Mudra: A Study of Symbolic Gestures in Japanese Buddhist Sculpture 9780691187761, 0691097968, 0691018669

Citation preview

BOLLINGEN

SERIES

LVIII

E. D A L E

SAUNDERS

MUDRÄ A IN

STUDY

OF

JAPANESE

SYMBOLIC BUDDHIST

B O L L I N G E N

S E R I E S

LVIII

P R I N C E T O N

U N I V E R S I T Y

P R E S S

GESTURES SCULPTURE

Published by Princeton University Press, 41 William Street, Princeton, New Jersey

08540

In the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, Chichester, West Sussex Copyright © 1960 by Bollingen Foundation, New York, N.Y.; Copyright renewed 198S by Princeton University Press ALL RIGHTS RESERVED First Princeton Paperback printing, 10

9

8

ICC

59-13518

7

6

5 ISBN 0-691-09796-8

THIS IS THE FIFTY-EIGHTH AND PUBLISHED

¡985

IN A SERIES

FOR BOLLINGEN

ISBN 0-691-01866-9

OF BOOKS SPONSORED BY

FOUNDATION

Text designed by Andor Braun Princeton University Press books are printed on acid-free paper and meet the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources Printed in the United States of America

(pbk.)

TO MY P A R E N T S Ernest D. Saunders Melanie Douhet Saunders

Mudra:

A PICTORIAL

INDEX

Mudrβ:

A

P I C T O R I A L

I N D E X

The eight principal and six secondary symbolic gestures, with variants. The numbers indicate the pages of the text where each mudrδ is discussed.

PREFACE

T

to the study of mudrâ was begun in 1 9 4 9 . It was originally hoped that the entire range and variety of gestures could be organized and presented in a way which would make them accessible to the student of Buddhist iconography. But as research pro­ gressed, it became apparent that a definitive treatment would be a very long task. The problem was complicated by the diversity of traditions concerning the gestures and the contradictory sources that often make general classifications hazardous. I decided, however, that a preliminary study, despite its limitations, might be of service for the history of Far Eastern art in general and for Japanese sculpture in particular. The following pages are presented as an aid to the student of iconography in organizing in a general way the common symbolic gestures that occur in Far Eastern art. Since this study is based largely on sources that may not be readily accessible, linguistically, to the average student of iconog­ raphy, and since it has been necessary to use a number of hitherto un­ familiar terms, an attempt has been made to facilitate the use of the material by means of a pictorial index, the use of which requires no previous knowledge of the nomenclature. Above all, I should like to emphasize the introductory quality of this work. The text is general in nature; the greater part of the scholarly comment is brought together in a body of notes at the end of the volume, which will be of use and in­ terest particularly to the specialist. It is my hope that the present work will inspire others to undertake more detailed studies of these symbolic gestures. I am indebted to a number of friends and colleagues for assistance and advice. First, I should like to mention my former professors Dr. Jane H I S

I

N

T

R

O

D

U

C

T

I

O

N

vii

PREFACE

Gaston-Mahler, o f Columbia U n i v e r s i t y , and the late D r . Alfred Salmony, o f N e w Y o r k U n i v e r s i t y , who gave ceaselessly o f their help and encouragement. I should like 'to express my thanks as w e l l to D r . Louis Renou, professor at the Sorbonne, who most graciously accepted the chairmanship o f my doctoral committee, and to D r . Jean Filliozat, professor at the C o l l è g e de France; both o f these scholars permitted me to benefit by their numerous and valuable suggestions. M o s t particularly I should like to express my appreciation

to D r . Charles Haguenauer, Directeur

d ' é t u d e s at the Ecole des Hautes-Etudes, who has taken a constant i n terest i n my w o r k , encouraged me, and given me the benefit o f his numerous corrections both o f ideas and o f form. I am indebted to h i m for numerous additions to my text. I am most grateful, too, for the help I received from Japanese associates d u r i n g my stay i n Japan i n 1 9 5 3 - 5 5 : particularly to Nakagawa inge of the Shinnö-in, K ö y a - s a n , and to Matsumoto Isamu, who were instrumental i n facilitating my visit to M o u n t Köya and my studies there. F o r assistance and courtesy i n the collecting o f photographs indebted

to several

persons: M r . Gregory

Henderson,

I am

M r . A . B.

