rémondon 1964, Bagnall 1995: 27, Sosin & Manning 2003: 208, Bernini & Reggiani 2011: 51 n. 27 and 54-55). It is worth noting that the mercenary Greeks referred to themselves as alloglossoi ‘foreigners’ as ‘those of alien speech’ (Caporali 2012: 129). For Greeks in Egypt after Psammetichus I see Caporali (ibidem: 130ff.).

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12. For some modern considerations about this matter see Payne 1927, Giroux 1980, and the cases analyzed by Finch 1984, Bell & Stevenson 2006: esp. 139ff., Bonnie 2011). 13. Integration is, of course, the main purpose of multicultural education, to which the present volume is devoted. For more contemporary perspectives on this theme see Stromquist & Monkman (2000). 14. Egyptian schools and Greek schools would always be separated and independent from each other (Maehler 1983, Tassier 1992, and Thompson 1992, with further bibliography). 15. “A representative of the language relevant to the area under consideration was considered essential to the group [i.e. the planning group or ‘area committee’ established for each culture/language area to be taught].” (Nugent 2007: 20) 16. The most important difference between the two cases is that Psammetichus intended to control an “immigrant” group resident in his country, while FALP/ASPT was intended to handle “military government in occupied [foreign] territories” (Matthew 1947, in Nugent 2007: 22). 17. “Originally conceived of as military police, FALP personnel were to be trained in police procedure as well as in the cultural characteristics and communicative practices of subject populations [becoming] a kind of cultural police force”; moreover, “[t]he architects of military government believed that it was essential to familiarize their soldier-administrators with the linguistic conventions and the cultural patterns that characterized specific peoples and areas – in the belief that this knowledge would prove invaluable in efforts to establish sound, stable, military government” (Nugent 2007: 12-13). 18. Fischer 1964 (in Donadoni 1980: 4); for the interpretation of the word as “foreigners” (not “interpreters”) see Goedicke (1960, 1966), and in general Helck & Otto (1975: 1116). It seems that the word (together with its synonym 3’’) bears the same meaning as Greek barbaros ‘babbler’ (Borghouts 2000: 10-11). 19. To his reign are dated the oldest known texts written in the new Demotic script: the establishing of his power over all Egypt favoured the spread of such new writing throughout the whole country (Depauw 1997: 22, with further references), and that “was crucial in establishing greater administrative uniformity” (Manning 2010: 22, 24), though we are not able to say whether it happened under or beyond Psammetichus’ control. The idea of a precise linguistic policy can be found in Capasso & Pernigotti (1997: 80-82). 20. Relationships between Egypt and Greece became closer and closer after the reign of Psammetichus: his successors carried on his policy concerning Greek mercenaries (Braun 1982: 37ff., and part. 49-52, Bettalli 1995: 61ff., Caporali 2012: 130ff., in particular, “Amasis [...] used Greek mercenaries to protect himself against native Egyptian reaction to his dynasty’s dependence on and favouritism of non-Egyptians – a vicious political circle from which there was no escape” (Young 1992: 48)), who established a strong, mixed community and no doubt contributed towards spreading Greek culture in Egypt (Caporali 2012: 153). Greek mercenaries played a certain role also during Persian conquest and domination of Egypt (ibidem: 162-183, Mallet 1922), and it is

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Multicultural Education in the Ancient World: Greeks and Egyptians likely that Alexander’s arrival in Egypt was made easier thanks also to the Greek culture spread in Egypt with such contacts (Manning 2010: 22: “[...] Greek presence cannot have been without impact”), not only to Egyptians’ hate towards Persians (“the native population were clearly more than happy to see the back of the Persians and acquiesced in the change of masters without opposition” (Lloyd 2011: 86)). We know of a Macedonian renegade, Amyntas, who arrived in Egypt in 333 BC with 3000 mercenaries, and succeeded in getting control of the city of Pelusium (in the Nile’s Delta) and raising an Egyptian rebellion, temporarily defeating Persian troops (Diodorus of Sicily XVII 48); some other revolts “were probably the result of Greek involvement with certain elite families in Egypt, who made for good bedfellows in opposition to Persian rule” (Manning 2010: 26); and Greek garrisons were placed by Alexander in the strategic cities of Memphis, were Greek mercenaries had already been settled by Amasis, and, again, Pelusium (Lloyd 2011: 87). It is often said that the Egyptians’ acceptance of Greek rule was due to Alexander’s and the Ptolemy’s’ respectful attention for local traditions and structures (Lloyd 2011: 86ff.), but of course Egyptians could not know it at the beginning of the conquest: “the Macedonian takeover of Egypt, and the subsequent formation of the Ptolemaic dynasty, was only the culmination of past centuries of direct and sustained Greek engagement with Egypt” (Manning 2010: 27-28).

References A Survey on Bloomfield’s Structural Linguistics in Foreign Language Instruction. Online: http://www.p-papers.com/tag/astp. Assmann, J. (2001). Sapienza e mistero. L’immagine greca della cultura egiziana [Knowledge and Mystery. Greek Image of the Egyptian Culture]. In S. Settis (Ed.), I Greci. Storia Cultura Arte Società III (I Greci oltre la Grecia). Torino: Einaudi. 401-469. Bagnall, R. S. (1995). Reading Papyri, Writing Ancient History (Approaching the Ancient World). London: Routledge. Banks, J. A. (1993). Multicultural Education: Historical Development, Dimensions, and Practice. Review of Research in Education 19: 3-49. Bell, L. & Stevenson, H. (2006). Education Policy. Process, Themes and Impact. London: Routledge. Bernini, A. & Reggiani, N. (2011). Le vie del multilinguismo nel mondo antico: il caso dei documenti dell’Egitto greco-romano [The Ways of Multilingualism in the Ancient World: The Case of the Documents of the Greek-roman Egypt]. In D. Astori (Ed.), Multilinguismo e Società 2011. Pisa: Edistudio. 47-65.

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Bettalli, M. (1995). I mercenari nel mondo greco, I: dalle origini alla fine del V sec. a.C. [Mercenaries of the Greek World 1: From the Origins to the End of the 5th century BC]. Pisa: ETS. Bonnie, S. (2011). Narrative Fictions and Covert Colonialism: Linguistic and Cultural Control through Education in the Colonies. The Humanities Review 9 (1): 100-115. Borghouts, J. F. (2000). Indigenous Egyptian Grammar. In S. . Auroux, E. F. K. Koerner, H.-J. Niederehe & S. Philipps (Eds.), History of the Language Sciences 3. An International Handbook in the Evolution of the Study of Language from the Beginnings to the Present. BerlinNew York: Walter De Gruyter. 5-14. Braun, T. F. R. G. (1982). The Greeks in Egypt. In J. Boardman & N. G. L. Hammond (Eds.), The Cambridge Ancient History, III.3 (The Expansion of the Greek World, Eighth to Sixth Centuries B.C.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 32-56. Capasso, M. & Pernigotti, S. (1997). Scrivere nell’antico Egitto [Writing in Ancient Egypt]. Archeo 2 (144): 51-87: 51-87. Caporali, S. (2012). Relazioni di età arcaica fra i Greci e l’Egitto nello specchio delle fonti letterarie [Relations of Archaic Age between the Greeks and Egypt in the Mirror of Literary Fountains]. PhD Dissertation, Università degli Studi di Torino. Clarysse, W. (1993). Egyptian Scribes Writing Greek. Chronique d’Égypte 68 (135-136): 186-201. Cribiore, Raffaella. (2001). Gymnastics of the Mind. Greek Education in Hellenistic and Roman Egypt. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Depauw, M. (1997). A Companion to Demotic Studies. Bruxelles: Fondation Égyptologique Reine Élisabeth. Donadoni, S. (1980). Gli Egiziani e le lingue degli altri [The Egyptians and the Languages of the Others]. Vicino Oriente 3: 1-14. Finch, J. (1984). Education as Social Policy. London: Longmans. Fischer, H. (1964). Inscriptions from the Coptite Nome, Dynasties VI-XI. Roma: Pontificio Istituto Biblico. Giroux, H. A. (1980). Teacher Education and the Ideology of Social Control. Journal of Education 162 (1): 5-27. Goedicke, H. (1960). The Title mr ‘3 in the Old Kingdom. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 46: 60-64. —. (1966). An Additional Note on ‘3 “Foreigner.” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 52: 172-174. Helck, W. & Otto, E. (Eds.). (1975). Lexikon der Ägyptologie I (A-Ernte) [Vocabulary of Arcaheology 1 (A-Ernte)]. Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden.

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James, T. G. H. (1991). Egypt: The Twenty-fifth and Twenty-sixth Dinasties. In J. Boardman, I. E. S. Edwards, N. G. L. Hammond, E. Sollberger & C. B. F. Walker (Eds.), The Cambridge Ancient History, III.2 (The Assyrian and Babylonian Empires and other States of the Near East, from the Eighth to the Sixth Centuries B.C.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 677-747. Kanazawa, Y. (1989). Observations on either Acculturation or Constancy of the Indigenous Culture and Society in Hellenistic Egypt. In L. Criscuolo & G. Geraci (Eds.), Egitto e storia antica dall’ellenismo all’età araba. Bilancio di un confronto (Atti del Colloquio Internazionale, Bologna 1987). Bologna: CLUEB. 475-489. Laronde, A. (1995). Mercenaires grecs en Égypte à l’époque saïte et à l’époque perse. Colloque entre Égypte et Grèce [Greek Mercenaries in Egypt in the Saite Era and in the Persian Era: Colloquium between Egypt and Greece]. Paris: AIBL. Lloyd, A. B. (1982). Psammetichus I. In W. Helck & W. Westendorf (Eds.), Lexikon der Ägyptologie IV. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz. 1164-1169. —. (1993). Herodotus, Book II. Commentary 99-182. Leiden: Brill. —. (2011). From Satrapy to Hellenistic Kingdom: The Case of Egypt. In A. Erskine & L. Llewellyn-Jones (Eds.), Creating a Hellenistic World. Swansea: The Classical Press of Wales. 83-105. Luraghi, N. (2006). Traders, Pirates, Warriors: the Proto-history of Greek Mercenary Soldiers in the Eastern Mediterranean. Phoenix 60 (1-2): 21-47. Maehler, H. (1983). Die griechische Schule im ptolemäischen Ägypten [The Greek School in Ptolemaic Egypt]. In E. Van’t Dack, P. von Dessel & W. van Gucht (Eds.), Egypt and the Hellenistic World. Proceedings of the International Colloquium (Louvain 1982). Louvain: Orientaliste. 191-203. Mallet, M. D. (1922). Les rapports des Grecs avec l’Égypte de la conquête de Cambyse, 525, à celle d’Alexandre, 331 [The Relationships of the Greeks with Egypt from the Conquest of Cambyse (525) to the Conquest of Alexandria (331)]. Le Caire: Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale. Manning, J. G. (2010). The Last Pharaohs: Egypt under the Ptolemies, 305-30 BC. Princeton (NJ): Princeton University Press. Murray, O. & Moreno, A. (Eds.). (2007). A Commentary on Herodotus Books I-IV. New York: Oxford University Press. Nugent, D. (2007). Military Intelligence and Social Science Knowledge: Global Conflict, Territorial Control and the Birth of Area Studies

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During WW II. Producing Knowledge on World Regions: Issues of Internationalization and Interdisciplinarity. SSRC Workshop, City University of New York, June 14-15, 2007. Online: http://www.ssrc.org/workspace/images/crm/new_publication_3/%7B4 ce2a5dd-2e5c-de11-bd80-001cc477ec70%7D.pdf. Papaconstantinou, Arietta. (Ed.). (2010). The Multilingual Experience in Egypt, from the Ptolemies to the Abbasids. Farnham: Ashgate. Payne, E. G. (1927). Education and Social Control. Journal of Educational Sociology 1 (3): 137-145. Pernigotti, S. (1999). I Greci nell’Egitto della XXVI dinastia [The Greeks in the Egypt of the XXVI Dynasty]. Imola: La Mandragora. Reggiani, N. (2012). “Modelli” di plurilinguismo nel mondo antico: possibili risposte per problemi attuali [“Models” of Plurilinguism in the Ancient World: Possible Answers to Present Problems]. Forthcoming in the Proceedings of the III Assise Europee del Plurilinguismo, Roma, 10-12 Ottobre 2012. Rémondon, R. (1964). Problèmes de bilinguisme dans l’Égypte lagide (U.P.Z. I, 148) [Problems of Bilinguisme in Lagide Egypt (U.P.Z. I, 148)]. Chronique d’Égypte 39 (77-78): 126-146. Sosin, D. J., Bagnall, R. S., Cowey, J., Depauw, M., Wilfong, T. G. & Worp, K. A. (2011). Checklist of Greek, Latin, Demotic and Coptic Papyri, Ostraca and Tablets. Online: http://scriptorium.lib.duke.edu/papyrus/texts/clist.html. Sosin, J. D. & Manning, J. G. (2003). Palaeography and Bilingualism: P. Duk. inv. 320 and 675. Chronique d’Égypte 78 (155-156): 202-210. Strassler, R. (Ed.). (2009). The Landmark Herodotus: The Histories. New York, NY: Anchor Books. Stromquist, Nelly P. & Monkman, Karen. (Ed.). (2000). Globalization and Education: Integration and Contestation across Cultures. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. Suáek, A. (1989). The Experiment of Psammetichus: Fact, Fiction, and Model to Follow. Journal of the History of Ideas 50 (4): 645-651. Tassier, E. (1992). Greek and Demotic School-Exercises. In J. H. Johnson (Ed.), Life in a Multicultural Society: Egypt from Cambyses to Constantine and Beyond. Chicago, IL: The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. 311-315. Thompson, D. J. (1992). Literacy and the Administration in Early Ptolemaic Egypt. In J. H. Johnson (Ed.), Life in a Multicultural Society: Egypt from Cambyses to Constantine and Beyond. Chicago, IL: The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. 323-326.

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—. (2007). Education and Culture in Hellenistic Egypt and Beyond. In J. A. Fernández Delgado, F. Pordomingo & A. Stramaglia (Eds.), Escuela y literatura en Grecia antigua. Actas del Simposio internacional (Universidad de Salamanca, 17-19 noviembre de 2004). Cassino: Università degli Studi di Cassino. 121-140. Velleman, B. L. (2008). The “Scientific Linguist” Goes to War. The United States A.S.T. Program in Foreign Languages. Historiographia Linguistica 35 (3): 385-416. Young, T. C. (1992). The Early History of the Medes and the Persians and the Achaemenid Empire to the Death of Cambyses. In J. Boardman, N. G. L. Hammond, D. M. Lewis & M. Ostwald (Eds.), The Cambridge Ancient History, IV (Persia, Greece and the Western Mediterranean C. 525 to 479 B.C.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 46-52.

TEACHING DIVERSITY: A PERSPECTIVE ON THE FORMATION OF YOUTH BY MEANS OF COOPERATION AND SELF-ESTEEM DANA PERCEC AND MARIA NICULESCU

Lifelong Learning through Learning Change and Intergenerational Culture Past, present and future are taught in their interaction, the human race’s chance to live in harmony consisting of their ability to predict future by learning. Our goal to learn and to take over the responsibility of development can be achieved by teaching and learning change. Change is a well researched phenomenon, which has been used by science as an open way to progress. Change also has to be contained, so as to prevent chaos, as we need both order and a clear project with a view to taking action and growing. The famous American anthropologist Margaret Mead (1970) put forward a fundamental grid of analysis of the contemporary culture, which is passed on, from one generation to another, via role models. The researcher used to single out three types of culture: -

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Post-figurative culture, the adult’s model, referential for the child and the young person: in this frame, the cultural model of the past and the experience of the past are outstanding references. The intergenerational relationship is directed from the adult to the child. This was typical of 19th century societies, where change was slow. The message to be taken in was the following: “I was young, you hadn’t been old yet.” Configurative culture, the culture of the post-war decades, specific to changing societies, where present is the young person’s role model: his peers, rather than the adults. This culture may see the generation gap manifesting itself in the clash of values between youngsters and adults. In order to avoid the risk of social failure, support is needed, the adult being invited to position himself/herself in the middle of the young

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generation. It is a time when phrases like “When I was young...” should be avoided. If used, such words should not engender pressure, but should be, at most, a relaxed evocation. The message of this type of culture is “I’m the young one in this age, so let me live and see what happens.” Prefigurative culture is typical of highly dynamic societies, such as the contemporary world, with its waves of changes, where stability is reconfigured: in this culture, the link between the adult and the youngster is hard to find, with values dwindling. The young generation lives in a different world, more often than not adopting superficial, non-values in terms of language and fashion especially, fake role models imposed by the popular culture. In this frame, the future is prefigured, depending on emerging values, while new qualities are unpredictable.

Skill Development: A Major Goal of Lifelong Learning Education and training are extremely influential in helping people succeed, move on, and continue to be successful in life. The more and more complex transition of young people from the initial training to active life may well indicate what the society has prepared for them. The chance of getting a decent job is obviously a key result of successful learning, of skills that can be displayed in the working environment. Thus, learning facilitates a successful, professionally and socially satisfactory life (Schon 1983). The goals of the Romanian Society for Lifelong Learning are conceived in accordance with the provisions of the Memorandum on Permanent Learning published by the European Commission as early as October 2000, a community document which imports the duty of implementing life-long learning from the European Councils in Feira and Lisbon. The six key messages of the Memorandum are the following: -

Securing universal and continuous access to learning with a view to building and renewing the skills needed for an active involvement in the society of knowledge; The substantial increase of the level of investment in human resources with a view to capitalizing on the most valuable European resource, its citizens; Developing teaching and learning methods and contexts in order to ensure the continuum of learning throughout one’s life;

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The significant improvement of understanding and appreciation of participation to learning and its results, especially non-formal and informal learning; Securing the necessary conditions for easy access to quality information and counselling about opportunities in education throughout Europe and throughout one’s life; Offering the opportunities of lifelong learning as closely to the beneficiary as possible, in their own communities and with the support of ICT equipment, wherever necessary.

Knowledge, information and data, if well understood and used, can create, in time, with practice, skills, abilities, competences. The combination of informational and operational resources, when transformed in habits, alongside the adoption of an attitude suitable to the context, creates competences. The force of a country’s development stems from the value and skill of its citizens, the common denominator of the development force being human competence (Desgagné & Laroche 2010). That is why the integrative educational act, focused on human nature, on the subordination of social requirements, needs, and expectations, creates values for the human being with a view to their development and integration in society. People can best prove their social skills, even their managerial skills, in a productive, professionalized act, as development implies social, economic, political, and spiritual modernization, securing our society’s compatibility with other developed societies (Păun 1999, Niculescu 2010). A person’s skill consists not only of their practical experience, but of their ability to link and combine practices. Competent activity, as well as practical experience, is defined by “know-how.” Guy Le Boterf, French specialist in skill management, argues that team competence cannot be reduced to the sum of individual competences making it up. It largely depends on the quality of the interactions established among individual competences. Therefore, it is built by experience, contact with reality, and collective action. To Le Boterf (1998), a competence emerges if there is know-how (savoir agir), as well as will (vouloir agir) and power or ability (pouvoir agir). It is, therefore, essential that the level of demand in education should rise together with the offer. Each person must be able to follow his/her own free choices in learning/education, which means that education and training systems must be adapted to individual demands and needs. In this spirit, European documents insist on aspects of lifelong learning related to non-formal and informal learning, as stipulated by the Memorandum on Permanent Learning adopted by the Commission of the European Communities, in Brussels, in the year 2000:

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Learning in non-formal contexts is the integrated learning during planned activities, with learning objectives, which do not follow a curriculum explicitly and may vary in time. This approach depends on the learner’s intention and does not automatically lead to the certification of acquired knowledge and skills. Learning in informal contexts represents the result of daily activities related to work, family and leisure and is not structured around learning objectives, duration, or support. It is independent of the learner’s intention and does not automatically lead to the certification of acquired knowledge and skills.

Lifelong learning takes many forms: it is practiced in an official, institutionalized environment as well as outside traditional systems of education and formation. The three education concepts – formal, informal and non-formal education – complement one another in lifelong learning programmes. Formal education takes place in schools, ending with a certificate or a diploma; informal education represents the spontaneous, more or less organized influences of an environment, family, group of friends, media on an individual; non-formal education develops the skills one holds dear at home, at the workplace, in community, sometimes at school, but always outside the official curricula. While formal education offers a basis, non-formal education can then personalize one’s formation. In other words, a person is more motivated to understand a problem and respond to a procedure one has learnt not only by heart but with one’s heart. The combination of resources creates and develops skills a person can demonstrate in certain situations, as stipulated in the same Memorandum on Permanent Learning (Art. 329): 1. The main goals of lifelong learning are related to the complex development of a person and the sustainable development of a society. 2. Lifelong learning is centred on the formation and development of key skills and skills specific to one area or qualification.

Cultural Diversity: Intercultural Skills In the modern world, cultural or linguistic diversity depends mainly on two aspects: the more and more intense migration and the use of new technologies of information and communication. Due to the globalization of the economic, social, and political life – more conspicuous every year, one can notice the increased mobility of citizens from all continents and the rising number of migrants of various ethnicities and persuasions currently living and working in Europe. In the past decades, Europe has

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witnessed the growth of multicultural communities, which need the recognition of intercultural skills enabling them to take part in the social and political life of their host countries. As a result of globalization, migration and radical political and social events like 9/11, intercultural education has become a priority. This type of education consists of social skills necessary to all citizens and essential for an authentic dialogue and mutual understanding. We believe this skill to be vital, in a world which, on the other hand, is not free from racism, anti-Semitism, or xenophobia, also present in the social and political life of the communities. These negative phenomena pushed the concepts of intercultural learning and intercultural education to the forefront, together with the concept of learning change. Both are to be considered essential aspects of lifelong learning. Moreover, as observed by Kuehnen et al. (2011), border-crossing communication and border-crossing reputation have recently become terms that are often equated with the quality of education. Such phrases as multicultural education, intercultural approach, intercultural communication, intercultural society, multi-/intercultural diversity, intercultural cooperation, positive attitude, or self-management add new meanings to the above-mentioned concepts and values. It can, thus, be argued that the major goal of multicultural education is that of preparing young people for life in a multicultural society which becomes more and more intercultural. This view is in accordance with the concept adopted by the European Council and the UNESCO International Commission for 21st Century Education, which, in 1996, considered that one of the main aims of education should be “learning to live together, learning to live with others.” The specific objectives of multicultural education are, in our opinion, the following: -

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Gaining knowledge and cultural literacy, which will have a significant impact on individual and group behaviour; Gaining knowledge and information about one’s own culture(s) and other cultures; Building skills and habits concerning life in a multicultural/ intercultural society (raising awareness about one’s own cultural determinations, stereotypes and prejudices, identifying them in others, the ability to relativize points of view, communicational and relational skills); Building attitudes of respect for cultural diversity, for one’s own cultural identity and the others’ identity;

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Stimulating participation and action in the sense of promoting the principles of an intercultural society and fighting discrimination and intolerance.

From the practical experience of several projects we have coordinated in the past few years, both at the level of university education and as members of a Romanian NGO devoted to the promotion of role models among the young generation, non-formal education and furthering multiculturalism (the “Cultural Alternative” Association in Timiúoara, Romania), we can surely argue that the intercultural dialogue that would help achieve those goals is more necessary now than ever before. Multicultural education and cultural diversity belong to constructivist pedagogy, learning through co-operation, project-based pedagogy, as well as the integrated cross-curricular approach and the school-community partnership. Autonomous learning, with a focus on the principles of one’s personality’s permanent education, has become the key to professional and social success. The individuals who have developed autonomous learning skills obtain the best results in various areas of human activity and interaction. Successfully applied in different circumstances, autonomous learning can be a significant source of satisfaction, leading, among other things, to the formation of communication and social skills, as well as to the formation of self-management skills. We believe these skills are essential for the development of the human personality and the ideal manifestation of social actors in the development of a society. Cultural diversity and communication among people with different cultural backgrounds is a priority, which can best develop in environments where people co-operate and work in teams.

Research on Intercultural Exchange among Youth: A Case Study Education sociologists insist on the importance of all social actors in the process of community school development: teachers, parents, students, local officials, etc. They must all feel part of this process and contribute to the development of consciousness of responsibility. This is actually what we call “empowerment,” following a pioneering observation made by Christine E. Sleeter as early as 1991, that multicultural education and empowerment are interwoven, facilitating, together, one of the most powerful educational reforms. It is noteworthy, more concretely, that various social actors should have the opportunity to take measures leading to positive results, each in the field of activity they are skilled for, in work

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teams, in projects they coordinate and carry. This was our main goal in the research we carried during the application of a Youth in Action project in the summer of 2012. The project took place in a summer camp in Greece, with participants from Greece, Romania, and France. The target public was made up of young people with ages between 14 and 30, accompanied by three adult leaders from each country. All in all, there were 39 persons in the summer camp at Igoumenitsa, Greece. Diversity was apparent in terms of age and gender, level of education and training (the participants were high school students, university students, MA and PhD students, newly employed youngsters, etc.). As for the activities carried out during the project, they corresponded to three of the above-mentioned dimensions of the area of skill formation, namely the cognitive dimension, the operational dimension (of habits, skills and abilities) and the attitudes. Next, we will present some of the activities of the project which are connected to our research on cultural diversity and the contribution of multicultural education to the evolution of society and its citizens. Starting from the assumption that any skill is formed by field practice and can develop in the way it gains material relevance in various contexts, we argue that the inter-/multicultural communication skill can be strengthened through direct co-operation and the direct manifestation of a positive attitude towards the others. This hypothesis is translated in the understanding and tolerance one should have in various circumstances, guided by the motto of otherness, “the other one beside me.” The Youth in Action project enabled us to test this hypothesis by bringing together 39 people of various ethnicities and persuasions in a holiday context (the project took place in August, at the peak of the tourist season in Greece), in a youth camp situated in a beautiful and less populated (and popular) area by the Ionian Sea, Igoumenitsa. According to the European Council financing the series of projects generally known as “Youth in Action,” a Youth Exchange is a project where young people work and live together in an international group for a specific time. It consists of a series of preparation, implementation and follow-up activities. For the duration of the Youth Exchange, young people undertake a joint programme of activities with specific roles and objectives. Young people from different countries and backgrounds co-operate with each other supported by experienced youth workers and leaders. They develop personal, professional and intercultural competences. Youth Exchanges foster the mobility of young people in Europe. They encourage initiative and creativity in young people, facilitate their active participation in the project and thereby provide an intercultural learning experience. Offering the added value of a European dimension, Youth Exchanges are quality-

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checked regarding content criteria and implementation. This project brings youngsters together in the same camp and teaches them to live together for a period of 9-10 days, with the chance of a follow-up, the next year. In terms of educational policies, of Creativity and Culture, the Youth in Action project stipulates that EU member states and the Commission work together in order to increase opportunities for young people to experience culture and to develop their talent and creative skills. This includes making new technologies available to empower young people’s creativity, promoting specialized training in culture, new media and intercultural competences (for youth workers, or encouraging partnerships between culture and creative sectors and youth organizations and youth workers). Consequently, supporting young people’s creative energy and capacity for innovation can: -

Help them develop their potential and find a job; Contribute to their personal development and feeling of belonging to a community; Strengthen their awareness of a common cultural heritage; Promote active citizenship and participation; Develop intercultural and multilingual skills; Lead to a better understanding of cultural diversity.

The research we carried took the form of focus groups organized around a questionnaire. The activities took place in a youth camp at Igoumenitsa between 5-13 August 2012 where the 30 youngsters with ages between 14 and 30 from the three countries – Greece, France, and Romania – accompanied by the adult leaders were given the chance to know one another, to interact and promote themselves by means of non-formal and informal education and with the help of their own culture, testing the meanings of democratic citizenship, intercultural communication and cultural diversity in a natural environment, which favoured the development of a positive attitude towards “the other one beside me.” The focus groups envisaged such topics as learning through direct interaction among youngsters, the presentation of each culture with its specific elements, as well as the organization of theme parties, with painting, singing, reciting poetry and dancing – cultural activities devoted to each of the three groups. The focus group method enabled us to get familiar with the others’ experiences and opinions, to reflect on a comparison between our own reality and the others’ reality (Krueger & Cassey 2005). These elements helped us better appreciate such notions as cooperation and mutual gain, leading to the improvement of all our lives. This exercise of

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awareness raising can be continued with life stories, lived experiences within the family or community of which each youngster is a member. The role of the debate group was also that of suggesting new ideas about the main topics of the project, of clarifying available options, of reacting to certain lines of action, of recommending action, of learning how to make decisions, of planning or assessing a situation. The moderators of the focus groups triggered debates on the following topics: -

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Shaping an attitude towards learning and accepting diversity; Manifesting respect for cultural partners; Developing listening skills, as active listening, in fact, being sympathetic towards the other; Eliminating discrimination and prejudice; Building and developing the necessary linguistic skills to communicate in a foreign language (the official languages of the project were English and French, but an attempt was also made to speak Greek and Romanian); Adapting to new situations, learning change; Getting involved by means of intercultural learning/education and bringing new experiences to fruition.

The groups were made up of 6 to 8 persons, and the debates were moderated by the adult leaders, who were trained in the area of multiculturalism and cultural diversity. Four focus groups were conducted in the manner described above. The questionnaire took into account the main objectives of the project, as well as the needs of the project members: mainly the need to understand the benefits of the manifestation of multiculturalism and cultural diversity. The experiment was meant as a formative assessment, the resulting feedback being used in the application of similar projects in the future. Here are some of the questions launched: -

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What area of your life did this project improve: x Communication/relations/social life; x Developing a positive attitude towards cultural diversity; x Developing communication skills in a foreign language; x Developing a civil attitude of cohabitation, respecting one’s own values and the other’s values; x Growing respect for nature and natural harmony; x Others: specify. Did this programme provide you with opportunities to co-operate, know each other, communicate?

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Mention 3 actions which favoured the development of your communication and cooperation skills and which raised your awareness about the importance of teamwork. What was your position in the team? x Leader; x Communicator; x Technician; x Negotiator; x Artist; x Practitioner; x Others (specify). Name 3 persons with whom you communicated and from whom you learnt about intercultural communication. Enumerate 3 activities which helped you gain new friends and determined you to invest in this new friendship by joining the project activities next year. Did the project activities help you better understand the notions of cultural diversity and the impact this diversity has on the formation and development of your personality? Does the true understanding of otherness help you become better, more tolerant citizens? Did the project activities help you identify common values, which bring different cultures together? What new qualities or needs did you discover during these 9 days of cohabitation and to what extent are they relevant to your life?

Learning about the culture of another community was favoured by experimenting, by participating in significant cultural events presented by each national group. The conclusions of our qualitative mini-research are the following: Cultural diversity was a reality materialized during the nine days of leisure and time spent together. Cultural plurality implies both the protection of differences and the promotion of intercultural dialogue, which acknowledges the fact that each individual can contribute to the enrichment of human experience and can make an effort to project private experiences to the universal level. Multiculturalism is not an enemy of European universalism, but its counterpart. Multicultural societies are given realities, where people belonging to different groups come together in concrete life situations. The moral and religious pluralism does not exclude the existence of a common set of values and principles laying the foundations of civil identity in a given social and physical space. Multiculturalism implies understanding, appreciating and capitalizing on

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one’s own culture, as well as the respect stemming from a genuine interest in the culture of the other. It is a process taking place at the crossroads between cultures. In this context, the role of our project was that of teaching the young generation how to live together in a world of linguistic and cultural differences by accepting them and by identifying the values that may erase these differences. Multicultural education in the modern society can also be regarded as a way to discover the richness and variety of life in general. Tolerance of the unknown, the unfamiliar and the search for complementary aspects should become first-hand attitudes and priorities. Some of the skills necessary in such an approach can be gained by direct observation. The identification of common values can be a difficult mission unless it is doubled by the acceptance of the benefits deriving from such diversity. Therefore, such projects as the Erasmus, Comenius, Grundtvig, Youth in Action, etc. are meant to complete what family and schools do to develop freedom of spirit and tolerance of our fellows and the others. In an environment characterized by cultural and linguistic differences, solutions for a harmonious cohabitation could be identified due to this project, which implied practicing co-operation and communication skills and the development of a positive attitude towards the others, in a beneficial, authentic multicultural context. The youth and their adult leaders learnt to live together in an open society, based on the authority of shared values. A major notion that became apparent was that regarding multiculturalism as dignity and respect for the individual should be a significant lesson to be taught and learnt. Secondly, it became obvious that democratic values of tolerance are easier to grasp when they stem from experience rather than formal instruction. The major aim of the project is the development of a fundamental respect for different lifestyles, working and learning styles. Valuing diversity implies more than tolerance of different environments and mentalities; it facilitates the exploration and discovery of the unfamiliar, engendering a wide range of communication styles and thoughts. Moreover, valuing diversity leads to the strengthening of connections in the community, enabling the youth to be successful in a plural, more and more complex society. Thus, the youngsters will learn how to understand points of view which are different from their own, in accordance with the social and professional environment in which they will evolve. The gradual building of such an attitude will lead to more flexibility about new learning experiences. Diversity stimulates critical thinking, a major aspect of the contemporary society, where innovation is essentially based on co-operation. The skills of sailing in an ocean of cultural differences are needed in a world which has developed through technology and the improvement of travelling and communication

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facilities. The genuine exchange of ideas – the key to innovation and progress – requires sensitivity and commitment towards the others’ opinions, values, and ideas. Multicultural education can also build superior skills of negotiation and survival in a complex social and occupational environment. Given the current demographic mutations and the growing diversity of the global labour market, this should be a priority in the young generation’s training for life. The real challenge is that of being able to offer youth an improving, optimal communication experience, which may encourage the individual to open towards the other, sometimes after getting rid of or reconsidering prejudices and stereotypes. This relevant experience, which allows for introspection and responsibility, builds essential skills – of participation and transformation of community life.

Conclusions of the Applied Research The questionnaire applied to four mixed focus groups, with participants from different countries and communities, of different ages, genders and levels of education and cultural literacy led to significant conclusions about intercultural communication, which impose a series of further demands: -

To build an attitude towards learning and accepting diversity; To show respect to our cultural partners; To listen carefully to and be sympathetic towards the other; To give up discrimination and prejudice; To build linguistic skills that will enable us to communicate in foreign languages; To learn how to adapt to new situations.

Sociologists believe a given amount of time is necessary for the individual to become familiar with the values of a new culture in order to be able to establish a hierarchy that will enable them to grasp the new spiritual environment. The individual embracing a new cultural environment will be faced with a different system of perceiving reality, with a different set of cultural views and a different manner of relating to culture. In this case, the individual should be able to explore common symbols and similar cultural elements, which may enable a smoother passage from a world of values to another, richer and more tolerant of heterogeneous values. The common elements can be converted into supports and catalysts of the integration process. Multicultural education represents, therefore, an ideological option in democratic societies and aims at training youth as

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future citizens, offering them the tools necessary to make good choices and find their way in the context of multiplying value systems. The young generation must have the proper training to face the cultural mutation imposed both on minorities and the majority. The intercultural approach of our project generated a series of reflections on diversity, democratic citizenship and building an attitude of spiritual autonomy, based on education and self-education. The project enabled us to transform the specific objectives of intercultural education into expected results, the following aspects emerging from the analysis of the applied questionnaire: -

Gaining knowledge about culture in general and its impact on individual and group behaviour regarding one’s own culture or other cultures; Developing skills to live in a multicultural society (growing aware of one’s own cultural background, understanding various points of view, being able to communicate and relate to others); Building attitudes: respect for cultural diversity, for the identity of one’s own culture and the others’ culture, as well as the rejection of discrimination and intolerance; Stimulating participation in terms of promoting the principles of a society based on diversity and multiculturalism.

The intercultural perspective on education – in the case we have evoked, on non-formal and informal education – may have such effects as diminishing conflicts and even eradicating violence in certain groups, by means of building modern patterns of behaviour, such as: -

Communication skills (listening and speaking); Co-operation in all learning groups, from children playing in schools to interethnic groups; Self-respect and tolerance of other opinions; A positive attitude towards individuals from different cultures or speaking different languages; A peaceful and responsible solution for interpersonal problems or conflicts.

Education engenders culture, while familiarity with culture creates values. The intercultural approach cannot be reduced to a cumulative presentation of knowledge and values but implies building an attitude of respect and openness towards diversity, an attitude emerging from the constant communication with others and a proper insight into one’s own cultural

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norms. The main purpose of the Youth in Action project of 2012 was understanding and promoting the cultural values of diversity, while learning to live together in the public space, in a harmonious environment. Understanding the implications of cultural diversity is a key objective in the globalization process, as well as a formidable challenge for our contemporary society.

References Desgagné, S. & Larouche, Hélène. (2010). Quand la collaboration de recherche sert à la légitimation d’un savoir de l’expérience [When Research Cooperation Contributes to Legitimate Know How]. Recherches en Education 1. Université de Nantes. 7-18. European Commission. Youth Policy. Creativity and Culture. Online: http://ec.europa.eu/youth/policy/creativity-culture_en.htm. Krueger, R. A. & Cassey, M. A. 2005. Metoda focus grup. Ghid practic pentru cercetarea aplicată [Focus Group: A Practical Guide for Applied Research]. Iaúi: Polirom. Kuehnen, U., van Egmond, M. C., Haber, F., Kuschel, S., Ozelsel, A., Rossi, A. J. & Spivak, Y. (2011). Challenge me! Communicating in Multicultural Classrooms. Online: http://www.academia.edu/904010/Challenge_me_Communicating_in_ multicultural_classrooms. Le Boterf, G. (1998). Le management des compétences [Competencies Management]. Lecture at CIFP d’Aix-en Provence. Mead, Margaret. 1970. Culture and Commitment : A Study of the Generation Gap. New York, NY: Columbia University Press. Memorandum on Permanent Learning. (2000). Brussels: The Commission of the European Communities. Niculescu, Maria. 2010. CompetenĠe manageriale – perspective ale calităĠii în educaĠie [Managerial Competencies: Perspectives of Quality in Education]. Timiúoara: Editura UniversităĠii de Vest. Păun, E. (1999). ùcoala – abordare sociopedagogică [School: A Sociopedagogical Approach]. Iaúi: Polirom. Schon, D. (1983). Le praticien réflexif. A la recherche du savoir caché dans l’agir professionnel [The Reflexive Professional: In Search of the Know How Hidden in the Professional Acting]. Montréal: Editions Logiques. Sleeter, Christine E. (Ed.) 1991. Empowerment through Multicultural Education. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.

MAKING SENSE OF EDUCATION FOR DIVERSITIES: CRITICALITY, REFLEXIVITY AND LANGUAGE FRED DERVIN

Introduction “To try a concept on an object is to ask of the object what we have to do with it, what it can do for us. To label an object with a concept is to tell in precise terms the kind of action or attitude the object is to suggest to us. All knowledge properly so-called is, therefore, turned in a certain direction or taken from a certain point of view.” (Bergson 1938: 199)

Many adjectives are used in global research worlds to talk about education for what I shall call diversity for now: cross-cultural, metacultural, polycultural, multicultural and intercultural – but also global and international (Dervin, Gajardo & Lavanchy 2011, Grant & Portera 2011). These “labels” can appear interchangeably – without always being defined or distinguished. The multicultural and the intercultural represent the most widely used notions, which have been discussed extensively in education scholarship and practice. Many researchers and practitioners have attempted to define their characteristics by establishing borders and boundaries, through which they have often tended to be opposed, namely in geographical terms (the US vs. Europe, Northern vs. Southern Europe, etc. – Palaiologou & Dietz 2012). Some European researchers have even demonized the “multicultural,” asserting that multicultural education celebrates only cultural differences (see the example of “multicultural fairs” – Kromidas 2011) and ignores similarities, individuality, and the importance of relations, interaction and contexts – as the “intercultural” is said to operate. However, even if multicultural education and intercultural education have different origins (Abdallah-Pretceille 1986) – the former is related to Civil Rights Movements while the latter to mass immigration in Europe, amongst others, Holm & Zilliacus (2009) argue that, today, multicultural and intercultural education can both mean different things:

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Making Sense of Education for Diversities “[...] it is impossible to treat and draw conclusions about intercultural and multicultural education as if there was only one kind of each since there are several different kinds of both multicultural and intercultural education.” (ibidem: 23)

With the birth and spread of critical and more “political” approaches to education for diversity worldwide, does this mean that the dichotomy has lost much of its relevance? Have the enduring rivalries between the two notions been finally put to rest? What is, then, left of them? How can that be used and integrated in what I would like to refer to as education for diversities? The inspiration for this article comes from the fact that I was appointed professor of multicultural education in a Finnish department of Teacher Education in 2012. Having always worked within the field of language and intercultural education before that, this appointment made me reflect on the dichotomy mentioned earlier. Many of my colleagues wrote to me saying that they were confused by my new title – some of them even accused me of being a “traitor”! What I quickly realized was that, even though there is a wide array of labels, many and varied intersections between authors claiming to belong to different trends were noticeable. Politically, they differ but, when one looks at research and practice, they are so complex that it is impossible to define one approach in precise terms. When I set up my research group at my new department, I decided to call it Education for Diversities (E4D) in order to avoid having to position the group within one label or another. For me, multicultural and intercultural mean the same as long as they are used in a critical manner, especially in relation to the concepts of culture and identity, in relation to questions of power and justice but also, as will be my main claim in this chapter, in relation to criticality, reflexivity and language. Edward Said’s words (1978) reassured me: “Fields, of course, are made. They acquire coherence and integrity in time because scholars devote themselves in different ways to what seems to be a commonly agreed-upon subject matter. Yet it goes without saying that a field of study is rarely as simply defined as even its most committed partisans – usually scholars, professors, experts, and the like – claim it is. Besides, a field can change so entirely, in even the most traditional disciplines like philosophy, history, or theology, as to make an all-purpose definition of subject matter almost impossible.”

My goal was, thus, to take the “best” of the intercultural and the multicultural and to blend them to propose a field that would reflect the way we should deal with education for diversities today.

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In this article, I will use the term education for diversities to refer to authors who belong to any strand of research working on “othernesses” in education. Though also a very much contested and political term, diversity in the plural indicates a move from a mere emphasis on people from the outside (migrants, “Others”) to taking into account the diverse diversities from within: in other words, anyone who is considered or who constructs themselves to be different (Dervin 2011, 2012). This allows me to put an end to a certain hierarchy which tends to be established between “othernesses” in research and practice, and to question “imagined” oppositions between us and them. In Finland, for example, the use of the labels migrant and diverse are problematic in this sense as they tend to be used in daily doxic discourses but also in research to determine “certain” children who were born in Finland of migrant parents, thus excluding them from the label “Finns.” My interest in this chapter rests upon critical points that we need to reflect on, consider and use in both practice (e.g., in school) and research. Three aspects are discussed in what follows: criticality, reflexivity and the importance of language.

Entry Point: Criticality “Imagine an infant removed immediately from its place of birth and set down in a different environment. Then compare the various ‘identities’ the child might acquire in its new context, the battles it would now have to fight and those it would be spared. Needless to say, the child would have no recollection of his original religion, or of his country or language. And might he not one day find himself fighting to the death against those who ought to have been his nearest and dearest?” (Maalouf 2001: 24-25)

When we use such notions as the “multicultural” or the “intercultural,” we have to deal with the tired old notion of culture. For Debray (2007: 27), “in the fauna of vague things, culture ranks amongst the most dangerous as it can lead to infinite misunderstandings.” The problem with the word culture is that it is a very imprecise and lose concept, which can be used for different purposes: making sense of us vs. them, providing one’s interlocutors with easy explanations (excuses, manipulating our way out of a situation, etc. – Breidenbach & Nyíri 2009). For Ingrid Piller (2011: 172), “Culture is sometimes nothing more than a convenient and lazy explanation.” Brubaker (2004: 9) argues that the tendency to use “multichrome mosaic of monochrome” cultural blocs is problematic and yet a common phenomenon in our societies. I would add that it is also frequent in research and educational practices.

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Anthropologist Alban Bensa (2010: 56) maintains that the monochrome and often meaningless use of the concept of culture often evacuates continuums, social hybridation, and mélange (‘mixing’), which constitute any group of people. Postmodern and some constructivist approaches have clearly demonstrated that the contemporary individual, depending on the possibilities and liberties offered by his/her gender, socioeconomic position, etc. is, before all, a “cultural programmer” rather than a “member of a culture” (Lull 2000: 268). Abdallah-Pretceille (2006: 15) contends “each person has the possibility to express and act by using […] cultural reference codes which they have freely chosen.” In order to be useful, the concept of culture and what we do with it as practitioners and researchers should, thus, reflect these elements but also allow us to work from a more dynamic and “liquid” perspective (Bauman 2004), which takes into account both differences and similarities across individuals and groups. As such, Arendt (1958: 155) reminds us “If people were not different, they would have nothing to say to each other. And if they were not the same, they would not understand each other.”

For Hoskins & Sallah (2011: 214), our use of the concept of culture should, thus, include, for instance, the “knowledge of the political systems and how historically they have been created (at global, European, national and local levels) including how these structures have developed in relationship to the key concepts.” Relying on cultural facts and “recipes” appears increasingly as a highly contested approach, especially as, when defining a culture, no one can claim that the retained elements characterise all those who are included in this entity. Anne Cheng (2010) explains “doing” culture corresponds, in a way, to “walking” or “dancing”: “we are permanently unbalanced and only movement can allow us not to fall and to move on.” She also questions the approach that consists in systematically comparing cultures (and, thus, ignoring the real thing: people) because this implies solidifying something that is always in movement, always changing (ibidem). As a specialist of China, Cheng notes that even though the country has never ceased to change, we still tend to consider it and the Chinese as “pieces in a museum” (ibidem). For her, comparison can be used if it is an exit point and not an entry point. The comparison of cultures to trigger intercultural or multicultural awareness and encounters has been a strong tool in education (AbdallahPretceille 2011). According to Holliday (2011), cultural comparison is always accompanied by ideology and easily leads to ethnocentrism, and (implicit and explicit) xenophobic but also xenophile comments. Anne Philips (2010: 20), a professor of political and gender theory, rightly

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claims “cultural difference is more often read as cultural hierarchy than cultural variation. There are said to be ‘better’ and ‘worse’, ‘more advanced’ and ‘more backward’ cultures.” Like all social categories, we need to bear in mind that culture is “perspectival, historical, disrupted by the movement of people and re-constitutive of the phenomena (it) seek(s) to describe” (Gillespie, Howarth & Cornish 2012: 391). According to Cheng (2010), if we ignore these aspects, “we look at each other as inanimate objects and dialogue ends.” The idea of culturalism has been used in anthropology and other fields to refer to the use of static cultural differences to explain intercultural encounters. Culturalism is the reduction of the self and the other to cultural “alibis” (often national culture) (Bauböck 2008, Abdallah-Pretceille 1986). Ethically and epistemologically, culturalism is presented increasingly as unacceptable in research and practice as it shows a lack of awareness of interdisciplinary discussions around the concept of culture. Furthermore, it reveals limited reflexivity and criticality from the actors who use it in these fields. I believe that this is the first point of entry of making sense of education for diversities. Rejecting culturalism entirely is essential, i.e. the use of a static understanding of the concept of culture, which overlooks contextualised and intersubjective interaction between complex persons and leads to “plural monoculturalism” (Sen 2001) rather than dialogue. In their book, Seeing Culture Everywhere, Breidenbach & Nyíri (2009: 281) give the following example which I qualify as “culturalist.” This is taking place in a lecture hall in Australia: “One day, the lecturer asked [a Japanese student] to demonstrate how Japanese people greet each other. Atsushi lifted his hand, wiggled his fingers, and said ‘hello.’ Not satisfied, the lecturer insisted: ‘No, I mean how do you greet people in a formal situation?’ Atsushi shrugged and repeated that this was how he greeted people. Getting annoyed, the lecturer – who was, of course, expecting Atsushi to perform a bow – said ‘Okay, then, how would you greet the Emperor?’ Atsushi, feeling harassed, responded that he would prefer not to meet the emperor. Finally, the lecturer was obliged to perform the bow herself, but Atsushi felt stereotyped and kept complaining about the incident for weeks.”

It is easy to see the danger of the culturalist approach in working on education for diversities. In this excerpt, the lecturer is trying to meet a cultural aspect (greetings in Japan) rather than an individual who has to negotiate these elements in different micro- and macro-contexts and in relation to diverse interlocutors.

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In a recent article, Hoskins & Sallah (2011: 114) explain clearly how the focus on culture “hides unequal power relations, including poverty, violence, structural inequalities such as racism and the possibilities of multiple identities.” In the excerpt, the lecturer uses her “power” to impose her own representation of the Japanese on the class – which leaves Atsushi “feeling harassed” and “culturalised.” Hoskins & Sallah add that this is a way of putting aside important discussions “of the wider structural forces of capitalism, racism, colonialism, and sexism.” (idem)

Paying Attention to Ideology: Reflexivity “The reductionism of high theory can make a major contribution, often inadvertently to the violence of low politics.” (Sen 2001: xvi)

The second point I wish to make is that, whenever we discuss diversities and/or multiculturalism-interculturalism, we are very much influenced by ideologies and that an awareness of this is essential to act upon in a critical, reflexive and ethical way. Shi-Xu (2001: 283) defines ideology as “symbolic power whereby one group becomes dominated, excluded, prejudiced against by another – ‘symbolic violence’ – and which is smoothed over or turned ‘natural’ or ‘universal’ through ‘commonsensical’ ways of thinking and speaking.” If we refer to our previous discussion on the word culture, it is easy to see how researchers and practitioners can easily impose their views and categories of their own self and the other in their research participants. Reflexivity is, thus, important in order to avoid contributing to the “violence of low politics” as Sen puts it in the opening quote to this section. Martine Abdallah-Pretceille (2006: 480) makes a first important point related to ideology when she asserts “No fact is intercultural at the outset, nor is the quality of intercultural an attribute of an object, it is only intercultural analysis that can give it this character.” As such, as a practitioner or a researcher, we might decide that such or such a situation is intercultural or multicultural without even consulting the people who are taking part in the situation – and who may not consider it as such but just an act of interaction between friends, lovers, etc. The labels that we use always tend to be viewpoints and beliefs that we need to question. In his book on the intellectual, Edward Saïd (1996: xi) reminds us that our role is to “break down the stereotypes and the reductive categories that are so limiting to human thought and communication.”

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Hoskins & Sallah (2011) call for a more political approach to these issues. They ask us to interrogate systematically such phenomena as discrimination and inequality in our own work (forms of sexism, racism and colonialism – ibidem: 123) and to question the power relations and their consequences for representation in what we present in e.g., our research results (ibidem). For example, this means, in the case of an interview, to examine our own discourses and potential influence on what our research participants are saying and not present them as being solely responsible for their words. It is not enough to say that research participants felt at ease and that there was no boundary between them and us. The use of digital recorders, even if agreed upon with the participants, can represent “symbolic violence” that we cannot just ignore or justify by saying “after a while, the participants forgot that they were being recorded.” Is such a claim valid? How do we know? This all implies taking seriously into account the proposal of moving away from researching on informants to researching with research participants (Midgley, Danaher & Baguley 2012). This would, I believe, trigger more justice in the way we do research and work with diversities in education. In his book, Intercultural Communication and Ideology, Adrian Holliday (2011: 18) notes that “Many (people) might consider that a lot of intercultural communication has nothing to do with prejudice or issues with the Centre-West, but with ‘innocent’ unfamiliar cultural events, practices, behaviour and values such as different management styles, family relations, dress codes, forms of address, attitudes to privacy, and modes of getting things done.”

He also criticizes the lack of political discussions amongst practitioners and researchers about issues of inequality, hegemonies, poverty, etc. (ibidem). For him, ideology in research and practice also derives from the overemphasis on culture (see previous section) and the ignorance of the intersection between identity markers such as social class, age, gender, emotions, etc. (ibidem: 187). For the anthropologist Amselle (2010: 79), this means that we should “hear” our participants rather than “listen to” them. For example, it is not up to us (the dominants) to decide on their “culture” or even “language” to characterise them (ibidem). Another important point that Holliday (2011: 187) makes is that the Other also constructs “discourses of culture,” so instead of trying to answer the questions “what is their culture?” and “how does their culture allow them to communicate with others?” we should explore such questions as “how do they present and co-construct the culture they are claiming to be representative of?” and “how and why do they put its

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characteristics into scene when interacting with others?” (“in my culture we do”; “you’re not from my culture so you can’t understand”). Often the way research participants speak to researchers or practitioners tend to mimic how the latter speak to them. The formulation of questions and comments, the concepts that we use often lead them to reinvest these elements. As such, with Brubaker (1994: 10), we could say that research participants “have a performative character” (in reference to Pierre Bourdieu). In all forms of interaction, “people not simply ‘understand’ each other; rather, they are acting with and upon each other.” (Shi-Xu 2001: 285) This means that what a participant does or says is “jointly negotiated and constructed” (ibidem) with a researcher or a practitioner. It is important to note that this phenomenon applies to any kind of data or genre such as narratives, interviews, focus groups, questionnaires, etc. We also need to be critical of the idea that e.g., “narratives” are more subjective and reveal more than interviews. Any act of interaction is intersubjective, and even a questionnaire involves at least two people interaction (the person who asks questions and the one who answers).

Language is Central in Working with Diversities The aspect of language is often absent from discussions of diversities in education though it is central, as education has often been described as being ideologically biased towards languages (Risager 2007). Most of the time, intercultural interactions and the collection of data take place through the use of a language or of different languages, “mother tongues,” foreign or second/third languages, and lingua francas. This is why we need to problematize consistently and in a coherent way the following aspects. Just like culture, the notion of language needs to be revised and complexified in order to make sense of education for diversities. For many individuals in the world, their daily lives revolve around the use of many languages, not just one. Answering a question such as “what is your mother tongue?” may be difficult for them and require positioning, i.e. decide on only one language to identify oneself. There is, here, a danger of leading to simplistic boxing. In our daily lives, we also use different forms of the same language depending on contexts, interlocutors, power relations, etc. This means that it is not because we share a first language (often called “mother tongue”) with an individual that we systematically understand each other. Marc Augé (2010: 17) explains “a volatile, fluid and invisible boundary can separate those who appear to be similar and

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subtly unite those whose language and culture appear to place a distance between them.” Like culture, language can sometimes be too easy an explanation for misunderstandings or non-understandings: “you can’t understand, you don’t speak my language” or “it is impossible to translate into your language or in another language.” The “natural” and “biological” links that are often made between language and culture are somewhat deterministic and problematic as they seem to imprison individuals in cultural and linguistic cells. The example of the word sisu in Finnish and the usual argument that is impossible to translate it into other languages will serve as an illustration. An important element of (imagined) Finnishness, the word was “invented” at the end of the Winter War in 1940 to describe the Finns’ perseverance during the war against the Russians. Used today to create a strong sense of national identity, the Sisu argument is often used to construct us vs. them. In fact, there are many equivalents in other languages, for example, in English, it can translate as strength of will, determination, and/or perseverance. Laypeople, scholars and educational practitioners alike use the sisu argument to describe and determine Finns (Brueggeman 2008) often failing to note the ideology behind it as it places problematic boundaries between people from different countries (Finns are more perseverant or stronger than others). Who can decide on such elements? Who has the right to claim superiority? Pullum’s (1991) great attack on what he calls the great Eskimo vocabulary hoax or the fact that, in order to explain the link between culture and language, we often use the example of the word snow in Eskimo, could aptly apply to the word in Finnish. The problem with these arguments is that they tend to biologize culture through language and allow people who use them to place artificial and hierarchical boundaries between “cultures.” As researchers and practitioners, we need to question these elements not to allow exclusion, hierarchization and potential symbolic and physical violence to emerge. Another aspect that we need to bear in mind is that language is always political and power-ridden. For Lakoff (1990: 17), a specialist of the question, “our every interaction is political, whether we intend it to be or not; everything we do in the course of a day communicates our relative power, our desire for a particular sort of connection, our identification of the other as one who needs something from us, or vice versa. Often, perhaps usually, we are unaware of these choices; we don’t realize that we are playing for high stakes even in the smallest of small talk.” For the researcher and practitioner, this means consciously and explicitly taking this fact into account when working on diversities. Interaction is always between two individuals a minima and “we cannot give an undistorted

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account of ‘a person’ without giving an account of his relation with others. […]. No one acts or experiences in a vacuum.” (Laing 1961: 81-82) The researcher is as much responsible of what is shared as the participant. Linguistically, power can be attached to different identity markers (social class, gender, generation, etc). In terms of interaction with diversities, the power relations between e.g., the researcher and the researched, especially in relation to the “native” and “non-native” statuses of the actors involved, should also be taken into account. The so-called “native” usually has more power than the non-native speaker (Dervin & Badrinathan 2011). Chen (2011) examined this aspect in the context of ethnographic interviews and showed how languages spoken in this context can affect interviews and power dynamics. I do not agree fully with her claim thought that power relations are less prominent if the interviewer is a non-native speaker of the language used during the interview. Again, as has been stated a few times in this chapter, it is a combination, an intersection of different aspects that play a role in power relations (language + social status + gender, etc.) – not just one. This leads me to the question of translation. Too often in research on diversities in education, the act of translating is hardly problematized. When we translate data from one language/different languages to another, we make certain choices using certain tools, as to how we express and construct words, phrases and ideas. These choices can be extremely difficult or subjective. The example of certain pronouns in some languages is telling. As such, in the French language, the “chameleon” pronoun on (which can translate in English as a generic ‘you’, ‘one’, but also as ‘we’ or ‘I’, depending on the context), can serve a specific purpose in relation to identification and any translation in English or any other language needs to be explicitly positioned (Boutet 1994). Another example is that of codeswitching and code-mixing, i.e. the use of different languages in one utterance, which should be indicated clearly in our translations as they often allow speakers to construct identity – they are not just innocent “moments” in a text (Alam 2011). Bradby (2002) and Temple & Edwards (2002), amongst others, have looked into issues of translation and interpreting in relation to diversities in education and call for a transparent, honest and problematizing discussion on researching multilingually. Maria Birbili (2000) has also reflected on the challenges involved in collecting data in one or different languages and presenting the results in another. She also calls for transparency in terms of translation-related decisions that “have a direct impact on the validity of the research and its report.” (ibidem)

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Furthermore, Birbili (ibidem) mentions the following aspects as being problematic: “gaining conceptual equivalence” (especially in relation to “emotional connotations” that a word might not have in another language), “comparability of grammatical forms” (see the French pronoun on above), and “making participants’ words accessible and understandable.” The scholar offers certain solutions for dealing with these essential issues from which we could learn (ibidem). A first technique is to use back translation (translating an excerpt back into the original language) and to discuss the choices made with others (translators, other scholars but also people who know the context). In a similar vein, González y González & Lincoln (2006) also propose to include the data in the original language too in our articles for the sake of transparency. The authors (2006) suggest answering in writing the following questions: “What is the first language of the researcher? Can the research be carried out adequately in the researcher’s language or would it be more appropriate to use the language of the research participants? Are the researcher and translator the same person? If not, what position is the researcher taking toward the research? How does that differ from that of the translator?” The next point about the centrality of language is that of transcription, an analytical tool we use to work with naturally occurring talk. Transcribing data is always a political act in the sense that it consists in representing a social phenomenon in words only and is “only ever partial representations of the talk (they) record.” (Liddicoat 2011: 27) If one asked different researchers to transcribe e.g., the same interview, they might all come up with different transcriptions (even individual researchers) and, thus, with different results and different views on the participants. Transparency is, thus, vital here. In general, for a transcription to be fair, one needs to mention and discuss the context where the interview took place (time, place, actors, etc.). Standard practice in transcribing data when working with diversities is to use orthographic transcription. For Liddicoat (idem: 32), this type of transcription is not “a neutral representation of the language but rather it contains a partial theory of the sounds and units of the language […] and is based on a particular variety of the language.” This is why, when we transcribe, we make certain decisions that need to be explained and clarified. For Chauvier (2011: 18), the semantic aspect of language (i.e. its meaning, the transmission of a piece of information) is not the only aspect to be taken into account. Other aspects contributing to the relation between interlocutors (researchers-practitioners and participants) are also contained

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in the words they use, express and co-construct. Liddicoat, thus, maintains that we also need to make allowance for spoken language characteristics found in the speech such as stress, intonation, volume and length of words (ibidem: 33) to make our analyses even more valid. The scholar (ibidem: 39) also stresses the importance of including speech sounds in our transcriptions (breathing, laughter, “smile voice” – a smile accompanying a sound, etc.) as they play a meaningful role in the interaction we are considering and, thus, in the meaning that is being co-created and negotiated. Other elements such as pauses and silences are also important in meaning-making and should be included when analysing naturally occurring talk (ibidem). We need to make these explicit and use them throughout our analyses of data. My last point about language is related to the still widespread idea that the researcher should not be heard in his/her research work, that the work should not be “visceral.” Though, sometimes, denounced as “navelgazing” (Jarvie 1988), reflexivity and voicing are essential to re-imagine both participants and researchers, to turn research into a real “political” experience rather than a structural exercise (Bensa 2010: 21). Too often, researchers who try to be reflexive, intersubjective and critical satisfy themselves with mentioning either at the beginning, in the methodological section of their work, or in the review of the results, the necessity to take into account the fact that the results rely on the co-construction of discourses and actions between the researched and the researcher, but they fail to integrate it throughout the work. According to anthropologist Eric Chauvier (2011: 156), the processes behind producing and constructing a study should be considered as an object of the study to be examined to make research “fairer.”

Conclusion: Towards Actors’ Diversities Competences? To end this chapter, I would like to summarize the three central points that I have proposed to make sense of education for diversities (but also multicultural and intercultural education). These three aspects need to be consistently and coherently be taken into consideration by all the actors involved in such education: teachers, principals, teacher assistants, student teachers and researchers. -

Criticality was presented as being the first component of what I wish to call “diversities competences,” especially in relation to contested and polysemic concepts that we use on the street, in practice and research. Being critical towards our own “boxing” of our students through the

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use of these terms is but the basis of working on education for diversities. This also implies being aware and paying attention to potential (implicit) discrimination, injustice and inequalities on structural and individual levels (Hoskins & Sallah 2011: 114). Reflexivity relates to the constant attention that should be paid to ideologies “lurking” behind how we conceptualise and do research, or work with diversities in education. For Hoskins & Sallah (idem) this also means “Critical thinking towards your own beliefs and actions and towards others.” This entails analyzing one’s own discourses and the co-construction of discourses with research participants that we analyse in our work or actions. The notion of power difference between us researchers/practitioners and our participants is also essential here and must be taken seriously into account. Finally, language, without which the two previous elements are impossible, must also be systematically discussed: do we encounter problems when dealing with diversities linguistically? How do we translate from different languages and how can we make this process more transparent? What transcription systems are we using and are they complex enough to help us include as many elements of the interactions as possible?

Making sense of education for diversities from a renewed perspective involves the competences mentioned above. Though they are not really that new (anthropologists have already dealt with these issues for several decades), it is the combination of these aspects that can make education for diversities a fairer, less hierarchizing and complex place where diversities can flourish.

References Abdallah-Pretceille, Martine. (1986). Vers une pédagogie interculturelle [Toward an Intercultural Pedagogy]. Paris: Anthropos. —. (2006). Interculturalism as a Paradigm for Thinking about Diversity. Intercultural Education 17 (5): 475-483. —. (2011). Postface. In Anne Lavanchy, A. Gajardo & F. Dervin (Eds.), Anthropologies de l’interculturalité [Anthropologies of Interculturality]. Paris: L’Harmattan. Alam, Surayia. (2011). Integration of Various Approaches towards the Functions of Code-Switching between Punjabi, Urdu and English. International Journal of Linguistics 3 (1): 1-18. Amselle, J.-L. (2010). Rétrovolutions: Essais sur les primitivismes

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contemporains [Retrovolutions: Essays on Contemporary Primitivisms]. Paris: Stock. Arendt, Hannah. (1958). The Human Condition. Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press. Augé, M. (2010). La communauté illusoire [The Illusory Community]. Paris: Rivages. Bauböck, R. (2008). Beyond Culturalism and Statism: Liberal Responses to Diversity. Eurosphere Working Paper Series, No. 6. Online: http://eurospheres.org/files/2010/08/pluginEurosphere_Working_Paper_6_Baubock.pdf. Bauman, Z. (2004). Identity: Conversations with Benedetto Vecchi. Cambridge: Polity Press. Bensa, A. (2010). Après Lévi-Strauss: Pour une anthropologie à taille humaine [After Lévi-Strauss: For a Human-Size Anthropology]. Paris: Textuel. Bergson, H. (1938). La Pensée et le Mouvant [The Thought and the Moving]. Paris, PUF. Birbili, Maria. (2000). Translating from One Language to Another. Social Research Update 31. Online: http://sru.soc.surrey.ac.uk/SRU31.html. Boutet, Josiane. (1994). Construire le sens [Building up Sense]. Berlin: Peter Lang. Bradby, Hannah. (2002). Translating Culture and Language: A Research Note on Multilingual Settings. Sociology of Health & Illness 24 (6): 842-855. Breidenbach, Joana & Nyíri, P. (2009). Seeing Culture Everywhere: From Genocide to Consumer Habits. Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press. Brubaker, R. (2004). Ethnicity without Groups. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Brueggeman, Martha A. (2008). An Outsider’s View of Beginning Literacy in Finland: Assumptions, Lessons Learned, and Sisu. Literacy Research and Instruction 47 (1): 1-8. Chauvier, É. (2011). Anthropologie de l’ordinaire. Une conversion du regard [Anthropology of the Ordinary: A Conversion of the Look]. Toulouse: Anacharsis. Chen, S.-H. (2011). Power Relations between the Researcher and the Researched: An Analysis of Native and Nonnative Ethnographic Interviews. Field Methods 23 (2): 119-135. Cheng, A. (2010). Le ressac de l’histoire. Réflexions sur les amnésies chinoises [The Undertow of History: Reflections on Chinese Amnesias]. Vacarme 52. Online:

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http://www.vacarme.org/article1917.html. Debray, R. (2007). Un mythe contemporain: le dialogue des civilisations [A Contemporary Myth: A Dialogue of Civilisations]. Paris: CNRS. Dervin, F. & Badrinathan, V. (2011). L’enseignant non natif: identités et légitimité dans l’enseignement-apprentissage des langues étrangères [The Non-Native Teacher: Identities and Legitimacy in the TeachingLearning of Foreign Languages]. Paris: E.M.E. Éditions. Dervin, F. (2011). A Plea for Change in Research on Intercultural Discourses: A ‘Liquid’ Approach to the Study of the Acculturation of Chinese Students. Journal of Multicultural Discourses 6 (1): 37-52. —. (2012). Impostures interculturelles [Intercultural Impostures]. Paris: L’Harmattan. Dervin, F., Gajardo, A. & Lavanchy, Anne. (Eds.) (2011). Politics of Interculturality. Newcastle-upon-Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Gillespie, A., Howarth, Caroline S. & Cornish, Flora. (2012). Four Problems for Researchers Using Social Categories. Culture & Psychology 18 (3): 391-402. González y González, Elsa M. & Lincoln, Yvonna S. (2006). Decolonizing Qualitative Research: Non-traditional Reporting Forms in the Academy. Forum: Qualitative Social Research 7 (4): Article 1. Grant, C. A. & Portera, A. (2011). Intercultural and Multicultural Education: Enhancing Global Interconnectedness. London: Routledge. Holliday, A. (2011). Intercultural Communication and Ideology. London: Sage. Holm, G. & Zilliacus, H. (2009). Multicultural Education and Intercultural Education: Is There a Difference. In M. Talib, J. Loima, H. Paavola & S. Patrikainen (Eds.), Dialogues on Diversity and Global Education. Berlin: Peter Lang. 11-28. Hoskins, B. & Sallah, M. (2011). Developing Intercultural Competence in Europe: The Challenges. Language and Intercultural Communication 11 (2): 113-125. Jarvie, I. (1988). Comments. Current Anthropology 29: 427-429. Kromidas, M. (2011). Troubling Tolerance and Essentialism: The Critical Cosmopolitanism of New York City Schoolchildren. In F. Dervin, A. Gajardo & A. Lavanchy (Eds.), Politics of Interculturality. Newcastleupon-Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. 89-114. Laing, R. D. (1961). The Divided Self: An Existential Study in Sanity and Madness. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books. Lakoff, R. (1990). Talking Power: The Politics of Language. New York, NY: Basic Books.

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Liddicoat, A. (2011). An Introduction to Conversation Analysis. London – New York: Continuum. Lull, J. (2000). Media, Communication, Culture: A Global Approach. Cambridge, MA: Polity Press. Maalouf, A. (2001). In the Name of Identity: Violence and the Need to Belong. London: Penguin Books. Midgley, W., Danaher, P. A. & Baguley, M. (Eds.). (2012). Reimagining Participants in Education Research. London: Routledge. Palaiologou, Nektaria & Diez, G. (2012). Mapping the Broad Field of Multicultural and Intercultural Education Worldwide: Towards the Development of a New Citizen. Newcastle-upon-Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Philips, Anne. (2010). Gender and Culture. Cambridge, MA: Polity. Piller, Ingrid. (2011). Intercultural Communication: A Critical Introduction. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Pullum, G. K. (1991). The Great Eskimo Vocabulary Hoax and Other Irreverent Essays on the Study of Language. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Risager, Karen. (2007). Language and Culture: Global Flows and Local Complexity. Clevedon – Buffalo – Toronto: Multicultural Matters. Saïd, E. W. (1978). Orientalism. London: Vintage. Sen, A. (2001). Violence and Identity: The Illusion of Destiny. London: Penguin. Shi-Xu (2001). Critical Pedagogy and Intercultural Communication: Creating Discourses of Diversity, Equality, Common Goals and Rational-Moral Motivation. Journal of Intercultural Studies 22 (3): 279-93. Temple, Bogusia & Edwards, Rosalind. (2002). Interpreters/Translators and Cross-Language Research: Reflexivity and Border Crossings. International Journal of Qualitative Methods 1 (2): 1-12.

CHAPTER TWO POLITICAL CONTEXT

LANGUAGE, SOCIAL CLASS, ETHNICITY AND EDUCATIONAL INEQUALITY KEVIN NORLEY

Based around ideas that education should be used as a tool for transforming society and eliminating injustice, as opposed to preserving structures of power and privilege that maintain the status quo, theories of multicultural education began developing in the 1960s as a means to challenging discriminatory policies and practices in education. Whilst some have advocated the need for policies and practices to be more inclusive of underrepresented groups through changes to the curriculum that introduce diverse materials that reflect the experiences and voices of the students, along with learning styles that facilitate student centred learning, thus allowing each student the opportunity to reach their full potential and to become socially and critically aware, others have argued that the aim of multicultural education is to challenge people to recognise and address the fact that, according to Gorski (2010), “problems in education are themselves symptoms of a system that continues to be controlled by the economic elite” and “schools consistently provide continuing privilege to the privileged and continuing struggle for the struggling with very little hope of upward mobility.” According to Wilson (2002), multicultural education can give ethnic minorities a greater sense of identity through allowing them to learn more about their own culture’s contributions in subject areas not normally covered in a traditional curriculum and in so doing, help to eliminate the crux of stereotyping, prejudice, racism, and bigotry, and lead to the reduction of fear, ignorance, and personal detachment. However, opponents of multicultural education can point to how schools and communities are becoming more and more divided along racial and ethnic grounds, with research from the OECD (2011), for example, showing that the UK’s school system is socially segregated, with immigrant children clustered in disadvantaged schools. In a project entitled Measuring Diversity at Bristol University, the aim of which was to provide up-to-date and comprehensive information on the complex, and sometimes sensitive, issue of ethnic breakdown in local

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authority schools in England to policy makers and researchers, Burgess, Greaves & Speight (2010) concluded that there were patterns of divided communities with pupils much more likely to attend school with people from their own ethnic group. In Bradford, for example, the scene of race riots in 2001, statistics showed that almost all pupils at 10 out of 28 secondary schools were from the same racial group whilst in another example, figures showed that in Blackburn, four out of nine secondary schools in the area attracted more than 90 per cent of students from a single ethnic background. In further examples, statistics showed that in Oldham, about 80% of pupils from the sizeable Pakistani and Bangladeshi communities go to schools where they will meet few white pupils whilst in Camden, North London, more than three quarters of Bangladeshi pupils go to mostly non-white schools. In the report, it is argued that children’s future attitudes and perspectives on society are strongly influenced by their peer groups at school and that naturally, if they play, talk and work predominantly with children of their own ethnic background, then they will be less inclined later in life to mix with and embrace people of other backgrounds and alternative viewpoints. Furthermore, if people were to look around a typical university campus (where there are predominantly educated young people), they would observe people from different ethnic minorities mixing and integrating to a greater degree than in colleges of further education (where the young students are generally less well educated), where there is a greater tendency amongst young people from ethnic minorities to stick together, reflecting a general observation that the further down the socio-economic ladder people are the greater is the ethnic division. At a segregation seminar, Nick Johnson (2007), the director of policy for the Commission for Racial Equality (which preceded the Equalities and Human Rights Commission) argued “Britain risks becoming a ‘mini America’ dominated by racially determined schools” on the basis “those schools with more control over their admissions selected advantaged white, middle-class pupils who were more likely to succeed” and that as a result, they were “a ‘ticking time bomb’ of growing racial segregation waiting to explode.” Furthermore, Sir Trevor Philips (chair of the Equalities and Human Rights Commission, which superseded the Commission for Racial Equality in 2007) stated in a speech at an event entitled How fair is Britain?, given on 11th October, 2010, “multiculturalism has failed” and that “Britain is becoming an increasingly segregated society.” Meanwhile, if we consider that in America, research has indicated that ethnic minority students are disproportionately poor,

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drop out of school, are suspended or expelled, and achieving far below their potential relative to the ethnic majority (Bennett 1995), then it is clear that any form of envisaged multiculturalism has not been realised. It has been argued, however, by Padilla (2004: 130) that the focus of studies on ethnic minority students has often been “from the perspective of their failure in the education system, or how to improve our understanding of factors associated with (under)achievement” and “few studies have examined ethnic minority students with respect to their success in education.” Multicultural goals may be ambitious and noble, calling for the transformation of society through changes to the education system, etc. Nevertheless, how have such goals clearly not manifested themselves, why has multicultural education not been as Wilson (2002) puts it, “the potential catalyst to bring all races together in harmony” and how can its goals be, or go some way towards being, achieved? This chapter argues that the pathway to the aims of multicultural education, whether at an individual level, institutional level or wider societal level, is best served through a challenge to the dominant class culture, through its associated language, where children are failing, and a deeper and broader understanding of how, and why, society perpetuates entrenched advantage through language denied to those from lower socio-economic groups. Over recent years, successive waves of foreign immigration have taken place within typical urban working class areas, such as the East End of London that are synonymous with socio-economic deprivation, overcrowding and low educational achievement, etc. Within the context of this demographic transformation of British Society, which has seen an ever increasing number of immigrants to Britain and with it, an increasing linguistic diversity, it is even more important to have a greater understanding of the existing dominant culture that those immigrants, along with their culture and language, are being absorbed into, in order to fully make sense of the trials and tribulations of the resultant multicultural society. The dominant culture in these areas was that of the white working class. Although, traditionally, working-class communities in the past valued education, with the spirit of working men’s institutes and technical colleges, etc., a study by Ofsted (1993), Access and Achievement in Urban Education, raised concerns that increasingly high unemployment levels following the demise of traditional industries in post-industrial cities were impacting on old-fashioned support for education within those communities, particularly where entire families were out of work. Prior to becoming Tony Blair’s education advisor, Adonis & Pollard (1997) argued that since the second world war, existing class divisions had widened, and

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a new class division, namely the Underclass and the Superclass, had been added on. More recently, the head of Ofsted, Sir Michael Wilshaw (Paton 2012), raised concerns that white working class boys in deprived areas were growing up with no hope of a decent education or career because of an anti-school culture promulgated by families that fail to set proper boundaries or fully understand the difference between right and wrong. He backed this up with evidence that white British boys from poor families who qualify for free school meals lag behind fellow pupils throughout the school system and achieve the worst results aged 16 of any ethnic group apart from gypsy and traveller children. With regard to ethnic minority achievement, the ability to succeed within education is, of course, partly dependent on the culture from which any particular group originates, but it is also partly dependent on, and clearly also affected by, the culture into which they are immersed. Research on ethnic minority achievement by Dustmann, Machin & Schönberg (2010: 273) shows “at the beginning of primary school […] ethnic minority pupils (with the exception of Chinese pupils) lag behind white British-born pupils.” Then, the research (ibidem: 272-273), which uses administrative data for all pupils in state schools (primary and secondary) in England to “document and evaluate explanations of achievement gaps between ethnic minority and white British- born individuals in England” asserts that, “with the exception of black Caribbean pupils, ethnic minority pupils gain substantially relative to white British pupils throughout […] schooling.” Resulting from these assertions, the research (ibidem: 273) concludes “conditioning in English as a mother tongue substantially reduces achievement gaps” and that “the impact of language declines as children become older.” However, the research does not consider the degree to which ethnic minorities are influenced by the type of English language they are immersed in or the impact of social class on language development. Differences between ethnic minority achievement, and reasons for those differences, are explained in the Swann Committee (1985) which, in its study based on the education of children from ethnic minority groups, concluded that the reasons behind Asian pupils outperforming West Indian pupils in schools lay within their respective cultures. It argued that Asian families’ structure and community organization are stronger and tighter knit than those of Afro-Caribbean communities, allowing Asian children to have a stronger sense of identity and higher levels of self-esteem and self-confidence, providing them with a firmer foundation on which to base their educational success.

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Furthermore, research by Sewell (2000) concerning the under achievement of black people in education found, based on interviews with black students themselves, that the increase in commercialization surrounding the negatively perceived, non-academic aspects of AfroCaribbean culture was partly to blame for their underachievement and that on the whole, black students saw enjoying black culture as more important than doing well at school. Sewell also found that the culture of underachievement in black education is matched by under expectations of teachers. In addition, in looking at the history of how black and Jewish people have become integrated into British society, Saggar (1998) argues that black people have become more integrated in the British working class whilst Jewish people have become more integrated in the British middle classes. Norley (2012: 161) argues that as EAL (English as an Additional Language) learners will be influenced by the language they hear around them, those minorities that are prevalent in urban, working class areas are more likely to adopt non-standard English features and colloquialisms of the culture into which they are suffused. This in turn, he argues, as with native speakers from working class backgrounds, who use non-standard English, affects the way in which such learners are able to achieve. However, it is not just urban areas that are affected. A report by Hollingworth & Mansaray (2012: 4, 5) from the London Metropolitan University’s Institute for Policy Studies, gives examples of how migration histories “complicate the ‘ethnic’ category further” due to “different social class histories of different ethnic and linguistic communities.” The report, in which they attempt to “identify which linguistic minorities are at a ‘disadvantage’ in education in England and to identify where they are located,” highlights the fact that Britain is becoming more ethnically and linguistically diverse every day, beyond London and urban areas typically associated with multi-ethnic populations, and cites as an example how “many of the widest attainment gaps” in education are “present in local authorities with substantial Pakistani ethnic minority groups…who tend to speak Urdu, Punjabi or Mirpuri and experience economic disadvantage.” The report suggests, on the basis of this increasing diversity, that more research is needed into the attainment and educational experiences of ethnic and linguistic groups. The correlation between social class, ethnicity and language is clearly made by Honey (1997), who argues that schools have been failing working-class and ethnic minority children through not insisting on the exclusive use of Standard English; he states that:

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Entwhistle (1978: 32), in emphasizing the differences between the social classes in terms of their different cultures and associated linguistic differences, explains the difficulties that working-class children have traditionally had in schooling as being partly due to “the inability of working-class speech to support academic discourse.” Furthermore, Bernstein (1964: 25), in studying social relationships and how they tend to generate different speech systems (or linguistic codes), argued that the failure of children from working-class origins to profit from formal education was “crudely related to the control on types of learning induced by a restricted code.” In outlining the difference between what he defines as ‘elaborated’ and ‘restricted’ codes in terms of class structures, he states that: “[...] children socialised within the middle class and associated strata can be expected to possess both an elaborated and a restricted code whilst children socialised within some sections of the working class strata, particularly the lower working class, can be expected to be limited to a restricted code. As a child progresses through school it becomes critical for him to possess, or at least be orientated towards, an elaborated code, if he is to succeed.” (Bernstein 1964: 5)

The importance of the correlation between speaking and listening, and the development of reading and writing skills was clearly illustrated (2010) in a radio 4 interview with Sir Jim Rose, an ex-head of Ofsted, who was commissioned by the department for Children, Schools and Families to carry out an independent review of the primary curriculum, the largest review of its type for forty years. During the interview, the focus of which was to explore the effects of ‘word poverty’ on formal learning, it was recognised that a high percentage of children in some areas of the country started school with such poor language skills and such a limited vocabulary, that they were not able to start reading. Sir Jim Rose went on to attribute the lack of reading and writing skills amongst some school children to the fact “reading and writing feed off speaking and listening” and “if they can’t say it they can’t write it.” It is apparent that pupils’ lack of language and reading skills disadvantages them in their early education and that this disadvantage deepens as they progress through their education and the gap between them and those pupils from more middle class backgrounds, who have

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more developed language skills, and hence more competent reading skills, gets wider and wider. The degree to which literacy skills can affect people’s individual lives as well as the society in which they live is highlighted in a report by the National Literacy Trust (2009: 2) which argues that a lack of literacy skills “not only impacts upon an individual’s personal success and happiness, but also affects their family, the community they live in, and society as a whole.” The report, entitled Manifesto for Literacy (2009: 2, 3 and 4) also goes on to state that those with poor literacy skills “earned less, voted less, had lower aspirations, higher rates of family breakdown, and poorer mental and physical health” and that as a result, literacy problems “cause acute social, economic and cultural problems that undermine and divide communities.” However, as stated in the Manifesto, “Literacy difficulties are not spread evenly across the population; they are disproportionately focused amongst certain groups, in particular groups with lower socioeconomic status.” In addition, Orr (2012) argues that: “Britain has finally had its longstanding difficulties with literacy rubbed in its face just as the money to tackle the problem is ebbing away. I feel so angry that this failure has been ignored or denied for such a long time, even though it has been apparent for many years. The left, on the whole, has spent the last decade excusing an education system that lets down the people whom it is supposed to care for most.”

However, within education, it is not just the literacy skills of students that are of concern; The Nutbrown Review (2012) into early years’ education and childcare qualifications reported that nursery staff and child minders were being allowed to work at pre-school groups without demonstrating even basic numeracy or literacy skills. Furthermore, there is the issue of teachers in the post -16 sector being able to enter on to, and achieve, a certificate in education (Post Compulsory Education) without the need for a level two literacy or numeracy qualification, and then only having to obtain it if, and when, they try and obtain QTLS (Qualified Teacher in the Lifelong Learning Sector) status. With level 2 literacy and numeracy qualifications, which until July 2012 was obtainable through passing online tests consisting of forty multiple choice questions, QTLS status can be applied for, entitling teachers to work in the compulsory education sector, following recommendations from the Wolf Report (2011). As a result, this low expectation of literacy skills amongst teachers, not surprisingly, transposes itself into low expectations of their pupils, and goes some way to explain the differential between pupils’ literacy, and hence exam achievement, levels.

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Year upon year it is reported that soon after formal education begins bright working-class children fall behind in their education, and although there has been a plethora of research and reports highlighting the fact that pupils from deprived areas under-achieve (e.g., Ofsted 1993, National Literacy Trust 2009), partly as a result of attending under performing schools, there has been little accompanying research into how the use of standard English, along with higher expectations of literacy standards can be used as tools for the promotion of equal opportunity, social equality for those children, and the goals of multicultural education. The issues raised concern learners, within an educational or professional environment, being able to utilize Standard English, whether through speaking or writing, or both, for their own advantage, and hence not being disadvantaged when it comes to accessing the curriculum. It is clear that language use is determined by one’s socio-economic status or social class/group (as well as age and gender), and the context in which the language is used. However, I also believe that in order for literacy to be a tool for providing greater equality of opportunity for all regardless of socio-economic status or ethnic group, then the effects of non-standard English use on the educational achievements of some social and ethnic groups needs to be given greater consideration. Promoting the principle of equality of opportunity is not enough when what is required for the provision of equality of opportunity is not understood or provided for. The results of this lack of understanding are all too apparent when we see the consequences for the many people from lower socio-economic groups who are left behind academically. What is perceived of as poor or incorrect grammar and pronunciation is passed on from generation to generation within the home environment. Pupils entering the education system using non-standard English leave it several years later (whether it be from school, FE College or training provider) having rarely, if at all, had their use of non-standard spoken English challenged or corrected where for academic purposes, it needed to have been, a factor which, it can be argued, contributes significantly to the cycle of failure that many users of non-standard English enter. Education is not neutral with respect to inequalities in society and any consideration of what is involved in counteracting disadvantage should involve consideration of the origins of different groups of students. It has been argued that education favours middle class students more than working class ones on the basis that their system of values and culture more closely identifies with that of the teachers and the educational system they are in. Add to this arguments by Bernstein (1964), the National Commission on Education (1993) and Hoggart (1958), concerning the

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effects of culture, language aspirations and perceptions on working class children in education, then the size of the disadvantage facing them becomes accentuated. Does not the fact that class society, and its effects upon people’s education and life chances continues in spite of whatever Government policies are in force and whatever changes are brought about within the education system as a result, mean that in many ways, one system is the concomitant of another? A case in point here is the continued failure of working class children when the ‘tripartite’ system of schooling gave way to comprehensivisation (McCulloch: 1998). Although it was hoped that the introduction of comprehensive schools would lead pupils to have “more flexible views on social class” and “break the class system of the previous system” (Mortimore & Mortimore 1986: 5), the move towards comprehensivisation of schools, which was aimed at creating greater equality between the social classes came under attack for failing to meet the needs of those for whom they were designed to help most, namely working class children. As Gleeson & Hodkinson state: “From the 1960s onwards, studies show the educational system, be it based on grammar and secondary modern schools or on comprehensive schools failing large numbers of young people, especially the less able of working class origins.” (Gleeson & Hodkinson 1995: 14)

With regard to changes within comprehensive schools toward mixed ability teaching, which were brought about in part to help reduce the stigma for working class children placed in lower streams, research found that teachers, in attempting to treat pupils the same, actually highlighted differences between them by using teaching methods which were only suitable for some and that pupils from the same social class background tended to stick together (Ball 1986). Research also found that mixed ability classes reduced the opportunity for pupils from working class backgrounds to experience success as they were in competition with better resourced and supported middle class pupils, and that such classes allowed differences between pupils in terms of parental support and encouragement, linguistic ability and social class culture to be accentuated (ibidem). The issue of how schools help to reinforce class divisions was likewise made quite forcibly by Adonis & Pollard (1997) when he stated that: “The comprehensive revolution tragically destroyed much of the excellent without improving the rest. Comprehensive schools have largely replaced selection by ability with selection by class and house price. Middle class

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In brief, a capitalist system relies on a lower working class, or underclass, generally less educated and culturally diverse than people of other classes, to carry out the more menial jobs, or indeed to be unemployed, and to act as the lower strata of society to help maintain the positions of the higher strata. With only so many professional, skilled and well-paid jobs available, there is a certain logic to maintaining such a status quo. A more socialist system, on the other hand, has its roots in the working class, and historically oppressed and marginalized sectors of society. These diverse sectors of society have a culture and the language they use to communicate is part of that culture. To try and amend or criticise that language (even though it would potentially benefit them and increase people’s chances of a better education and expose them to a wider culture) is seen as an attack on lower socio-economic groups rather than an attack on the injustices that create them, and generally is not given due consideration. Therefore, in effect, one system is the concomitant of the other in as much there has been no clear cut desire or movement within departments of education of political parties to challenge or improve the spoken language of the working class. A draft letter written by Norley (2012: 123) to his Member of Parliament, based on what he perceives to be the correlation between youth unemployment and the lack of some young people’s communication skills and, hence, qualifications, outlines what he describes as “a compelling case for elocution, and/or the constant and consistent correction of grammar, to be introduced to all state schools” on the basis, in part, that it would reduce the “dialectic mismatch, hence giving students greater access to all parts of the curriculum.” In response to the letter, his Member of Parliament included a letter from the Minister of State for Schools, Nick Gibb, in which he states, “While recognizing the point Mr Norley makes about elocution I believe it is important to give teachers the freedom to teach without prescription from Whitehall.” Why then, if one was to trawl the towns and cities of Britain, would one hear people speaking non-standard English disproportionately represented amongst the inner city schools, FE colleges, people on council estates, people in traditional working class jobs, the service sector in general, the unemployed, and those involved in gang culture and/or street crime, along with their victims. There are, of course, many successful working people, but for every sportsperson, businessperson, pop star or actor/actress, etc. who makes it in their career, many more fail to achieve

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to anywhere like their full potential, caused, in part, by their lack of language and its effect on their academic and cultural development. I would argue that it is not the so called middle class system of values that are responsible for the failure of working class children (as is sometimes perceived), more that it is the failure of many schools and colleges, and policy makers, to bring working class children and their associated culture into line with this middle class system of values (at least in terms of language use and expectations) that is more likely to blame for their failure. As Zera & Jupp argue: “If we are serious about including people with a history of educational failure, people for whom education is a second language, ethnic minority groups, then we have to reproduce for them some of the things that the middle class take for granted. Sooner or later we will have to recognise the lack of a convincing strategy to combat educational failure. Sooner or later the country will have to make changes to the sacrosanct mainstream so that the norms for one group become the opportunities for all.” (Zera & Jupp 1999: 138)

There appears, however, to be resistance to this line of reasoning within education based on the notion that one should not be judgmental, undermine or seek to change another social class or cultural system of values, whilst at the same time seeing elements of one’s own social class or culture somehow as a barrier to success of another. This is in part due to a problem that policy makers, managers, educationalists and teachers alike have in education of trying to represent and promulgate a class of people whom they themselves do not identify with. This, combined with the aforementioned fact that some social groups exhibit a resistance to education on the basis that they see it as reflecting the values of other social classes (National Commission on Education 1993), only reinforces the social class divide that exists within society and reflected in education. Blame, however, does not need to be put on middle class values or working class resistance to education, but neither does a complacent attitude of language use (and its association with class culture) being of equal worth when, generally speaking, one leads to greater academic success in education, greater levels of attainment in post-16 education and training, and greater life chances. Furthermore, it can be argued that, in looking at the dominant class culture that is represented amongst those who fail in education, ways need to be looked at to change that culture if we consider that in general terms, class society exists as a result of deep rooted historical and injustices, we must challenge not only the causes of those injustices, but the consequences of the culture produced by those

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injustices and not, through policies, educational or otherwise, which do not address the issues, consolidate them or be in denial of them. Purves (2012) argues that as children grow older: “It is wicked not to emphasise the difference between chatty street slang and formal, universally understood, clarity and correctness. It is cruel because there is an adult professional world out there in which these children must engage, and because the more vulnerable may come from homes where they rarely hear, or read, any language related to that world. One of the worst blights on British society is poor social mobility: if you’re born poor, you’re likely to stay poor, get a job or none, live in poor housing, eat poor food and die early [...]. If you’re born to an educated professional family, however dim you are, the outlook is rosier. We all know that this is a national disgrace, and all sorts of panaceas are offered. But one of the best ladders out of deprivation is an ability to write and speak clearly, pleasingly and with a confident command of language. This does not mean sounding like Prince Charles, abandoning a regional accent or using highfalutin literary language. Nor does it mean adopting the meaningless jargon of snake-oil business pretentiousness [...]. It just means getting an awareness of grammatical rules, clear meaning, suitable words for particular uses and occasions [...].” (Purves 2012: 17)

Clark & Ivanic (1997: 55) have argued that schools’ literacy policies exclude “powerless social groups [...] from contributing to the collective store of knowledge, cultural and ideological activity.” Moreover, whereas the children of middle class families are, generally speaking, able to compensate for low literacy standards in schools, working class children, again generally speaking, are not. The effects of parental social class origin on their children’s education have been well detailed in the studies by Douglas (1964) and Jackson & Marsden (1964). With such a disparity between literacy and language standards of different social groups, it is clear that the goals of multicultural education cannot be realised. However, Gorski argues that: “It is rare that any two classroom teachers or education scholars will share the same definition for multicultural education. As with any dialogue on education, individuals tend to mould concepts to fit their particular contexts and disciplines.” (Gorski 2010)

However, what is generally agreed upon is the fact that the difference between those who leave school with poor language skills and little in the way of qualifications and the 7% of the population who go to private school, and who are disproportionately represented amongst the highest paid professions and society’s wealthiest people, is vast. Having vastly

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different forms of spoken English within the education system, and all that that entails in terms of its correlation with literacy standards, critical and social awareness, and achievement is one way that allows some social groups to achieve at the expense of others. With recent research constantly and consistently suggesting that not only is the gap between rich and poor in British society getting wider but that the opportunities for social mobility between social classes are lower now than at any time in the previous forty years, the issue of the continued malaise of an education system and society that allows a substantial minority of students to fail, needs to be addressed. Low literacy skills, and their correlation with poor language and communication skills thrive in an environment which is becoming increasingly divided between rich and poor. As well as the link with poverty, it has been argued that a disproportionate number of perpetrators and victims, of street crime, including those involved in the 2011 summer riots, are represented in those from lower socio-economic backgrounds and have poorly developed verbal skills which can make reasoning with others difficult. This quagmire is further complicated by the fact that achievement gaps between groups that are ethnically and visibly different have, as Dustmann, Machin & Schönberg (2010) comment, “the potential to create social disruption, segregation and dissonance.” In general, amidst the country’s festering inequalities, it is those who lack language and literacy skills who are in greatest competition for work and resources, supplying the needs of a society hooked on preserving social class through political organisations, businesses, educational institutions and, of course, that old chestnut, human nature! Perhaps ironically, the goals of multicultural education, through which equality of opportunity can truly be aimed for and realised, are best served by standardization of language within an education context. The driver for change should be literacy standards, including an understanding that, regardless of a school’s location, or the social and ethnic make-up of its pupils, standard English use will be expected, along with a substantial challenge, particularly in areas of social deprivation and segregation, to the culture of low expectations of teachers and pupils alike, and proponents of the goals of multicultural education should embrace this change. Without such changes, along with an understanding of how and why such changes need to occur, and the tempering of political ideologies in such a direction the goals of multicultural education cannot be realized. As discussed earlier, multicultural education has not been without its critics. Bennett (1995: 29), for example, argues “to dwell on cultural differences is to foster negative prejudices and stereotypes, and that is

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human nature to view those who are different as inferior.” However, cultural differences do not have to be dwelt upon, but in some cases, it could be argued, to be in denial of them, due to cultural sensitivities, instead of challenging them, when evidence may clearly suggest that attitudes towards education, determined by culture and expressed through language and particular anti-social activities, that are negatively perceived by the majority of other cultural groups, are disproportionately engaged in by certain cultural groups, could exacerbate those negative prejudices and stereotypes. Measures need to be urgently taken in order to ameliorate the increasing segregation and division, rooted in socio-economic status and ethnicity, within society in general, and education in particular, that results in communities living separate lives with little commonality. Although the evidence for the relationship between language, social class, and achievement is overwhelming, a small sample of which is detailed earlier, further specific and comprehensive research needs to be carried out into the correlation between the use of Standard English, and educational achievement and specific goals of multicultural education. Within this context, a framework can be set in which the correlation between spoken English and the development of learners’ literacy skills and all that that entails in terms of providing a greater access to curricula and a wider culture, is investigated. If shown to be evident, innovations can be sought, and changes implemented, to reverse the trend towards cultural separation; a higher degree of integration can occur, along with improved life chances, and the scene can finally be set for a move in the direction of the goals of multiculturalism.

References Adonis, A. & Pollard, S. (1997). A Class Act: Myth of Britain’s Classless Society. London: Penguin Ball, S. (1986). The Sociology of the School: Streaming and Mixed Ability and Social Class. In Rogers, R. (Ed.), Education and Social Class. London: Falmer Press. 83-100. Bennett, C. (1995) Comprehensive Multicultural Education: Theory and Practice. Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Bernstein, B. (1964). Elaborated and Restricted Codes: Their Origins and Some Consequences. American Anthropologist 66 (6): 55-69. Burgess, S., Greaves, Ellen & Speight, S. (2010). Measuring Diversity in England’s Schools: A New Web Resource. Bristol University: CMPO. Clark, R. & Ivanic, R. (1997). The Politics of Writing. London: Routledge.

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Curriculum Must Be Slimmed down. Online: http://news.bbc.co.uk/today/hi/today/newsid_8026000/8026319.stm. Dustmann, C., Machin, S. & Schönberg, Uta. (2010). Ethnicity and Educational Achievement in Compulsory Schooling. The Economic Journal 120 (546): F272-F297. Entwhistle, H. (1978). Class, Culture and Education. London: Routledge. Gleeson, D. & Hodkinson, P. (1995). Ideology and Curriculum Policy: GNVQ and Mass Post-Compulsory Education in England and Wales. British Journal of Education and Work 8 (3): 5-19. Gorski, P. (2010). The Challenge of Defining “Multicultural Education.” Online: http://cchs.ccusd.edlioschool.com/ourpages/auto/2011/9/15/54082946/ The%20Challenge%20of%20Multicultural%20Education.pdf. Hoggart, R. (1958). The Uses of Literacy: Aspects of Working Class Life. London: Penguin. Hollingworth, S. & Mansaray, A. (2012). Language Diversity and Attainment in English Secondary Schools [Report commissioned by Arvon’s (M)other Tongues programme]. London: IPSE. Honey, J. (1997). Language is Power: The story of Standard English and Its Enemies. London – Boston, MA: Faber & Faber. Johnson, N. (2007). Racial ‘Time Bomb’ in UK Schools. Online: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/education/6594911.stm. McCulloch, G. (1998). Failing the Ordinary Child? The Theory and Practice of Working Class Secondary Education, Buckingham: Open University Press Mortimore, P. & Mortimore, M. (1986). Education and Social Class. In Rogers, R. (Ed.), Education and Social Class. London: Falmer Press. 1-30. National Commission on Education. (1993). Learning to Succeed. London: Hamlyn. National Literacy Trust. (2009). Manifesto for Literacy. London: HMSO. Norley, K. (2012). Making Britain Literate. Ewell: In Xmedia Ltd. Nutbrown, Cathy. (2012). Foundations for Quality: The Independent Review of Early Education and Childcare Qualifications. Online: https://www.education.gov.uk/publications/eOrderingDownload/Found ations%20for%20quality%20-%20Nutbrown%20final%20report.pdf. OECD. (2011). Education at a Glance 2011: OECD Indicators. OECD Publishing. Ofsted. (1993). Access and Achievement in Urban Education. Online: http://www.ofsted.gov.uk/resources/access-and-achievement-urbaneducation.

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Orr, Deborah. (2012). Britain’s Shameful Literacy Crisis. Online: http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/oct/26/britainsshameful-literacy-crisis. Padilla, A. (2004). Quantitative Methods in Multicultural Education Research. In J. Banks & McGee Banks, Cherry A. (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Multicultural Education. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. 127-145. Paton, G. (2012). Ofsted Chief to Tackle ‘Anti-School Culture’ in Poor Areas. Online: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/education/educationnews/9331846/Ofstedchief-to-tackle-anti-school-culture-in-poor-areas.html. Philips, T. (2010). How Fair is Britain? http://www.equalityhumanrights.com/about-us/the commissioners/trevor-phillips/. Purves, L. (2012). What GCSE English Needs Is more Red Ink. The Times, August 27, 2012. Saggar, S. (1998). Race and British Electoral Politics. London: UCL Press. Sewell, C. A. (2000). The End of Innocence, Peer Group Pressure and Black Education. (unpublished) The Swann Report (1985). Education for All. Online: http://www.educationengland.org.uk/documents/swann/. Wilson, K. (2002). What Is Multicultural Education? Online: http://www.edchange.org/multicultural/papers/keith.html. Wolf, Alison. (2011). Review of Vocational Education - The Wolf Report. Online: https://www.education.gov.uk/publications/standard/publicationDetail/ Page1/DFE-00031-2011. Zera, Annette & Jupp, D. (1999). Widening Participation. In A. Smithers & Pamela Robinson (Eds.), Further Education Reformed. London: Falmer Press. 124-134.

TWO MODELS OF EDUCATION IN CROATIAN MULTILINGUAL AND MULTICULTURAL SCHOOLS: A CASE STUDY LJUBICA KORDIû Minority Languages and Education in Croatia Education in Minority Languages (MLs) in Croatia has been especially promoted after the Republic of Croatia ratified the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages in 1999.1 Croatian language policy concerning the languages of national minorities living in Croatia is determined by the Law on Education in Languages and Letters of National Minorities passed in 2000. Under this law, there are three models of education programmes concerning MLs in Croatia: Model A (all courses are held in the ML), Model B (science subjects are taught in Croatian and humanities in the ML), and Model C (Croatian is a language of instruction, whereas the ML is an elective course, including learning history and geography, music and arts of the mother country of national minority). According to the Government’s Report on Implementation of the Constitutional Law on National Minorities and spending of funds from the State Budget for the needs of national minorities for year 2008, altogether 10,260 students were included in education programmes for national minorities in Croatia in 2008. Model A, including about 9,000 students, is mostly implemented in the pre-school and the primary school systems. More precise data on the situation at all education levels concerning MLs are offered in the Report of the Government of the Republic of Croatia on the implementation of the Framework Convention on the Protection of National Minorities of 20042. That year, in Croatia there were 30 kindergartens educating children in Italian, 6 in Serbian, 2 in Czech and Hungarian, whereas the Jewish, Germans and Austrians were instructed in one kindergarten each; 72 primary schools and 20 secondary schools had their courses organized according to one of the three basic models of ML education. In primary schools, 20 programmes were in Hungarian, 19 in

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Serbian, 17 in Italian, 11 in Czech, 4 in Slovakian, and 1 in Ruthenian and Ukrainian each. In 2004, in 20 secondary schools, ML courses were organized mostly in Serbian (7), Hungarian (5) and Italian (4). In Croatia, there are 4 faculties offering programmes for education of teachers of MLs: the Faculty of Philosophy in Pula (Italian), the Faculty of Philosophy in Zagreb (Hungarian and Czech), the Faculty of Teacher Education in Zagreb (Serbian), and the Faculty of Teacher Education in Osijek (Hungarian). In the primary schools of the Slavonia-Baranja County, situated in northeast Croatia, mostly Model A and Model C of ML education are applied. Using a case-study approach, this paper explores the differences in application of the two models and their impact on the status of the respective ML in its local community. Model A is applied in the village of Tenja situated on the outskirts of the regional centre Osijek, and Model C is applied in the village of Darda, 10 km north of Osijek. Before presenting the features of application of the two models, demographic and linguistic environments of the two communities are described. Additionally, by means of a survey conducted among children attending these models of education and their parents, the attitudes of the minority population concerning the status and the future of their ML in Croatia are explored with reference to the specific model of education and ethnolinguistic features of their community.

Goal and Methodology The goal of the paper is to explore the differences between the two models of education of (and in) MLs in Croatia and the differences in attitude towards a specific language between the young people included in these two models of ML education and their parents in order to establish which model achieves better results with respect to the quality of usage and the status of ML in Croatia. The hypothesis was that better results would be achieved in Tenja than in Darda because: (a) in Tenja, Model A is applied, by which all courses are held in the ML, and in Darda, Model C, by which the ML is taught as an elective course; (b) Tenja is a more homogeneous community ethnically and linguistically than Darda. In many other respects, the two communities are similar: both are situated near the regional centre of Osijek, and their inhabitants migrate to Osijek to work on a daily basis and live in similar social and economic conditions. The methodology used in the first part of the paper is a combination of descriptive method, analysis method, and the comparative method. The second part relies on a survey conducted among students included in the ML programmes and their parents. In this paper, only one segment of a

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wider survey is used, which was developed within a larger European project, the Penetration of Standard Languages in Multilingual Peripheral Areas of Europe, conducted by Professor Sture Ureland from the University of Mannheim (Germany). In the Conclusion section, the results of that part of the survey are compared with respect to the model of ML education and the ethnolinguistic structure of the respondents’ community. Thus, this paper offers an overview of the subjective ethnolinguistic vitality of two multilingual communities by presenting attitudes towards MLs and show how it is influenced by objective vitality factors such as demographic structure, legal status, economic strength, and the education system in these particular linguistic communities (Ehala 2009: 124).

Demographic and Linguistic Picture of the Villages of Tenja and Darda Current language policy concerning the languages of national minorities living in Croatia is determined by the Law on Education in Languages and Letters of National Minorities of 2000. Education in MLs in Croatia has been especially promoted after the Republic of Croatia ratified the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages in 19993 and especially after publishing the National Framework Curriculum for General Compulsory Education in Pre-primary, Primary and Secondary School in 2008. The Constitutional Law on National Minorities of 2002 defines national minority as a group of Croatian citizens who traditionally inhabit the territory of the Republic of Croatia and differ with respect to their ethnicity, language, culture, and religion from other citizens.4 This law guarantees national minorities the right to equal use of their language in the representative and executive bodies of those local communities, municipalities and counties in which a national minority makes up 1/3 of the population. Local authorities are entitled to choose the model of education in their primary and secondary school which they find most suitable for the demographic, social and economic conditions, as well as conditions connected with the teaching staff employed in the respective community. In Croatia, there are 22 national minorities: Serbs, Slovenes, Slovaks, Hungarians, Italians, Czechs, Jews, Germans, Austrians, Bosniaks, Albanians, Russians, Montenegrins, Macedonians, Bulgarians, Poles, Romani, Ukrainians, Ruthenians, Romanians, Turks, and Vlachs (Constitution of the Republic of Croatia, purified version 2010). The war events of 1991 concerning the rebellion of some of the Serbs who fought for separation from the territory of Croatia as a newly established independent state influenced a substantial decrease of Serbian population

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in Croatia from almost 12% before the Homeland war of 1991 to 4.5% today. According to the population census of 2001, the municipality of Darda, including 3 smaller villages (Mece, Švajcarnica and Uglješ), was inhabited by 7,062 inhabitants (Darda itself was inhabited by 5,394 persons). The national structure of the inhabitants is as follows: Croats rank first (51.87%), followed by Serbs (28.43%), Hungarians (8.23%), Romani (2.97%), Romanian (1.69%). Other minorities represent less than 1%: Germans, Bosniaks, Montenegrins, Slovaks, Slovenians, Macedonians, Albanians, etc.5 A post-war ethnolinguistic structure of Croatia (after 1991) was characterized by Croatian ethnic homogenization (Živiü 2007), which reflected on the Darda community, too. The most striking change refers to the Serbian national minority, which, in 1991, represented 37.42% of inhabitants of Darda. Because of intensive emigrations after the war, the number of Serbs decreased to 28.43% and the number of Croats increased from 35.77% to 51.87% (Turk & Jukiü 2008: 199, 201). The percentage of Hungarians did not change, whereas the number of Romani slightly increased to almost 3%6. In the village of Tenja, the Serbs represent 30% of 6,747 inhabitants (the Croats share 65%). Before the war in 1991, the Serbs represented 54.5% and the Croats 36.7% of inhabitants of Tenja.7 The ethnic structure of Tenja changed to a greater extent than that of Darda after the war: in Darda, the Serbian population decreased by 9%, in Tenja, by 24.5%. According to Report on Implementation of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities issued by the Government of the Republic of Croatia in February 2004, the most striking reasons for changes in the demographic structure are the following: (a) territorial dispersion, which contributes to the weakening and, eventually, breaking of ties within one national minority; (b) movement of the population to cities and urbanisation which causes breaking of ties based on indigenous economic activities and breaking of ties with minority cultures; (c) population migration, not only from villages to towns, but also interregional and oversees migration, especially during and immediately after the war of 1991-1995; (d) higher level of education which allows higher social mobility of members of national minorities; (e) mixed marriages as an institute that polarizes the ethnic component of the society – this is very typical for members of the Serbian national minority who live in cities/towns and in areas that were not affected by the war; (f) weakening of cohesive elements of the ethnicity which are being replaced by identification with one’s professional or social group or regional affiliation (citizens of Istria, Lika, Kordun, Dalmatia, Slavonia, Gorski Kotar); (g) consequences of the war that was waged in Croatia between 1991 and

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1995.8 The survey shows to which extent the models of education influenced the attitude of the respondents towards their mother tongue, and whether post-war demographic changes represent a significant variable in the making up of their attitudes, which should be discernible from the answers of older respondents.

Minority Language Education in Tenja and Darda Primary Schools According to the Law on Education in Languages and Letters of National Minorities of the Republic of Croatia9, local communities inhabited by minority populations have the right to choose the model of ML education, which is most appropriate to the needs of the community and its conditions concerning the teaching staff and general working conditions of the respective school10. As mentioned at the beginning, three models of ML education are applied in Croatian primary schools. In 2010, in Croatian primary schools, the most common model was Model A11: it was implemented in 38 primary schools, the languages of instruction being Hungarian, Serbian and Italian. Model C comes next with 2,527 students, and the languages taught are Albanian, Czech, Hebrew, Hungarian, Serbian, Macedonian, Slovene, German, etc. Only one primary school applied Model B, in which sciences are taught in Croatian and humanities in the respective ML – in this case, Czech. Local authorities of Darda have chosen Model C as most appropriate for their multilingual community and the work conditions of their school. In this model, the ML is taught as an elective course. The choice of the respective ML must be confirmed by the parents. Once the agreement is signed, the child is compelled to attend the courses in the ML (2-5 hours a week during the entire primary school education). Apart from Serbian and Hungarian, these 5 hours a week include 1 hour of Serbian or Hungarian national history and 1 hour a week of national folklore of the two countries. In the school year 2009-2010, there were 128 children in Darda attending the ML programme: 105 children attended the Hungarian ML programme and 23 children attended the Serbian ML programme. Although there is a substantial number of pupils belonging to the Romani minority in Darda, courses in Romani are not held. As the principal of the school explained, the reason was the lack of interest of the Romani population for those programmes. The reasons the parents named were poor results of their children in regular courses and poor social and economic conditions they lived in. In Tenja, Model A was introduced right after Eastern Slavonia, separated during the period 1991-1995 by the Serbian paramilitary forces from the territory of the

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Republic of Croatia, was peacefully reintegrated into the territorial body of the Republic of Croatia. Since then, in every generation of this school there was one class attending all the courses in Serbian. There is also a folklore group fostering Serbian national songs, dances and culture. The textbooks are mostly translations of Croatian books into Serbian, but several books are printed in Serbia according to Serbian curricula. The only precondition is that the book be approved of by the Croatian Ministry of Education, Science and Technology. All the school documents are bilingual, as well as the students’ certificates. In the school year 20092010, there were altogether 130 students included in the ML programme in the Primary school of Tenja.

Survey In order to explore the impact of the two models of education on the attitudes of the minority population towards their language, one segment of a very complex survey (43 questions) is discussed in this paper. In 2010, the author of this paper conducted the survey in the two villages and published a complex analysis of the complete survey in two separate studies: Minority Languages and the Language Policy in the Rural Area of Baranya (Croatia): A Case Study12 and Serbian as a Minority Language in Croatia: A Slavonian Case Study13. Taking into account the purpose of the present paper, only part of the survey dedicated to the attitudes of the respondents is discussed with specific reference to the specific model of education in these two multilingual communities. First, the demographic structure of the respondents’ body is presented and then their answers are analysed and compared: first, the answers of the children and their parents in every village are analysed and compared. Additionally, the differences in answers between the children included in two different models of education are discussed. More positive answers are expected from the Tenja group. As for the adult respondents, no significant difference in the answers between both groups is expected. A noticeable difference in the answers would indicate that variables like ethnic homogeneity of a local community or political viewpoints of respondents influenced the difference in attitudes. Demographic Data The first group of respondents are children attending the 7th and the 8th grades of the primary schools in both villages. The sample of respondents was rather small: in Tenja, there were altogether 15 students attending

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school in Serbian (12 took part in the research), whereas, in Darda, 53 children attended the ML programme. Children are 14-15 years old, mostly girls (in Darda 36 girls and 17 boys, in Tenja 7 girls and 5 boys). As for the national minority of the Darda respondents, 21 respondents are Serbs, 20 Romani, 6 Hungarians, and 2 Romanians. The Bosniak, the Albanian and the German national minorities were represented by 1 respondent each. The parents of the children participating in this survey made up the second group of respondents. Some parents did not want to take part in the research, so there were altogether 52 respondents in this group (11 from Tenja, 41 from Darda). All the parents from Tenja indicated Serbian as their ML. They are mostly women, by education mostly of secondary school level. As for Darda, 18 parents out of 41 claimed they were Romani, 11 Serbs, 5 Hungarians, and 2 Romanians, whereas the Bosniak, Albanian and German nationalities were represented by 1 respondent each. There were 2 respondents who declared having “no nationality.” Twenty-three respondents were women and 18 men. Two respondents have a high school education, 18 are qualified factory workers, craftsmen or exercise other secondary school education-based professions; the others are housewives. Because of the small sample, standard statistic methods were applied: the method of descriptive analysis and the F-test. Attitudes of Students Attending Minority Language Programmes and of Their Parents The questions were: Do you like speaking your mother tongue (ML)? Do you like speaking Croatian? Should your ML be more present in the media and public life in Croatia? Should it be passed on to future generations? At first, a general conclusion for both communities is drawn, and the answers to every question are discussed separately. Then, the answers are discussed and analysed with specific reference to the model of education and specific ML. Additionally, differences in answers between children and adults are compared and discussed, as well as possible differences in answers between the two groups of adults. Attitudes of the Tenja population (model A). In the Tenja sample, all the students said they liked speaking their ML (Serbian). Out of 12 students, 11 like speaking Croatian, 1 student does not. As for the future of their ML, 9 respondents think Serbian should be used more in public media, and 3 choose to answer “I don’t know.” Eleven of them think their ML should be passed on to younger generations; 1 student is indecisive. All adult respondents say they like speaking Croatian, most of them (10

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out of 11, i.e. 90.9%) like l speaking their ML (11 respondent does not answer that question). Seeven parents (63.6%) ( answ wer their motheer tongue should be ussed more in media m and in public, p and 4 aare indecisive (“I don’t know”). Ninne respondentts (81.8%) thiink their languuage should be b passed on to future generations; two t responden nts think it shoould not (Figu ure 2-1). Children

10

Parents

11

9

7 12

11 0

0 1

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Figure 2-1. A Attitudes of the minority m populaation in Tenja aabout Croatian (CRO) ( and Minority Languages (MLs)

We can seee that the atttitudes of thee respondentss about their ML and Croatian as the official language l are generally possitive. There was only one responddent in the group g of child dren expressinng a negativee attitude about speakking Croatian. As for the future f of the M ML, most resspondents would like tto be exposedd to it more in the media (75% of chilldren and 63.6% of paarents). Both groups show even more ppositive attitud des about their ML annd its preservaation for futurre generationss (92% of chilldren and 81.8% of paarents). It is im mportant to mention m that cchildren generrally have more positivve attitudes toowards their ML M than their parents: moree of them like speakinng it, more of them t think it should s be usedd more intenssely in the media and thhat it should be b passed on to o future generrations. Attitudess of the Dardda population (model C). M Most respondeents from Darda like ttheir ML (38, i.e. 71.7 %), 14 respondennts say they do o not like it, and one aanswers “I Som metimes like it.” i Answers rrelating to Cro oatian are more affirm mative: 50 resppondents (94.3 34%) say theyy like speaking g it, 2 say they do not. One respondeent does not answer a (Figuree 2-2).

Ljubica Kordiü K

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Croat ian

50 38

1 14 2 I likee it

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0

I do o not like it I sometimes li ke it

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wer No answ

Attitudes of childdren towards Minority M Languaage and Croatiaan Figure 2-2. A

As for the attitudes wiithin specific national grooups, children n with a positive attittude towards their t mother tongue t mostlyy belong to thee Romani nationality ((17 out of 20,, i.e. 85% of Romani childdren). Here, we w should mention thaat two childrren and their parents whoo declared th hemselves Romanians are, accordinng to the head dmaster of thhe school, meembers of two Romanii families from m Romania. They T say theyy do not like speaking their ML, w which changess the previous proportion too 17 out of 22 2, making 77% affirmaative answers in the Roman ni population.. The percentaage is 3% lower in tw wo other ethnnic groups: 14 4 out of 21 (i.e. 66.67%)) Serbian children, resspectively 4 out o of 6 (i.e. 66.67%) 6 Hunngarian childreen like to speak their ML. Childrenn belonging to o the Bosniakk (1) and the Albanian (1) nationaliities also like their mother tongue. t On thee other hand, 6 Serbian children (288.57% of all children speaaking Serbiann as their ML L) and 2 Hungarian cchildren (33.333% of the Hun ngarian childrren sample) do not like speaking thheir mother tongue. t Two Romanian children and 1 child belonging tto the Germaan minority do d not like sspeaking theiir mother tongue eitheer. When askeed if their ML should be moore present in n Croatian media, 15 reespondents (28.3%) answerr affirmativelyy, 8 of them negatively n (15.09%), aand 28 responndents (52.83% %) are indecissive. Two resspondents do not answ wer the questiion. Similarly y, the responddents are indeecisive on whether theiir mother tonggue should be passed on to future generations (27, i.e. 50.94%)), 23 of them m (43.39%) haave a positivee attitude tow wards that idea, and 3 rrespondents do d not think th heir mother toongue should be b passed

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on to futuree generations. We can con nclude that thhe respondentts mostly have a posittive attitude toowards both th heir language and Croatian, but they are indecisivve whether it should s be morre present in tthe media or whether w it should be paassed on to fuuture generatio ons. It shouldd be noted thatt children attending the education prrogramme acccording to Moodel A in the village v of Tenja (wherre the ML is the language of instructioon) have moree positive attitudes tow wards the preeservation of their mother tongue in th he future: 75% of children would liike to be expo osed more to their mother tongue t in the media, aand 92% thinkk that it should d be passed onn to future geenerations (Figure 2-3)). Yes

N No

I do no ot know

Noo answer

28

27 23

15 8 2 Should yyour ML be ussed more in the media??

3 0 ed to Should yourr ML be passe future ggenerations?

Attitudes of childdren towards th he future of Minnority Languagees in Figure 2-3. A Croatia

As for the parents of thhe Darda children, their aattitudes towaards their respective M ML seem to be b more positive than thos e of their chiildren: 36 out of 41 paarents (i.e. 877.8%) say theey like speakiing their ML (4 adults report they ddo not like sppeaking it), 40 0 (i.e. 97.8%) say they like speaking Croatian, annd only 1 respoondent (an Orrthodox priest by profession n) says he does not likke it. When we w compare these answers tto those given n by their children (711.7% of childrren like speak king their ML,, 94.34% like speaking Croatian), w we can see thatt the attitudes of the parentss towards theiir ML are more positivve than those of their child dren by 16%. When we an nalyse the attitudes cooncerning thee future of their ML iin Croatia, 21 adult respondents (i.e. 51.2%) think t it should d be more preesent in Croatiian media

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in the future, and 32 (i.e. 78%) think it should be passed on to future generations. In the sample of children, the dominating answer to both questions is “I don’t know” (52.83%, and 50.94%, respectively).

Conclusions The comparison of the results indicates that children in Darda are linguistically more assimilated by the Croatian speaking community than those living in Tenja. The most probable reason is that the language of instruction in school is Croatian, the ML being only an elective course, and that Darda is a less homogeneous community ethnically and linguistically than that of Tenja. One would think that the answers by the Romani children, who do not attend any classes in their ML, could be a significant factor of influence. But, if we separate the answers by children attending Serbian ML classes and compare them to the answers given by the Tenja children (Serbian language only), the results do not change substantially. The children from Tenja have a more positive attitude towards their mother tongue (100%) than children from Darda belonging to the Serbian nationality (71.4%). On the other hand, 28.6% of children who indicated Serbian as their ML in Darda say they do not like speaking their mother tongue. Also, most of them are indecisive whether their mother tongue should be more present in the media (59.1% say “I don’t know,” 18.2% answer “No” and 22.7% say “Yes”). The children from Tenja (Model A) show a more positive attitude in their answers: 58.3% want more broadcasts in their mother tongue in the media, 42.7% are not sure. As for the necessity of passing their mother tongue on to future generations, the children from Tenja are very positive (91.7%), whereas only 45.5% of Darda children answer affirmatively. This difference in attitudes between children attending different education programmes indicates that the status of the ML as a language of instruction more positively influences attitudes of children towards their mother tongue than when it is taught as an elective subject. Other factors of positive influence, as shown by the example of Tenja, are ethnolinguistic homogeneity of the community and motivation of its members to preserve their mother tongue and their national identity – most probably caused by socio-political reasons. This is confirmed by the answers of adult respondents from both communities: answers of the Tenja children are slightly more affirmative than those of their parents, but the answers to all four questions by parents from Darda are obviously more affirmative than those by their children. If we compare the answers by the two groups of adult respondents, the relationship is as follows: all the parents from Tenja

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like speaking Croatian, 90.9% like speaking their ML. In Darda, ML 97.8% parents say they like speaking Croatian, 87.8% parents say they like speaking their ML; 63.6% adult respondents in Tenja and 51.2% in Darda answer their mother tongue should be used more in public media; 81.8% of Tenja parents think their language should be passed to future generations, and in Darda 78% of adult respondents are of the same opinion. We can conclude that the model of education offering all instructions in ML positively influences the attitudes of the young generation towards their ML and the need for its preservation in Croatia. Older generations of ML speakers generally have positive attitudes towards their ML and express the need to preserve it for the future generations, but the answers indicate that these attitudes are slightly more affirmative in ethnolinguistically more homogeneous communities than in communities inhabited by people belonging to different ethnicities and cultures. These results confirm the initial hypothesis that better results are achieved by the Model A of ML education. They point that it is necessary to introduce in the institutional education of all multicultural communities the model according to which all instructions are held in the respective ML(s). Substantial financial means and adequately educated teaching staff are necessary preconditions that should be provided for by the Croatian government in the future even in complex multilingual communities like that of Darda if we want the idea of preserving multilingualism and cultural diversity as one of the highest values of the European community of peoples and nations come through.

Notes 1. Law on Ratification of the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages. [1997]. International Bills 18. 2. Izviješüe Republike Hrvatske o provoÿenju Okvirne konvencije za zaštitu nacionalnih manjina [Report of the Republic of Croatia on Implementation of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities]. (2004). Zagreb: Vlada Republike Hrvatske. 3. Law on Ratification of the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages. [1997]. International Bills 18. 4. The definition is interpreted by the author of this paper. 5. Darda. Online : http://www.hr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Darda. 6. http://www.vlada.hr/nacionalniprogram/romi/content/view/14/27/lang.hrvatski. 7. Stanovništvo Prema Prisutnosti/Odsutnosti U Naselju Popisa, Po Naseljima, Popis 2001. Online: http://www.dzs.hr/Hrv/censuses/Census2001/Popis/H01_01_03/h01_01_03_zu p14-3123.html.

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8. Government of the Republic of Croatia. (2004). Report on the Implementation of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities. Online: http://www.dijete.hr/en/reportsdoc/other/doc_download. 9. Zakon o odgoju i obrazovanju na jeziku i pismu nacionalnih manjina [Law on Education in Languages and Letters of National Minorities]. NN 51/00, 56/00. 10. Zakon o odgoju i obrazovanju na jeziku i pismu nacionalnih manjina. Online: http://www.zakon.hr/z/318/Zakon-o-odgoju-i-obrazovanju-na-jeziku-i-pismunacionalnih-manjina. 11. Government of the Republic of Croatia. (2010). Report on implementation of the Constitutional Law on National Minorities and spending of the funds from the State Budget for the needs of national minorities for year 2010. Online: http://www.public.mzos.hr/Default.aspx?ar=113&sec=3154. 12. Kordiü, Ljubica (2012). Minority Languages and the Language Policy in the Rural Area of Baranya (Croatia): A Case Study. Jezikoslovlje 13/2 (in print). 13. Kordiü, Lj. Srpski kao manjinski jezik u Hrvatskoj - sluþaj Slavonije [Serbian as a Minority Language in Croatia - A Slavonian Case Study]. In Lelija Soþanac (Ed.), Pravni i lingvistiþki aspekti višejeziþnosti. Zagreb: Nakladni zavod Globus (in print).

References Council of Europe. (1999). European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages. Strasbourg. Ehala, M. (2009). An Evaluation Matrix for Ethno-linguistic Vitality. In S. Pertot, T. Priestly & C. Williams (Eds.), Rights, Promotion and Integration Issues for Minority Languages in Europe. London: Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. 123-137. European Commission. (2009). Language Education Policy. Online: http://ec.europa.eu/education/languages/eu-languagepolicy/index_de.htm, 6. 04. 2011. Government of the Republic of Croatia. (2004). Izviješüe Republike Hrvatske o provoÿenju Okvirne konvencije za zaštitu nacionalnih manjina [Report of the Government of the Republic of Croatia on implementation of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities]. Zagreb. —. (2009). Izvješüe o provoÿenju Ustavnog zakona o pravima nacionalnih manjina i utrošku sredstava osiguranih u državnom proraþunu RH za 2008. godinu za potrebe nacionalnih manjina [Report on implementation of the Constitutional Law on National Minorities and spending of the funds from the State Budget for the needs of national minorities for year 2008]. Zagreb.

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Kordiü, Lj. (2012). Serbian as a Minority language in Croatia: A Slavonian Case Study In Lelija Soþanac (Ed.), Pravni i lingvistiþki aspekti višejeziþnosti. Zagreb: Nakladni zavod Globus (in print). Kordiü, Ljubica (2012). Minority Languages and the Language Policy in the Rural Area of Baranya (Croatia): A Case Study. Jezikoslovlje 13/2 (in print). Ministry of Education, Science and Technology. (2008). Nacionalni okvirni kurikulum za predškolski odgoj i opüe obvezno obrazovanje u osnovnoj i srednjoj školi [National Framework Curriculum for General Compulsory Education in Pre-primary, Primary and Secondary School in 2008.] Zagreb. Turk, I. & Jukiü, M. (2008). Promjene u udjelima Hrvata i Srba u etniþkom sastavu stanovništva hrvatskoga Podunavlja kao posljedica Domovinskog rata i mirne reintegracije (1991-2001) [Changes in the Percentage of Croats and Serbs in the Ethnical Structure of the Croatian Danube Region as Consequence of the Homeland War and the Peaceful Re-integration Process (1991-2001)]. In D. Živiü & Sandra Cvikiü (Eds.), Mirna reintegracija hrvatskog Podunavlja: Znanstveni, empirijski i iskustveni uvidi. Zagreb – Vukovar: Institut društvenih znanosti Ivo Pilar, Podruþni centar Vukovar. 193-212. Turner, J. C. & Giles, H. (1981). Intergroup Behaviour. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Ustav Republike Hrvatske, proþišüena verzija (2010) [Constitution of the Republic of Croatia, purified version of 2010]. Ustavni zakon o ljudskim pravima i pravima etniþkih i nacionalnih zajednica ili manjina [Constitutional Law on Human Rights and Rights of Ethnic and National Communities or Minorities]. NN, 51/00, 105/00, 36/01. Ustavni zakon o pravima nacionalnih manjina [Constitutional Law on National Minorities]. Narodne novine, 155/02. Zakon o odgoju i obrazovanju na jeziku i pismu nacionalnih manjina [Law on Education in Languages and Letters of National Minorities]. Narodne novine (NN) 51/00 i 56/00. Zakon o potvrÿivanju Europske povelje o regionalnim ili manjinskim jezicima [The Law on Ratification of the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages]. Narodne novine (NN), International Bills, 18/97. Živiü, D. (2007). Demografske i sociološke odrednice razvoja stanovništva u hrvatskome Podunavlju [Demographic and Sociological Features of the Population Development in Croatian Danube Region]. Društvena istraživanja 16 (89): 431-454.

ENGAGING MULTICULTURAL STUDENTS IN A COSMOPOLITAN CURRICULUM: LIVING VICARIOUSLY THROUGH RESEARCH PROJECTS NAGHMANA ALI

Introduction Globalization entails “the compression of the world” and “the intensification of consciousness of the world as a whole” (Robertson 1992: 9). In Globalization of Education, Spring (2009: 3) states that the “growth of worldwide educational discourses” aims at “developing human capital, lifelong learning for improving job skills and economic development.” Spring further explains how networks of multinational corporate companies which aim to maximize their profit churn out tailor-made potential employees through standardized testing and teacher training programmes which are “knowledge-rich, assessment driven, and community connected” (ibidem: 49). The World Bank, in particular, encourages a type of learning in which “students learn from each other and their learning is connected to the world outside of school” (ibidem: 48). The globalized educational scenario with its pluralist educational aims appears singularly noble at the outset but, if looked at closely, it produces batches of employable individuals who are culturally diverse, yet peripherally connected for economic reasons. Globalization is, thus, often accused of homogenizing humanity under the guise of equality for economic purposes, when it tends to ride roughshod across cultural diversity and individuality. An offshoot of mass migration and worldwide globalization is the emergence of multicultural societies that are increasingly diverse. Multiculturalism manages diversity by putting people in their respective ethnic enclaves, policing the cultural boundaries of those enclaves, and interpreting the lived experiences of diversity in the light of people’s respective ethnic orientations. Seeking to empower minority communities,

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multiculturalism as a polity tends to disenfranchise individuals by diminishing their unique contributions to the mainstream culture, while delegating authority to community leaders who fuel conflicts and strife in the name of securing their cultural and ethnic boundaries. Thus, multiculturalism inadvertently reveals itself to be a divisive force on the global terrain because it relies on preserving differences among world communities, and individuals derive their social status merely through group membership. Such collectivism seldom reaps tolerance and understanding towards other cultures. The need of the time is to take multiculturalism a step further and encourage a cosmopolitan sensibility in our global citizens so that they are able to tackle the challenges posed by a conflict-ridden multicultural world. According to Hansen (2008), “Cosmopolitanism differs from multiculturalism and pluralism because, unlike the latter, the cosmopolitan does not privilege already formed communities. It seeks to defend emerging spaces for new cultural and social configurations reflective of the intensifying intermingling of people, ideas, and activities the world over.” (ibidem: 294) Hollinger (2002: 231232) succinctly states, “Cosmopolitans are specialists in the creating of the new, while cautious about destroying the old; pluralists are specialists in the conservation of the old while cautious about creating the new.”

Theoretical Framework: Cosmopolitanism as a Curriculum Originating from the Stoic Philosophers in Hellenic times, the term “cosmopolitanism” in its ideal form expresses the notion that all human beings – regardless of their national, religious, cultural or political allegiances – should be seen as members of the world community. The Stoics established an educational system, which nurtured a moral and political consciousness that transcended national, ethnic, religious or political affiliations. According to Craven Nussbaum (1996: 11), the Stoic philosophers considered giving one’s own traditions “special salience in moral and political deliberations” as “both morally dangerous and, ultimately subversive of some of the worthy goals patriotism sets out to serve.” An inclination towards ethnocentrism for Stoics was deemed morally dangerous because it reinscribed the critically unexamined belief that one’s own culture and ideology were perfectly natural and rational, and subversive because it neglected the fact that, when it came to broader human concerns, the local interests would win out. The imminent need to respond to potential strife, rupture, and fragmentation around the globe necessitates the adoption of a cosmopolitan orientation in our educational

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endeavours. In other words, teachers as one of the 4 stakeholders in Schwab’s (1969) curricular commonplaces (the other three being learners, subject-matter, and milieu), can negotiate a classroom curriculum where students could cultivate a cosmopolitan sensibility that assures them that, while their rich cultural traditions root their identities, these very traditions could also be a source of conflict if perceived uncritically. This is not to say that, by adopting a cosmopolitan sensibility, one ignores one’s local issues but that he/she would then interpret those issues in light of the everchanging universal imperatives which not only transform international interests but also individuals’ subjectivities. Hansen (2008: 299), advocating for a cosmopolitan curriculum to be evolved in a classroom context, argues “Curriculum as cosmopolitan inheritance is an educational idea. It denotes a dynamic, purposive, if also unpredictable transaction between student and what has given life in the first place to the subject matter at hand.” Encouraging critical reflexivity in students could help develop “epistemic virtues” (Rizvi 2009) to help us be cognizant of the cultural and economic connectivity that binds us with the globalized world. Rizvi (ibidem: 261) defines epistemic virtues as those “habitual practices of learning that regard knowing as always tentative involving critical exploration and imagination, an open-ended exercise in cross-cultural deliberation designed to understand relationalities and imagine alternatives, but always from a position that is reflexive of its epistemic assumptions.” Rizvi further elucidates that these “epistemic virtues are best developed collectively, in transcultural collaborations, in which local problems can be examined comparatively, linked to global processes.” (idem) William Pinar (2009) offers a refreshing notion of what cosmopolitanism means for education. Since a cosmopolitan sensibility does not constitute a set of defined characteristics, Pinar rejects the idea of a definite institutional coursework to attain it. For him, “a curriculum for cosmopolitanism cultivates comprehension of [...] self-knowledge that enables understanding of others” (Pinar 2009: vii). Pinar’s cosmopolitanism has an element of humanity that rests on a “worldliness” (ibidem: ix), which is cultivated through a thoughtful self-reflection of one’s own subjectivity and a commitment to the world at large. As Pinar (idem) argues, “[s]tudying the alterity of actuality cultivates cosmopolitanism [...]. Its cultivation constitutes a self-reflexive discipline of self-overcoming; it may even involve working against oneself” (ibidem: viii). Cosmopolitanism is about the ethics of negotiating the interstices between the universal and particular, the local and the global (idem).

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Pinar’s notion of cosmopolitanism resonates with Appiah’s (2005) “rooted cosmopolitanism,” which advocates a simultaneous affinity for the local and the global by embracing a desire to understand and learn from each other’s differences. Appiah (ibidem) argues that cross-cultural encounters, despite their inherent imperfections, could engender aesthetic appreciation of each other’s cultures. Moreover, he believes that cosmopolitanism has two components: “one is the idea that we have obligations to others [...], the other is that we take seriously the value not just of human life but particular human lives” (ibidem: xv). This emphasis on the particular is echoed in Pinar’s (idem) work on cosmopolitanism and education, which emphasizes the recognition and understanding of one’s subjective experiences in the world. Hansen’s (2008) idea of “cosmopolitanism as inheritance” is a trajectory of Pinar’s notion of understanding one’s subjective experiences since those experiences are the result of one’s fluid identity coming in contact with various cultures and identities, and undergoing change. A cosmopolitan curriculum would, therefore, be decidedly different from a multicultural or an international one since, according to Hansen, it is not designed by amalgamating different “inheritances” from different communities in order to accord them recognition in a classroom. It would be a “deliberative” rather than a “dogmatic” curriculum about what students study. In fact, for Hansen (ibidem), it is not about the content so much as it is about adopting a cosmopolitan “perspective or orientation as it influences people’s reception and response to content.” (ibidem: 297) In resonance with Rizvi’s (2009) idea of epistemic virtues coming alive in transcultural collaborations is Hansen’s (2008) notion of educational inheritances shared by students in a classroom environment where they actively participate in discussing a text, for example, or even sharing an experience. Hansen (ibidem) defines educational inheritance as “a dynamic amalgam of convictions, values, ideas, practices, doubts, and even hopes and yearnings” (ibidem: 298). He further points out that “[t]o assimilate an inheritance educationally constitutes a process whose shape and substance are always in motion. That process encompasses thinking, imagining, questioning, inquiring, contemplating, studying, and deciding.” (ibidem: 298-299). In other words, when students undergo these heuristics in a classroom interaction, they not only add to the cumulative world heritage however little their contribution might be, but they also actually become part of the cultural heritage of the human race.

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Context of the Study My university is an American accredited university near Dubai in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). I will discuss a snapshot of a component of an intensive academic writing course that was established to enhance the writing abilities of students to be at par with the Freshman Composition level in the American Liberal Arts curriculum. The students for this Honours pilot programme were picked based on their outstanding performance in their 100 level writing courses, the evidence for which was provided by students in the form of a portfolio. After a rigorous selection process, 14 students were selected from about 50 who had applied for this programme. Even though it is an ESL environment in the Middle East, these students had received their secondary school education from private schools following American curriculum; hence their proficiency in English was almost the same as that of a native speaker’s. These students ranged from 17 to 22 years, and they were from different countries such as Egypt, Bahrain, the UAE, Palestine, Saudi Arabia, India, and Pakistan. A word about the hybrid identity of my students would be pertinent here. Hybrid identities are conceivably a by-product of mass-migration, multiculturalism, and globalization. Students at this American university are usually of mixed origins and, while their hybrid identities and their global citizenship makes them concerned about issues such as the violation of human rights, global sustainability, and equitable distribution of wealth among nations, through their ethnic allegiances they are critically mindful of the Westernization that is fast infiltrating their communities. Vandrick (2011) discusses the general characteristics that one is likely to encounter nowadays in multicultural students in most American universities: -

“These students are part of new global economic and cultural elite. They have lived, studied, and vacationed in various places throughout the world; they may carry passports or permanent visas from more than one country; their parents may have homes and businesses in more than one country; they may speak several languages; they have often been educated in Western high schools – frequently boarding schools – and colleges. They have always been affluent, well-travelled international students studying in the United States and other Western, English dominant countries. [They] are distinguished and defined by first, having lived and studied in at least three countries, second, being affluent and privileged; and third, exhibiting a sense of global membership [...]. I call these young people students of the new global elite (SONGEs, for convenience).” (Vandrick 2011: 160)

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While the students at my university do not subscribe to the linguistic and socio-cultural background of Vandrick’s (ibidem: 162) students of the new global elite (SONGEs), most of the affluent youths in the UAE share all three characteristics that make them an exclusive class of students with unique traits: hybridity, recombinant identities, and cosmopolitanism. In Post-colonial literature, hybridity has become synonymous with a third space free of the politics of polarity and binarisms that characterized colonial discourse. It also entails a notion of a multilayered identity resulting from an inclusion of various cultures and languages in the global lives of people who exhibit hybridity. My students’ hybrid identities may not help them easily “ignore or deflect negative experiences such as racist comments” (ibidem) yet their affluence entitles them to a comfortable status that roots their recombinant identities. Jacquemet (2005, in Vandrick 2011) posits, “recombinant identities produce communicative practices based on multi-presence, multilingualism, and decentred political/social engagements spread over transnational territories” (ibidem). Owing to their affluence, it is common for my students and their families to frequent Europe and America for vacations. Vandrick further explains, “[...] each experience in a different country or culture, and each border crossing between and among these countries and cultures adds a layer to an identity that is constantly shifting and re-forming” (ibidem: 163). This tendency results in cosmopolitanism which is defined as “feeling at home in the world” and “interest in and engagement with cultural diversity by straddling the global and the local spheres in terms of personal identity.” (Gunesch 2004, in Vandrick 2011)

The students in this case study were highly motivated because the Honours programme offered them the opportunity to complete 2 semesters’ worth of work in one semester with double the number of contact hours and double the amount of work. Owing to the rigorous nature of the course, the teachers (it was a team taught course, so another teacher and I taught it three times a week) decided that the course content should be made more learner-centred and more attractive than its pre-existing one-semester counterpart. The first 15 minutes of the 2-hour long session was therefore devoted to critiquing a student’s visual, which was uploaded on eLearn (a blackboard application) by the student ahead of time. First the student would make a short presentation about the visual, and then comments were solicited from others. Some of the visuals would be discussed in detail in the section called “the study.”

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Research Method Schwab (1969) proposes four variables, which he calls commonplaces that factor in to make a viable curriculum: learners, teachers, subject matter, and milieu. The fifth commonplace was later implied to be the self-study research method that teachers as reflective practitioners continuously engage in to improve upon their pedagogical practices (Clarke & Erickson 2004). Self-study as a research method is a critical study that coalesces around two themes: power relationships and meaning making (Pinnegar & Hamilton 2009). Thus, it really depends upon the teacher to relinquish a certain amount of control in class and generate a democratic classroom environment in the interest of initiating genuine discourse from students. La Boskey (2004, in Pinnegar & Hamilton 2009: 71) outlines “five elements of self-study: it is self-initiated and focused; it is improvementaimed; it is interactive; it includes multiple, mainly qualitative methods; and it defines validity as a process based on trustworthiness.” Dialogue is a hallmark of self-study, whether it is a dialogue with learners in the form of class discussions or a dialogue with one’s colleagues in collaboration, for improvement of one’s pedagogical practices. This case study utilized the technique of keeping an open dialogue both among the students, as well as us colleagues. The use of an open dialogue took the form of such strategies as peer reviews, journals, blogs and, of course, reflective class discussions. This paper looks at one of the strategies – that of reflective discussions – used for critiquing visuals. Visual presentation projects, as discussed in the previous section were merely a part of the writing course under review. The data for this study is mainly derived from the reflections that students had about visual presentations and, of course, my class observations. One student, when asked to reflect about critiquing visual presentations in hindsight says: “A lot of fun! Really helped the class gel together and should definitely be a permanent fixture for writing courses. I must say I was quite pessimistic about life at this university before WRI209 and the presentations played a huge part in changing that perception.” Another student from the school of Architecture and Design in this University is of the opinion “These (visual presentations) were my favourite parts of class. I have learned more about expression and the world around me through those than I did from anything else we did all semester. It gave us a chance to exercise presentation skills and a range of other important skills. The ensuing discussions were very stimulating and a good transition into the day’s lesson.” A third student believes “These [visual presentations] were great. I feel visual critiques really helped me in becoming a better critical thinker. It helped me identify hidden elements in

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art and videos. I would recommend this for future classes.” Yet another student, an engineering major, speaking about these visual presentations thought: “This was a great bonding experience, and pretty fun too considering we have quite a long class. It helped us get to know every person as individuals and their interests, and the fact that wasn’t narrowed down to a certain subject was very interesting.” And yet another one says: ‘Greatest idea ever! I actually looked forward to these every class. They really changed the class’s atmosphere, which was helpful in a 2-hour class. They were fun and educational at the same time, which is the perfect combination.’ These comments are a glimpse of just how popular the visual presentations were in forming a bond not only among students but also between the teachers and the students, because teachers asked relevant questions to further enhance the quality of discussions and encourage critical thinking. Such rich classroom interaction echoes Hansen’s (2008: 298) belief that “education depends upon socialization on having entered a way of life and become a part of it. However, from a cosmopolitan perspective education has to do with new forms of understanding, undergoing, and moving in the world.”

Results: Some Visual Presentations I will discuss a few of the presentations to give a glimpse of the type of pictures students shared with their classmates and teachers. -

A picture of an Afghani woman clad in a shuttlecock-shaped burqa (hijab) sitting on the floor and surrounded by many pigeons. Since the woman was covered from head to toe, we could not see anything of her person, but the student’s purpose behind sharing this with the class was to contrast the freedom that the pigeons had and the apparent lack of it in that woman’s life. The student’s critique generated a discussion prompted by teachers about the degrees of freedom that women in our respective cultures had. As we were all from different cultural backgrounds and ethnic origins such as Arabs, South Asians, and American, our concept of freedom also varied. Questions such as the following were generated: x What constitutes freedom? x To what degree can we allow our parents/spouses to direct our lives? x Does the woman in burqa consider the covering to be her prison, or does she feel emancipated of the judgment she would otherwise be subjected to if not covered?

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x Isn’t giving in to the society’s norms about beauty curtail our freedom? x Was she forced by her family members to take up the burqa? x Does she feel trapped in that covering? A free discussion prevailed among us about the possibilities of having our freedom curtailed by others in our respective cultures and societies. Various stereotypes around Muslim women and veils were discussed, and even the French law forbidding Muslim girls from wearing a scarf was brought up. As the majority of the class was Muslim, the students expressed indignation at such an infringement of human rights in a developed country such as France. Being a Pakistani-Canadian, I cited instances where human rights were prioritized in Canada. Some students talked about how, if a government is very strict in implementing Islamic laws and imposes hijab (covering) as a mandatory measure, women just wear it while they are in that country and take it off on the plane when travelling abroad. So, the discussion which was the result not only of the visual presentation done by the student but also of questions that were generated by the students and teachers, connected cultural backgrounds, histories, legislations, and the abstract notion of freedom into a web of the good and the bad, the immediate and the distant, all in a span of 15-20 minutes. In other words, the exchange of ideas about the visual presentation changed our subjectivities to a certain extent, and made us feel somehow connected when students differed with each other about different points under discussion; it was diversity and homogeneity all rolled into one. We were diverse because we all spoke from our experiences and different cultural backgrounds, and homogeneous because we were connected at the human level with our differences of opinion. Retrieved from www.bbc.co.uk/news/in-pictures-17449958 was a 100year-old collared photograph, which was a self-portrait of by a Russian aristocrat called Sergei Mikhalovich Prakudin-Gorski was a piece among 5 others that he had done using a unique photographic technique he had developed himself. It was an amazing feat at the time in photochemistry. Students marvelled at the bright colours and the natural scenery, which portrayed the Russian culture of the time. Even the facial expressions of people in the other 4 pictures were life-like. Students were fascinated by the life style of the people living at the time Russia was an empire. The discussion veered off in the direction of what life must be like for the peasants who were shown in the pictures. A student from the school of architecture and design observed that the vibrant colours made the pictures look modern not a century

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old. A comparison was made between the Russian empire and communist Russia later on. Advancement in technology and photography were discussed as a student revealed how she loved to take pictures of people when travelling to different countries. Another one talked about the novel War and Peace by Leo Tolstoy that she was currently reading and this picture reminded her of that Russian culture. The caption on the third picture that a student had put up said “Pulitzer Prize winning photograph taken in 1994 in Sudan by Kevin Carter. The picture depicts a famine-stricken child crawling towards a United Nations food camp located 1 km away. The vulture is waiting for the child to die so that it can eat it. The picture shocked the whole world. No one knows what happened to the child. Three months later, the photographer committed suicide because of depression.” Students discussed the tyranny of Nature and the helplessness of the child depicted. The picture had a sobering effect on all, as each one of us thought what the child must have been feeling at the time, or that we should count our blessings that we have enough to eat. Discussion also centred on the fact that the rich countries were getting richer and the poor countries poorer. The picture was educative to say the least about the world we had inherited. A picture of a Filipino girl wearing a fuchsia bikini on the cover page of FHM magazine was shown surrounded by black girls in bikinis. Everyone wondered if the magazine was trying to make a racist statement by contrasting the black with the pale-white Filipina, or it was merely incidental. Another layer to the class discussion was added when a student pointed out that the picture also signified the commodification of scantily clad women in advertising. A trajectory of the discussion was also the contrast between the Middle Eastern culture that stood in stark contrast to this picture and the influence such advertising was having on the Arab culture in which the youth was starting to look at girls merely as sex objects. The disadvantages of living in a multicultural globalized world were discussed where indigenous cultures were affected by Westerns values and aspirations. Racism, however, was not considered to be a characteristic trait of the Western countries only; people held all kinds of stereotypes for the different ethnic groups in the UAE. The discussions and questions that vacillated back and forth from local to global issues highlighted the inextricable bind that indigenous communities were in with the global ones, and this discussion was also resonant of what Rizvi (2009: 260) had stated earlier “I believe that our approach to teaching about global connectivity should begin with the local, but must move quickly to

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address issues of how our local communities are becoming socially transformed through their links with communities around the world and with what consequences. In this way, I want to stress the relationalities that lie at the heart of any thinking about the dynamics of change.”

Conclusion Through these presentations, students discovered that, while they came from different cultural, ethnic, and educational backgrounds they all shared traditions and cultures as heritage in the form of knowledge passed on through the generations. Yet they also learned that culture is dynamic and creative, always in the state of flux as a result of intercultural encounters not only in person but also through the advancement in technology, and internet; culture is not a set of values that are entirely inherited or should be maintained within clearly definable boundaries. The questions they raised, the doubts they voiced were part of the cosmopolitan sensibility that was a journey in discovery and novelty. As Hansen (2008: 304) states, “they have incorporated into their sensibilities a response to a human inheritance that has percolated through the world. However modest this transformation may be in the totality of their evolving humanity, it is noteworthy [...] in the accompanying philosophical, existential, indeed moral and ethical senses of their experience. The students still live in their local world, but they are no longer merely of it.”

References Appiah, K. A. (2005). The Ethics of Identity. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Clarke, A. & Erickson, G. (2004). Self-study: The Fifth Commonplace. Australian Journal of Education 48 (2): 199-211. Craven Nussbaum, Martha. (1996). Patriotism and Cosmopolitanism. In Martha Craven Nussbaum, For the Love of Country? Debating the Limits of Patriotism. Cambridge, MA: Beacon Press. 1-14. Hansen, D. (2008). Curriculum and the Idea of a Cosmopolitan Inheritance. Journal of Curriculum Studies 40(3): 289-312. Hollinger, D. A. (2002). Not Universalists, not Pluralists: The New Cosmopolitans Find Their Own Way. In S. Vertovec & R. Cohen (Eds.), Conceiving Cosmopolitanism: Theory, Context, and Practice. Oxford: Oxford University Press: 227-239.

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Pinar, W. (2009). The Worldliness of a Cosmopolitan Education: Passionate Lives in Public Service. New York: Routledge. Pinnegar, Stefinee & Hamilton, Mary Lynn. (2009). Self-Study of Practice as a Genre of Qualitative Research: Theory, Methodology and Practice. New York, NY: Springer Rizvi, F. (2009). Towards Cosmopolitan Learning. Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education 30 (3): 253-268. Robertson, R. (1992). Globalization: Social Theory and Global Culture. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Schwab, J. J. (1969). The Practical: A Language for Curriculum. The School Review 78 (1): 1-23. Spring, J. (2009). Globalization of Education: An Introduction. London: Routledge. Vandrick, Stephanie. (2011). Students of the New Global Elite. TESOL Quarterly 45 (1): 160-169.

EDUCATIONAL POLICY TOWARDS THE ETHIOPIAN IMMIGRANT COMMUNITY IN ISRAEL: MULTICULTURALISM OR FAKE MULTICULTURALISM? LEA BARATZ, RONI REINGOLD AND CHANA ABUCHATZIRA

Introduction The community of immigrants coming from Ethiopia to Israel in the middle of the 1980s numbering is currently about 120,000 people (Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics 2011). The social and educational policy of the state of Israel, in the 1980s and the 1990s, towards them, could be characterized as leading to explicit assimilation (“integration of Diasporas” or “melting pot”). Moreover, the members of the community suffer from a racist attitude from a considerable part of the Israeli population. It seems that, during the last decade, there has been a change, at least concerning the educational policy. Some declarations and actions of the Ministry of Education reveal the adoption of the principles of cultural pluralism, which recognize cultural differences between segments of the Israeli society and enable the immigrants to preserve their heritage. However, it is not clear if this new policy can be regarded as multicultural, or as an expression of implicit assimilation, meaning a fake multiculturalism. In other words, if the goal is to strengthen Ethiopian invisibility with the help of education means (as explained later on), then the content, in fact, emphasizes their visibility. The current paper analyzes two case studies in order to be able to define educational policy towards the immigrants. The first case study is a bi-lingual newspaper called Nugget News published under the sponsorship of the Israeli Ministry of Education since 1999. The newspaper is distributed bimonthly free of charge in secondary schools in 22,000 copies. Two thirds of the articles in the newspaper are in Hebrew (the official language of Israel), and one

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third in Amharic (the original language of the immigrants). The publication of the newspaper in two languages apparently testifies for an adoption of a multicultural policy (Garcia & Baker 1995). The second case is a unique teacher accreditation programme for immigrants from Ethiopia. The programme was established in our college of education in 2001; in the last two years, it has also been taught in three other colleges of education. The rationale of the programme uses the principles of the particularistic multicultural approach; however, we would like to examine if the rationale and its unique syllabi are designed to prepare teachers to practice authentic multicultural education, and if it reflects conservative or critical multicultural education (Gorski 2009). Those different dimensions of educational policy can reveal the ideology of the Ministry of Education towards the community of immigrants coming from Ethiopia.

Theoretical Background “When we came to Israel, we were sent to boarding schools in order to forget the culture we came from. The goal was a ‘melting-pot’ – to take people and integrate them into one culture […].” (Nugget, September 2008: 6). This sentence emphasizes the processes of absorption of the social group by governmental bodies that was not characterized by an egalitarian and open attitude. The text analyzed in the current paper relies on the “subject matter” published by the entity subordinate to the Ministry of Education and called The steering committee of Ethiopian immigrants, a branch of the Society for Advancement of Education of the Immigrant Absorption Department within the Ministry of Education. Against the backdrop of specific reactions of the Israeli society towards Ethiopian immigrants and the ongoing processes, the immigrants have started the process of attempting to integrate into the society, but the community of Ethiopian Jews still searches for a “correct” place for itself in the Israeli social contexture in the dimension of visibility or invisibility (Ben-Ezer 2010). Those different dimensions of educational policy can reveal the ideology of the Ministry of Education towards the community of immigrants coming from Ethiopia. The group strives to become visible and, at the same time, to become invisible. On the one hand, it is interested in becoming an integral part of the society into which they have arrived, in eliminating the different treatment of its members that distinguishes them from other members of the group (in an attempt to make them invisible) but, on the other hand, the members of the absorbed group strive to preserve their uniqueness, expect considerate attitude towards their specific characterization in unique aspects of their immigration. That is,

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the group strives to continue to preserve salient aspects of its previous existence, from its socio-cultural past (ibidem). The absorption of Ethiopian Jews (Beta Israel community) is characterized by numerous difficulties in various social systems in Israel (Ben-Porat 2007). As part of the attempt to treat properly the absorption of students of Ethiopian origin, the Ministry of Education has started to perform actions in order to find solutions for the advancement of Ethiopian immigrants in the educational systems. The governmental policy of absorption aimed at the inclusion of Ethiopian immigrants in Israeli society by means of dispersal of immigrants in socially strong communities defined as having average socio-economic stability (the dispersion principle). The quota principle of the Ministry of Education aimed at absorbing the young generation of Ethiopian descendents by way of directing small groups of pupils to longexisting Israeli schools. In reality, however, large groups of Ethiopian families were concentrated in a small number of cities and neighbourhoods characterized by a low socio-economic distribution. According to this, the schools in these neighbourhoods were also characterized as having a low level of educational achievement. The issue of integration of Ethiopian pupils has been a prominent issue in the eyes of the community, as well as the education system, since the beginning of the 1990s. In 1994, the Senior Steering Committee for the Absorption of Ethiopian Immigrants into the Education System was founded. One of the main principles was that no more than 25% of Ethiopian descendents of the total population of pupils would be placed in schools. This recommendation was made following findings that, in certain schools, Ethiopian descendents represented the large majority of pupils. This recommendation remained on the level of rhetoric alone until Ethiopian parents appealed to the Supreme Court in 2002 in light of the refusal of some schools in the city of Hadera to accept pupils of Ethiopian descent. The refusal relied on the premise that a 25% quota of Ethiopian pupils already existed in the schools. As a result, the Ministry of Education cancelled the quota policy as binding and left it as a recommendation alone as a right of parents who sought integration. In recent years, the number of schools with over 25% of Ethiopian pupils has dramatically increased even to the point of a 98% presence (Document to The Minister of Education, Gidon Sa’ar, 2011). The Ministry of Education has not formulated an all-encompassing policy of integration to this day, but, from the activities carried out by the Ministry, there appears to be an “apparent policy.” The education system continues to base its activities in the area of absorption on the perspective of a passing phenomenon and a limited definition of the target population. Therefore, it is necessary to make suggestions concerning both the perspective and the definition of the

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problem that makes it necessary to create a distinctive policy for this population (Sever 2007). Hence, it is necessary to analyze this phenomenon in the context of the unique centralistic control system operated in the state of Israel by the Ministry of Education. The Ministry is actually responsible for determining the educational policy and inspection of implementation of pedagogical action. This control is noticeable at various educational levels: the Ministry is responsible for the preacademic studies, starting from the work of studies programme development, which professional teams are subordinate to a department in the Ministry of Education. It approves the textbooks used in the routine school work. In addition, the Ministry controls the final exams testing the knowledge that the students have acquired during the course of their studies (Baratz & Reingold 2010).

Between Ethnocentric Pluralism and Multicultural Pluralism In the first decades after the State of Israel was founded, the dominant social and educational policy was that of “integration of Diasporas” or “melting pot” (named after such policy in the United States). On the basis of such view of explicit assimilation, there was the wish to move the Jewish immigrants from Islamic countries away from the cultures of their communities and integrate them in the framework of what was defined the Israeli culture, that is, the hegemonic and dominant one, the one that was a variation of the culture of the absorbing Ashkenazi elite (Sever 2007). The goal of the “melting pot” policy was to hide the visibility of the immigrants; it caused the formation of negative visibility that was a result of disregard of their culture and continuing discrimination (Resnik 2010). Changes in the policy were made in the last third of the 20th century, when Israel adopted the principles of cultural pluralism that recognizes cultural differences between immigrants and enables them to preserve it (Horowitz 1999). Since then, the Israeli society shows quite a large amount of openness towards ethnical symbols and expressions, including the culture and the tradition brought by immigrants. The transition to cultural pluralism is reflected also in the change of status of the Hebrew language in the process of immigrant absorption. For forty years, the State of Israel applied a mono-linguistic policy in order to build a nation, since the Hebrew language and culture associated with it were considered a core of the Zionist revolution. The revolution started in the 1990s when the explanation bulletins were distributed also in Russian (Alales 2010). However, “pluralistic splitting of societies does not constitute the ideal of

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proper world in the ideology of pluralism [...] but there still might be, within it, a place to strive [...] for cultural integration of different groups that may become realized precisely because of the recognition of their right to exist” (ibidem: 212). That is, a pluralistic ethnocentric version is actually a conception advocating implicit assimilation. Its goal is identical to that of explicit assimilation. The recognition of the right of ethnic groups and communities to preserve their separate cultures is a kind of inevitability, or even more than that – hypocrisy or even false recognition. Ethnocentric pluralism has two main variations: the “temporary pluralism,” an approach aiming at seeing the dominant culture adopted by the whole society, a process meant to be gradual. On the other hand, the “residual multiculturalism” is an approach accepting permanent preservation of marginal cultural dimensions inside minority groups (Sever 2007). Still, pluralism may also serve as a basis for multicultural perceptions. The pluralist multicultural ideology does not require communities to renounce their own unique cultures but strives to sustain a dialogue, at cultural boundary domains, between members of different cultural groups that preserve their particular cultures (out of recognition of these cultures and pride by them) without building cultural hierarchy or attempts of cultural colonialism (Reingold 2005, 2009). An educational expression of this ideology may be the construction of common educational public spaces common to members of different cultural communities or, at an earlier stage, of different educational public spaces for members of cultural minority groups in order to empower the community members and to prepare them for an intercultural dialogue from a position of strength, that is, to include an early stage of particular multiculturalism (Reingold 2007).

Particularistic Multicultural Education: A Bridge toward a True Pluralistic Dialogue Some of the multicultural education practice is based upon the “contact hypothesis.” Specifically, encounters between groups are predicted to reduce hostility and stereotypes and encourage a more positive relationship between members of different groups (ibidem). However, the empirical support for the effectiveness of these encounters is at best mixed with some studies reporting that the discourse developed in these meetings produced a change in the stereotypes and preconceptions which were held by the participants, while other studies failed to document such an effect or even demonstrated that the encounters resulted in an increase in hostility, frustration and alienation (Reingold 2007). It seems, as argued by

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Bekerman (2004), real multicultural dialogue can hardly be achieved when there is an asymmetric power relationship between groups; thus, in order to improve the outcome of inter-group exchange and dialogue, the members of the minority group must first be empowered via a particularistic stage prior to their extensive encounter with members of the majority group (Reingold 2007). This clime is the core of the debate between the particularistic and pluralistic multicultural schools of thought. Common to both approaches is the assumption that social reform is a prerequisite for building mutual respect between groups and that the success of such social transformation may result in a shift from a monocultural approach based on assimilation or a “melting pot” policy toward a multicultural policy (Bodi 1996). However, the particularistic method (Asante 1998) requires providing a unique space for each disadvantaged group in which its members will be able to become acquainted with their own legacy and become empowered before they enter the competitive encounter with other more self-confident groups. In marked contrast, the pluralistic approach (Ravitch 1992) believes that multicultural encounters should start in a mixed group and that the enhancement of the dialogue will result from cultivating tolerance and appreciation for the uniqueness of other groups.

Affinity between Language and Identity: The Bilingualism Criterion Language is a tool for ideology evaluation, but it is also influenced by ideological processes. Language is not only a solution to the problems such as what is ideology and what it does, but also a very important problem in ideology (Cameron 2006). In Israel, the attitude towards the original language of the immigrants is assimilation (Sever 2007). Sever enumerates aspects of this assimilation process that include also the situation of trampling the mother tongue. In addition, she also sets forth arguments that, in her opinion, require preservation of immigrants’ mother tongue. Following Grant (1997), Sever surveys the types of response of various societies with respect to lingual situation prevailing in these societies, while language is one of the markers of identity for a threatened culture that tends to preserve its identity by means of the language. Grant indicates that, from the point of view of language, one may distinguish between homogeneous society, small lingual minority concentrated geographically, dispread lingual minority, large lingual minority, and society with lingual division (Grant 1997, in Sever 2007). According to Grant’s typological classification, the Ethiopian community in Israel can

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be viewed as a dispread minority, a lingual minority that does not constitute a local majority in any geographical region in a given society, that is, the hegemonic Israeli one. Such minority tends to be especially vulnerable with respect to preservation of its language, since the spoken or written environment where it lives is that of the dominant language. Thus, their minority language lacks social support received in a language enclave. In addition, Sever indicates the types of lingual policies, of which it is important for our case to mention the pluralistic policies, which recognize the minority languages for various purposes, including their use as a teaching tool. Preservation of the mother tongue of the immigrant student is part of the commitment of the absorbing party adhering to the multicultural approach in the absorption processes. Teaching of reading and writing in the mother tongue has improved the image and the achievements of foreign-language talking people (Garcia & Baker 1995). The bi-lingual literature has an important value in the construction of the “other”’s identity (Zamir & Baratz 2010). Bi-lingual literature is a means for creating dialogue. Dialogue is one of the means for getting familiar with the other person with all his/her differences. Dialogue helps my “self” detect in himself/herself the human or unconscious part of himself/herself and, thus, to approach himself/herself (Ehrlich 2001). Bi-lingual writing eliminates the concept of “being different” since the typography derives from a location of equality. In the discussed situation, each reader turns at the same time into “me” and “other.” It depends upon his identity. That is, here is an ideology intended to propose the discourse of co-existence on the basis of egalitarianism and mutuality. Cultivation of ethnical identity enhances the feeling of belonging and commitment of a person towards a group, and contributes to the feeling of belonging to an organized social framework where the very fact of belonging to the group provides the feeling of connection contributing to positive self-concept. So, how does a bi-lingual text reflect the essence of identity?

Methodology Research Aim The current paper examines two cases of educational practice. Its main goal is to find if one of the cases or the two of them are consistent with the principles of the multicultural education ideology. More specifically, in the first case, we discuss the question whether bi-lingual writing creates a kind of multicultural dialogue, that is, whether writing meant to be an organically built unit leads to pluralism or, maybe, to “fake

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multiculturalism.” The second case aims to examine the extent to which the accreditation programme for immigrants from Ethiopia in our college is consistent with the principles of the particularistic multicultural approach. Research Corpus Data, in two cases, was mainly by in-depth content analysis of documents. Documents analyzed in the second case included programme curriculum, mission statement, annual academic handbooks, and course syllabi. This analysis included an explicit comparison between the declared pedagogical and ideological goals and actual implementation and practices. This paper is based upon the analysis of the content of the Nugget News newspaper, published bi-monthly by the Ministry of Education. At the footer of the newspaper page it is written that it is “The newspaper of the steering committee of Ethiopian immigrants – Society for Advancement of Education.” The head of staff of the newspaper is a former Beta Israel community member, while the editor is a native Israeli who does not belong to the Beta Israel community. (One has to mention the collaboration between the two writers.) Research Tools The research method is qualitative-interpretive; text analysis is to be performed according to the principle of critical discourse focusing upon the society problems and the various forms of misusing the language towards minority groups’ underprivileged on the grounds of ethnical background or social status (Gee 1992, 2004). Through this process, the stages of the study give rise to the development of grounded theory that creates, according to the field data, a system of private meanings of the figures that inhabit the field. Klein’s (2010) method is aimed to analyze socio-cultural connections and implicit meanings resulting from them, following Van Dijk (1991). The analysis of the journalistic text should help to detect force and suppression foci that influence or form the identity of Ethiopian community members inside the hegemonic field of Hebrewspeaking Israeli community. The start of the research process included reading all the newspapers and preparation of a list of issues presented therein, according to the principle of the essence of the central concept of the article. Determination of the issues led to definition of categories which represent the connection between the articles (Baratz, Reingold & Abuchatzira 2010). Further, we focused on the categories selected as

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establishing the research assumption, this according to Shakedi’s view (2005) whereby the categories take into account the cultural context and the relationships of place and time of the researched phenomena. Within the framework of the analysis mapped content design was performed, that is the finding of a shared conceptual perspective which arranges the first categories on two axes: a horizontal axis which identifies the supercategories and the vertical axis which describes the sub-categories. The two axes enable identification of the full potential of the data collected. Sampling Method Tracking the appearance of words was performed systematically from all the newspapers. On presenting the findings, samples were presented that clearly indicated the phenomenon that we were searching for.

Findings Case Study no. 1: The Separate Track The programme designed for Ethiopian descendents as a separate track contains a number of elements from which we can learn about the particular multicultural nature that characterizes the programme. The documents connected to the programme serve to build an eclectic structure from which definitions of specific categories emerge emphasizing this multicultural nature. They include an interview with the head of the national programme, a statement paper, the college website that describes the Ethiopian programme, syllabi and reports from trips. The results will display two kinds of approaches from which the general framework of the track can be described: content analysis of the entirety of documents comprising the characteristic structure of the track and a focused analysis of two courses taught in the framework of this track. First Approach: General Content Analysis. The subject of empowerment was found to be a central element on five major levels that find expression in different ways in the documents: -

Subject matter; Discovery and in-depth knowledge of the cultural heritage; Tools for teacher training; Independent discussion; Enrichment activities promoting empowerment.

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The general structure of the programme contains a variety of elements that serve to nurture the empowerment of the students: -

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Preparatory courses for special needs. In the first year of the programme, the students of Ethiopian descent study the following courses: learning strategies, language courses, mathematics and computers, English exemption courses, general compulsory studies, a course in “Ethiopian Jewish Heritage,” and preparation for the psychometric exam (for those who do not have a score). Advanced courses for general needs. In the second year, all of the disciplinary subjects are studied together with the students of the regular track. Courses of a multicultural nature. Simultaneously, second-year students continue to study one day a week in special groups. The subjects are pedagogy, a course or seminar in the subject of multiculturalism in education and a course in educational leadership. Enrichment activities. For general enrichment, there are trips, study tours and workshops in a large variety of subjects, such as study days at the college organized by the special track called “Educational Leadership” and “Identity and Culture,” workshops on how to find a job, how to make holiday decorations, how to improve pronunciation and meetings with key figures in the Ethiopian community.

Examples of the element of empowerment as defined by us as categories: -

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Verbal expression of the element of empowerment. The following emerged from the totality of the documents connected to this field: x “There are a number of courses in which the participants of the track study separately for the purpose of empowerment according to the particularistic approach to multiculturalism so that they will develop a positive attitude and self-confidence.” x “An important venture intended to nurture cultural knowledge and self-image is the study days that are unique to this track.” x “The centre will support and advance students of Ethiopian descent to academic excellence” and will hold “workshops for leadership empowerment, leadership in nature” in order to “aid and strengthen educational leadership among Ethiopian descendents.” Tools for teacher training. Among the content that emerged from the documents, was a definition of pedagogical goals to advance the teaching ability of the students in the framework of personal and professional empowerment:

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x “Training of the students to learn on their own and transfer the knowledge about the traditions and customs of the community to their pupils in the future.” x “The fulfilment of the potential of the Ethiopian community as teachers will add honour to the diversity that characterizes the educational system in Israel. To this end, the students will participate in courses and activities in the field of educational leadership.” Recommended courses include “The Teacher as a Leader,” “Multiculturalism in Education,” “Feminine leadership,” as well as “to train teachers from the Ethiopian community to teach in the public secular schools who are in possession of high academic and personal abilities” or “to train teachers of the Ethiopian community who will have expert knowledge in the subjects connected to children of Ethiopian descent in the schools.” In-depth learning about the cultural heritage. In the framework of the documents, much emphasis is placed upon the importance of learning about the subjects connected to the cultural heritage of the community. This field points to an additional category in the framework of the promotion of empowerment. The rationale clarifies that the process of absorption into society, including the preceding process of acknowledging and knowing owns own heritage, in order to achieve absorption in the general culture, from a place of personal empowerment: x “The acquaintance of students and pupils with the Ethiopian Jewish culture will enrich the learners with the contents of this ancient and unique culture and will serve to aid the absorption if Ethiopian descendents into the fabric of Israeli society.” x “The founding of a pedagogical learning centre in which students will be trained in preparing lesson plans about the life and customs of Ethiopian Jewry will serve the aspiration that the knowledge of the heritage will facilitate absorption into Israeli society.” x “The strengthening of the connection to the Ethiopian heritage, the empowerment of cultural identity, is seen as a way to empowerment of the professional identity.” Independent discussion. All of the documents pointed to the importance of discussion of major issues relevant to the community in the framework of smaller, separated courses for Ethiopian descendents for the purpose of advancing the empowerment of the Ethiopian descendents: x “The importance of studying in smaller, separated classes was found in the freeing of the students from the feeling of threat. This

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meant that the course allowed them to discuss freely and to reflect upon their personal feelings concerning their experiences of absorption into Israeli society (the general and the educational) often in confrontation with ethnocentric, and even racist, attitude.” x “In the course, Ethiopian Culture, the lecturer presents all kinds of issues, such as the origin of Ethiopian Jewry, and this leads to different assumptions and arguments and that is just fine.” Enrichment activities for the purpose of empowerment. In addition to the courses, the curriculum of the special track relates to enrichment activities that promote empowerment. These activities include “a journey of roots” for the graduates of the track. x “As part of the multicultural perspective of the programme, the idea evolved to participate in a trip to Ethiopia at the end of the course of study. In reality, with the passing of years, the journey to Ethiopia turned into a tradition for all graduates of the programme. The trip combines a professional tour with the learning about roots.” x “The personal narrative that is uncovered during the journey enables learning, not only about the past, but also about the future.” x The journey “uncovered the veil” of their past and provided the graduates with an opportunity for dialogue with the multitude of inner voices reflective of different identities and, in some cases, to reach an understanding and conciliation with them. The personal “closing of the circle” enables the opening and the development of the “professional circle.” Recognition of the various elements of identity and their sources provide the teacher with abilities of refection and flexibility. Furthermore, as teachers, they can act as a bridge to Israeli society and participate in it as equals.

It is possible to determine that all of the categories illustrate an inner process that the programme promotes in order to bring the student to a place of empowerment: the unveiling and deep recognition of culture, including open discussion free of threat, creates empowerment that is also reflected in the field of teaching. Second Approach: Focused Content Analysis. Analysis of two documents that investigate the particularistic multicultural nature of the separate track: -

The course “The Heritage of Ethiopian Jewry;” The course “Multicultural Education.”

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An internal analysis of the subjects that appear in the course “The Heritage of Ethiopian Jewry” presents some of the characteristic elements of the track that take a particularistic multicultural stance by way of promoting two of the elements previously cited connected to the empowerment of the community: -

In-depth knowledge of heritage and culture; Freeing discussion.

The list of subjects covered in the course “The Heritage of Ethiopian Jewry,” as described in the course syllabus, promotes in-depth knowledge of the heritage and culture in a way that creates personal empowerment: -

A Historical Introduction to Ethiopia and Ethiopian Jewry; Jewish Heritage as it Existed in Ethiopia; Religion from the Perspective of Social and Belief Systems; The Journey from Ethiopia to Israel through the Sudan Desert; The Amharic and Tijeras Languages and their importance to the Community Today; Levels and Shades in the Ethiopian Jewish Community Until Their Immigration; The Structure of the Ethiopian Community in Israel; Changes that Occurred in the Community after Immigration and The Attempts at Absorption.

The course “Multicultural Education,” taught in the framework of the separate track as a semester course or as a seminar, offers a particularistic multicultural model that promotes the empowerment of students of the Ethiopian community. This model is reflected in: -

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The framework of the course that is small and separate; The main method of instruction of the course that is based on open discussion focused on reflective analysis of personal experiences of the members of the community in confrontation with ethnocentric, and even racial, attitudes. The discussion is freeing and non-threatening; The content that is based on different approaches to multiculturalism and their analysis; the nature of multiculturalism and multicultural education; the single-cultural educational policy in Israel and the different issues that arise out of various approaches to multiculturalism.

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Case Study no. 2 .

A survey of the documents led to the revelation of contrasting views in relation to the desire of those being absorbed towards the policy of absorption: a particularistic multiculturalism approach vs. a pluralistic inter-cultural dialogue. Expression of desire for a particularistic multicultural absorption in the framework of which persons are allowed to retain awareness of cultural elements in three areas. Communal awareness of the importance of the cultural heritage: -

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“We must preserve our cultural heritage. A person who has no past has no future.” “We have to put our culture on the stage so that the Jewish people will get to know us.” “We came here in order to be absorbed into Israeli society, but it is not right to do this by denying a culture and history of thousands of years.” “A person who knows from where he came is more stable and stronger, sure of himself. We, as members of the community, came here with a strong religious tradition and worldview. We left everything in order to achieve one dream: the return to Zion.” “We all tried to find solutions to the problems of absorption and the cultural issue was forgotten. This is how the immigration crisis was created, awareness of the heritage defined by the curriculum.” “There is a need to include subjects dealing with the heritage and history of Ethiopian Jewry in the curriculum so that we won’t be ashamed of our identity and origin.” “The decision of the Ministry of Education to include the heritage of Ethiopian Jews in the education system is an important step in raising awareness of our culture and history and their inculcation in the Israeli mentality [...]. That is an achievement that should be lauded and the Minister of Education should be thanked for promoting the inclusion of our history in the curriculum.” “Israeli society should take stock and come to terms with the glorious heritage of Ethiopian Jews. We have to guarantee that this brave and amazing Zionist story will enter into the curriculum of the public secular education system to be heard, learned and remembered for generations.” “The holiday turned into a special day in which expression is given to the cultural and religious artefacts of the community. I call on school principals to take advantage of this day to expose pupils and their parents to the culture and heritage of the community.”

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Awareness of heritage through linguistic processes. “We have a rich and beautiful language and we shouldn’t be ashamed of it.” “I feel that the Ethiopian community is quickly losing the Amharic language and its culture. We should encourage children to learn their native language.” Other comments include, “Parents who don’t speak the native language with their children are forfeiting the ability to inculcate in their children the linguistic richness of the language and culture on which they were raised.” “It is important to tell stories and to have talks [...] about their lives in Ethiopia.” “An Ethiopian mother will speak Amharic with her child because it is important to her that he comes to know the culture from which he came.” “The channel is called the Ethiopian Israeli Channel [...] we want to present information, culture and tradition to encourage the members of the community to take pride in their origins.” Examples of pluralistic multicultural dialogue: -

Objection to the existing absorption policy that encourages weakening centralization: x “According to the decision of the Minister of Education, three schools will be closed this year in which there are a high percentage of pupils of Ethiopian descent.” x “There was talk about the need for the Ministry of Education to check itself concerning the situation in which there are large numbers of Ethiopian pupils in schools whose achievements are low.” x “A society that wishes to educate for equality, multiculturalism, pluralism and merging of ethnicities cannot allow a situation in which large groups of pupils in schools come mainly from one ethnic group.” x “Everyone has to come with what he has and try to cope. I don’t believe in shortcuts. That can open doors, but there is a feeling that you are being done a favour.” x “A society that desires to educate for pluralism, multiculturalism and equality cannot allow separate educational frameworks based on members of one community.” x “Beyond achievements in learning, the social integration of pupils in schools concerns educators.” x “The head of the Central Steering Committee of the community spoke about the importance of integration and said to the participants of the professional development course,” “We must do this with wisdom.”

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x “The Ministry of Education declared that it would work toward the gradual and controlled closing of schools I which the percentage of Ethiopian pupils is large in an attempt to encourage their absorption into other schools.” x “The Ministry of Education, the body that is in charge of the education of Israeli children, must make a clear and unambiguous declaration and determine rules by which discrimination of immigrant pupils by way of creating separate classrooms is outlawed.” Policy of dispersion as opposed to the existing policy: x “The Central Steering Committee of the community views the policy of dispersion as an important step that will enable children of the community to fulfil their potential to study alongside children of Israeli society at large.” x “Integrative schools aid in the improvement of learning achievements among pupils form low socio-economic backgrounds.” x “These findings stem mainly from the concentration of Ethiopian pupils in certain neighbourhoods [...]. The lawyer, Yitzchak Desa, demanded that the authorities disperse the pupils and place Israeli pupils of veteran families in the existing schools. Integration that is only face-deep, that does not allow for the true social integration with a high standard of achievements is not desirable.”

Discussion The analysis of two case studies in the framework of the present research raised multicultural educational insights on the national and college levels. The investigation of the programme of the separate track intended for students of Ethiopian descent shows the desire of the designers of this programme to segregate those of Ethiopian descent from those who do not belong to this community. This desire sprung from good intentions. The motivation behind this endeavour came from the need to strengthen the knowledge base and learning skills of newly-accepted students in subjects such as Hebrew, English, computers, etc. Once the separation was formed, it became apparent that there was a need not only to provide the students of Ethiopian descent with a kind of preparatory programme, but also to promote their empowerment by way of recognition of their cultural heritage. Regarding the newsletter that was intended for the readers of the community written in bi- and tri-lingual languages, it can be said that it was intended to be a multicultural product. The use of the local language

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of the community together with the use of Hebrew testifies to the intention to have the newsletter reach an audience beyond the Ethiopian community only. In reality, members of the Ethiopian community used the particularistic platform as a stage to voice their dissent towards the cultural stamp mainly by way of their stand against educational policy, thereby, displaying their desire to retain their cultural heritage while pursuing social integration into Israeli society. The focus of the current discussion is one of the main reasons that the absorption of the Ethiopian Jews in Israel is not a success story, to say the least: the absorption policy (in general and those relating to education in particular) was based, at its outset, on the principle of open assimilation and absorption processes of the adolescents in the educational systems, in particular boarding schools. An analysis of the qualitative interpretive texts which we performed on articles from the “Yediot Negat” newspaper, which is a partisan newspaper, discovered repetitive use of two attitudes: Examination of the occurrence of these attitudes testifies that they have become a key motif in building the perception which deletes the visibility of the Ethiopian community within Israeli society as they then become equals in their own eyes and equal in the eyes of the absorbing society. Through writing about the education policy according to the Ethiopian community, an ideology has been formed which seeks to encourage aspiration to excellence amongst the community. This trend of the apparent, policy serves a trend which is designed to empower the community in its own eyes, however simultaneously it also becomes an obstacle for the community, this as the veteran Israeli society does not see the policy that aims for successes of the community as a cancellation of visibility, but rather as an element that emphasizes the visibility of the community. If the newspaper’s objective is to strengthen the multicultural policy according to the Ethiopian community, invisibility of the community then the disclosed content testifies specifically to visibility. It presents a weak group as the contents, which appear to be empowering, expose the face of the community. Specifically the need to highlight visibility testifies to the weakness of the community in the eyes of the Israeli absorbing society. The very writing about the issue and the way in which the issues are presented illustrates a strong desire to present the community as a community which has succeeded in integrating into Israeli society and not having withdrawn from them, however in practice the use of the newspaper, which dedicates a broad verbal volume to the question of integration and success, indicates that these issues are executed artificially and by means of the mediation of those requesting it. That is to say, when the way in which the Beta Israel community perceive themselves is examined, the newspaper constitutes a

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tool emphasizing the visibility and also the reality perceived in the place in which the emphasis of visibility processes exists. Namely, in these two cases, when separation is created and there is a desire to help a weak minority group by particularistic means, whether it is a local effort of a college or a government effort based on policy, in practice the result is an ideology that strives for the creation of multiculturalism. It appears that these two cases join together to create one essence of multiculturalism, one that is external and one that is of internal insight. The external trend is connected to the external body that motivates the implementation of the programme (the newsletter and the separate track) intended for the members of the Ethiopian community. The external body dictates things from a viewpoint that is grounded in the educational field in order to create innovation in the community. The external trend is carried out with foresight. The internal trend, or insight, is learned in retrospect in specific ways that emerge from the needs of an immigrant population undergoing the process of absorption. The internal insight clarifies the nature of the emphasis that needs to be placed on every object, in order to serve the cultural interests of the community in a way that will facilitate the best process of absorption for its members, a process that preserves the cultural heritage while advancing social absorption.

References Alalas, N. (2010). The Use of Media as a Practice of Visibility and Invisibility: The “Returning Home” in Israel and in Germany. In A. Lomsky-Feder & T. Rapoport (Eds.), Visibility at Immigration: Body, View, Representation. Jerusalem: Van Lir Institute and Ha-Kibbutz haMeuhad. 161-191. Asante, M. K. (1998). The Afrocentric Idea. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press. Baratz, Lea, Reingold, R. & Abuchatzira, Hannah. (2010). Yediot Negat [Pretend Multiculturalism]. Hed Ha’ulpan 97: 71-80. Baratz, Lea & Reingold, R. (2010). Ideological Dissonance in a Teaching Literature Process – Moral Conflicts in a Democratic and Nationally Diverse Society: An Israeli Teacher Case Study. Current Issues in Education 13 (3): 1-27. Online: http://cie.asu.edu/ojs/index.php/cieatasu/article/view/388. Ben-Porat, A. (2007). Death to the Arabs: The Fear of the Right-Wing Supporter. Megamot 45 (2): 218-245.

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Bekerman, Z. (2004). Potential and Limitations of Multicultural Education in Conflict-Ridden Areas: Bilingual Palestinian-Jewish Schools in Israel. Teachers College Record 106 (3): 574-610. Ben-Ezer, G. (2010). Like a Drop Returning to the Sea? Visibility and Invisibility in the Process of Absorption of Ethiopian Jews. In A. Lomsky-Feder & T. Rapoport (Eds.), Visibility at Immigration: Body, View, Representation. Jerusalem: Van Lir Institute and Ha-Kibbutz haMeuhad. 305-328. Bodi, M. (1996). Models of Multicultural Education. In R. Baubock, A. Heller & A. Zolberg (Eds.), The Challenge of Diversity: Integration and Pluralism in Societies of Immigration. Wien: European Centre for Social Welfare Policy and Research. 259-278. Cameron, Deborah. (2006). Ideology and Language. Journal of Political Ideologies 11 (2): 141-152. Ehrlich, S. (2001). Otherness, Boundaries, and Dialogue-thoughts. In H. Deutsch & M. Ben-Sason (Eds.), The Other, between the Human Being, Himself, and the Other. Tel-Aviv: Yedioth Aharonoth. 19-36. Garcia, Ofelia & Baker, C. (1995). Policy and Practice in Bilingual Education: A Reader Extending the Foundations. Bristol, PA: Multilingual Matters. Gee, J. P. (1992). The Social Mind: Language, Ideology, and Social Practice. New York, NY: Bergin & Garvey. —. (2004). Situated Language and Learning: A Critique of Traditional Schooling. London: Routledge. Gorski, P. (2009). What We’re Teaching Teachers: An Analysis of Multicultural Teacher Education Coursework Syllabi. Journal of Teaching and Teacher Education 25 (2): 309-318. Horowitz, T. (1999). Interpretation or Separation? In T. Horowitz (Ed.), Children of Perestroika in Israel. Lanham, MD: University Press of America. 1-21. Klein, A. (2010). Analysis of Critical Discourse of Newspapers. In L. Kasan & M. Krumer-Nevo (Eds.), Qualitative Investigation Data Analysis. Ben-Gurion University Publishers. 230-254. Ravitch, D. (1992). Multiculturalism: E pluribus plural. In P. Berman. (Ed.), Debating P. C.: The Controversy over Political Correctness on College Campuses. New York, NY: Dell Publishing. 271-298. Reingold, R. (2005). Curricular Models of Multicultural Pluralistic Education: Four Event Investigations from the USA Academy. Dapim 40: 108-131.

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—. (2007). Promoting a True Pluralistic Dialogue: A Particularistic Multicultural Teacher Accreditation Program for Israeli Bedouins. International Journal of Multicultural Education 9 (1): 1-14. —. (2009). Multicultural Ideology: Terms, Polemics, and Educational Meanings. Massad 7: 6-13. Resnik, G. (2010). Visibility and Identity in Multicultural Schools in Israel. In A. Lomsky-Feder & T. Rapoport (Eds.), Visibility at Immigration: Body, View, Representation. Jerusalem: Van Lir Institute and Ha-Kibbutz ha-Meuhad. 274-302. Sever, R. (2007). The Absorption Language: Immigrant Absorption by Means of Active Encouragement of Preservation of the Mother Tongue and Intercultural Bridging in Education. In P. Peri (Ed.), Education in Multicultural Society. Tel-Aviv: Carmel Publishers. 67-104. Van Dijk, T. A. (1991). Racism and the Press. London: Routledge.

EDUCATION TOWARDS COLLECTIVE CHARACTERISTICS IN A PLURAL SOCIETY: THE CASE OF ISRAEL1 SARA ZAMIR

Introduction The aim of this article has been to examine the issue of socialization towards collective characteristics within a plural society based upon immigrants. In May 14, 1948, the Government of Israel proclaimed, in its Declaration of Independence, “The State of Israel will be open for Jewish immigration and the ‘Ingathering of the Exiles’.” Since the establishment of the State, about three million people immigrated to Israel; their expertise and talents have contributed vastly to the country’s various realms of life, yet the debate about the unified character of the state of Israel only expanded. In its early days, the state of Israel implemented a policy known as the “melting pot.” The aim of this policy was to create a new society and a new Jew. In order to do so, they required Jews who immigrated from many foreign countries, and cultures to give up many features of their culture of origin and adopt the dominant western culture of their new country. After decades of criticism against the “melting pot” policy and the growing voices in favour of multiculturalism, the Israeli education system struggles to maintain collective characteristics through establishing a common narrative to the mixed multitude that joined the state of Israel. The article describes the educational methods of socializing towards collective characteristics both during the era of the “melting pot” as well as in the new era of multiculturalism.

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Immigration to Israel “Aliyah” means ‘ascent, going up.’ When Jews from the Diaspora immigrate to Israel, they called it in Hebrew “An aliyah.” On the other hand, when Israelis chose to emigrate from Israel, they call it “A descent.” On May 14, 1948, the Government of Israel proclaimed, in its Declaration of Independence, “The State of Israel will be open for Jewish immigration and the ‘Ingathering of the Exiles’.” Following the spirit of the Declaration of Independence, The Law of Return (1950) grants every Jew the right to come to Israel as an immigrant and automatically become a citizen. Section 1 of the Law reads as follows: “Every Jew has the right to immigrate to the country.” Since the establishment of the State, about three million immigrants have immigrated to Israel; their expertise and talents have contributed vastly to the country’s economic, scientific, academic and cultural life yet the debate about the unified character of the state of Israel only expanded. In addition to the multiethnic character of the Israeli population and its heterogeneity in terms of social features due to Jewish new comers, a new phenomenon of labour immigrants intensified the differences of the social texture of Israel. Since the beginning of the 1990s, hundreds of thousands of labour immigrants have arrived to Israel: legally as well as illegally. In addition, tens of thousands African refugees crossed the southern border. Under the treaty of the United Nations General Resolution on the Rights of the Child (1989), all children have all rights including health, social security, as well as education. The Israeli Ministry of Education acknowledges this right under the law of compulsory education of 1949.

How Can a Young State, Based upon Immigration, Socialize towards Collective Characteristics? From its sheer inception, the state implemented a policy known as the “melting pot.” The aim of this policy was to create a new society and a new Jew in Israel – the “Sabra.” In order to do so, they asked Jews who immigrated from many foreign countries and cultures to give up many features of their culture of origin and adopt the dominant western culture of their new country. Thus, the culture and the identity of immigrants from the Islamic countries and Eastern Europe got blurred since the “melting pot” policy fostered mainly the national, secular, socialist Ashkenazi identity of the veteran settlers, while they asked members of the other cultures to integrate in the dominant culture (Kimmerling 1998, 2002).

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The metaphor of the “melting pot” served to describe the development of new heterogeneous societies in which people of different cultural and religious backgrounds integrate in one single monocultural society by obscuring or minimizing the distinguishing features of their original cultures. They overwhelmingly associate the idea of the “melting pot” with the United States of America, a nation of immigrants. It is erroneously but widely claimed that the success of immigrants in America stems from their having freed themselves of their past and from having renounced their culture and previous identity, adopting the ways of their new country. The Israeli establishment perceived its function as changing the immigrants into Israelis for all intents and purposes as an integral part of Israeli society. This would be a collectivistic society whose values would be based on sacrificing individual interests for the sake of the Zionist state, socialism and settling the land. A new Israeli myth arose: the myth of the young Zionist pioneer, strong and secular, of European origin, setting out to settle the land, building the nation and defending it against its enemies (Zamir 2007). There was no room for giving legitimacy to cultural pluralism. If a social group preferred values different from these national values, they considered it isolationist and damaging to the Zionist enterprise. As perceived by those who absorbed the immigrants into the society, the “melting pot” was not a casting out of the immigrants’ way of life and culture they brought from foreign lands, but it was a way to socialize them into the dominant culture, a patronizing and rustic culture that forced upon them. Concerning the policy of the “melting pot,” a quote from BenGurion gives an insight into his attitude and the attitude of many others in the leadership of the country at that time. Ben-Gurion says, “With the cessation of hostilities, we must take upon ourselves the responsibility of transferring to our country great masses of people, to house them, to integrate them in our economy, in our agriculture, in our factories and workshops. We are bringing over into this land a unique population: they are scattered throughout the world, speaking many languages, brought up and educated in foreign cultures, and divided into many Jewish communities and tribes. We need to recast this multitude into the mould of a nation reborn. We must uproot the geographical, cultural and linguistic barriers that separate them, giving them one language, one culture, a common citizenship, and new laws.” (Ben-Gurion 1976)

The intermingling of cultures – traditions, languages, customs and norms of behaviour – required the leaders of the country to forge the “cultural

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fusion” that would change this chief ingathering of exiles into one people. The decision to establish a free, compulsory state education system aimed at creating a suitable tool to achieve this purpose. The 1953 State Education Law was passed, in the Israeli parliament, to give formal sanction to the decision. The aim of state education was to establish elementary education in the country on the values of the culture of Israel. They stated education based on the culture of Israel in the law, as one can observe, as the chief aim of compulsory education. This formulation expressed the dream of the leaders at that time to build the unifying machinery for creating an Israeli culture that was, at that time, in its formative era. In 1953, they passed the State Education Law. This law replaced the previous method of track-oriented education The goals that should be achieved via the state educational system clearly give primacy to national aims and to the ethos of the pioneers, mentioning also wish to impart to the younger generation the desire to establish a cohesive society based on the foundations of liberty, equality, tolerance, mutual help and love of people. The State Education Law was a significant junction in the history of education in Israeli multicultural society. The declared purpose of the law was to transfer educational institutions from the control of sectorial organizations to the central control of the government. It was an attempt to cope with multiple groups and cultures through both organizational and ideological unity. They centralised the educational system, and they dissociated it from the various political parties. They accompanied depoliticization of the school system by strict instructions that politics and ideological controversies should not enter the schools. Instead, schools should emphasize consensus and avoid partisanship, and they barred even youth movements from schools (Ichilov, Salomon & Inbar 2005, Davidovitch 2012). Illustrative examples to this formative era are both the 7th grade anthology printed in 1958 and the 8th grade anthology printed in 1966 that reflect the dominant ideology of that period: Collectivism. Symbolically, the names of the anthologies are indicative of their nature: Sheaves – like sheaves of harvest wheat, very uniform in their external appearance. They founded the precursor of the Israeli Labour Party in 1930, characterized by a social-democratic Zionism. When the State was established2, MAPAI was the largest party in the country and, thus, formed its first government headed by David Ben-Gurion. It retained power in its original format until the elections for the fifth Knesset3, the time of the editing of the 8th grade anthology. Because it was the strongest party and

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wanted to retain its power and authority, MAPAI members also held key posts in many governmental institutions, including state education. The trend of preserving the political ideology of the ruling party, MAPAI4, and beliefs is evident in the Sheaves anthologies: its national narratives are all seen as committed to the national struggle in light of Israel’s campaigns in the past, the present and, mainly, in the future. In terms of content, the Sheaves anthologies are full of topics that are more suggestive of a history book than literature, and this is not by chance: at that point in time, in an emerging national society, such as the Jewish society in Israel, history is a mechanism that plays an integral part in creating a national identity and collective memory (Shachar 2003). The wording of the titles, including the table of contents, contains almost all the chapters of the history of the Jewish people: “From ancient times,” “Yearning for Redemption,” “Building and protecting,” “The war of independence and the State of Israel,” “In our land,” and so forth. The names of the other sections are quite misleading; supposedly, section headings such as “Youth” (7th grade) and “For freedom and equality” (8th grade) should testify to the daily life of the individual and, thereby, establish the field of humanist-universal values, but these sections also deal with chapters of history that match the hegemonic ideology. For example, the heading “Types and characters” (8th grade) includes a description of Herzl Theodor, the founded the Zionist political movement and also known as the “Visionary of the State of Israel,” as well as excerpts from the diaries of Josef Trumpeldor, an early Zionist activist who became a Zionist national hero. The text uses myths – kinds of models according to which the individual should think, act, live and die. For the most part, the texts represent ideological narratives, some of which are explicit, while others are implicit in the subtext. Analysis of the content reveals four main ideological narratives: -

The Israeli fight for existence: the few against the many; The narrative of the (Jewish) victim; The rights of the collective over the individual; The land of Israel: the return and settlement.

The purpose of these ideological narratives was to shape the world view of both the individual and society as a whole, to legitimize the social order set by the leadership, to guide people to think and act according to the ideology of the dominant group.

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Most of the writers in the anthologies were active in the Zionist movement in general or specifically in MAPAI. For example, Achad Ha’am (the spiritual father of Zionism), David Ben-Gurion (prime minister at the time the anthologies were published), A. D. Gordon (an ideologist and leader of practical Zionism and founder of the Religion of Work movement), B. Dinur (a Minister of Education on MAPAI governments), Moshe Hess (a Zionist visionary, a father of social thinking in Europe), Theodore Herzl (the father of political Zionism, founder and leader of the Zionist movement, visionary of the Jewish State) and many more.

How Can a State, Based upon Immigrants, Socialize towards Collective Characteristics in the Face of Multicultural Demands? As the years passed, criticism of this policy favouring cultural uniformity began to surface, with oriental writers at its forefront (Zamir 2006). They directed most of the criticism at the domination of the European Zionist narrative concerning the absorption process of the new immigrants and the sidelining of Orientals from cultural, political and governmental positions. The critics held that the “melting pot” policy worked in favour of the Ashkenazi population in all areas concerning the distribution of resources, in education, land ownership and location of settlements. The critics claimed that Jewish nationalism is an integral part of the Zionist narrative. This new oriental narrative also claims that the Zionist narrative has excluded the oriental narrative because Zionism has been repressing Orientals for a long time (in the political and not qualitative sense of the word) and, therefore, only in a situation of multicultural thinking can the oriental narrative co-exist with the Zionist narrative (Shmueloff, ShemTov & Bar-Am 2007). The Pedagogical Secretariat of the Ministry of Education has responded to these claims by placing topics such as “The Unity of Israel,” “Year of the Hebrew Language,” “The Four-Hundred-Year Anniversary of the Expulsion of Jews from Spain,” and “Cultures of the Communities” as the yearly central topics to be discussed in the education system; it also responded by selecting other subjects for discussion chosen from new fields of interest at specific times that highlighted Israel as a multicultural, multilingual and multinational society. This multicultural existence means first and foremost that society respects its cultures and the people who practice them. This respect does not necessarily imply that we accept all cultures equally, but rather that we respect each culture equally – even if it is unacceptable to us – that we

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recognize each culture’s contribution to the society and the country and that we recognize the right of each group or individual to have their own unique identity (Iram 1999, Iram & Maslovty 2002). At the turn of the 20th century, the term “multiculturalism” became a cardinal term both in the academic and the public discourse of western democracies (Reingold 2005). There are those who discuss multicultural societies emphasizing the demographic sense of the word, that is to say that, in a specific political entity, there live different ethnic and cultural groups side by side (Tamir 1998, Penninx 1996), while others prefer to call this demographic aspect “pluralism” (Katz 1998). However, the more common and foremost meaning of the concept of multiculturalism is ideological (Reingold 2005). The premise for this interpretation of the term is that a multicultural society can be classified as such only if it relates respectfully and positively to its homogeneity (Yona 1999). In order to achieve mutual respect among the different cultures, the authorities must change their monocultural policy guided, for example, by such things as ethnocentric education and assimilation into a policy favouring multiculturalism (Reingold 2005). The issue of multiculturalism has received much attention in the Israeli education system, yet the desire to socialize towards collective characteristics, at least in the variegated Jewish sector, remained. The education system in Israel socializes towards collective characteristics in the face of multicultural demands through three key means: core curriculum, educational excursions and memorial days. Common Core Curriculum The Government of Israel appointed the National Task Force for the Advancement of Education in Israel at the initiative of Livnat, Minister of Education, with the support of Prime Minister Sharon, and began its work in October 2003. One of their adopted recommendation dealt with a compulsory core curriculum derived from the complete national curriculum. The core curriculum constitutes a common denominator for all students on the conceptual level and the level of content, values and cognitive and study skills. In a society that suffers from numerous rifts and divisions, the committee declared that the comprehensive system should encompass as many segments as possible of the Israeli education system. It should build and reinforce what they have in common, bring the different segments of society together, and lower the walls of ignorance and mutual suspicion between the different communities. At the same time, the right of

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communities to a separate education should be recognized in the case of a different nationality and language, or in the case of a distinctive, separate way of life. Thus, the common core curriculum is a vital tool for creating genuine equality in education and education for equality, but also for strengthening the social fabric. Education Excursions The special circular of education of 2005 stated that the Ministry of Education attributes dominant pedagogical significance to pupils’ excursions, as part of the whole curricula, for shaping the awareness of youth, in order to enhance common heritage and, therefore, unity and cohesiveness. Since 2005, the Israeli Ministry of Education advised schools to encourage sightseeing in Jerusalem at least three times during the pupil’s schooling years. In February 2007, the committee for Promoting knowing and love of one’s country recommended a list of tours for the classes (from A till graduation). In February 2011, the Education Minister announced that the “heritage tours” including sights in the west bank would be available to students across the country. Nevertheless, all educators in Israel do not agree to the idea of establishing uniformity through visiting Jewish traditional sights connected to the Palestinian authority. Soon after this announcement of the Israeli Ministry of Education and for the first time in Israel’s history, more than 200 teachers signed a letter declaring that they would refuse to participate in an Education Ministry programme taking pupils on “heritage tours” in Hebron (Talila Nesher, Haaretz, February 6, 2012). Memorial Days Both Functionalists and Marxist theoreticians consider state ceremonies a powerful tool of socialization and a unifying factor. School ceremonies strive at playing a unifying integrative role in diverse society social cleavages and at drawing nearer marginalized subgroups. Bellah (1992) defined civil religion as “the religious dimension that exists in the life of every nation through which it interprets its historic experiences in the light of its transcendental reality.” Civil religion contains a sacred system of beliefs, myths, symbols, and ceremonies that give meaning to the concepts of “nation” and “state.” Imposed from above or emerging from society, civil religion presents an understanding of a

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society’s role in history and each person’s role as a citizen (Harrison 2001). The educational system marks three memorial days, all connected to the heritage and nature of Israel: Israeli Fallen Soldiers and Victims of Terrorism Remembrance Day, The Holocaust Remembrance Day and Rabin’s (the fifth prime minister of Israel assassinated in 1995) Memorial Day. Israeli Fallen Soldiers and Victims of Terrorism Remembrance Day is Israel’s official Memorial Day. The national observance for the fallen was enacted into law in 1963. While, traditionally, the Remembrance Day is the day of fallen soldiers, commemoration has now been extended to civilian victims of the ongoing armed dispute. They observe Holocaust Day as Israel’s day of commemoration for the approximately six million Jews who perished in the Holocaust as a result of the actions carried out by Nazi Germany and its accessories, and for the Jewish resistance in that period. In Israel, it is a national memorial day inaugurated in 1953 and anchored by a law soon after. The Israeli parliament has set the murder date according to the Hebrew calendar as the official memorial day of Rabin, as well as the 4th of November, the date according to the Gregorian calendar. The education circulars carry out extensive commemorative and educational activities emphasising the ways and means of democracy and peace. All memorial ceremonies at variegated schools involve staging including national flag, white shirts with characteristic badges issued for the occasion, memorial candles, memorable songs and poems and suitable prayer. Hence, the memorial service acts as a timeless experience on the pupils’ consciousness: it occurs, in the present, to reminisce the past in order to educate the future citizen (Harrison 2001). To sum up, there is no doubt that the changes that have occurred in the education system since the 1950s are, actually, a reflection of the changes and upheavals that have occurred in the Israeli society in its entirety: while, in the 1950s and 1960s, the education system strived toward creating a new and uniform collective national identity for all, the later eras have reflected gradual educational changes shifting the emphasis away from national collectivistic values to individualistic and pluralistic values, enabling the expression of a variety of identities in Israeli society. The underlying belief of the “melting pot” education policy was that assimilation can be achieved only through to the creation of one single national identity. Some theoreticians even claimed that giving preference or specific treatment (affirmative action) to immigrant communities may have the opposite effect: it would harm these communities since the majority culture would become hostile.

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Even today, after the assimilation of multicultural doctrines, some argue that it is precisely the effort to integrate the immigrants in the society that would encourage them to acquire the new customs of their hosts, thus preserving national unity. One of the advocates of this approach, Taub (2010), argues that, because of the hurtful memories it evokes, the term “melting pot” should not be used nowadays, but the truth of the matter is that we cannot disregard it entirely since a better term has yet to be invented. The truth must be told, even if it is unpleasant: it is exceedingly doubtful that existence here would have been ensured without the “melting pot,” and it is doubtful that we can ensure future without it. According to Taub (ibidem), a society such as ours that faces a real danger of breaking up cannot afford the luxury of fostering the differences between its communities while the little that unites us is running out. America can afford it because it is fundamentally united. It seems as if the debate would continue: arguments about common, basic contents serving as a “melting pot” vs. counterarguments supporting pure multiculturalism still nourish the fire of education.

Notes 1. 2. 3. 4.

Amos, Chapter 3. In 1948. The Israeli parliament. Eretz Yisrael Workers Party.

References Bellah, R. N. (1992). The Broken Covenant: American Civil Religion in a Time of Trial. Chicago: University of Press. Ben-Gurion, D. (1976). The Mission of Our Generation, Stars and Ashes: Articles from the Government Annual. Ramat-Gan: Massada and the Information Centre. Convention on the Rights of the Child. Online: http://www2.ohchr.org/english/law/crc.htm. Davidovitch, N. (2012). Educational Challenges in a Multicultural Society: The Case of Israel. Cross-Cultural Communication 8 (2): 2939. Declaration of Establishment of State of Israel. Online: http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Peace%20Process/Guide%20to%20the%2 0Peace%20Process/Declaration%20of%20Establishment%20of%20Sta te%20of%20Israel.

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Harrison, Jo-Ann. (2001). School Ceremonies for Yitzhak Rabin: Social Construction of Civil Religion in Israeli Schools. Israel Studies 6 (3): 113-134. Ichilov, O., Salomon, G. & Inbar, D. (2005). Citizenship Education in Israel. In R. Cohen-Almagor (Ed.), Israeli Institutions at the Crossroads. London: Routledge. 29-49. Iram, Y. & Maslovty, N. (2002). Values and Values-oriented Education. In Y. Iram & N. Maslovty (Eds.), Values-Oriented Education in Varied Educational Contexts. Tel-Aviv: Ramot. 11-26. Iram, Y. (1999). Uniformity and Variety in a Pluralistic Society. Variety and Multiculturalism in Israeli Society. Chair for Values-Oriented Education, Tolerance and Peace, Bar-Ilan University. 12-13. Katz, S. N. (1998). The Legal Framework of American Pluralism: Liberal Constitutionalism and the protection of groups. In Wendy F. Katin, N. Landsman & Andrea Tyree (Eds.), Beyond Pluralism: The Conception of Groups and Group Identities in America. Urbana & Chicago: University of Illinois. 11-27. Kimmerling, B. (1998). The new Israelis: Cultural Heterogeneity without Multiculturalism. Alpayim 16: 213-247. —. (2002). The Invention and Decline of Israeliness: State, Culture and Military in Israel. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Law of Return 5710-1950. Online: http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/Immigration/Text_of_Law _of_Return.html. Penninx, R. (1996). Immigration, Minorities Policy and Multiculturalism in Dutch Society Since 1960. In R. Bauböck, A. Heller & A. R. Zolberg (Eds.), The Challenge of Diversity: Integration and Pluralism in Societies of Immigration. Vienna: Aldershot. 187-206. Reingold, R. (2005). Curricular Models of Multicultural Pluralistic Education: Four Research Cases from U.S. Universities. Dapim 40: 108-131. Shachar, D. (2003). Know from Whence Thou Came: Teaching National History in Jewish Education in the Land of Israel, 1882-1918. Rechovot: Idan Publications. Shmuelof, M., Shem-Tov, N. & Bar-Am, N. (2007). Identity Resonance. Tel Aviv: Am-Oved. Tamir, Y. (1998). Two Concepts of Multiculturalism. In M. Mautner, A. Segui & R. Shamir (Eds.), Multiculturalism in a Democratic Jewish State. Tel-Aviv: Ramot. 79-92. Taub, G. (2010). What is Zionism? Tel-Aviv: Miskal - Yedioth Ahronoth Books and Chemed Books.

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Yona, Y. (1999). Fifty Years Later: The Scope and Limits of Liberal Democracy in Israel. Constellations 6 (3): 411-428. Zamir, S. (2006). From a Recruiting Country to the Country of All Its Citizens. The Echo of Education 9: 42-48. —. (2007). War and Peace and the Myths Behind Them. Panim 39: 68-75.

MULTICULTURAL COUNSELLING IN EDUCATION ERCAN KOCAYÖRÜK AND MEHMET ALI IÇBAY

Introduction The Euro-American centred counselling has used Western therapeutic theories to deal with the different concern of clients in a counselling setting. The mainstream in the counselling theories has focused on the individualistic characteristics of the western cultures. Thus, they cannot be fully adapted into the eastern collectivist countries. Putting it differently, therapy and counselling theories can be said to be framed as the study of soul and spirit in African-Egyptian societies, whereas, in the Western cultures, it appears as the study of mind, knowledge, and behaviour (Nobles 1986, Parham 1993, White 1984, White & Parham 1990). The different approaches to the study of human behaviour from different cultural perspectives have resulted in the different ways of practicing counselling in different places. Finding its main interest in demonstrating the importance of diversity in the counselling process, this chapter aims to present how counselling has been shaped and practiced in various cultures. Psychology is considered as linear, individualistic and non-harmonious in the western studies while in the eastern communities, it is perceived as non-linear, holistic and harmonious. For instance, White & Parham (1990) claimed that, unlike European and American societies, in the eastern collectivist cultures, individualistic manners are perceived as an obstacle in enlightenment and spiritual journeys. As a result, they admire being a part of the whole group and refrain from showing off as an individual. This example and similar ones have demonstrated that different cultures prioritize or emphasize different aspects of human behaviour to develop a healthy life. That is why leading counselling theories have been seen inappropriate for different cultures and many voices have been articulating the notion of Multicultural Counselling and Therapy (MCT) for decades as an alternative way to deal with the culturally diverse counselling process. As Pedersen (1991) suggests, counselling theories of today cannot be adapted into many cultures, and thus therapists need multicultural

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counselling theory. According to Kuhn (1970), if the existing theories cannot explain some features thoroughly or a better idea pops up in explaining the latest figures, fractions in the paradigms come into the picture. This can be compared to a caterpillar turning into a butterfly: it cracks the rigid shell and becomes more colourful. Similar to the development of a fraction in the Kuhnian perspective, the multicultural approach in therapy has developed as a fourth force in the field, has included many aspects, local realities and experiences, and thus has become more inclusive and adaptive to different societies. In a world where many societies are collectivist, consists of various ethnicities and cultures, the multicultural approach becomes crucial in providing counselling service to the whole population (Sue & Sue 1999).

Multicultural Counselling as a Fourth Force It is supposed that traditional counselling and psychotherapies are often ineffective and may even produce undesirable outcomes. Also, they still continue to dominate the basic counselling skills, strategies and interventions in counselling settings. The three theoretical forces are embedded in the traditional approaches, namely the (a) psychodynamic, (b) behavioural/cognitive, and (c) humanistic/existential approaches. The rise of multicultural movement in counselling and psychotherapy is said to be in direct response to the traditional gender-biased and ethnocentric approaches (e.g., Ivey et al. 2009). Therefore, the multicultural perspective is assumed to be the fourth force in counselling and therapies. The aim of multicultural counselling is not to dismiss the traditional approaches, but rather to reveal and increase cultural and social awareness in counselling. The three main forces of psychotherapy – the psychodynamic, existential/humanistic, and behavioural/cognitive approaches – focus mostly on environment and culture but talk hardly about diversities such as minorities, different races, languages, religious and sexual orientations, and so on. This narrow approach to counselling eventually bunged up, around the 1970s psychologists started to look for new dimensions in therapy, and as a result of their efforts in establishing a diversity sensitive approach, multicultural therapy emerged. Since the existing theories placed the white Euro-American man in the middle of their normality assumption, the counselling process had become ethnocentric; in other words, counselling is for the white middle-class people and operates with their values (Ridley 1995, Lago & Thampson 1996, Sue, Ivey & Pedersen 1996, Sue & Sue 1999). Euro-American theories shape the counselling process with their individualistic perspectives and thus separate the

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existence of the self from the counselling process. Conversely, in many cultures, collaborative issues are more salient and individualism is a hindrance in attaining enlightenment. As a result, people have started to regard counselling as handmaidens of status quo, transmitters of social values, and forms of possible cultural oppression (Sue, Ivey & Pedersen 1996). That is the reason why minority groups do not benefit from counselling services. MCT has a reasonable criticism on these traditional counselling theories, some psychotherapists have also started to confess “counselling has failed to serve the needs of minorities and, in some cases, proven counterproductive to their well-being” (Atkinson, Morten & Sue 1979: 11). MCT is a “meta-theoretical” approach in psychotherapy that emphasizes the awareness of self and the cultural properties of the client throughout the counselling process (Ivey et al. 1997). It does not generalize the individuals but cares about their uniqueness. This individual uniqueness is presented in almost every theory and practice in the counselling field. Following the same assumption, MCT, as Pedersen (1994: 229) stated, includes “ethnographic variables such as ethnicity, nationality, religion and language; demographic variables such as age, gender and place of residence; status variables such as social, educational and economic status; and affiliations including both formal affiliations to family or organizations and informal affiliations to ideas and lifestyle.” This point of view, giving importance to the client’s background in many aspects, also contains the notion of being there for the counselee because, if counsellors impose their cultural values or insist on dominant counselling practices, there will surely be a gap between their clients and them. In the early 1990s, Pedersen (1991) declared that multicultural counselling had become the fourth force in psychotherapy because the classic three forces in psychotherapy had closed their eyes on racial and ethnographic characters in therapy. Supporting Pedersen’s offer, Sue, Ivey & Pedersen (1996) defined MCT as a metatheory, a theory about theories an attempt to understand different helping methods developed in diverse cultures, suggesting MCT as a diversity sensitive method. It can be simply said that MCT does not regard any approach in the counselling and helping methods as right or wrong, but respects different approaches in different cultures. Because culture is a powerful determinant in people’s lives, and because learning and identity formation are built in cultural context, there are many basic and significant differences between east and west in defining what is normal and healthy. According to Ogbonnaya, the concept “self,” which represents an individualistic western worldview, is replaced with “self-in-context” in the east (in Ivey & Bradford Ivey, 2001). It is an attempt to approach people within their own and unique

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situation. Thus, it can be suggested that MCT proposes to appreciate and evaluate different people, simply situated within their cultural bounds. In terms of its implications in practice, Sue, Ivey and Pedersen (1996) stated that we need to make two main differences, one of which is broadening the helping relationship and expanding the repertoire of culturally appropriate helping responses available to the counsellor. The other one is to develop alternative counselling roles that empower helping professionals to impact the social or environmental forces in the clients’ lives. To increase selfawareness, counsellors must identify themselves and the main culture they are in. Following that, they should search for different cultural values. As a result, counsellors must get to know themselves and their cultural bonds, after which they can identify and understand people from other cultures in their cultural and psychosocial context. Many proposed that it is time to move from a client-centred understanding to a culture-centred framework in counselling, and this will make us stop cultural encapsulation and unintentional racism (Wrenn 1962).

Research and Training of MCT MCT has been offering some reforms in research, practice, and training. Researchers generally classified minorities as (a) delinquent, maladjusted, pathological in a Eurocentric context, (b) fitting the social biases of Eurocentric societies, and (c) ignoring the contributions of minority psychologists to the profession (Sue, Ivey & Pedersen 1996). These minority groups have been usually compared to the dominant white society, and the differences in academic, vocational, legal issues, etc. are explained with their ethnic and cultural backgrounds. Putting it in another way, psychology overly focused on the negative side of human beings and relied much on studying individuals in explaining their behaviours (Sue 1978). For better research and results, Sue, Ivey & Pedersen (1996) suggest that we should keep in mind that culture always affects the way we ask and answer; thus, no question or answers are culture-free. As a result, researchers must “continue to rely on culturally-based measures, do not apparently attempt to exercise cultural sensitivity in the interpretation of results, and seldom adequately describe the subjects’ cultural backgrounds” (Ponterotto & Casas 1991: 32). It is also said that researchers must always keep in mind to consider self-in-relation and people-in-context. Out of the society or group they belong to, we cannot fully understand the changes in people and the reasons for these changes correctly. Lastly, Sue, Ivey & Pedersen (1996) oppose the general inclination of focusing pathological characteristics of minorities and

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disregard their contributions in the field and their strong sides in dealing with everyday stress. When it comes to training, it is a prerequisite for counsellors to be aware of their own culture for an effective training. Given this prerequisite for effective counselling, it can be concluded that there are three goals in this context: (a) know yourself, (b) know the others, and (c) develop an appropriate technique (Ivey et al. 2009). Basing their framework on the prerequisite, Sue, Ivey and Pedersen (1996: 45) stated the first goal for counsellor training as “[H]aving trainees become more culturally aware of their own values, biases, stereotypes, and assumptions about human behaviour.” Counsellor trainees need to broaden their worldview and realize that there are other ways of helping than their own. They must acquire a multiperspective method beside self-awareness. The second goal for counsellor training is “having trainees acquire knowledge and understanding of the worldview of minority or culturally different clients.” (ibidem: 50) Including practical trainings would be effective for this purpose – like role playing, as Pedersen (1986) suggested. Trainees, making used of this method, can manage to understand how their “different” clients perceive the problem and solutions. The third goal should be “having trainees begin the process of developing culturally appropriate interventions strategies in the counselling process.” (ibidem: 51) As it is often stated, intervention techniques are not particularly suitable for different cultures. This forces counsellors to develop unique intervention strategies of their own, meaning that, for different groups, they should make use of the indigenous intervention methods, as well. Besides, they should be open to other cultural methods in the field and nourish from them. In terms of multicultural counselling, Sue, Ivey & Pedersen (1996) stated three key dimensions of competence in the counselling setting. The first dimension in cultural competence is the awareness – being culturally aware and sensitive to one’s own cultural heritage and respecting differences while being aware of your own values and how they might affect the professional process with different clients. An effective counsellor with a multicultural sensitivity should not hesitate to refer his/her clients to counsellors from their socio-demographic group when s/he realizes that the counselling process is interrupted by his/her values. In order to achieve this, it is necessary to be aware of his/her racist, sexist, heterosexist or other detrimental attitudes, beliefs or feelings. When it comes to the knowledge dimension of cultural competence, a sensitive counsellor must have knowledge on a number of culturally diverse groups. He must be informed about the socio-political system in his country and should have information and understanding of the generic characteristics of counselling

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and therapy. Above all, he must be aware of the obstacles which prevent people from receiving mental health services, especially those from different cultural backgrounds. Lastly, in terms of counsellor skills dimension, it can be concluded that a skilled counsellor must be able to produce different verbal and non-verbal helping methods, and manage to send and receive different messages correctly and precisely. In addition, as a professional, a counsellor must be able to predict the effects of his/her intervention type keeping his/her limitations with diverse clients in mind. Following the discussion of MCT and culture-centred point of view, it is more beneficial to discuss the role or effectiveness of school counsellor, and what skills, intervention and implementation are so crucial for a school counsellor in this context. Because the multicultural structure can be observed in many schools, especially in the societies including different cultures, school counsellors must have some knowledge on this issue and should develop the required skills to provide a real helping atmosphere. Throughout the history of school counselling, as Sink and MacDonald (1998) stated, functioning and roles have changed over time. Counselling in schools has become “crisis-oriented, reactive, focused on remediation over prevention, and overburdened with non-guidance related cleric and administrative tasks.” (ibidem: 88) It is truly essential for a school counsellor to become aware of some critical incidents that influence the effectiveness of school counselling services. Pedersen (2003) highlighted five critical areas of influence: (a) The school counsellor’s providing a counselling setting to encourage the client (students) (b) The school counsellor’s theoretical-philosophical orientation, (c) The expectations and demands of faculty and colleagues, (d) The expectations and needs of the clients (students), and (e) The demand or expectations of parents and school staff from the school. In order to be more effective in meeting students’ needs and put these areas of influence into action, Ivey’s Developmental Counselling and Therapy (DCT) offers broad theoretical perspective for counsellors. DCT is a model which helps to understand the client’s cognitive, developmental functioning, clarify the features of this functioning, and offer suitable intervention strategies to meet different needs of these clients (Ivey & Goncalves 1987, 1988). In this perspective, there are three main outcomes listed by most multicultural educational training programmes: (1) student mastery, (2) increase in knowledge, and (3) student empowerment (Pedersen 2003). Student mastery is about controlling events and environment and, as a result, having self-control. Learning another language can be given as an example for student mastery. Learning another language will help the counsellors communicate with the ethnic group, and this will help him increase

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knowledge about the other cultures as well. Lastly, student empowerment is about students’ feelings of powerlessness It occurs when educational system and student do not fit well into the system. Finally, it is argued that contemporary theories of counselling and therapies inadequately explain, predict and describe the culturally diverse groups in counselling and therapy. In light of the MCT discussions, a counsellor, mental-health professional or therapist provide a counselling setting for cultural identity development. It is a crucial determinant of counsellor and client attitudes toward the self, others, not only in the same group but also in the different group and the dominant group.

References Atkinson, D., Morten, G. & Sue, D. W. (1979). Counselling American Minorities. Dubuque, IA: Brown. Ivey, A. E. & Bradford Ivey, Mary. (2001). Developmental Counselling and Therapy and Multicultural Counselling and Therapy. In D. C. Locke, Jane E. Myers & E. L. Herr (Eds.), The Handbook of Counselling. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publishers. 219-236. Ivey, A. E., D’Andrea, M., Bradford Ivey, Mary & Simek-Morgan, Lynn. (2009). Theories of Counselling and Psychotherapy: A Multicultural Perspective. Boston, MA: Pearson Education Inc. Ivey, A. E., Bradford Ivey, Mary & Simek-Morgan, Lynn. (1997). Counselling and Psychotherapy: A Multicultural Perspective. Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Ivey, A. & Goncalves, O. (1987). Developmental Therapy: Integrating Developmental Process into the Clinical Practice. Journal of Counselling and Developmental 66 (9): 406-413. Ivey, A. & Goncalves, O. (1988). Toward a Developmental Counselling Curriculum. Counsellor Education and Supervision 26 (4): 270-278. Lago, C. & Thompson, J. (1996). Race, Culture and Counselling. Buckingham: Open University Press. Nobles, W. (1986). African Psychology: Towards its Reclamation, Reascension and Revitalization. Oakland, CA: Black Family Institute. Parham, T. A. (1993). White Researchers Conducting Multicultural Counselling Research: Can Their Efforts Be “Mo betta”? The Counselling Psychologist, 21(2), 250-256. Pedersen, B. P. (2003). Multicultural Training in Schools as an Expansion of the Counsellor’s Role. In B. P. Pedersen & J. C. Carey (Eds.), Multicultural Counselling in Schools: A Practical Handbook. Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. 190-210.

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Pedersen, P. (1986). Developing Interculturally Skilled Counsellors: A Training Program. In H. Lefley & P. Pedersen (Eds.), Cross-Cultural Training for Mental Health Professionals. Springfield, IL: Thomas. 50-62. —. (1991). Multiculturalism as a Generic Approach to Counselling. Journal of Counselling and Development, 70(1), 6-12. —. (1994). Multicultural Counselling. In R. W. Brislin & T. Yoshida (Eds.), Improving Intercultural Interactions: Modules for CrossCultural Training Programs. 228-229, Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Ponterotto, J. G. & Casas, J. M. (1991). Handbook of racial/ethnic minority counselling research. Springfield, IL: Thomas. Cited in Sue, D. W., Ivey, A. I., Pedersen, P. B. (1996). A Theory of Multicultural Counselling & Therapy, Pacific Groove: Brooks/Cole: 32. Ridley, C. R. (1995). Overcoming Unintentional Racism in Counselling and Therapy: A Practitioner’s Guide to Intentional Intervention. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Sink, C. & MacDonald, Ginger. (1998). The Status of Comprehensive Guidance and Counselling in the United States. Professional School Counselling, 2(2), 88-94. Sue, D. W. (1978). Eliminating Cultural Oppression in Counselling: Toward a General Theory. Journal of Counselling Psychology, 25,(5) 419-428. —. (1993). Confronting Ourselves: The White and Racial/Ethnic Minority Researcher. The Counselling Psychologist 21 (2), 244-249. Sue, D. W. & Sue, D. (1999). Counselling the Culturally Different: Theory and Practice. New York, NY: Wiley. Sue, D. W., Ivey, A. I. & Pedersen, P. B. (1996). A Theory of Multicultural Counselling & Therapy. Pacific Grove: Brooks/Cole. White, J. L. (1984). The Psychology of Blacks: An Afro-American Perspective. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. White, J. L. & Parham, T. A. (1990). The Psychology of Blacks: An African-American Perspective. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Wrenn, C. G. (1962). The culturally encapsulated counsellor. Harvard Educational Review 32: 444-449.

DEVELOPMENT OF INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION COMPETENCE IN THE CZECH EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF RELEVANT FRAMEWORKS LUCIE CVIKLOVÁ

Introduction The Czech national reforms initiated under the Bologna Accord and Lisbon Treaty for schools of the European Union since 2000 have emphasized strengthening core competencies in mathematics, science and language. Less support has been given to the development of local and shared European values by means of the Czech Republic Framework Education Programme for schools. Under the EU policy for supporting culture in a globalizing world, the European Commission urged, in 2007, EU schools to emphasize the development of social competence. Social competence is understood as the communicative, emotional, behavioural and cognitive skills necessary to succeed in society. Within increasingly interdependent economies and societies, social competence is highly correlated with intercultural competence; intercultural competence is a developmental process with traits and dimensions that demonstrate the ability to deal effectively with cultural differences in order to develop successful relationships with others. It involves a complex set of abilities needed to perform appropriately when interacting with others who are linguistically and culturally different from oneself (Fantini & Tirmizi 2006). A recent national survey of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD 2012), to which the EU Commission and Czech Republic are members, recommended that the Czech Republic increase its labour market flexibility by strengthening its education system (idem). Employers’ reports, statistics on secondary school graduates’ employment rate and recent research studies support the

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OECD’s recommendation with the finding that domestic and international companies operating in the Czech Republic are currently demanding certain Intercultural Communication Competences (ICC) from their employees (Fresh Minds Limited 2011). Fresh Minds Limited survey of 500 European business leaders identified the skills young people should possess revealing a lack of “soft skills” such as confidence, teamwork, self-motivation, networking and presentation. Two-thirds of the respondents believe that their countries’ education systems do not successfully instil these skills. A similar study by RPIC-ViP (2008) surveyed over 2,000 companies in the Moravian-Silesian region and identified 14 competencies of skills, attitudes, knowledge and behaviours necessary for success at work, highlighting teamwork and communication. The report concluded ICC have been implemented with limited success in Czech schools and cited social capital as deficient in this area (RPIC-ViP 2008). Social capital is theorized as a result of how people interact and benefit from their mutual relationships within social networks (Dekker & Uslaner 2001). As social capital is becoming increasingly necessary to the current and future workplace, this article will contribute to an understanding of the relationship of ICC to the development of cognitive social capital, to which the OECD is directing Czech Republic’s transition to a more innovative, skill-based economy. Cultural values are perceived as an outgrowth of implied values passed on through the family, community and school. Little is known about how Czech students develop intercultural awareness and understanding and what skills Czech graduates have in intercultural competence. In addition, cultural communication objectives at the Czech Republic Framework Education Programme level are minimally specified. More research is needed to determine context-specific behaviours that lead to intercultural communication competence where choice and accommodation of different communication behaviours is necessary (Hajek & Giles 2003). Although there have been theories to explain ICC, measurements of cultural values, and specifications for ICC impacts, to date, there has been no study addressing intersections of ICC, cultural values and languages. Intercultural Competence (IC) involves multiple modes of communication (i.e., verbal, non-verbal, representational, etc.) through which individuals who inhabit certain cultures live their values. As assessing intercultural competence is best conducted through a mixed method approach to quantitative and quantitative measures (Deardorff

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2006), they have selected interdisciplinary frameworks in order to measure ICC’s strengths and weaknesses in Czech schools. In the first part of the article, the influence of five theoretical frameworks is documented by empirical information resulting from recent research; in the second part, we present current issues concerning the development of intercultural communication competence in the Czech educational system.

Theoretical Frameworks and Relevant Findings Related to Intercultural Communication Competence Social science research shows that cultural values are developed throughout one’s life and shaped by various factors, including informal and formal socialization and schooling practices that, in turn, influence the development of social capital. Cultural differences have become the object of study within a growing interdisciplinary field, including cultural psychologists and anthropologists (Machová & Kubátová 1995, Hofstede 2002). Cultural values research grew out of Hofstede’s (1983) study of national culture through a framework of four cultural dimensions, a framework which has been since enriched with the addition of other variables such as lifestyle, leisure, and body language. We assume that the school environment is a regulated and shared space conducive to developing specific cultural values and that teaching curriculum is a cultural activity occurring in a specific, institutionalized environment and school culture. Curriculum influences discursive constructions of values, the content and occurrence of communications, student activities, and forms of feedback in the classroom. 1. Importance of Hofstede’s Dimensions of High & Low Power Distance and High & Low Uncertainty Avoidance for the Development of ICC The first framework draws upon the work of Geert Hofstede, an organizational psychologist whose research relied on a large questionnaire survey of IBM employees and managers in forty different countries (Hofstede 2001). Hofstede identifies cultural values along the dimensions of power distance, uncertainty avoidance, individualism and masculinity. Given the purposes of this study, the first three are most relevant. Along the power distance dimension, the Czech society exhibits high power distance similar to French and Belgian societies (SvČtlík 2003). People tend to accept and expect a hierarchical/unequal distribution of power.

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According to the uncertainty avoidance dimension, the Czech society (similar to the German one) tends to avoid risk. This dimension measures the degree to which members of a given society deal with uncertainty and risk in everyday life, and prefer working with long-term acquaintances and friends rather than strangers. The individualism dimension measures the degree to which individuals perceive themselves as separate from others or free from group pressure to conform. Individualism in the Czech society comes out in the middle (idem). Despite the fact that Hofstede ignores intergenerational differences and distinctions among members of the same nation or ethnic group, his dimensions are particularly useful for the understanding of conflicts among various groups from different cultural backgrounds; he can also be valued for the fact that his theoretical framework enables the analysis of various contexts such as family cultures, cultures of cities, regions or villages, peer cultures, etc. Hofstede’s framework, although originally developed for the purposes of the workplace, has been applied to educational cultural environments (cf. Maslowski 2001, Hobson & Bohon 2011): “Culture is embedded in schools and, therefore, in students; culture influences all aspects of education, from instructional philosophy, to classroom environments, to discursive interaction.” (Hobson & Bohon 2011: 44).

Carson (1991) was one of the first to show that culture influences students’ experience in the classroom, claiming that teacher’s questions can be viewed as mutually generated by teachers and students and may reflect and reinforce authority relationships in the classroom. Hobson & Bohon (idem) used Hofstede’s dimensions to study the effects of culture on student questioning in the secondary school science classroom and showed that cultural values affect students’ comfort and willingness to pose questions and, thus, influence the overall learning process and its outcomes. Teachers of ICC at public secondary schools in the Czech Republic have used selected Hofstede’s dimensions for their pedagogical practices aiming at developing intercultural awareness. Firstly, students in the last year (a sample of 100 students) were explained conceptions of high & low power distance and high & low uncertainty avoidance. Secondly, students were given a short list of statements, and they were asked to decide whether the statements referred to high or low power distance or to high or low uncertainty avoidance and how they could substantiate their answers. Thirdly, students were given suggested answers with short explanations, and students’ wrong answers (32 students high & low power distance and

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43 ones high & low uncertainty avoidance) were collectively analyzed in the classroom in order to deepen knowledge of power distance conception and uncertainty avoidance one. Example: The Concept of Power – Statements and Suggested Answers A) These behaviours are more commonly associated with high power distance cultures. 1. People are less likely to question the boss. (There is more fear of displeasing the boss in high power distance cultures). 2. Elitism is the norm. (Emphasizing distinctions between boss and subordinates is the norm). 3. Those of power have special privileges. (Rank has its privileges in these cultures). 4. There are greater wage differences between managers and subordinates. (Again, to emphasize the distance). 5. Workers prefer precise instructions from superiors. (Close supervision, the visible exercise of power are common to these cultures). 6. Bosses are independent, subordinates are dependent. (The unequal distribution of power). 7. Freedom of thought could get you into trouble. (Independence is not valued in subordinates). 8. Less social mobility is the norm. (To keep those with and without power separated). 9. The chain of command is sacred. (Rank must be respected; you should not go around people). 10. The pecking order is clearly established. (There is a need to determine who has power over whom). 11. Management style is authoritarian and paternalistic. (Bosses are supposed to wield their power). 12. Interaction between boss and subordinate is formal. (To emphasize the power gap). B) These behaviours are more commonly associated with low power distance forces. 1. Students question teachers (Because superiors do not have to be deferred to). 2. Freedom of thought is encouraged (No one is threatened by independence of thinking for oneself). 3. The chain of command is mainly for convenience. (Power differences are not emphasized). 4. Interaction between boss and subordinate is more informal. (Because the distance is minimized). 5. Subordinates and bosses are independent. (We are all equal here, so we all depend on each other). 6. It’s okay to question the boss. (Because he’s just another worker here). 7. Management style is consultative and democratic. (Because we are all in this together, power distance is de-emphasized).

2. Importance of Fons Trompenaars’ Dimensions of Particularism & Universalism and Ascription & Achievement for the Development of ICC The second framework utilizes research by Fons Trompenaars & Charles Hampden-Turner (1993) who identified several elementary dimensions according to which different cultures can be measured (Trompenaars & Humpden-Turner 2001). According to the first one (universalism vs. particularism), the Czech society is more similar to Mediterranean

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societies, which are more particularistic. Universalistic societies place more emphasis on, and expect others to follow, given rules, while particularistic ones stress personal and contextual aspects in interpreting rules. According to the second dimension (display of emotions in communication), the Czechs are also in the middle compared to inhabitants of Mediterranean cultures, who speak quickly, raise their voice and show their enthusiasm or sadness, while in Scandinavian countries expression of emotions is considered a professional deficiency or uneasiness (idem). According to the third dimension (specificity), Czech culture is more diffuse than specific. This dimension measures whether life is considered to be composed of many components, which are not interchangeable and, therefore, deems it is necessary to divide the work and private matters and activities or whether there is an assumption that all elements are part of the whole and mutually related (idem). According to the fourth dimension success, the Czechs can also be placed in the middle of the scale. This dimension measures whether an individual has achieved success on the basis of his or her efforts or work (North American culture) or whether status is more ascribed by means of a combination of personality of the individual as well as his or her social origins, education, employment and membership of this or that group (idem). Teachers of ICC at public secondary schools in the Czech Republic have used selected components of Trompenaar & Hampden-Turner’s model for their pedagogical practices that aim at the development of intercultural awareness. Firstly, students were explained the conceptions of particularism & universalism and ascription & achievement. Secondly, students in the last year (sample 100 students) were given a short list of statements, and they were asked to decide whether the statement referred to particularism or universalism and ascription or achievement. Thirdly, students were given answers with short explanations and students’ wrong answers (41 students particularism & universalism and 25 ascription & achievement) were collectively analyzed in the classroom in order to deepen the knowledge of particularism & universalism and ascription & achievement. Example: Universalism & Particularism – Statements and Suggested Answers 1.a. In society, we should help those who are the neediest (Universalism). 1.b. In society, we should help the neediest of those who depend on us (Particularism). 2.a. There are no absolutes in life; you always have to look at the particular situation (Particularism). 2.b. There are certain absolutes, which apply across the board (Universalism).

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3.a. The courts should mediate conflicts (Universalism). 3.b. People should solve their own conflicts; it’s embarrassing if it has to go to court (Particularism). 4.a. In general, people can be trusted (Universalism). 4.b. My closest associates can be trusted absolutely; everyone else is automatically a suspect (Particularism). 5.a. In hiring someone, I want to know about their technical skills and their educational/professional background (Universalism). 5.b. In hiring, I want to know who the person’s family and friends are, who will vouch for this person (Particularism). 6.a. I would be very hurt if my neighbour, a policeman, gave me a ticket for speeding (Particularism). 6.b. I would not expect my neighbour, the policeman, to jeopardize his job and not give me a speeding ticket (Universalism). 7.a. Performance reviews should not take personal relations into account (Universalism). 7.b. Performance review inevitably take personal relations into account (Particularism). 8.a. You often have to make exceptions for people because of circumstances (Universalism). 8.b. Exceptions should be very rare; otherwise, you open the floodgates (Particularism). 9.a. Contracts aren’t necessary between friends (Particularism). 9.b. Contracts guarantee that friends stay friends (Universalism). 10.a. What is ethical in a given situation depends on who you are dealing with (Particularism). 10.b. Ethics are ethics no matter who you are dealing with (Universalism).

3. Importance of Milton Bennett’s Attitudes toward Cultural Difference for the Development of ICC The third framework draws upon Milton Bennett’s Developmental Model of Intercultural Sensitivity (Bennett 1993), which explains the reaction to cultural differences through one’s experience of cultural difference. As one’s experience becomes more complex, one develops a greater potential for competence in ICC interactions. This model is activated by cognitive structures (i.e. worldviews) that range from ethno-centric to ethno-relative. Those who approach ethno-relative worldviews are more likely to exhibit cultural competence. The ethno-centric continuum ranges from Defense/Denial, Reversal and Minimization to the ethno-relative stages of Acceptance, Adaptation (including cognitive frame-shifting and behavioural code-switching) and Encapsulated Marginality. According to the principle Denial of Difference, individuals experience their own culture as the only “real” one. Other cultures are either not noticed at all, or they are understood in an undifferentiated, simplistic manner. People at this position are not interested in cultural difference, but when confronted

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with it, their rejection of acceptance may change to aggressive attempts to avoid or eliminate it. According to the Principle Defence against Difference, one’s culture is experienced as the most “evolved” or best way to live. This position is characterized by dualistic thinking and frequently accompanied by overtly negative stereotyping. Actors in this position are more openly threatened by cultural difference and more likely to be acting aggressively against it. According to the principle Minimization of Difference, the experience of similarity outweighs the experience of difference. Actors recognize superficial cultural differences in food, customs, etc., but they emphasize human similarity in psychical structure, psychological needs and/or assumed adherence to universal values. Hammer (1998) has applied this theory to developing Intercultural Development Inventory instrument to measure one’s orientation towards cultural differences that can be used to enhance students’ ICC competence. Bennett’s framework is highly suitable for development of ICC since it has provided tools to reach the phase in which difference is seen as normal and integrated into the identity of oneself; at the final phase, one can relate to several cultural reference frameworks. Teachers of ICC at public secondary schools in the Czech Republic have used Milton Bennett’s model for their pedagogical practices that aim at developing intercultural awareness. Firstly, students were taught Bennett’s conceptualization of various attitudes toward cultural difference (I. Denial, II. Defense, III. Minimization, IV. Acceptance, V. Adaptation, VI. Integration/Encapsulated Marginality). Secondly, students in the last year (sample 100 students) were asked to read letters and stories that described the evolution of individual reactions to exposure to new cultural environments and then, later on, to associate concrete paragraphs with the above mentioned Bennett’s six developmental stages. Thirdly, students were given explanations and the students’ wrong answers (45 students) were collectively analyzed in the classroom in order to deepen their knowledge of Bennett’s attitudes toward cultural difference. Example: Identification of Various Attitudes Toward Cultural Difference in a Letter John was asked by the board of the Language School Tamara in Prague to write a letter to American citizens who have received an invitation to participate in professional training and become a lecturer of English language in the Czech Republic. In his letter, John has chosen his experience with lecturing by looking back at the various stages he has gone through in adjusting to the country and culture and reflecting on what it all means. Relevant excerpts of the letter:

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1. The Board of the Language School Tamara in Prague asked me to write to you and tell you all about the country and my experience. I’ve filled several journals with what I think of this place and what happened to me here, so you’re not going to get very much in a two-page letter. 2. Training is a blur now, though I swore at the time that I would never forget anything that happened during those early weeks. I remember it was very intense – everything was very intense – and we were so incredibly busy all the time, so we couldn’t wait for it to get over. On the other hand, we were scared that some day it would be over, and we would have to say goodbye and go out and become professional lecturers. 3. But we did and, we did graduate, and we became professional lecturers – kicking and screaming in my case. I say that because my early days at the language school were not my happiest moments. I thought I knew how to do things better than the local people if they would just listen. They would see the light and come around. Denial. 4. Once I realized I wasn’t getting through, they really did see things differently. I’m sorry to say, I got a bit negative. If that’s the way they wanted to interpret things, then to hell with them. This was not my finest hour. Somehow, I had to climb out of this mood and get back on track. My first attempts were a bit clumsy. I told myself: “Okay, so these people aren’t like you. Get over it!” Defense. 5. So I went back into the fray – and got bloodied all over again. This was starting to get annoying. I realize now that while I had accepted that the local culture was somewhat different from my own, I thought that deep down inside we were all alike. While I might have to adjust my style, I didn’t need to worry about my assumptions and beliefs. Minimization. 6. I did not want to say that everything you know about life and people goes out the window when you come here – that wouldn’t be true, either – but culture does run deep, and so, therefore, do cultural differences. Acceptance. 7. Anyway, I finally got wise, accepted that different people can see the same things very differently, and tried to be more understanding. Now, I can laugh at those same behaviours that used to bother me – I have even adopted a few of them myself – and some of the things that bothered me, I don’t even see anymore. Adaptation and Integration/Encapsulated Marginality.

4. Importance of Edward Hall’s Concept of High Context & Low Context Communication and Monochronic & Polychronic Understanding of Time for the Development of ICC The fourth powerful framework relevant for studies of cultural values and multicultural environment has been developed by Edward Hall, who has spent more than forty years developing and writing about a fourdimensional classification system which, basically, focuses on the

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communication patterns found within various cultural environments and emphasizes four dimensions along which societies can be compared (Hall 1959). The first dimension (high and low context) measures communication context or the amount of information that must be explicitly stated if a message or communication is to be successful. The Czech society has been placed around the average; for example, the Japanese have been determined to use high context communication, on one hand, and the Americans low context communication, on the other hand (Gannon 1994). According to the second dimension (ways of communicating through specific handling of personal space), the Czechs are also placed in the middle along this scale, between the Scandinavians on one extreme, who tend to keep more place between them than do Mediterranean cultures, at the other extreme (idem). According to the third dimension (concept of time), the Czechs also tend to be in the middle between the German monochronic understanding of time (preference for scheduling and completing one activity at a time) and the Mediterranean polychromic conception (not distinguishing between activities and completing them simultaneously (idem). According to the fourth dimension (speed and structure of messages between individuals or organizations), the Czech society has been placed between the North American and the South American styles. In the North American one, speed and structure of messages between individuals or organizations has been noted as significantly higher than in the South American one or in developing countries (idem). Teachers of ICC at public secondary schools in the Czech Republic have used Hall’s conception for their pedagogical practices that aim at the development of intercultural awareness. Firstly, students were taught Hall’s concepts of indirect/high context & direct/low context communication as well as monochronic & polychronic understanding of time. Monochronic: “Time is the given and people and the invariable. The needs of people are adjusted to suit the demands of time – schedules, deadlines, etc. Time is a quantifiable, and a limited amount of it is available. People do one thing at a time and finish it before starting something else, regardless of circumstances.” Polychronic: “Time is the servant and tool of people. Time is adjusted to suit the needs of people. More time is always available, and you are never too busy. People often have to do several things simultaneously as required by circumstances. It’s not necessary to finish one thing before starting another, nor to finish your business with one person before starting in with another.” (Aronhime 1997).

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Secondly, students in the last year (sample 100 students) were given a short list of statements, and they were asked to decide whether the statement referred to monochronic or polychronic and indirect/high context & direct/low context communication and how they could substantiate their answer. Thirdly, students were given suggested answers with short explanations and students’ wrong answers (22 students) were collectively analyzed in the classroom in order to deepen knowledge of indirect/high context & direct/low context communication as well as monochronic & polychromic understanding of time. Example: Monochronic & Polychronic – Statements and Suggested Answers 1.a. People should stand in line so they can be waited on one at a time (Monochronic). 1.b. There’s no need to stand in line as people are waited on as they are ready for service (Polychronic). 2.a. Interruptions usually cannot be avoided and are often quite beneficial (Polychronic). 2.b. Interruptions should be avoided wherever possible (Monochronic). 3.a. It’s more efficient if you do one thing at a time (Monochronic). 3.b. I can get as much done if I work on two or three things at the same time (Polychronic). 4.a. It’s more important to complete the transaction (Polychronic). 4.b. It’s more important to stick to the schedule (Monochronic). 5.a. Unanticipated events are hard to accommodate and should be avoided where possible (Monochronic).5.b. Unexpected things happen all the time; that’s life (Polychronic). 6.a. You shouldn’t take a telephone call or acknowledge a visitor when you are meeting with another person (Monochronic). 6.b. I would be rude not to take a phone call if I’m in, or to ignore a visitor who drops by (Polychronic). 7.a. You shouldn’t take deadlines too seriously; anything can happen. What’s a deadline between friends? (Polychronic). 7.b. Deadlines are like a promise; many other things depend on them, so they should not be treated lightly (Monochronic). 8.a. It’s important, in a meeting or a conversation, not to become distracted or digress. You should stick to the agenda (Monochronic). 8.b. Digressions, distractions are inevitable. An agenda is just a piece of paper (Polychronic). 9.a. I tend to be people-oriented (Polychronic). 9.b. I tend to be taskoriented (Monochronic). 10.a. Personal talk is part of the job (Polychronic). 10.b. Personal talk should be saved for after hours or during lunch (Monochronic).

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Current Issues Related to the Advancement of ICC in the Czech Educational System 1. Intercultural Competence in the Czech Republic Has Been Recently Evaluated as Inadequate In the Czech Republic, ICC has been recently evaluated as inadequate not only because of the deficiencies related to labour market structures but also because of the discrimination and social exclusion of minority segments of the population. In spite of the 2009 Anti-discriminate Act, a recent EU study cited the Czech Republic for unsatisfactory integration of foreigners because of local prejudices and xenophobic attitudes and ranked it 19th among EU nations (European Commission 2011). As formal socialization through schooling has always had a significant impact on the development of value systems (MatČjĤ & Straková 2006), how the educational system contributes to the cited problem is of serious concern. The concern was recently highlighted in a survey by the Czech NGO People in Need (Muzik 2012) and the Millward Brown Agency with Czech secondary students on local and global problems (Albert 2012). They reported that students perceive problems with the Roma minority as the number one problem in society (Veloinger 2012). In reaction, the Czech sociologist Ivan Gabal stated, “the model of students’ views about Romani people may be even more ethnically-based, rejecting and rigid than that of the adult population” and questioned the role schools play in the cultivation of democratically-minded citizens. Cultural values, coupled with cultural awareness, are known to have a primary role in the development of tolerance and acceptance of cultural differences, reduction of cultural bias and minimization of related social conflicts (LeBaron 2001). While national cultures have been identified across Europe according to their value dimensions and differences (Hofstede 1983, Trompenaars & Hampden-Turner 1993), the development of intercultural competence in relationship to local cultural values as transmitted through schools has not been studied. The essentialist position situates culture as immutable (Peterson 2004). However, difficulties in transmitting EU cultural values appear to stem from the lack of a common culture upon which to build an EU identity. Research reveals the nation-state identities being rooted more firmly than a European Union identity (Eurobarometer 63, 2005). Reports based on this research overlook the impact national cultural values have upon cultural identities, where perceptions of “self” and “others” may interfere with interpersonal communications. Considering culture as learned, reciprocal, and collective, the article

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acknowledges that multiple factors affect the formation of students’ cultural values, including family, speech communities, social media, subcultures, gaming, and Internet use. International research has demonstrated that students’ exposure to other cultures can increase intercultural sensitivity and adaptability, and may increase their ICC (Bennett 2001). Theories in the ICC field have been criticized for being biased towards the individualistic, the western way of managing communication and its conflicts (Oetzel & Ting-Toomey 2006); thus, the Czech educational system and society need to be studied within their local cultural values and their variables. 2. Czech Teachers Need Support in Diversifying Pedagogical Practices Communication competence and intercultural competence have been established fields of study for at least fifty years and draw upon diverse perspectives from interdisciplinary fields. Whereas the term ICC is increasingly used in the cross-cultural communication field, it represents only one term among many that are used to address what transpires during intercultural encounters (Fantini & Tirmizi 2006). Although articulated theoretically, ICC research lacks specific data across cultural and situational contexts (Witteborn 2007). ICC may be measured through domains, dimensions, proficiencies, and developmental levels affecting relationships, communication, and collaboration. Lacking consensus of ICC’s unifying features and with a diversity of instruments to measure it, ICC is continually evolving. Areas that need more study include the study of language and prejudice, the role of intergroup perceptions to communication between ethnic and cultural groups, the impact of new migratory and immigrant groups in schools, how cultural perspectives and misunderstanding contribute to intercultural conflicts in the local context, and the impact of ICC training and skills development with teachers. EU integration policies are built around multilingualism as an important concept. Czech schools have grown increasingly heterogeneous because of an increased number of foreigners, mixed-marriages, mobility, migrant, and immigrant populations. Existing and growing ethnic groups in the Czech Republic include Roma, Vietnamese, Russian, Ukrainian, Albanian, and Chinese, but not all are recognized as minorities by the Czech Government. Reports of prejudice and lack of tolerance point to the need to develop ICC: 74% of the Czechs report they have a negative attitude towards Roma people (Veloinger 2011). Successful ICC, however, requires respect and a positive attitude towards difference (Bennett 2001). According to Ingrid Piller, language is primarily the channel of

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socialization that binds speakers into communities but its meaning and nuances transpire through a process of negotiation connected to cultural backgrounds. Speakers are naturally and unconsciously positioned to assume attitudes towards someone’s language, character and cultural values based on dialect or ability to speak a language (Piller 2011). Piller emphasizes the importance of language proficiency for ICC and highlights its hindrances such as people’s unwillingness to negotiate and get along, prejudice about accents, ignorance of local values and of options in performing speech acts and rituals Piller stresses the importance of so called banal nationalism that has been realized through practices and institutions and that has become one of components that socialize children into a national identity; particularly “hidden curriculum” refers to values, dispositions as well as to social and behavioural expectations that have become “non-explicit” part of schooling (joint singing of national anthem, etc.) Oetzel & Ting-Toomey’s research (2006) supports the need for knowing how to act appropriately with members of another languageculture on their terms. Speakers of multiple languages have options of language rituals, conversation strategies, visual means of communication, body language, space, and other means at their disposal when communicating with members of other cultures. Although Czech classrooms are increasingly multilingual, it is not known to what extent they incorporate students’ cultural backgrounds and foreign languages into their teaching practice in order to develop Content and Language Integrated Learning (CLIL). European CLIL is based on the premise that it is possible and beneficial to teach any content subject matter through a second language (Pavesi et al. 2001). Most Czech teachers continue to focus on the national standard language and content of local history as a way to homogenize the classroom community; a consequence can be that teachers underestimate the local vernacular and exclude minority and immigrant languages, thus undermining their value. Related to this objective is the place of foreign languages in the curriculum, teachers’ awareness of shared local language as a value, and language per se as the way of expressing one’s identity and belonging to a community, acceptance of diverse behaviours, attitudes and accents. Whereas perceptions of others can interfere with cultural understanding and communications (Jensens 2005), one should also take into consideration that investigating communication involves examining not only the occurrence of communication but their representations, images, beliefs, and attitudes.

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Conclusion: Specific Issues to Advance the Knowledge Given the above mentioned frameworks and findings, further research concerning multicultural issues and promotion of multiculturalism in the Czech Republics’ educational system should focus on the following issues that could be investigated not only in primary and secondary schools’ environments but also at academic level (regardless of characteristics such as professional orientation of educational institutions, or their private or public statute): 1) Cultural values of the students who attend Czech and international schools differ in their acceptance of power or superior-subordinate relationships. In what specific ways do schools prepare their students to accept various types of communication structures? 2) Power relationships are played out in language. Are those relationships sensitive to patterns, rituals, speech acts and language ideologies present in the classroom? 3) Rituals of politeness (such as in greeting, complementing, requesting, inquiring, etc.) are negotiated within the cultural values of the classroom. Does the majority language alone establish the protocols? What role does the teacher assume in the negotiation? 4) Language ideology (having a status of a national, official, vernacular, standard or local language) affects one’s willingness to engage in ICC. In what specific ways are speakers’ attitudes reflected in ICC? 5) Language proficiency affects ICC and one’s self-identity. What is the participants’ proficiency in the schools’ majority and minority language(s)? 6) Risk avoidance is related to unequal representation in the classroom. Do differences between cultural identities of students who attend Czech schools and international schools influence overall risk avoidance level displayed in the classroom? 7) What are the discrepancies between stated belief and practice (despite teachers and students claiming to be open-minded and tolerant)? Are the factors of language prestige, ideology and proficiency underestimated in their effect on one’s status and self-perception? To what degree are teachers aware of the issues of risk avoidance and how do they guarantee students’ right of democratic representation? 8) In what specific ways does the school environment encourage the development of ICC competence and interaction with diverse groups, and promote tolerant understanding of cultural differences? Do schools reflect the diversity in the use of space, choice between individualist or collective learning styles, and verbal or non-verbal communication strategies?

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9) What is the level of intercultural sensitivity and awareness of the participants in the school environment? How does the level of cultural sensitivity and awareness impact interpersonal interactions, learning environments, school policies and schooling practices? 10) In what ways do school environments differ in enforcing rules and handling individual preferences? What differences exist between students who attend Czech schools and students who attend international schools? 11) What differences exist in students’ orientation towards the individual and the group? Are students from individualist cultures positive about learning new topics, speaking up in class and large groups? Do those from collectivist cultures tend to speak up only when called on and avoid challenging the teacher?

References Albert, Gwendolyn. (2012). Czech High School Students Said to be Most Exercised Over Coexistence with Romani People. Online: http://www.romea.cz/english/index.php?id=detail&detail=2007_3402. Aronhime, R. (1997). Culture Matters: The Peace Corps Cross-Cultural Workbook. Washington: Peace Corps. Bennett, M. (1993). Toward Ethnorelativism: A Developmental Model of Intercultural Sensitivity. In R. M. Paige (Ed.), Education for the Intercultural Experience. Yarmouth, ME: Intercultural Press. 21-71. —. (2001). Developing Intercultural Competence for Global Managers. In R. D. Reineke (Ed.), Interkulturelles Management. Wiesbaden: Gabler Verlag, Carson, T. (1991). Pedagogical Reflections on Reflective Practice in Teacher Education. Phenomenology and Pedagogy 9 (1): 132-142. Deardorff, D. (2006). The Intercultural Competence Model: The Identification and Assessment of Intercultural Competence as a Student Outcome of Internationalization at Institutions of Higher Education in the USA. Journal of Studies in International Education 10: 241-266. Dekker, P. & Uslaner, E. (Eds.). (2001). Social Capital and Participation in Everyday Life. London: Routledge. European Commission. (2007). Eurobarometer 63. First Results. Online: http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/archives/eb/eb63/eb63.4_en_first.pd f. —. (2011). Migrant integration – Aggregate report. Online: http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/archives/quali/ql_5969_migrant_en. pdf.

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European Employment Week. RPIC-ViP: People Make a Difference. Online: http://www.employmentweek.com/cms.php?page=129&PHPSESSID= a5a662ebad8197e807809d652d2decb. Fantini, A. & Tirmizi, A. (2006). Exploring and Assessing Intercultural Competence. World Learning Publications. Paper 1. Online: http: //digitalcollections.sit.edu/worldlearning_publications/1. Fresh Minds Limited. (2011). Closing the Gap Between Business and Education: Report JA-YE Europe. Online: www.ja-ye.org. Gannon, G. (1994). Understanding Global Cultures. London: Sage Publications. Hajek, C. & Giles, H. (2003). Intercultural Communication Competence: The Process Model. In J. O. Greene & B. R. Burleson (Eds.), Handbook of Communication and Social Interaction Skills. Mawah. NJ: Lawrence Erlbahm Associates. 935-937. Hall, E. (1959). The Silent Language. Garden City: Doubleday. Hammer, M. (1998). A Measure of Intercultural Sensitivity: The Intercultural Development Inventory. In S. Fowler & M. Fowler (Eds.), The Intercultural Sourcebook 2. Yarmouth, ME: Intercultural Press. Hobson, E. & Bohon, L. (2011). The effects of culture on student questioning in the science classroom. Journal of Cross-Disciplinary Perspectives in Education 4 (1): 41-50. Hofstede, G. (1983). National Cultures in Four Dimensions: A ResearchBased Theory of Cultural Differences Among Nations. International Studies of Man and Organization XIII (1-2): 46-74. —. (2001). Culture’s Consequences. Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications. —. (2002). Exploring Culture: Exercises, Stories and Synthetic Cultures. London: Intercultural Press. Jensens, I. (2005). Professionalism in Job Interviews. Journal of Intercultural Comunication 8. Online: http://www.immi.se/jicc/index.php/jicc/article/view/121/89. LeBaron, M. (2001). Transforming Cultural Conflict in an Age of Complexity. Berlin: Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management. Machová, B. & Kubátová, S. (Eds.). (1995). Uniqueness in Unity: The Significance of Cultural Identity in European Cooperation. Praha: Envirostress. Maslowski, R. (2001). School Performance and School Culture: An Explorative Study into the Organizational Culture of Secondary Schools and Their Effects. Dissertation. Universiteit Twent, NL.

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MatČjĤ, P. & Straková, J. (Eds.). (2006). Nerovné šance na vzdČlávání [Unequal Opportunities in Education]. Praha: Academia. Muzik, T. (2012). Czech NGO People in Need is building a dormitory for the students of the Baghlan Agricultural High School. Online: http://www.clovekvtisni.cz/index2.php?id=263&idArt=440. Oetzel, J. G. & Ting-Toomey, S. (Eds.). (2006) The SAGE Handbook of Conflict Communication: Integrating Theory, Research, and Practice. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Pavesi, M., Bertocchi, D., Hofmannová, M. & Kazianka, M. (2001). CLIL guidelines for teachers. Milan: TIE CLIL. Peterson, B. (2004). Cultural Intelligence: A Guide to Working with People from Other Cultures. London: Intercultural Press. Piller, I. (2011). Intercultural Communication: A Critical Introduction. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Public Opinion Research Center. (2011). Online: www.gesis.org. Survey of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. (2012). Online: http://www.oecd.org/document/57/0,3746,en_2649_33733_49017713_ 1_1_1_1,00.html#infomation. SvČtlík, J. (2003). Marketing pro svČtový trh [Global Marketing]. Praha: Grada. Trompenaars, F. & Hampden-Turner, C. (2001). Mastering the Infinite Game: How East Asian Values are Transforming Business Practices. Minnesota, MN: Capstone. Trompenaars, F. & Hampden-Turner, C. (1993). The Seven Cultures of Capitalism: Value Systems for Creating Wealth in the United States, Britain, Japan, Germany, France, Sweden, and the Netherlands. London: Piatkus. Veloinger, J. (2012). Students in survey perceive Roma to be biggest ‘problem’. Online: http://www.radio.cz/en/section/curraffrs/studentsin-survey-Accesed. Witteborn, S. (2007). Collective Identities Can Change in Salience and Must Be Studied in Their Respective Sociopolitical and Historical Contexts. Journal of Communication 57: 556-575.

CHAPTER THREE CLASSROOM PRACTICES OF MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION

TEACHER EDUCATION IN PREPARING STUDENT TEACHERS FOR DIVERSE CLASSROOMS SARI HOSOYA AND MIRJA-TYTTI TALIB

Introduction The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) Education Ministers announced that sustainable development and social cohesion depend critically on the competencies of our population – with competencies understood to cover knowledge, skills, attitudes and values (OECD 2003). In the same summary (OECD 2003), globalization and modernization are considered to be creating an increasingly diverse and interconnected world. Schools are not an exception. Increasing cultural diversity at schools presents urgent needs for teacher education to prepare culturally responsive teachers who can facilitate the academic success of all students. Teachers play a central role in the acculturation of immigrant and foreign students especially in new multicultural societies. A summary of The definition and selection of key competencies (OECD 2003) addresses 3 competencies (competences) which will be essential to prepare young people and adults to face the complex challenges of today’s world: (a) using tools interactively, (b) interacting in heterogeneous groups, and (c) acting autonomously. The second competence is particularly related to the preparation for societies with diversity. It includes the ability to relate well to others, the ability to cooperate, and the ability to manage and resolve conflict. Student teachers certainly need to acquire these abilities to assist younger generations. Teachers who work in diverse classrooms need to understand the various issues that are associated with those students different from the mainstream culture. Not only that, teachers need to support such students to form positive and healthy identities. Such processes require teachers to have knowledge of related theories, skills to practice desirable methods, and intercultural competence that includes some aspects of education. Teachers’ personal and professional identities and worldview, teachers’

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intercultural sensitivity and their attitude towards minority students are essential elements of intercultural competence. Preparing teachers for diverse classrooms is not only for the immigrant students, but also for the students within the mainstream culture since as a member of the globalized world everyone needs to develop competencies and attitudes for sustainable development and social cohesion.

Teacher Education for Diversities There is no doubt that issues of diversity may be one of the biggest challenges to education and teacher education today (Delpit 1995, Nieto 2008). OECD’s report Educating Teachers for Diversity – Meeting the Challenge 2010 addresses a fundamental issue about how globalised societies could learn to benefit from their increasingly diverse populations. The report sees that teachers can play a key role in this by integrating students with different backgrounds and encouraging their academic and social achievements. Even if there is remarkably little research done on best practices in multicultural schools, there tend to be similar arguments and sentiments by teachers who are teaching diversity. For example, Pollock et al. (2010) identify three specific tensions experienced by teachers related to diversity issues during their teacher education programmes. There is tension between theoretical and practice-based knowledge. When discussing difficult concepts such as racism and diversity, teachers often tend to struggle with how to put theory into practice. Instead of simply engaging multicultural issues in abstract and broad terms, Pollock et al. (ibidem) argue that teacher educator programmes should also focus on providing concrete suggestions and activities for classroom use. The second challenge is the tension between individual efficacy and the overwhelming scope of the issue. Teacher education should challenge teachers and teacher educators to question their own beliefs and attitudes about students, society and schools. Even more importantly, programmes should provide skills to be used in the classroom and to help teachers feel individually efficacious in serving diverse populations. Still another conflicting issue is between personal development and professional development. Many teachers argue that they must undergo personal development work to rid themselves of “worldviews” that were developed before they can develop professional tactics for classroom use. Because personal development is an ongoing process of indefinite duration, teacher education programmes should begin with the focus on progress with gradual professional development skills training. In addition, all teacher

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reflection and action must be related to current theories of diversity. This suggests that we cannot ignore theories of education although, recently, there is a tendency to focus more on practical skills than before. Reflection and action are required in reference to the theories. In this paper, we are addressing how teachers’ education can facilitate some of the above mentioned challenges and tensions. The first step is to know the reality associated with diversities.

Meeting Diversities: Multicultural and Intercultural Education Diversities Multicultural education is usually linked to a school’s goals and practices to meet the educational needs of its various student groups and consider the original culture and traditions of those groups. Our frame of reference is critical multicultural education theory where class, gender, race, language and religion, in addition to ethnicity, are essential components. The theory of critical pedagogy focuses on knowledge, reflection and action as the basis for social change and social justice, as well as responsibility for the world community (Cochran-Smith 1995, Gay 2000, Nieto & Bode 2004). We believe that the goals of educational diversities are to renew schools according to the results of multicultural research, so that cultural diversity and social equality may exist. This writing, however, focuses more on education of ethnic diversity, which includes cultural, racial, religious and language diversities. Multicultural education and intercultural education are often used as synonyms (Nieto 2008) though some argue that there is a difference between the two. Often the difference in use varies mostly by geographical location (e.g., Europe vs. US). However, according to Holm & Zilliacus (2009), it is impossible to draw conclusions about intercultural and multicultural education as if there was only one kind of each since there are several different kinds of both multicultural and intercultural education. The more traditional and conservative approaches focus on learning to get along and learning about different cultures. The more critical approaches focus on social justice as a core value, on furthering democracy and working against prejudice and discrimination. James Banks’ (2009) approaches to multicultural education are concerned about reducing prejudice by targeting students’ attitudes through teaching and by enhancing a school culture that fosters equality and empowerment. By using equity pedagogy teachers recognize diverse ways of learning and

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knowing and how different cultural frames of reference influence the construction of knowledge. Nieto & Bode (2004) point out that multicultural education is inclusive and is for everyone regardless of one’s background. Each student needs intercultural competences in order to function and work globally. Multicultural education simply does not only affirm language and culture, even if they are indispensable, but it should confront the issues of identity formation, power and privilege in a given society. Sleeter & Grant (2006) have 5 multicultural education approaches at different levels. Starting with the basic approach, which aims, for culturally different students, to fit into the existing school system, they aim at making teachers agents of social change. The most desirable approach is the approach called education that is multicultural and social reconstructionist. This builds on the multicultural education approach which promotes equity and cultural pluralism, but goes one step further by advocating for students to learn social action skills by actively working for social change. This approach is similar to Banks’ social action approach. Immigrant and Minority Students’ Identities and Schooling One of the greatest challenges for immigrant or minority children is crafting bicultural/multicultural identities. They must creatively fuse aspects of their traditional parental culture and the new culture (also culture in schools). Even if bicultural identities are most adaptive in the era of globalism, it is not easy for ethnic minority or immigrant students to avoid negative social mirroring. Students’ sense of self is profoundly shaped by the reflections mirrored back to them by significant others (e.g., parents, teachers, and peers). The individuality of students is deeply entwined with their ethnicity and cultural socialization. Ignorance of people different from them often breeds negative attitudes, anxiety, and fear, which affect their thoughts and actions. The proficiency of the language of the host country is essential for such children since it certainly helps them to be integrated into the society. Without it, it is hard to maintain students’ dignity by themselves, teachers and other students. Regardless of their intentions by some individuals in the majority, assimilatory and discriminatory intentions exist and are often widespread, and it affects the later lives of minority individuals. Making both students and adults aware of existing culturally based prejudices may, at least, lessen or minimize them. In working and doing things together, students can develop a sense of respect for, and tolerance towards, different cultural and ethnic groups in our societies.

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The contemporary world is highly competitive, and people are divided into winners or losers in the educational marketplace unusually early in their lives. Even though many immigrant students are doing well, some of them or students with a minority background not only experience cumulative failure in school but must also face negative social mirroring from their peers and teachers. Statistics demonstrate that migrant families and communities are growing rapidly. In terms of school performance, first-generation students often have difficulties in their new host country. Although secondgeneration students are born and raised in the host country and they speak the language of the host country, according to the data from PISA 2003 and 2006, native students perform better than both first and secondgeneration immigrants in math. This is the overall pattern in all participating countries except in Australia, Canada and New Zealand (OECD 2010). The question is why there is such a gap between immigrant students and native students’ academic achievement. There is no simple answer, but students’ proficiency of the language of instruction is one of the elements. Better language support for second language learners and methods of teaching students of multilingual backgrounds are the keys (OECD 2006). The low achievement of immigrant students is often explained by various theories such as deficit theories, reproduction theory, cultural mismatch theory, and resistance theory, but no single theory can explain the low achievement of minority students properly. The causes of low achievement are complicated. Experience of racial and ethnic inequalities and negative stereotyping from the dominant culture groups will strongly affect minority students’ educational attainment (SuárezOrozco & Suárez-Orozco 2002). Social psychologist Claude Steele (1997) has demonstrated that, under “identity threats” of being stereotyped, students’ performance goes down and so called self-handicapping increases. He also argues that the stereotype threat shapes both intellectual performance and intellectual ability. We must also consider that the educational background of the parents, the socio-economic status of the family, as well as the parental occupation have bearing on the academic success of immigrant and other minority students. Kenneth Howe (1997) mentions: “From the perspective of social justice, teaching practice involves an amalgam of knowledge, interpretive frameworks; teaching strategies, methods, and skills, as well as advocacy with and for students, parents, colleagues, and communities. This includes the pedagogical strategies and methods teachers use as well as how they think about their work and

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In order to promote a human-rights culture and individual life-choices, we must create opportunities for young people to partake in quality education. Research results proved that the school an immigrant or ethnic minority child attends makes far more difference to his or her educational achievement than does his or her ethnic background (Tomlinson 1991). Schools are places where immigrant children come into systematic contact with the new culture. Adaptation to school and staying in school are indispensable predictors of a student’s future well-being and his/her contribution to society (Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco 2001). These results indicate that the education systems in host countries have to become more effective and equitable. A well-functioning school system does not only provide students with the needed literacy skills, motivation and positive self-concept to tackle the challenges, but also confidence to continue learning throughout life (OECD 2010: 27).

Teacher’s Intercultural Competences The term intercultural competence is associated with global, international or multicultural education and culturally relevant or responsive education (Banks & McGee Banks 2004, Gay 2000). Giroux (2009: 445) stresses the importance of the democratic and ethically based educational practices. Cushner & Mahon (2009: 307) view teachers’ intercultural competence as classroom behaviour that facilitates the learning of students from multiple cultural backgrounds while providing students with skills to succeed in an increasingly culturally diverse world. Educators need a more complex understanding of intercultural interaction and skills to negotiate between cultures. In addition to that, educators must engage in debates on identity, identity politics, transitional societies, and nation contraction and globalization (Coulby 2006: 256). In that respect, teachers’ intercultural competence can be understood as an enlarged understanding of oneself, as a critical approach to one’s work, as flexible and divergent thinking, and as a comprehension of different realities and lifestyles (Talib 2005) In our study (Hosoya & Talib 2010), student teachers so-called “enclosed” attitudes (defensive, conservative and discipline-oriented attitude) were already embedded from their early socialization into their

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culture. Their social relationships and interactions were also influenced by the socio-cultural orientation adapted as children. In order to change their taken-for-granted beliefs about their surrounding world, student teachers need to be made aware and be guided to reflect upon their thinking – especially on diversity.

Teachers’ Personal and Professional Identity and Worldview One’s worldview is a broad term on how a person perceives and interprets the world. Early socialization at home and school will strongly affect the way we comprehend the world around us. The past events and experiences in the personal lives of teachers are intimately linked to their professional roles. When discussing multicultural encounters at school, teachers should become more conscious of their own positions and how their life experiences may influence any given situation. Nias (1996) emphasises the importance of critical reflection for teachers’ personal understanding and professional development. In that respect, intercultural professionalism would require teachers to be willing to reflect upon any conflicts they encounter and consider how their ideas, likes, dislikes, and fears affect their interpretations of their students (Talib 2005, 2006). However, teacher education has often, according to Cochran-Smith (1995, 2003), failed to motivate students to examine their own histories, self-concepts, and attitudes or socially preconceived ideas about cultural diversity. She stresses that teacher education should increase the awareness of one’s personal knowledge and its origin, the schools’ sociocultural connections, the challenges in estimating students’ skills, and reconstructive pedagogy. Usually, teachers or student teachers who are members of the mainstream culture never have to question or critique their positionality. In an American study of 80 teachers, Merryfield (2000) discovered that most teachers of colour or minority background have a double consciousness due to having experienced discrimination and the status of being an outsider. On the other hand, mainstream “white” teachers who were effective at teaching for diversity had their most profound experiences of otherness especially from living outside their country. Otherness is a result of a way of thinking or reaction to something that is different or unfamiliar to us. It is a highly emotionally charged situation, and, in that respect, rationally exceedingly difficult to control or change, particularly when we feel that we are out of sync with the cultural order. The “others” must, at least in some way, be different from us. When

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finding and naming the difference(s), we have the evidence of otherness (Bauman 2001). Unfortunately, destructive differentiation leaves remarkably little room for exploration, which might also expand one’s worldview. Teachers must recognize that there are multiple ways of perceiving reality. The point, according to French philosopher Kristeva (1994), is that, if we want to understand the other, we must start from ourselves. We must discover our own otherness, because the fears we suffer result from the projection of all that is imperfect, improper and unacceptable from our “solid” self. Not until we understand the ultimate condition of our being as other and accept our weaknesses, can we begin to understand others.

Intercultural Sensitivity and Attitude towards Minority Students In multicultural contexts, everyone’s cultural identities may blend, mix or change over a lifetime, slowly or rapidly in accordance with the demands of any given situation (Verkuyten 2005). Bennett & Bennett (2004) have developed a theory that explains the cognitive development people go through when living and working in a culturally different or multicultural environment. There are two stages, ethnocentric and ethnorelative, and each of them are further divided into 3 levels. In the ethnocentric stage of the intercultural process, people experience their own culture as central to their reality. In the ethnorelative stage, people experience their own culture in the context of other cultures. Starting with the denial level, where people are ignorant, indifferent to, or neglectful of cultural differences, people are expected to reach the integration level where they internalize more than one cultural worldview into their own. After reaching this stage, individuals have the most flexibility in solving intercultural conflict and are open to complex realities (Endicott, Bock & Narvaez 2003). The demands that diversities bring to teachers’ work can be both challenging and stressful. When teachers are not confident in their work, they tend to become extremely defensive. Such a situation lessens the ability to construe cultural differences in more complex ways (Talib & Hosoya 2009). There is a well-known study by Rosenthal & Jacobson (1968) on selffulfilling prophecy: a teacher has an expectation about what a student (or students) is like (e.g., capable or incapable of learning), which influences how the teacher acts towards the student(s), and this causes that student to behave in the way the teacher originally expected. Lack of knowledge, experience in dealing with diversity issues, insufficient resources, and lack

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of time usually create a situation where teachers resort to easy categorisation. Very generally speaking, an attitudinal approach to a student’s immigrant background can be divided into two types of individuals: (a) categorizing and (b) non-categorizing (Lahdenperä 2006). Among the categorizing types, there are the teachers who regard students’ immigrant backgrounds as a deficiency, which thus should be compensated for. It is one example of the deficit theories. A student’s immigrant background may be a reason for a teacher to classify the student negatively, or it can be seen as a useful resource for the entire school. The non-categorizing attitude can be characterised as neutral or indifferent, reciprocal or intercultural. The difference lies in whether the relationship to the student – the problem is described in terms of you, he/she/it, or I. The neutral or indifferent attitude could indicate dissociation from the student, resulting in treating him/her as a third person. A reciprocal attitude indicates a capacity for affective and cognitive insight into the student’s situation. The student is treated as an individual. An intercultural attitude indicates consciousness of one’s own cultural background, as well as the student’s (ibidem). This is one of the major challenges in multicultural education; when immigrant or minority students do not succeed in the given tasks, many educators attribute school failure to the “deficit syndrome,” or to what the minority students lack or cannot do. According to Geneva Gay (2000), to teach from the deficit mindset sounds more like correcting and curing than educating. She also notes that educational success does not emerge from failure and that weakness does not generate strength. Because high-level learning is an extremely high-risk venture for a student to pursue with conviction, it requires him/her to have some degree of academic mastery, as well as personal confidence and courage (ibidem: 24). According to Nieto & Bode (2004), caring relationships among students and their teachers have enormous significance. Teachers and the school climate can make the lives and futures of young people. Teachers and schools that affirm students’ identities believe in their intelligence and accept nothing less than the best have proven to be inspirational for young people even if they live in difficult circumstances. Our research results (Hosoya & Talib 2010) on student teachers’ intercultural competence strongly suggests that the ability to speak foreign languages enhances student teachers’ intercultural competence. Results also suggest having personal contact with people from culturally or ethnically diverse backgrounds has a much stronger positive impact on student teachers’ attitudes than just living in such a society. Unfortunately, the prejudices cannot be reduced by mere contact only, but they are rather

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reduced when the interaction takes place between people of equal status or in pursuit of common goals (Allport 1979: 281). School and universities are ideal places for students to familiarize themselves with different worldviews. Travelling to other countries increases student teachers’ intercultural competence, as well. The result confirms Merryfield’s (2000) study results that living outside their country give people profound experiences that widen their understanding of different ways to perceive the world and other cultures.

Suggestions for Teacher Education Some research suggests that teachers prepared in a multicultural teacher education programme are more capable of teaching diverse students than teachers who do not receive such preparation (Grant 1981, Gonzalez & Picciano 1993, Cwick, Wooldridge & Petch-Hogan 2001). The principles of the Multicultural Pre-service Teacher Education Project are organized into three main categories, and one of them is focusing on issues of curriculum and instruction in teacher education programmes. The items are considered for the curriculum of a multicultural teacher education programme (Zeichner et al. 1998). Gay (2000), Sleeter (2001), Irvine (2003), and Banks (2007) stand on similar conclusions. Content Integration Multicultural perspectives should permeate the entire teacher education curriculum, including general education courses and those in academic subject matter areas (Zeichner et al. 1998). It is necessary to deal with academic disciplines from a variety of cultural perspectives with attention to issues of culture and language. Student teachers should be encouraged to study educational psychology courses in order to understand that students’ learning approaches can vary by gender, race, and social class. This matches what Banks calls “content integration,” one of the five dimensions of multicultural education according to Banks & McGee Banks (2007: 20). Culturally Responsive Pedagogy A teacher education programme for diversity should be based on the assumption that all students in elementary and secondary schools bring knowledge, skills, and experiences that should be used as resources in teaching and learning, and that high expectations for learning are held for

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all students (Zeichner et al. 1998). There is agreement that teaching practices should be responsive to the cultural identities of their students (Savage et al. 2011). In a class with diverse students (immigrants and minorities), it is necessary to enhance the feeling of acceptance and belonging. Culturally Responsive teaching is defined as using the cultural knowledge, prior experiences, frames of reference, and performance styles of ethnically diverse students to make learning encounters more relevant to and effective for them. It teaches to and through the strengths of these students (Gay 2000: 29). Here are the characteristics of Culturally Responsive Pedagogy to be included (ibidem): -

Cultural heritages of different ethnic groups (to understand students’ dispositions, attitudes, and approaches to learning); Bridges of meaningfulness between home and school experiences, between academic abstractions and lived socio-cultural realities; Wide variety of instructional strategies for different learning styles; Knowledge of and praise for their own and each other’s cultural heritages; Multicultural information, resources, and materials in all subjects and skills.

Positive identity formation is the basis of a culturally responsive pedagogy. Cultural affiliation and understanding, knowledge and skills needed to challenge existing social orders and power structures are desirable goals. The basic concept is that culturally responsive teaching is comprehensive, multidimensional, empowering, and transformative. This concept is shared by critical pedagogy. The programme should teach prospective teachers how to learn about students, families, and communities, and how to use the knowledge of culturally diverse students’ backgrounds in planning, delivering, and evaluating instruction (Zeichner et al. 1998). The basic idea is that student teachers must develop aspiration for understanding pedagogical importance of knowing the future students well. This means that teachers need to use culturally responsive teaching by using a variety of instructional approaches (such as inquiry method and cooperative learning), materials, and evaluation strategies. The content should be connected to daily life, and teachers need to be ready to accept students’ different interaction styles. It is most effective when ecological factors such as prior experiences, community settings, cultural backgrounds and ethnic identities of teachers and students are included in its implementation (Gay 2000: 21).

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McNeal (2005) observed classrooms and found typical practices of culturally responsive pedagogy in two teachers: (a) use of multicultural literatures, (b) active learning, (c) student choice, (d) critical pedagogy (critical literacy), (e) real-life application, (f) cultural physical adaptations, (g) cooperative grouping, and (h) individual attention. Some of the items are interconnected with other characteristics required for a multicultural pre-service teacher education project. Student teachers need to learn authentic integration of multicultural principles and practices (Banks 1997, Bennett 1999). By authentic instruction, students can construct meaning and produce knowledge that has value and meaning beyond success in school (Irvine 2003) (Table 3-1). Table 3-1. Examples of practices and activities in Culturally Responsive Pedagogies

Practices

Actual activities (examples)

Multicultural literature Active learning

Adoption of materials which deal with a variety of cultures and values, and issues regarding these. Adaptation of a short story from students’ anthology: students present a short story with dramatic flair such as musical, dramatic, visual, physical, etc. Students have the opportunity to choose. They are allowed to choose how to present the story. Ask students to deconstruct the text and examine the assumed cultural and political power structures found within them.

Student choice

Critical pedagogy (critical literacy) Real-life Make direct connections between the situations found within application the literature and the students’ experiences. Cultural Direct eye contact with students to communicate mutual physical respect. adaptations Cooperative Outline the group formation requirements and students create grouping heterogeneous groups from which all students could benefit. Individual Show concern that students feel comfortable in being able to attention approach a teacher both inside and outside the classroom. Adapted from McNeal (2005)

Critical Pedagogy: Teachers as Systematic Reformers, Antiracist Educators, and Change Agents The programme should foster the understanding that teaching and learning occur in socio-political contexts that are not neutral but rely on relations of power and privilege (Zeichner et al. 1998). Student teachers need to learn

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how to be teachers who believe that all students are cable of learning and hold high expectations for each of them regardless of their background. The programme should help prospective teachers develop the commitment to be change agents who work to promote greater equity and social justice in schooling and society (ibidem). This starts with learning how to change power and privilege in multicultural classrooms. There should be democratic atmosphere in classrooms. Teachers are encouraged to be actively engaged in the governance and operation of teacher education programmes. Their experiences, learning, and practices will help to develop reciprocally. Cooperative Learning Cooperative Learning is often used in culturally responsive teaching. It is necessary to enhance a feeling of acceptance, a feeling of belonging and leaning together. Learning is social (Vygotsky 1978). Even if individual learning is crucial, it is also necessary to learn to work collaboratively. Many problems and challenges facing us today are so complicated that solving them would require co-operation, negotiations, flexibility, creativity, as well as tolerance. A study with 307 secondary school teachers suggests that typical secondary school lessons are dominated by teacher talk and time for student-initiated talk is about 1% of the total lesson time. This study also confirmed that classrooms provide a poor psychological and social environment to stimulate student initiation, participation or risk-taking. Therefore, unless the pattern of verbal interactions in classrooms is changed, cooperative learning will have difficulty taking root as part of the school culture (Sahlberg 2010). In cooperative learning settings, students have to learn to listen, share and help each other. Cooperative learning includes five essential elements: positive interdependence, face-to-face interaction, individual and group accountability, interpersonal and small group skills, and group processing. This enables us to recognize that learners are diverse. Students bring multiple perspectives to the classroom, as well as learning styles, and experiences. When students work together, they will also learn other ways of thinking and other worldviews. In collaborative learning situations, students not only get new ideas but rather together they get something new in their dialogues (Gay 2000, Sahlberg 2010).

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Cultural Immersion Field Experiences, Coursework, and Reflection The programme should help prospective teachers re-examine their own and others’ multiple and interrelated identities (Zeichner et al. 1998). Understanding their students begins with understanding themselves, their identity as complex, multidimensional people in a multicultural society (Banks 1991). Student teachers are encouraged to go out to communities and observe their students outside school. Cultural immersion experience enables student teachers to grow an awareness of cultural differences, gain knowledge of a context different from their own, and acquire an awareness of their own stereotype. It is even better if student teachers can share their personal cross-cultural experiences with their students. It is also necessary to encourage their culturally diverse students to share their own personal experiences. The programme should provide carefully planned and varied field experiences that explore socio-cultural diversity in schools and communities (Zeichner et al. 1998). While cultural immersion can be meaningful experiences for student teachers, such experience can reinforce their stereotype and prejudice. In order to make a positive impact on their multicultural teaching competence, according to Zeichner et al. (ibidem), the following points need to be considered: (a) careful planning and monitoring of the experience, (b) careful preparation of students for the experience, (c) placement of student teachers in the schools that are in the process of working toward multicultural teaching, (d) regular opportunities to reflect about the experiences under the guidance of teacher educators who have been successful multicultural teachers. According to Allport’s (1979) contact hypothesis prejudice reduces when both parties are at an equal status, are in cooperation rather than competition, and when there is a sanction by authorities such as teachers and administrators, and when they experience interpersonal interactions in which students become acquainted as individuals. This also suggested that student teachers need a lot of preparation before they are actually in the field. Not only preparation but also reflection after the immersion experience is essential. Teachers need to be reflective and play the role of researcher (Irvine 2003: 75). Reflective teachers are inquirers who examine their actions, instructional goals, methods, and materials in reference to their students’ cultural experiences, and preferred learning environment (ibidem). When such teachers probe their experiences, they can find insights into their students’ abilities, inclinations, and motivations. Sleeter (2001) explains that, of the various strategies that are used in teacher education programmes, extensive community-based immersion

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experiences together with coursework seem to be the most effective. One approach of the community-based immersion is to teach student teachers ethnographic research skills, and then have them complete a research project in an urban community or school. Preparation for the community research and help in processing the experience is extremely beneficial. Another approach is to have student teachers tutor children in cultural contexts that are not primarily mainstream (white and middle-class). In multicultural education courses, action research case studies or reflective analyses and narrative research are often used to increase student teachers’ awareness about issues related to race and culture. Action research case studies encourage participants to collect data and write reflective journals on the related issues. On the other hand, narrative research emphasizes more refection of the experiences. According to Melnick & Zeichner (1996: 185), there is much evidence that student teachers make efforts to connect their classrooms to community people, practice, and value after their community-based cross-cultural immersion experiences. Another research by Noordhoff & Kleinfeld (1993) found that students shifted dramatically from teaching as telling to teaching as engaging students with subject matter, using culturally relevant knowledge after their cultural immersion experiences. Cooperation with Communities The programme should draw upon and validate multiple types and sources of knowledge. A broad approach to the utilization of knowledge and expertise about schools and communities that is held by many different stakeholders is employed in the programme (Zeichner et al. 1998). Schools cannot stand alone. They are constantly influenced by the environment which is surrounding them. It is meaningful to increase the level of parental and community involvement in their school (Irvine 2003: 81). It is recommended to promote people from the community members for teacher education so that student teachers can share their values and knowledge.

Conclusion Teacher education for diversity does not aim at supporting only minority and immigrant student. It stands on the concept that everybody should have equal access to education and equal chance to succeed. When diversity and inequality already exist in the society, education should help to reform the society, and multicultural teacher education can be of help.

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Not only minority students but students from the mainstream background can benefit from reformed schools and teachers. Some research has proved that there are some key activities that will help teachers to be intercultural: well-prepared cultural immersion field experiences with the collaboration of coursework including reflection and cooperative learning. Our results (Hosoya & Talib 2010) also showed that working as a community volunteer tended to increase pre-service teachers’ self-confidence. Experiencing volunteer work abroad was also felt to have much impact on one’s value of inter-relationships among people, with an increase in emphatic attitude with mission awareness, and socially responsible attitude. The results suggest that teacher education should take the culture of the society into consideration. It also suggests that some learning activities such as studying foreign languages and participating in a study abroad programme increase intercultural competence, and, therefore, they should be encouraged for prospective teachers. A multicultural teacher education programme is helpful when teachers have positive experiences with multiculturalism, and when they have strong, positive beliefs about students from diverse backgrounds, to interpret their extensive background knowledge into effective multicultural practice and theory (McNeal 2005: 417). On the other hand, teachers fail to infuse multicultural education when they have a vague outlook on multicultural education without appropriate pedagogy to be effective in diverse settings (Barry & Lechner 1995). School structure, time constrains, racism and tracking at school are the impeding factors for teachers to utilize multicultural teaching strategies. There should be a common understanding that teacher education that takes diversity into consideration is not something optional but a must. Such teachers with intercultural competence will certainly become a skilled agent for multicultural and diverse society.

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RAISING CROSS-CULTURAL AWARENESS OF ESP ECONOMICS STUDENTS NADEŽDA SILAŠKI AND TATJANA ĈUROVIû

Introduction It has now been convincingly demonstrated (Ĉuroviü & Silaški 2010, Silaški & Ĉuroviü 2011) that the teaching of ESP to economics students can be improved with a genre-based approach (Swales 1990, Bhatia 1993). Since the main aspects of economics as a scientific discipline are clearly reflected in the language features of economics texts, a genre-based approach to ESP teaching enables the student and the teacher alike to concentrate only on the most salient linguistic features of economics texts ignoring less prominent aspects more frequent in General English. In this way, students get to get aware that most aspects of grammar and vocabulary in their subject-specific texts arise from predominant rhetorical structures of the discipline. This is the approach used in the teaching of ESP at the Faculty of Economics, University of Belgrade (Serbia), for almost two decades now. However, since economics students have no knowledge as to what job they will be doing when they graduate, it is one of the main tasks of their English teachers, in addition to equipping them with the necessary economics vocabulary and the essentials of economics discourse organisation based on genre analysis postulates, enabling their students to function effectively in a variety of business situations. In other words, an ESP economics course at tertiary level must include various social and cultural skills: if not timely learnt, these skills may lead to serious faux pas hard to rectify later; moreover, these faux pas might result in enormous corporate losses. In this paper, we aim to demonstrate the importance attached to the fifth language skill – culture – in an ESP economics course taught to the third and fourth year students of economics at the Faculty of Economics, University of Belgrade. An attempt is made to show, by analysing the contents of two economics textbooks (Silaški 2011, Ĉuroviü 2011), that the cultural component of an ESP course needs to be an indispensable part of the curriculum, to such an extent that students’ “cultural awareness should be viewed as enabling language

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proficiency” (Kramsch 1993: 8). In other words, using evidence from the two textbooks, we show that, since international success in business heavily depends on the understanding of both target language and target culture as well, students need to be familiar with numerous cross-cultural differences as doing business in another country or with business people from different cultural backgrounds may pose a serious challenge if their cultural values, expectations, and perceptions are not similar to theirs.

Culture and ESP Teaching Two questions arise when it comes to matters of teaching culture, raising cultural awareness and enhancing intercultural competence in an ESP classroom. Firstly, what culture is and what aspects of culture should be taught. Secondly, much more importantly, whose culture should be taught, bearing in mind that English has now become the lingua franca of international business, commerce and finance and that it is used in a multicultural environment where a wide variety of cultures interact and sometimes clash, as well. These two questions are dealt with in more detail in the lines below. There are various definitions of culture as this concept is multifaceted and may be understood in a number of different ways. Thus, for example, Damen (1987: 367) defines culture as “day-to-day living patterns,” whereas Kramsch (1995) argues for a dual definition of the concept, one coming from the humanities, the other from the social sciences. According to the latter understanding of the concept, culture refers to “widely shared ideals, values, formation and uses of categories, assumptions about life, and goal-directed activities that become unconsciously or subconsciously accepted as ‘right’ and ‘correct’ by people who identify themselves as members of a society” (Brislin 1990: 11). No matter what definition of culture we accept as correct, when it comes to ESP teaching, the word culture essentially refers to the elements which, albeit closely intertwined with language (therefore, also including various language skills materialized in different lexical solutions across variants of English), belong to the skills needed to be adopted in order for the non-native speakers of English to be able to function smoothly in a multinational business environment. All these cultural elements, essential for doing business in an increasingly global economy, need to be integrated in an ESP course so as to facilitate mutual comprehension and optimal communication among business people. The second issue arising in regard to raising cultural awareness of ESP students is whose culture should be taught. English has already become a common means of communication for people who speak different first languages, but it has,

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at the same time, become “a ‘contact language’ between persons who share neither a common native tongue nor a common (national) culture, and for whom English is the chosen foreign language of communication.” (Firth 1996: 240) That is why, in a business context, teaching the cultural components of only English-speaking countries such as the UK, the US or New Zealand, for example, is not only insufficient but may be counterproductive as well, since a multiplicity of people from diverse ethnic backgrounds and different cultural contexts regularly participate in business dealings and communication. Therefore, the job of ESP economics teachers has become even more challenging: they now need to make their students be more globally sensitive and acknowledge the fact that potential barriers to success in international business are not purely linguistic in nature but may arise from not being able to deal with the cultural differences and the inability to mitigate potential misunderstanding. In other words, ESP teachers should be able to engage in “language teaching with an intercultural dimension” (Byram, Gribkova & Starkey 2002: 9) to help learners “to acquire the linguistic competence needed to communicate in speaking or writing, to formulate what they want to say/write in correct and appropriate ways.” In addition, they also need to “develop[s] their intercultural competence, i.e. their ability to ensure a shared understanding by people of different social identities, and their ability to interact with people as complex human beings with multiple identities and their own individuality.” (ibidem) It is obvious that it is not an easy task to accomplish for various reasons, the most notable one being that it is impossible “to acquire or to anticipate all knowledge one might need in interacting with people of other cultures.” (idem: 11)

Raising Cross-Cultural Awareness of ESP Students As Dudley-Evans & St John claim (1998: 66), “[a] sensitivity to cultural issues and an understanding of our own and others’ values and behaviours is important in ESP.” However, since it is not possible to cover every situation in which poor cross-cultural awareness of ESP economics students may be responsible for unsuccessful business dealings and communication, it is of the utmost importance to focus on some core components of intercultural education so as to help students acquire not only linguistic but cultural competence, as well. These issues are dealt with in detail in the two textbooks which we use to teach ESP economics students. What are the core most salient aspects of cross-cultural differences covered in our textbooks? What follows is only a selected list of topics intended to raise students’ cross-cultural awareness in an ESP

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economics classroom. The topic may be broadly divided into five main areas: (a) verbal language; (b) business correspondence; (c) body language; (d) business skills; and (e) social skills. Verbal Language In addition to body language as the main manifestation of non-verbal communication, verbal language is, perhaps, the most visible manifestation of one’s culture. As an ESP economics course is, primarily, meant to enable students to communicate in English, an emphasis is put on lexical and syntactic forms which may, on occasion, impede communication due to differences in terminology, or different understanding of the same words, in one’s mother tongue, as opposed to those in English. Thus, the textbooks we use contain various exercises by means of which the matter of alternative (British vs. American) terminology is dealt with, where, for instance, finance-related pairs of terms (e.g., current account/checking account, gearing/leverage, ordinary shares/common stock, stock/inventory, etc.) are used in matching exercises so that the students are made aware of the possibility that British terms may not be understood or may be understood incorrectly in an environment which favours American English. Likewise, job titles (e.g., managing director/CEO, manager/director, etc.) or business titles for companies (ltd., plc./inc.) in British and American English may also lead to misunderstandings, which is why their semantic content should be carefully explained to students. Furthermore, there are words in some European languages which are similar in appearance and/or pronunciation to those in English, which is why they are usually “false friends” and differ significantly in meaning, covering different semantic content. Consequently, they are easily confused or used in an incorrect manner, leading to misunderstandings or hindered communication. Thus, for example, students are instructed that some English words, like catastrophe, critique, efficiency, partnership, workshop, when used in intercultural business communication (between French and German people, for example) undergo a semantic transformation reflective of the influence of certain traits of the recipient culture which, in turn, may seriously jeopardise communication in an international setting. The significance, therefore, lies not just, or not only, in linguistic differences, but rather in cultural values that give rise to these differences to which students, via appropriate exercises, need to be sensitised.

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Business Correspondence Business letter writing is an essential part of business communication. However, various cultures differ in regard to their business correspondence, as the style of writing heavily depends on a number of social and cultural factors, such as individualism vs. collectivism, openness vs. tendency towards face-saving, directness vs. indirectness, personal vs. less personal style, brevity vs. longer sentences, subtlety vs. writing to the point, positive vs. negative politeness, equality vs. hierarchy, clarity vs. vagueness, etc. In order to make sure that students become aware of these and similar differences, the subject of business correspondence is dealt with very carefully, so that any possible errors or faux pas may be avoided. In addition to the differences in writing style, several exercises are designed to test students’ knowledge of other, perhaps more formal, conventions which vary across cultures, such as opening/closing salutations, ways of addressing, using first/family names. Body Language One of the most influential factors in cross-cultural business success is non-verbal or body language, since, according to some research, body movements account for more than 90% of what one says. The importance attached to body language in cross-cultural business is reflected in our textbooks through a variety of exercises (true/false, matching, gap filling, etc.) intended to deepen students’ understanding of the fact that the same gesture may mean different things in different cultures. Also, the meaning of smiles and other facial expressions, the avoidance of or maintaining the eye-contact, the degree of physical distance between people, spatial arrangements, greeting behaviours, the exchange of business cards – all these topics help our students identify and appreciate body language differences. In addition, many examples of cultural blunders are given in the textbooks to illustrate the significance of non-verbal expression across countries. To add a more entertaining touch to the topic, a crossword puzzle is designed with the clues which check students’ familiarity with the meaning of body language across cultures. It is also worth mentioning that authentic texts are used to teach cross-cultural differences when it comes to non-verbal communication, together with various types of visuals (photographs, cartoons, PowerPoint presentations, etc.).

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Business Skills Presentations, meetings and negotiations are specific business skills where cultural differences are most manifest, and being able to function in these areas of business communications can be extremely challenging for students. Hence, cross-cultural teaching of specific business skills should develop a heightened awareness and sensitivity. It should be noted, however, that it is not the job of the English teacher to decide “what a suitable strategy in a given situation is, for example how to break a deadlock in a negotiation.” (Dudley-Evans & St John 1998: 70) Still, it is the teacher’s job to know and convey this information to his/her students, why a certain strategy has to be chosen and “how it will affect the language used.” (ibidem) Negotiations are much more than just how businessmen close deals. In addition to the already mentioned body language, the importance of personal space and touch, gift giving, being “clock conscious” and other questions of business etiquette, cross-cultural differences play a significant role in defining negotiation styles that business people worldwide use. Negotiation styles depend both on verbal and non-verbal communication, which means that students need to learn both what to say (i.e. correctly understand what others say) and how to behave (i.e. how to interpret others’ behaviour). In various activities in the textbooks, such as discussions, brainstorming, simulations, role plays, or authentic case studies, our students become aware of how different nationalities tackle the issue of point-making or bargaining mainly via the linguistic signals, which mark the difference between formal and informal, co-operative and competitive negotiation styles. Fostering cultural insights is provided in teaching presentations and meetings as well, where students learn about the role of humour in presentations and how different cultures respond to it, what different mannerisms and gestures people may use, which can cause misunderstandings in a multicultural meeting, or how participants from different cultural settings may miss the English language subtlety in expressing hesitation or disagreement in business meetings. Social Skills Cross-cultural social interaction skills are vital for maintaining good communication. They may be defined as the skills which allow people to communicate and to relate and socialise with others. These skills are especially prominent in a business setting since they enable business people to interpret various situations in a correct way. However, these skills are also dependent upon culture, which means that their acquisition

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is of the utmost importance so as not to cause any social embarrassment. Therefore, in their ESP economics course, our students learn about gift giving practices across cultures, appropriate use of humour, customs concerning socialising with business partners, taking turns in conversations and interrupting, the role of silence in conversation, asking questions, attitudes towards punctuality, etc. In addition to the material contained in the textbooks, we also strive to teach our students how to expand their knowledge of cross-cultural differences in business, where to look for relevant information about the topic, as well as how to cope with possible obstacles in doing business in a multicultural setting. At the end of this somewhat shortened list of topics covered in our ESP economics textbooks, we may say that our overall goal in this regard is to help our students bridge the cultural gap – to make them ready for a multicultural environment in which they will surely work.

Conclusion Many international business failures have been ascribed to a lack of crosscultural competence, which is why raising cross-cultural awareness has long been an integral part of a Business English course, English having become the lingua franca of international business. In this paper, we have presented the ways in which the matter of cross-cultural awareness in a business context is dealt with in two ESP economics textbooks used for teaching ESP economics and business English to third- and fourth-year students of Economics at the Faculty of Economics, University of Belgrade. We have focused on the most salient aspects of raising crosscultural awareness in a business context, exemplifying our points with illustrations from the above textbooks, aiming to show how students’ understanding of cross-cultural differences and multicultural diversity may be enhanced and improved by exposing them to the right type of input in the form of texts and exercises intended to downplay ethnocentrism and better appreciate the values on which their own culture, as well as other cultures, are based.

Acknowledgement This paper is the result of research conducted within project no. 178002, Languages and cultures across space and time, funded by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia.

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References Bhatia, V. K. (1993). Analysing Genre: Language Use in Professional Settings. London – New York: Longman. Brislin, R. W. (Ed.) (1990). Applied Cross-Cultural Psychology. London: Sage Publications. Byram, M., Gribkova, B. & Starkey, H. (2002). Developing the Intercultural Dimension in Language Teaching. A Practical Introduction for Teacher. Strasbourg: Council of Europe. Damen, Louise. (1987). Culture Learning: The Fifth Dimension of the Language Classroom. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. Dudley-Evans, T. & St John, Maggie Jo. (1998). Developments in English for Specific Purposes: A Multi-disciplinary Approach. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Ĉuroviü, T. & N. Silaški (2010). Teaching Genre-Specific Grammar and Lexis at Tertiary Level: The Case of Economics Students. Journal of Linguistic Studies 3 (1): 61-72. Ĉuroviü, T. (2011). Engleski jezik za ekonomiste 3 [English for Economists 3]. Beograd: CID Ekonomskog fakulteta. Firth, A. (1996). The Discursive Accomplishment of Normality. On “Lingua Franca” English and Conversation Analysis. Journal of Pragmatics 26 (2): 237-59. Kramsch, Claire. (1993). Context and Culture in Language Teaching. Oxford: Oxford University Press. —. (1995). The Cultural Component of Language Teaching. Language, Culture and Curriculum 8 (2): 83-92. Silaški, N. & T. Ĉuroviü (2011). Applied Genre Analysis: A Multidimensional Approach to Teaching ESP. In A. Ignjaþeviü, D. Ĉoroviü, N. Jankoviü & M. Belanov (Eds.), Language for Specific Purposes: Challenges and Prospects. Book of Proceedings. Društvo za strane jezike i književnosti Srbije: 82-91. Silaški, N. (2011). Engleski jezik za ekonomiste 2 [English for Economists 2]. Beograd: CID Ekonomskog fakulteta. Swales, J. (1990). Genre Analysis: English in Academic and Research Settings. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

CLASSROOM STRATEGIES AND ACTIONS IN A MULTICULTURAL CLASSROOM: A PERSPECTIVE FROM THE FYROM LULZIME KAMBERI

Introduction The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYRoM) is a country where diverse cultures and religions have lived together for decades. One might say that it is not something unusual considering the various literature reviews on multicultural societies (Von Meien 2006, Cloake & Tudor 2001, Jordan 2005, Modood 2007). However, when we analyze the historical background of my country, we realize it is a unique case. Even though consisting of a population of various cultures, languages, and religions, the Macedonian language has been the only official language in the country for centuries which, unfortunately, lead to the conflict of 2001 when Albanians and Macedonians fought against each other because the Albanians of The FYROM wanted their basic human rights for education and to use their language in all instances. The conflict ended with an agreement, known as the Ohrid Agreement which put an end to the conflict. This agreement gave way to the right for education of the Albanian population in The FYRoM and, with this, the establishment of the South-East European University (SEEU). This university was opened with the initiative of the USA and the EU and their donations and financial support. The most prominent and trendy about this university was the fact that all ethnic groups, Macedonians, Albanians, Turks, Serbians, and other post Yugoslavian countries were invited to study at this university. It was those who had been fighting against each other for a decade that were coming to the same spot and study together, in the same room. Unusual for this country, the teachers that were teaching were from all the ethnic groups as well and some internationals, French, American, German, etc. teachers. Another noteworthy fact is that all other ethnic groups that came to study at SEEU, for the first time in history had to take an Albanian obligatory course and vice versa, but of course Albanians had to take

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Macedonian from their third grade of primary school. As it can be inferred the idea behind the establishment was twofold; offering tertiary education to Albanians, and bringing all the ethnic groups in one spot where they are treated equally and have the same rights in all aspects, unlike before when Albanians were treated as ‘second hand’ people. Apart from the above mentioned characteristics, the SEEU was the first university in the region to apply the ECTS and all it seemed that young people who wanted some change in their lives and education, influenced by the western world, were highly motivated in coming and studying at the university, in spite of the fact that there had been a recent conflict. Also, as mentioned previously, a high number of Macedonian teachers were interested in teaching at this university, as well. This was a rather surprising issue considering the fact that it was opened to offer education to Albanian citizens who had been discriminated for more than half a century and those who discriminated them were interested in working and studying at this university, along with their neighbours they had humiliated for decades. This ‘diversity’ was described in the Longman Dictionary of Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics: “The move to recognize and promote cultural diversity is known as MULTICULTURALISM.” (2002: 168) The outcome of all these issues and initiatives is discussed in the following sections of this paper.

Literature Review Before we continue, let us define the term multiculturalism. According to the Free Online Dictionary, it is “Of or relating to a social or educational theory that encourages interest in many cultures within a society rather than in only a mainstream culture.” This definition can be used as an appropriate one to the context of the study since it describes ‘encouraging interest of multi cultures’ instead of the culture of the majority by ignoring the other cultures existing in a certain place. Undoubtedly, it is a very susceptible issue towards the feelings of others and the term multilingualism, as stated by Von Meien (2006), is very difficult to define considering that it is intensely personal and sensitive. Depending on their study approach, various other definitions have been given. Von Meien (ibidem: 3) defined it as “the doctrine that several different cultures (rather than one national culture) can co-exist peacefully and equitably in a single country.” Von Meien focused on Multiculturalism vs. Integration and Assimilation Debate in Great Britain, where various cultures live together and try to accept each other’s traditions and cultures. Even though, in a decidedly different context, since

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the persons involved in his study were immigrant that had come from various parts of the world, whereas in our case, the Albanians are autochthon and have been here forever. Von Meien tried to approach the issue in a western country in which multiculturalism is an issue, as well though from a different perspective. On the other hand, Phillips (2007) focused on the issue of culture and multiculturalism arguing that multiculturalism can function without culture, but rather on the social aspect of groups or social groups. Modood (2007), on the other hand, focusing on the religious aspect, defined it as “the political accommodation of minorities formed by immigration to western countries from outside the prosperous west.” It is apparent that he tried to offer a political and democratic view of multiculturalism in that he argued “multiculturalism presupposes the matrix of principles, institutions and political norms that are central to contemporary liberal democracies.” (ibidem: 8) He argued that multiculturalism presents the cultural and social diversity of a country and society and it should be supported by its constitution as is the case of Canada. In contrast, various studies have been conducted related to multiculturalism in the classroom. Oxford, Holloway & Horton-Murillo (1992) provided an overview of the various styles teachers need to consider in a multicultural environment such as the USA. They focused mainly on the various learner needs and the strategies teachers need to use in order to have a successful teaching environment with a stress on the cultural aspect of styles. Jordan (2005), on the other hand, urged to make teachers aware of the various academic backgrounds learners bring to the classroom. In his culture-shock study emerge a series of particularly compelling issues: the most difficult issues international students studying in England were facing, according to Jordan, were food, language, and making friends. Feng (2007), on the other hand, discussed the issue of bilingual education in China, referring to English as a second language parallel to the native mandarin, among majority groups. Among others, he mentions the aspect of globalization and the need for an additional international language – which is English, in this case. Further, Brown (1986: 33) referring to learning a second language is also learning a second culture, claims that “one needs to understand the nature of acculturation, culture-shock, and social distance.” This social distance is described by some other scholars, Acton & Walker de Felix (1986) as the ‘difference’ between two cultures. This social distance or difference might be the one that hinders language communication and even language learning in a particular context.

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Foundation of the Paper In an effort to help students and teachers at the SEEU be more successful in their language teaching in a multicultural environment, solve various problems and challenges they may face, this study analyzes the various issues raised in this particular multicultural environment and the strategies teachers have used to solve those. This paper confirms the significance of various teaching strategies in EFL multicultural classrooms, more specifically in the context of the FYROM. Moreover, the study offers empirical evidence for the importance of teacher action in such contexts. From the multicultural perspective of the FYROM undergraduate education, it provides practical evidence for the value of teacher action and decision-making in foreign language learning and critical thinking development for learners, teachers, researchers, policymakers and curriculum developers. Equally important, it suggests that students bring different preconceptions to the EFL classroom. These preconceptions appear to be strongly associated, as has been previously identified in the literature review with their understanding of how they should behave in such an environment and their attitudes towards the ‘other’ culture.

Methodology Research Questions. Based on my professional teaching interest and informed by the emerging findings in the brief literature review above, the research questions addressed in this paper include: -

What are the problems that teachers face teaching in a multicultural context? Which approach do teachers take in order to solve the problems they may encounter?

The Study. The study was conducted across one semester in the year 2012, at the South-East European University. Participants of the study were teachers from the English Department of the Faculty of Languages, Cultures and Communications and teachers from the Language Centre. Following the written online questionnaire to identify the experiences, challenges, and the strategies applied, the teachers were invited to discuss their experiences in a second, confirmatory stage of the study. Qualitative data were analyzed using content analysis. The Subjects. Acknowledging convenience sampling (Fraenkel, Wallen & Huyn 2003), the online questionnaire (see Appendix) was sent

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to (n=25) subjects. However, unfortunately, only nine (n=9) teachers responded the call. Following this sample, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 6 teachers who volunteered out of the 9. Participants ranged in age from 30 to 40 years old. Females represented 80% of the sample group (n=7) with the remaining 20% being male (n=2). The Study Instruments. Seeking to analyze teacher challenges in the EFL multicultural classroom, an online questionnaire was sent to the respondents (see Appendix). Respondents who filled out the questionnaire were invited to an interview. The semi-structured interview, seeking to determine the strategies, was conducted based on the online questionnaire, asking teachers to elaborate their responses. Data Analysis. Data from the two study instruments, online questionnaire and semi-structured interviews were analyzed using content analysis (Leedy & Ormord 2005, Silverman 2006) to identify themes and biases, as well as the challenges and strategies that teachers have used to solve them. Following the questionnaire, volunteers were invited to offer their experiences in the multicultural classroom. Six out of the 9 participants agreed to take part in stage 2 of the study.

Results The questionnaire results forming the basis for the quantitative section of this study suggest that there are various challenges and problems they have faced teaching in a multicultural context such the one in the SEEU context of the FYROM. They identified four topics in which the issues were divided: ethnic, religious, cultural, and political. These results confirm what Meien (2007), Oxford, Holloway & Horton-Murillo (1992), and Phillips (2007) urged for. Based on the quantitative questionnaire responses, they claimed that teaching in a multicultural classroom was an advantage since one can share experiences and cultures. However, all of the respondents also experienced cases in which there was occurrence of ethnic, cultural, religious or political battle. Surprisingly, among the most frequently mentioned was the political aspect, which, in this case, I am not sure it can be accounted as a multicultural issue since it is related to the various political parties of both ethnic and religious groups together – position or opposition. Furthermore, one issue that was supported by all respondents was the fact that teachers used the strategy of avoidance to avoid any topic related to ethnic backgrounds. This refers to the religious aspect, approached by most of the respondents but one. Only one teacher tried to make students discuss the issue of religion and culture in the classroom.

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Related to the message to other teachers teaching in a multicultural classroom, there were various responses. One, for example, believed that teachers should undergo special training in order to teach in such an environment. Another message was to remain neutral and focus on the good sides of each culture. However, the problem would be what the good sides are, or better to say what is perceived as a good side of the respective parties. The qualitative stage of the study and the teacher interviews has confirmed these results. As one teacher pointed out, “I always avoid topics in which one can come to arguments within the classroom. You cannot stop them once they have started.” However, she continued “we should remain neutral in whatever case.” One teacher, for example, stated that the debate related to religion comes when gender is the subject of study. What was really meant was the attitude of various religious groups towards the discrimination against the female gender in one religion or another. In this case, some felt for example that females are discriminated against, but those were opposing their peers by stating that it was their desire or choice to cover their head and body or not. On the other hand, one strategy used by one of the respondents was to discover the things that all religions have in common. “In this case, you can educate all, and they will understand that the basics of every religion are the same,” stated the teacher. She also continued, “You should always put into groups students of various cultural and religious backgrounds and make them write something together, as I said before. It also gives learners of various learning styles and types an opportunity to engage and improve their language proficiency at the same time.”

Conclusions and Recommendations The results of the study have shown that all teachers participating in the study were in favour of teaching in a multicultural context since they believed it was more interesting and challenging. This shows their readiness to accept other cultures and value them. From the various responses, we can argue that most of the teachers used the same strategies to solve problems and face the challenges of teaching in a multicultural environment. Nevertheless, there were mixed perceptions on which strategy was the most effective since they seemed to use the same ones, except for one teacher who argued that you can try and put them in groups based on their various ethnic and religious backgrounds, and finally make them share their cultures. This recent strategy used by the teacher, mixing groups of various religious and cultural backgrounds, seems to be a bit

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risky, but, as stated by Acton & Walker de Felix (1986: 20), that could be considered as the ‘acculturation stage’. They describe the stage as the “gradual adaptation to the target culture without necessarily forsaking your own.” This study has shown that most teachers participating in the study prefer equality since their message to other teachers was to treat all groups equal and not take sides. This shows that multicultural training is valued since many of the teachers participating in the study have undergone some sort of training related to multicultural teaching. In this respect, SEEU has organized various seminars, sessions, and debates on multicultural environments. Nevertheless, it appears that teachers need and want more training in this respect. However, several major explanations for these results deserve further consideration. For example, the measure in which students agree with their teachers’ experiences and suggestions is still unknown. Even though teachers claim that they have treated all ethnic, religious, and cultural groups equally, it is still unclear what students’ feelings are; therefore, a study involving students is suggested for future consideration. A study of the degree of mutual understanding between students of the various backgrounds in those years of more than a decade is also recommended. It is also unclear if the university has been able to ‘minimize’ the social distance mentioned by Acton & Walker de Felix (idem).

References Acton, W. R. & Walker de Felix, Judith. (1986). Acculturation and Mind. In Joyce Merrill Valdes (Ed.), Culture Bound: Bridging the Cultural Gap in Language Teaching. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 20-32. Brown, H. D. (1986). Learning a Second Culture. In Joyce Merrill Valdes (Ed.), Culture Bound: Bridging the Cultural Gap in Language Teaching. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 33-48. Cloake, J. A. & Tudor, M. R. (2001). Multicultural Britain. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Feng, A. (2007). Bilingual Education in China: Practices, Policies, and Concepts. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters Ltd. Fraenkel, J. R., Wallen, N. E. & Huyn, Helen. (2011). How to Design and Evaluate Research in Education. Boston, MA: McGraw-Hill. Jordan, R. R. (2005). English for Academic Purposes: A Guide and Resource Book for Teachers. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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Leedy, P. D. & Ormord, Jeanne E. (2005). Practical Research: Planning and Design. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson – Merrill – Prentice Hall. Meien, J. von. (2006). The Multiculturalism vs. Integration Debate in Great Britain. München – Ravensburg: GRIN Verlag oHG. Modood, T. (2007). Multiculturalism. Cambridge: Polity Press. Oxford, Rebecca L., Holloway, Mary Evelyn & Horton-Murillo, Diana. (1992). Language Learning Styles: Research and Practical Considerations for Teaching in the Multicultural Tertiary EFL/ESL Classroom. System 20 (4): 439-456. Phillips, Anne. (2007). Multiculturalism without Culture. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Richards, J. C. & Schmidt, R. W. (2002). Longman Dictionary of Language Teaching & Applied Linguistics. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Education ESL. Silverman, D. (2006). Interpreting Qualitative Data: Methods for Analyzing Talk, Text and Interaction. London: Sage Publications Ltd. Appendix. Online Multicultural Questionnaire 1. Do you believe teaching in a multicultural classroom (environment) is an advantage for teachers? 2. In your teaching experience, what are the drawbacks of teaching in a multicultural classroom? 3. What are the disadvantages of teaching in a multicultural classroom? 4. Have you had any concrete experience during your teaching experience as a teacher at SEEU where you have faced any difficulty? 5. What was the aspect of your difficulty (religious, cultural, linguistic, etc.)? 6. How did you approach it? Was it successful? 7. What would your message to other teachers teaching in a multicultural context be? What is the most important thing

JOINT EFFORT FOR EARLY CHILDHOOD EDUCATION: A CONTINUOUS COOPERATION BETWEEN FAMILY AND KINDERGARTEN MONA VINTILĂ

Background: The present study is part of a larger European project, Towards Opportunities for Disadvantaged and Diverse Learners on the Early-childhood Road (TODDLER), which analyses early childhood education in several European countries focusing on the cooperation between educators and parents in a multicultural environment. Methodology: The practical part of the study is a longitudinal observation of children from a private kindergarten of Timiúoara, which belong to the above mentioned groups, as well as a comparison of some results of observations realised in several European countries following these criteria. Results: Children’s Wellbeing is centred on family wellbeing because the family is the dominant part of the child’s environment. The family is the major instrument for providing child wellbeing. The family is the one that meets the needs of social care, education and child health. The family should negotiate with the whole environment to ensure that the child’s needs are met. The whole society is involved when families prove to be unable to provide child wellbeing. Conclusions: Improving the partnership with the families’ requests: networking, direct involvement of parents in certain activities, support for them, and parents’ membership in advisory councils or other bodies associated with early childhood settings.

Introduction Pre-primary Education (0-3 years) is part of the first level of school education, named early education, aside to preschool education (3-6 years). Early education providers can be private or public, but it is necessary to be accredited by the Education, Research and Youth Ministry in collaboration with the Health Ministry. In Romania, the responsible

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bodies and Levels of Responsibility for Designing ECEC Policies are the Ministry of Labour, Family and Equal Opportunities – responsible for social protection aspects – and the Ministry of Education, Research and Youth – responsible for the educational aspects. Are responsible Bodies and Levels of Responsibility for Implementing ECEC Policies the Labour and Social Protection Departments, responsible for social protection aspects, and County School Inspectorates, responsible for educational aspects. According to the new law, early childhood education is organised in kindergartens, crèches or day centres. The main organisation aspects at this level are detailed below. Parental leave as regaled by law. In Romania, starting with January 1, 2011, there is a change in the law for parental leave. While, up to the beginning of 2011, mothers could stay home for 24 months and get 85% of the salary, now they have the possibility to choose: either stay with the child one year and go back to work and get for the next year a monthly material stimulus, or stay at home for 24 months but with a lower allowance. Simultaneously, a measure has been taken to create new crèches. Status of educational facilities for this age group. After 1989, a lot of crèches disappeared altogether, because their existence was associated with the communist regime, where mothers were not allowed to stay at home with their children and both parents had to go to work for 8 hours, with no possibilities for flexible working schedules. After 1990, in response to the severe decrease of birth rate and, in order to stimulate the population to have children, maternal leave was increased up to two years and even up to three years for parents having a handicapped child. So, at the present moment, the number of crèche-type facilities is extremely low and totally insufficient and unprepared at the moment. And now, there is a new movement to change small hospitals that are not well equipped or cost efficient into crèches. The government is speaking of 150-200 such institutions. Vouchers for pre-primary education. The Romanian Government supports early education as part of the lifelong learning process through the launch crèches vouchers. They have an educational purpose and are funded from the state budget through the Ministry of Labour, Family and Social Protection. The employer has the legal obligation to provide crèche vouchers for employees who request them and who give up, in part or in full, their maternity leave. The crèche voucher is granted upon the employee’s request (using a legal form), both for the state and private systems. It is granted upon the request of a parent, or of the guardian to whom the child’s care and education have been entrusted. This voucher

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has a value equal to the standard cost per toddler. Its value is determined annually by the Education, Research and Youth Ministry. The parent has the right to choose the nursery that their child will attend, in the state or private system. The coupon is received in full by the day care nursery chosen by the parent. When parents choose a crèche whose fees exceed the monthly voucher, they pay the difference. Specific curriculum and teacher training to teach at this level. Preprimary education can contribute importantly to combating educational disadvantages if certain conditions are met. The most effective intervention programmes involve intensive, early starting, child focused, centre-based education together with strong parent involvement, parent education, programmed educational home activities and measures of family support. Most researchers also agree that the training of staff responsible for educational activities in ECEC should be at the bachelor level of higher education and should be specialized. The teaching positions in early education are teacher and child carer: the latter job is standardized for each group of children in institutions with prolonged or weekly programme, teachers are standardized by shifts. The curriculum for early education focuses on children’s physical, cognitive, emotional and social development and remediation of early development deficiencies. Multidisciplinary early intervention teams are designed by the County Resource and Educational Assistance Centre to evaluate all children, to monitor them, to early detect those with special educational needs or at risk and give them appropriate assistance. Institutional organisation. Regarding the institutional organization of crèches, it differs depending on the financing type: private or public. Public crèches receive about 20 children in a class that are taken in charge by 2 persons: a teacher and a nurse, while the same number of persons handle 10-12 children by class in private units. In terms of staff, only some nurseries have a hired psychologist, pedo-psychiatrist physician, social worker, teacher of recovery. Most of the staff is noteworthy trained. Spaces available in nurseries vary from one educational unit to another. In general, there are separate rooms for playing/educational activities, dining and sleeping. The rooms’ separation is made through construction or through additional walls. A significant problem that needs to be mentioned is the lack of open air play spaces that characterize most of the Romanian schools. Another important aspect is related to the opening hours of these institutions which should be adapted to the working hours of the parents, allowing the reconciling of the needs of family and work. Children with special needs. There are nurseries with special programmes, such as those targeting children with disabilities, where

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classes consist of about five children. Socially disadvantaged children are not explicitly identified and, therefore, there are no specifically designed programmes to be addressed. There are no programmes designed that aim at identifying the socially disadvantaged children. Most often, this issue is justified by children non-discrimination target. Yet, there are educational units addressing only disadvantaged children, namely those with various psychosomatic disorders. Those units propose programmes that aim at the recovery and support of these children. Costs involved. Costs charged by educational units are also differentiated; they consist in about 2 Euros per day in a public unit and about 200 Euros per month in private units. The Romanian Government also supports financially early education by providing social coupons depending on the family income, which can provide the child’s insertion in an education unit with a low or no additional cost. The services for infants are considered as an initiative with three dimensions: economic, educational and social. This means: offering parents the opportunity to leave their children in a secure environment while they are working, so the economic well-being of both society and specific families is considered. The children are left in a place with specialized personnel to take care of them, to feed them properly, to educate them and to allow them interactions with peers under qualified supervision. The well-being of the child must be considered on all levels: physical, psychological and social. Child – child interaction should be supported and stimulated to activate the social skills of integration and peer relationships at this age. This can be achieved through the child-centred approach in which interactions are encouraged and were educators are meant to guide and support. In order to meet all these complex needs, an interdisciplinary team is required in these settings formed by educators, social workers, psychologists, doctors, occasionally speech therapists, etc. As mentioned before, parental involvement is crucial, because close teacher-parent cooperation is the bases of a continuum home-child care facility. This implies networking, direct involvement of the parents in certain activities. Parent membership on advisory councils or other bodies associated with early childhood settings is also a good opportunity to involve parents in the decisions for the time spent by the child in these settings. There are two possible models: -

Model A: centred on the notion of the development of the whole person – the child; - Model B: education based on the transmission of knowledge and skills by the teacher.

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Results Both models are used in the child care settings, but we consider that combining care and education of the young child is the best way for the most efficient result in the development of the children at this age. Early education is supported and sustained by the State as part of the lifelong learning programme. Although there is a significant number of schools and institutions organizing pre-primary education, both in urban and rural areas, it was very difficult for us to obtain the necessary information about them as we had to struggle their high resistance. A description of some settings involved in early education is supplied below. Casa Faenza – Day care Centre for children with autism is a nonprofit organization of special protection for children with autistic syndrome. Its goal is the empowerment and social integration of children with autistic syndrome, focusing on the importance of early intervention. Services offered by the Centre are free and include assessment and diagnosis made by a team of specialists from various fields, individually structured programme focused on the immediate needs of the child and his family, psycho-sensory-motor stimulation, physical therapy, music therapy and art therapy, family and group counselling therapy, drug therapy, transport offered by the Centre. Currently, 50 children are benefiting from the Centre’s programme of which a total of 16 are less than 36 months old. This centre is a good practice model for other similar organizations in the country and Centre’s specialists offer their services here annually for diagnosing children with disabilities across the country. Unfortunately, the managers could not make available photos of children below 36 months because parents have not agreed with photographing their children. In the above mentioned example, we have a setting for children with special needs. At the moment of observation, a number of 16 children in the age group of our interest were attending the centre. Model A is used, namely adequate, individualized intervention meant to meet the needs of each child. The specialists taking care of the children belong to an interdisciplinary team constructed as to attend all needs of the child and its parents. Here, we come to another important point of observation: the connection between educator and the other team members and parents, the family of the involved, assisted children. The high level of educator-parent communication allows a continuous development of the child all day long. Helen Doron Early English for Children is a method of teaching English that targets the age group of 3 months – 18 years. This method stimulates the child’s ability to learn through repeated listening at home

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(children receive DVDs with English lessons that can be listened anytime) and activities of teaching English where are used group methods (focusing on play activities). It aims to create a fun environment in which children learn English as they would learn their mother tongue. For children aged up to 36 months, the available learning package is called Baby’s Best Start, in which children experience and learn: -

Over 500 words; Fun activities important for child development; Quality time and bonding activities for a lifelong love and self-esteem; Activities that contribute to the child’s emotional, cognitive, sensory and physical development; 24 new English songs, rhymes and activities; Specific rhythms and music of many regions in the world; Sign language for babies; They have fun, laugh and learn together with other babies and their parents.

Baby’s Best Start is designed to stimulate language skills, self-esteem, emotions (hugs, attachment, attention, parenting, positive feedback), sensorial stimulation (hearing, sight, smell, taste, touch, muscular system, vestibular system), coordination of motor activities, etc. Baby’s Best Start also teaches parents new methods of interacting with children while they are exposed to the English language. The course enriches the parent – child communication and attachment training through playing games and other physical activities. At the moment, 30 children aged between nine and 36 months are benefiting from this Centre educational method. They are organized in groups of up to 5 children who come to classes once a week, for one hour. They also have audio registrations you can listen to anytime and recommend listening to them as often as possible. In the above example, we have the situation of learning a foreign language, one of the assessed situations in the frame of our European Project. 30 children in the age group under 36 months are involved. The parents are actively involved in these activities, so we have the educator – parent cooperation for the development and well-being of the child. The type of education is rather model B, based on knowledge transmission in various forms. Repeated listening and support are the mean ingredients on which in this setting foreign language education is offered. Pygmalion – Private Kindergarten. Pygmalion is a private kindergarten, which means that the majority of users come from families with medium income. Also, the kindergarten supports the low/medium

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income families and, presently, there are 6 families that freely benefit from the kindergarten’s services or have lower fares; 60 children aged 1-6 attend the kindergarten. This case study analyses the group of children aged 1-3, following the way in which early education is realized at this age. The name and philosophy of the kindergarten comes from the Pygmalion effect, which refers to parents’, teachers’ or psychologists’ expectations and influence upon children. Thus, high expectations from the people around the children are promoted, encouraging children and provoking, as a result, the children’s behaviour according to expectations. The kindergarten sets into practice the combination of traditional education with the ideas of alternative education, promoting the concept of global development of the child, meaning that the child’s preparation for school and for life needs to be taken into account to the same extent as the academic competencies, achieving a combination of the type A with type B, actually the winning formula. Along these, there are also capacities and skills related to socio-emotional, cognitive and psycho-motor development, that the kindergarten sets emphasis on. For the age groups of 1-2 and 2-3, there is a multi-disciplinary approach (care, nutrition and education at the same time). In order to increase the networking with the families and to stimulate the interactions, as well as to offer continuity between the activities in kindergarten and at home at least once per month, there are sessions for families to attend which include: -

Play activities for parents with children; Workshops for parents (Parenting Courses, Adult Education); Psychological counselling for parents.

The staff of the kindergarten, the teachers and the babysitters (Tables 3-2 and 3-3) participate monthly at workshops with specific themes regarding the child’s psychology, held by the 2 psychologists and trainers of the kindergarten, showing the interest for a global development of the child through the cooperation of an interdisciplinary team; 28 children aged 1-3 attend the setting. The ethnical background of the children is shown in Table 3-4. Table 3-2. Adults: children ratio Age Group 1-2 years 2-3 years

Children: Adults Ratio 14:3 14:3

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Table 3-3. Staff qualification Staff 2 2 1 1

Qualifications University studies; Babysitting classes University studies / bachelor in Education Science University studies / bachelor in Clinique psychology and psychological consultancy ; Training of Trainers University studies / bachelor in Psychology, Formation in systemic family therapy; Training of Trainers

Table 3-4. Ethnical background of the children Ethnic Group Romanian Arab Serbian Ukrainian

Number 25 1 1 1

The languages spoken by the children are Romanian, Arabic, Ukrainian and Serbian, while the entire staffs, at the moment of observation, were of Romanian ethnicity. Languages spoken by the staff are Romanian, Spanish, English, Serbian; 50% of the children who attend have English as an Additional Language. All the 28 children aged 1-3 are divided into 3 groups. In the 1-2 year-old group, there are 14 children. The group is separated into 2 during some educational activities of psycho-education with the babysitter and the psychologist. Also, there are 2 age groups for children aged 2-3, made up of 7 children each, who participate in educational activities together with their educators and psycho-education activities, together with the psychologist. For the age group 1-2, there is a psychologist as a key person, while for the other 2 groups of children aged 2-3, the second psychologist has the role of the key-person. Emphasis is put on the topic of wellbeing identified, observed in several situations, through: -

Application of Portage Test; Observing dispositions and attitude of the children; Observing self-confidence and self-esteem; Observing the behaviour of the children; Observing families; Personal attachment; Developmental goals to achieve by children.

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In order to attend the specific needs of some children, the following intervention design is used: after an initial evaluation, these specific needs are identified and specialized services are involved. We mention, here, psychotherapy, speech therapy, infant neuro-psychiatric services, etc. Continuous monitoring is offered, as well as psycho-education. Specific education is adapted in terms of educational services, play activities and social activities offered. Special attention is given to the improving of partnerships with the families. This is possible through adequate networking, involving parents in certain activities, clear support to help parents continue the activities with the children at home, giving parents membership in the advisory councils or other bodies, being so directly involved in the decisions taken in the child care facility.

Conclusions In order to achieve the wellbeing of the pre-primary child, constant parent – educator cooperation is essential. The facilities offering childcare services should be child-focused and offer an interdisciplinary team meant to offer support and all-around services for child and parents. This is the only way the wellbeing of the children aged 0-3 can be cared for, as it is a most complex entity, consisting of: -

Health – physical, psychological – age appropriate care; Vitality – interest for different inputs, energy; Comfortable environment – free from violence and aggressiveness, healthy and clean environment, tenderness and safety; Healthy food – bio food, to avoid fat, preservatives and sugar; Good family environment – healthy parents (physically and psychologically) – without aggressiveness, with education, balanced parental style, informed and involved parents; Mothers should always be present near their children, mainly during the first year of age; Education – early education activities with physical and cognitive stimulation; gradual accommodation with the crèche; Socialization – more adults should be involved in children care, education and communication; children should be formed not to be fearful and withdrawn, to communicate and play with same aged children.

Although there is a good theoretical conceptualization of the term wellbeing, in practice, in some crèches, child wellbeing is limited to

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provide care and nutrition while the parents are working, the lack of specialized personnel is evident, not to speak about a multidisciplinary team. In Romania, the persons employed in some crèches to care for the children are still just medical nurses and caregivers (women with medium education who take care of children). There are no special trained educators. We gave above some best practice examples which could and should be followed by other entities too. Another aspect that needs to be encouraged is the parent – child co-operation to ensure a continuum in the stimulation and the support offered to the child at home and in the child care facility. The bases for the development of this system are put through the fact that Romanian people and most of the parents recognize the need of an early age educational system, and there are educational institutions to train educators for this level of education (early age education). The frame of the National Education Law is created. Now there is a good opportunity to put theory into practice by transforming hospitals into crèches in large numbers, where specially trained personnel will be able to work. The threats might lay in the lack of some parent’s interest and involvement and the slow speed of implementation the changes required by law.

References Bruner, J. (1996). The Culture of Education. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. European Commission. (2009). Early Childhood Education and Care in Europe. Education, Audiovisual and Culture Executive Agency (EACEA P9, Eurydice). Online: http://www.eurydice.org. Legea nr. 272/2004 privind protecĠia úi promovarea drepturilor copilului [Law no. 272/2004 regarding the protection and promotion of child’s rights]. Monitorul Oficial, Partea I nr. 557 din 23 iunie 2004. Stănescu, A. (2007) Bunăstarea copilului – Suport de curs [Child Wellbeing – A Course Support]. Bucureúti: Universitatea din Bucureúti. Online: http://www.scribd.com/doc/55879300/BunastareaCopilului. TODDLER. Online: http://www.toddlerineurope.eu/.

INTRODUCING HEBREW LANGUAGE AND CULTURE IN AN ITALIAN HIGH SCHOOL AS A KEY FOR MULTICULTURAL INTERCOMPREHENSION DAVIDE ASTORI

Previous Experiences and General Framework The high school “M. Gioia” in Piacenza1 held several experiments in teaching “unusual” languages during the last decade (since 2006) – from Arabic to Chinese, Japanese, Russian, and Modern Greek. In addition, the ancient language Sanskrit was taught, together with a vast array of minority languages and cultures: from the pilot project about the Dogons to Kurdish. Also Italian as a second language played a great role.2 Dogon The Dogons are an ethnic group living in Mali. Anthropologists have been studying them for decades, fascinated by a culture in which ancient beliefs of probable Egyptian and Chaldean descent join philosophies not unrelated to ancient Greek thought. The high school “M. Gioia” had been committed to multiculturalism since 1982, through the teaching of EU languages. However, the Dogon culture provided it with the chance of broadening its teaching scope in the academic year 2002-2003. A specific collaboration with a humanitarian association based in Mali (Vignola 2002) enabled the students of the first two years to get to know that ethnic group in a way that had points in common with their customary grammar school approach to different cultures of the past.3 For the first time, in a high school was included also the study of “other” cultures, usually perceived as marginal and foreign to the core curriculum. A real intercultural education was starting, well beyond mere information on multiculturalism. The students’ research was uploaded onto the web in HTML format (ibidem) and it became the source for the exhibition “I Dogon, un’etnia nel cuore del

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Mali” (‘The Dogons, an ethnic group in the heart of Mali’). Not only did the students plan and realize the exhibition, but they served also as multilingual guides for the visitors.4 Arabic “Last year we applied an anthropological approach to inter-cultural education. This year’s project envisions the study of a language as a powerful medium for the understanding of otherness” was Vignola’s proposal for the complementary activity “Progetto intercultura: Avviamento alla lingua araba” (‘Project inter-culture: Introduction to the Arabic language’) (2003-2004). During the year 2004-2005, the “M. Gioia” offered a curricular course of Arabic language. It had previously been held in the afternoon as a complementary activity, for the first time in an Italian high school. The project coordinator, Donatella Vignola, clearly stated its aims. They included enriching and widening the students’ cultural background (Arabic as a vehicular language has been a key element in the development of sciences and has influenced the Italian lexicon as well as Western thought) and making them understand how the lexicon and the basic structures of a language convey a worldview. This aim is attained through the study of the most important Kulturwörter that play a significant role also from an ethno-linguistic perspective. The course’s objectives were learning the alphabet, developing reading and writing skills, and studying the vocabulary and the essential grammar of the language5. These research interests have always been focused on multicultural issues. Vignola clarifies the reasons why this project has been developed and explains its aims in a future perspective in Cronaca (May 12): “The course is part of a still ongoing research, started three years ago, that traces the historical roots of the problem of ‘integration.’ It examines the solutions that the ancient Mediterranean civilizations (particularly the Greeks and the Latins) elaborated, through archaeological, historical, juridical, and linguistic documents, as well as through studies of comparative anthropology (last year, for instance, we studied the African civilization of the Dogon). Our research did not stress multiculturality as a confused melting-pot. It rather focused on interculturality, i.e. the enriching contribution that stems from the difference of peoples involved in an uninterrupted process of encounters, clashes, and mutual exchanges. […] This description captures the exact sense of the Gioia’s proposal, and highlights the coherence of a project that articulated the specific interests of students of the classical, linguistic, and scientific specializations into a communal cultural concern.”

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Not only Arabic My consultancy “Enriching the curriculum with other languages”6 has provided some informed advice that the school will follow. The new courses will not be only in the afternoon, but also in the regular curriculum, and they will span from Neo-Hellenic to Chinese, from Japanese to Russian. Starting the teaching of Arabic had been both a challenge and a winning gamble: after it, any other language would have free access. And so it was. A poll on students’ preferences and the local availability of qualified teachers (even native speakers) allowed, in 20062007, the teaching of Russian, Japanese, and Chinese. In the spring of 2010, the wonder arisen by the knowledge of “other” writings, words and imageries led to the successful exhibition “Scritture” (‘Writings’), hosted on the occasion of the celebrations for the 150th anniversary of the “Gioia” and mounted with panels provided by the University IULM of Milan. An opening speech by Prof. Mario Negri (full professor of Glottology, Vice Provost, and tenured of the course “Anthropology of writing” at the IULM, as well as the leading scholar in Aegean writings) brought further prestige to it. In 2006-2007, it was the time of Neo-Hellenic. Such a course, introduced at an experimental level in a high school class curriculum, was promoted by the Neo-Hellenic Cultural Centre at Milan; it still is taught during the afternoon as a support to the curricular study of Ancient Greek. In 2010, Japanese Consul and Greek Ambassador to Italy visited the “Gioia,” an Institute always ready for new challenges. Sanskrit/Kurdish After the ‘Judaism’ project, the school continued with the teaching of both Sanskrit (Astori 2012b) and Kurdish (“Competence and knowledge for a European citizen: towards a common certification,” in the school years 2007-2009 – Vignola 2009a, b). In the latter case, the emphasis was on cross-cultural comparison and on strengthening the logical-linguistic aspect. In fact, the “other” language becomes the privileged tool that allows developing meta-cognitive competences and correcting possible gaps in the productive-expressive development of the native language.7 The methodological approach of the course of Kurdish enabled us to see how the choice of a linguistic axis – also in terms of communicative competence8 – is crucial in a learning process that focuses on mental “operations” that consider the learner as a learning “subject” (in terms of communication and transfer of information, but also of “learning how to learn”). This choice fosters a true plurality of languages, also promoting a

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neo-humanistic perspective in which competent relationships enable the new “active citizen” to emerge as a full “person.” For this zoon politikon – as a communicator – the linguistic aspect is a necessary focus.9 Italian as a Second Language This research/internship in linguistic education is among the “SchoolWork” initiatives defined and promoted by the Regional School Office of the Emilia-Romagna region, protocol nr. 14651 of 17.09.08. The “Gioia” planned and realized it in collaboration with the Association “Mondo Aperto” (classes: 2nd classical B; 4th linguistic C-E; 4th classical A; 4th scientific A – integrative area). This initiative was articulated in different parts. One consisted in internships of linguistic education, with theoretical lessons taught by an expert of linguistics and moments of class observation of the teaching practices of Mondo Aperto’s cultural mediators and teachers of Italian as a second language. It also consisted in an internship in a vocational school of Piacenza with EU and non-EU students who were not Italian-speakers, particularly Arabic-speakers. It further included education in the field of Semitic language in the schoolyears 2006-2008, which was integrated with professional education thanks to the funding of the Emilia-Romagna region. Part of the students also attended an optional afternoon class of introduction to Arabic organized by the “Gioia.” The programme included also the development of multimedia competences and a short internship in television and radio studios and in the newsrooms of local newspapers (Vignola 2009c, Torresan 2009).

The “Judaism” Project The “Judaism” project was developed during the school-years 2005-2007. It focused on some general considerations that emerged in the previous experiments. A particular stress was on the fact that discourses concerning “Otherness” fascinate and attract students. They want to know how people relate to other cultures, ways of living, and values. Therefore, the course consisted in the teaching of the rudiments of Jewish language and culture inserted in the curricular formative process of a high school programme. This project was enriched by an exhibition, and it proved paradigmatic in terms of how a school can provide “multilingual education.” The project aimed to educate students to multiculturalism through the knowledge of one of the oldest minorities in European history as an emblematic example for any relationship with the other. It also intended to help us in opening our own minds to the value of “socio-cultural diversity”: we all should

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understand that the right to diversity is an opportunity for enrichment and exchange. The project lasted two years: from September 2005 to May 2006, students prepared for the possible opening of an exhibition, which involved also the creation of a multimedia CD (a sort of virtual catalogue of the Jewish Museum in Soragna, Parma). From October 2006 to February 2007, we actively worked on the exhibition (with additional activities, such as conferences and concerts). These are some of the subjects that have been taught in the first year (between 160 and 240 hours, i.e. 85% of the educational activities): the alphabet, with reading and introduction to its mystical meanings (between 30 and 45 hours); introduction to culture (20 hours); rudiments of religion (20 hours); historical framework (20 hours); relationships between East and West (10 hours); using documents/data for cultural analysis (10 hours); using new technologies (10 hours); organizing and managing an exhibition (between 20 and 25 hours); guiding visitors (between 40 and 60 hours). The class activity was supplemented with trips to significant places. Two days were spent visiting Jewish spots in Ferrara and Bologna. In Bologna we visited the Jewish Museum, in which the director explained us how it is organized, giving us hints on how to build a museum with a similar structure. We spent one day in the Jewish community in Milan and one day in Modena. In Piacenza and Cremona, we took a walk through the Jewish parts of the city, with a cultural-historical analysis. We also spent three days in Venice, and we visited several times Soragna, where the students worked for the realization of the CD. The activity of the second year focused on the development of the exhibition, which would have seen students acting as guides. But there would have also been two-week meetings in different local cultural venues, which would have addressed at least the following subjects: culture (a rabbi speaking of “The value of Judaism”); religion (another rabbi lecturing on “Judaism and Christianity”); literature (a translator presenting an author who writes in Hebrew and an author in Yiddish); music (a music teacher organizing an evening concerto); and films. The whole project has been documented systematically in HTML format (Vignola 2007). The film of our trip to Venice (http://www.youtube .com/watch?v=oBbgYyc8jHs&feature=plcp) and the short “Jews in Piacenza in the Middle Ages” that documents our search for Jewish traces in that town were awarded the important, significant first prize in the first edition of the Shevilim competition, specifically instituted by the Jewish Museum “Fausto Levi” in Soragna for “percorsi di studio e di

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apprendimento della cultura ebraica nelle scuole” (‘projects for learning the Jewish culture in the schools’).

Concluding Remarks It is important to stress the general context in which the “Judaism” project was conceived and developed as an educational activity for schools in the socio-linguistic field. Such a project was born from the tradition of Classical Studies as a school that makes us aware of the problems of the present. The debate in town was so heated that it almost developed polemical tones, showing its strong impact on the citizens and the topicality of the relationship with the “Other.” In fact, multicultural intercomprehension is the most crucial aspect of our globalized world. As a conclusion, we quote part of an editorial published on the first page of Libertà (“Da oggi in Egitto gli studenti di arabo. Il liceo ‘Gioia’ passaporto per il mondo” (‘Starting from today, students of Arabic in Egypt. The High School “Gioia” as a passport to the world’), January 29, 2007). Journalist Bruna Milani clarifies with masterly skill the core aims of the “Arabic” project and highlights very interesting aspects of the school’s commitment on such themes, offering a framework for the “Judaism” project that was the focus of this essay. At the question “Latin: yes or no?” at the High School “Gioia,” the answer is: “Latin always, but not only Latin.” It is through facts deploying a vast array of interesting initiatives that the illustrious institute of our town asserts that developing a firm grasp onto the roots is a still valid method of study that helps learning any other language. Not only Greek and Latin, though, but also Arabic, Hebrew, Russian, Rumanian, Japanese, Chinese. The Arabic class (read also project ‘Judaism’) has been the forerunner. Now it is already in its third year, and its students are close to graduation. Professor of Greek and Latin Donatella Vignola has ideated and proposed the class. The intellectual courage of Principal Gianna Arvedi did not have a moment of hesitation before grasping the novelty and the potentialities of this experience that enables knowing the “other” from us through the most powerful cultural tool that exists: language. At first, it almost caused a stir: even the famous television programme “Costanzo show” discussed it. Somebody warned against the crumbling of cultural tradition. However, the high quality of the initiative and the success it attained convinced the “Gioia” to continue with other courses of unusual languages. Among them was the course of Hebrew, which testimonies to the school’s impartiality. […] We do not trust foreigners because we do not know the different. Therefore, the study of unusual languages that are extremely useful in our globalized world is crucial. The “Gioia” offers young people as many

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tools of knowledge as possible. They will certainly benefit from such cultural opportunities. They enjoy the example of a school environment that is thriving, various, and of great quality. The principal’s room proudly shows its beautiful furniture and things that have been rescued from cellars and oblivion. It embodies the respect for the past and the feeling for beauty that are other distinctive elements of true culture. It is a practical example of how spirit can rescue worthy things (or languages) and make them alive for us today. If we go back to the past and study it, we can better read our present. We discover that everything comes from the same matrix and that diversity is not an obstacle, but an opportunity of enrichment. This is the best help in becoming citizens of the world.

Notes 1. For information about the school, visit its website at www.liceogioia.it. 2. Vignola (2001) provides a general framework for the innovative glottodidactic activities performed at this school. From Astori (2012a: n. 4) we quote “The proposal comes from my own experience as a university professor of general linguistics and – most importantly – as an external collaborator of the ‘Gioia’ grammar school. I helped developing curricular ‘integrative areas’ in the experimental ‘autonomous’ sections (“Arabic language and culture” in 20042007 – classes 3rd-4th-5th; units of general linguistics 2008-2009 – classes 3rd and 4th, with linguistic, classical, and scientific emphasis). I also cooperated in the ‘integrated plan of study for the first two years of grammar school’ according to the Regional Law ‘Bastico’ 30.06.03, to the Government Decree 2634/2004, and to additional resolutions by the Department of Culture in the Provincial Administration of Piacenza (2005-2007: the ‘Hebraism’ project in the 4th, then 5th B class; 2007-09: the project “Competent European Citizens in a New High School” with an introduction to General Linguistics and Sanskrit in the class 4th, then 5th). My cooperation extended also to activities of linguistic research in ‘Work-Study’ internships (2007-09: the project ‘Italian as a second language acquisition: an experiment in peer education with Arabicspeaking students’ – class 3rd, then 4th B with an emphasis on Classics). I also designed and implemented ‘complementary activities’ (particularly introduction to Arabic). I conceived the units of general linguistics as a practical tool in teaching ancient languages, reflecting on the Italian, as well as mediating and assisting the learning of foreign languages (Arabic, Hebrew, Romanian, and Sanskrit). These activities were all thought also in terms of general linguistics. I always introduced linguistic elements – both synchronic and diachronic – also in broader metalinguistic terms.” 3. Classics have proven a wonderful tool in intercultural education. They reach the roots of our communal belonging, since mythology, art, language, and the words of a people teach us not only to appreciate the civilization that created them, but also the lasting archetypes of human culture as a whole. They justify the choices of ancient men as a manifestation of a specific imaginary, thus showing the cultural background of a specific community. Only through a

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thorough understanding of this background, it becomes possible to grasp analogies and differences between peoples and societies. And only in this way we can understand how judging different cultures, in terms of superiority/inferiority, is nothing but a presumptuous a priori. 4. The exhibition promoted also other initiatives that raised the citizens’ awareness about the problems of Dogon people and funding from sponsors for their villages (http://www.lafondazione.com/rassegna/rassegna_estesa.php?c=1410). Thanks to the Web, Italian humanitarian organizations still use our students’ study when they organize exhibitions about Mali. This is the best answer to whoever puts in doubt the usefulness of the humanities, or fears that they might carry only Eurocentric perspectives. 5. See Astori 2010. The guiding goals of the school are described more in depth in Astori (2004: 58): “This educational project aims to further the tradition of intercultural education at ‘Gioia’ high school. It stresses a deeper understanding of the contribution of the Arabic language to Western culture, as well as its lexical legacy in several fields of knowledge. The learning process shows that linguistic structures and vocabulary are a key to the structures of thinking and to the worldview of Arabic-speaking people, well beyond superficial fashion and ideologies. Another aim of the course is to show how a historical-cultural value can become a communal horizon of reference and cooperation for students with different interests and specializations – ancient languages, modern languages, and sciences. The acquisition of basic linguistic competence enables grasping the worldview that the basic linguistic structures and the vocabulary convey, and it becomes the occasion for cultural enrichment. In the case of the Arabic language, for example, it is important to realize that it is the language of exact sciences. As such, it has a permanent place in the Italian lexicon and in the history of Western thought.” For further information about the technical glottodidactic aspects see Astori (2004: 60). 6. “OTHER” LANGUAGES AT “GIOIA.” Some considerations and new proposals. (14.04.2006). Arabic and Hebrew. In the school year 2006-2007, the three-year course of Arabic as an integrative subject to the curriculum will come to an end. The language could be taught again as a complementary afternoon activity, open also to people outside the school (we receive some informal requests in this sense by members of the local university). Hebrew could take the place of Arabic as an integrative subject. As a Semitic language itself, it provides a great source of understanding of our Judeo-Christian world and of interpreting the reality of the Middle-East, which is increasingly important for its social, political, and cultural position on the international scale. The Hebrew class would be a novelty, but it would also closely continue the aims of the Arabic course. Moreover, the students of the first year of the section B will get to the final three years in 2007-2008. They have already acquired some basic elements of Hebrew and Jewish culture in the “integrated two-years” project, which would find an almost natural continuation if Hebrew were to be taught at “Gioia” as an integrative subject. Other European languages at “Gioia”: some proposals. These are some proposals for a

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broader plan for the adoption of “minority” languages at school. I start from some methodological notes. Every year a different language should be taught, in order to facilitate the choice, the valorisation, and the publicity inside and outside the school. Following the example of Arabic/Hebrew, students should choose since the beginning a three-year cycle (they should not have the possibility to leave the class, as this would be a loss). The concept of minority languages is a natural development from the “original” spirit that led us to valorise interculturality. This project captures the will of the New Europe, which increasingly stresses the mutual understanding between peoples and the respect of the values of diversity and difference, particularly if minority. The crucial couple “language and culture” helps building intercomprehension between peoples, in line with several EU proposals that could further enhance the educational and cultural challenge that the “Gioia” high school proposes. (It might be possible, moreover, to open this challenge to the town). Several choices are possible. The area of the Balkans is particularly interesting for its novelty (it is seldom object of teaching), for its historical and political implications (the new Europe is increasingly “shifting its balance” toward East), and for its economical attractiveness (they are the markets of near future inside the Old Continent). Romanian. It is an extremely conservative Romance language. It is easy to learn, for its similarity with Italian, and it highly improves the learning of Latin. Culturally, it was the Roman enclave in Eastern Europe: it is therefore interesting also in terms of historical reflection. Just in Timiúoara (the “Romanian Milan”) there are around 10,000 Italians. This presence means interest in exchanges (particularly in the economic sense, but also in broader cultural terms). The knowledge of the language and of the country could lead to a possible job. Romania is both culturally and geographically close to us. Therefore, the opportunities now offered by the EU could provide wonderful chances for a project of three-way interchange with another European country (I am thinking specifically about Germany, as I discussed a PhD dissertation about Romanian language in Munich and I have good contacts there). Bulgarian. It is a great introduction to the Slavic world. In terms of socio-political-economic factors, it is comparable with Romanian. Bulgaria is a growing country, still undeservedly underrated. Among the various possibility of approaching the Slavic world, Bulgarian has a very practical convenience. In fact, I have a friend in Castelvetro (PC) who is a native speaker of great culture, who knows her country extremely well, has still contacts there, and has offered her availability to teach the class. Modern Greek. It offers a great help in learning classical Greek and classical cultures in general, which are the roots of our European culture. It is easy to manage, because the Greek government often provides teachers for free, in order to promote the country’s language and culture. It would be particularly appropriate for students of the Classics sections, who are already facilitated in learning the alphabet (both reading and writing skills) and some basic lexical structures. Other possibilities (once the project has been tested in the first three years with the languages indicated above): Serbian-Croatian, Turkish, Russian (or better Ukrainian), Lithuanian, Hungarian.

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7. Here is the abstract of Astori-Bernini (2010): “One of the biggest difficulties in teaching and learning a foreign language is vocabulary acquisition. Bloomfield’s theory of ‘overlearning’ states that it is necessary to use words in order to lean them. However, another productive way is through etymology. The author of this essay tested this method in an Italian high-school. Students increase more easily and rapidly their vocabulary if words are presented as part of a family and compared with the equivalent roots in other languages. This method also stimulates metalinguistic skills, interest in multilingualism and attention to different cultures. The experience of the author as a language teacher in the school mentioned above proves that this result might be attained both in an ancient (Sanskrit) and in a modern minority language (Kurdish kÕrmanji). For the Sanskrit language, we analysed the 1st exercise of C. Della Casa, Corso di Sanscrito, CUEM, Milan 1998; for Kurdish, the 1st and 2nd lesson of P. Wurzel, Rojbaú. Einfürung in die kurdische Sprache, Sprachenreihe Reichert, Ludwig Reichert Verlag, Wiesbaden 1997. We used different etymological dictionaries and proved that the comparison with other languages (according to the linguistic competences of the students, with a particular emphasis on their mother tongue) helps to learn vocabulary. Teaching results show that this approach helps increasing the attention and participation of the students. In a lesson span of four hours, this method offers not only the normal amount of education that can be expected from a didactic unit, but also a sensibilisation to etymological questions that can be used in the following lesson, as well as in every other linguistic field. Students normally retain much easier the vocabulary. They say that they study the language with less difficulty, because the fear of the distance of the new language(s) is immediately overcome as soon as they perceive the direct bond to their own tongue. This educational methodology stimulates the students’ motivations. The idea of using some kind of ‘multilingual comprehension’ approach (particularly increasing the understanding of other languages by taking advantage of the learner’s pre-existing knowledge of languages in the same family) can be very useful particularly in the case of ancient languages, where the first skill is passive comprehension.” 8. See also the “Key competences of active citizenship” defined by the recommendation of the European Parliament and Council in 18.12.06 (L 394/13 of 30.12.06) and implemented in Italy by the decree “Fioroni” on Compulsory Education (22.08.07). 9. See Sacchi (2009) for the details. It is interesting to see how the “citizenship competences” acquired during the year 2008-2009 were tested. The test had an interdisciplinary character, including both linguistic-literary and sociohistorical disciplines, and focusing on the analysis and comparison of two poetical texts – one in Kurdish (Hevi Dilara, Bèri (‘Nostalgia’) – Astori 2006: 126 f.) and the other in Latin (Ov. Trist. iii 12). They were both dealing with the themes of uprooting exile and nostalgia of one’s own land. Here I note the teachers’ programmatic lines (Sacchi 2009: 62-68). The test is administered in second year, section B in order to check the “citizenship competences” that have been acquired at the end of a curriculum “integrated” with experiences of

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intercultural education. These are the aims of the educational project: heightening the linguistic, literary, socio-historical competences that are taught in the curriculum of the first two years, opening them to the study of languages and cultures that are “other” or minority in today’s Europe. Language is understood as a powerful means of intercultural education. We follow the hypothesis that the same competences acquired in the study of ancient languages that close the gap between us and ancient cultures can also make us feel closer to “other” cultures of our times, which are not far in time but in space. It is important to recognize in the basic structures and in the words of the “other” language (in this case, the Kurdish spoken by immigrant communities in the Emilia Romagna region) the elements of similarity/difference in relation with Indo-European, thus helping an interlinguistic and intercultural exchange. It is also important to show how even a minority language like Kurdish can have a literary tradition. It can express universal feelings, but it might be doomed to extinction, whether because it is forbidden in the countries of emigration or because it will undergo unavoidable processes of integration in the guest-countries through time.

References Astori, D. & Bernini, A. (2010). Teaching (and Learning) Vocabulary through Etymology. Speech at the 4th International LKPA Conference ‘Multilingualism and Creativity: Theory and Practice of Language Education’, 21-22 May 2010, Kaunas, Lithuania. Astori, D. (2004). L’arabo al liceo [Arabic in High School]. Scuola e Lingue Moderne 42 (9): 57-60. —. (2006). Parlo curdo [I Speak Kurdish]. Milano: A. Vallardi. —. (2010). Teaching Arabic in an Italian High School: Some Remarks between Theory and Practice. In G. RaĠă (Ed.), Teaching Foreign Languages: Languages for Special Purposes. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. 128-138. —. (2012a). Per l’introduzione della linguistica generale nel curriculum delle scuole superiori [For the Introduction of General Linguistics in the Curriculum of High Schools]. Atti della 3. Assise europea del plurilinguismo (Osservatorio Europeo del Plurilinguismo, Roma 1011-12 Ottobre 2012). —. (2012b). Il sanscrito al liceo [Sanskrit in High School]. (in print) Sacchi, G. C. (Ed.) (2009). Competenze e saperi per il cittadino europeo: verso una certificazione commune [Competence and Knowledge for the European Citizen: Toward a Common Certification]. Napoli: Tecnodit editrice. Online: http://www.cde-pc.it/documenti/sacchi_cittadinanza_licei.pdf.

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Torresan, P. (2009). Dove sta andando la didattica dell’italiano? Metodologie ed esperienze di frontiera. [Where Is Going the Didactics of Italian? Methodology and Border Experience]. Mondo Italiano, Comunità Italiana: 13-16. Vignola, D. (Ed.) (2009b). Cittadinanza e nuova licealità, competenze e saperi per il cittadino europeo [Citizenship and New High Scholarship: Competencies and Knowledge for the European Citizen]. Online: http://www.cdepc.it/index.php?Itemid=92&id=194&option=com_content&task=view. Vignola, Donatela. (2007). Oggetti di pregiudizio: tracce di vita ebraica fra tolleranza e rifiuto [Object of Prejudice: Traces of Jewish Life between Tolerance and Rejection]. Online: http://www.donatellavignola.com/pregiudizio/. —. (2002). Dogon [The Dogon]. Online: http://www.donatellavignola.com/dogon/. —. (2009a). Le competenze di cittadinanza europea al Liceo Gioia. Online: http://www.cde-pc.it/index.php?Itemid=92&id=194&option =com _content&task=view. —. (2009c). Italiano L2? Sì grazie, anche per studenti italiani (dalla peer education tra liceali di madre-lingua italiano e studenti immigrati non italofoni, alla realizzazione del videocorso “Italiano L2 per lo studio” [Italian L2? Yes, Please, even for Italian Students (from Peer Education through Italian and non-Italian as a Mother-Tongue High School to the Making of the Video-course “Italian L2 for the Study of the Language”]. Online: http://www.cde-c.it/index.php?option=com_ content&task=view&id=187&Itemid=91. —. (2011). Comunicazione multimediale e intercultura [Multi-media Communication and Interculture]. Gli anni dell’Autonomia (19982010): 31-38.

STRENGTHENING SELF-EFFICACY IN THE FRAMEWORK OF MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION: THE CASE OF ISRAELI PRE-SERVICE TEACHERS OF ETHIOPIAN DESCENT EFRAT KASS AND RONI REINGOLD

Preface For many years now, we have been teaching students of Ethiopian descent in initial teacher education programmes in a college in Israel. Over the years, we repeatedly felt frustrated by the gap we noticed between these students’ high-level abilities and what we perceive as their reluctance to make full use of these abilities. We learned to see the beauty and strengths of the Ethiopian culture, and now wish to see the students take pride in their heritage and feel confident as they present it to their fellow students. Combining Roni Reingold’s expertise in the field of multicultural education and Efrat Kass’s knowledge of self-efficacy in education, we decided to propose guiding principles for establishing a pre-academic education programme designed especially to strengthen the sense of selfefficacy of pre-service teachers of Ethiopian descent. The issue of selfefficacy has been vastly explored, but the uniqueness of the present framework is in combining self-efficacy with theories of multiculturalism in reference to teacher-trainees belonging to a minority group. We hope that this framework will assist in building educational programmes for minority groups around the globe.

Introduction By virtue of their role, teachers have the obligation to look beyond cultural differences and lead an intercultural dialogue among students in a manner that develops their critical thinking (Freire 1998). Teachers have the

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capacity to serve as agents of change and cultural workers (Giroux 1992). More specifically, teachers who are also members of a cultural minority could be highly effective agents of change since they have a better perspective of both their own community and its needs and the majority culture and its attitudes. In Israel’s multicultural society, there is a struggling cultural minority of Israelis of Ethiopian descent. Teachers who were raised within this cultural community have potential unique opportunity to lead towards positive social change not only within their own community, but also in the predominant Israeli mainstream. As teacher educators with many years of experience working with students of Ethiopian descent, we have seen the gap between their high-level abilities and their hesitance to express these abilities. Therefore, we sought out educational principles that could assist in closing this gap, so as to allow students of Ethiopian descent to fulfil their academic potential and promote change in Israeli society. To lead the way to change, however, according to Taylor (1992) and Kymlicka (1995), any group of potential leaders must develop multicultural attitudes and high self-esteem. Selfesteem pertains to the realm of an individual’s judgment of self-worth, based on the gap between the ideal self and the actual self (Rogers 1951). Additionally, according to Bandura’s (1997) social cognitive theory, people must also have a strong sense of self-efficacy in order to succeed. Self-efficacy is defined as “beliefs in one’s capability to organize and execute the courses of action required to manage prospective situations” (ibidem: 3). There are many differences between Bandura’s self-efficacy theory and the multicultural concept of self-esteem, but both stem from a commitment to strengthen the individual. This article discusses how these two theories can be integrated in the context of multicultural education in pre-academic, teacher education programmes. Given our confidence in the significant value of pre-academic teacher education programmes (Aglazor 2010), we decided to use this framework to address the issues of selfefficacy and multiculturalism to advance the population of Israeli preservice teachers of Ethiopian descent. This population was chosen as an example of an immigrant minority whose integration into the life of the country met with many obstacles and difficulties, which have often led these frustrated immigrants to develop a unusually low sense of selfefficacy and extremely low self-esteem. We begin by providing a theoretical background, presenting pertinent characteristics of the Ethiopian community in Israel and describing the situation of students of Ethiopian descent in higher education. We, then, describe the theory of self-efficacy, self-efficacy in education, and multicultural theories and consider their relation to self-esteem. Finally, our model for strengthening

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the self-efficacy of Israeli pre-service teachers of Ethiopian descent is presented.

Theoretical Background Ethiopian Jews and Their Community in Israel. Israel is a country of immigrants to which Jews from across the globe have flocked over the past century. Ethiopian Jews’ immigration took place in two massive waves: the first in 1984 and the second in 1991. In 2010, their number reached about 120,000 (Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics 2011). There are several approaches toward immigrants; nowadays, the two most common are implicit assimilation and multiculturalism. The approach prevalent in Israel is implicit assimilation, which maintains that the immigrants need to adjust to the majority culture. This approach also reflects in several studies that examined the societal changes within the Ethiopian community in Israel, as well as the hardships and successes in the process of their integration into modern Israeli society (Antabi 1997, Shabtai & Kassan 2005). The narrative of those studies indicates that, coming from a collective-oriented, religious, traditionally patriarchal and ethnic-communal society characterized by authoritarianism, children of Ethiopian descent were expected to behave modestly, politely and obediently towards adults (Shitreet & Maslovty 2002). The Ethiopian Jews’ encounter with the Israeli experience exposed them to various social, cultural and technological phenomena with which they had never dealt before. The immigrants were compelled to give up the old familial, religious, economic and social system they had lived by for many generations and to adopt strange new values and ways of behaviour accepted in Israeli society (Lichtentreet 1995, Corinaldi 1998, Weil 1998, Shabtai & Kassan 2005). They sometimes suffered from discrimination and explicit and implicit policies of assimilation (Baratz, Reingold & Abuchatzira 2011). This situation brought on a crisis of serious proportions in their integration into the life of the country in all realms. One result of this crisis is the great number of alienated young Israelis of Ethiopian descent who dropped out of school, and turned to drinking, vagrancy and crime (Naftali 1994). This sad reality occurs despite efforts on the part of the government, as well as public and voluntary organizations to support and develop this community. Israelis of Ethiopian Descent as Students of Higher Education. The last decade has seen an increase in the number of Israelis of Ethiopian descent entering institutions of higher education. This increase has been made possible, among other things, by the pre-academic preparatory

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courses and specific programmes designed for these students, and the significant financial aid available to them (Svirsky & Svirsky 2002). As of 2010, about 2201 Israelis of Ethiopian descent are studying at institutions of higher education, which is 0.8% of all students in Israel (Israelis of Ethiopian descent are 2% of the general Israeli population). Of these students, only a few are studying for advanced degrees (Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics 2011). In Israel, there are two universities with affirmative action programmes: the Hebrew University in Jerusalem and Tel-Aviv University. The Hebrew University accepts Israelis of Ethiopian descent as part of its “affirmative action programme for students suited for advancement.” Identified candidates are accepted to university even if their average grade is lower than the minimum requirement. The candidates must be found capable of advancing, and match the criteria established by the Association for the Advancement of Education, which include the candidate’s place of residence, the school where the individual studied, the parents’ level of education and the candidate’s particular problems, or any unusual problems affecting the candidate’s family. In 2003, about 1,000 candidates applied to enrol in the affirmative action programme at the Hebrew University; 250 met the entrance requirements and were accepted. As the university does not specify the ethnic background of the candidates accepted to the programme, there was no way to determine how many of the students accepted were Israelis of Ethiopian descent. Cultural Aspects Concerning Israelis of Ethiopian Descent in Higher Education. Research conducted by Eshel et al. (2007) examined the extent to which Israeli students of Ethiopian descent and Arab-Israeli nationality had adjusted to university life and its demands. Among other things, the study checked the extent of these students’ psychological adjustment (feelings of well-being, satisfaction, and positive self-esteem, in the framework of the new culture). The authors of the study claimed that these students’ psychological adjustment was contingent “upon the extent of the agreement between their personal approach and the cultural adaptation strategies of their macro community” (ibidem: 54). The findings further demonstrated statistically significant positive correlations between the indices of the students’ general sense of self-esteem and their academic self-esteem. Additionally, a significantly negative correlation was found between these two indices and a third index checking academic stress. The cultural adjustment strategy of students of Ethiopian descent is to integrate into the majority group; this strategy, however, is not entirely welcome by the general Israeli society (Bourhis & Dayan 2004). As a result, Israelis of Ethiopian descent who wish to integrate into Israeli

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society are liable to experience feelings of rejection and frustration. Eshel et al. (2007) concluded that there is no single reliable formula for helping minority groups undergo a process of acculturation in order to integrate psychologically into the majority culture. Developing the group identity of the Israelis of Ethiopian descent may strengthen their identity and selfsatisfaction and diminish their sense of being discriminated; this eventually may help them develop a “student” identity together with their Ethiopian identity, improving their adjustment to the institutions of higher education in which they are enrolled. Bandura’s Theory of Self-efficacy. Self-efficacy focuses on individuals’ beliefs about their performance capabilities in a particular domain (Bandura 1997, 2006, Woolfolk 2001). The period of life in which a person’s sense of self-efficacy is initially developed is during childhood. The family is of high importance. If the sense of self-efficacy created during childhood is high, it will not change dramatically in the course of time, and will become more of a personality trait; but if the sense of selfefficacy formed in childhood is low, it will become a circumstantial trait, that is to say, it may change dramatically according to circumstances (Kass & Friedman 2005). It is well known that a person with a strong sense of self-efficacy is an individual who is certain of his or her ability to deal successfully with new situations, and consequently is not concerned about taking risks and setting challenging goals, does not fear change, approaches tasks calmly, exercises self-control, is willing to invest a terrific deal of effort, does not give up in the face of difficulty and, most importantly, attains high achievements (Bandura 2006). Thus, strengthening the sense of self-efficacy as part of the professional development of pre-service teachers of Ethiopian descent is vital if they are to become agents of social change. According to Bandura (1997), the sense of self-efficacy is attained through four sources of information: (a) functional experience, namely success and failure experienced when trying to perform a task. This is the most respected source of information for creating a sense of self-efficacy since the information derived from experience is direct and immediate. Palmer (2006) also found that, regarding teachers’ self-efficacy, experience was the main source of preservice science teachers’ professional self-efficacy; (b) observation of role models, i.e. when observing a role model with similar traits to one’s own who deals successfully with the task at hand, the individual may think, “if she can do it, so can I.” If the role model also explains how the task is carried out as it is being performed, the observer’s sense of self-efficacy is strengthened to a much greater extent; (c) verbal persuasion (a person who plays a significant role in the individual’s life and is familiar with both the

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task and the individual’s qualifications can convince the individual that he/she has the capacity to succeed in said task); (d) psychological and physiological arousal (when dealing with a threatening task, a person may well feel physical symptoms of pressure, such as shaking, palpitations, dry mouth, and stomach aches). However, if one interprets these symptoms cognitively as signs of fear or stress, the sense of self-efficacy will be affected negatively. By contrast, if the person is taught to interpret these as signs of alertness and preparedness, which help to perform the task optimally, the sense of self-efficacy will rise. In Kass (2000), it was shown that patterns of self-efficacy experienced in the nuclear family might be unconsciously projected onto the professional field. It was found that teachers who had developed a low sense of self-efficacy because of certain characteristics in the nuclear family projected the same pattern in their relationships with the school principal. For instance, teachers whose parents expected them to be perfect did not dare take on new tasks in the work place, for fear they might fail and, thus, disappoint the principal. Awareness of the values instilled in one’s nuclear family can help teachers take responsibility for and change their behavioural patterns, instead of – as in the case described – accusing the principal. This finding further extends Bandura’s theory of the four factors that affect the development of a sense of self-efficacy. Sense of Self-Efficacy of Students in Teacher Education Programmes. Š‡…‘…‡’–‘ˆ•‡ŽˆǦ‡ˆˆ‹…ƒ…›•Š‡†•Ž‹‰Š–‘ƒ‡š–”‡‡Ž› ˜ƒŽ—ƒ„Ž‡…‘’‘‡–‹–‡ƒ…Š‡”•ǯƒ„‹Ž‹–›–‘ˆ—…–‹‘ǡƒ††‹•–‹‰—‹•Š‡• „‡–™‡‡ •—……‡••ˆ—Ž ƒ† —•—……‡••ˆ—Ž –‡ƒ…Š‡”• ȋ ƒ„Ž‘•‹ ͳͻͻͷǡ Ž‘—”†‡ʹͲͲʹǡƒ—†‡„—•Šǡ‘™ƒƬŠ‡‘‰ͳͻͻʹǡ•…Šƒ‡Ǧ‘”ƒ Ƭ ‘‘Žˆ‘ŽǦ‘› ʹͲͲ͹ȌǤ ƒ› •–—†‹‡• •‡‡ –Š‡ ‹‹–‹ƒŽ –‡ƒ…Š‡” –”ƒ‹‹‰ ’‡”‹‘† ‹ –Š‡ ’”‡Ǧ•‡”˜‹…‡ –‡ƒ…Š‡”ǯ• …ƒ”‡‡” ƒ• ƒ –‹‡ ‘ˆ •‹‰‹ˆ‹…ƒ– …Šƒ‰‡ ‹ –Š‡ •–—†‡–ǯ• •‡•‡ ‘ˆ •‡ŽˆǦ‡ˆˆ‹…ƒ…› ȋ—‡ŽŽ et alǤ ͳͻͻͻǡ ‘—•‡‰‘ ͳͻͻʹǡ ƒ‡“—‡ Ƭ ƒ”„‡––ƒ ʹͲͲ͸ǡ ‘‘†ƒǡ ‘†‡ŽŽ Ƭ ‡Šƒ ͳͻͻͺǡ ‘‘Žˆ‘ŽǦ‘› Ƭ ’‡”‘ ʹͲͲͷȌǤ —”‹‰ –Š‡ –”ƒ‹‹‰ ’‡”‹‘†ǡ ’”‡Ǧ •‡”˜‹…‡–‡ƒ…Š‡”•ƒ”‡‡š’‘•‡†–‘‡š–‡•‹˜‡–Š‡‘”‡–‹…ƒŽƒ†’‡†ƒ‰‘‰‹…ƒŽ ‘™Ž‡†‰‡ƒ†Šƒ˜‡–‘™‘”‹–Š‡ˆ‹‡Ž†ˆ‘”–Š‡ˆ‹”•––‹‡ǤŠ‡•‡ƒ”‡ •‹‰‹ˆ‹…ƒ– …‘’‘‡–• ‹ –Š‡ –‡ƒ…Š‡”ǯ• –”ƒ‹‹‰Ǣ Š‘™‡˜‡”ǡ –Š‡› ƒ”‡ ‘–‡‘—‰Š–‘‡•—”‡–Š‡–”ƒ‹‡‡ǯ•ƒ„‹Ž‹–›–‘ƒ’’Ž›–Š‡‹’”ƒ…–‹…‡Ǥ‘ ˆƒ…‹Ž‹–ƒ–‡ –Š‡ ƒ„‹Ž‹–› ‘ˆ ’”‡Ǧ•‡”˜‹…‡ –‡ƒ…Š‡”• –‘ ƒ’’Ž› –Š‡‘”‡–‹…ƒŽ ‘™Ž‡†‰‡ –‘ ’”ƒ…–‹…ƒŽ ™‘”ǡ ™‡ —•– ƒ††”‡•• ƒŽ•‘ –Š‡ ‡‡† –‘ •–”‡‰–Š‡ –Š‡‹” •‡•‡ ‘ˆ •‡ŽˆǦ‡ˆˆ‹…ƒ…› ȋƒ†—”ƒ ͳͻͻ͹ǡ ‹Žƒ–ǡ —’ˆ‡”„‡”‰Ƭƒ‰‡‡ʹͲͲ͹ȌǤ•…Šƒ‡Ǧ‘”ƒƬ‘‘Žˆ‘ŽǦ‘›ȋʹͲͲ͹Ȍ ˆ‘—† –Šƒ–ǡ ƒ‘‰ ‡š’‡”‹‡…‡† –‡ƒ…Š‡”•ǡ ’”‘ˆ‡••‹‘ƒŽ ‡š’‡”‹‡…‡ ’Žƒ›‡†ƒ—…Š‰”‡ƒ–‡””‘Ž‡‹•‡ŽˆǦ‡ˆˆ‹…ƒ…›„‡Ž‹‡ˆ•–Šƒ†‹†…‘–‡š–—ƒŽ

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ˆƒ…–‘”••—…Šƒ•ƒ˜ƒ‹Žƒ„‹Ž‹–›‘ˆ–‡ƒ…Š‹‰”‡•‘—”…‡•‘”–Š‡“—ƒŽ‹–›‘ˆ–Š‡ •…Š‘‘Žˆƒ…‹Ž‹–‹‡•Ǥ‘™‡˜‡”ǡˆ‘”–‡ƒ…Š‡”–”ƒ‹‡‡•ǡ™Š‘•–‹ŽŽŽƒ…•—ˆˆ‹…‹‡– ‡š’‡”‹‡…‡ǡ…‘–‡š–—ƒŽˆƒ…–‘”•ƒ›„‡‘”‡„‡‡ˆ‹…‹ƒŽǤ †‡‡†ǡ•–—†‹‡• –Šƒ– ˆ‘…—• ‘ ’”‡Ǧ•‡”˜‹…‡ –‡ƒ…Š‡”• ƒ‰”‡‡ –Šƒ– ‹– ‹• ’‘••‹„Ž‡ –‘ ”ƒ‹•‡ –Š‡‹” ’”‘ˆ‡••‹‘ƒŽ •‡•‡ ‘ˆ •‡ŽˆǦ‡ˆˆ‹…ƒ…› „› ‡ƒ• ‘ˆ ˜ƒ”‹‘—• ‹–‡”˜‡–‹‘’”‘‰”ƒ‡•ǡ†‡•‹‰‡†–‘‰—‹†‡–Š‡•–—†‡–•™‹–Šƒ†˜‹…‡ ƒ† ƒ••‹˜‡ ’‡†ƒ‰‘‰‹…ƒŽ –”ƒ‹‹‰ ȋ‘—•‡‰‘ ͳͻͻʹǡ ƒŽ‡” ʹͲͲ͸ǡ ƒ––‡”• Ƭ ‹• ͳͻͻͷȌǤ ††‹–‹‘ƒŽŽ›ǡ …‡”–ƒ‹ –›’‡• ‘ˆ ‡†—…ƒ–‹‘ ‘†‡Ž• •‡‡ –‘ ƒ‡ ƒ ’ƒŽ’ƒ„Ž‡ †‹ˆˆ‡”‡…‡Ǥ †—…ƒ–‹‘ ‘†‡Ž• ‹ ™Š‹…Š–Š‡’”‡Ǧ•‡”˜‹…‡–‡ƒ…Š‡”•”‡…‡‹˜‡†ˆ‡‡†„ƒ…ƒ†‰—‹†ƒ…‡ˆ”‘ƒ …‡”–‹ˆ‹‡† –‡ƒ…Š‡” –™‹…‡ ƒ ™‡‡ ƒ† Šƒ† –Š‡ ‘’’‘”–—‹–› –‘ †‹•…—•• ’”‘„Ž‡•ƒ†•‘Ž—–‹‘••‹‰‹ˆ‹…ƒ–Ž›•–”‡‰–Š‡‡†–Š‡•–—†‡–•ǯ•‡•‡ ‘ˆ •‡ŽˆǦ‡ˆˆ‹…ƒ…›ǡ —…Š ‘”‡ –Šƒ †‹† –”ƒ†‹–‹‘ƒŽ ‘†‡Ž• ‘ˆ ’”‡Ǧ ƒ…ƒ†‡‹… –‡ƒ…Š‡” ‡†—…ƒ–‹‘ ’”‘‰”ƒ‡• ȋ‘•• ͳͻͻͷȌǤ ‘”‹‰ ‹ •ƒŽŽ ‰”‘—’• ™ƒ• ƒŽ•‘ ˆ‘—† –‘ ”‡‹ˆ‘”…‡ ’”‡Ǧ•‡”˜‹…‡ –‡ƒ…Š‡”•ǯ •‡•‡ ‘ˆ •‡ŽˆǦ‡ˆˆ‹…ƒ…› ȋƒ‘ & …Šƒ”ƒ ͳͻͻ͸ȌǤ –Š‡” •–—†‹‡• Šƒ˜‡ •–”‡••‡† –Š‡ ‹’‘”–ƒ…‡ ‘ˆ •‡––‹‰ …Ž‡ƒ” ‰‘ƒŽ• ƒ• ƒ •–”ƒ–‡‰› ˆ‘” ’”‘‘–‹‰ –Š‡ Ž‡ƒ”‹‰ ’”‘…‡•• ƒ† …‘–”‹„—–‹‰ –‘ –Š‡ •–—†‡–•ǯ •‡•‡ ‘ˆ •‡ŽˆǦ‡ˆˆ‹…ƒ…› ȋ…Š— Ƭ ƒŒƒ”‡• ʹͲͲͳȌǤ ‘•– •–—†‹‡• †‘ ‘– †‡ƒŽ ™‹–Š –Š‡ ”‡Žƒ–‹‘•Š‹’ „‡–™‡‡ …—Ž–—”‡ ƒ† •‡ŽˆǦ‡ˆˆ‹…ƒ…›Ǣ ‹ –Š‡ ‡š–•‡…–‹‘ǡ™‡’”‡•‡–ƒˆ‡™•–—†‹‡•–Šƒ–†‘•‘Ǥ Sense of Self-Efficacy and the Cultural Variant. Many studies point to the relationship between one’s culture and educational and psychological factors, such as orientation towards learning, ways of thinking, unconscious beliefs, values, and motivation (The American Psychological Association 2001, Claxton 1999). Research has also addressed the relationship between self-direction in learning and psychological factors, including motivation and self-efficacy (Holzer 2002, McCall 2002, McCoy 2001). However, remarkably few studies have focused on the relationship between culture and self-efficacy. The reason for the scarcity of studies on this topic may be Bandura’s approach, which distinguishes between self-efficacy and self-esteem, claiming that only self-esteem is affected by cultural beliefs and attitudes, while self-efficacy is not (Bandura 1997). Self-esteem pertains to the realm of an individual’s judgment of self-worth, based on the gap between the ideal self and the actual self (Rogers 1951). Self-esteem is developed when one compares oneself to others in the social environment (Festinger 1954). It depends on the culture in which the individual lives, the manner in which one estimates his/her traits and qualifications, and the compatibility between one’s behaviour and criteria of moral values. On the other hand, selfefficacy pertains to the assessment of one’s own personal talents and

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qualifications. It is possible to consider oneself incapable of performing a certain task without suffering any diminishment of self-esteem, because one’s self-esteem is not contingent on the successful performance of that one task. The opposite is also true: one may feel an unusually strong sense of self-efficacy concerning a certain activity, and yet not take any pride in it for cultural reasons; as a result, the positive sense of self-efficacy will not influence this individual’s level of self-esteem. Cultural influences on the self also appear in the way individuals are regarded by others in their environment. Bandura (1997) also claims that people frequently relate to others according to cultural stereotypes and ethnicity, and not according to the personality of the individual, which is, unfortunately, the manner in which Israelis of Ethiopian descent are often regarded. Being the recipient of such treatment, claims Bandura, causes a decrease in self-esteem, but again, it does not affect the sense of self-efficacy in many fields. Other researchers disagree with Bandura, claiming that self-efficacy is affected by culture. Dembo & Eaton (1997), for example, noted that cultural factors reflect and shape the mental functioning as well as the beliefs and behaviours of individuals. Ottingen (1995) has also discussed the potential impact of the cultural variant on the shaping of the sense of self-efficacy. He asserts that, of the sources of self-efficacy identified by Bandura, two are clearly linked to the cultural variant of social status among cultural minority groups: (a) past success mitigates the effect of current failures on an individual’s sense of self-efficacy; (b) the success or failure of similar individuals, namely individuals of the same cultural group, influences a person’s sense of self-efficacy. More recently, Bandura (2006) himself modified his theory regarding immigrants and their sense of self-efficacy, distinguishing between those trying to preserve their own culture and immigrants trying to assimilate into their new environment. Furthermore, he explicitly pointed out “culture plays a crucial role in shaping beliefs and a personal sense of self-efficacy, not only because it has an impact on the sources of information of the members of the cultural group, but it also impacts the way the information is processed and analyzed.” (Bandura ibidem: 151) Ottingen (1995) also agrees that culture, shapes an individual’s acquired knowledge, the manner of choosing knowledge, and cognitive considerations through family, school, workplace and community. Thus, culture influences the processes through which a person acquires self-esteem and sense of self-efficacy. In his empirical approach, Ottingen (idem) discovered that cultural differences between societies are measured by examining four characteristics: (a) the nature of the society (individualistic or collectivistic), such that in collectivistic societies, the sense of collective efficacy as part of the group effort plays a predominant

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role also in individuals’ sense of self-efficacy; (b) the extent of structural inequality (social stratification) in a society; (c) the extent of avoiding uncertainty; and (d) gender-related issues (male dominance or female dominance in the society). Clearly, there are differences of opinion regarding the effect of culture on self-efficacy. Yet, Bandura himself recognized the effect of culture on immigrants. Israelis of Ethiopian descent are a group within the heterogeneous, multi-cultural Israeli society. The next section discusses the multicultural ideology and the ways it can be implemented in the design and development of education programmes. Ideology of Multicultural Education. Multicultural ideology aims to promote relationships based on mutual respect among the various cultural groups that make up a society. This can be done by first promoting the public image of cultural minorities as a means of fostering the self-image and the sense of self-esteem of minority group members. Moreover, strengthening the cultural groups and, thus, improving intercultural contacts within a society (conducting a multicultural dialogue) has been shown to lead to the strengthening of individuals, as well (Reingold 2007). Some of the scholars of Communitarian Multiculturalism emphasize the connection between a society’s attitude towards a cultural group and the identity and self-esteem of individuals within that group (MacIntyre 1981, Sandel 1982, Taylor 1992). For example, Taylor (ibidem) claims that a positive self-image is a necessary condition for an individual’s optimal self-actualization as a democratic citizen. However, among members of minority cultural groups, the development of a positive self-image and an authentic identity may be inhibited if their culture has not gained appropriate positive recognition. Thus, an approach that recognizes and respects cultural differences serves democracy, as it helps eliminate oppression and grants equality to the members of minority cultural groups. As a result, an existing and distorted inferior self-image afflicting the group’s members is transformed into a more realistic self-image, which in turn creates satisfied and significant citizens in a democratic society. Similarly, advocates of Liberal Multiculturalism agree with the Communitarian attitude that public image of cultural groups is important to the self-esteem of their members. Kymlicka (1995) claims that belonging to a community with a distinct and respected cultural heritage is a precondition for one’s ability to conduct a full and meaningful life and to make individual and authentic choices. The cultural community provides the cultural components that form the basis on which the individual can design a way of life. Thus, both the Communitarian and the Liberal streams of multiculturalism emphasize the cardinal significance of cultural

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uniqueness and the resulting cultural empowerment of individuals within the cultural group. A discussion of educational models most suitable for the goal of empowering individuals of a cultural minority must consider two main approaches: the particularistic multicultural model and the pluralistic multicultural. Which approach is preferable? Particularistic multicultural education is predicated on the view that, in order to strengthen members of cultural minorities, separate education systems should be established for them; in this separate system, they would learn about their particular cultural heritage, a feature usually missing from the school curriculum of the mainstream education system. Discovering the cultural wealth of their own community would foster communal pride and a positive sense of self-esteem on the individual level. Pluralistic multicultural education, on the other hand, opposes the separation of minority group students from the mainstream: a separate framework is regarded as a recipe for separatism and the reinforcement of social divisiveness. Instead, pluralistic multicultural education encourages joint discussions by members of various cultural groups as a basis for raising the level of intercommunal tolerance and creating dignified relationships among the various cultural groups (Reingold 2007). Mainstream classrooms are characterized by an asymmetrical power balance among ethnic groups. In these classrooms, learners with remarkably little knowledge about their own culture and extremely low self-esteem sit sideby-side learners from the majority cultural group, whose cultural heritage constitutes the foundation of the joint studies of all groups; it is this cultural status that enables the majority group’s learners to develop a highly positive self-image. In such classrooms, members of the hegemonic culture may show only scorn and contempt for the minority’s culture and its members, while the latter adopt the inferior self-image and the inferior sense of self-esteem reflected by the environment. According to Asante (1998), only after experiencing separate education and the cultural wealth of their own ethnic group can members of a minority cultural group join the intercultural dialogue from a position of power and demand that their peers from the other groups treat them with the appropriate respect and recognition. It was also found that exposing pre-service teachers to other cultures reinforced their sense of self-efficacy, as well (Cushner & Mahon 2002). Therefore, it may be argued that learning about each other’s cultures should be defined as a second stage following a particularistic stage. Following acrimonious polemics between these two multicultural schools of thought in the 1990s, the American Association of Colleges and Universities adopted a pluralistic multicultural model based on a preliminary particularistic stage of education. This educational model,

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which aims to promote appropriate recognition of minority cultures and their members, is a two-tiered model: in the first stage of the multicultural educational process, each student, in the framework of an introductory course, learns topics concerning his/her unique cultural traditions and the identity of his or her community in all its complexities. Thus, all students have the opportunity to enrich the knowledge of their own culture. At the next stage of the process (and the second part of the course), the students study the various American cultural heritages and the history of interactions among the cultural groups and among individuals of different cultures. Taking into consideration the theory of self-efficacy, multicultural theories, and the above-mentioned educational model, we decided to explore how these could help create a working model, namely, an introductory pre-academic programme, for students of Ethiopian descent in Israel enrolled in a teacher education programme.

Suggestion for an Intervention Programme: Improving the Sense of Self-Efficacy and Self-Esteem of Israeli Students of Ethiopian Descent in TeacherTraining Institutions As previously mentioned, teachers with a high sense of self-efficacy are more successful and efficient teachers. Therefore, one of the important aims of any teacher education programme is to promote pre-service teachers’ sense of self-efficacy. Taking into consideration the theoretical review presented herein, we defined some guidelines for developing teacher education programmes that aim to strengthen the sense of selfefficacy of students of Ethiopian descent. The principles described here draw on both theories of self-efficacy and theories regarding multiculturalism. Not unlike the American model previously mentioned, we found that the most suitable way to apply these theories is in two stages: the first is the particularistic stage, and the second is the pluralistic stage. As is customary in many colleges in Israel, students who do not pass the threshold requirements for acceptance into a programme are given the opportunity to enrol in a one-year-pre-academic programme and complete courses that will bring them to the required level. According to the suggested model, the students of Ethiopian descent would enrol in a separate preparation programme, to allow them to study their own culture and its unique strengths. Students of Ethiopian descent who do pass the threshold requirements but wish nonetheless to join this preparation year will be allowed to do so. This would constitute the particularistic stage, which is intended to enable them to study contents taken from their

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Ethiopian heritage, thus acquainting them with the rich cultural resources of their own ethnic group. At this point, after reinforcing their self-esteem and their sense of self-efficacy in the particularistic stage of the programme, students of Ethiopian descent should be ready to join the rest of the students in the multicultural pluralistic education framework.

Guidelines for Developing the Particularistic Stage of the Programme Of the guidelines we developed for the particularistic, the first four rely on Bandura’s (1997) four sources of information that shape one’s sense of self-efficacy as well as on multicultural theories. The fifth guideline relies on Kass (2000), as described in the literature review. Functional Experience. Given that pre-service teachers’ initial experiences in the teacher education programme may cause a setback to their sense of self-efficacy, these students should be provided with as many opportunities as possible to experience successful teaching, so as to overcome the initial jolt and disappointment that often appear when dealing with the reality of the classroom. Thus, the programme can help pre-service teachers accumulate positive experiences by ensuring that, in the early stages of the practicum, students focus on teaching content (the “what” of the teaching experience) with which they are strongly familiar. This content can pertain to the mainstream curriculum as well as to unique elements of the Ethiopian cultural heritage. Pre-service teachers should be encouraged to incorporate contents from their own cultural heritage into their teaching and present the culture’s unique strengths, such as respect for adults, which is a prominent feature of Ethiopian culture, stories about life in Ethiopia, or tales of the heroic story of immigration to Israel. The pre-academic programme can ensure that students’ teaching experiences at the early stages of the programme are positive also by considering the design of the hands-on module (the “how” of the teaching experience). Practice should be planned in a way that creates a continuum of successful teaching experiences. This can be done by dividing every task into short term units; for instance, at the outset of the practicum, pre-service teachers could be assigned to tutor one single child privately, and next progress to a small group of children, and only at a later stage to teach a whole class. In an additional example, initially pre-service teachers might be assigned teaching tasks to be carried out only in the setting of their homeroom class, and only after developing a strong sense of self-efficacy in the classroom would they be required to perform tasks within the wider school environment. The teaching tasks assigned to the trainee should be graded

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for difficulty, beginning with easier tasks and gradually progressing towards more complex or more difficult tasks, thus increasing the likelihood of accumulating positive experiences in every task assigned. For example, when pre-service teachers must master new materials to be taught in the practicum, they should be guided to focus their first lessons on only one particular aspect of the topic, and only later prepare lessons that address its full and broader scope. In addition, in the hope that these students become agents of change, we also need to provide them with opportunities to lead. The assigned tasks should be planned to guarantee that the assigned leader has a positive experience. Examples of such tasks include organizing a field trip for the class, supervising a volunteering project in the community, or leading a student debate group. Observation of Role Models. It is well-known from Bandura’s theory (1997) that observing a model with similar characteristics can raise the observer’s level of self-efficacy to an extremely considerable extent. In addition, it is necessary to note that according to the multicultural approach, preserving a group’s heritage is a significant contributor to the self-esteem of the individuals within the group. Therefore, it is noteworthy that the pre-service teachers have role models of Ethiopian descent and culture (e.g., a student of Ethiopian descent with high academic achievements and a strong sense of self-efficacy, or a teacher of Ethiopian descent with a proven record based on students’ improved scholastic achievements). We propose several ways to achieve this goal: -

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Integrating into the curriculum a review of the personal histories of role models from Ethiopian history, including leaders of the perilous journey on foot to Israel; Encouraging students to invite to class Ethiopians who are prominent in their fields, such as physicians, academics, media personalities, politicians, famous runners, winners of Olympic medals or world championships, or people who, after facing enormous difficulties and overcoming them, came to be regarded as role models; Including guest lecturers of Ethiopian descent as part of the education programme; for example, highly committed teachers of Ethiopian descent whose contribution has been recognized in the education community should be invited to class to talk about their work.

Another type of role model comes from fellow students to whom the students can compare themselves in terms of academic and professional abilities. According to Tesser (1988), too large a gap in abilities may lower the observer’s sense of self-efficacy because, for the person with less

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developed skills, the gap emphasizes the unusually long road ahead before becoming accomplished in the field. In contrast, seeing a small gap strengthens the observer’s sense of self-efficacy. Therefore, when working in pairs, the students working together should be matched in the ability, so that the gap between them will not be large. To further strengthen the students’ sense of self-efficacy, the invited role model teacher should be asked to describe to students his or her rationale for the structure chosen for the current lesson. Analyzing the goal and formulation of the assignment gives students the tools to imitate the role model and thus enhances their sense of self-efficacy (Schunk 1984). Oral Persuasion. Hearing from as many different people as possible that one has the potential to succeed (within realistic limits, of course) enhances one’s sense of self-efficacy. The persuader must be perceived as a significant, reliable person, aware of the student’s capabilities and the demands of the teaching profession; such a person could be the student’s pedagogical counsellor, a teacher trainer (mentor), or a tutoring student from the college. Since most of these students come from families that are unfamiliar with the Israeli educational system, requirements of the academic world, or the demands of teaching, the faculty of the educational institution should take more responsibility in strengthening the sense of self-efficacy of these students, by means of oral persuasion. Verbal persuasion should be carried out by tolerant and understanding pedagogical counsellors and lecturers, who are committed to a multicultural ideology. To that end, the academic staff should enter a preparation programme that will teach them about Ethiopian culture, multicultural ideology and ways to increase students’ self-efficacy. Physiological Stimulation. The students must be taught how to interpret physiological symptoms that might occur when trying to cope with a new task (e.g., shaking, palpitations, and dryness of the mouth) as a positive sign of mental and physical readiness to fulfil the task, rather than as signs of weakness and helplessness. Awareness of family origins and taking responsibility for change. As stated in the literature review, the messages transferred to the child by the family have an impact on the child’s self-efficacy and, as one matures, repercussions of these received messages may be projected in to one’s professional life (Kass 2000). The more the students know about these messages, and how to interpret them, the more they will be able to take responsibility and deal with weakening messages without blaming others, which in turn will help strengthen their sense of self-efficacy. Similarly, if students of Ethiopian descent are aware of the messages they were raised with and how these messages affected their sense of self-efficacy, given

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the proper tools, they can be expected to take responsibility for their behaviour. Thus, as increased understanding allows for greater control, students may become less vulnerable to potentially harmful external messages from the environment and more self-reliant as they interpret these messages in a different way.

Guidelines for Developing the Pluralistic Stage of the Programme We hope that, thanks to the preparation in the particularistic stage, the students of Ethiopian descent will take pride in their heritage and feel ready to share it with other students, including those from the majority culture. As agents of change, they are now asked to teach about their culture and encourage diversity. Other students will also tell about their culture and traditions in order to encourage diversity. To ensure a dignified dialogue among the various cultural groups, monitored intergroup meetings will be required; opportunities for such interactions could be arranged through courses dedicated explicitly to multicultural education (e.g., courses that focus on the heritage of minority cultures or the study of their literatures). In this framework, Ethiopian culture would be given respect and prominence; its leadership would be valued, as would be those of the other various traditions represented in the multicultural student body. The strength and the capabilities of the Ethiopian community in Israel would be stressed, such as their decades of struggle and determination to immigrate to Israel and their ability to bear the rigors of the arduous journey to this land. It is necessary to note that, parallel to strengthening the sense of selfefficacy and self-esteem, the programme should also teach students of Ethiopian descent to differentiate between these two feelings, namely, self-efficacy and self-esteem. It is essential to instil in them the ability to assess their sense of efficacy when performing a certain task, to examine whether it is valued by the majority group as well as by their own minority population. Thus, for example, students can be led to understand their capacity to handle responsibility, and that this ability can be harnessed for various tasks. As children back in Ethiopia, the students’ parents relied on them to watch the family’s most valued possession – the family’s cow herd. Now, in Israel, the task is quite different – “to be a teacher – a shepherd of children.” Although responsibility is expressed differently in each culture, the performance of each task provides a sense of selfefficacy. It is crucial that the students understand that the source of the

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difference is cultural, and yet, despite the differences, both tasks rely on a single ability, which the students clearly possess, namely, the ability to handle the responsibility. This conclusion would enable students to assess their self-efficacy correctly and understand that they have the ability to behave responsibly in performing various tasks. Past success as a child performing a different task responsibly would also reinforce their sense of self-efficacy. We hope that following these guidelines will help strengthen the sense of self-efficacy among students of Ethiopian descent and thus enable them to become teachers who have a strong sense of self-efficacy and selfesteem and can serve as cultural workers and conscious agents of change.

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IMPLEMENTATION OF ACTIVE CITIZENSHIP IN MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION PROGRAMMES SALIH ZEKI GENÇ

Multicultural education and active citizenship are related concepts in terms of, democracy, equality, diversity and lifelong learning. As institutions of society, schools represent community. So they must reflect the diversity of society. Pattnaik (2003: 207) states that “If children frequently observe ethnic conflict among different minority groups in their neighbourhoods, their behaviour in school may mirror that conflict.” It is obvious that schools make a significant difference for respect for diversity. Most valuable thing is to help children to construct an understanding of different cultures, respect for differences. By doing so, both society and children could overcome racial and ethnic barriers.

Multiculturalism Multiculturalism is a term related to communities containing multiple cultures. It is often defined and explained as a “cultural mosaic,” “melting pot” and “salad bowl,” which are actual concepts of assimilation (Burgess 2005). The emergence of the concept multiculturalism is strongly associated with the growing realization of the social and cultural consequences of large-scale immigrations. Kymlicka (1995) stated that the concept of multiculturalism is more generally an affirmation of the value of cultural diversity. Heywood (2000) states that the term is used in two broad ways: either descriptively or normatively. As a descriptive term, it refers to cultural diversity and is applied to the demographic make-up of a specific place, sometimes at the organizational level (nations, cities, businesses, and schools). As a normative term, it refers to ideologies and policies that promote both diversity and its institutionalization. In this sense, multiculturalism is a society “[…] at ease with the rich tapestry of human life and the desire amongst people to express their own identity in the manner they see fit.” (Bloor 2010: 272) Two main different and

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seemingly inconsistent strategies have developed through different government policies and strategies (Marsh 1997, Meyer 2010). The first one, interculturalism, focuses on interactions and communications between different cultures that provide opportunities for the cultural differences to communicate and interact to create multiculturalism. The second one, which is a common aspect of many policies, focuses on diversity and cultural uniqueness. In this sense, cultural isolation can protect the uniqueness of the local culture of a nation or area and also contribute to global cultural diversity. By doing this, they avoid presenting any specific values as central – e.g., ethnic, religious, or cultural (Mooney Cotter 2011). According to Banks (1997), multicultural education is an educational reform movement, an idea, and a process seeks to create equal educational opportunities for all students, including those from different racial, ethnic, and social-class groups. Based on democratic values and affirming cultural pluralism within culturally various societies in an interdependent world, multicultural education is a “teaching-learning” approach. Banks & McGee Banks (1995: xi) define multicultural education as: “[…] a field of study and an emerging discipline whose major aim is to create equal educational opportunities for students from diverse racial, ethnic, social-class, and cultural groups. One of its important goals is to help all students to acquire the knowledge, attitudes, and skills needed to function effectively in a pluralistic democratic society and to interact, negotiate, and communicate with peoples from diverse groups in order to create a civic and moral community that works for the common good.”

According to Bell & Griffin (1997: 55) curriculums concerned with diversity focus on “[…] helping students describe and understand their own experiences as members of different social groups and listen to others talk about their experiences and perspectives. The focus is on respecting, understanding, and acknowledging difference.”

Sleeter & Grant (2003: 195) advocate that: “Education that is Multicultural and Social Reconstructionist: Education that is multicultural means that the entire educational programme is redesigned to reflect the concerns of diverse cultural groups. Rather than being one of several kinds of education, it is a different orientation and expectation of the whole educational process.”

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The global perspective of multicultural education recognizes cultural pluralism as an ideal and healthy state in any productive society and promotes equity and respect among the existing cultural groups. As we face global issues related to the ecosystem, nuclear weapons, terrorism, human rights, and scarce national resources, higher education institutions need to promote the global perspective of multicultural education in order to be a model of a democratic society in such a pluralistic world. One of the most valuable things for such an education is teacher training that should be based on the principles of non-discrimination, pluralism and equity. The most salient issue and ultimate goal of intercultural education is to teach how to live together. As both citizens and educators, teachers can create active and participative educators within the scope of intercultural citizenship education. Several long-term benefits of the global perspective of multicultural education are identified by the educators (Banks 1987, Banks & McGee Banks 1993, Boise 1993, Duhon et al. 2002, Duhon-Boudreaux 1998, Gollnick & Chinn 2002, Johnson & Johnson 2002, Quiseberry, McIntyre & Duhon 2002, Shulman & MesaBains 1993, Silverman, Welty & Lyon 1994) who are promoting multicultural education in schools and higher education institutions. Some of these long-term benefits are as follows: -

Multicultural education increases productivity because a variety of mental resources are available for completing the same tasks and it promotes cognitive and moral growth among all people. Multicultural education increases creative problem-solving skills through the different perspectives applied to same problems to reach solutions. Multicultural education increases positive relationships through achievement of common goals, respect, appreciation, and commitment to equality among the intellectuals at institutions of higher education. Multicultural education decreases stereotyping and prejudice through direct contact and interactions among diverse individuals. Multicultural education renews vitality of society through the richness of the different cultures of its members and fosters development of a broader and more sophisticated view of the world.

Rather than providing equity education, multicultural education also provides and develops some values such as responsibility to the world, reverence to the earth, acceptance and appreciation of cultural diversity, respect for human dignity. It also helps to:

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Increase awareness of the state of the planet and the global dynamics Develop multiple historical perspectives Strengthen cultural consciousness and intercultural competence Combat racism, sexism, other forms of prejudice and discrimination Build social action skills

As an educational alternative, multicultural education also serves as education for justice. By allowing students to learn how to “think in a more inclusive and expansive manner,” “critically analyze the information,” and further “turn that knowledge into action” multicultural education develops students into future democratic citizens (Nieto & Bode 1992). Multicultural education serves as an alternative solution to the existing curricula because it seeks to address social inequalities and furthermore critically analyze those inequalities to promote social justice. Multicultural education as a tool for justice and social change works within three broad categories: -

Transformation of individuals; Transformation of schools and schooling; Transformation of society.

As a result, we may define multicultural education as a field of study designed to create and improve educational equity for all students from different racial, ethnic, and social-class groups in a pluralistic democratic society.

Citizenship Modern conception of citizenship as active membership of a political community is thought to have originated in Greece between 700 and 600 BC (Pattie, Seyd & Whiteley 2004). This early conception was referring to notions of equality and freedom. These notions still constitute central concerns and focus within citizenship debates today. At that time, citizens were classified with regard to their wealth and status, which determined their influence on government affairs. During the subsequent Roman Empire, citizenship was expanded to confer legal status instead of just political status. This conceptualization enabled the term citizenship to extend to integration within the empire (ibidem). The following feudal system failed to accommodate for such a conception and only fragments of the Roman and Greek conceptions of citizenship survived within particular social groups (ibidem). Establishment of parliamentary sovereignty let the

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evolution of citizenship began to move in increasingly expansive and inclusive directions while expanding membership to a broader spectrum of groups with Marshall’s theory of citizenship. Changed and changing nature of societies and the consequent effects on the nature force evolution of the concept of citizenship. The process of globalization is a highly considered issue together with its consequent side effects such as the nation-state decline, the emergence of transnational institutions, the disembedding of time and space and the rise of culturally plurality. This changing nature of citizenship is reflected in the interpretations of citizenship. “The common good can never be actualized. There will always be a debate over the exact nature of citizenship. No final agreement can ever be reached.” (Mouffe, in Heater 2004: 287) “Citizenship as a useful political concept is in danger of being torn asunder […]. By a bitter twist of historical fate, the concept that evolved to provide a sense of identity and community, is on the verge of becoming a source of communal dissension. As more and more diverse interests identify particular elements for their doctrinal and practical needs, so the component parts of citizenship are being made to do service for the whole. And under the strain of these centrifugal forces, citizenship as a total ideal may be threatened with disintegration.” (ibidem)

The recognition of the decline in nation-state sovereignty, coupled with fears for the stability of the modern democratic society, has placed citizenship high on national and international agendas. This has instigated an upsurge in citizenship debates and related anxieties. In most countries, citizenship education is now compulsory in schools.

Active Citizenship Although there is no generally accepted definition of active citizenship and no standard model explaining what an active citizen is, there is a general agreement that it refers to the participation of individuals in public life and affairs at local, national and international levels. At the local level, active citizenship refers to citizens who become actively involved in the social life of their communities, tackling problems, bringing about change or resisting unwanted change. In this sense, “active citizens are those who develop the skills, knowledge and understandings to be able to make informed decisions about their communities and workplaces with the aim of improving the quality of life in these” (Council of Europe 2004: 1). At

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the national level, the term can “differ from voting to being involved in campaigning pressure groups to being a member of a political party.” (ibidem: 1) In this sense, active citizens may be involved in movements to promote sustainability or fair trade, to reduce poverty or eliminate slavery. As in conventional citizenship conception active citizenship does not refer to “good citizen” in the sense that they follow the rules or behave in a certain way. In contrast, generally staying within the bounds of democratic processes and not involving in violent acts, an active citizen may challenge the rules and existing structures. Respecting for justice, democracy and the rule of law, openness, tolerance, courage to defend a point of view and willingness to listening to, working with and standing up for others are generally accepted set of values and dispositions that can be associated with active and also democratic citizenship (ibidem). The Council of Europe (ibidem: 1) defines active citizenship “[…] as a form of literacy: coming to grips with what happens in public life, developing knowledge, understanding, critical thinking and independent judgement of local, national, European, global levels. It implies action and empowerment, i.e. acquiring knowledge, skills and attitudes, being able and willing to use them, make decisions, take action individually and collectively.”

According to the Council of Europe (ibidem: 1) some key characteristics of active citizenships are: -

Participation in the community such as involvement in a voluntary activity or engaging with local government agencies; Empowerment on playing a part in the decisions and processes that affect them, particularly public policy and services; Knowledge and understanding of the political, social, economic context of their participation in order to be able make informed decisions; Being able to challenge policies or actions and existing structures based on principles such as equality, inclusiveness, diversity and social justice.

Active citizenship acknowledges that, in a democratic society, all individuals and groups have the right to engage in the creation and recreation of that democratic society; have the right to participate in all of the democratic practices and institutions within that society; have the responsibility to ensure that no groups or individuals are excluded from these practices and institutions; have the responsibility to ensure a broad

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definition of the political includes all relationships and structures throughout the social arrangement. Hoskins & Mascherini (2009) explain the dimensions of active citizenship as: -

-

-

-

Protest and Social Change consists of four elements. The first element, protest activities, consists of four indicators: signing a petition, taking part in a lawful demonstration, boycotting products and contacting a politician. The next three components are three types of organizations: human rights organizations, trade unions and environmental organizations. Each of these components consists of four indicators: membership, participation activities, donating money and voluntary work. Community Life: Active citizens also become active members in social, religious, business, educational and cultural organizations. Voluntary participation in these activities promotes interpersonal relationships with others of various religious and cultural value systems, which lead to cooperation in other aspects of community life. Active participation in any community assists in understanding how other people function, work, believe and relate. Active citizens also donate money to further the efforts of organizations that promote harmony and synergy between all types of people. Representative Democracy: Getting involved or becoming a member of political parties serves as another vital aspect of active citizenship. Get out and get to work helping with local elections in getting voters to turn out for local and national elections. Encourage other people to get involved by volunteering to help provide a ride to polling places for those who are not able to get there. Study the tenets of the individual local and national political parties and become an informed citizen. Donate money and time to organizations that promote representative democracy. Democratic Values: Intercultural understanding remains the key to a true active global citizenry. Technology has literally brought the world together into one big community. People from all nations need to come together, make a concerted effort to understand their neighbours next door and on the other side of the globe. There are places around the globe this day that do not respect the most basic of human rights when dealing with children, women or men. Active citizens get involved in activities that boycott products, protest conditions and insist on access to democratic principles for all people of the world.

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A democratic society is the only guarantee that people with differing religious, cultural and political backgrounds can live together in a peaceful way. People are not born democratic citizens, so citizenship has to be thought and learned. This is a goal of education and also teachers, schools and curriculums. On the other hand, democracies can become uncertain by changing voting and participation behaviour and declining involvement in society and decision-making processes of citizens. The changes in the nature of population (e.g., becoming multicultural society, secularization of the autochthon population and individualization) make it necessary to include citizenship education as an indispensable part of the curriculum in order to prepare for the multicultural society. Governments and parliaments have to make decisions on prioritizing citizenship education both in curriculums and adult education. Although most countries underline the importance of education for citizenship, education falls short in terms of education for active democratic citizenship. Putnam (1995), states that preparation of citizens in most countries is not adequate. Schugurensky (2004: 1) perceives a “democratic deficit,” which he understands as the expectation that a general increase of the educational level of a population will increase the participation of its citizenry: “Poll after poll, all over the world, tells us that citizens have low confidence in politicians and in political institutions, and they believe that many politicians have lost touch with those they claim to represent. One of the reasons for the democratic deficit is that most educational systems (from elementary schools to universities) pay little attention to the development of an active, critical and engaged citizenship.”

Putnam (1995: 76) suggests as a solution for the lack of social and political participation: improved civics education in school, because it is well known “that knowledge about public affairs and practice in everyday civic skills are prerequisites for effective participation.” He stresses the practical aspects of civics lessons, not only lessons about how a law passes Parliament, but also how one can participate effectively in the public life of my community. According to Putnam (ibidem) another strategy that could work is service/adult learning. He states “well designed service learning programs improve civic knowledge, enhance citizen efficacy, increase social responsibility and self esteem, teach skills of cooperation and leadership, and may even reduce (one study suggests) reduce racism.” (ibidem: 76) Niemi & Junn (1998) conclude that school and curriculum have an impact on the development of civic knowledge in high school students. Similarly, Torney et al. (2001: 176) state “within countries there is a substantial positive relationship between students’ knowledge of

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democratic processes and institutions and their reported likelihood of voting when they become adults.” However, schools are not the only factor in developing political knowledge, home environment and the mass media also proved to have significant effects. So that, learning active citizenship should start as early as possible. Since we know from research that young children already have notions about power and government citizenship should be part of the curriculum from primary education onwards. Speaking about democracy education, De Winter (2005), states that most education systems are lack of teaching knowledge, attitude and skills for participation in society as a democratic citizen. For the future of the democratic way of life and maintenance of the rule of law, it is necessary to transfer democratic competences to all children.

Curricula, Multicultural Education and Active Citizenship Multicultural education is a whole school process that prepares students for real life in terms of their roles and responsibilities in an interdependent world. Students are at the centre of school practices that promote multiperspectives and an appreciation of cultural and linguistic diversity within a democratic society. Today, educators argue embedding multicultural content into the entire curriculum and school programmes since children begin to notice differences and develop racial and ethnic biases at a remarkably young age (Derman-Sparks 1989); multicultural education needs to be provided from an early age so that children can develop positive attitudes toward people from other cultures. Embedding anti-bias, multicultural educational goals into the curriculums is reflecting the needs and interest of the children and builds upon what children already know. Derman-Sparks (ibidem) provided four objectives of multicultural education to be fostered in children: -

Construction of a knowledgeable, confident self-identity; Comfortable, empathetic interaction with diversity among people; Critical thinking about bias; Ability to assert one’s own rights and the rights of others in the face of bias.

The main reason for promoting multicultural education is that it promotes peaceful co-existence and respect both in the school, and in the society as students are the future citizens. Our society is becoming more and more multicultural, so education should both help and teach students prepare for

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a better life. Multicultural education offers many more benefits such as acquisition of citizenship skills, respect diversity, and becoming autonomous critical thinkers. Multicultural education can also help in exterminating racism, bigotry, fanaticism, and extreme nationalism. Without any respect to diversity, it is impossible to build peace and love in our society and the whole world. Bennett (2003) also argues that educational excellence in schools cannot be achieved without providing equal opportunities for all students to develop their fullest potential. Banks & McGee Banks (1994: 81) stated “multicultural education promotes the freedom, abilities, and skills to cross ethnic and cultural boundaries to participants in other cultures and groups.” He proposed that the goal of multicultural education should be education for freedom that helps students to develop the knowledge, attitudes, and skills to participate in a democratic, multicultural and free society. Basically, multiculturalism is a way of thinking and it appreciates and respects other perspectives (ibidem). Traditionally European countries used a model of citizenship based on unitary citizenship, with citizens sharing the same or highly similar sets of common citizenship rights (European Commission 2007). Universality, equality and neutrality were the main aspects of this model. They enjoyed equal legal, socio-economic and political rights without any particular rights or obligations. However, women and immigrants face problems since this model was asking assimilation instead of integration and was, therefore, discriminating. Emerging from these needs, recent conceptualization of citizenship reflects the need for multi-cultural societies to recognize the specific experiences and socio-cultural differences of its members. However, at the same time, they also need to ensure that these specific experiences and socio-cultural differences do not conflict with basic equal and fundamental values and rights. Decrease in political engagement and the growing levels of individualism also negatively affect solidarity and interest in community development in Europe. Many different activities and actions are organized to motivate people to become active citizens. Therefore, as the ETGACE project rightly mentions in its final report: “active citizenship is a lifelong learning process. Learning citizenship is interactive, and deeply embedded in specific contexts,” stressing the fact that becoming an active citizen is a continuous process (European Commission 2007: 60). This report also suggests that the sense of citizenship is a highly personal experience, formed by life history and relations with others. Childhood experience has a pivotal function as the predisposition to become an active citizen often seems to be formed early in life. Active citizenship education is defined as a combination of three key learning processes – cognitive, affective and

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behavioural learning – and four main stages through which an individual passes when learning to become an active citizen; the fundamental values underlying active citizenship, the awareness of these values and of what they imply, the attitude towards and respect of these values and the engagement and activation to promote these values (European Commission 2007). Figure 3-1 schematizes how, active citizenship education can be understood as a process of acquiring knowledge, attitudes and skills.

Figure 3-1. Acquisition of Active Citizenship (European Commission 2007: 68)

The cognitive component enhances understanding and has an impact on people’s viewpoints. It is covering stages 1 and 2 helps to improve the knowledge, awareness and implications of the fundamental values and rules in a society and the basic relations between these values such as; multiculturalism touches upon issues of human rights and democracy and etc. The affective component of active citizenship education influences attitudes, opinions and feelings that enable a peaceful coexistence of citizens in a society. Mutual respect, tolerance and non-violence are indispensable attitudinal elements. The third stage is about empathy and relations with others. It is, however, a rather passive stage in terms of

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individuals may change their thinking patterns to take account of what they have learned, but do not necessarily act upon it. Fourth, stage is the behavioural component and explains engagement and participation in the society where individuals become (pro)active in making themselves heard, are committed to making a difference and to supporting their community. Goals of the multicultural education and active citizenship education are remarkably parallel and reciprocally related. They seem to be a solution alternative to the existing problems of both local communities and wider societies in terms of seeking to address inequalities in the society, political disengagement, individualism and critically analyzing those inequalities to promote social justice in the long run. Active citizenship education is promoting multicultural education in fostering the creation of culturally responsive classrooms in public schools, further allows for the development and reform of individuals, schools, and hopefully communities and societies in the end. To conclude, today’s citizenshipactive citizenship competencies not only require knowledge, awareness and skills, but also attitudes of respect and consequent engagement with these knowledge and attitudes. Research shows that children at a remarkably young age notice differences and develop racial and ethnic biases and also have notions about power and government. So that, active citizenship education through multicultural education should be part of the curriculums from the primary education including early childhood education and onwards.

References Banks, J. A. & McGee Banks, Cherry A. (1993). Multicultural Education: Issues and Perspectives. Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Banks, J. A. (1994). An introduction to multicultural education. Boston: Allyn & Bacon. Banks, J. A. & McGee Banks, Cherry A. (Eds.). (1995). Handbook of Research on Multicultural Education. New York, NY: Macmillan. Banks, J. A. (1987). Teaching Strategies for Ethnic Studies. Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon, Inc. —. (1997). Educating Citizens in a Multicultural Society. New York, NY: Teachers College Press. Bell, L. A. & Griffin, P. (1997). Designing Social Justice Education Courses. In Maurianne Adams, Lee Anne Bell & Pat Griffin (Eds.), Teaching for Diversity and Social Justice: A Sourcebook. New York: Routledge. 44-58.

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Bennett, Christine I. (2003). Comprehensive Multicultural Education: Theory and Practice. Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Bloor, K. (2010). The Definitive Guide to Political Ideologies. Bloomington, IN: Author House. Boise, R. (1993). Early Turning Points in Professional Careers of Women and Minorities. New Directions for Teaching and Learning 53: 71-79. Burgess, Ann Carroll. (2005). Guide to Western Canada. Guilford, CT: Globe Pequot Press Travel. Council of Europe. (2004). Education for Democratic Citizenship. Online: http://www.faceitproject.org/active_citizenship.htm. Derman-Sparks, Louise. (1989). Anti-Bias Curriculum: Tools for Empowering Young Children. Washington, DC: National Association for the Education of Young Children. Duhon, G., Mundy, M., Leder, S., LeBert, L. & Ameny-Dixon, G. (2002). Addressing Racism in the Classroom: Using a Case Studies Approach. Conference and program proceedings of the National Conference on Multicultural Affairs in Higher Education, San Antonio, TX. Duhon-Boudreaux, Gwendolyn M. (1998). An Interdisciplinary Approach to Issues and Practices in Teacher Education. Lewiston, NY: The Edwin-Mellen Press. European Commission. (2007). Study on Active Citizenship Education: DG Education and Culture. Online: http://ec.europa.eu/education/pdf/doc248_en.pdf. Gollnick, Donna M. & Chinn, P. C. (2002). Multicultural Education in a Pluralistic Society. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Education Inc. Heater, D. B. (2004). Citizenship: The Civic Ideal in World History, Politics and Education. Manchester – New York: Manchester University Press. Heywood, A. (2000). Key Concepts in Politics. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Hoskins, B. L. & Mascherini, M. (2009). Measuring Active Citizenship through the Development of a Composite Indicator. Journal of Social Indicator Research 90 (3): 459-488. Johnson, D. W. & Johnson, R. T. (2002). Multicultural Education and Human Relations: Valuing Diversity. Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Kymlicka, W. (1995). Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Marsh, M. J. (1997). Key Concepts for Understanding Curriculum: Perspectives. London: Falmer Press. Meyer, Elizabeth J. (2010). Gender and Sexual Diversity in Schools: An Introduction. New York, NY: Springer.

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Mooney Cotter, Anne-Marie. (2011). Culture Clash: An International Legal Perspective on Ethnic Discrimination. Farnham: Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. Niemi, R. G. & Junn, Jane. (1998). Civic Education: What Makes Students Learn. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Nieto, Sonia & Bode, Patty. (1992). Affirming Diversity: The Sociopolitical Context of Multicultural Education. New York, NY: Longman. Pattie, C., Seyd, P. & Whiteley, P. (2004). Citizenship in Britain: Values Participation and Democracy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pattnaik, J. (2003). Learning about the “Other”: Building a Case for Intercultural Understanding among Minority Children. Childhood Education 79 (4): 204-211. Putnam, R. D. (1995). Bowling Alone: America’s Declining Social Capital. The Journal of Democracy 6 (1): 65-78. Quiseberry, Nancy L., McIntyre, D. J. & Duhon, Gwendolyn M. (2002). Racism in the Classroom: Case Studies. Washington, DC: Association for Childhood Education International. Schugurensky, D. (2004) Participatory Budget: A Tool for Democratizing Democracy. Talk given at the meeting “Some Assembly Required: Participatory Budgeting in Canada and Abroad,” Toronto Metro Hall, April 29, 2004. Online: http://fcis.oise.utoronto.ca/~daniel_schugurensky/. Shulman, Judith H. & Mesa-Bains, Amalia. (1993). Diversity in the Classroom: A Casebook for Teachers and Teacher Educators. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc. Silverman, Rita, Welty, W. & Lyon, Sally. (1994). Multicultural Education Cases for Teacher Problem Solving. Boston, MA: McGrawHill Inc. Sleeter, Christine E. & Grant, C. A. (2003). Making Choices for Multicultural Education: Five Approaches to Race, Class, and Gender. New York, NY: John Wiley & Sons. Torney-Purta, Judith, Lehman, R., Oswald, H. & Schultz, W. (2001). Citizenship and Education in Twenty-eight Countries. Civic Knowledge and Engagement at Age Fourteen. Amsterdam: IEA Secretariat. Winter, Micha de. (2005). Democratieopvoeding vs. de code van de straat [Oratio at the acceptance of professor of the study of educational questions]. University of Utrecht, 20 June 2005. Online: http://www.uu.nl/content/OratieMdW2005Webversie3.pdf.

INTERCULTURAL TRAINING OF PRE-SERVICE TEACHERS IN MULTICULTURAL VOJVODINA (SERBIA) BILJANA RADIû-BOJANIû AND DANIJELA POP-JOVANOV

Introduction Intercultural communicative competence is a learnt state, based on the motivation, knowledge and skills needed for the understanding and acceptance of diverse cultural norms, values and underlying cultural assumptions, as well as communicating effectively across cultures. Therefore, intercultural communicative competence generally focuses on language proficiency, cognitive components including cultural knowledge and ethnocentrism. It is also one of the basic skills that 21st century teachers should possess, given the globalizing processes, mobility, international contacts, etc. An entirely different issue is whether these teachers are trained in intercultural communicative competence (as they are trained in grammar, teaching methods, classroom management, etc.) and, if they are, therefore, prepared for a modern teaching process where they are expected not just to teach language to their students, but also develop intercultural understanding, conflict resolution, and empathy. All of these principles seem especially necessary when future teachers are educated and prepared for work in multicultural settings. One such example is the province of Vojvodina, Serbia, with its 26 ethnic groups and 6 official languages, where the need for mutual understanding, cooperation and empathy is at a very high level. Here, the most numerous ethnic groups are Serbs, Hungarians and Slovaks, but there are also Croats, Montenegrins, Romanians, Ruthenians, Germans, Macedonians, etc. In accordance with the most numerous ethnic groups, the government proclaimed 6 official languages (Serbian, Hungarian, Slovak, Romanian, Croatian, and Ruthenian). Serbian is the official language in all Vojvodina, while other languages are official in selected municipalities. There are

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newspapers, radio and TV shows in official and minority languages and various ethnic groups have the right of education in their mother tongue. When these ethnic and linguistic facts are cross-referenced with foreign language teaching, it is obvious that there is an expressed need for multicultural and intercultural education of future foreign language teachers in order to train them, not just in terms of teaching skills, but also in terms of conflict resolution, mutual cultural understanding and intercultural communication. That is why we propose a set of strategies that can be implemented in the educational process so as to train preservice teachers to become competent intercultural communicators and successful future teachers of the 21st century.

Intercultural Competence In essence, intercultural competence can be summarised as the ability to interact successfully across cultures, where “successfully” refers to social effectiveness (the ability to achieve social goals) and appropriateness (acceptable communication in a context). Intercultural competence involves a change of perspective on self and other and entails affective and cognitive changes. There are different theories on what intercultural competence consists of. These theories change depending on one’s point of view, or the context. According to the Council of Europe (2001: 104-105), intercultural skills and knowledge include the ability to bring the culture of origin and the foreign culture in relation with each other, cultural sensitivity and the ability to identify and use a variety of strategies for contact with those from other cultures, the capacity to fulfil the role of cultural intermediary between one’s own culture and the foreign culture and to deal effectively with intercultural misunderstanding and conflict situations, and the ability to overcome stereotyped relationships. When this definition is applied to the case of multicultural Vojvodina, its components gain even more importance as the number of intercultural ties multiplies and the network of intercultural encounters constantly increases. According to Byram, Gribkova & Starkey (2002), the components of intercultural competence are knowledge, skills, and attitudes, supplemented by values that are part of one’s multiple social identities. This model of intercultural competence consists of attitudes and values, which form the foundation of intercultural competence. They represent an affective capacity to suspend ethnocentric attitudes towards and perceptions of others and their cultures, and a cognitive ability to decentre, develop and maintain intercultural relations. This component represents

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the ability to relativize one’s own values, beliefs, and behaviours, recognition of cultural differences, their acceptance as possible and correct, and maintenance of a positive attitude towards them. Another crucial component is knowledge, not primarily the knowledge of a particular objective culture, but rather subjective culture, which gives direct insight into the worldview, functioning, processes, and practices of different cultural groups in intercultural interaction. The third essential component represents the skills: (a) skills of interpreting and relating, or the ability to interpret events from another culture, to explain and relate them to events from one’s own culture; (b) skills of discovery and interaction, or the ability to gain new knowledge of a culture and cultural practices, to combine and use knowledge, attitudes, and skills in communication and interaction, (c) critical, cultural awareness, which deals with the awareness of one’s own and other’s values and their mutual influence as well as the ability to critically evaluate practices and products in one’s own and others’ culture. Therefore, an interculturally competent communicator possesses the knowledge, motivation, and skills to interact effectively and appropriately in diverse cultural contexts. Whereas some researchers such as Bennett (1998, 2004, 2009) maintain that intercultural communicative competence is just a part of intercultural competence, and believe that it is a component of communicative competence, other researchers, like Byram & Flemming (1998) and Spitzberg (1997), tend to define it as a distinctive competence. Byram & Fleming (1998: 12) think “[...] intercultural communicative competence is concerned with understanding differences in interactional norms between social groups, so as ‘to reconcile or mediate between different modes present in any specific interaction’.”

Meyer (1991: 137) defines it as “[...] the ability of a person to behave adequately and in a flexible manner when confronted with actions, attitudes, and expectations of representatives of foreign cultures. Adequacy and adaptability imply an awareness of the cultural differences between one’s own and the foreign culture and the ability to handle cross-cultural problems.”

Raising awareness of the nature of intercultural interaction, as well as skills and competences that can help investigate different beliefs, values, cultural differences and practices seem to be an efficient way to avoid cultural misunderstandings and breakdowns. Raising awareness of

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intercultural communication competence is an efficient way to avoid misunderstandings that occur because of the lack of intercultural awareness. Intercultural communication helps interlocutors reach higher levels of language proficiency since culture affects spoken and written language as dimensions of social interaction. Also, interlocutors can predict where problems might occur during intercultural interaction, and thus, avoid such difficulties.

Ethnocentrism In intercultural communication, the issue of ethnocentrism is related to the development of intercultural sensitivity, i.e. the ability to experience cultural difference. People can be more or less sensitive to cultural difference. Those who are more interculturally sensitive can make finer discriminations among cultures. One’s ability to see a culturally different person as equally complex to one’s self and to take a culturally different perspective makes intercultural communication more successful. Thus, greater intercultural sensitivity creates the potential for increased intercultural communicative competence. Bennett (2004: 62) has designed a “developmental model of intercultural sensitivity” in order to provide an understanding of how people develop their ability to interpret and experience cultural difference. Bennett’s model is constructed as a continuum, which is divided into two sets of stages: ethnocentric (the stages of reaction to difference) and ethnorelative (the stages of openness to difference), both of which refer to worldview conditions, or orientations. Ethnocentrism is defined as an assumption that “the worldview of one’s own culture is central to all reality,” while ethnorelativism is “the experience of one’s own beliefs and behaviours as just one organization of reality among many viable possibilities” (ibidem). Therefore, cultural difference is seen as a way of enriching one’s own experience of reality and as a means to understand others. Difference is at the centre of the development of intercultural sensitivity. Denial is the stage with the least intercultural sensitivity, while integration is the one where the highest level is reached. The underlying assumption of the model is that “[...] as one’s experience of cultural difference becomes more complex and sophisticated, one’s potential competence in intercultural relations increases.” (Prechtl & Davidson Lund 2007: 469)

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Therefore, Bennett’s model can serve as a tool for understanding the shift from ethnocentrism to ethnorelativism, and the resulting changes that it assumes in knowledge, skills, and attitudes, i.e. the underlying worldview. The first ethnocentric stage, denial of cultural difference, is the stage that represents ultimate ethnocentrism. A person’s culture is experienced as the real one and unquestionably true, and his/her vision of the world is at the centre of reality and is never challenged. People at this stage are either unaware of cultural differences or deny their existence. They tend to use stereotypes to describe others as well as to dehumanise them. Denial can be based on isolation from people who are culturally different, or separation, where difference is separated on purpose. Defence against cultural difference is the second stage that is characterised by the recognition of the existence of cultural differences. However, the differences are perceived and evaluated as threatening to one’s reality and sense of self. To meet the threat, people at this stage perceive the world divided into “us” and “them,” denigrate the culturally diverse groups as being inferior by using negative stereotypes, or claim superiority of their own cultural group, where the emphasis is on the positive features of one’s own culture. The last stage of ethnocentrism is minimisation of cultural difference. This stage is characterised by the recognition and acceptance of superficial and insignificant cultural differences by assuming a basic similarity among all human beings. People at this stage trivialise cultural differences believing that common principles guide values and behaviours and that communication relies on a common and universal set of rules and principles. Between the stages of minimisation and acceptance, there is a change in the attitude towards cultural difference. In ethnorelative stages, differences are not seen as threats but rather as challenges. Acceptance of cultural difference is the first stage of ethnorelativism. It is characterised by the recognition of cultural differences in behavioural norms and value systems without evaluating those differences as positive or negative. Acceptance does not mean agreement. It means that people at this stage are likely to be curious about cultural differences and values of other groups, and are fairly tolerant of ambiguity. They are also skilful at identifying how cultural differences operate in a wide range of interactions without adopting many of the behaviours exhibited by the members of culturally different groups. Adaptation to cultural difference is the stage in which one’s worldview is expanded by the addition of a range of values, abilities, and behavioural norms to interact in different cultures, as well. People at this stage have the

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ability to modify the way they perceive and process reality, shift their cultural frames of reference and change their behaviour to conform to different norms in order to interact more effectively across cultures. Shifting the cultural frame of reference, or looking at the world “through different eyes,” is referred to as empathy, which involves disregarding one’s own worldview assumptions and taking another person’s perspective in order to understand and be understood across cultural boundaries. Integration is the last stage of openness to cultural difference. People at this stage extend their ability to perceive events by integrating various cultural frames of their own original cultural perspectives with those of other cultures. The process of shifting cultural perspectives becomes a normal part of self. They are able to interpret and evaluate different patterns of behaviour and switch styles, i.e. effortlessly adjust their behaviour in order to adjust to the culture of the people with which they interact. In some cases, individuals at this stage deal with issues related to their own “constructive marginality,” which implies a state of total selfreflectiveness, of not belonging to any culture but being an outsider. Reaching this stage allows the ability to operate within different worldviews.

Strategies for Intercultural Learning Intercultural encounters offer plenty of opportunities for intercultural learning to take place, with emphasis on gaining knowledge, acceptance, recognition, and respect for difference, as well as the decrease in the level of ethnocentrism. However, the mere interaction between culturally different people and attempts to make them aware of cultural diversity do not instantly lead to tolerance, acceptance, and mutual understanding. Quite the opposite, many people feel incapable of dealing with, unable to interact with, or even threatened by people from different cultural backgrounds. In addition, intercultural encounters always carry the risk of reinforcing existing stereotypes and prejudices. Therefore, cultural selfawareness is a necessary precondition for intercultural learning, which relies on one’s willingness to make an intercultural encounter productive, attempts to question one’s values and interpretations of one’s worldview, and aims at deep processes and changes of attitudes and behaviour. In the context of multicultural Vojvodina, many of the claims above ring true: despite its large multicultural wealth of nations, customs and languages, there are cases of intercultural conflicts, which rely on stereotypes and prejudices. Many attempts are made to increase intercultural awareness and to educate people in terms of mutual

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understanding and conflict resolution, primarily in the education system. In order to enable teachers to acquire skills bound with this kind of instruction, they have to be trained themselves in intercultural communication, whether while in-service or still pre-service teachers (students in their final year of studies). For that reason, a set of educational strategies is proposed in this section with special reference to the Vojvodinian multiculturality. According to Bennett (2009: 3), intercultural learning is “[...] acquiring increased awareness of subjective cultural context (worldview), including one’s own, and developing greater ability to interact sensitively and competently across cultural contexts as both an immediate and long-term effect of change.”

Therefore, it focuses on a mutual understanding of differences through intercultural sensitivity and refers to a process of acquiring knowledge, attitudes, and behaviour that is in connection with the interaction of people from different cultures. Strategies proposed below rely on concepts often related with intercultural learning – confidence and respect, experiencing identity, reality as a construction, in dialogue with the “other,” constant change and questioning, and the potential for conflict: -

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Increasing confidence is significant in order to attain openness that is needed for a mutual learning process. One should feel at ease to share different points of view, feelings and perceptions, to accept them and gain understanding. Therefore, one must be able to discuss one’s needs and expectations openly, listen to others’ opinions, experiences and feelings as equal in value and promote mutual trust. In the educational context of multicultural Vojvodina, this means that pre-service teachers with different ethnic and religious backgrounds should openly communicate regarding their own cultures, ways of life, microcustoms, etc. Increased understanding of others will lead to respect and implicit development of procedures that pre-service teachers will, then, transfer to other intercultural encounters. In intercultural learning, the starting point is one’s own culture, one’s own personal background and experience. In experiencing one’s identity, one will encounter both the opportunities and obstacles of the learning process. Everyone has a personal reality which has shaped them, and which is continually being supplemented by new experiences and knowledge. Trying to understand oneself and one’s own identity is a prerequisite to encounter others and learn about them. Self-understanding can be achieved through exploration of one’s

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cultural background and history that can be shaped in self-narratives embedded in the curriculum. There are many ways to grasp reality. In a process of intercultural learning, one has an opportunity to become fully aware of the way everyone constructs their own world which affects all aspects of one’s life. Even basic dimensions differ from culture to culture and only by recognising those differences can one challenge himself/herself to operate within different worldviews. These differences can be found even in daily routines and perceptions of time and space, so the best way for awareness raising may be role-playing when participants imagine themselves as belonging to a different culture or not belonging to any culture at all in order to see how their own reality differs from others. Intercultural learning is a process towards understanding and learning about the “other.” It challenges one to see oneself and the “other” as different but complementary. This is achieved by “walking in the other’s shoes,” which may require some ethnographic research and experiential learning on the part of pre-service teachers. Intercultural learning is a process of constant change that refers to dealing with cultural difference. One needs to accept that one needs to be open and ready to question one’s own assumptions, beliefs, ideas, and stereotypes, as well as to welcome change and different discoveries, perceptions, and transformations. In other words, preservice teachers are invited to discover and form different individual strategies to deal and cope with cultural difference. In this process, they have to accept that there will not always be an answer, or the right answer, and they need to be open to all possibilities and options. If one takes into account all different perceptions of people belonging to diverse cultural backgrounds, it is evident that misunderstandings and conflicts are likely to occur. Conflict is not necessarily bad and can sometimes be experienced as enriching since new relations can be formed and conflicts resolved in constructive ways. This is actually one of the best ways for pre-service teachers to learn how to, first of all, efficiently and maturely resolve conflicts that they may be involved in, which will, in turn, teach them how to teach their students the same.

Thus, it can be said that intercultural learning is not only a body of knowledge and skills but also a change in the state of one’s mind. There are essential socio-cultural skills and competences that can be learnt and developed. They are the key to a process of learning how to deal with

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difference and unexpected and unfamiliar situations, as well as how to adapt to, evaluate, and communicate effectively in intercultural situations.

Conclusion Intercultural communicative competence, one of the basic skills that 21st century teachers should possess, prepares them for a modern teaching process where they are expected not just to teach language to their students, but also to develop intercultural understanding, conflict resolution and empathy. This paper suggests some strategies that could be easily embedded into the curriculum with the aim of systematically improving pre-service teachers’ intercultural competence and, thus, make them more successful intercultural communicators and better teachers, especially having in mind that they will most likely work in schools in Vojvodina, a multicultural setting where such intercultural skills are always more than welcome.

Acknowledgement The paper is the result of research conducted within project no. 178002 Languages and Cultures across Space and Time funded by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia.

References Bennett, M. J. (1998). Intercultural Communication: A Current Perspective. In M. J. Bennett (Ed.), Basic Concepts of Intercultural Communication: Selected Readings. Boston – London: Intercultural Press. 1-34. —. (2004). Becoming Interculturally Competent. In J. Wurzel (Ed.), Toward Multiculturalism: A Reader in Multicultural Education. Newton, MA: Intercultural Resource Corporation. 62-77. —. (2009). Defining, Measuring, and Facilitating Intercultural Learning: A Conceptual Introduction to the IJIE Special Issue. In M. J. Bennett (Ed.), State of the Art Research on Intercultural Learning in Study Abroad and Best Practice for Intercultural Learning in International Youth Exchange. Special Double Issue of Journal of Intercultural Education. Online: http://www.idrinstitute.org/allegati/IDRI_t_ Pubblicazioni/25/FILE_Documento.pdf.

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Byram, M. & Fleming, M. (1998). Approaches through Ethnography: Learner Perspectives. In Byram, M. & Flemming, M. (Eds.), Language Learning in Intercultural Perspective: Approaches Through Drama and Ethnography. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 11-15. Byram, M., Gribkova, Bella & Starkey, H. (2002). Developing the Intercultural Dimension in Language Teaching: A Practical Introduction for Teachers. Strasbourg: Council of Europe. Council of Europe and European Commission. (2000). Intercultural Learning T-Kit No. 4. Strasbourg: Council of Europe Publishing. Council of Europe. (2001). The Common European Framework in Its Political and Educational Context. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Meyer, M. (1991). Developing Transcultural Competence: Case Studies of Advanced Foreign Language Learners. In D. Buttjes & M. Byram (Eds.), Mediating Languages and Cultures: Towards an Intercultural Theory of Foreign Language Education. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. 136-158. Prechtl, E. & Davidson Lund, A. (2007). Intercultural Competence and Assessment: Perspectives from the INCA Project. In Helga Kotthoff & Helen Spencer-Oatey (Eds.), Handbook of Intercultural Communication. Berlin – New York: Mouton de Gruyter Publishers. 467-490. Spitzberg, B. H. (1997). A Model of Intercultural Competence. In L. A. Samovar, R. E. Porter & E. R. McDaniel (Eds.), Intercultural Communication: A Reader. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing. 379391.

INFORMAL INTERCULTURAL AND INTERLINGUISTIC EDUCATIONAL MATERIALS: A CASE STUDY (ROMANIAN BANAT) ELIANA-ALINA POPEğI

Introduction In a time when society continues to evolve and allows essential changes that also impose the development of education and its growing to the standards established by society, mentality, globalization, technology, etc., Interlinguistic Education proves to be a significantly important subject when integrated into an area influenced by a historic tradition. The objectives of the present article focus on some informal teaching materials within the frame of a potential interlinguistic course that should review, continue and intensify a diminishing identity due to present changes. We propose, for this educational process, resources with didactic potential taken from the everyday environment of Banat. As we have mentioned above, the hypothesis of this article is “bilingual materials like brochures, flyers, and ads (in Romanian and the language of a local minority) together with intercultural events in which the minorities are involved could support the role of didactic materials within an intercultural and interlinguistic education course for teenagers in Banat.” The target participants of this course are representatives of the most significant minorities in the Banat area and of the Romanian majority for the purpose of creating an intercultural interaction in which the minorities have the opportunity to be informants and ambassadors of their own culture. In order to summarise what we have presented so far, there are three defining elements at the basis of this article: -

the memory of Banat as multi- and inter-cultural environment; multicultural education with its positive effects;

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a series of materials taken from everyday life of the Banat environment, especially from the city of Timiúoara.

As for the terms “intercultural” and “multicultural,” we briefly present some theoretical resources in order to establish the exact meaning of these words. Thus, the term “intercultural” was said to have been selected both due to the rich meaning of the prefix “inter” and to the (anthropologic) meaning of the word “culture.” Therefore, intercultural supposes interaction, exchange, reciprocity, interdependency, solidarity, recognition of values, of lifestyle, of symbolic representations that the human beings, the individual or the groups retrospect to in their relations with their kind and in understanding the world (Dasen, Perregaux & Rey 1999: 152). As for the term “multicultural,” it is part of the static description of some situations: “Societies are, in fact, pluri- or multi-cultural. They reunite individuals or groups from several or very many different cultures. In a ‘multicultural’ approach, interactions are not excluded, but they are not highlighted explicitly either, so they are not implicit to the concept (multiculturalism can consider sufficient the juxtaposition of cultures and reach apartheid) unlike what happens with “interculturality” and the perspective the term defines.” (idem: 153)

The two terms are apparently at almost opposed poles, interculturality being the one that tends to gather more positive attributes.

Informal Materials of Intercultural and Interlinguistic Education The title of the article brings forth concepts that impose the clarification of some directions. Therefore, we briefly present the Banat region as a multicultural area, where plurilingualism used to be a guarantee of the Banat intellectual role. This characterization would allow this area to host an interlinguistic education course for teenagers, through which the recovery of an interethnic identity and its continuity within the minorities’ specific to the place could take place. In order not to present exclusively historical details, we make a description situated at the border between history and culture for the area under discussion. In an incursion in Timiúoara’s environment as a place of inter- and multi-culturalism, Adriana Babe‫܊‬i (2008: 20) enumerates the ethnic groups that, along times, have built an essential diversity for the Banat environment:

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Romanians, Serbians, Germans, Hungarians, Jews, Gipsies, Slovaks, Croatians, Bulgarians, Italians, Polish, Turks, Tartars, Czechs, Armenians, French, Russians, Arabs.

Following the intensive interethnic interaction, Valeriu Leu captures the essential of the Banat image: “Banat, if we were to find a mythical symbol for it, would be ‘the Country among rivers’, a European Mesopotamia, due to long periods of history, but especially the modern one from the 18th century when a redimensioning of the continent took place, a shift towards the East. All we do is to add one more name to the collection that ‘idealizes’ confirming a noteworthy history. The “place” is bordered by shores on three sides: north – the Mure‫܈‬, west – the Tisa, south – the Danube, and east – the mountains that divide Transylvania and Oltenia. It stretches over 28.526 km, an area that could be compared to Belgium. [...] Two thirds belong to Romania, the western third to Serbia and a small area around Szeged to Hungary.” (Leu 2010: 69)

At the level of historical effects, we could enumerate economical and cultural prosperity. The focus of the present article is, though, the cultural side of this area, especially plurilingualism, an element that stands at the basis of this article. Following a century-old interethnic interaction, the Banat region has enjoyed, among others, the interlinguistic communication phenomenon: “By-, tri-, or even cvadri-lingualism of intellectual élites, but also of the majority of Timisoara’s inhabitants until years after World War II (when

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Informal Intercultural and Interlinguistic Educational Materials the ethnic configuration of the region changed significantly with the departure of Germans and Jews and the new colonisations with Romanians and Hungarians from other regions of the country) functioned as a decisive factor of communication and closeness. The possibility of ethnic communities from Timisoara to establish contact with the written memorial heritages of each of them, a direct and translated contact, was an exceptional opportunity. It was maintained by the intensive activity of those writers and journalists who manifested themselves in two-three languages or translated from one literature to another.” (Babe‫܊‬i 2008: 26)

The quotation above shows several aspects of Banat specificity regarding plurilingualism, but what proves to be defining is the information according to which this phenomenon has not been limited to the level of the intelligentsia, but has extended to the majority of the population in Banat. The question we ask now is How can this phenomenon be preserved, extended and promoted through education? This question helps us pass from the history of Banat as an area of multiculturalism and understand what inter- and multi-cultural education means. For Dasen, Perregaux & Rey (1999: 152), the term “intercultural” means “[...] the recognition of the diversity of representations, references and values, dialogue, exchange and interactions among these different representations and references; especially of the dialogue and exchange among persons and groups whose references are diverse, multiple, and often divergent.”

The issue of languages and their learning represents a phenomenon approached by the same authors from the following perspective: “From the point of view of language learning, studies have shown that a plurilinguistic approach is beneficial for global development as well as for communication.” (Dasen, Perregaux & Rey 1999: 173)

These models of plurilinguistic approaches focus on globalization and communication, and researchers have observed that, through the knowledge of several languages, the Banat connects to a “good European” behaviour: “Another aspect invoked by the Banat inhabitant in order to differentiate himself from the others is the ability to speak several languages. It is about the language of the surrounding ethnic that is German, Serbian, and Hungarian. This type of positive valorisation regards both the opening towards communication with the other, and the politeness towards the other. It is obviously a form of interculturality which gains a significant

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symbolic dimension, another one through which the image of the good Banat inhabitant connects with the one of the ‘good European’.” (Vultur 2006)

We need to mention that, in Banat, Romanian is spoken by all ethnic groups, and the existence of bilingualism is exclusively the sign of former multi- and inter-culturality. Here are some of the objectives of an intercultural and plurilinguistic education course for teenagers: -

Recognition of the area identity by the young people; Interaction between the minorities in Banat; Discussion of materials taken from real contexts of the Banat area; Acknowledgement of notions from other languages at beginner level; Participation to cultural events of minorities in Banat; Familiarisation with the language, traditions and culture of the minorities.

The existence of bilingual materials in the Banat everyday life is due to the wide range of ethnicities specific to this area. The fact that certain flyers, posters or adds developed by the minorities are bilingual shows, on the one hand, their respect for the official language and, on the other hand, the desire of an ethnic group to preserve its mother tongue. In order to support our approach, we have selected three of the most prominent ethnic groups of the Banat region: Germans, Hungarians and Serbs. The foundation of our option was a series of studies that confirm the fact that speaking these languages was once the guarantee of a high level of culture, especially regarding the role of the Banat intelligentsia. We appeal to a fragment from an interview regarding the situation of the Banat plurilingualism: “At home, we speak Romanian, German and Hungarian. I speak Romanian as any other inhabitant of Banat. I don’t make spelling mistakes, not even if I have to speak in the Banat dialect.” (Boleraz 2000: 116)

As the quotation above shows that interethnic tolerance was not the means to turn the Banat region into a plurilingual area, the interlinguistic education course we are talking about should not focus on foreign language learning, but on attention drawing. Such a course should not focus on one language of one ethnic group, but operate from the perspective of the parallel assimilation of knowledge from two or three languages. The first image illustrating our approach presents a bilingual add in Romanian and German (Figure 3-2).

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Figure 3-2. Bilingual add in Romanian and German

Figure 3-3 represents a poster from the State Hungarian Theatre of Timiúoara: a person not familiar with Hungarian can easily remark that “vígjáték” means ‘comedy’ and “rendezö” means ‘direction,’ and so on. As one can notice, we have not paid attention to the title of the play, but to easier terms. We, therefore, focus not on objectives like learning minorities’ languages at a high level, but, through the existing materials, on elementary vocabulary (especially culture and civilization notions). From now on, things can branch out towards alphabet, reading, after which grammar notions can be gradually introduced. In this context, minority course participants can be of help: for them, the promotion of their culture and mother tongue is also a form of recognition of their culture, and they are motivated to assert their cultural identity. The participants belonging to the minority groups are offered the chance to collaborate with the coordinating teacher and to enter factor roles meant to complete the informality dosage this learning process is endowed with.

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Figure 3-3. Bilingual add in Romanian and Hungarian

As for Figures 3-4, 3-5 and 3-6, the posters they present provide few words in Serbian. Nevertheless, the Serbian minority provides a wide series of events (from parties to cultural events) in which the participants can be involved since the learning we are talking about is informal. The poster presented in Figure 3-5 comes with little information, but if we add up the three Serbian-Romanian materials, we see a consistent vocabulary to be taught around and grammar, culture and civilization notions as well: “As a gift to friends” and “Serbian New Year’s Celebration,” the verbs “make friends,” “give,” “celebrate” in Serbian and their conjugation, the noun and phrase “poet” and “New Year’s Celebration,” greetings, traditions and customs specific to winter celebrations of the Serbian minority in Banat. We should also add the fact that they celebrate Christmas’ Eve and New Year’s Eve two weeks later than common Orthodox and Catholic people. As Figure 3-6 shows, the cultural event brings forth the Cyrillic alphabet, which gives Serbian a distinctive status. Based on the add presented, the interlinguistic course can be extended to teaching the Cyrillic alphabet as well as to comparing it with the Latin one within learning methods and procedures. Moreover, Timiúoara’s cultural environment provides cultural events in which Romanian majority and one or several minorities’ cultures are involved.

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Figure 3-4. Bilingual add in Romanian and Serbian

Figure 3-5. Bilingual add in Romanian and Serbian

Figure 3-6. Bilingual add in Romanian and Serbian

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In Figure 3-7, there is no bilingualism, but we have two literary personalities representative for Romanian and Hungarian cultures: Romanian poet Mihai Eminescu and Hungarian poet Petöfi Sándor – a good opportunity to draw the students’ attention on the differences in name structure (in Romanian, we state first name and last name, in Hungarian they state last name and first name). Commemorating them together establishes an intercultural interaction between the Hungarian and the Romanian ethnics; involving the course participants in such events allows an information exchange about the two poets through which an informal learning process happens as long as it is well managed.

Figure 3-7. Poster presenting the most representative Romanian and Hungarian poets

Certainly, we can propose and analyse more materials from this category, but we consider that an elementary line was drawn for the existence of an intercultural and interlinguistic education course. The observation that would complete those proposed for an informal education category refers to the fact that assimilating notions from the “other’s” language does not necessarily focus on knowing the standard variant of the language but of the variant spoken by the minority population in Banat. Regarding the materials we have proposed as informal didactic support, they are limited to the three languages that researches have revealed to be most popular among the population of Banat. What is relevant in the case of the materials that highlight the Serbian minority’s events is the fact that Romanian is primary, and bilingualism does not occur completely. Bilingualism does not limit itself to the desire of a minority to preserve its identity, but, crossing this barrier, it highlights the attachment regarding the state language and points to the main characteristic of the region that is the interaction between ethnic groups. As for the potential informal learning materials, we have proposed the limitation to a series of informative sources to be found in the Banat reality, but this category

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could include more consistent sources from literature, press, etc. Because we have referred to a course whose target students are teenagers, the issue to take into consideration is learning international languages and the fact that languages are generally assimilated in school. The existence of an intercultural and interlinguistic education course comes to complete the curriculum, its status being optional.

Conclusions Bilingualism and even plurilingualism prove to be elements existent outside the everyday environment of the Banat area, and if they are not preserved and promoted, despite the European spirit, they will disappear together with the last speakers of Hungarian and Serbian especially on the Romanian Banat territory. German, due to its status of international language, is probably the one that will be permanently searched for. If materials like the ones in the images presented in this article continue to exist, they represent a credible source of learning within an intercultural and interlinguistic education course for teenagers. The existence of this course would not have as a motivation only the learning of foreign languages, but it would also stimulate a multi- and inter-cultural continuity specific to Banat. At the same time, through these informal didactic materials, we draw the attention upon some events organized within a local minority. They represent an information source as well as a learning source that is not noticed by all teenagers if it is present exclusively in the everyday environment. Using these materials for didactic purposes saves certain events from being ignored by uneducated teenagers and their collection along a longer period may result in school manuals, or in an intercultural and interlinguistic education website. At the same time, using this type of less formal materials sets in motion the cooperation between Romanian and local minorities course participants. We consider that informal learning taken from the local reality brings more credibility and motivation to the course participants, and Banat as an area of multi- and inter-culturalism would ensure the preservation of this identity tradition that it has been building along history.

Acknowledgement This work was partially supported by the strategic grant POSDRU/CPP107/DMI1.5/S/78421, Project ID 78421 (2010), cofinanced by the European Social Fund – Investing in People, within the

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Sectoral Operational Programmeme Human Resources Development 2007 – 2013.

References Babe‫܊‬i, Adriana (2008). Literatura – o interfaаă a culturii urbane a memoriei. Studiu de caz: TimiЮoara [Literature – An Interface of Urban Culture of Memory. A Case Study: Timi‫܈‬oara]. In Smaranda Vultur (Ed.), Banatul din memorie. Timi‫܈‬oara: Marineasa. 15-53. Boleraz, ùt. (2000). ...Totul se poate reda...dar nu au putut să-mi redea tinereаea. Se poate ierta, dar nu se poate uita. Interviu realizat de Roxana PătraЮcu [Everything can be returned…but they couldn’t return my youth. It can be forgiven, but not forgotten. Interview by Roxana Pătra‫܈‬cu]. In Smaranda Vultur (Ed.), Germanii din Banat. Bucureúti: Paideia. 113-129. Dasen, P., Perregaux, Christiane & Rey, Micheline. (1999). Educaаie interculturală, experienаe, politici Юi strategii [Intercultural education, experiences, policies and strategies]. Ia‫܈‬i: Polirom. Leu, V. (2010). Istoria ca suport al regionalizării – “Banatul imperial” [History as a Support of Regionalization: “The Imperial Banat”]. In Studii Юi cercetări. Actele Simpozionului “Banatul – trecut istoric Юi cultural.” Zrenianin – Novi Sad: ICRV – Funda‫܊‬iei Publishing House. 68-79. Vultur, Smaranda. (2006). The Image of a Good European. In F. Ruegg, R. Poledna & C. Rus (Eds.), Interculturality and Discrimination in Romania Policies, Practices, Identities and Representations. Berlin: Lit Verlag. 309-313. Vultur, Smaranda. (Ed.). (2000). Germanii din Banat [Germans from Banat]. Bucureúti: Paideia.

BEING A MINORITY OR A MAJORITY IN TRANSYLVANIA (ROMANIA) IOANA ROMAN

A Bit of History Transylvania is one of the three historical provinces of Romania, along with Wallachia and Moldavia; it is known for its picturesque landscapes, eventful history, and hospitable people witnessing composure and judgment when time for decision-making comes. This area is associated, in western culture, with vampires – a myth deeply rooted historically in the area, as well. In time, it was part of the Roman Empire, of the Hungarian Kingdom, and of the Austrian Empire, respectively. Between 1526 and 1699, it was an independent state known as the Principality of Transylvania. Transylvania indeed got under Habsburg imperial administration, but managed to retain its statehood until 1867, ruled by governors appointed by Vienna. Between 1868 and 1918, Transylvania was incorporated in the Hungarian part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire (Makkai & Mócsy 2002). After the Union with Romania, on December 1, 1918, Transylvania remained autonomous within the Romanian State for one year and a half, governed by a Directing Council. The first formal census in Transylvania – carried out by the AustroHungarian authorities in 1869 – discriminated among nationalities based on their mother tongue. For the previous period, there are only estimations regarding the share of various ethnic groups inhabiting Transylvania at that time. Thus, Elek Fényes, 19th century Hungarian statistician, estimated, in 1842 that Transylvania’s population in the 1830s-1840s was 62% Romanian and 23.3% Hungarian, respectively (Varga 1998). The Romani are not mentioned as they were slaves, speakers of Romanian or Hungarian and – probably – stating their affiliation to one of these nationalities. The 1850-census in Transylvania pointed out a share of 2.2% Romani people of the total population. The 19th century brought about an alteration of the attitude towards slavery within the entire Europe;

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thus, owing to the impact of the liberal ideas brought about by the 1848 Revolution, all people were declared free and equal. The Romani’ bondage was, forever, abolished in 1856. The status of minorities under the Communist rule (before December 1898) had many flaws – on the one hand, because of the overall standardization of the society and – on the other hand, because of their marginalization. Minorities were considered a burden for Romania’s foreign policy. On January 5, 1990, the first measures were taken to find solutions to the problems of national minorities and the restrictions imposed by the Ceauúescu rule. The status of Romania’s minorities has significantly improved after December 1989; still, there are many problems of a social nature to be solved both through socio-political policies of the state, as well as via legislative initiatives of the nongovernmental organizations, let alone the legislative and executive effort of political representatives (Francine 2009). Analysis of censuses performed between 1966 and 2011 shows that Transylvanian population knew many fluctuations in so far as the percentage of Romani is concerned; this percentage knew a ceaseless growth and, at present, it represents 3.2% compared to 0.3% in 1966. Of a total of 535,140 Romani, 60% live in the countryside (325,000). Some people think that this figure does not represent the reality, but many of the Romani people deny their ethnicity; others still do not have birth certificates or identity cards and, therefore, cannot be censused. As for the Hungarians, their percentage is shrinking from 24.2% in 1968 to 18.9% in 2012 (http://www.gandul.info/cauta.html?q=recensamant preliminary). In 2000, they established, in Cluj-Napoca, the Romanian Institute for Research on National Minorities. It was legally constituted as a public entity under the authority of the Romanian Government and coordinated by the Department for Interethnic Relations. The Institute has the following objectives: to conduct inter- and multi-disciplinary studies and research with regard to the preservation, development and expression of ethnic identity, as well as about social, historical, cultural, linguistic, religious or other aspects of national minorities and other ethnic communities living in Romania (http://www.ispmn.gov.ro).

Status of Hungarian and Romani Minorities in Transylvania The differences between the minority and the majority populations come out in terms of descent, mother tongue, culture, traditions and habits; thus, within the same society, there are several categories of population. For

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instance, in the United States of America, minorities are established depending on race, and in Finland, on mother tongue. In Romania, the term “ethnicity” or “nationality” formally represents cultural and linguistic differences. Regardless of race, mother tongue, culture, tradition, or any other criterion of differentiation on a social level, all citizens should have equal rights and free and unconditioned access to education. Education in the contemporary society represents an investment in the human capital, and this is why it should not be neglected; instead, the stress should be on the right and equal chance to education of every child, no matter his/her ethnicity. In the population of Hungarian ethnicity, one can notice a shrinking in the numbers of children and, implicitly, in that of class teaching in Hungarian. The Romani are confronted with the barriers of language (Romani) and culture; however, in spite of these difficulties, education remains one of the means of modernization and development of this ethnicity. Education, together with mass-media and family, is the main source that forms and develops the value system of individuals. According to Article 6 regarding the Right to Identity in the Constitution of Romania (http://www.cdep.ro/pls/dic/site.page?id=371), “The State acknowledges and guarantees the persons pertaining to national minorities the right to keep, to develop and to express their ethnic, cultural, linguistic and religious identity.”

Thus, one can assert that the main problem is the lack of education in the mother tongue for the Hungarians who are either deprived of the possibility of studying in their mother tongue (there are not enough kindergartens, grammar/and high school classes and universities teaching in Hungarian), or think that later they will be marginalized by the society as they do not master properly the Romanian language (the State’s formal language). As for the Roma ethnicity, they are unable to trespass their traditions, myths, or cultural barrier as all these feed a tribal-nomadic culture, another barrier on the way of their finding jobs because of the lack of education. Besides all this, one can mention some kind of hostility from the part of the Romanian population, the majority in Transylvania. This is one of the reasons why many Hungarians leave Romania for Hungary – or other countries – and the Romani migrate towards the more developed countries of Europe (Spain, Italy, France, England and Ireland). If the Hungarians have adjusted to other countries, one cannot say the same thing about the Romani, raising hell with their improper behaviour (begging, thefts and

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the like, let alone the improvised suburb camps on the edge of large European cities). At the same time, Article 6 of the Constitution of Romania (2012) also refers to the fact that “The means of protection taken by the State to keep, develop and express the identity of persons pertaining to the national minorities should be in conformity with the principles of equality and non-discrimination as to other Romanian citizens.”

The aspects highlighted by the Constitution (the keeping of identity and of ancestral traditions) contradict what the Romanian society demands from the Romani people, namely education, civilized manners, culture, etc. Society is trying hard to integrate them (to inoculate them our own values), sometimes against their will, in other words. However, we find that we are banging a thick wall as they do not give up their tribal traditions. We are raising the issue whether it is convenient, or a colossal mistake to force the Romanis’ integration that, for centuries, have been following but their own rules. Is it not possible that the whole thing is doomed to fail? Do they want integration or do they feel better in their community, living by their conventions? For us, Transylvanians, living in our contemporary society, it is essential to have access to information, to communicate with the virtual space, to be professionally acknowledged, to have our own house to live in. Well, to the Romani, fire is one vital thing; however, it is paradoxical that some of them live in blocks of flats (allotted from the fund of the City Council’s residence fund). However, after one week of residing, the flooring is removed as they think more natural to light a fire right in the middle of the compound, in spite of the fact that there is central heating. At the same time, they are not interested in a professional career as the work place serves only to satisfy the primary food necessity and, when such a thing is not possible, stealing is the most adequate means to care for the simple bare necessities. They prefer that two families – each made up of three generations – live under the same roof. Luxury, or space, means not a thing to them. In spite of all, however, those who manage to earn larger sums of money via various means, display the tendency to swank, i.e. to demonstrate (not only to their fellows alike, but to others too) that they can also have genuine palaces. As a matter of fact, Romani houses in the area of Huedin (Cluj County) are ubiquitously known. Romani search to impress by gold jewels, goldcoin necklaces exhibited by women with utter nonchalance. However, all this, to the rest of fellow dwellers, means nothing else but poor taste and subculture. It seems that the rest of folks judge them rather harshly and do

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not prove too much desire to follow – one way or other – the Romani ethnic minority. The Hungarian minority of Transylvania is known as a significant cultural and civilization factor. One can admit that, were it not for the tense situations created by various governments and political treaties in history, none of us would speak about the necessity of the Hungarians to ask for their rights. With the humble average person, there is cooperation and understanding; there are numerous mixed families with whom the problem of mother tongue does not exist, and the religious problem does not matter; all that matters is cultural and intellectual compatibility. As a matter of fact, politicians are those who, out of craving for votes and electoral sympathies, build up situations of conflict – both among Hungarians and Romanians.

Aims and Hypotheses of Study: Sampling The goal of the present research is to present as objectively as possible educational issues minorities of Transylvania are confronted with. We monitored the effects of the lack of education in the mother tongue upon Hungarian and Romani children. Such studies are necessary as previous researches focused upon the problems of Romani ethnicities in general and not on interethnic cohabitation, no matter the nature of the ethnicity. From a social point of view, the problem of the Roma ethnicity is widely analysed, intensely debated politically, and much exposed in the massmedia. At the other end of the line, however, are the problems of the Hungarians that, seemingly, have been forgotten. Many of them, at present, although receiving the necessary support for social evolution at European-society standards, refuse to study in their mother tongue because of the impossibility of a professional insertion. The debate focuses on the problem of multiculturalism and stresses the idea that each of us has, legally, the same rights regardless of ethnicity, religion or social category. The present study was carried out between 2011 and 2012, in four locations in the countryside, in the counties of Cluj and Mureú. We selected these locations due to the differences in the share of ethnicities analysed. Thus, in the Cluj County, the Romanians represent the majority population, i.e. 79.4% (557,891 individuals) while the Hungarians and the Romani represent only 17.4% (122,301 individuals) and 2.8% (19,834 individuals), respectively. In the Mureú County, the Romanian population accounts for 53.26% (309,375 individuals), almost equalling the Hungarian ethnicity, i.e. 40.30% (228,275 individuals) while the Romani represent 6.96% (40,425 individuals) (http://www.insse.ro/cms/files/

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statistici/Statistica%20teritoriala%202008/rom/8.htm). The share of the Romani population is larger in the rural area than in the urban one. We wanted to make a comparative study of what it means to be a minority close in number to the majority, and whether such an aspect can contribute to a better demographic, cultural or educational evolution. We questioned 306 high school students aged 10-15; 132 of them belonged to the Hungarian ethnicity and 174 to the Romani one. Similarly, 64 teaching staff members teaching Hungarian classes or classes including Romani children co-operated in the present research. We have summoned a larger number of Romani children as with them school withdrawal raises serious problems, let alone law infringement. Similarly, we also talked to 31 Hungarian parents and 43 Romani ones, as well as with councillors in charge with the problems of the Roma ethnicity in each school.

Instruments: Limits to the Study To make an as serious analysis as possible, besides the discussions in the classroom with the students included in the present study, a questionnaire including multiple-choice items (four possible answers each) and a number of 20 items were drawn up. The most relevant answers are dealt with below. With the members of the teaching staff, the type of questionnaire preferred was a measurement scale of 20 items receiving gradual points from 1 to 5, together with a short interview bearing the generic title of “Rights of Minorities and Their Social Integration” with a participating number of only 38 teaching-staff members of the 64 implied in the present study. We wanted to make it clear that there was not any significant difference between the answers received in the two years and that is why the analysis was carried out in tandem. We did not tackle the problem of revealing the psychological impact brought about by interethnic discrimination, and did not make any opinion regarding the outlining of the profile of marginalized children either. Data obtained from questionnaires and interviews were processed by identifying several fundamental aspects regarding the issues of the two minority ethnicities in Transylvania: the Hungarians and the Romani.

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Analysis of Questionnaire Answers and Comprehensive Interview The problem of education in the children of the Hungarian and Romani ethnicities is, in Transylvania, one of the challenges confronted with by the political, socio-economic, cultural-civic and educational media. As long as 22 years ago, alongside the democratization of the Romanian society, the minorities have gained several rights allowing for their manifestation at cultural, educational and political levels. Numerous efforts are being made (projects, programmes) in an attempt to integrate and promote the interests of the Romani people at all levels, but the results are rather poor. Thus, the Ministry of Education and Research (MER) includes the General Directorate for Education in Minority Languages, author of many programmes destined to exclude illiteracy, or school recovery, among Romani people. At the same time, the study of the Roma language and history was included in the curriculum. One such project initiated by the MER is the one entitled “Everybody to kindergarten, all to 1st class,” part, along with other projects, of other projects and integrated programmes meant to enhance access to education and raise the educational level of the children in deprived communities, mostly of Romani descent. Such programmes generally aim at directly contributing to the prevention of early school abandonment, mainly within the deprived categories such as Romani communities, the needy ones and the villagers. Based on the answers to the questionnaires and on discussions with both adults and children pertaining to the Hungarian and Romani ethnicities, we carried out an analysis of their situation, which allowed us draw some conclusions meant to lead to improvement. The main stress was laid upon the Roma children discrimination. Discrimination against the Romani in Transylvania is ranking them lower on the social ladder, conducive to marginalization and isolation. Thus, there is a severe limitation of the Romani people’s access of to education and to the economic and political resources of the society. By virtue of sociological theories, discrimination against ethnic groups bears the stigma that will compromise them socially. The coming out of the stigma will drag after it mental classification of a person or group by the rest; hence, unwanted stereotypes and more blame. At the same time, in Transylvania, one can notice a sort of tension between the majority Romanian population and the Hungarian minority. Such a state of latent hostility is artificially fed, mostly by the politicians and their ideas regarding territorial autonomy.

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Students’ Answers One of the main problems underlined by the Romani children was that of the nickname “crow” or “tzigane”; they, however, would prefer to be called Romani. Locally, this new name is not accepted by the majority population, possibly because of the confusions that are likely to appear (even on an international level) between Roma and Romanian. In spite of the fact that, for centuries, they were named tzigany (‘Gypsies’), at present, to the new generation it seems derogatory. Similarly, Hungarian students feel hurt at the appellative “Hungarian bozgor” (without equivalent in English; however, by comparison, it would correspond to kike, for Jews) used by mischievous Romanian children, when quarrelling during the breaks in the schoolyard. Such appellatives should be avoided, and teachers should take steps against them whenever encountered. Answers to the question “What do you prefer to do in mornings?” Hungarian students answered that they wanted to go to school and study. Most of the Romani students (50.5%) chose to answer they wished to go to school, but many said they would rather prefer to stay home and give a hand to their parents (36.2%) or to spend time playing (13.2%). (Figure 38) There are, here, remarkable differences in the Hungarian minority; their children have been seeded – right in the family – the desire towards perfection, i.e. towards an education. Notwithstanding, they are aware that only following such a way will they be capable of social integration; in this ethnicity, there is a propensity for culture. However, one cannot say the same thing about the Romani children, who think school is something totally useless; one the other hand, they think it would be nice, however, to go to school only for the sake of increasing the chances of having a better job. The answers of both ethnicities regarding the wish to study in their mother tongue (88%) and not in Romanian (12%) were identical. Unlike the Hungarians, who have the opportunity to study in Hungarian, as there are teachers and schools for instruction in their mother tongue, the Romani students do not have such an opportunity. Doubtlessly, children find it easier to use the spoken language in the family than that of the Romanian language, regarded as a foreign language. Such yearning of the children is not backed by their parents – with Hungarians, that is – who discern future limitations of their children’s possibilities, when they do not study in the formal language (Romanian). Society is the one that actually imposes – so to speak – mutually, these unwritten rules, the unwanted limitations. With foreseeable time, mentalities can be altered, and people can get aware of

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the right too study in their t mother tongue and, implicitly, to social integration, no matter the ethnicity. Romani students

Hungarian sstudents

132

88 23 Goingg to school

Playing

63 Staying at ho ome

Figure 3-8. N Need for educatiion in Romani and a Hungarian students (numb bers)

As Romani students havee a school abandonment raate 60% higheer than in the other stuudents, we waanted to find out the reasonss why they skiip classes or abandon school so offten. The answer was thatt they abando on school because of the lack of money m (lack of financial rresources); th his means parents cannnot purchasee school sup pplies, clothess, footwear, or food. Another reaason is poor health, but so ome also skipp classes witthout any reason (Figuure 3-9). Thiis also meanss that the chiildren are no ot enough motivated annd are not awaare of the rolee of educationn in their evolu ution. As for thhe time allotteed by the scho ool children foor the daily prreparation for school ((doing homew work, additional reading, solving probllems and exercises), H Hungarian stuudents spend a lot of time ddoing it – an average of three hours daily. Romanni students speend much less than that – an n average of one hour daily. They claim c they haave other housse chores to do d and do not have tim me for homew work. Unfortu unately, somee Romani chiildren are sent by theiir parents to practice begg gary or to loook after theirr younger brothers. Geenerally, they do their homeework during support classses, under the surveillaance of teachhers who hellp the childreen overcome learning difficulties. Such activities are carried d out at schoool, in accordaance with the school pprogramme.

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Romani students

Hungarian sstudents

130

97 2 29

48 Heaalth state

Poverty

No answer

Causes of schoool absenteeism in Romani andd Hungarian sttudents (in Figure 3-9. C numbers)

As for thee friendship relationshipss among chiildren, it waas rather interesting tto notice thatt students ageed 10-12 connfessed they had h more than four friiends in their class, whereaas most studennts aged 13+ had only 2-3 friends in their class. Romani stud dents declaredd that their frriends are mostly of tthe same ethnnicity, which h is not the ccase with Hu ungarians students. In their aanswers to thee question abo out the professsion they wou uld like to practice in the future, most of the Hungariann children po ointed to professions implying higgher education n (doctor, civvil engineer, professor, p etc.). Some stated that theey would conttinue their stuudies abroad in n order to be more com mpetent and competitive c on n the labour m market, in onee word, to become acccomplished professionally. These are obvioussly high aspirations, both educattionally and socially. Thhe Romani children’s c aspirations are utterly reduced r as girls g opted ffor becoming g singers, hairdressers, shop assistannts or even ho omemakers whhereas boys would w like to become ccar drivers andd mechanics, night n watchmeen, linesmen. The wish for progress of the young generation off Romani is obbvious in theirr answers as they alreaady know the consequencess of the lack o f education an nd jobs.

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Opinions of the Councillor in Charge of the Romani People’ Problems and the Romani Parents In Transylvanian schools attended by Romani children, the State has created a position of Councillor for Romani with education issues. After discussing with such councillors, we could see that, although the Romani would like to get involved in the social-economic and cultural life of the country, there are countless obstacles in the way of fulfilling this desideratum. These obstacles are pointed out by the Party of Pro-Europe Romani people, one of the representative political establishments of the Romani in the area: -

Less than half of the interviewee declared their ethnic affiliation during the most recent national census, preferring to declare they were Romanians; 54% of the Romani interviewed speak their native language in the family; Only one of three Romani people have graduated from grammar school; barely 6% (1 of 18) have graduated from high school, and 1% have gone to college; One of five Romani people will not send their children to school because they do not have decent clothes; Parents send their children to school, and special institutions (it is often the case with mentally-challenged children), as they consider that the “curriculum is easier, and the child might pass;” For 78% of the interviewed Romani, observing the “human rights” means “finding a job;” for others, this means “no more hunger;” More than half of the interviewed Romani consider that the traditional occupations such as healing, fortune telling, trading and playing and singing may bring them incomes; The Romani consider that a person needs to be in excellent health, be lucky, be diligent and assistance from the part of the State in order to succeed in life (http://www.partidaromilor.ro/despre-noi/rapoarte/109romii-in-europa-centrala-si-de-est.html).

One can see from the data presented above that the Romani are ashamed of admitting their ethnicity; they do not lay stress on education, and they prefer to lean on handcraft that does not ask for studies, and that is not needed by society. Thus, the chances of integration are scarce. The Romani’s Councillor for Education is aware of the family life of each student. Thus, after the dialogue, we could see that the rate of

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unemployment is rather high, h well abo ove 79% (outt of 43 parentts, 34 are unemployedd). The discusssions with th he parents diid not show the same thing – probably becausse they are em mbarrassed too admit it – that they worked “by the day” (as unskilled u worrkers), when ssummoned by y the local community. At the same time, of the 34 3 parents thaat did not havee a stable job, only thrree enjoyed unnemployment benefits. Of tthe nine paren nts having a job, seveen have graduuated from high h school aand two from m college (Figure 3-10). In our oppinion, this is alarming, aas with adultts of this ethnicity thee rate of uneemployment is i rather highh and, impliciitly, their children havve precariouss life conditio ons, low channces to educaation and later professsional accomp mplishment. Un nfortunately, these childreen do not mirror an im mage to be folllowed. Roman ni parents

Hungarian pparents

1

344

Unemplo oyed (no educaation)

16 3 1 Employed (ap pprentice sschool)

7 Employed (higgh school)

11 1 Employyed (highe er education)

Figure 3-10. E Employment annd education off Roma and Hunngarian studentts’ parents (in numbers)

Another prooblem analyseed with the school counccillors was th hat of the dismembereed families (688, i.e. 39%, off the 174 Rom mani children taken t into study came from such fam milies). As thiis ethnic grouup has kept maany of its nomadic orr even slavee traditions, the Romani marry their children unusually early. The weedding party represents r ann extremely siignificant event in theiir life and, in most cases, alliance a througgh marriage iss fulfilled between Roomani familiess as early as the t first year after the birth h of their children. Trradition is an essential partt of the life off the Romani. What is truly shockking to the European cu ulture is exacctly this trad dition of

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“marriage between minors,” mainly in the gabor ‘Hungarian gypsy’ Romani. The average age of a girl to be married is 16, and that of a boy is 17. These are extremely young ages indeed as compared to other populations in Europe. In spite of all this, they observe their traditions and customs and incline to trespass the laws of the country they live in, laws forbidding marriage between minors. It is exactly this observance of tradition that is the reason of many conflicts between the Romani and the authorities or institutions protecting the child. Although marriage between minors is illegal and most people cannot accept it, we should also take into account some purely biological aspects of Romani traditions. These biological aspects concern both the average lifespan that is 10-15 years shorter than that of other European populations, and the higher infant mortality rate. Although we are not fans of marriage between minors, we grant extenuating circumstances to this tradition as, probably, were the law respected, this ethnicity would disappear within a couple of tens of years. The presence of conservation instinct, sustained by traditions, helps the Romani to survive, and even increase their birth rate. Try, please, to use your imagination and draw conclusions for yourselves. Let us think of the following: What would happen if the Romani people graduated from higher education institutions and married around 28-30 years of age and had their first child at the age of 32-34, taking into account the fact that their average life expectation is 54 for men and 58 for women? We took into account the variable “studies” because the rate of unemployment would diminish, but the rate of marriage and the number of children would go up for sure, as well. Maybe we can accept the way the Romani lead their lives only the moment we discuss with them; we might also understand them or, at least, accept them as they are. We think that it is our low degree of tolerance that makes us marginalize them. We discriminate them because they do not submit to our dogmas and because we do not take into account their dogmas, traditions, and myths – in a word, their culture. We judge them too harshly, we speak about integration without sincerely wanting it, we cannot admit that one can live differently and follow other rules. Discussing with Romani women, we have come to realize that most of them are not happy with the family they have, having been married at such an early age and have children when still extremely young. What they hate is their life full of material needs and the impossibility of having a job. It is rather difficult for them to understand and accept that, in order to have a job, education is necessary. We consider that the funds obtained from projects regarding the integration of this ethnicity would better be allocated for the education of the minors: this is the only way we could

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improve their life. The adult population already has a well rooted existential pattern, impossible to alter. Opinions of the Hungarian Parents Hungarian parents claim that, for 22 years, they have been demanding Hungarian names for the schools where their children study, but out of political motivation, or of lack of reciprocal respect, Hungarian comprehensive schools have never received Hungarian names. They consider that equal rights should exist for each community, namely right to equal treatment, school Hungarian names, street Hungarian names, boards bearing bilingual inscriptions of these. They know exactly the laws that protect the linguistic rights of the national minorities, but claim that, in reality, these are neither known by the local higher school bodies nor respected. Similarly, they only ask for objectivity regarding the rights of the Hungarian ethnicity to education, rights that should not be neglected or breached. They also support the idea of a too small number of high schools for students who wish to study in the Hungarian language. It is laudable that the parents of Hungarian children not only know their rights as a minority, but also fight nationalism and intolerance. Any minority group needs cohesion and support from the local authorities in order to be able to keep the identity. Part of the parents have signalled that not only in the Romanians, but also in the Hungarians there are elements of chauvinism that should be annihilated. It is possible that such an attitude from populations belonging to the minorities springs from the desire of keeping the identity. There are Hungarian printed media in favour of stopping mixed marriages, of refusal of education in Romanian, of preventing the merger with the national majority. Such an attitude is to be understood, though undesirable. In so far as the evolution in number of persons of Hungarian ethnicity between 2002 and 2011 is concerned, the percentage of Hungarians in the Mureú County has dropped by 12% detain representing, nowadays, about 40% of the total population of this county. In the Cluj County, the fall is even more severe, 15.4%, compared to 2002 (http://www.insse.ro/cms/files/statistici/Statistica%20teritoriala%202008/r om/8.htm). It is obvious that the Hungarians of those counties of Transylvania have recorded a significant demographic drop; hence, the necessity of analysing the causes. Unfortunately, this report does not allow a larger-in-proportion analysis; however, in the future, there probably will be some awareness from the part of the local authorities, as to causes, and steps to be taken towards improving the situation in discussion.

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Opinions of Teachers Engaged in Teaching Mixed Classes The teachers are happy with the evolution of the Hungarian students free of the problems regarding school progress or school absenteeism. Most of the students are exemplary students proving their diligence, perseverance and reciprocated help. Both the students and their parents are involved in activities initiated by the school and local community. Parents are systematically interested in the behaviour, attitude and school results of the children. It only takes more trust in one’s own capability and fight embarrassment when it comes to speaking in Romanian because of the small mistakes in agreement (normal if we take into account that they do not think Romanian, but translate from Hungarian into Romanian). Even some members of the teaching staff have noticed the necessity that the educational process be performed in the mother tongue with all students, no matter their ethnicity, as only in such a way the students display full efficiency. It is also necessary to involve the school’s psychiatrist in counselling the students and in fulfilling the cohesion at group level. The teaching staff has noticed that, with mixed classes, students displayed tolerance, mutual respect, good understanding and friendship. Discussions have stressed the importance of respecting the fundamental rights of minorities to equal chances with the majority population. There has also been an approach of the subject of finding efficient solutions to the integration of the students belonging to minorities in mixed schools, and later, in society. Other opinions are linked to the idea of rights and duties, and deference to law and rules of the society. The hypothesis of testing children on entering their first grade of grammar school in order to know the level of their intellect for maximum effect was uttered in 2011 and materialized in 2012 when all children, regardless of ethnicity, are tested on passing from kindergarten to school. Teachers have stressed the impact of such testing, mainly with Romani children who, by skipping kindergarten, do not possess the essential elements to be able to face school life later. That is exactly why the numbers of Romani students that have failed are so much higher and the rate of chances of getting from one grade to another is well below 50%. Some students of Roma ethnicity, as well as their parents, reject the implication in extracurricular activities (outings, visits, tours, viewing films and plays, school feasts, school clubs, etc.). In the higher grades, problems are even more serious so that the Romani students encounter problems regarding the law of theft, robbery, corporeal violence or foul language. There come up conflicts and problems at class level as they do not integrate easily, do not pay attention during classes, do not involve in

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the teaching-learning activity, get poor schooling results and frequently create problems. Some members of the teaching staff claim that it would be desirable that Romani parents have jobs in accordance with their abilities: musicians, copper/smiths, spoon makers, guilders. Unfortunately, most of these trades have almost vanished alongside in time so that these artisans were left without a job or a monthly income to lead a decent life. We believe we need to find the means to make them send their children compulsorily to school, since only through education will they manage to integrate socially. We need to count on the local community support, on the support of parties in power, and on the European Union that allocates funds for the benefit of this disfavoured minority.

Conclusions The analysis of the data provided by the present study has highlighted the fact that, though it was about two minorities in the same area, their needs differ a lot. The Hungarian ethnicity militates in favour of education, for the best social insertion possible; it also contributes to the cultural and economic development of Transylvania. We consider that the Romanians in this area are “better off” due to the insertion of the Austro-Hungarian culture. It is only normal that, after so many years of cohabitation, people borrow from each other words, customs, food recipes, architectural elements and many other things meant to round us off as one people. It is, however, necessary to draw the attention upon something disquieting, i.e. the demographic drop of this ethnicity and the necessity of finding solutions to prevent and even stop this phenomenon. Mixed families should be prompted to educate their children in the spirit of both cultures and teach them the Hungarian language and the history of this ethnicity. Where there still are sporadic situations in which children do not have the possibility of studying in their mother tongue because of various reasons (lack of properly-trained instructor or textbooks, etc.), such barriers should be removed. As far as the Roma ethnicity is concerned, it seems that integration will be a long-term strenuous process, but it, notwithstanding, has to be fulfilled in the interest of avoiding the feeling of marginalization. Certainly, there are solutions meant to let minorities preserve the elements belonging to their tradition, but also to make them observe the norms and principles of the society. Blaming and stigmatizing the Romani ethnicity should cease, for they are people with the same rights as us: the problem is

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that they need more help to overcome their own limits. All the needs the Romani ethnicity lives with – scarcity of food and clothing, difficulty of finding a job (as they are mainly unskilled) – drive them towards law infringement. Therefore, championing for their education and fulfilling such a desideratum via European and regional projects and programmes, with more effort from inside, will certainly contribute to a better insertion of the Romani in the society.

References Comunicat de presă 2 februarie 2012 privind rezultatele provizorii ale Recensământului PopulaĠiei úi LocuinĠelor – 2011 [Press Release February 2, 2012, Concerning the Provisional Results of the Population and Housing Census]. Online: http://www.mures.insse.ro/phpfiles/comunicat_date_provizorii_rpl_20 11_judetul_mures.pdf. Constitution of Romania. Online: http://www.cdep.ro/pls/dic/site.page?id=371. Francine, Jaomiasa Handy. (2009), MinorităĠile în România postdecembristă [Minorities in Post-Revolutionary Romania]. Sfera Politicii 138. Institutul Na‫܊‬ional de Statistică. (2011). Recensământul PopulaĠiei úi al LocuinĠelor 2011: Demers statistic de importanĠă strategică pentru România, 20-31 octombrie 2011 [Population and Housing Census 2011: Statistic Action of Strategic Importance for Romania, October 20-31, 2011]. (2011). Online: http://www.recensamantromania.ro/. Makkai, L. & Mócsy, A. (2002). History of Transylvania. New York, NY: Columbia University Press. PopulaĠia după etnie, la Recensământul PopulaĠiei úi al LocuinĠelor, 18 martie 2002 [Population by Ethnicity According to the Census of Population and Housing, on March 18, 2012]. Online: http://www.insse.ro/cms/files/statistici/Statistica%20teritoriala%20200 8/rom/8.htm. Proclaims Union of all Rumanians. (1918). Online: http://www.roconsulboston.com/Pages/InfoPages/History/Dec1NYTAr ticle.html. Recensământul populaаiei, rezultate preliminare. Peste 99% dintre români locuiesc în locuinĠe proprii [Population Census, Preliminary Results. Over 99% of the Romanians Live in Their Own Homes]. Online: http://www.gandul.info/cauta.html?q=recensamant preliminary. Romanian Institute for Research on National Minorities. Online:

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http://www.ispmn.gov.ro Romii din România [Romani from Romania]. Online: http://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romii_din_Rom%C3%A2nia. Romii în Europa Centrala úi de est [Rroma in Central and East Europe]. Online: http://www.partidaromilor.ro/despre-noi/rapoarte/109-romiiin-europa-centrala-si-de-est.html. Toаi la grădiniаă, toаi în clasa I! [All to kindergarten all to school!]. Online: http://www.edu.ro/index.php/articles/c930/. Varga, E. R. (1999). Erdély magyar népessége 1870–1995 között [Hungarians in Transylvania between 1870 and 1995]. Magyar Kisebbség IV (3-4): 331-407.

CHAPTER FOUR LANGUAGE EDUCATION IN A MULTICULTURAL CONTEXT

CONSIDERING MULTI-CONFESSIONALISM WHILE TEACHING ENGLISH IN RUSSIAN HIGHER EDUCATION INSTITUTIONS SVETLANA POLSKAYA

Introduction Though Russia is considered a multinational state, the fact that people of various nationalities and religions live, work and study together is not always taken into consideration, and we can often feel the results of ignoring this phenomenon in different spheres of social life. According to the data provided by the portal www.islam.com, about 23 million Muslims are living now on the territory of the Russian Federation, of which 2 million residing in Moscow. There is a whole range of reasons why not enough attention is paid to this important matter. The roots of this problem date back to the former Soviet Union era – in spite of the fact that many various nationalities used to live on the country’s vast territory, it was not customary to emphasize the national factor. Nowadays, in most cases, such questions are often carefully avoided as if they did not exist. Lack of attention to this matter in schools is followed by the same attitude at the university level. Every year, hundreds of university syllabi are being composed without any regards to the needs of those whose religion is different. It is to be mentioned that in Russia, in contrast to other European countries, studying English as a foreign language is an integral part of any university studies. Since the majority of Russian state high schools unfortunately fail to provide an adequate level of English language knowledge, the mission of almost all Russian universities is not only to “equip” their graduates with the English language, but also to make sure their students know English as a language of their future profession. Today it is quite evident that not taking the other confessions (e.g., Muslim) into account may lead to a number of negative consequences such as spreading national stereotypes, unnecessary conflict situations, etc. In this paper, we cover the problems occurring in this connection and possible ways of solving them.

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The first problem, which everyone who teaches English at the University comes across, is a lack of motivation of Muslim students to study English. Moreover, a considerable growth of interest to study Arabic has been observed recently. Many people assume that it is enough for a Muslim to know the Arabic language and there is no need to study English. As a result, many Muslim students believe that their English language knowledge is of no use in their future life. In 2012, our Faculty of Applied Economics and Commerce at the Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO University) enrolled 72 first-year students whom we are currently teaching English, with 24 Muslim among them (these are mainly representatives of the Caucasian parts of Russia like Chechnya, Dagestan, etc.). We polled these 24 students and 13 of them mentioned they recognized the importance of studying English as a language of international communication, the world’s “lingua franca,” as well as knowing English as a language of their future profession. However, the remaining 11 students (46%) believe that studying Arabic may be of more importance for them. In addition, not all the polled unanimously acknowledged that all language-learning programmes they are offered at the University take into consideration any specifics of Muslim mentality and culture. No doubt, such statements make us think about developing new programmes adjusted for their needs. If we return to the problem of motivation, in order to convince such students to study English, one does not have to change programmes. Increasingly more Muslim people living in Russia become confident that “[...] for Muslim people, the knowledge of English language gives an opportunity to bring the word of Islam to those people looking for truth and reason to live and any ignorance constrains this kind of intention, especially if this ignorance is not knowing an international language [...]. Studying English is an opportunity to open for yourself ‘another world’ and open your worlds for the others [...] to understand that everything in this world is interrelated.” (Magometova 2012)

The Head of the Council of Muftis, Ravil Gainutdin also addresses the Muslims saying that “Modern Muslims should get both spiritual and secular knowledge. Every kind of skills and virtues a Muslim receives will definitely contribute to further development a person and is to make him or her more capable and adjustable to a contemporary world.” (Gainutdin 2011)

Moreover, it is to be mentioned that most Muslim students who study at Russian universities have a unique linguistic experience since they are

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bilingual (knowing equally well both Russian and their native languages). In some cases, they are even trilingual (in addition to their native language and Russian, a student may know one more language of a neighbouring area of the place where they grew up). The majority of methodologists express a the opinion that the more languages one knows, the more his psychomotor and speech-thinking functions, the better his acquisition of another language are (Ilyasov 1996, Bim 1997, Barsuk 2000). In addition to the targeted activity towards strengthening Muslim students’ motivation to study English, we have to find solutions to a number of other problems. Any class of English language study, irrespective of the students’ level, requires certain warm-ups or icebreaker, especially if the teacher and students do not know each other well or even see each other for the first time. Teachers are not likely to start the class by going straight down to exercises, drills or explaining new grammar rules. Five or ten minutes of small talk give both students and teachers a nice opportunity to tune to the class, to concentrate in a certain way and to change one’s thinking mode into a foreign speech (in our case, English). Choosing subjects for such warm-ups, teachers often turn to current events happening in this country here and now. More often, if some kind of national holiday is approaching, they usually use this holiday as a warmup theme, asking their students how they are going to celebrate it and whether they are planning to do something special on that day. However, Muslim festive traditions differ considerably from the holiday traditions of the Christian part of the population of Russia. For example, the 23rd of February, which is widely celebrated in Russia as a Day of Motherland Defender as an official state holiday, is not celebrated in Chechnya since, for the Chechen people, the 23rd of February commemorates the day when, back in 1943, under Stalin’s rule, forced deportation of Chechen and Ingush people began. The Chechens also are not inclined to celebrate the 8th of March, International Women’s Day, though it is also an official state holiday and a day-off. While, in all Russian cities, one can see men carrying flowers and congratulating every female on this holiday, the Muslims do not follow this tradition. Thus, discussing these holidays may cause unnecessary hurt feelings and misunderstandings between the teacher and Muslim students. Meanwhile, the Muslims have a number of holidays (e.g., Ramadan) about which Russian teachers often do not know about and are not aware when these holidays are celebrated and what they mean for the people of this confession. Our experience of teaching English in mixed groups made us pay more attention to the choice of warm-up topics and also became an incentive to learn at least some basic things about major Muslim holidays so that, along with asking about the state

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holidays and Russian orthodox holidays, teachers could also ask young Muslim people how they celebrate or are going to celebrate this or that holiday of their own. In our opinion, first, this gives all students in the group a feeling of being involved, and second, it is of great value from the cultural development point of view. We had a chance to observe how eager the Muslim students were to tell the others in a group about their traditions and their culture and those non-Muslim students were keen on getting such information about patterns of life that are different from their own. The first and the second years at the University are supposed to form the basics of students’ English language knowledge. This particular period is exceptionally important for developing the skills and competence of everyday communication and nearly all the course books, and reference books are aimed at helping the learners to do this. Irrespective of teaching techniques used by this or that University, this process involves direct communication between a teacher and those who learn English. In the course of such classes, the students learn how to express their opinions, to defend their ideas, to start discussions, express their agreement or disagreement with their friends. Unfortunately, most problems occur at this particular stage because the matters to be discussed at such classes proposed by course books, syllabi or chosen by teachers almost never take into account the specifics of Muslim mentality and culture. Such subjects as sex, drugs, women’s career, female top managers, women who choose careers over family, male or female bosses cause certain difficulties for Muslim students when expressing their views. There were seven girls among the 24 Muslim students polled. These female students emphasized in particular the fact that public discussion of matters of sex, contraception, AIDS, etc. is unacceptable for them. Moreover, half of these girls expressed their fear that their silent response can be perceived by a teacher as lack of ideas or inability to say anything on the abovementioned subjects in English. In contrast to their Russian fellow-students, they simply do not understand how to express themselves since discussing such kind of questions contradict their national and cultural traditions. Here is one example. In accordance with our plan, six academic hours of a so called “discussion class” were to be devoted to exchanging opinions on the subject “If a woman should make a career.” Any attempts to discuss this subject in our language group resulted just in frustration within the group and endless disputes. After that, we had to change the subject of the discussion in order to stop those numerous arguments within the group. We did that because we should always bear in mind that language acquisition success depends to a great extend on the relationship between

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the students and a teacher as well as on the whole atmosphere in the group and interpersonal contacts. If there is distrust and resentment, effective communication is not likely to take place. Our simple step of skipping such “awkward” topics at these classes led to a quite different peaceful atmosphere in which we could discuss things that did not hurt anybody’s feelings or religious beliefs. No doubt, the above subjects are of importance and should be discussed, however, under different circumstances. Excluding these “tricky” matters from university syllabi seems to be a minor trade-off, which can bring apprehensible results. The enlisted problems we described can make us think of the following: maybe separate language groups should be created for Muslim students and non-Muslim students. In our opinion, differentiating groups in accordance with this criterion will be inappropriate. Instead of targeted tolerance, more respectful approach to other people’s confessions, deeper penetration into each other’s cultures we will get just a greater degree of distance between various nations and more hostility.

Conclusion Summing up the above given information, we would like to emphasize that very little efforts such as learning certain things about other confessions’ traditions, avoiding those themes which may cause offense or frustration can actually result in quite different level of the educational environment where every student is satisfied and confident.

References Barsuk, R. Y. (2000). Osnovy obuchenia inostranomy yazyku v usloviykh dvuyazychiya [The Basics of Teaching a Foreign Language in a Bilingual Environment]. Moscow: Nauka. Bim, I. L. (1997). Konzepzia obuchenia vtoromu inostrannomu yazyku. [The Concept of Teaching a Second Foreign Language]. Moscow: Prosveschenie. Gainutdin, R. (2011). Rech na kongresse molodykh musulman [Speech at the Congress of Young Muslim People of Kazan]. Newspaper Vedomosti 91 (1213). Ilyasov, I. O. (1996). Teoreticheskie osnovy obuchenua angliyskomu yazyku uchaschikhsya mnogonatsionalnykh shkol. [Theoretical Basis for Teaching English in Multinational Schools]. Saint-Petersburg: Nauchnaya Literantura. Islam.com Q & A Forum: Questions and Answers on Islam. Online:

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www.islam.com/. Magometova, A. (2012). Znanie kak instrument dostizhenia uspekha. [Knowledge as an Instrument for Achieving Success]. Online: http:islamdag.ru/analitika.

PERCEPTIONS OF TURKISH EFL TEACHER CANDIDATES ON THEIR LEVEL OF INTERCULTURAL COMPETENCE YEùIM BEKTAù-ÇETINKAYA AND SERVET ÇELIK

Intercultural Competence and its Role in Foreign Language Education With the current worldwide focus on multicultural issues, intercultural competence, or the ability to function successfully in a range of cultural contexts, has become a critical aspect of foreign language education (Council of Europe 2011). Educational policymakers throughout Europe and beyond have recognized the importance of developing cross-cultural skills in preparing students to succeed in an increasingly globalized society. Accordingly, in order to meet the needs of today’s foreign language learners, guidelines such as the Common European Framework of Reference for Languages: Learning, Teaching and Assessment (CEFR), which emphasizes the need for intercultural competence (Council of Europe 2001), have become the standard around which many nations scaffold their language education programmes (Khalifa & French 2008). Argument for Intercultural Competence Although cross-cultural communicative competence has been emphasized as a matter of educational policy, the issue of culture in language instruction has been the subject of controversy for decades. Critics of the widespread integration of cultural elements in foreign language curricula and teaching materials such as Pennycook (2001), Phillipson (1992), Ridgeway & Pewewardy (2004) and Stenner (2011), draw attention to the problems related to cultural and linguistic imperialism, arguing that disseminating the values and norms of privileged societies (such as those of the United States and Western Europe) among non-native speakers is

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ultimately damaging, serving to marginalize less-powerful cultures. Alptekin (1993) further argues that exposing students to foreign languages in terms of unfamiliar cultural perspectives may increase language anxiety, thereby inhibiting learner success. In his view, “It is most natural for learners to rely on their already established schematic [or socially-acquired] knowledge when developing new systemic [formally-acquired] knowledge. For this reason, foreign language teaching materials, which make use of target-language culture elements to present the systemic data, are likely to interfere with this natural tendency.” (ibidem: 136)

In spite of these concerns, the prevailing trend in linguistics and foreign language education remains rooted in Chomsky’s (1965) criticism of the teaching of language solely as an intellectual exercise that is devoid of any social context. Scholars such as Byram (1997), Hymes (1972), Kramsch (1993, 2006) and Scollon & Wong Scollon (2012) hold that language, culture and society are deeply intertwined, and that language use does not happen in isolation, but within dynamic sociocultural settings. Every interaction in a language, foreign or native, takes place within a specific cultural sphere, as the interlocutors formulate and interpret messages based on their culturally and socially shaped views of the world and reality. Scollon & Wong Scollon explain that, “Language is ambiguous [...]. Communication works better the more the participants share assumptions and knowledge about the world. Where two people have very similar histories, backgrounds and experiences, their communication works fairly easily, because the inferences each makes about what the other means will be based on common experience and knowledge. Two people from the same village and the same family are likely to make fewer mistakes in drawing inferences about what the other means than two people from different cities on different sides of the earth.” (Scollon & Wong Scollon 2012: 16)

Therefore, according to this interpretation, intercultural communicative competence requires that speakers of foreign languages have some degree of understanding of the sociocultural perspectives of the target culture and of how these affect the construction of meaning. Intercultural Dimension in Language Teaching In light of this understanding, the focus of foreign language study has shifted over the last several decades to an emphasis on communicative

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language teaching: from a focus on teaching a language, to teaching learners how to use that language in real interactive situations (Nunan 1989). As Bennett (1997: 16) elaborates, communication entails not only “substituting words and rules” from one language in order to transmit ideas in another, but also a detailed understanding of “the social or philosophical content” (ibidem) of the language used to express these ideas. Byram, Gribkova & Starkey (2002) caution that, without cultural understanding, interlocutors are more likely to view one another as other and as representatives of that which is foreign, rather than as individuals with unique identities and characteristics. Thus, foreign language instruction entails the development not only of students who understand the grammatical and lexical features of a language, but of “learners as intercultural speakers or mediators who are able to engage with complexity and multiple identities and to avoid the stereotyping that accompanies perceiving someone through a single identity.” (ibidem: 9) What is required to achieve intercultural competence? Byram (1997) and Byram, Gribkova & Starkey (2002: 11-13) outline four elements that are necessary to the development of intercultural competence: (a) an attitude of curiosity and openness, as well as a willingness to suspend judgment based on one’s own cultural beliefs and values; (b) general knowledge of how societies function, in addition to a consciousness of one’s own cultural values and (at a minimum) a general idea of the societal norms and practices of the target culture; (c) the skills necessary to relate to others, to compare and contrast cultural attitudes, and to perceive how misunderstandings may arise and what might be done to mitigate them; and (d) a critical awareness that one is a product of one’s own cultural values and beliefs, combined with an understanding of the significance of the attitudes, beliefs, products and practices of the target culture. The role of the teacher in fostering intercultural competence. Building intercultural skills in foreign language learners entails more than familiarity with the main features of the target culture on the part of the instructor (Scollon & Wong Scollon 2012). Rather, as Byram (1997) and Byram, Gribkova & Starkey (2002) explain, it is the task of the language teacher to develop students’ understanding of members of the target culture as unique individuals with their own set of values, attitudes, beliefs and perspectives, and to view interaction with these individuals as a rewarding and enriching experience. Thus, while language teachers may help learners to become familiar with the particulars of the target culture in terms of its products, practices, attitudes and beliefs (ArÕkan 2011), developing true intercultural competence requires setting the stage through

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the use of appropriate activities and teaching resources, for learners “to discuss and draw conclusions” (Byram, Gribkova & Starkey 2002: 14) about the target culture based on critical reflection of their own experiences and awareness of their home culture. Intercultural Competence in Turkey’s English as a Foreign Language (EFL) Instructors In recognition of the importance of developing intercultural competence in foreign language learners, the Turkish Ministry of National Education has undertaken numerous measures to implement the standards of the CEFR in its foreign language curriculum, underscoring the need to develop crosscultural skills in students of foreign languages, especially with regard to English language learning (Mirici 2008, Ministry of National Education 2005). On the other hand, the standardized English teaching curriculum in Turkey is historically deficient in its inclusion of cultural aspects at the primary and secondary levels of education (उakÕr 2010, Türkan & उelik 2007). Furthermore, in Turkey’s largely homogeneous context, the majority of EFL teachers lack any significant exposure to members of English-speaking and European cultures. This circumstance raises questions concerning whether the English language teachers working in Turkey’s state-run schools themselves possess the understanding and practical skills that are needed to direct the development of intercultural competence in their students; yet only a limited number of studies have investigated the cultural awareness of preservice and in-service English teachers in Turkey (ArÕkan 2011, Atay 2005, Bayyurt 2006, Bektaú-Çetinkaya & Borkan 2012, Hatipo÷lu 2012). Atay (2005), for instance, examined the methods by which prospective English teachers gained cultural knowledge, as well as their beliefs regarding the role of culture in language classrooms. According to her findings, the participants lacked the knowledge and awareness needed to deal with cultural issues in language classrooms. Similarly, in a later study with prospective English teachers (Bektaú-Çetinkaya & Borkan 2012), it was concluded that prospective teachers had not gained cultural knowledge or skills during the course of their teacher training programme, although they demonstrated a positive attitude and some degree of cultural awareness. ArÕkan (2011: 232) likewise indicated that prospective teachers “see themselves knowledgeable in the target language but insufficient in the target culture.” Furthermore, Hatipo÷lu (2012) found that prospective English teachers studying at four different universities believed that

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foreign language teachers should have some knowledge of the target culture but that they did not have much knowledge about British culture and were reluctant to address these matters in the course of their teaching. Research with practicing teachers indicated similar results, as illustrated by Bayyurt’s (2006: 244) case study, in which the participants expressed confusion as to whether “culture should be part of the English language curriculum or not.”

Purpose of the Study Because Turkey’s ultimate success in the international arena depends largely on the ability of its citizens to communicate effectively with members of other cultures, it is necessary to determine whether Turkish teachers of English are sufficiently prepared to deal with cultural matters and to guide the development of intercultural competence in their students. Accordingly, drawing on the belief that the perceptions of pre-service ELT professionals concerning their own intercultural competence may affect the extent to which they are able to foster these in language learners, the aim of the current study was to explore, in a systematic manner, the participants’ self-efficacy in terms of their attitude, knowledge, skills and awareness (Byram 1997, Byram, Gribkova & Starkey 2002) with respect to foreign cultures. Therefore, the researchers designed this study in order to answer the following research questions: -

-

What attitudes do pre-service EFL instructors express toward learning about other cultures? How do they evaluate their own knowledge with respect to other cultures? How do they feel about their skills in terms of relating to members of other cultures; comparing and contrasting cultural attitudes, beliefs and norms; and perceiving where misunderstandings might develop and how to cope with them? Are they aware of the issues related to diversity and their relevance to foreign language teaching? Do they have a critical understanding of how their own culture has shaped their beliefs and attitudes?

Methodology In order to develop a comprehensive understanding of pre-service ELT instructors’ views of their self-efficacy in terms of cultural issues, the researchers employed a hybrid study design that combined both qualitative

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and quantitative approaches to data collection and analysis. The quantitative data obtained through the application of a scalar survey, were expected to provide a broad overview of the participants’ perceptions, while the qualitative data, acquired through detailed interviews, were expected to provide deeper insight into the reasoning behind their beliefs and attitudes (Creswell 2007, Fraenkel, Wallen & Hyun 2008). Setting and Participants The study was conducted in the English Language Education department of a large public university located in the western part of Turkey. At the time of the study, there were 569 (427 female and 142 male) pre-service English teachers and 17 academic staff members (1 full professor, 5 assistant professors, 7 lecturers, 3 research assistants, and 1 American visiting scholar) in the department. The department offers a four-year preservice English teaching programme to high school graduates who have passed a nationwide university entrance exam. During their first year, the pre-service teachers who ultimately participated in the study were required to take courses such as reading, writing, speaking and grammar in order to improve their language proficiency. In the following years, they took courses related to applied linguistics, pedagogy, linguistics and literature. In terms of cultural experiences, the students in the department are given the opportunity to visit cooperating universities in several European countries (e.g., Belgium, the Netherlands, Spain, Poland, Denmark, Portugal and Romania) through the ERASMUS exchange programme. Furthermore, each year, the department hosts a number of ERASMUS students from Poland and Belgium, as well as a group of visitors from the Netherlands. The students who participated in the study were 129 (24 male and 105 female) Turkish pre-service English teachers. Most participants (81%) had never been abroad. Those who had visited foreign countries, including Germany, Bulgaria, the United States, France, the Netherlands, Greece, Hungary, Portugal, Spain, Saudi Arabia, Belgium, Luxemburg, Romania, Poland, England, Italy, Austria, Sweden, Canada, Mexico, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan and Kyrgyzstan, had mainly gone for touristic purposes and had stayed for a short time. Of the participants, 15 (2 male and 13 female) volunteered to be interviewed. Among those interviewed, 12 had never been abroad. However, they had all had opportunities to interact with foreigners, primarily European ERASMUS students or tourists. Only 3 of the students who agreed to be interviewed had been abroad. While one had travelled to France and Belgium for ten days to visit her relatives, another had spent one month in the United

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States. The third had studied at a university in Portugal for one semester as an ERASMUS exchange student. Instruments and Procedure In order to collect the data, the researchers adapted the items of the Intercultural Abilities Questionnaire (IAQ) (Fantini 2006) for the Turkish context, adding new items within the framework of Byram’s (1997) ICC theory to develop the Intercultural Communicative Competence Inventory (ICCI). According to the Turkish Ministry of Tourism Statistics, the most frequent visitors to Turkey in 2010 were German (15.32%), while 9.34% of foreign visitors are British, 3.24% are French, and 2.24% are American citizens; 58.05% of visitors to Turkey in 2010 came from other European countries (Turizm BakanlÕ÷Õ, n.d.). Therefore, the survey questions revolved around the participants’ familiarity with issues relating to the American, British, German and French cultures. The inventory consisted of a Likert-type questionnaire made up of four subscales, including knowledge, attitude, skill and awareness. The respondents were asked to indicate their degree of agreement with each of the items, from not at all to a great extent. An example of an item that was formulated to assess the participants’ perception of their intercultural skills is “I am able to resolve cross-cultural conflicts.” Prior to application, the questionnaire was reviewed by a content expert to ensure the validity of the questions. The reliability coefficients (Cronbach’s alpha) of the inventory ranged from .85 to .91 as follows: (a) knowledge of Turkey, .86; (b) knowledge of England, .90; (c) knowledge of the U.S., .91; (d) knowledge of Germany, .89; (e) knowledge of France, .85; (f) attitude, .86; (g) skill, .87; (h) awareness, .85. The classes in which the surveys were applied were chosen at random, and the questionnaire was administered during the class hour. The purpose of the survey was explained to the students; they were informed that their participation was voluntary and that no penalty would be assessed for any who chose not to respond. To ensure confidentiality, the participants were asked not to write their names on the questionnaire. The response rate was over 90%; 129 pre-service teachers took approximately 30 minutes to complete the inventory. Furthermore, following the administration of the survey, semistructured interviews (Creswell 2007) were conducted with some of the participants in order to inquire in greater depth into their views of their intercultural competence; namely their cultural awareness, attitudes, knowledge and skills. Initially, 18 students volunteered to be interviewed. However, 3 of them did not give consent to be recorded and dropped out

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of the study. The qualitative data were collected from the remaining 15 volunteers via interviews that lasted for approximately one hour each. In order to maintain the participants’ anonymity, their real names were not used in reporting the results. During the initial interviews, the participants were asked what they know about Turkish culture and European culture; whether they would be willing to interact with Europeans, and why or why not; whether they foresaw any difficulties in interacting with Europeans; and finally, whether they believed they could overcome these difficulties. Depending on their responses, further questions were asked for clarification. Data Analysis The quantitative data from the ICCI were analyzed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS 15.0). SPSS 15.0 was used to conduct a reliability analysis of the inventory and to produce the descriptive statistics (Fraenkel, Wallen & Hyun 2008). The qualitative data collected during the interviews was analyzed via constant comparative analysis (Kvale 1996, Miles & Huberman 1994). The interview data were first transcribed and read multiple times. During the iterative readings, the dominant themes were identified by the researchers, and the results were interpreted according to these themes. In order to establish the trustworthiness of the results, member checking and peer review procedures (Creswell 2007, Fraenkel, Wallen & Hyun 2008) were followed. First, the researchers showed the draft of the results to the participants and asked them to verify that their ideas had been accurately represented. Then, a colleague who was not involved in the study was asked to review the documents and provide feedback on the researchers’ interpretations of the qualitative data.

Results and Discussion The results of the study are presented here in terms of the participants’ attitudes, knowledge, skills and awareness with respect to intercultural issues. Attitude The attitudes of the participants toward cultural issues, as well as their openness toward learning about other cultures, are expressed below in Table 4-1.

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Moderate Extent

Great Extent

suspend judgment interact with foreigners learn foreigners’ perspectives about my culture learn foreign languages adjust my dress according to foreign cultures communicate in English behave in appropriate ways while communicating learn new cultural aspects understand differences adapt my behaviour learn foreign cultures learn diversity in other cultures learn from foreigners

0.8 0 0.8

6.2 3.1 0.8

30.2 14 8

62 83 90

0 17

.8 31

11 33

88 18

0 .8

.8 9

12 33

87 57

0 0 3 0 0 .8

5 2 9 5 5 5

18 21 36 14 14 13

77 76 50 80 80 81

Limited Extent

I am willing to…

Not at All

Table 4-1. Attitude: Percentages of the participants who agreed with the given statements

Overall, Table 4-1 reveals that the participants evidenced positive attitudes toward interacting with foreigners, learning foreign languages, and learning about foreign cultures, in line with Byram’s (1997: 34) assertion “attitudes of curiosity and openness” are prerequisite for successful intercultural communication. They were most willing to learn about foreigners’ perspectives about Turkish culture, closely followed by their willingness to learn foreign languages and to communicate with foreigners. They were least willing to adjust their dress in order to avoid offending foreigners, as nearly one half (48%) of the participants did not want to adjust their dress at all or only to a limited degree. Similarly, the participants showed moderate willingness to adapt their behaviour to communicate with foreigners appropriately. The interview results with respect to the pre-service teachers’ attitudes indicated that the participants were curious about European culture and willing to communicate with Europeans, reflecting the findings of BektaúÇetinkaya & Borkan (2012). As Seda (pseudonyms have been used to protect the identities of the participants) explained, “I want to

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communicate with people from different cultures, to learn European languages, to see different viewpoints.” Furthermore, the participants expressed interest in interacting with Europeans both to gain knowledge about European culture and institutions and to give information about Turkish culture. Sevgi, for instance, noted, “I want to communicate with Europeans, to learn their views. I might have some incorrect information. I want to learn their opinion. I am curious whether they respect my views. Are they prejudiced against us? Do they like Turks? Are they scared?”

However, some of the participants also indicated reservations about initiating interactions because of their perception of Europeans being prejudiced against Turks and Muslims. As Gizem explained, “I want to have acquaintances from different cultures, to interact with them at work, to invite them to Turkey, to be life-long friends […]. I may be perceived differently, like a very conservative Muslim. Our religions are different. They may not choose to talk to me. However, of course, if they are understanding people, I will not have any problem. It is all up to individuals.”

Knowledge The first two questions included in the knowledge subscale were designed to assess pre-service English teachers’ knowledge of culture in general and its components. Almost all (94%) of the pre-service English teachers indicated that they could define what culture is, and the majority (84%) indicated they could describe components of culture and discuss its complexities. The knowledge of the participants concerning particular aspects of the home culture, as well as of English, American, German and French culture, is expressed below in Table 4-2. As can be seen in Table 4-2, the pre-service English teachers had only limited knowledge of English, American, German and French cultures, in accordance with Atay (2005) and ArÕkan (2011). They knew the most about the home culture and least about French culture. While nearly all of the participants (over 96%) had a good understanding of Turkish culture, only very small percentage (as little as 2-9%) of the participants expressed having knowledge of various aspects of French culture. On the other hand, they knew more about the cultures of English-speaking countries (namely, England and the United States). They indicated more familiarity with English culture than American culture, except with respect to the current

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and historical relations between Turkey and the U.S., as well as the sociopolitical factors that shape U.S. culture. When their knowledge of English culture was examined, it was revealed that they expressed knowing the least about the socio-political factors that shape English culture, followed by the historical factors that shape English culture and the prominent taboos of English culture. Overall, the participants indicated knowing the least about the socio-political and historical factors that shape target cultures, as well the essential taboos of these cultures; on the other hand, they expressed familiarity with the historical and current relations between Turkey and the target countries, as well as an understanding of their educational systems and religious practices. Table 4-2. Knowledge: Percentage of the participants who indicated having a moderate largely of knowledge about the indicated cultural elements

English

American

German

French

Norms Taboos Historical Facts Sociopolitical Facts Interactional Behaviour Education Religion Daily life Historical relations with Turkey Current relations with Turkey

Turkish

Cultural Elements

100 100 97 96 100 98 98 100 -

53 28 27 19 50 47 56 48 63 61

47 27 24 24 50 45 51 46 68 83

17 7 13 8 26 33 34 25 68 53

4 2 9 6 8 6 26 11 56 53

In the course of the interviews, the teacher candidates elaborated that, although they were curious and open to learn more, they had limited knowledge of European culture. As Banu mentioned, “I heard that things are different there [in Europe]. I am curious about their educational system, health care, traffic…” However, their knowledge of the target culture appeared to stem from outside sources, rather than from personal experience. Their ideas had been formed by relatives and friends who had lived and worked in these countries; as well as foreign students who had studied in Turkish universities via ERASMUS programmes; other Turkish

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students who had studied abroad via the ERASMUS programme; the media; and their teachers. As Hilal put it, “my relatives [who live and work in Belgium] told me once [the Belgians] are prejudiced against the Turks.” Banu’s knowledge of Dutch culture was also based on what she had heard from others, rather than on personal information; as she related, “the Dutch girls [ERASMUS students] drink alcoholic beverages … I asked the Dutch girls.” On the whole, despite the contentions of researchers such as Bektaú-Çetinkaya & Borkan (2012), Byram (1997) and Byram, Gribkova & Starkey (2002) that knowledge of culture in general and cultures of other countries in particular is necessary to develop cultural awareness, a balanced attitude and intercultural skills, the participants showed only limited to moderate awareness of other cultures, including those of English-speaking cultures. These findings are consistent with those of ArÕkan (2011) and Hatipo÷lu (2012), who found that prospective English teachers had not gained any substantial cultural knowledge in the course of their teacher training. Intercultural Skills The self-efficacy of the participants concerning their intercultural skills is expressed below in Table 4-3. As Table 4-3 indicates, the majority of the pre-service English teachers surveyed did not express a great deal of confidence in their intercultural skills. They particularly appeared to doubt their skills in resolving crosscultural conflicts and misunderstandings, as well as their ability to use appropriate strategies in adapting to foreign cultures. On the other hand, more than one half (60%) of the participants believed that they could use strategies for learning foreign languages, while 50% felt that they could contrast foreign cultures with their home culture. An analysis of the interviews also revealed that the participants were anxious about how to deal with intercultural miscommunications and did not know how to use strategies to resolve any potential misunderstandings. As Hilal indicated, “There will be problems, we cannot avoid it. I don’t know what to do. I need some information.” A major issue appeared to be rooted in the concern of the participants that religious differences, differences in political views, levels of language proficiency and prejudices of foreign people might cause miscommunication. Similarly, different political views of interlocutors on issues such as minorities in modern Turkey, as well as the history of the Ottoman Empire, were considered as obstacles that might cause communication breakdown. For instance, Ebru expressed apprehension “we may talk about politics, they

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may ask about issues related to Kurds, Armenians. I don’t know how they will perceive me. I don’t want to be misunderstood, but I need to tell the truth.”

Moderate Extent

Great Extent

contrast cultures demonstrate flexibility use strategies to learn FL resolve cross-cultural conflicts interpret different social situations use strategies for learning foreign culture use strategies for adapting to foreign culture use culture-specific information to improve communication

Limited Extent

I am willing to…

Not at All

Table 4-3. Intercultural Skills: Percentage of participants who agree with the given statements

0 2 .8 2 2 2

14 7 10 20 16 16

36 42 29 47 43 38

50 49 60 31 38 44

.8

21

46

32

2

17

34

46

Furthermore, concerns about their levels of oral proficiency caused the participants to consider that they might not be able to express their views and opinions clearly in English. According to Hilal, “I may have difficulty interacting in English [...]. I am worried that I may say something wrong, use an inappropriate [term].” Banu supported this idea, noting that “I think I can express my ideas, but with difficulty. My proficiency may cause a problem, finding the right words, speaking fluently.” Another student, Selin, agreed with this point of view. As she put it, “even though your language proficiency is high, since it is not your mother tongue, you may not [be able to] express some things. We learn grammar, formal language at school, not everyday usage.” Her views reflect those of ArÕkan (2011), who found that teacher candidates are more confident in their language skills than in their understanding of foreign culture and communicative practice. Although the quantitative results indicated that the participants felt somewhat assured about their intercultural skills, the interview data revealed a number of insecurities about their cultural understanding, which draws attention to the concern raised by Bektaú-Çetinkaya & Borkan

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(2012) that not all English teachers possess the appropriate knowledge about the target culture needed to develop cultural understanding in their students. Awareness The degree of awareness of the participants concerning the importance of understanding diversity and diverse perspectives, as well as how their own culture has shaped their views is expressed below in Table 4-4.

Moderate Extent

Great Extent

differences and similarities across my own and the foreign culture how varied situations in the target culture required modifying my interactions diversity in the target culture

Limited Extent

I have realized the importance of…

Not at All

Table 4-4. Awareness: Percentage of the participants who agreed with each statement

0.8

6

28

64

2

8

31

57

0.8

8

30

60

As demonstrated in the table above, a great majority of the participants (88%) agreed to a moderate or great extent with statements referring to the importance of how varied situations in the target culture might require modifying their interactions with others. Furthermore, in the course of the interviews, most of the participants demonstrated awareness of “their own ideological perspectives and values” (Byram 1997) and how the collective values of Turkish society shaped their lives. For instance, Gülay indicated awareness of how one’s ideological perspectives and values may create stereotypes, noting “We always say that they are cold people, but we didn’t live there, we don’t really know. We need to know them, first.” Seda also acknowledged the possibility that her views might be biased, noting her perception that foreigners have “weak family ties; they don’t care about other people. However, these may be my prejudices. They may change [if] I go there.” This notion was reiterated by Tijen, who said “[Europeans] don’t have close relations like we do. Turks are better. Maybe I think this way because I am a Turk.” In addition, Sevgi agreed that her attitudes might have been different if she had grown up in another

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country, pointing out “they might have been born in Turkey, I might have been born in Europe. I don’t know how I would be if I had been born there.” However, this recognition does not necessarily correspond to the critical cultural awareness that Byram (1997: 63) defined as the “ability to evaluate critically and on the basis of explicit criteria, [the] perspectives, practices and products in one’s own and other cultures and countries.” Overall, they seemed to be aware that their culture had shaped the way they think, but they did not evidence any understanding of how their home culture had formed them or what their prejudices were.

Conclusion The results demonstrate that, although the participants mainly expressed a positive attitude toward foreign cultures, as well as a desire to learn more about them, their knowledge of these cultures seemed to be limited and to depend mainly on anecdotal evidence from friends, family and other students. They had little awareness of cultural issues that relied on personal experience or their coursework, and furthermore, since the majority of the participants had not been abroad and had only limited experience in interacting with foreigners, they did not know what to expect in intercultural encounters. Moreover, they expressed that they lacked the skills necessary to resolve misunderstandings and did not know what to do in the event of a communication breakdown. The findings of this study are constrained by the small number of participants, as well as the limitations imposed by conducting the study students enrolled in a single institution. While more generalizable results may be obtained by conducting a similar study on a larger scale, with a greater number of participants from other universities and teacher education programmes, the following can be concluded in terms of the present study: (a) the Turkish pre-service English teachers have not developed an adequate degree of intercultural competence through their current teacher preparation programme; (b) they have unrealistic, stereotypical perceptions of Europe and European culture; (c) they have an ethnocentric perception of Turkish culture; and (d) their teacher education programme has not prepared them to contend with cultural issues. These results are not unexpected considering that the teacher education programme in which the participants are enrolled does not offer any courses that specifically address cultural issues.

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Practical Implications While the number of studies conducted in the Turkish context with respect to this issue is limited, the existing research has consistently indicated that neither pre-service nor in-service teachers have adequate knowledge of foreign cultures; nor do they feel confident enough to address cultural issues in language classrooms, as is the case with the present study. Thus, it is reasonable to argue that their ability to foster intercultural competence in language learners is lacking, and greater attention to addressing awareness of target cultures is necessary in designing the content of teacher training programmes. To promote students’ motivation for learning about cultural matters, the target culture should be presented in a way that does not promote assimilation or admiration, but leads to the development of true intercultural understanding. Teacher training programmes may offer “culture” courses that not only provide information on the values, beliefs, and norms of the target culture, but also encourage prospective teachers to compare and contrast the target and home cultures and to reflect on these issues in developing critical cultural awareness. An alternative to offering a specific course would be integrating these concepts in existing courses, such as conversation, literature, linguistics, and methodology courses. In each of these, various aspects of cultural issues may be explored in depth as they are made explicit to teacher candidates.

References Alptekin, C. (1993). Target-language culture in EFL materials. ELT Journal 47 (2): 136-143. ArÕkan, A. (2011). Prospective English Language Teachers’ Perceptions of the Target Language and Culture in Relation to Their Socioeconomic Status. English Language Teaching 4 (3): 232-242. Atay, D. (2005). Reflections on the Cultural Dimension of Language Teaching. Language and Intercultural Communication 5 (3-4): 222236. Bayyurt, Y. (2006). Non-native English Language Teachers’ Perspective on Culture in English as Foreign Language Classrooms. Teacher Development 10 (2): 233-247. Bektaú-Çetinkaya, Y. & Borkan, B. (2012). Intercultural Communicative Competence of Pre-service Language Teachers in Turkey. In Y. Bayyurt & Y. Bektaú-Çetinkaya (Eds.), Research Perspectives on

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Teaching and Learning English in Turkey: Policies and Practices. Hamburg: Peter Lang. 105-118. Bennett, M. J. (1997). How Not to Be a Fluent Fool: Understanding the Cultural Dimension of Language. In A. E. Fantini (Ed.), New Ways in Teaching Culture. Alexandria, VA: TESOL. 16-21. Byram, M. (1997). Teaching and Assessing Intercultural Communicative Competence. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Byram, M., Gribkova, B. & Starkey, H. (2002). Developing the Intercultural Dimension in Language Teaching: A Practical Guide for Teachers. Strasbourg, France: Council of Europe. Chomsky, N. (1965). Aspects of the Theory of Syntax. Cambridge, MA: MIT. Council of Europe. (2001). Common European Framework of Reference for Languages: Learning, Teaching, Assessment. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. —. (2011). Intercultural Experience and Awareness: European Language Portfolio Templates and Resources Language Biography. Strasbourg: Author. Creswell, J. W. (2007). Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design: Choosing among Five Approaches. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Fantini, A. E. (2006). Assessment Tools of Intercultural Competence. Online: http://www.sit.edu/publications. Fraenkel, J. R., Wallen, N. E. & Hyun, Helen H. (2008). How to Design and Evaluate Research in Education. New York, NY: McGraw Hill, Inc. Hatipo÷lu, Ç. (2012). British Culture in the Eyes of Future English Language Teachers in Turkey. In Y. Bayyurt & Y. Bektaú-Çetinkaya (Eds.), Research Perspectives on Teaching and Learning English in Turkey: Policies and Practices. Hamburg: Peter Lang. 119-144. Hymes, D. H. (1972). On Communicative Competence. In J. B. Pride & Janet Holmes (Eds.), Sociolinguistics. Selected readings 2. Harmondsworth: Penguin. 269-293. Khalifa, H. & French, A. (2008). Aligning Cambridge ESOL Examinations to the CEFR: Issues & Practice. Paper presented at the 34th Annual Conference of the International Association for Educational Assessment, Cambridge, England. Kramsch, Claire. (1993). Context and Culture in Language Teaching. Oxford: Oxford University Press. —. (2006). Language and Culture. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Ministry of National Education. (2005). Avrupa konseyi dil projesi ve Türkiye uygulamasÕ [Language project of European council and

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application in Turkey]. Milli E÷itim Dergisi 33 (167). Online: http://dhgm.meb.gov.tr/yayimlar/dergiler/Milli_Egitim_Dergisi/167/in dex3-demirel.htm. Mirici, ø. H. (2008). Development and Validation Process of a European Language Portfolio Model for Young Learners. The Turkish Online Journal of Distance Education 9 (2): 26-34. Nunan, D. (1989). Designing Tasks for the Communicative Classroom. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pennycook, A. (2001). Critical Applied Linguistics: A Critical Introduction. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Phillipson, R. (1992). Linguistic Imperialism. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. Scollon, R. & Wong Scollon, Suzanne. (2012). Intercultural Communication: A Discourse Approach. Chichester: John Wiley & Sons. Turizm BakanlÕ÷Õ. Turizm BakanlÕ÷Õ Istatistikleri [Ministry of Tourism Statistics]. Online: http://www.ktbyatirimisletmeler.gov.tr/TR,9854/sinir-giris-cikisistatistikleri.html. Türkan, S. & उelik, S. (2007). Integrating Culture into EFL Texts and Classrooms: Suggested Lesson Plans. Novitas Royal 1 (1): 18-33.

MULTICULTURAL DIMENSION IN AN INTERNATIONAL ENGLISH COURSE: A RUSSIAN EXPERIENCE POLINA TEREKHOVA AND ALENA TIMOFEEVA

“There is no single way of teaching English, no single way of learning it, no single motive for doing so, no single syllabus or textbook, no single way of assessing proficiency and, indeed, no single variety of English which provides the target of learning.” (Graddol 2006)

Introduction Despite the ongoing debate about international and national status of the English language by applied linguists, educators and politicians alike, we believe that there is an urgent need for practical solutions to the problems of teaching English as an International Language (EIL) that instructors worldwide are confronted with on a daily basis. Quite a few novel issues concerning multiculturalism and EIL likewise require a discussion. It has been estimated that, today, there are as many as 2 billion of nonnative speakers (henceforth NNS) of English worldwide (Crystal 2008). Most of them use English in a multicultural environment. The majority of those who learn English today are taught by non-native speakers. A great number of English language learners live in multiethnic and multicultural countries, such as the Russian Federation, for example. English is the most popular foreign language; it is a mandatory subject in Russian secondary schools and a requirement for bachelor or master programme. The number of Russian university students taking study at universities in Europe and Asia is growing every year; this implies NNS to NNS communication combined with an ability to fit into a different culture, not just British or American. Moreover, a working knowledge of English has become a requirement for young professionals. While, ten years ago, employers were normally satisfied with a Cambridge or TOEFL certificate, nowadays they are more likely to test the candidates’ ability to

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solve practical tasks using English, for example, by asking them to make a phone call to a German partner or to write a letter to an office in Turkey. Dramatic changes foreseen by David Graddol (2006) less than a decade ago nowadays affect everyone involved in English teaching. Several factors have conspired to produce a new variety of English that we may call International English or English as an International Language (EIL): they include political, economical, and cultural globalization, as well as anti-globalization, development of information and communication technologies, growth of the number of non-native speakers of English, transnational education and increased mobility of international students. Even though Graddol himself believes that this may be just a transitional phenomenon, this new insight in understanding the role of English in the ever changing world inevitably raises the issue of why, what and how we are going to teach. Leaving the problem of conceptualization of EIL to applied linguists, we would like to begin by citing the definition of lingua franca English (LFE) that matches our own understanding of EIL: “[...] an additionally acquired language system that serves as a means of communication between speakers of different first languages, or a language by means of which the members of different speech communities can communicate with each other but which is not the native language either – a language that has no native speaker.” (Seidlhoffer 2001)

Being both non-native proficient English speakers and teachers with rigorous methodological training, we find ourselves in agreement with Seidlhoffer and others who have recently supported their vision of EIL/LFE as opposed to ENL centrism (Crystal 2008, Graddol 2006, Jenkins 2002, 2008, Kachru 1992, McKay 2002, Ter-Minasova 1999). As bilingual users in an Expanding Circle country (in Kachru’s classification), we clearly see that the local context does not require export of cultural norms of English native speakers (NS). On the contrary, there is a strong demand for two other things, namely, understanding non-native speakers (NNS) coming from different cultural backgrounds and delivering one’s personal ideas and culture to others. As the starting point for our discussion, we would like to use Sandra McKay’s (2003) article on teaching English in a Chilean context. In her excellent discussion of problems that teachers of English in Chile grapple with, McKay has identified the following needs: “Firstly, the cultural content of EIL materials should not be limited to native English-speaking cultures. Secondly, an appropriate pedagogy of

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EIL needs to be informed by local expectations regarding the role of teacher and learner, and CLT should be implemented by a locally appropriate pedagogy. Thirdly, the strength of bilingual (or NNS) teachers of English need to be recognized.” (McKay 2003)

In what follows, we expand this list focusing on the issues we find relevant for teaching EIL at secondary schools. Teenagers are often exceedingly poorly motivated to do English at school (Graddol 2006). At the same time, teenagers are known to be the age group with particularly high cognitive activity (Rean 2003). In our opinion, this contradiction arises from the fact that learning English in a local context seems almost pointless to a teenager who cannot see any potential use in it. Teenagers at the age of 13-15 are not yet able to develop instrumental motivation based on such uncertain future benefits as search of information or students’ mobility programmes. What is more, high or low grades at school do not have such a prominent position in their value system, as their teachers would like to believe (ibidem). As a result, they stop paying attention to the subject and soon become unable to reach the desired standards of the class. Therefore, the fourth implication we propose to add to McKay’s list is a call to make the learning process meaningful by presenting practical, interesting and available ways of applying the newly gained language skills. Another important issue in language learning is the cognitive development of the learners that can be boosted through many activities and techniques, such as problem solving tasks, project work, pair and group work, analyzing, reasoning, speculating, grouping, peer- and selfmonitoring, using efficient memory strategies, to name a few. While these and other activities are widely used in modern language teaching, they are not particularly typical in a traditional Russian educational context; however, as McKay’s (2003) study made on the material of the local Chilean context has shown, such techniques would not at all be inappropriate in Russia. We argue that activities and strategies of this kind enhance educational context and at the same time provide grounds for future mobility of the students, should they choose to continue their education in those countries where the said approach is more traditional. The final implication concerns general attitudes. To be able to live in the global world does not only mean to be able to speak a global language. Rather, this is about realizing and accepting the fact that people from other cultures may think, feel, behave in a decidedly different way from the one commonly adopted in one’s native society. Unfortunately, ethnic problems are getting more and more common in Russian schools. We, therefore,

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submit that an EIL class is an appropriate place to develop multiculturalism. It is essential that teachers introduce “[...] a sphere of interculturality in EIL classrooms so that individuals gain insight into their own culture. These insights can then be shared in crosscultural encounters undertaken in international contexts.” (McKay 2002)

We consider these implications to be crucial for implementing multicultural dimension into the learning process. Next, we briefly identify the key principles for designing an EIL course that has a multicultural approach. We also discuss relevant types of teaching materials and appropriate classroom activities as a framework in which these principles should be implemented.

Implementing Syllabus Design Following Graddol (2006), we suggest that the general approach to EIL course design should not differ from the one that has become standard in modern language teaching. While devising new models for EIL teaching, Graddol bases them on a thorough analysis of needs, using familiar course design terms. In our opinion, it is the syllabus that can change teachers’ orientation and facilitate the shift from the target language instruction to EIL teaching. We find ourselves in complete agreement with Barbara Seidlhofer’s (2001) notion that, despite the great changes in the discourse of language planning and education policy, the daily classroom practice has not changed much. Hence, we believe that a clear and well-structured EIL syllabus together with supplementary materials designed in accordance with it can serve not only as guidelines for students’ daily work but also as a tool for teachers’ own professional and sometimes even personal development. From the course design perspective, the shift to EIL teaching will mostly affect such areas as needs analysis, goals and objectives, content, assessment and evaluation, and availability of materials; we do not foresee any significant changes resulting from EIL teaching in course structure, pacing, equipment and course evaluation. Needs Analysis and Data Interpretation “English Next” by Graddol is a full-scale detailed needs analysis that only requires a few changes in order to be adapted to a local context and a particular learning situation.

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“Up & Up” Framework (Timofeev, Wilner & Kolesnikova 2003)1 can be referred as a model example of a thorough and detailed study. Because of the lack of space, we cannot give a detailed account of this study. We just briefly describe the three areas of needs analysis that mainly affect an EIL course designing: curriculum restrictions, learners’ motivation, and teachers’ beliefs. In the case of Russia, the changes would be framed by National educational standard which describes a target for secondary school graduates as B1 level (CEF), assuming that the course in question is offered to teenagers (high level of secondary school). The most significant issue is the learning environment that positively affects learning and motivation. In the Russian learning context, two incompatible tendencies can be identified. On the one hand, English is a timetable subject that is learnt only in the classroom without any notable outside support or any clear, practical goals. On the other hand, Russia has always been a multiethnic, multicultural and multiconfessional country. Although Russian is the official language of the country, it is not native for a considerable number of students. Learning English in such an environment thus entirely corresponds to the definition of EIL adopted in the present article: different speech communities can communicate with each other in this language, but it is a language that has no native speaker. While the first tendency stated above clearly hinders the students’ motivation, the second one may actually trigger additional motivation for students learning English in such a multiethnic country as Russia. We are far from thinking that, in the present situation, teachers are unable to benefit from the ongoing research on EIL core: even though, in the classical pedagogical scheme “Subject-Learning-Teaching,” teaching is the most rigid and inflexible component, teachers may still use the time to realize, accept, and hopefully internalize the changes to come, provided they have an opportunity to experience courses like the one we introduce in this article. Course Philosophy, Goals and Objectives EIL approach prioritizes global inclusiveness and, therefore, appropriateness and intelligibility of language use. This means a dramatic change for thousands of school teachers in Russia where, for many generations, language instruction has relied on the accuracy in speech production and on faithfully imitating the native speakers. Nevertheless, upon a closer inspection, the leap is not that big, and the gap is not that frightening, since, in the end, we are still talking about communicative

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competence, except that the focus has now been moved from the linguistic component (as understood in TEFL) to the pragmatic and socio-linguistic ones. EIL does not reject grammar, vocabulary and pronunciation skills; rather, the change from the traditional approach to the EIL means that we can finally stop treating the native speakers’ norms and correctness as sacred cows, and thus be able to devote more of the classroom time to the vital needs of communication. Thus, the main goal of the course is to develop competence for effective communication in the global world. However, considering that the course is designed for secondary school students, we are speaking, not about a full-scale task fulfilment, but rather about building a solid foundation for further development towards achievement of the strategic goal. We have already mentioned that we find EIL class a particularly appropriate place to develop multiculturalism, especially in Russian multicultural context: co-learning lingua franca is likely to both facilitate mutual understanding and provide insights into one’s own culture. Native and non-native Russian speakers find themselves in the same position from the language perspective, since the course gives everyone an equal opportunity to express their identity. Another important task to be solved is developing a motivation for language learning. The course has to convince the students that language skills answer their immediate needs at school and outside, even though this might not be so obvious in the local context. The syllabus must identify and emphasize cross-discipline links, as well as real-life situations that require EIL skills. Motivation is not possible without success, and the course should certainly include learner training materials to provide students with efficient learning strategies. At the same time, the development of learning skills provides constitutes a firm basis for continuous language learning, which is a part of EIL approach. Twenty years ago, the educational system in Russia was oriented towards scholastic knowledge. Nowadays, it is slowly switching over to competence-oriented learning, so EIL approach appears to follow this trend. The very nature of EIL requires the syllabus to be competenceoriented, learner centred and process-oriented. A set of strategic and educational goals for teenagers should be specified by learning objectives that should include linguistic, sociolinguistic, pragmatic, discourse, cultural, cognitive, affective and psychomotor domains. Summing up our premises, we submit that the course goals should be formulated as a list of expected outcomes.

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Content Content selection starts with identifying contexts, communicative situations and skills to be covered in the course. Once these have been determined, it becomes possible to select the language materials (functions, vocabulary, grammar and pronunciation items). Finally, it is necessary to decide on the types of texts, tasks and activities relevant to the target audience and goal achievement. When it comes to an integrated skills EIL course for teenagers, we find it advisable to combine the development of multicultural awareness with the development of receptive skills whereby production should be mostly focused on the students’ ability to express their identity both in oral and written forms. In order to achieve this goal, reading skills (scanning, skimming and reading for detailed comprehension) may be taught through short, wellstructured, informative texts (informal letters, extracts from magazine articles, encyclopaedias, guide-, reference and travel books, and specially written texts) telling about life and cultural traditions around the world as well as texts on Russian culture written by foreigners, and texts with a cross-discipline focus. Teaching listening for the gist and specific information relies on short audio messages recorded by NS and NNS. Speaking is taught through real-life situations relevant to the age and local context and specially designed learning communicative situation (classroom discussions, presentations, etc.) with a strong focus on speech appropriateness. Writing is mainly functional (form filling, e-mails, informal letters, CV) or academic (essays and reports). Language material (themes, notions, functions, vocabulary, and grammar) selected for the course corresponds to A2 (production)/B1 (reception) CEF levels, compliant with Waystage 1990 (van Ek 1998). Pronunciation is mainly taught through listening. However, certain issues that provide intelligibility (stress-timed rhythm, nuclear stress, contrast between short and long vowels) (Jenkins 2002) continue being formally taught throughout the course. Efficient learning strategies constitute another key content component. In particular, strong emphasis is laid on metacognitive learning strategies, as adolescence is a singularly appropriate period to develop the ability to centre, plan and organize learning. Direct learning strategies should be mainly introduced through efficient classroom procedures. In terms of activities, the course suggests a wide array of tasks common for modern language teaching and relevant for the age group. On the one hand, they include different interactive activities involving pair

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and group work (surveys, games, discussions, project writing, etc.); on the other hand, we believe that teenagers obviously need tasks opening space for individual meditation, reflection and research (problem-solving based on some data or written texts, reading comprehension and writing tasks, etc.) Summing up, the course content core includes the following: integrated language skills within A2/B1levels (CEF); a selection of efficient learning strategies; information providing multicultural awareness. Assessment The course previews formal, informal (performance-based) and studentgenerated assessment. Some aspects of assessment require devising of testing materials, while others are a matter of classroom management. In all cases, approach to assessment should follow the syllabus: if the syllabus priorities inclusiveness, appropriateness, intelligibility, and learning skills, these should be the main subject of assessment throughout the course. It is evident that achievement of the stated goals cannot be assessed across the criteria commonly used in TEFL, and EIL requires quite specific assessment criteria. In these circumstances, it would be perfectly appropriate to think in terms of competence development, rather than in terms of pure language skills. Because of the lack of space, we cannot discuss in detail how such criteria could be worked out2. In short, we argue that students’ ability to work out problems and behave adequately in situations involving the use of English should be the primary object of assessment, while language proficiency should be considered a subordinate skill. It is the formal assessment that appears to be a problematic area due to certain discrepancy in EIL philosophy and State National Exam’s requirements. To meet the Russian State Educational Standard the course should include SNE format testing materials and tasks but not as necessary evil: these materials emphasize language skills, and we find them extremely useful and appropriate. As we have mentioned above, EIL is not about rejecting language, it is about enlarging its scope. Materials Availability However rational and sophisticated a syllabus may be, it cannot be put to action without relevant teaching materials. The Russian book market is rich in titles, both local and British, but all of them are written within

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traditional EFL approach. Moreover, most of the local course books convey rudiments of Grammar-Translation Method and/or early ideas of Communicative Language Teaching. The local context is almost entirely missing from the books. British authors targeting international audience show respect for different cultures wherever possible, but considering the diversity of their target audience, they can only pay extremely limited attention to a particular culture. As for the local authors, there is a current tendency of interpreting the idea of multicultural awareness in a rather particular way, namely, by excluding the local context (that used to overburden English course books produced in Russia few decades ago) in favour of British/American realities. The “Up & UP” series (Up & Up 2007, 2008) is a happy exception. The authors, highly professional and experienced NNS English teachers, succeeded in meeting all the requirements of EIL discussed in this article. In the remainder of this article, we argue that a school course book should be a local one or, at least, should account for local context and local educational system.

Devising Materials It cannot be entirely coincidental that, in two different parts of the globe, almost simultaneously two remarkably similar course books appeared. These are “Go for Chile” (1999, 2000) by Mugglestone, Elsworth & Rose3 and “Up & Up” (2007, 2008) by Timofeev, Wilner & Kolesnikova. The books may seem rather different at first sight: the Chilean course book focuses on receptive skills while the Russian book aims at developing integrated skills; “Go for Chile” features adventures of an international team of students exploring Chile, while “Up & Up” does not have any coherent plot. However, conceptually, the books are remarkably similar, sharing the same approach to the matter. Both books are aimed to increase the motivation for language learning by meeting their actual needs relevant to the local contexts. “Up & Up” Framework (Timofeev, Wilner & Kolesnikova 2003) presents a detailed description of the philosophy, aims and objectives, methodology, and sequencing of the book. Meeting the new challenges of the global world, the authors of “Up & Up” series support the idea of English as International Language (EIL) and put this notion in the centre of the course. The course framework is a result of the detailed analysis of the situation and a comparative study of course books written and published both in Russia and Great Britain. It is characterised by learnercentred, communicative, cognitive, and competence approaches.

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Developing the communicative competence of learners is one of the major goals of the course. The corpus of the course is designed to meet the demands of the modern society and to provide learners with adequate language skills to be able to present their national and social identity in different communicative situations. In this sense, a learner-centred approach gives an opportunity to form the motivation. The “Up & Up” authors’ approach to EIL agrees with the one presented in this article and fulfils the requirements of the syllabus described above. Although the procedure of writing a course book is inherently remarkably similar to course content selection, it is far much more complicated and difficult, as it involves converting a flat methodological specification into a lively, comprehensive, substantial and enjoyable book. It is a multidimensional task to which both factory patterns method and factor analysis methods can be applied4. However, in the current situation, authors can rely only on their professional knowledge and experience, intuition, creativity, and common sense. “Up & Up” series is a truly multidimensional book gripping from different methodological perspective, but, in this paper, we discuss the books only in terms of the EIL principles implementation. Making Learning Language Meaningful and Learner-Centred “Up & Up” series is a set of project tasks and materials. There are three big projects in Book 10, and two in Book 11. All tasks and activities in the units preceding a given project prepare the learners to implement it. Moreover, each unit contains materials and tasks marked as helpful for the upcoming project “For your project.” The projects are related to the local context, and the project tasks are formulated in a way that requires students to use English in order to complete the project (Figure 4-1). The project tasks are getting more and more complicated throughout the series both from the content and language perspective, thus remaining challenging. Here, are some examples: designing a poster, recording a radio programme for foreign listeners, making a website, making a TV programme, preparing and participating in the conference “How to improve the image of my region.” The units preceding a given project provide students not only with information and language necessary for successful completion of the project, but also with ideas and advice on how to handle the task, thus supplying the learners with metacognitive strategies. Direct strategies are taught through well sequenced sets of pre-/post-reading/listening tasks. In some cases, they are explained directly, for instance, guessing new words

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from the context (B10, U4) or grouping words to memorize them (B10, U5). Such target training makes project work feasible and successful. “My Success Checklists” that follow every project allow students to monitor their performance and help them take responsibility for their learning.

Figure 4-1. Up & Up, Book 10, p. 56

The local component is well presented in the books. Apart from factual information about Russia and Russian culture, there are many materials that present views of foreigners on the subject. Examples include letters written by foreign visitors to their friends or relatives about different Russian places they are visiting (Book 10: U2 “East or West”), or an

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interview with a pop star who has been touring in Russia. (B 10: U3 “Time Changes Places”). Some authentic materials are likewise including, for instance, an advertisement of the Mariinsky Theatre performances in London, giving a short account of Russian classical operas (B 10: U7 “Out and About”) or a short review of “Crime and Punishment” by F. Dostoyevsky from the back cover of the American edition (B 11: U5). The authors show the interdependence of Russian and global cultures in terms that are particularly appropriate for teenagers. Consider the following example: “Never discuss with your hosts the origins of borsch. The question about whether Ukrainian, Lithuanian or Russian borsch was the first one is beyond the solution.” (B 10: U2). A newspaper report about a 13-year-old British singer and composer of Russian descent introduces the idea of global mobility; at the same time, his vocal cycle based on the Russian penitential verses and an opera based on “Beowulf” provide an opportunity to talk about European culture (B 11: U6). A matching task, where students are supposed to match the portraits of famous Russian writers to their works (which they thus have to recall), is well illustrated by the covers of English versions of these books published by different British and American publishers (B 11: U5 “To Read or Not to Read?”). Unit 6 in Book 11 introduces the controversial topic of national stereotypes. Through a number of tasks including reading and listening to different opinions on the issue, reading about Russian customs and traditions, writing tips for visitors, etc., students are led to the final discussion “What is Russia?” The Global World is also well represented in the course books. Students learn about Chinese New Year (B 10: U1), French cuisine (B 10: U2), the tsunami in 2004 and the tragedy it brought to Thailand (B 10: U8), Oriental martial arts (B 11: U4), British educational System (B 11: U7), etc. Sometimes, multicultural component appears in unexpected situations: for instance, a grammar exercise on have/has got consists in comparing Murmansk situated in the north of Russia with Loviisna located in the south of neighbouring Finland. The data are given in a table (WB 10, p. 11, task 4). Throughout the course, learners receive information about different countries (Australia, Austria, Belgium, Brazil, Canada, China, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Japan, Holland, Finland, Thailand, Turkey, the UK, the USA). Non-native speakers from these countries were invited to record audio texts (in cases where the plot required an audio component and a speaker was available). Info boxes on the margins provide brief information about geography, history, cultural traditions, and the way of life (Figure 4-2). They also supply students with knowledge of minor but indispensable for living in the global world details

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like internationally used abbreviations and signs, tickets layout (B 10, U7) or the tradition to print in italic foreign words used in a text (B 11, U2).

Figure 4-2. Up & Up, Book 11, p. 31

The course books contain a lot of extracts from British and American authors. Well-known and recognizable titles have been selected to teach genres (B 11, U5) and to talk about cinema and theatre (B 11, U2). ENL is, thus, well presented in the books. However, the Englishes do not feature prominently in the course books. Students are exposed to British, American and Australian English in the audio recordings that accompany the texts, but no particular emphasis is made on accent distinction. Nevertheless, a number of tasks focus on lexical discrepancies, mostly as a post-reading exercise (Figure 4-3).

Figure 4-3. Up & Up, Book 10, p. 36

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Tasks related to modern communicative technologies (e-mailing, texting, surfing the Internet) (B 11, U1, U2, U6), as well as the ability to fill in standard international forms (B 10, U1), or write a standard document (B 10, U9) aim at future mobility (Figure 4-4). Multiculturalism also implies self-identification as a member of the global community. Concerns about what this world will be like in ten years’ time in terms of environment, people’s health, school education, space travel, technology, learning English, etc. provide an opportunity for further personal development (B 10, U 8).

Figure 4-4. Up & Up, Book 11, p. 27

Cross-discipline links and real life situations show students where and how they can immediately apply their language skills. While such situations as helping a lost tourist or taking visitors around (B 10, U2) are not terribly frequent, knowledge and skills acquired in an English class can be easily and beneficially transferred to other classes. Cross-discipline

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links support studying of other subjects. Moreover, the popular science format of the information given at EIL lessons helps students to relate a set of dry facts, formulas and complex concepts to their world picture (B 10, U2; B 10, U8; B 11, U5; B 11, U8) (Figure 4-5). The materials described above are, of course, not attached to the course book as a mere supplement and have not been devised solely in order to send a multicultural message across. These tasks and activities serve as means of developing integrated skills, including grammar and vocabulary skills. The main focus of this article is the multicultural dimension of a language course, which is the reason why we have left the language learning value of these materials outside our discussion.

Figure 4-5. Up & Up, Book 10, p. 36

The authors believe that teacher development is a subsidiary but nonetheless a fundamental aim of an EIL course. In the Introduction to the Teacher’s Book, the authors explain and reason the principles of EIL teaching, whereas Unit comments specify those principles through clearly stated unit goals as well as through detailed explanation of the task aim and procedure for almost every task. Besides, Teacher’s books contain some recommendations on how to focus on memory, cognitive and compensation strategies as teenagers are not able to cope with such complicated things on their own. Teacher’s books also provide an explanation of some multicultural realities that might be unfamiliar to teachers. Teacher’s books are deliberately written in Russian not to overload the readers with English terminology and let them concentrate on the text content. It should be stressed that, however clear, full and

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professionall the Teacher’s books are, the t course boooks as they are a have a lot of materiials for reflecttive teaching. “Up & U Up” has been evaluated e both h formally andd informally. The book has shown exceptionallyy high results on the scale of appropriaateness of teaching maaterials5 (Figurre 4-6).

100% %

93% %

90% %

Coursse Classro Compliaance oom with go oals organisaation interacction

80% %

90%

Assess ment Design and andd out layo evaluaation

Results across thhe scale of appro opriateness of tteaching materiials Figure 4-6. R

It may be helpful to coompare review ws and comm ments given by those teachers whoo have alreadyy used these books b in their classrooms: “Thee course book develops d motiv vation to languuage learning, mainly m through iinteresting andd up-to-date materials m and loocal componen nt.” (I. Ignateva, Chelyabinsk, school s 155) “[…] a lot of meanningful and interesting tasks related to stu udents’ everyday life. Students are a really enthu usiastic doing prrojects on sighttseeing of their nnative city or wrriting traditionaal Russian cuisiine recipes, etc.. What is more, tthe tasks involvve working in the t libraries, gooing to museum ms and surfing thhe Internet.” (M M. Teterina, Perm m, Ural Federall District) “The course has helped my studen nts, who are reeally weak and d lowmotivatedd, to break through psychologiical barrier andd believe in feassibility of learninng English.” (V. ( Solomakhiina, Zelenodol sk, Moscow region, r school 9) “[…] texts are rich and fascinating g. There are a l ot of cross-disccipline materials useful for the classes of Histo ory, Geographyy, Math, and Ph hysics. Strong foocus on efficieent learning strrategies as weell as Check Lists L is highly apppreciated by my m students […]. Resource packk materials as well w as

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Teacher’s book comments are very helpful. The more I work with this book, the more I understand its logic and educational message. I just like teaching it.” (N. Plekhanova, Chistopol, Tatarstan, school 16)

“Up & Up” has been approved by the Russian Ministry of Education and is currently used in a number of schools across the country. Besides schools in Moscow and the Moscow Region, St. Petersburg, Vyborg, Velikie Luki, Chelyabinsk, Tumen (traditional Russian-speaking areas), it has been successfully used in Kazan, Perm, Ekaterinburg, Novosibirsk, Anadyr, Yakutsk, Khabarovsk, and other areas where many students are non-native speakers of Russian. At the moment, the authors are working on a new series of the same type, this time for younger learners (primary school).

Conclusions Being bilingual users in the Expanding Circle country, we can clearly see that, in the local context, there is a strong demand for understanding of both native and non-native speakers from different cultural backgrounds and delivering personal ideas and culture to others. A new perspective in understanding the role of English in the changing world inevitably raises the issue of why, what and how to teach. The paper suggests a number of practical implications for teaching and shows how they can implement syllabus and material design. From the course design perspective: -

-

-

The shift to EIL teaching mostly affects such areas as needs analysis, goals and objectives, content, assessment and evaluation, and availability of materials; we do not foresee any significant changes resulting from EIL teaching in course structure, pacing, equipment, and course evaluation. An EIL course focuses students’ ability to work out problems and behave adequately in communicative situations that should be assessed while language proficiency should be considered as a subordinate skill. The very nature of EIL requires a syllabus to be competence-oriented, learner centred and process-oriented. The course content core includes language skills (receptive/ productive/integrated) that meet the learners’ needs in a particular learning context; a selection of efficient learning strategies; information providing multicultural awareness. A clear and well-structured EIL syllabus together with supplementary materials designed in accordance with it can serve not only as

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guidelines for students’ daily work but also as a tool for teachers’ own professional and sometimes even personal development. However rational and sophisticated a syllabus may be, it cannot be put to action without relevant teaching materials. The materials meet the new challenges of the global world if the authors support the idea of English as International Language (EIL), put this notion in the centre of the course and aim to increase the motivation for language learning by meeting their actual needs relevant to the local contexts as it has been done for “Up & UP” series. The corpus of the course is designed to meet the demands of the modern society and provide learners with adequate language skills to be able to present their national and social identity in different communicative situations. “Up & UP” series proves that it is possible to make learning meaningful and learner-centred offering a number of challenging project tasks. The local culture and the global world, as well as their interdependence, should be presented in the course books. Crossdiscipline links and real life situations should be clearly included since they show the students where and how they can immediately apply their language skills. The materials described above are, of course, not attached to the course book as a mere supplement and have not been devised solely in order to send a multicultural message across. These tasks and activities serve as means of developing integrated skills, including grammar and vocabulary skills. When it comes to an integrated skills EIL course for teenagers, we find it advisable to combine the development of multicultural awareness with the development of receptive skills whereby production should be mostly focused on the students’ ability to express their identity both in oral and written forms. Such an approach to course and material design appears to be successful. It is proved by students’ enthusiasm and irreproachable results reported by school teachers who have piloted “Up & Up” series in high schools across the country.

Notes 1.

“Up & Up” framework (Timofeev, Wilner & Kolesnikova 2003) presents a description of new aims and goals for English language teachers that urgently arose at the time. In 2003, Russia joined the Bologna Process and the State Exam Project revealed a low level of language competence of high school students in different regions of the country. As the result of the detailed analysis of the situation and a comparative study of course books written and

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2. 3. 4.

5.

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published in both Russia and Great Britain from the official list of Ministry of Education the aims of learning, teaching strategies and techniques for the new course were worked out. Developing of communicative competence of learners is one of the major goals of the course. The corpus of the course is designed to meet the demands of the modern society and to provide learners with adequate language skills to be able to present their national and social identity in different communicative situations. In this sense, a learner-centred approach gives an opportunity to form the motivation. The rationales, development procedure and criteria for competence-oriented testing see in Terekhova (2012). The deductions are made from McKay’s (2003) article since the authors have not had an opportunity to see that series Unfortunately, as far as we are concerned, no study has ever been done in that area though both methods are widely used in IT, social sciences, operations research, and other fields. A cross-discipline study aiming to create a matrix for non-native language course book writing might be extremely challenging. Evaluation criteria, measurement instruments and result interpretation can be found in Terekhova (2009).

Acknowledgements All examples in devising materials section are copyrighted by ACADEMIA Publishing House, Moscow, Russia. We are sincerely and heartily grateful to all English teachers who have taken part in approbation of the “Up & Up” course books and gave us necessary feedback. We are sure this article would have not been possible without their participation and ideas.

References Crystal, D. (2008). English as a Global Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Graddol, D. (2006). English Next. London: British Council. Jenkins, Jennifer. (2002). A Sociolinguistically Based, Empirically Researched Pronunciation Syllabus for English as an International Language. Applied Linguistics 23 (1): 83-103. Kachru, B. B. (1992). Models for Non-native Englishness. In B. B. Kachru (Ed.), The Other Tongue: English across Cultures. Urbana & Chicago: University of Illinois Press. 48-74. McKay, Sandra Lee. (2002). Teaching English as an International Language: Rethinking Goals and Approaches. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.

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—. (2003). Teaching English as an International Language: The Chilean Context. ELT Journal 57 (2): 139-148. Rean, A. (Ed.) (2003). Adolescent Psychology: Complete Guide. St. Petersburg: Prime-EVROZNAK. Seidlhoffer, Barbara. (2001). Closing a Conceptual Gap: The Case for a Description of English as a Lingua Franca. International Journal of Applied Linguistics 11 (2): 133-158. Terekhova, Polina. (2009). Materials Evaluation: Criterion-oriented Approach. Proceedings of XXXVIII International Philology Conference 2. St. Petersburg: 198-211. —. (2012). Competence-oriented Examination in a Foreign Language: The Question of a Descriptor for a Professionally-directed Learning FL. Bulletin of St. Petersburg State University 9 (Philology), 1: 165-180. Ter-Minasova, S. (1999). Language as a Mirror of Culture. Moscow: Moscow State University Press. Timofeev, V., Wilner, A. & Kolesnikova, I. (2003). Uchebnometodicheskij kompleks po anglijskomu jazyku dl’a srednej shkoly novogo pokolenija [New Generation English Coursebooks for Secondary Schools of Russian Federation: A Framework]. St. Petersburg: St. Petersburg State University Press. Timofeev, V., Wilner, A. & Kolesnikova, I. (2007, 2008). Up & Up. Books 1 and 2. Moscow: Academia.

TEACHING CHINESE IN A MULTICULTURAL CONTEXT XIAOJING WANG

Introduction and Background Mandarin Chinese (abbreviated as Chinese) is the language that has the most native speakers globally. It is believed that learning a new language could broaden the learners’ horizon of the world and provide them with opportunities for exposure to different cultural knowledge (Castro 2010). Likewise, learning Chinese brings speakers of other languages to the threshold of distinctive Chinese traditions and culture (Lee 2001, Stephens 1997, Tiedt & Tiedt 2005, Tomlinson 2005). Meanwhile, the cultural perception could push forward the learners’ acquisition of language skills and the knowledge beyond the language itself (Nelson 1995). In recent years, sufficient number of Confucius Institutes has been established globally providing a platform for Chinese language learners. In fact, inspired by an increasing level of social awareness of Chinese, a large number of language learners have devoted themselves to learn the Chinese language in every corner of the world (McCall 1995, Tochon 2009). Brown (2000) suggested that cultural distance and cognitive and affective proximity of different cultures should be explicitly measured and examined. Besides, in such an environment, it becomes quite necessary to analyze the culture of the people speaking foreign languages, as well as to establish a relationship between these cultures and the learners’ native cultures from the aspects of humanity, social issues, literature, etc. (Frenck & Min 2001, Holtgraves & Kashima 2008, Tang 1999, Valverde 2005). To some extent, contextual issues should be given top priority while teaching Chinese language worldwide. In this vein, Chinese culture, learners’ individual cultural backgrounds, as well as the cultural environment in which they stay should be seriously comprehended and exploited. Moreover, an understanding is also required concerning the linguistic and behavioural patterns of the cultures at a more conscious level. Not everyone in this world is “just like me.” In fact, there are, in

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many aspects, real differences between groups and cultures (Bentahila & Davies 1989, Brown 2000). However, these different aspects are sometimes interdependent. It is similar to what Tang (1999) had propounded: culture is language and language is culture. In other words, language cannot be wholly separated from the culture in which it is deeply embedded, since it is necessary for the language learners to adopt a wider perspective in the perception of reality. Students who aim at developing cultural awareness and cultural sensitiveness are usually those who are least disposed towards cross-cultural communication (Cakir 2006, McCall 1995). To develop cultural awareness in language classrooms, it should be kept in mind that the language is learned along with the ways and attitudes of the social group following different cultural patterns (Tochon 2009). Thus, language teachers cannot avoid conveying impressions of other cultures, which play a therapeutic role in helping learners to move through stages of acculturation during the process of language acquisition (Cakir 2006). More importantly, if learners are supported by insightful and perceptive teachers, they can perhaps more efficiently pass through the stages of culture learning and, thereby, increase their chances of succeeding in language learning (CakÕr 2006, Holtgraves & Kashima 2008, Jiang 2010).

Multicultural Context With the gradual formation of the global village, human beings nowadays always gather near multicultural contexts, such as in schools, working places, shopping malls and hospitals. Communication is essential to survive in these situations. In other words, mastering a universal language is a principal goal. Guest (2002) claimed that language and its culture are born together. On the global stage, the spread of English as a language for multinational and multicultural communication, utilised by an enormous number of non-native speakers, shows the importance of English in many regions of the world (Honna 2005, Lee 2001, Nostrand 1989). English has been promoted in most Asian countries since the 20th century (Honna 2005). It has become a working language for intranational and international communication in many regions of Asia. According to a survey (Honna 2005), 350 million people speak English for various purposes in Asia – a number that is close to the combined populations of the United States (USA) and the United Kingdom (UK), where English is a native tongue for most citizens. With the increasing number of English users, English is bound to reflect a diversity of disparate cultures (Göbel & Helmke 2010). Importantly, non-native speakers are taking advantage of

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this additional language and are exploring new dimensions of English usage, which meanwhile has brought diverse cultural elements into their regions (Honna 2005). It could, therefore, help many learners to further understand the language and break down the underlying blocks in communication in most cases (Frenck & Min 2001, Gay & Howard 2010, Nelson 1995). In some Asian countries, such as Singapore and India, eastern cultures and western cultures are woven together en masse. Therefore, their inhabitants have experienced challenges from such a multicultural context, as well as opportunities for the development of their nations (Guest 2002, Pulverness 2000). English, the world’s leading language, stems from the UK. Tracing the history of the UK as a unitary state, it combines, absorbs and consists of diverse cultures from the world, since it has 14 overseas territories (Jones 2005). The UK, therefore, is influenced by many of its former territories and also new refugees in the aspects of language, such as culture and legal systems. That is to say, a variety of cultures is closely intertwined into British culture through such contact (Jones 2005, Valverde 2005). In fact, culture has been defined in many different ways. Many teachers have accepted culture as a broadly defined concept consisting of patterned behaviour (Cooper et al. 1990, Hinkel 1999, 2005). More precisely, culture is conceptualised as a way of life, a way people see and perceive the world, which sets the rules to establish the functioning of a group of people, guiding them in their interpretation of social life (Valverde 2005, Yule 2000). Thus, language learners need to develop a sense of cross-cultural awareness to affect people’s perception of contextual reality and different worldviews (Bautista 1991). Valdes (1986) has ever raised the issue that, while diverse cultures co-exist, new substances will occur and bring either opportunities or threats. The multicultural environment could result in ethnic problems among such a variety of people. Meanwhile, such coexistence may lead to the development of culture and humanity in the regions (Castro 2010, Nostrand 1989, Valdes 1986). In this circumstance, the cultural context of language teaching, especially the context to teach a non-dominant language, becomes rather complicated, but nevertheless necessary for investigation, for instance, to teach Chinese in a multicultural context in the UK is a truly extraordinary case.

Context of the Problem Studied As stated previously, the UK is famous for its enormous diversity of citizenship (Jones 2005). The British population contains a variety of immigrants and the offspring of these immigrants. According to a recent

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study carried out by the University of Leeds, ethnic minorities are set to make up 1/5 of the UK population in 40 years (BBC 2010, Infoplease 2012). The study has predicted that the proportion of black, Asian and other ethnic minorities will rise from 8% of the population, as recorded in the 2001 census, to 20% by the year 2051, as a result of the expected high levels of immigration from Europe, Australasia and the United States (BBC 2010). With such a mixture of races, the relative educational environment has been subject to change in the aspects of curriculum design and teaching strategies, in order to adapt to the varied multicultural context. In the new century, Chinese, compared with English, has gradually drawn the attention of the world. With the increased number of Confucius Institutes established globally, a large number of the Chinese learners of other languages are pursuing Chinese in multicultural and multilingual contexts. However, at the moment, the Confucius Institutes mostly cater for adult learners aged 16+. Therefore, the United Kingdom Association for the Promotion of Chinese Education (UKAPCE) aims to create an association of all local Chinese schools and promote the Chinese language nationwide among different age groups (Blanden & Machin 2004). This association has benefited many young Chinese learners, including children of immigrant Chinese adults, British-born Chinese, local British, immigrant children with other L1 (first language) backgrounds. Many Chinese schools in the UK have been established and/or sponsored by UKAPCE since the 20th century (ibidem). With continuous efforts aimed at promoting Chinese nationwide in the UK, a great number of learners have devoted themselves to learning Chinese. Thus, effective approaches for teaching a non-dominant language have become particularly crucial and challenging for the teachers. Many studies have investigated language teaching approaches by considering the learners’ capability and needs (Kashima & Kashima 1998, Tiedt & Tiedt 2005, Tochon, Kasperbauer & Potter 2007); however, rarely have studies focused on the teaching approaches among the learners with diverse L1 backgrounds or related such approaches to the effect of language acquisition in a wider perspective of the multicultural environment (Castro 2010, Guest 2002, Hinkel 1999, 2005). In light of determining teaching approaches to students in multicultural contexts, culture norms should be taken into account. Tomlinson & Masuhara (2004) have found that, although culture is not seen as a straitjacket binding students to particular learning styles, it does, as a norm, deeply affect the way the learners acquire languages. For instance, Spanish students valued both pair and group work, whereas Chinese

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students did not (Pulverness 2000, Saluveer 2004, Tomlinson 2005). Prior studies done in the multicultural context mainly concentrated on European languages (Kramsch 1993, 1995, 2003, Tang 1999). For this reason, a new attempt at teaching Chinese as a second or foreign language (L2) in an assorted cultural environment is indispensable. The current study aims to identify the influential factors in teaching Chinese in the UK – a multicultural context; meanwhile, the feasible and effective teaching approaches should be identified and evaluated in accordance with the learning difficulties, so as to help young learners to acquire Chinese as a foreign language in a non-Chinese dominant environment.

Methodology Research Methods The methods for this study are a combination of quantitative questionnaires and qualitative semi-structured interviews for different groups of participation. In broad terms, quantitative research was to entail the collection of numerical data and exhibit a view of the relationship between theory and research for a natural science approach (Bryman 2004, Creswell 2002). A questionnaire, as a quantitative approach, is usually designed for statistical analysis of the large amounts of responses in different forms, such as mail questionnaires and telephone questionnaires. In this paradigm, the emphasis is on facts and causes of behaviour (Gay & Airasian 2000). On the other hand, qualitative research, including interviews and observations, is a research strategy that embodies an in-depth understanding of human behaviours and reasons governing such behaviours (Creswell 2002, Taylor & Bogdan 1998). Semi-structured interviews, also called focused interviews, could allow flexibility in data collection and provide detailed information for analysis (Bernard 2010, Rossman & Rallis 2003, Rubin & Rubin 1995). Both qualitative and quantitative methods are employed in the current study to guarantee the validity and reliability of research results from a wider range of perspectives. Research Instrumentation In the present study, according to the research purposes and research contexts, a questionnaire was distributed among 30 teenage Chinese

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learners of other languages. Because of the young age and diverse language backgrounds of the participants, the questionnaire was designed in a relatively unsophisticated format in English. In total, 15 questions were designed including only four main open questions, since the participants were teenagers, normally incapable of answering open-ended questions and providing objective opinions (each question has additional space for students’ further comments). The questions were interpreted in an easy manner, and all the participants anonymously completed their questionnaires under the supervision of their teachers. The questionnaire was designed on the basis of literature review and research objectives. In spite of the students’ basic background information, they were largely required to answer the questions based on (a) their difficulty in learning Chinese; (b) the outcome of their Chinese acquisition; (c) their attitudes towards teachers’ language used as instructions; (d) their opinions as to the effectiveness of teachers’ instruction in class and their suggestions to facilitate language learning; (e) their sensation of the atmosphere of the Chinese school; and (f) their expectations of Chinese school and/or Chinese language learning. Meanwhile, semi-structured interviews have been employed in order to explore specific information about teaching strategies and teaching difficulties among five Chinese teachers who were teaching the participant students in the Chinese school. The interviews were recorded for data analysis. Different from structured interviews, a semi-structured interview did not rely on a set of relatively rigid pre-determined questions and prompts (Berg 2004, Bernard 2010, Gay & Airasian 2000); instead, it aimed to leave a great deal of leeway to the interviewees and allow new questions to be brought up during the interview flexibly, while asking scheduled questions (Bryman 2004, Rossman & Rallis 2003). The semistructured interview was designed under the framework of the research purpose, and the questions were open within the constraints of this framework (Bryman 2004, Rubin & Rubin 1995, Taylor & Bogdan 1998). In addition, the characteristics of different groups of participants have been measured and considered for the selection of research methods. We see that questionnaires can anonymously reveal the students’ underlying perceptions and thoughts in a simple and direct way, while semi-structured interviews offer the inventory of issues in the process of interaction, which will probably be the additional part of the study findings. In other words, adult teachers can contribute more objective and consistent information to the research through interviews, while young students can easily manage the clear-cut questions displayed in questionnaires.

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Research Participant The current study was carried out in a charity-sponsored Mandarin Chinese school in England. The school has a total of 102 students and seven teachers (two activity teachers). All learners come to school every Saturday to study Chinese for two to three hours. They are grouped according to their levels of Chinese language and varied personal requirements. In one class, each teacher normally manages around twenty students aged 6-16. In addition to the Chinese language, the students could also join several Chinese culture-based classes, such as Chinese calligraphy, Chinese traditional dance, drawing, and Tai Chi. In my study, in total, thirty Chinese learners participated, including eleven male teenagers and nineteen female teenagers aged 11-16, who were at least bilingual speakers before learning Chinese. Five of them were local British children and three of them were from Spain, Germany and the USA, respectively. Another thirteen teenagers were from immigrant Cantonese families (abbreviated as Canton Im) who could speak Cantonese, French and English, and the remaining participants were six Mandarin Chinese immigrants (abbreviated as Chin Im) and three British-born Chinese (abbreviated as BBC) students. Table 4-5 summarizes the distribution of the research participants and their language backgrounds.

5 French /English

Spanish

British

Chinese Immigrant 6 Chinese /French /English

1 Spanish /English

1 German /English

USA

13 Cantonese /French /English

German

3 Number Language French /English

Cantonese Immigrant

BBC

Students

Table 4-5. Distribution of participants’ language backgrounds

1 Spanish /English

Such distribution of participants has created a multicultural context in the Chinese school, which could guarantee the effectiveness of the research design and ensure the generalization of the research results could be applied to different ranges of learner groups who take Chinese as a second or foreign language worldwide. Five teachers, except the two activity teachers, from the Chinese school voluntarily joined the research. All of them have various teaching experience in the UK or China, and they have taught Chinese for at least

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two years in this school. These teachers are all native Chinese speakers who have devoted themselves to promoting the Chinese language and benefiting those Chinese aficionados in the UK. Informed Consent In the light of most ethical guidelines, certain research projects do not require the informed consent of participants (Rossman & Rallis 2003). Such projects may entail the use of natural naturalistic observations where the participants cannot be personally identified or harmed in any way. All other research projects mandate the informed consent of participants, which is typically achieved by having them sign a consent form (Berg 2004, Rossman & Rallis 2003). According to McKinney (2004), the consent form embodies several key principles. The participants are told about the general nature of the study – what they can expect to occur and what is expected of them as participants – as well as about any potential harm or risks that the study may cause (ibidem). The ethical conduct of research is to frame the research questions and the agenda objectively, to widen the scope of the social research, and to maintain confidence in the research process (Bernard 2010). Under such consideration, all the information about the participants would be anonymously shown in the research. The participants are assured of confidentiality, and they have been informed that they are free to decline participation and may withdraw from the study at any time without penalty (Bernard 2010, Gay & Airasian 2000, McKinney 2004). Since my research covers social and cultural issues, the sensitivity and conflicting interests of such issues are carefully dealt with (Taylor & Bogdan 1998). In this case, I cautiously ensured that the conduct, management and administration of research are framed in a way consistent with ethical principles. More importantly, as most of the research participants were teenagers, the consent forms were signed by their parents or guardians. Reliability and Validity It is widely acknowledged that the two fundamental features of any measurement procedure are reliability and validity, which are usually called into question (Creswell 2002, Kumar 2011). Validity determines whether the research truly measures what it was intended to measure. It could refer to the success of the project in

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achieving “valid” results (Joppe 2000, Kumar 2011). There are many sources of errors that could reduce the validity of a project, including poor sample selection, resultant bias, basic coding errors, misunderstanding of management and research questions by the researchers, and misunderstanding of the investigative questions by the respondents (Creswell 2002, Golafshani 2003, Kothari 2009). The validity of the current study would be concerned about the research results, which have been supported and ensured through serious methods of selection and rigorous data collection procedures. The extent to which results are consistent over time and are an accurate representation of the total population under study is referred to as reliability (Joppe 2000). Simply put, reliability refers to the consistency of the measure used in a study (Joppe 2000, Kothari 2009, Kumar 2011). There should be compelling evidence to show that the results are consistent across researchers and across scoring occasions (Creswell 2002). In the current research, reliability, as an indication of the consistency of scores across studies, has been guaranteed by empirical cross-cultural studies. The research methods have been repeatedly proven to be reliable in many relative inquiries. Therefore, the scientific research methods used in my study could also help to produce similar results among different groups of participants in the future. Limitation of Study In general, research limitations are most often related to human beings as well as to the research design (Kothari 2009, Tochon 2009). The limitations of the present study include two main aspects. First, one limitation is caused by the limited number of participants. The size of the participant group affects the generation of research results (Bernard 2010). However, within the context of this research, potential teenage participants were relatively scarce, and, in addition, some parents were not willing to allow their children to participate in such an investigation. Therefore, the number of participants was critically restricted, and reliability of the research results has been reduced in my study. Furthermore, there is no doubt that bias could be another reason for the limitation. Obviously, the researcher’s personal bias toward the objective world is an unavoidable limitation in all studies (Creswell 2002, Tochon 2009). For instance, the questionnaire is designed and revised based on my personal knowledge and the reviewed literature, which may include my

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subjective bias in designing the questions and, therefore, in receiving responses.

Results and Discussion Results from Teachers’ Interviews The current semi-structured interviews of the five teachers have shown that having students with diverse backgrounds in one class unequivocally requires particular care and strategic teaching approaches in order to facilitate their Chinese language acquisition in a non-Chinese context. Considering the backgrounds of the students, the language in which teachers deliver instruction has to vary in different situations (Bautista 1991, Brooks 1968, Stephens 1997). Most of the teachers switch only between Chinese and English in class; however, a new Cantonese immigrant required the teacher to switch sometimes to Cantonese to explain the content of lessons to this student. Most teachers have insisted that code switching between instructional languages was necessary and effective for students’ comprehension, since those students were teenagers who would be frustrated in an immersion class. The teachers have also pointed out that the code-switching of instruction language has unmistakably squandered too much time. In terms of the influential factors which resulted in diverse outcomes of language acquisition in the multicultural context, students’ L1s, their age groups, their learning purposes, their cultural backgrounds, their attitudes towards Chinese, and the influence of parents and friends have all been emphasized by the teachers in the interviews. Because of such diversity in the class, the teaching difficulty is proportionally increased. Generally speaking, the above mentioned influential factors, mostly and essentially, are attributed to learner difference, partially constrained by their cultural differences. Firstly, it has been discovered that students with Chinese backgrounds obviously learn faster than the rest of the students, especially faster than western students. Obviously, the non-Chinese parents could hardly help their children review the Chinese materials or prepare for the Chinese lessons. Instead, they purchased several teacher-recommended videos and books for their children, in order to spark some interests in their spare time. In the Chinese school, teachers normally encouraged and arranged for these western students to collaborate with students who had Chinese backgrounds so they could work productively.

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Moreover, regarding age and learning differences, teachers provided bodily-kinaesthetic activities in class, which enriched the courses and strengthened positive learning outcomes. Complex Chinese grammar was usually taught to higher-level or older students who had the ability to cope with its intricate structures. In contrast, beginner groups or beginner-tointermediate groups largely focused on oral Chinese and written characters. In terms of learning outcome, all teachers stressed that older students with Chinese backgrounds were able to comprehend Chinese quickly in all four language skills, while those with western backgrounds were able to handle most Chinese sounds successfully but were not proficient at the other skills. However, there is an exceptional case. The Spanish learner wrote Chinese characters exceptionally well as she had a habit of copying 10 Chinese characters 50 times per day. Furthermore, because of the diverse learner backgrounds, the majority of teachers could not integrate too many cultural activities for the consideration of the Chinese and Cantonese immigrants. Most of the time, the teachers followed the traditional present-practiceproduce (abbreviated as PPP) paradigm to foster the process of language acquisition. Occasionally, they switched to implement thought-provoking group activities or team work to draw students’ attention and spontaneously boost critical thinking. In addition, motivated students could comprehend language at a relatively fast pace. All teachers have agreed that stimulating students to learn Chinese in an English-dominant environment was a hard nut to crack. The students immediately switched to English after classes; even worse, students preferred to use English for group discussions and addressing questions. Three teachers have further underlined that students’ motivation has markedly declined with constant quizzes and tests, but it is enhanced by group performance or teamwork. Hence, all teachers have required parents to monitor students’ study at home or to bring their kids to make Chinese friends or join in Chinese events region wide, which, therefore, aroused students’ attention in using Chinese for communication or even “showing off” their Chinese language in communities. For instance, the five British children were invited by their Chinese partners to the Spring Festival ceremony in China town to experience Chinese traditions. Thus, British students have developed a fascination for both Chinese language and culture in the meantime.

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Results from Students’ Questionnaires Overall, the results generated from the students’ questionnaires have shown their personal information and revealed their perspectives on their individual language learning experiences at the Chinese school. Based on the data collected and analyzed, 28 out of 30 students have enjoyed learning Chinese, the environment of the Chinese school and meeting friends from different schools and countries at weekends. One German student claims to have experienced a unique cultural atmosphere at the Chinese school, insofar as the students are expected to be exceptionally well behaved – they can only ask questions with the teacher’s permission. Six students would like to attempt a GCSE (General Certificate Secondary Education) in Mandarin Chinese in a few years. Only two students state that learning Chinese was not their own willingness. One student emphasizes that Chinese is useless in most communication situations in the community as she can speak Cantonese, French and English remarkably well. Another indicates that the high competence of the Chinese-origin peers has caused him/her to feel under considerable pressure. Meanwhile, six western students have suggested that teachers involve additional culture-based activities to facilitate students’ comprehension of the underlying meaning of the Chinese language. The following tables list student attitudes towards teacher instruction language and teaching approaches used in class. As Table 4-6 shows, most students (70%) consider the instruction language to be quite effective and necessary to understand teaching content and complementary interpretations, while three students were not satisfied with the instruction language used in classes, stating that code-switching or bilingual instruction not only wasted time, but also tended to retard progress. Two older students insisted that Chinese should be the only teaching medium so as to benefit their language acquisition. Table 4-6. Students’ attitudes to teachers’ instruction language Attitudes to instruction language Number of students

Very useful Useful

Neutral

Not useful

6/30 (20%) 15/30 (50%)

6/30 (20%) 3/30 (10%)

Interestingly, as shown in Table 4-7, more than half of the students were unsatisfied with the teaching approaches (nearly 56.7%). Several students raised the point that the teachers’ main teaching method is rigid drills and

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exercises, a decidedly traditional Chinese style that is not creative or attractive. In total, only five Chinese immigrants (about 16.7%) were familiar with this teaching approach. Table 4-7. Students’ attitudes to teaching approaches Attitudes to instruction language Number of students

Very useful Useful 0/30 (0%)

Neutral

Not useful

5/30 (16.7) 8/30 (26.7%) 17/30 (56.7%)

Results relating to the aspect of acquiring Chinese perceived as the most difficult are given in Table 4-8. Almost all of the students regard Chinese written forms, which are dramatically different from European letters, as the most difficult aspect of Chinese, the exception being two older Chinese immigrants who had received several years’ primary education in China. Reading was also deemed as a difficulty by 83.3% of students, as reading largely relied on the recognition of characters. Table 4-8. Students’ response to learning difficulty in acquiring Chinese Difficulty

Written Reading Listening Speaking Grammar Culture forms skill skill skill

Number of students

28/30 (93.3%)

25/30 (83.3%)

16/30 (53.3%)

15/30 (50%)

10/30 (33.3%)

7/30 (23.3%)

Among all the difficulties, interestingly, that of culture seems to be the least significant. Roughly, 23.3% students believe that cultural themes are particularly intriguing and sometimes difficult to understand, such as traditions and customs. British students mentioned that grasping the traditional stories behind Chinese idioms was always a long journey. Half of the students could hardly manage the listening and speaking skills, in particular those from Spain, Germany, America and Britain, which indicated that Chinese pronunciation was indeed far removed from that of the European languages. For example, Chinese has four tones representing significant distinction in meaning; and even more importantly, perhaps, the Chinese ‘xi’, or ‘chi’ sound is not used in most European languages. The difficulty in Chinese listening and speaking was thus automatically increased. In total, 1/3 of participants, mostly aged 14-, addressed confusions because of the complicated grammatical structures. One British child

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cannot catch the rules of Chinese sentences since the word orders and other grammatical structures vary in many forms under different situations. Discussion of Results Teachers and students have provided their opinions and raised different issues through questionnaires and interviews on the subject of learning a non-dominant language in a multicultural context. In fact, it is remarkably normal to teach or learn a language that is not dominant in a country; however, it is extremely difficult to acquire such a language among a group of learners with diverse cultural backgrounds. On the basis of the research purposes and the presented research results, teacher and learner differences have been analyzed as the main factors that affect the Chinese language learning process in a multicultural context. Teachers have different levels of professional competence, different teaching styles, teaching attitudes, teaching approaches, instructional practices, and suchlike. Tomlinson (2005) has stated that these teacher differences could significantly affect language acquisition and students’ intellectual development. Basically, in the current case, the five teachers all regarded teaching Chinese in terms of their responsibility to help new generations explore wider opportunities in the future, yet, the different teachers employed distinctively different teaching styles. In addition to the traditional PPP teaching format, the young female teacher tended to use vigorous teaching approaches, so she always brought authentic materials to improve students’ visual perception; while other experienced teachers would occasionally integrate group activities or team work into the PPP paradigm. The only male teacher was a Chinese editor, so his rich knowledge and experience appealed to many students. All the teachers were sensitive to the prevailing norms of the cultures in which they were teaching. All the teachers were sensitive to the prevailing norms of the cultures in which they were teaching. As has been suggested, in classroom operation, the integration of cultural context largely determines what is to be learned and how it is to be taught (Genc & Bada 2005, McNeal 2005). Therefore, the cultural environment should be brought to the forefront. Quite a few studies have provided superb teaching insights in relation to different cultural contexts (Brown 2000, Cohen 1998, Oxford 1990). Culture influences one’ attitudes, emotions, beliefs and values – one’s general behaviour, in fact (Valverde 2005, Witherspoon 1980). Put simply,

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culture projects one’s entire being. Just as teacher differences are mostly rooted in multicultural contexts, so it is also with learner differences. The students’ individual learning attributes determine that each student should be taught exclusively in the manner best suited to those attributes (Dirven & Putz 1993, Valverde 2005). In other words, learner differences are critical factors affecting learning outcome. As research data in the present study shows, these learner differences consist of students’ L1s, their diverse ethnic backgrounds, their expectations, attitudes, habits, needs and learning styles, these all originating from cultural differences across remarkably dissimilar cultures. In any classroom, there will be individual variations of preferred learning styles (Bentahila & Davies 1989, Pulverness 2000). The western or BBC students here felt indisposed toward the stiff restrictions of which most of the Chinese immigrants were in favour. Obviously, training each student in the same way benefits some and handicaps others. Treating Spanish students like Chinese, for example, would certainly penalize the Spanish students. However, treating Spanish students in the same culturally appropriate way would penalize those Spanish students whose personalities and learning style preferences do not conform to stereotypical norms (Ilieva 2005, McNeal 2005, Tomlinson 2005). Nobody seems to have provided evidence to suggest that the basic principles of successful language acquisition vary from culture to culture. However, what do seem to differ are the typical approaches to teaching/learning a language, which are amendable to modification (Genc & Bada 2005, Jiang 2000, Tomlinson & Masuhara 2004). According to the discussions during interviews, the teachers have identified, in fact, that where designed activities and teaching contents were able to mirror features in students’ social culture that had not previously been exploited, then these students responded extremely positively in terms of team cooperation and language learning. This shows that culture has a prominent place in foreign language education. In this case, class activities should embrace students’ socio-cultural perceptions and accommodate their cultural differences. Instead of requiring students to memorize the “far-reaching” Chinese characters, teachers can ask the students to investigate the pictographic origin of these characters, thereby enabling the (subconscious) memorisation of Chinese characters to become a gradual, easy and enjoyable process. One teacher recommended combining traditional music with the explanation of the four Chinese tones, since it might enhance student memory. Techniques such as these benefit teenage learners in particular, not only in their mastery of the Chinese language, but also the comprehension of culture.

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Some teachers insisted that culture can be hardly “squeezed” in the already overcrowded curriculum, but it is not necessary to teach culture separately; instead, the idea is to facilitate the process of language acquisition through socio-cultural aspects included as part of the process of communication, in order to develop the ability to react appropriately in cross-cultural situations that students may face. Many studies have proved that foreign language teaching has a cultural dimension due to the lose linkage of language and culture (Mohammadzadeh 2009, Stern 1992, Witherspoon 1980). Here, teachers have suggested that, though the students were from all over the world, they still shared a number of traits in common. It is teachers’ responsibility to identify such traits and relate them to both cultural similarities and differences (Dirven & Putz 1993, McNeal 2005, Valverde 2005). On this basis, a project-based teaching approach has been recommended by the male Chinese teacher, because it could enable the practice of Chinese language skills while also arousing young students’ cultural awareness. As Railsback (2002) declares, students usually find projects fun, motivating and challenging. As an authentic instructional modal, a project-based teaching approach engages students through real-world applications and creates an enthusiasm for learning (ibidem). It is a holistic instructional strategy rather than an add-on. “Tell me and I will forget. Show me and I will remember. Involve me and I will understand.” (Chinese proverb)

To encourage all students to work effectively, the male teacher has required his students to partner with peers from other cultures in order to form a multicultural group. The purpose of each group was to design a travel brochure for the Chinese readers. In the end, the students will present and promote their thoughts in designing and writing this brochure to the potential publisher, competing with other peer groups. Furthermore, their Chinese language used for group discussion and communication was also one of the evaluation criteria. In order to complete the projects, students would study Chinese with laudable initiative. In this process, they cannot use only their individual learning strengths, but also practice language skills in all aspects. Accordingly, this project-based teaching approach could be further explored, applied and popularized within Chinese schools or other multicultural contexts, since it complements, builds on, and enhances what students learn, to a large extent.

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All in all, learner differences, as well as teacher differences, could by some means affect language acquisition, in particular under multicultural contexts. In other words, culture-related factors are significant influential factors in language education. Considering cultural aspects helps students to understand the way to use a language in communicative situations. Meanwhile, teachers employ motivating approaches to foster the language learning process, such as implementing abundant activities or making use of project-based approaches.

Conclusion To sum up, the purpose of the current study was to identify the potential influential factors of language acquisition and to explore the effective teaching approaches under multicultural contexts. On the basis of empirical research results and literature support, the current study was conducted among 30 Chinese learners of other languages and 5 experienced Chinese language teachers in one Chinese school in Great Britain. According to the data collected through questionnaires and semistructured interviews, it can be concluded that cultural distinction is a serious issue in measuring language-learning outcomes, especially in such a multicultural environment. Furthermore, although a large amount of the literature has identified and presented a variety of teaching methods, most are not feasible or even insufficient to apply under such multicultural backgrounds (Cohen 1998, Guest 2002, Kramsch 1993, 1995, 2003, Mohammadzadeh 2009, Oxford 1990). In this case, as a teacher, one should always be prepared for diversity and constantly explore advanced approaches. In terms of the discussion and findings of the current case, culture-based activities and project-based teaching approaches are highly recommended for language acquisition. As indicated by many researchers (Brooks 1968, Göbel & Helmke 2010, Nostrand 1989, Wang 2006), culture is born together with language. Teaching culture separately is not considered practical and applicable (Cooper et al. 1990, McNeal 2005, Nelson 1995, Yule 2000). Therefore, rigorous language teaching processes should involve cultural components – and in the current study – multicultural components. Any language skills, rendered by cultural substances, will become rather fascinating for students. For instance, the four Chinese tones are related to the traditional music, while the written characters are embedded with pictographic memorization.

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Besides, project-based teaching approaches, consisting of language skills as well as cultural constituents, have been applied and shown to be successful by the teacher in the Chinese school. This allows the students with diverse backgrounds to collaborate and then construct new ideas or concepts based on their current and previous knowledge (Railsback 2002). Meanwhile, the process of completing projects could activate students’ acquisition of culture and language, and strengthen their recognition of social identity in community (Gay & Howard 2010, Genc & Bada 2005, Saluveer 2004, Stern 1992). Generally speaking, under multicultural circumstances, language teaching includes a variety of issues (Ilieva 2005, Witherspoon 1980). In addition to the examination of language acquisition and cultural cognition, diverse cultural environments could reinforce the acculturation of culture, customs and social institutions in communities; that is to say, the appropriate teaching approaches to Chinese language acquisition should encourage the reconciliation of cultural diversity in the world.

Further Research Cultural context becomes an indispensable part of the dynamics of the teaching process in classrooms of every language. This still requires further investigation. The current study is limited to teenage Chinese learners of other languages with multicultural backgrounds. In order to obtain more reliable data, the study should be extended to a larger number of participants. Further study would also require supportive and updated literature from different perspectives to bolster the validity of the research results. For instance, the participants could involve students with rather complex backgrounds, such as learners from Australia, Italy, Thailand, etc. Meanwhile, sufficiently effective teaching approaches in multicultural contexts could be exploited and validated to fit in various situations for the benefit of both CSL (Chinese as L2) teachers and their students. In addition, further research can be done in the area of exploring the strong correlation between the nature of language teaching and cultural involvement. To what extent cultural contents are involved in language teaching should be seriously investigated to form a certain pattern for language teaching in different socio-cultural situations. More importantly, triangulated research methods are desired for future study to enhance the quality of the research.

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LINGUISTIC EQUALITY IN MULTICULTURAL SOCIETIES DUBRAVKA PAPA

Introduction One of the basic features of the European Union (EU) is that it is multicultural and multilingual. The territory comprises more than 60 autochthonous languages of various positions and situations. This paper deals with the legal framework for their equality in such a heterogeneous society, related mainly to regional and minority languages that are considered “endangered species”. It outlines relevant legislation regulating the issue of the position and protection of language diversity in the EU and aims at defining regional and minority languages and their role in participating in a multicultural society such as the EU. A number of international instruments regulate the status and rights of language minorities, but there is no legally binding document in the legislation of the EU related to the protection of minority rights, although one of the main goals of the EU is to protect and preserve cultural diversity and, implicitly, linguistic diversity. Minority rights are protected in the EU by international documents related to minority rights since every EU Member State is, at the same time, a member of the Council of Europe. Minorities and their languages can only be protected if they are well defined and, as such, differentiated from the majority with which they coexist. It is primarily the language that is the means of differentiation (differentiation does not necessarily mean ‘dividing from’ or ‘intolerance towards’ diversity or emphasizing differences) although not the only one. The history of language minority protection begins with minority rights based on traditional human rights and freedoms. The 1516 Treaty of Perpetual Union between the King of France and the Helvetic state is considered to be the first international treaty regulating the protection of minorities. It contained a provision identifying those who were to receive certain benefits as the “Swiss who speak no language other than German.”

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(Varennes 1997) It guaranteed, among other issues, definite privileges for the German-speaking Swiss within the Union. The fact is the history of a minority reflects in the status of its language since language is what makes it a minority. Trudgill (2000) claims the problem of political governments is that the actual status of a language could become the reason for discontent of a certain minority wishing to have more power, more independence. According to Trudgill (ibidem), the governments that consider minority languages to be a threat refer to them with approval, whereas governments that consider their minorities to be potentially subversive usually react in repression as a result of fear. There is a possibility that their loyalty to their language becomes bigger than their loyalty to the state in which they reside. From a linguistic point of view, the future of a language depends on the communication needs of the group speaking the language; the extent to which these needs will develop does not only depend on social and economic relations but also on measures for the preservation of linguistic heritage. European integration in the area of culture and language, unlike other EU policies, does not rely on the principle of harmonisation. The Treaty on EU explicitly excludes harmonisation in the area of cultural and language policies. In reference to this, the basic documents of the EU rely on the “rights” from which the principles of respect for basic rights as a general principle of the European law and respect of diversity by the EU institutions are derived. Multilingualism in the EU perpetually raises a number of questions such as: Is there a support for language diversity? Is language diversity a blessing or burden that modern EU must cope with? Finally, the concrete meaning of linguistic equality assumes that all EU citizens have the right to become acquainted with the EU legislation and to communicate with the EU institutions in their own language. The representatives of the EU are entitled to use their own language while communicating with the EU citizens and within the EU institutions in order to participate in a democratic, multicultural society.

Defining Regional and Minority Languages in the EU The current population of the EU is characterized by the presence of numerous ethnic groups and languages whose potential lack of language understanding could cause intolerance, conflict and political dispute. This abundance is considered from various standpoints. One of them is the principle of language equality. The official languages of the EU Member States are also known as “treaty languages,” and these languages are, at

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the same time, “official and working languages” in the EU. Their status reflects political and formal, but still relative equality of languages (Urrutia & Lasagabaster 2007). On the other hand, it affects the performance of EU institutions both technically and financially. Internally, in practice, mainly English, French and German are used. In reference to recognition of linguistic diversity in the EU, the opinion prevails that the regional and minority languages issue falls into the area of human rights that includes the rights of linguistic minorities. Article 151 of the EC Treaty states that the Community shall contribute to the cultural development of the Member States and, at the same time, shall respect their national and regional diversity and promote their culture and language. Regional and minority languages are defined as languages characteristic for a region that could be within a Member State or a crossborder region but is not dominant in an EU Member State (e.g., Basque, Frisian, etc.). Secondly, there are languages spoken by a minority in the EU Member State, but that are official languages in some other EU Member State (e.g., German in Southern Denmark, etc.). The third group comprises non-territorial languages such as spoken by the Romanies and members of the Jewish community in the EU (e.g., Romani and Yiddish). Regional and minority languages include neither dialects of any official language nor languages spoken by immigrant societies in the EU (e.g., Turkish spoken in Germany, etc.). These languages are not given formal status or recognition in EU countries. However, immigrant communities receive EU funding to integrate into the new surrounding and develop language skills in their mother tongue.

Legal Framework for Regional and Minority Languages Human rights have been integrated into the legal order of the EU. Articles 6.1 and 6.2 of the EU Treaty state that the Union relies on the principles common to the Member States such as liberty, democracy, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and that the Union shall respect fundamental rights guaranteed by the 1950 European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Candidate states are required to respect human rights and ratify agreements on civil and political rights in the accession process. Furthermore, there is a positive anti-discrimination clause in Article 13 of the EC Treaty stating that the Community may take action within the scope of its powers against discrimination based on sex, racial or ethnic origin, etc. Language has not been mentioned as an explicit ground among

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the grounds for discrimination, but this is covered by Article 21 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights with the principle of non-discrimination and fundamental social rights (http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries /other/l14157_en.htm). The right to non-discrimination is recognised by the main international instruments such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the United Nations Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the United Nations Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the United Nations Convention on the elimination of racial discrimination, and International Labour Organisation Convention No 111. The provisions on nondiscrimination contained in the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms were reinforced by the 2005 Protocol 12 to that Convention providing for a right to equal treatment. This antidiscrimination legislation has raised international interest in recent developments within the EU as an effective pattern and is among the most advanced in the world. Article 27 of the 1966 United Nations International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights states the right, for members of religious, ethnic or linguistic minorities, to enjoy their culture, practice their religion and use their language. The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities adopted in 1992 aims at solving the problems deriving from the United Nations 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights such as the existence of linguistic minorities, status of these rights (rights of minorities as individual citizens or minorities as communities), as well as the obligation of the contracting states to the Covenant to tolerate, support and help minorities enforce their granted rights. Article 2 section 1 of the 1992 United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities states that language minorities have right to use their language in public and private, free of any discrimination (United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities). The 1950 Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms by the Council of Europe does not contain any explicit provision on minority protection or their rights although Article 14 of the Convention prohibits discrimination of people in their right and freedoms set forth in the Convention according to their sex, race, language, etc.

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The two Council of Europe treaties concerning languages are the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages and the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities. They both set the standard for Regional and Minority Languages protection in the EU.

Legal Framework for Linguistic Diversity in the EU The EU multilingualism relies on respect for linguistic diversity. The Union has 23 official and working languages whereas the United Nations as an international organisation has only six, which speaks for the importance of respect for linguistic diversity in the EU. At the time of the 1992 Maastricht Treaty, Article 149 was introduced on education that states that the Member States have the responsibility for their cultural and linguistic diversity, and one on culture that reads that the Community is responsible for supporting cultural development within the Member States, while respecting their national and regional diversity. This has been included in the Lisbon Treaty (Article 2.3) stating that the EU shall respect its rich cultural and linguistic diversity, and ensure that Europe’s cultural heritage is guaranteed. A provision similar to the above-mentioned content is included in Article 22 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights that accompanies the Treaty speaking for cultural, religious and linguistic diversity. It is moral and legal obligation of the EU to respect and promote linguistic and cultural diversity. The task of the Lisbon Treaty and the accompanying Charter of Fundamental Rights of 2009 was to set linguistic diversity as a specific European value. To what extent is linguistic diversity valuable for the EU is directly stated in Article 22 of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. However, other provisions of that Charter are relevant in relation to effective protection of the linguistic rights and individual preferences Europe-wide. Article 21 prohibits discrimination on grounds of, among others, linguistic diversity both by the EU and its Member States when they implement EU policies. The Charter is operative only after the states implement EU laws and national legislation transposes EU laws, which makes it the EU standard and landmark in the treatment of languages and national minorities. There is a language component of the right to correct administration of the Charter. The accession of the EU to the European Convention on Human Rights (e.g., Article 14) increases the importance of language and national minority rights.

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By means of the current and past documents related to linguistic rights and diversity, the EU has set new applicable standards for general and specific linguistic rights (often called “new architecture”) (Civil Society Platform on Multilingualism. Policy Recommendations for the Promotion of Multilingualism in the European Union).

Conclusion Language is one of the prerequisites to participation in a democratic society such as the EU. Official languages, treaty languages and regional and minority languages of the EU are not only a blessing but also a burden to lawmaking. The issue of language equality in the EU is regulated essentially by legislation based on respect for fundamental human rights. These legal instruments serve to protect and promote all languages, in particular regional and minority languages that are considered to be endangered heritage as their number tends to decline within the multicultural EU. Their purpose is to ensure and allow the use of regional and minority languages in all spheres of public and individual life.

References Civil Society Platform on Multilingualism. Policy Recommendations for the Promotion of Multilingualism in the European Union. Online: http://www.poliglotti4.eu/docs/publications/CSPM%20Policy%20Rec ommendations_FULL%20VERSION.pdf. Trudgill, P. (2000). Sociolinguistics: An Introduction to Language and Society. London: Penguin Books. United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities. Online: http://www.un-documents.net/a47r135.htm. Urrutia, I. & Lasagabaster, I. (2007). Language Rights as a General Principle of Community Law. German Law Journal 8 (5): 479-500. Varennes, F. de. (1997). To Speak or Not to Speak: The Rights of Persons Belonging to Linguistic Minorities. Working Paper prepared for the UN Sub-Committee on the rights of minorities. Online: http://www.unesco.org/most/ln2pol3.htm.

THE IMPORTANCE OF BILINGUAL EDUCATION OF MINORITY LANGUAGE SPEAKING CHILDREN AND THE SITUATION OF BILINGUAL SCHOOLS IN HUNGARY MÁRTA GALGÓCZI-DEUTSCH AND EDIT-ILONA MÁRI

Introduction Cultural and linguistic diversity poses a considerable challenge to schools in many countries. However, as Freedman (1998) asserts, it is possible for educational policy makers and practitioners to make choices about how to respond to this challenge. Bilingual education is a controversial issue in many countries. The questions about the exact meaning of bilingual education, who the programmes serve, their goals for the target population and their effectiveness have provoked considerable debates. According to Rossell & Ross (1986), the question regarding the effectiveness of bilingual programmes emerges especially because of the financial burden (that mounts to millions of dollars) bilingual education programmes pose on the government. In the United States, several minority language speaker groups live and different models of bilingual education are applied. It is worth examining the bilingual educational models applied in the United States in order to see the different ways students receive education in their native and the majority language. Similarly to the United States, numerous schools operate in Hungary with bilingual programmes in which the native language of a minority group is one of the teaching languages. These schools include the Nicolae Bălcescu Primary Grammar School (Romanian and Hungarian bilingual school) in Gyula, or the Chinese-Hungarian bilingual primary school in Budapest, SlovakianHungarian bilingual school in Békéscsaba, and Croatian-Hungarian primary and secondary school in Pécs. By examining the American bilingual education models and practice, the importance of native language

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education can be understood. However, though the present study gives an overview of the necessity and the actual reality of bilingual schools in Hungary parallel with that of the United States, and presents the bilingual educational programme models, it does not intend to analyze which models are used in the Hungarian bilingual education.

The Largest Minority Language Group in the USA: The Hispanics In the United States, the largest language group that is the most affected by this issue is the Hispanic with a population of 37.4 million. Basically, four types of bilingual programmes exist in the schools of the United States, and they work with different goals and, thus, with different efficiency. Therefore, based on several studies done in the field of bilingual education, the intention of the present study is to present the bilingual education programmes that schools provide according to their strength in native language use and give an insight of the importance of bilingual education. By over-viewing the practice of bilingual education in the United States, where this problem has been a fervent question for a longer period, our study intends to investigate the importance of bilingual education, its situation in Hungary and relate it to the international practice. As it is demonstrated, native language education is crucial for the student to be able to learn thoroughly the school subjects and become professionals in any fields. However, for the better job opportunities and to prestigious positions, students need to master the majority language since professionalism in itself is not sufficient. Therefore, bilingual education can provide the basic foundation for the chances of life improvement, but this improvement can only be realized by sufficient majority language knowledge (Kontra 2010). The bilingual education provides minority language speaker students with the two indispensible things for a good chance in life improvement: professionalism and majority language knowledge. As a result of constant migration, the number of Hispanic population in the USA is significant: according to the US Census Bureau (2002), it was 37.4 million people in 2003, that is, 13.3% of the total U.S. population, thus making the US the fifth largest Spanish speaking country in the world (Ardila 2005). The distribution of Hispanics based on their origin is shown in Figure 4-7. However close the English and Spanish cultures exist in the United States, the Hispanic population is a minority group and, therefore, the Spanish language remains a minority language. Although Hispanics are the largest minority

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group in thee U.S., as Valddés et al. (200 08) assert it, Sppanish is a stiigmatized minority lannguage. Others 7% 3% Cubans 3 Puerto Ricans 9% Central and Southmericans Am 14%

Mexicans 67%

Hispanics by origgin (Source: U..S. Census Bureeau, Annual Figure 4-7. H Demographicc Supplement too the March 200 02 Current Popuulation Survey))

Minoority Group ps in Hungaary In the begiinning of thhe 21st centurry, about 100% of the Hungarian H population bbelongs to a national n or eth hnical minoritty group, most of them still preserviing and speakking their orig ginal native lannguage. It is important i to point outt that, during the census of o 2001, only 3% of the population declared theemselves as part p of a mino ority group, thhough expertss say that the real ratee is about 8-100% of the pop pulation. Acccording to the minority law of 19933, any ethnicall group that has h lived on thhe territory off Hungary for at least a century, is a minority in number comppared to the Hungarian H citizens andd has its own language, traaditions and cculture that arre distinct from those of the majoriity, and a sen nse of belongiing that preseerves and develops alll these along with w the proteection of theirr community’ss interest, is a recogniized national and a ethnical minority m grouup. In the sense of this law, Bulgarrians, Gypsies, Greeks, Romanians, R Ruusins, Serbs, Slovaks, Slovenian C Croats and Ukrrainians are officially o residdent minority groups in Hungary (Taable 4-9). Theeir geographiccal location iss sporadic; theey live in about 1,5000 settlements and usually form a minoority group within w the settlement. T The LXXVII law of 1993 grants g any mem mber of an eth hnical (or

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religious) minority group the right to live with and declare their belonging to the minority group. The following data about the number and the minority languages of the ethnic groups in Hungary are from the 2001 census. From all the 13 groups of minorities, 71% declared themselves to belong to the minority group; however, only slightly more than 30% declared the minority language as their first language. It is important to point out that 2/3 of those minority group members who were born abroad originally declared themselves belonging to the group by their native language. For instance, 92% of the foreign-born Bulgarians, more than 90% of the Polish, 81% of the Greek speak their native language as their first language while, in the case of those born in Hungary, this rate is 30%, 21% and 16%. This phenomenon is similar to the US, where first generation immigrants primarily speak the minority language. As it is visible from the statistic, the number of those individuals who speak a minority language as their mother tongue is significant in the country. In what follows, the study demonstrates the importance of bilingual education for those students whose first language is different from the majority language. Table 4-9. Number and rate of minority groups Minority group Armenian Bulgarian Croatian German Greek Gypsy Polish Romanian Rusin Serbian Slovak Slovene Ukrainian All

Number of persons 1,165 2,316 25,730 120,344 6,619 205,720 5,144 14,781 2,079 7,350 39,266 4,832 7,393 442,739

% of the population 0.01 0.02 0.25 1.18 0.06 2.02 0.05 0.14 0.02 0.07 0.39 0.05 0.07 4.34

% of the minorities 0.26 0.52 5.81 27.18 1.50 46.47 1.16 3.34 0.47 1.66 8.87 1.09 1.67 100.00

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Bilingual Schools in Hungary In Hungary, eight out of thirteen recognized minority groups have the possibility for bilingual education. The following bilingual schools provide minority language education to students from nursery to secondary school level: Croatian Nursery, Primary School and Grammar School and Hostel (Budapest), Hriszto Botev Bulgarian-Hungarian Primary and Grammar School (Budapest), Hungarian-Chinese Bilingual Primary School (Budapest), Koch Valéria Hungarian-German Secondary and Primary School, Nursery and Hostel (Pécs), Miroslav Krleža Croatian Nursery, Primary and Secondary School and Hostel (Pécs), General Culture Centre of the German Living in Hungary (Baja), Croatian Language Education Nursery, Primary School and Hostel (Hercegszántó), Primary School and Nursery teaching in Beas (Gypsy) and Hungarian languages (Magyarmecske), Nicolae Bălcescu Romanian Grammar School and Primary School and Hostel (Gyula), Kocsis József Bilingual Primary School and Nursery (FelsĘszölnök, Slovenian-Hungarian), Slovak Primary and Grammar School and Hostel (Békéscsaba), Tolnai Lajos German Ethnic and Bilingual Secondary and Grammar School and Hostel (Gyönk), Baross Gábor Regional Primary Bilingual and Basic Art School offering Polish-Hungarian education (Parasznya).

Reason for the Necessity of Bilingual Education The primary reason for bilingual education was well articulated by Krashen (1997): “when schools provide children quality education in their primary language, they give them two things: knowledge and literacy.” The easiest way for children to understand what they hear or read is if they can do it through their mother tongue. If they develop literacy in their first language, they can transfer it to the second language. Reading has a key importance in independent learning necessary during the whole span of education, and reading skills should be acquired in primary school. However, it is always easier to learn to read in a language that students understand. The significance of the use of mother tongue has been demonstrated and supported by research done by Skutnabb-Kangas (1997: 117) that indicates those language minority children who were taught through the dominant language “often performed considerably less well than native dominant language speaking children in the same class […] and on tests […] of school achievement.” According to the findings of Skutnabb-Kangas (ibidem), as a result of poor primary and high school achievement, minority language students have much higher push-out rates

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and stay in school for fewer years. The insufficiency in the educational system affects their entire life: lacking the necessary education, minority speakers cannot get proper jobs and do not have equal chances in job finding, and there is higher unemployment among them. Impoverishment and marginalization are common. In addition, indicated by SkutnabbKangas (ibidem), for some groups, drug use, criminality and suicide figures are much higher. Therefore, it can be asserted that insufficient education provokes and preserves social inequalities and, as a consequence, it conserves the marginal status of language minority groups. To enable Hispanic groups to be active participants of the education process instead of excluding them, therefore, bilingual education is indispensible. The UNESCO also recognized this necessity thus asserted that “the best teaching language is a child’s mother tongue” (Bianco 1997: 36). In Hungary, a great proportion of ethnic minority is formed by the Gypsy population. According to István Kemény’s study (1996), the dropout rate among Hungarian-speaking Gypsy students below 8 grades is 22.9%, among Romanian speakers 41.6%, and 48.2% among those Gypsies whose first language is one of the Gypsy languages. It is concluded that the high unemployment rate among the Gypsy population is due to the educational language “discrimination” (Kontra 2010: 170). The fact that minority students cannot even start education in their native language is parallel with the academic achievement and the educational level that determines their life possibilities. There are different challenges that minority groups face in a country with respect to language: the difficulty of a new language needed in everyday life and for academic progress and success, and the maintenance of their own mother tongue. In case of the former, the first generation of immigrants have major difficulties, as they often arrive with the complete lack of majority language knowledge, and in America, they sometimes live their lives in the US without learning the majority language of the country. There seems to be an assimilation process, though the mother tongue has a special importance not only in preserving the culture but also in gaining a chance to receive sufficient education and integrate in society. An efficient way to maintain the mother tongue and develop English skills for the Hispanic population is to receive bilingual education at school. As Christian (1994) states, in the US, bilingual education is extending. The typical goals of bilingual programmes have three dimensions that are equally important: “language, academic and affective,” according to which students develop high proficiency in their first and second language, and perform at least at the level that fits to their age group. In case subjects are taught using both mother tongue and dominant language at primary level, students will have

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“positive cross-cultural attitudes and behaviours and high levels of selfesteem.” (idem: 4) Different Levels of Bilingual Education Before analyzing the different levels of bilingual education, the term itself has to be defined. According to the definition in Skutnabb-Kangas (1997: 4), bilingual education is “the use of two [….] languages as media of instruction in subjects other than the languages themselves.” May (1997: 20) makes this definition more precise by stating “bilingual education involves instruction in two languages’ to deliver the curricula content and not simply taught as a subject itself. Bilingual education can have a ‘weak form’ and a ‘strong form.’ The aim of the weak form is the strong dominance of the majority language and it includes ‘transitional, early-exit and late-exit programmes’.” (Skutnabb-Kangas 1997: 4) However, the strong form includes “mother-tongue maintenance or language shelter programmes, two-way bilingual (dual language) programmes and plural multi-lingual programmes […]. Only strong forms lead to high levels of bi-/multilingualism and are associated with greater academic success for language minority students.” According to May (1997: 20), bilingual programmes can be classified according to their goals, whether their aim is to “achieve, foster and/or maintain longer-term student bilingualism and biliteracy.” This type is termed “additive approach to bilingualism,” while the “subtractive approach” aims at shift from bilingualism to eventual monolingualism in the dominant language with the replacement of the minority language. In studies on bilingual education, there seems to be a very high level of agreement that this type of bilingual education contributes to bilingual students’ academic successes (Skutnabb-Kangas 1997, May 1997). It is important to point out that, in real bilingual programmes, it is not the native language that is taught. That is, teachers do not teach the minority language at school, but teach certain subjects partly in it. Ideally, the native language is used for instruction at least 50% of the time, and majority language at least 10% of the time. In the early grades, the native language should be used more, at most 90% of the time (Christian 1994). Although there are different classifications and, thus, typologies of bilingual education, according to May (1997) there are three models in bilingual education which are included consistently: the transitional, maintenance and enrichment models. In the transitional model, the mother tongue of the minority language students is used as language of instruction in the early school years, but the aim is the shift to the dominant language; therefore, the latter is introduced to an increasing

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degree in order to ‘cope’ academically in the mainstream education. It is an early-exit programme that uses the minority language for 1 or 2 years and, then, replaces it with the dominant language. It means that the aim is “moving from bilingualism to monolingualism in the majority language.” This is the most prominent approach in the USA, and it was “developed widely for Spanish (L1) speakers from the 1970s onward.” (May 1997) Therefore, its aim is a complete assimilation to the dominant language group and the loss of native language, in which the bilingual education is merely a tool, a facilitator. On the other hand, maintenance programmes aim to maintain the students’ minority language; moreover, to “strengthen the student’s sense of cultural and linguistic identity, and affirm the individual and collective ethno linguistic rights.” (idem: 22) Linguistic human rights in education would mean that indigenous and minority children have the right to their “mother tongue medium” in education, access to high quality education, the right to reproduce their minority group (Skutnabb-Kangas 1997). A maintenance programme is an additive, strong bilingual programme (May 1997). This programme aims at minority language maintenance for a longer time so that students could achieve “academic language proficiency” in it. It is a late-exit model that maintains the native language for at least 4 years (ibidem). May asserts, in his study that, within enrichment programmes, majority language students is taught through the minority target language. The aim is not only the maintenance of bilingualism and biliteracy for the minority language students, but also the maintenance and extension of minority languages in the wider community. According to studies, this is the programme that is the most successful in bilingual education and, most importantly, “the most likely to reduce the educational and wider social […] inequalities experienced by minority language speakers.” (idem: 22) Therefore, it seems to be a highly efficient way to integrate minority language students in the dominant society by decreasing the barriers caused by dominant language inadequacy, and, in this way, the vicious circle of insufficient education in primary and high school, and the subsequent decrease in the chances of higher education and receiving proper job can be broken by sufficient bilingual education. In Table 4-10, the types, characteristics and aims of language programmes dealing with minority language students are summarized from the lack of bilingual education to the intensive forms, ordering them in the expected educational success scale.

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How Bilingual Education Helps Students’ Performance As shown in Table 4-9 above, the stronger form of bilingual education we apply, the bigger role mother tongue has at the lessons. That is, the stronger form the bilingual programme has, the better minority language students can perform at school. Cummins (1997: xv) writes that, since the 1960s, hundreds of studies have been carried out that “report significant advantages for bilingual students on a variety of metalinguistic and cognitive tasks.” Furthermore, bilingual students provide students with “cognitive advantages” and “higher level of metalinguistic awareness.” As there is a “significant positive relationship […] between the development of academic skills in first and second languages,” “the instructional time through a minority language” has no negative consequence for the majority language development. Edelsky (in Schwinge 1997: 52) found that writing skills are transferred between languages and the two languages of a student increased the students’ options for communicating in an expanded range of texts to multiple audiences. Furthermore, bilingual education has further advantages for such students’ cognitive development and classroom performance: in Spanish-only classrooms, students just usually copy sentences and are unable to participate in the lesson. However, in bilingual classes, they are able to construct original sentences instead of mere copying, and can participate in the lesson. Moreover, in areas such as maths, where understanding is a crucial criterion, bilingual students perform much better with the help of the native language explanation and instruction from the teacher (ibidem). Benefits of Bilingual Education As it was examined above, bilingual education is necessary for the acquirement of the knowledge school education provided that it is not only the basis for better academic achievement, but also for becoming a professional and obtaining well-paid, prestigious jobs. However, as we show here, bilingual education in itself does not provide the possibility of prestigious jobs: high-level native language knowledge is needed to get them. As Kossoudji (1988) asserts immigrant workers are not only evaluated by their skills, but also by their ability to speak the majority language. Schooling and experience is important when a candidate applies for a job in the US, but when he is an immigrant or non-native speaker, English language skills are determinant. Therefore, bilingual education can contribute to the better acquirement of knowledge and skills, but English competence will be crucial in career building, thus life improvement.

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Table 4-10. Comprehensive chart of non-bilingual and bilingual education and their features based on May (1997) and Skutnabb-Kangas (1997)

Aim

Submersion

Students accept instructions on dominant language Minority language is taught in foreign language classes

Monolingual in dominant language Assimilation

Minority language is used in early stages to facilitate shift to majority language

Maintenance

Minority language use for at least 4 years, considers ethno linguistic rights Teaching minority language students in minority language Uses and nurtures minority language that is indigenous

Enrichment

Strong form

Additive programmes

Bilingual programme

Transitional bilingual education

Heritage

Late exit

ESL and Sheltered Instruction

Minority language is used for instructions

Short description

Early exit

Name of Programme

Weak form

Subtractive programmes

Non-bilingual programme

Type of program me

Bilingualism Maintenance of cultural identity Greater academic achievement

Indigenous language and culture maintenance and revitalization

Conclusion On the basis of studies and research carried out about the effect of bilingual education on bilingual students’ – and Spanish-English bilingual students’ – performance, it can be asserted that bilingual education is the best way to support students’ better school achievement from the primary level and lay down the foundations of the later academic success by giving them understanding of the material to be learnt on their level. This way, it is possible to hinder dropping out of school, and students can receive quality education, stay on at school and achieve academic success that will enable them to find better employment and avoid marginalization and possible involvement in crime. A stronger form of bilingual education could significantly contribute to the elimination of the conserved marginalized status of Hispanic people in the United States. Bilingual education in Hungary contributes the preservation of culture, language,

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better academic achievement and career perspectives to the Romanian, Chinese, Slovak speaker communities of the country. Considering the number of schools providing bilingual education across the US and in Hungary, it seems that the importance and necessity is recognized and schools endeavour to meet the expectations of the multinational and multilingual society have in order to provide equal chances for the language minority population. In addition, a lot depends on the type of bilingual education offered. The most successful types of programmes are the additive and strong bilingual programmes which educate through students’ native language instead of requiring them to leave their native language part of their cultural identity behind. This way, besides better academic achievement and integration into mainstream society, the native language can also be developed and cultural identity can be maintained. In Hungary, though, there are several schools on primary and secondary level that provide bilingual education for those who are speakers of a minority language as their first language, the provision of bilingual education is only sporadically solved. The right to education is the personal right of each citizen, but the right to native language education in an international sense is legally not included in this declaration (Kontra 2010). Similarly to the US, academic achievement, level of education, and employment possibilities of the minority students are greatly determined by the availability of the native language education. As demonstrated in Table 410, there are first-generation minority language speakers in the country who are foreign-born and, thanks to globalization, this tendency is likely to increase. For this reason, the maintenance and extension of bilingual schools with minority language education, especially in the strong form, are highly required. It can be concluded that, in Hungary, similarly to the US, the minority language education in which the native language is used and developed along with the majority language is necessary for the better integration and same chances in the society.

References Ardila, A. (2005). Spanglish: An Anglicized Spanish Dialect. Hispanic Journal of Behavioural Sciences 2 (1): 61-80. Bianco, J. L. (1997). Bilingual education and socio-political issues. In Nancy H. Hornberger (Ed.), Encyclopaedia of Language and Education 5: 35-47. Christian, Donna. (1994). Two-Way Bilingual Education: Students Learning Through Two Languages. In NCRCDSLL Educational

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Practice Reports. Berkeley, CA: Centre for Research on Education, Diversity and Excellence. Cummins, J. (1997). Introduction to Volume 5: Bilingual education. In Nancy H. Hornberger (Ed.), Encyclopaedia of Language and Education 5: XIV-XVII. Freedman, Rebecca Diane. (1998). Bilingual Education and Social Change. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Kemény, I. (1996). A Romák és az Iskola [The Romany and the School]. Educatio 1: 71-83. Kontra, M. (2010). Hasznos Nyelvészet [Useful Linguistics]. Somorja: Fórum Kisebbségkutató Intézet. Krashen, S. (1997). Why Bilingual Education? Online: http://www.ericdigests.org/1997-3/bilingual.html. May, S. (1997). Bilingual/immersion Education. In Nancy H. Hornberger (Ed.), Encyclopaedia of Language and Education 5: 19-31. Rossel, H. Christine & Ross, J. M. (1986). The Social Science Evidence on Bilingual Education. Online: http://usa.usembassy.de/etexts/soc/hispanicpop2002.pdfhttp://usa.usem bassy.de/etexts/soc/hispanicpop2002.pdf. Schwinge, Diana. (1997). Conceptualizing biliteracy within bilingual programs. In Nancy H. Hornberger (Ed.), Encyclopaedia of Language and Education 5: 51-63. Skutnabb-Kangas, T. & Mc Carty, Teresa L. (1997). Key Concepts in Bilingual Education: Ideological, Historical, Epistemological, and Empirical Foundations. In Nancy H. Hornberger (Ed.), Encyclopaedia of Language and Education 5: 3-15. Valdés, G., Fishman J. A., Chavez, R. M. & Perez, W. (2008). Maintaining Spanish in the United States: Steps toward the Effective Practice of Heritage Language Re Acquisition/Development. In Theodore A. Sackett (Ed.), Hispania 91 (1): 4-24.

TEACHING MINORITY LANGUAGES, HISTORIES AND CULTURES IN A MULTICULTURAL CONTEXT: THE CASE OF RUTHENIAN EDUCATION IN VOJVODINA (SERBIA) MIHAJLO FEJSA

Introduction Multicultural education is about education and instruction designed for the cultures of several different ethnicities in the educational system. This approach relies upon consensus, respect and fostering of cultural pluralism within societies (Oljaþa 2007: 33). In order to achieve its purposes for students, teachers, parents, and administrators of the school system, multicultural education must have the following, as its crux: (a) a learning environment that supports positive interracial contact; (b) a multicultural curriculum; (c) positive teacher expectations; (d) administrative support; (e) teacher training workshops (Bennett 1995, Oljaþa 2007: 33-34). Since the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina gained extensive rights of self-rule under the 1974 Constitution, five of the Vojvodina’s peoples were given the status of official nationalities – Serbs, Hungarians, Romanians, Slovaks, and Ruthenians. Three decades later, the authors emphasize Vojvodina as an example of authentic multicultural community, which successfully reflects and promotes the diversity in its unique democratic and civic valuable framework (Gajiü & Budiü 2007: 160). The author shows it in the case of Ruthenians, the smallest national minority in Vojvodina. According to the 2002 census, there are 15,905 Ruthenians in Serbia. Ruthenians make up 0.2% of the population of Serbia and 0.9% of the population of Vojvodina. The effective safeguarding of the collective identity of the Vojvodinian Ruthenians relies on the full implementation of the novel legal provisions and on the

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attitude of the Ruthenian minority itself towards the question of preserving the community identity (Fejsa 2009: 163).

Historical Background For centuries, the Rusyns (‘Ruthenians’) lived within the borders of the Hungarian Kingdom. They lived in the northeast Hungarian counties, namely, in Zemplen, Saros, Abauj-Torna, Borsod, Szabolcs, Ung, Ugocsa, Maramaros, and Gemer. Most of these counties are today in Slovakia, Hungary, Ukraine, and Romania. Some 260 years ago, groups of Ruthenians began migrating south from their homeland in the Carpathian Mountains to the Srem and Baþka regions of what is now Vojvodina, in Serbia, and Eastern Slavonia, in Croatia. After the defeat and retreat of the Ottoman Empire from Baþka, Srem and Banat, in 1699, the Austro-Hungarian authorities needed more population in the south of their state and supported colonization of Germans, Hungarians, Slovaks and others, among them Ruthenians, as well (Gavriloviü 1977: 153). In the new world, the newcomers built houses, economic establishments, churches, schools and other public institutions. Ɍhe Ruski Krstur parish was founded in 1751, and the Ruski Krstur primary school began to work in 1753. The first Greek-Catholic church in Kucura was built in 1765. Primary schools began to work in 1818 in Šid, in 1823 in Novi Sad, in 1847 in Baþinci, and in 1880 in Ĉurÿevo. Ever since the first Ruthenians settled in these parts and up to the First World War, they were predominantly farmers. Their craftsmen were organized in a guild, while there were remarkably few priests and teachers. In time, the Ruthenians even made progress in their economic, national and cultural life. They succeeded in preserving their identity. They formed their language and raised it to the level that they could use it to print books. The first book in the Ruthenian language is the poetic wreath Z Mojoho Valala (‘From My Village’) by Havrijil Kosteljnik published in 1904. At the end of the First World War, the Austro-Hungarian Empire collapsed. All branches of the Ruthenian people had, until 1918, lived and developed within the framework of a single state, the Habsburg Monarchy. Now, for the first time, several branches of the Ruthenian people were, somehow, cut off. The Ruthenians in Baþka had to find their own way. Within Serbia (or the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians, or, later, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia), the Ruthenians were permitted to form national and cultural institutions by virtue of the collective rights of all

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national minorities, which was not the case in their homeland. They were granted the status of national minority of Slavic origin in 1919, first and for many years to come the only one among their kinsmen in the Carpathian area. This was an event of utmost importance, which opened the way to their national and cultural development. Under such circumstances, the Ruthenians felt that the founding of the Ruthenian Popular Educational Society, the so-called Prosvita (‘education’), was the first step in showing their striving for an independent national cultural life. At the founding meeting, on July 2, 1919, in Novi Sad, the Ruthenian national community decided to elevate its colloquial language (not Russian or Ukrainian) to the level of a literary language. Since then, everyday speech has been used in education, cultural life and press. The first Ruthenian cultural organization published several books of immense significance. The most influential book of the time was the first Ruthenian grammar Hramatika Baþvansko-Ruskej Bešedi (‘Grammar of Baþka-Rusyn Speech’ 1923) by Havrijil Kosteljnik. After the Second World War, in 1945, several famous cultural events took place. First, the first high school in the Ruthenian language was established in Ruski Krstur. Second, a new Ruthenian organization was established for all Ruthenians in Yugoslavia – Ruskɚ Matka (‘Ruthenian Home’). Third, the Ruske Slovo Newspaper-Publishing Institution was established that published Ruske Slovo (‘Ruthenian Word’) in 1945, Ruski Kalendar (‘Ruthenian Calendar’) in 1946, Zahradka (‘Garden’) in 1947, Švetlosc (‘Light’) in 1952. In the following two decades, with liberal funding from the Yugoslav government, elementary and secondary school systems and radio programming (1948) came into being. The Institute for Publishing Texbooks was established in 1965. The Institute started to publish textbooks for primary and secondary school regularly. It has published around 1,000 titles. Ɍhe Autonomous Province of Vojvodina gained extensive rights of self-rule under the 1974 Constitution, which defined Vojvodina as one of the subjects of the Yugoslav Federation. Five of the Vojvodina’s peoples were given the status of official nationalities – Serbs, Hungarians, Romanians, Slovaks, and Ruthenians. The Ruthenian language became one of the five official languages of the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina. For the first time, it was possible to use the Ruthenian language in court, in offices, on public signs, etc. Ruthenian translators were employed in municipalities where there were a significant number of the members of the Ruthenian national community.

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Unfortunately, the period of ethnocultural development of the Ruthenian culture was interrupted during the mid-1990s war in former Yugoslavia.

Ruthenian Language Educational Vertical It is hard to understand how such a small population managed to preserve its national being for more than two and a half centuries. One of the most influential factors is the existence of the educational vertical – from preschool education to higher education (the Department of Ruthenian Studies in Novi Sad). The beginnings of preschool education in the Ruthenian language can be traced at the beginning of the 20th century (1902 in Ruski Krstur and 1905 in Kucura). There is a children’s nursery, extended stay and educational groups for preparing children for school in Ruski Krstur (educational groups in which children are prepared for school in the Ruthenian language, and extended stay for preschool children exist in Kucura and Ĉurÿevo). In places where there is no possibility of organizing regular educational groups in the Ruthenian language, Ruthenian is taught as a special subject called “Fostering the Ruthenian Language with Elements of National Culture.” Such educational groups have been organized in Kula, Novi Sad and Vrbas, and there is a plan to organize preschool fostering the Ruthenian language within preschool departments in Baþinci, Berkasovo, Bikiþ Do and Šid (Rusnaci u Serbiji – Informator 2009: 25-26). According to the Law, Ruthenian pupils attending primary schools in those Vojvodinian municipalities and localities where a considerable percentage of Ruthenians live (up to 15%) are entitled to three classes in their mother tongue a week. All other subjects (or most of them) are also taught in Ruthenian. The Serbian language (three classes a week) and two foreign languages (the first foreign language from the 1st grade, the second foreign language from the 5th grade – two classes a week) are exceptions and they are compulsory. Apart from the regular teaching (all subjects) in the Ruthenian language from the 1st to the 8th grade in Ruski Krstur, Kucura and Ĉurÿevo, in other Ruthenian places where, because of the small number of pupils, there is no possibility of organizing regular teaching in the Ruthenian language, the “Ruthenian language teaching with elements of national culture” is organized. The subject is optional and delivered on a two-class a week basis. It takes place in Baþka Topola, Gospoÿinci, Kucura, Kula, Novi Sad, Novo Orahovo, Petrovaradin, Savino Selo,

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Sremska Kamenica, Sremska Mitrovica, Subotica, Veternik, Vrbas, and Šid, where there are separate departments in Baþinci, Berkasovo and Bikiþ Do. The total number of places amounts to 16 and more than 330 pupils from 35 schools are included in them (Rusnaci u Serbiji – Informator 2009: 27). The general trend is that the number of pupils in schools with regular teaching is getting lower, and the number of pupils in schools with fostering is getting higher. The necessary minimum number of schoolchildren for organizing a class is 15, but with the approval of the Ministry of Education it is possible to organize a class for less than 15 schoolchildren. The Petro Kuzmjak High School (Gymnasium) in Ruski Krstur has provided complete secondary education in the Ruthenian language since 1970. It is the only high school in Ruthenian in the world. There is boarding accommodation for schoolchildren and, because of that, it is possible to register schoolchildren from Serbia and from other countries where Ruthenians live. It is extremely beneficial to emphasize that even the Ruthenians from the Carpathian area feel the high school as their own, especially those from Ukraine who have almost nothing of the educational vertical in Serbia. The Department of Ruthenian Studies at the Faculty of Philosophy of the University of Novi Sad originates in the Instructorship for the Ruthenian Language established in 1972 (from 1981, the Department for Ruthenian Language and Literature). It presents the highest level of education in Ruthenian. The new curriculum of the Department of Ruthenian Studies, based on the Bologna Declaration, was accredited last year. Apart from Ruthenian Phonetics, Ruthenian Morphology, Ruthenian Syntax, Ruthenian Historical Grammar, Ruthenian Literature, Ruthenian History and Ruthenian Folklore Studies, several new courses were introduced: Ruthenian Language Orthography, English-Ruthenian Contrastive Grammar, and Carpatho-Ruthenian Language (Professor Mihajlo Fejsa’s courses), and Ruthenian Children Poetry, Novel and Drama (Professor Julijan Tamaš’s courses). The professors at the Department of Ruthenian Studies work in exceptional circumstances, and they both describe their subjects of research and teach them. Since the Ruthenian population in Vojvodina is rather small, the Department of Ruthenian Studies is specific for a relatively small number of students (about 25 students). On average, there are 5 students enrolled per academic year. The Ruthenian language courses can also be taken at the Media Department where there is a possibility to enrol two budget students.

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Students from several departments at the Faculty of Philosophy can study the Ruthenian language as an elective course.

At the Beginning of the 21st Century The beginning of the 21st century brought peace, but it was particularly worrying to note that interethnic violence still exited and occurred mainly between young people. It was stressed that initiatives aimed at promoting a spirit of tolerance and intercultural dialogue need to be reinforced. It was also necessary to take educational measures towards better tolerance of the different communities. In September 2005, a project for the promotion of multiculturalism and tolerance in Vojvodina was launched by the Vojvodina Secretariat for Legislation, Administration and National Minorities. The targets of this initiative are mostly schoolchildren, and the project includes a media campaign for multiculturalism. Apart from that, efforts have been undertaken to increase the proportion of members of national minorities in especially sensitive state services such as police, prosecution and the courts, in which they remain underrepresented. The Ombudsperson of Vojvodina has even published recommendations aimed at increasing the representation of minorities in public administration. At the beginning of the 21st century, the Republic of Serbia adopted international standards concerning national minorities’ rights. The two most prestigious international documents of the Council of Europe signed by the government bodies are the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages (signed by the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro in 2005) and the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (signed by the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 2001). The essence of these documents has been incorporated in the 2006 Constitution of the Republic of Serbia. During the last decade, the Republic of Serbia has taken several steps that undoubtedly reveal a great deal of effort to improve Ruthenian minority status. The foundation of the National Council of Ruthenian National Minority is the most notable innovation. National councils of national minorities constitute a form of cultural autonomy of national minorities and functional decentralization, introduced into the legal system ten years ago (2002) by the adoption of the Law on Protection of Rights and Freedoms of National Minorities. Under Article 19, paragraph 1 of the Law, persons belonging to national minorities may elect national councils for the purpose of exercising the

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right to self-governance in the fields of official use of the language and script, education, information and culture. National councils are financed out of the budgets of different levels of the public authorities and out of donations. National councils are financed by the Republic of Serbia and the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina, as well as by certain local selfgovernments, out of their budgets. Ɍhe Law on the National Councils was passed in 2006. Generally speaking, the National Council of Ruthenian National Minority can and must coordinate and take care of the implementation of minority rights in the fields of education, culture, information and the field of official use of language and script (Rusnaci u Serbiji – Informator 2009: 18). The National Council of Ruthenian National Minority is a legal subject, elected every four years. It consists of 19 members. The members of the Ruthenian minority are entitled to use their language within the municipality or locality in which they form 15% of the local population. They have the right to be educated in their native language and to attend classes that focus on the minority’s history and culture and, at the same time, the parallel teaching in the Serbian language is compulsory. The Law also provides for the official use of the Ruthenian language in judicial procedures, as well as for electoral materials. The Ruthenian minority is granted the right to name streets and other topographical signboards in its language. In areas where the Ruthenian minority makes up to 15% of the local population, the state’s legislation is to be issued in the Ruthenian language. One of the noteworthy provisions is the right granted to members of national minorities to freely establish and maintain relations with legal subjects resident in foreign states, with those to which they bear some collective, cultural, linguistic or religious similarities. The state is also obliged to finance the main cultural activities organized by the members of a national minority. For financing cultural projects, the organizers are encouraged to seek funding from private and state’s organizations and institutions based abroad. The establishment of the Institute for Culture of the Vojvodinian Ruthenians (in 2008) is another radical innovation. The main goal of the Institute is to give assistance in attaining and affirmation of excellence of culture of Vojvodinian Ruthenians in the broadest sense. Its programme is realized through the documentation-informative programme, developmentresearch programme and programme for international cooperation and cooperation with associations of citizens, nongovernment organizations, local self-managements and other institutions. The Institute intends to raise

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the cultural level of authors and audience and to connect the Ruthenian cultural system with the local, regional, provincial, national and European cultural systems (Rusnaci u Serbiji – Informator 2009: 32). Both the Institute for Culture of the Vojvodinian Ruthenians and the National Council of Ruthenian National Minority cooperate with the Institutes for Culture and the National Councils of other national communities in Vojvodina. According to the first periodical Report of the Committee of Experts on the Implementation of the European Charter for Regional and Minority Languages (accepted on September 12, 2008) (to which the Republic of Serbia is obliged by accepting the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities in 2001), the Ruthenian language has been given special protection under Part III of the Charter (together with Albanian, Bosnian, Bulgarian, Croatian, Hungarian, Romani, Romanian, Slovak, and Ukrainian). In the part Overview of the Situation of Regional and Minority Languages, paragraph V, the Report says “The level of protection of Ruthenian is high, which is reflected by its official status in the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina, in municipalities and courts. In education, Ruthenian benefits from good teaching materials, a growing number of pupils and the only Ruthenian school worldwide. Deficits exist regarding the availability of television and radio programmes in Ruthenian in all areas where Ruthenian is used.”

Concluding Remarks Multiculturalism can be defined as a developmental set of activities through which an individual enhances knowledge and skills about different cultures so that he/she can feel comfortable in any situation and communicate effectively with other individuals from any culture. Multicultural education promotes respect for ethnic, cultural, race, linguistic and other differences. Pupils should be offered such contents that would enable them to build their identity correctly through tolerance and exchange of experiences with other cultures. Multicultural education should reflect the student body, as well as promote understanding of diversity. Gajiü, Budiü and Zukoviü point to the intercultural dimensions of civic education and religious instruction. Zukoviü (2007: 180) points out that religious instruction has been introduced to our school, among other things, with the intention to be one of the links for dimensioning the multicultural society and a significant achievement factor of basic principles of religious tolerance. Budiü & Gajiü (2007: 198) recognize and

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consider possibilities for implementation of the multicultural education content into the traditional curriculum both in the form of a separate subject (such as civic education) and through the introduction of contents to different teaching subjects. If we expect that a multicultural curriculum supply alternative points of view, provide ethnic minorities with a sense of being inclusive in history, science, etc., and decrease stereotypes, prejudice, and bigotry in the social environment, then we must conclude that multicultural education has reached a high level in Vojvodina.

References Budiü, S. & Gajiü, O. (2007). Inkluzija multikulturalnog obrazovanja u tradicionalni kurikulum kroz sadržaje graÿanskog vaspitanja [Inclusion of Multicultural Education In The Traditional Curriculum Through The Contents Of Civic Education]. Multikulturalno obrazovanje 2. Novi Sad: Univerzitet u Novom Sadu. 197-208. Fejsa, Ɇ. (2008). Ruski jazik u urjadovej sferi [The Ruthenian Language in Official Use]. Rusin`skyj jazyk medži dvoma kongresami, Svitovyj kongres Rusiniv, Inštitut rusin’skoho jazyka i kultury Prjašivskoj univerzity v Prjašovi, Prjašiv. 92-95. —. (2009). The New Serbia and Its Rusyn. Ruthenian Minority. Rusini/Rusnaci/Ruthenians (1745-2005) 2. Filozofski fakultet – Ɉdsek za rusinistiku, IɄ Prometej, ɄPD DɈɄ, Novi Sad. 364-380. First Periodic Report of the Committee of Experts on the Implementation of the European Charter for Regional and Minority Languages. Belgrade: Ministry for Human and Minorities Rights. Gajiü, O. & Budiü, S. (2007). Interkulturalna dimenzija graÿanskog vaspitanja i uloga nastavnika [Intercultural Dimension of Civic Education and the Role of Teachers]. Multikulturalno obrazovanje 2. Novi Sad: Univerzitet u Novom Sadu. 159-178. Gavriloviü, S. (1977). Rusini u Baþkoj i Sremu od sredine XVIII do sredine XIX veka [The Ruthenias in Baþka and Srem from the Middle of the 18th Century to the Middle of the 19th Century]. Godišnjak Društva istoriþara Vojvodine. Novi Sad: Društvo istoriþara Vojvodine. 153-215. Oljaþa, M. (2007a). Critical Pedagogy As a Theoretical Foundation of the Multicultural Education. Multikulturalno obrazovanje 2. Novi Sad: Univerzitet u Novom Sadu. 33-44.

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Rusnaci u Serbiji – Informator (2009). Ruski Kerestur: Nacionalni sovit ruskej nacionalnej zajednjici, Zavod za kulturu vojvodjanskih Rusnacoch, NVU Ruske slovo. Zukoviü, S. (2007). Interkulturalne dimenzije verske nastave u srednjoj školi [Cultural Dimensions of Religious Education in High School]. Multikulturalno obrazovanje 2. Novi Sad: Univerzitet u Novom Sadu. 79-102.

METALANGUAGE IN MULTILINGUALISM SONJA HORNJAK

Introduction Multilingualism has become a worldwide phenomenon that led to a huge increase in the use of metalanguage. Although authors have a tendency to use metaphors to express opinions, metalanguage is expanding and becoming richer in response to changing social circumstances. This paper presents an analysis of the use of metalanguage in studies on multilingualism, focusing on the classification and representation of such terminology. Research results indicate significant changes in society and, as metalanguage reflects societal change, specialist terminology concerning multilingualism is rapidly changing. Therefore, it is necessary to investigate and define terms that are encapsulated under metalanguage. Multilingualism represents an integral part of everyday life and is becoming more widespread. This is discussed in Filipoviü’s book (2009) in which it is stated “Multilingualism at country level represents the world’s reality, in other words, a rule, and not an exception.” (ibidem: 88) and “There is no state entity in the world that could be monolingual.” (idem) Many scientific disciplines explore the concept of multilingualism. In the fields of linguistics, psychology, pedagogy, sociology, politics, there exist multiple papers that examine this phenomenon. In every scientific sphere, aspects of multilingualism are studied that are relevant within that specific domain of interest. Metalanguage, in linguistic terms, represents the professional language of scientists: in other words, it is the language in which we speak about language (Klajn & Šipka 2007: 756). Concepts that are used to explain and describe language use are never neutral. Linguistic choice can subordinate or distort the image of individuals and certain groups, while simultaneously can glorify other individuals or groups (Skutnabb-Kangas & McCarty 2006: 1). As a consequence, it is of immense importance to use these terms with caution.

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Basic Definitions Many scientific terms referring to specific phenomena are used in the study of multilingualism. Scientific language refers to concepts that are generally unknown to a wider circle of people and, because of this, every term should be precisely defined: -

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Bilingualism and multilingualism represent the use of two or more living languages at individual or group level. If one person speaks several languages, then the term plurilingualism is used. The use of more languages in one community or country is called social multilingualism and it does not imply an official language. (SkutnabbKangas & McCarty 2006: 2) A key in the study of multilingualism is the minority language (Skutnabb-Kangas 2002: 8). It is a language that is not dominant within a certain territory as the speakers are a marginal group who do not have political power. (Skutnabb-Kangas & McCarty 2006: 7) Unlike minority language, the majority language encompasses the language of the dominant group that is more numerous and more powerful. Diglossia refers to the use of two different language varieties within one linguistic, cultural and political community. Those varieties are in “complementary distribution”: V variety is often used in religious rituals, public speeches, educational system, in the media (electronic and written), and in poetry. Meanwhile, N variety is used within the family, when addressing servants, by representatives of lower social classes, in professions that do not require a high level of education, in oral literature, and popular TV shows, etc. (Filipoviü 2009: 89) Language shift is present in the world today and designates gradual or sudden shift of one language to another. This occurs on both individual and group level. The term language revitalization appeared in response to attempts to prevent such a shift and to preserve effected languages. When we talk about factors that bind multilingualism, words such as nationalism, xenophobia, racism, or intolerance appear. Ranko Bugarski (2009: 164), in his book, New Faces of Language, states “multilingualism appears as an important obstacle to the fatal expansion of the nationalistic disdain and exclusivity, also as an obstacle to related phenomenon of egocentrism, xenophobia, chauvinism and racism, and as a factor which encourages linguistic and every other tolerance.”

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A problem appears when terms are not precisely defined. Plurilingualism describes individuals who know more languages, whilst multilingualism implies the use of more languages on one territory and does not refer to one person who knows several languages. In Serbian, plurilingualism and multilingualism are treated as synonyms, exemplified with the single term, višejeziþnost, being used for both concepts. Problems arise when the terms are both translated as višejeziþnost in Serbian. Because of a lack of differentiation between the two terms, confusion can occur.

Use of Scientific Terms in Multilingualism Classifications Most authors, in their discussion on multilingualism, attempt to classify metalinguistic terms. As a result, many scientific terms have been offered, which serve for detailed explication and understanding of this field: -

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Multiple criteria for multilingualism classification exist. According to the temporal criteria (age), bilingualism can be early or simultaneous and successive. Early bilingualism relates to the adoption of both languages before the age of four, and successive bilingualism refers to second language adoption after this age. If we follow language knowledge, bilingualism can be symmetric or asymmetric. Symmetric bilingualism marks equal knowledge of both languages, whilst asymmetric bilingualism marks lower knowledge level of the second language. (http://www.edukacija.hr/tecaj/ bilingvizam/1314) Social bilingualism includes social groups on a certain territory and individual bilingualism refers to isolated phenomena. Unstable bilingualism refers to language knowledge whose levels on individual plan are changing during the person’s lifetime, whilst stable bilingualism refers to constancy. (Filipoviü 2009: 89) If we take the relation between two languages as a criterion, then the classification of bilingualism into additive and subtractive bilingualism exists. Additive bilingualism marks second language learning which will not affect the first language, while subtractive bilingualism marks knowledge acquisition of the second language at the expense of the first language. (Baroš 2006: 37) A natural bilingual is a person who acquired two languages in his/her early years without formal education. Instead, internal and external factors within his/her everyday life developed two languages as his/her natural medium of communication. School bilingualism refers to

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language knowledge as a result of second language learning within formal education. Related to school bilingualism, cultural bilingualism is often used to refer to adults who learn a foreign language. (Skutnabb-Kangas 1991: 116) Elite bilingualism is used in reference to people who do not have a high level of education, although they have received some level of education in foreign languages. Natural bilingualism relates to people who are forced to learn a second language via indirect contact with people who speak that language. Elite bilingualism is not associated with societal issues, unlike folk bilingualism, which is often associated with difficulties in education due to education organization. (ibidem)

New Terms in Multilingualism With market development and expansion of globalization, comes the international mobility of people, which increases the number of immigrants and intercultural contacts. The dominance of the English language, as well as the political and economic power of majority languages, affects the appearance of new phenomena in languages: therefore, new terms in the field of multilingualism studies are required. Discussion on the topic often appears: Should immigrants keep their identity or should they integrate into society accepting the new identity of the country in which they are now living? Authors use the phrase “European dilemma” which includes this battle of identities. (SkutnabbKangas & Phillipson 1996: 292): -

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The majority of authors agree that the solutions to this issue are transnationalism and multiculturalism. Transnationalism is a tendency of immigrants to maintain regular relations with their country of origin. Multiculturalism represents the idea according to which immigrants should not leave their identity in order to integrate in the new society. (Kymlicka & Patten 2003: 12) Linguicism includes attitudes, beliefs and actions which imply that language differences serve in structuring inequality between linguistic groups; ideology and structure that are used to legalize, regulate and reproduce unequal power division among groups which are defined by language. (Skutnabb-Kangas & Mc Carty 2006: 6) Linguistic imperialism represents the shape of linguicism in which one community dominates over the other. Like in colonialism, imperialism and corporative globalism, the language of the dominant power is

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structurally privileged in the division of sources and ideological in beliefs and attitudes about language. (ibidem) Phillipson defines linguistic imperialism as unequal exchange and unequal communicative rights of the person or groups defined by their competence in certain languages, which result in unequal benefits in the system that legalizes this exploitation and considers it natural. (Filipoviü 2009: 95). Since concepts and terms develop throughout history, the same term can have several definitions. For example, linguistic immersion was related to French-Canadian immersion for Anglophone speakers from the middle classes. In contrast, today it is related to the system of language learning. In papers about multilingualism, in the last few years, abbreviations are presented that facilitate and accelerate communication. Abbreviations such as CLIL (Content and Language-Integrated Learning), EFL (English as a Foreign Language), ESL (English as a Second Language), FL (Foreign Language) originate in the English language, but they are used in other languages as well. These abbreviations have become universal means of communication.

Metaphors in Multilingualism Authors use scientific terminology in their studies about multilingualism, but they also use metaphors. For instance, Skutnabb-Kangas speaks about the death of the languages. Two paradigms exist which explain why languages disappear. The first paradigm describes the disappearance of languages as a natural death, whilst the second paradigm sees the disappearance of languages as a murder. “Languages do not commit suicide. They are the result of linguistic genocide.” (Skutnabb-Kangas 2006: 8) Skutnabb-Kangas (ibidem: 6) created a neologism which was accepted by other authors: connecting two words into one, the word lingua and the word genocide, the word linguicide appeared as a synonym for language genocide. Because different social, political and economic factors, many languages lose their importance, as dominant languages violate them. This is how the phrase endangered languages appeared. Metaphors and personifications such as language death, linguistic genocide, endangered languages, and language rights (Meyerhoff 2006: 104) represent extremely crucial aspects of metalanguage. With these phrases, authors express their own attitude about unstable linguistic

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situations. In this way, authors express their opinions and concerns about the future of certain languages indirectly.

Metalanguage in Expressing Attitudes One of the key problems considered in papers on multilingualism is children’s right to education in their mother tongue when their mother tongue is not the majority language within the community. If the child attends classes taught in the majority language, the results can affect badly their cognitive and emotional development. Skutnabb-Kangas (2004: 2) asserts that researchers accepted measures which actively linguistic diversity. Many different attitudes concerning multilingual education exist. As a result, many different types of multilingual education have developed: -

-

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Subtractive language learning includes dominant language learning at the expense of maternal language, while additive language learning refers to the dominant language learning besides maternal language which continues to be used and developed. (ibidem: 5) Often, the influence of the English language on other languages is questioned, whereby different scientific attitudes appear. Some authors consider that English threatens other languages, while other authors consider that such a danger does not exist. Some authors use the phrase human language rights instead of language rights. This phrase appeared in the light of the phrase human rights and can refer to two things. Firstly, it can refer to the right of the person to identify with a certain group or community in linguistic, ethnic, or cultural terms. Skutnabb-Kangas named these rights expressive linguistic rights. The term human linguistic rights can also refer to the right of the person to communicate in public, in education and other domains without linguistic barrier or problems because they are using certain language. In other words, the person has the right to participate actively and equally in all domains within the political community. Skutnabb-Kangas also names these kinds of language rights instrumental language rights. (Filipoviü 2009: 95) Skutnabb-Kangas differentiates between negative and positive language rights. Negative language rights refer to the right of indiscrimination in enjoying human rights, while positive language rights include the liberty of using distinctive aspects of culture, language and religion. (Skutnabb-Kangas, 2009: 6)

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Conclusion Multilingualism as a worldwide phenomenon is the subject of many studies. Thanks to metalanguage, we can study and explain certain multilingualism phenomena. It is extremely beneficial to know scientific terms and their definitions precisely. Besides scientific terms, authors use metaphors, personifications and neologisms to mark certain linguistic situations. Language death, linguistic genocide, or language rights serve to express the authors’ opinions and to indicate the danger that threatens the languages. Metalanguage, in the studies of multilingualism, is subject to change according to the social situation and appearance of new circumstances. As a result, the need for new terms arises that expands and enriches metalanguage. The study of metalanguage is extremely beneficial, not only for linguistics, but also for society.

References Baroš, B. (2006). Moj višejeziþni svet [My Plurilingual World]. Zbornik Beogradske otvorena škole: 37-47. Bilingvizam [Bilingualism]. Online: http://www.edukacija.hr /tecaj/bilingvizam/1314. Bugarski, R. (2009). Nova lica jezika [New Faces of Language]. Beograd: Biblioteka XX vek. Filipoviü, J. (2009). Moü reþi, Ogledi iz kritiþke sociolingvistike [The Social Power of Words: Essays on Critical Sociolinguistics]. Beograd: Zadužbina Andrejeviü. Klajn, I. & Šipka, M. (2007). Veliki recnik stranih reci i izraza [The Great Dictionary of Foreign Words and Phrases]. Novi Sad: Prometej. Kymlicka, W. & Patten, A. (2003). Language Rights and Political Theory. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Meyerhoff, Miriam. (2006). Multilingualism and language choice. In M. Meyerhoff, Introducing Sociolinguistics. London: Routledge. 102-127. Skutnabb-Kangas, T. & McCarty, Teresa L. (2006). Key Concepts in Bilingual Education: Ideological, Historical, Epistemological, and Empirical Foundations. In J. Cummins & Nancy Hornberge (Eds.), Encyclopaedia of Language and Education 5: Bilingual Education. New York, NY: Springer. 3-17. Skutnabb-Kangas, T. & Phillipson, R. (1996). Minority Workers or Minority Human Beings? A European Dilemma. International Review of Education 42 (4): 291-307.

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Skutnabb-Kangas, T. (1991). Bilingvizam da ili ne [Bilingualism or Not]. Beograd: Zavod za udžbenike i nastavna sredstva. —. (2002). Why Should Linguistic Diversity Be Maintained and Supported in Europe? Some Arguments. Guide for the Development of language Education Policies in Europe From Linguistic Diversity to Plurilingual Education. Strasbourg: Council of Europe. —. (2004). The Right to Mother Tongue Medium Education: The Hot Potato in Human Rights Instruments. II Mercator International Symposium: Europe 2004: A new framework for all languages? Tarragona – Catalunya, 27-28 February 2004: 1-30.

CONTRIBUTORS

Chana ABUCHATZIRA is currently an MA Student and a research fellow at the Academic College for Education in Achva (Israel). She has a BA in Education from the same college. Her main areas of interest are education and multicultural education. She has published in the field of education. Naghmana ALI is currently working as an Assistant Professor at the American University of Sharjah (UAE). She has a PhD from the University of Toronto (Canada). Her main areas of interest include TESL, bilingualism, language and identity, curriculum design, and gender issues. She has published widely in the field of multicultural education. Hasan ARSLAN is currently an Associate Professor at the Onsekiz Mart University of Çanakkale (Turkey). He has a BA in Educational Administration and Supervision from the Hacettepe University of Ankara (Turkey), an MA in Educational Administration and a PhD in Higher Education from the American University of Washington, DC (U.S.A.). His research interests are educational administration, student leadership, multicultural education, and higher education policy. He authored Turkish Educational System and School Administration (2010) and Class Management (2011). Davide ASTORI is currently a Researcher in General Linguistics at the Università degli Studi di Parma (Italy). He has a BA in ancient languages and a PhD in Romance Philology from the LMU in Munich (Germany). His main areas of interest are: multicultural education, languages and cultures in contact, language teaching, traductology, languages and Weltanschauungen, social and language minorities, sociolinguistic aspects of national identities. He has authored Pagine mediterranee fra lingue, culture, identità. Riflessioni a cavallo di multilinguismo, multiculturalismo ed esperantologia [Mediterranean pages between languages, cultures and identities. Thoughts about multilingualism, multiculturalism and Esperanto] (2012) and edited the monographic number of the review Multilinguismo e società [Multilingualism and society] (2011).

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Contributors

Lea BARATZ is currently a Senior Lecturer at the Achva College of Education (Israel). She has a BA in Hebrew Literature, an MA in Hebrew Literature and a PhD in Hebrew Literature from the Bar Ilan University (Israel). Her main areas of interest are education, multicultural education, language teaching, children literature etc. She has published widely in the field of multicultural education. Yeúim BEKTAù-ÇETINKAYA is currently an Instructor at the Dokuz Eylul University (Turkey). She has a BA in ELT from the same university, and an MA and PhD in Foreign and Second Language Education from the Ohio State University (U.S.A.). Her main areas of interest are culture and intercultural communication in English language teaching, teacher education, and affective variables in foreign language teaching. She has authored College Students’ Willingness to Communicate in English (2009) and co-edited Research Perspectives on Teaching and Learning English in Turkey: Policies and Practices (2012). Servet उELIK is currently an Assistant Professor at the Karadeniz Technical University (Turkey). He also serves as a senior researcher for the Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey (TÜBøTAK). He holds a BA in ELT from the Gazi University (Turkey), an MA in TESOL from the University of Pennsylvania (U.S.A.), and a PhD in Literacy, Culture, and Language Education from the Indiana University-Bloomington (U.S.A.). His main areas of interest are language teacher education, teaching of culture and intercultural competence, narrative inquiry and qualitative research. He has published widely in the field of multicultural education. Lucie CVIKLOVÁ is currently a Senior Lecturer and a Researcher at the Charles University and the Anglo-American University of Prague (The Czech Republic). She has an MA in sociology from the Charles University and the Central European University of Prague, and a PhD in political science from the University Paris X – Nanterre (France). Her main areas of interest are multicultural education in the context of globalization and the development of private and public educational institutions in East and Central Europe. She has co-edited ýítanka Kritické Teorie [Reader of Critical Theory] (1999). Fred DERVIN is currently a Professor of multicultural education at the University of Helsinki (Finland). He holds a PhD in applied linguistics from the University of Turku (Finland) and a PhD in language and

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intercultural education from the University of Sorbonne in Paris (France). His main areas of interest are language and intercultural education, the sociology of multiculturalism and intercultural competence in teacher education. He has authored Impostures interculturelles [Intercultural Hoaxes] (2012) and co-edited Politics of Interculturality (2011) and Linguistics for Intercultural Education (2013). Tatjana ĈUROVIû is currently an Associate Professor at the University of Belgrade (Serbia). She has a BA in English Language and Literature, an MA in Applied Linguistics and a PhD from the same university. Her main research interests include cognitive linguistics, ESP and discourse analysis. She has co-authored Javni diskurs Srbije – kognitivistiþkokritiþka studija [Serbian Public Discourse – A Cognitivist-Critical Study] (2009). Mihajlo FEJSA is currently an Associate Professor at the University of Novi Sad (Serbia). He has a BA in English Studies from the University of Novi Sad, an MA in English Studies from the University of Belgrade (Serbia), and a PhD in English Studies from the University of Novi Sad. His main areas of interest are English teaching, Ruthenian teaching, bilingual education, and multicultural education. He has authored Anglijski ɟlɟmenti u ruskim jaziku [English Elements in the Ruthenian Language] (1990) and Nova Srbija i njena rusinska manjina / Nova Serbija i jej ruska menšina [The New Serbia and Its Ruthenian Minority] (2010); edited Ʉucura nekad i sad / Kocur dakedi i teraz [Kucura in the Past and in the Present] (2001) and Rusini / Rusnaci / Ruthenians (1745-2005) [Rusyns / Rusnaks / Ruthenians (1745-2005)] (2006-2008); and co-authored Serbsko-ruski slovnjik / Srpsko-rusinski reþnik [Serbian-Ruthenian Dictionary] (1995-1998) and Rusko-serbski slovnjik / Rusinsko-srpski reþnik [Ruthenian-Serbian Dictionary] (2010). Márta GALGÓCZI-DEUTSCH is currently a language teacher at the University of Szeged (Hungary). She has a BA and an MA in English and Spanish, and a PhD in Applied Linguistics from the same university. Her main areas of interest include languages, multilingual education and linguistic landscape. She has published widely in the field of multiculturalism. Salih Zeki GENÇ is currently an Associate Professor of Education at the Çanakkale Onsekiz Mart University (Turkey). He has a BA in Primary Teacher Education from the Çanakkale Onsekiz Mart University, and an

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Contributors

MA and a PhD in Curriculum and Instruction from the Atatürk University of Erzurum (Turkey). His main areas of interest are democracy education, human rights education, multicultural education and values education. He has contributed chapters in Ö÷retim ølke ve Yöntemleri [Instructional Principles and Methods] (2008), E÷itim Bilimine Giriú [Introduction to Educational Sciences] (2010) and Bilimsel AraútÕrma Yöntemleri [Scientific Research Methods] (2011). Sonja HORNJAK is currently a teacher of Serbo-Croatian at the University of Granada (Spain). She has a BA in Spanish Language and Hispanic Literature from the University of Belgrade (Serbia) and is a PhD student in Applied Linguistics at the same university. Her main areas of interest are Acquisition of Spanish as L2, Language teaching and Sociolinguistics. Sari HOSOYA is currently a Professor at the Kanto Gakuin University of Yokomaha (Japan). She has a BA in Comparative Culture and an MA in Sociology from the Sophia University of Tokyo (Japan), and a PhD in Education from the University of California of Los Angeles (U.S.A.). Her main areas of interest are multicultural/intercultural education and teacher education. She has authored Japanese Teachers and Their Intercultural Competence (2010). Mehmet Ali øÇBAY currently works as an Assistant Professor at the Onsekiz Mart University of Çanakkale (Turkey). He has a BA in Foreign Language Education and Psychology and a PhD on Curriculum and Instruction from the Middle East Technical University of Ankara (Turkey). His primary research interests are rooted in the ethnomethodological account of social organization in the classroom settings. He published widely in the field of multicultural education. Lulzime KAMBERI is currently an Assistant Professor at the State University of Tetovo (FYRoM). She has a BA in English Language and Literature from the University of Prishtina (Kosovo), an MA in Language Education from Indiana University of Bloomington, IN (U.S.A.), and a PhD in Applied Linguistics from the South East European University of Tetovo. Her main areas of interest are second language acquisition, multicultural education, and educational change. She has authored The Relationship of Language, Learning Beliefs and Learning Strategies (in print).

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Efrat KASS is currently a Senior Lecturer and a Researcher at the Academic College of Education in Achva (Israel) and a member of the Research Committee of the Mofet Institute. She has a BA in Special Education from Bar Ilan University of Tel Aviv (Israel), an MA in Educational counselling and a PhD in Teachers’ Self-efficacy from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem (Israel). Her main areas of interest are Self-efficacy in Education, Bibliotherapy and Motivation to choose teaching as a career. She has authored Lo lefahed mehapahad [Don’t Be Afraid of Fear] (2012). Ercan KOCAYÖRÜK is currently an Assistant Professor at the Onsekiz Mart University of Çanakkale (Turkey). He has an MA and a PhD in Psychological Counselling and Guidance from the Middle East Technical University of Ankara (Turkey). His main areas of interest are the relationship between parents and children and the role of parents on healthy adolescent development. He has published widely in the field of multicultural education. Ljubica KORDIû is currently an Assistant Professor at the University of Osijek (Croatia). She has a BA in Education, Germanistics and Anglistics from the same university, an MA in Education Methodology and a PhD in Linguistics from the University of Zagreb (Croatia). Her main areas of interest are multicultural education, language teaching (LSP), multilingualism and legal linguistics. She has published widely in the field of multicultural education. Edit-Ilona MÁRI is currently an Associate Professor at the University of Szeged (Hungary). She has an MA in German, Russian and Hungarian Literature and a PhD in literature from the same university. Her main areas of interest include languages, multilingual education and literature. She has published Csehov kései drámái és Goethe Fausja [Late Dramas of Chekhov and Goethe’s Faust] (1997), Gogol, Dosztojevszkij and Faust [Gogol, Dostoyevsky and Faust] (1999), Assisis Szent Ferenc SzellemiségérĘl [About the Spirituality of Francis of Assisi] (1999), Vallási motívumok Gogol és Lermontov MĦvészetében [Religious motifs in the art of Gogol és Lermontov] (2002). Maria NICULESCU is currently a Senior Lecturer at the University of the West in Timisoara (Romania). She has a BA in Roumanian and French from the same university, an MA in Education Management and a PhD in Educational Sciences from the University of Bucharest (Romania). Her

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Contributors

main areas of interest are education, multicultural education, educational sciences, mentoring in education, teaching and managerial competencies, class management quality in education prevails. She has authored AbilităĠi úi tehnici manageriale [Managerial Skills and Techniques] (2009), CompetenĠe manageriale – perspective ale calităĠii în educaĠie [Managerial Skills: Perspectives of Quality in Education] (2010), Dezvoltarea competenĠelor managerului úcolar în contextul formării continue [Developing the Skills of School Managers in the Context of Continuous Education] (2010), Facilitarea dezvoltării competenĠelor profesionale prin formare continuă. Ghid de bună practică [Facilitating the Development of Professional Skills through Continuing Education: Best Practices] (2012). Kevin NORLEY is currently a Senior Lecturer at Bedford College (UK). He has a BSc (Hons) in Engineering from Brunel University (UK), an MA in Post-16 Education and Training Policy from Sheffield University (UK), a PGCE in Physical Sciences from London University Institute of Education (UK), and subject teaching specialisms in numeracy, literacy and ESOL from the University of Bedfordshire (UK). His main areas of interest are science education, literacy, numeracy, teaching ESOL and multicultural education. He has authored Making Britain Numerate (2011) and Making Britain Literate (2012). Dubravka PAPA is currently a Senior Lecturer at the J. J. Strossmayer University of Osijek (Croatia). She has an MA in English and German languages and literature from the same university. Her main areas of interest are linguistics, legal linguistics, multiculturalism, language teaching. She has published widely in the field of multicultural education. Dana PERCEC is currently an Associate Professor at the University of the West in Timiúoara (Romania). She has a BA in English, an MA in British and American Studies and a PhD in English literature from the same university. Her main areas of interest are English literature, cultural studies, gender studies and language teaching. She has authored De la Gargantuan la Google [From Gargantua to Google] (2007), Anglia elisabetană. Ghid de istorie culturală [Elizabethan England: A Cultural History Guide] (2010), Drama and Culture in Shakespeare’s Age (2011), Anglia victoriană. Ghid de istorie culturală [Victorian England: A Cultural History Guide] (2012), edited O poveste de succes. Romanul istoric astăzi [A Success Story: The Historical Novel Today] (2011) and

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Romance. The History of a Genre (2012), and co-edited Despre lux [On Luxury] (2007). Svetlana POLSKAYA is currently an Associate Professor at the State Institute of International Relations of Moscow (Russia). She has a BA in Philology and an MA in Foreign Language Teaching from the State Linguistic University of Moscow (Russia), and a PhD in sociolinguistics from the Academic Institute of Linguistics of Moscow (Russia). Her main areas of interest are sociolinguistics, terminology, multicultural education, jargon. She has authored Categorization and Conceptualization in Languages for Special Purposes and Professional Discourse Studies (2009). Danijela POP-JOVANOV is currently a teacher of English at the Karlovci Grammar School (Serbia). She has a BA in English Language and Literature and an MA in English Philology from the University of Novi Sad (Serbia). Her main areas of interest are education, multicultural education, language teaching, intercultural communication, sociolinguistics, critical thinking and workshop facilitation. She has published widely in the field of multicultural education. Eliana-Alina POPE‫܉‬I is currently a PhD Student at the West University of Timiúoara (Romania). She has a BA in Philology and an MA in Intercultural Communication from the same university. Her main areas of interest are education, multicultural education, language teaching, intercultural studies, anthropology. She has co-authored Educaаie interculturală pentru copii migranаi în România [Intercultural Education for Migrant Children in Romania] (2012). Biljana RADIû-BOJANIû is currently an Assistant Professor at the University of Novi Sad (Serbia). She has a BA in English Language and Literature, an MA in English Language and Linguistics, and a PhD in Linguistics from the same university. Her main areas of interest are intercultural education and language teaching. She has edited Strategije i stilovi u nastavi engleskog jezika [Strategies and Styles in English Language Teaching] (2012). Georgeta RAğĂ is currently an Associate Professor at the Banat University of Agricultural Sciences and Veterinary Medicine in Timiúoara (Romania). She has a BA in French and English and a PhD in Linguistics from the University of Bucharest (Romania). Her main areas of interest

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Contributors

include languages, communication, education sciences. She has published ContribuĠii la teoria comunicării [Contributions to the Theory of Communication] (1998), and co-edited Social Sciences Today: Between Theory and Practice (2010), Academic Days of Timiúoara: Social Sciences Today (2011), Applied Social Sciences: Communication Studies (2013), and Applied Social Sciences: Sociology (2013). Nicola REGGIANI is currently a Research Assistant at the University of Parma (Italy) and a post-doc fellow at the University of Heidelberg (Germany). He has a BA in Humanities, an MA in Ancient History and Archaeology, and a PhD in Greek History from the University of Parma (Italy). His main areas of interest are ancient Greek history, digital humanities, papyrology, and documentary evidence of linguistic and multicultural issues in the ancient world. He has published widely in the field of multicultural education. Roni REINGOLD is currently a Senior Lecturer at the Academic College of Achva (Israel). He has a BA in Education from Academic College of Beit Berl (Israel), an MA and a PhD in Education from the University of Tel Aviv (Israel). His main areas of interest are multicultural education, teacher education and philosophy of education. He has co-edited Changes in Teachers’ Moral Role: From Passive Observers to Moral and Democratic Leaders (2012). Ioana ROMAN is currently a Senior Lecturer at the University of Agricultural Sciences and Veterinary Medicine of Cluj-Napoca (Romania). She has a BA in chemistry and physics from the Babeú-Bolyai University of Cluj-Napoca and a PhD in Horticulture from the University of Agricultural Sciences and Veterinary Medicine of Cluj-Napoca. Her main areas of interest are pedagogy, specialty didactics, teaching practice, computer-assisted training and biochemistry. She has authored Didactica activă [Active Didactics] (2008), Didactica aplicată [Applied Didactics] (2011) and co-authored Despre Educaаie [About Education] (2002). Edit RÓZSAVÖLGYI is currently a Senior Lecturer at the University of Padua (Italy). She has an MA in contrastive linguistics and linguistic typology from the University of Verona (Italy). She is a PhD Student in Linguistics at the University of Pécs (Hungary). Her main areas of interest are multicultural education, contrastive linguistics, linguistic typology, morpho-syntax. She has published widely in the field of multicultural education.

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Nadežda SILAŠKI is currently an Associate Professor at the University of Belgrade (Serbia). She has a BA in Linguistics and an MA in Contrastive Analysis from the same university, and a PhD in Linguistics from the University of Novi Sad (Serbia). Her main areas of interest are Cognitive Linguistics, Discourse Analysis, ESP. She has authored Srpski jezik u tranziciji – o anglicizmima u ekonomskom registru [Serbian in Transition: On Anglicisms in the Economic Register] (2012) and co-authored Javni disku rs Srbije – kognitivistiþko-kritiþka studija [Serbian Public Discourse: A Cognitivist-Critical Study] (2009). Mirja-Tytti TALIB is currently an Assistant Professor at the University of Helsinki (Finland). She has a BA and an MA in Education from the University of Turku (Finland) and a PhD in Multicultural education from the University of Helsinki. Her main research interests are teachers’ intercultural competence as well as teachers’ professional identity. She has edited Diversity – a Challenge for Educators (2006) and co-edited Dialogs on Diversity and Global Education (2009). Polina TEREKHOVA is currently a Senior Lecturer at the State University St. Petersburg (Russia). She has an MA in Spanish and Spanish Literature from the same university and an MA in EFL from the University of Lancaster (UK). Her main areas of interest are learner training and course design. She has published widely in the field of multicultural education. Alena TIMOFEEVA is currently a Senior Lecturer at the State University St. Petersburg (Russia). She has an MA in English Literature and Language from the same university. She is a PhD Student in Language Teaching at the same university. Her main areas of interest are English as International Language, language teaching and multicultural education. She has published widely in the field of multicultural education. MONA VINTILĂ is currently a Professor at the West University of Timiúoara (Romania). She has a PhD in Medicine. Her main research interests include health psychology, family and couple psychology, psychsexology. She has authored Prematuritatea. Cauze, percepĠia propriei sănătăĠi, relaĠionarea, orientarea úcolară [Prematurity. Causes, Perception of One’s Own Health, Relationships, School Guidance] (2003), Igienă úi sănătate mentală [Hygiene and Mental Health] (2004), Compendiu de Neuropsihologie [Compendium of Neuropsychology] (2007) and Compendiu de neuropsihologie clinic úi psihofarmacologie

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aplicată [Compendium of Clinical Neuropsychology and Applied Psychopharmacology] (2007). Xiaojing WANG is currently a Senior Lecturer at the Normal University of Beijing (China). She has a BA in English Language and Literature from the same university, and an MA in Applied Linguistics and TESOL and a PhD in Educational and Applied Linguistics from the University of Newcastle (UK). Her main areas of interest are multicultural education, language teaching, TESOL, sociolinguistics. She has published widely in the field of multicultural education. Sara ZAMIR is currently the Head of the B.Ed. – Educational Administration programme at the Academic College of Education in Achva (Israel) and teaches at the Ben-Gurion University at Eilat Campus (Israel). She holds a PhD in Educational Policy and Administration from the Ben-Gurion University of the Negev (Israel). Her main areas of interest are peace-education, political socialization, communication and learning assessment. She published The voice of Peace in the Process of Education (2008) and Literary Texts as Peace Agents: Changes and Diversity of Peace Education Perspectives in Israel (2012).