G r i s w o l d , M r . Frank Caro, M r . J. R. Belmont, M r . V . L . Devkar (Baroda M u s e u m ) , M r . P. C. Sestieri (Archaeological Survey of Ceyl o n ) , M r s . E m i l y H . Tupper (Seattle A r t M u s e u m ) , M r . Usher P. Coolidge ( F o g g A r t M u s e u m ) , M r . T . Ishiguro ( B e n r i d ö C o m p a n y ) , M r . John A . Pope (Freer Gallery o f A r t ) , M r . Sherman E . Lee (Cleveland Museum o f A r t ) , M i s s Eleanor Ferry ( D e t r o i t Institute o f A r t ) , D r . Alexander Soper ( N e w Y o r k University, Institute o f Fine A r t s ) , and Miss C. Louise Flesch (Artibus Asiae, Ascona). M o s t o f the photographs were originally i n Professor Salmony's picture collection. Finally, I wish to express my profound gratitude to many devoted friends who assisted me i n perfecting the text: above a l l , Denise Krasnoff, my loyal adviser i n preparing the first draft; and Ardelle Coleman, Charlotte Chadwick, and Joanne Palmer, who spent many hours w i t h me viii

PREFACE

p o r i n g over my translations. M o s t particularly I wish to thank my dear friend Bernard Frank, from w h o m I have always received unfailing help and scholarly advice. M y sincere thanks go to the officials o f the M u s é e Guimet, who facilitated my initial research; to M a r k Hasselriis, for his diagrams and drawings, both from published works and from life; to Jeanyee W o n g , for her calligraphy; to D r . Schuyler Carnmann and D r . Ernest Bender, for their patience w i t h my endless questions; and to the Bollingen Foundation, to which I am deeply indebted for the publication of this w o r k . New Torky July 2 1959 y

E . D. S .

IX

CONTENTS

Mudrâ: A Pictorial Index

following

vi

Preface

vu

List of Plates

xiii

List of Text Figures Note on Pronunciation

xvii xxm

I. Introduction 1 Preliminary 2 Definition of Terms 3 Origins and First Representations

3 5 10

4 The Contribution of Tantrism

17

5 Rites

28

6 Classification

35

7 Generalities

43

II. The Principal Symbolic Gestures 1 Segan-in (Faramudrâ)

51

2 Semui-in (Abhayamudrä)

55

3 An-i-in

66

(Vitarkamudra)

4 Kongö-gasshö (Fajränjalikarmamudrä)

76

5 Sokuchi-in ( Bhümisparsamudrä)

80

6 »7(5-/« (Dhyänamudrä)

85

7

94

Tembörin-in (Dharmacakramudrä)

8 Chi Ken-in (Vajramudrà?)

102

III. Six Secondary Mudrâ and the Asana 9 Kanjö-in (Abhiseka[na]mudrä)

111

CONTENTS

10 Buppatsu-in {Buddhapatramudräf)

113

11

114

Basara-un-kongö-in {Vajrahümkäramudrä)

12 Mushofushi-in

115

13 Ongyö-in

117

14 Gebaku Ken-in

119

15 Postures and Thrones: Za {Äsana)

121

IV. The Attributes Introduction

141

1 Alms Bowl: Hachi (Pätra)

143

2 ^ . r : OHO (Parasu)

145

S

Bell: Kane {Ghanta)

146

4

JBOZÜ 0 » ¿

5

Conch Shell: Hora {Dharma-sañkha)

Arrow: Tumi / Ta {Capa / ¡Sara)

6 Fly Whisk: Hossu {Cámara) 7 Jewel: {Nyo-i)shu {Cintämani) 8 Ltfwc* ¿zw¿ Trident: Hoko / Sanko geki {Kunta / Trisüla)

9 Lotas: Renge {Padma) 10 Mirror: Kagami {Adarsa) 11 Reliquary : Sotoba {Stüpa ) 12 Rope: Kensaku {Päsa)

148

150 152 154 157

159 165 166 172

13 Rosary: Nenju {Mala)

174

14 Sero// aw¿ Bn/sÄ: O-kyö / Fude {Pustaka)

178

15 Sistrum: Shakujö {Khakkhara)

179

16 Sword: Ken {Khadga)

182

17 Vajra: Kongö-sho {Vajra)

184

18

192

Byö {Kalasa)

197

Nòto Bibliography and Abbreviations Index

xii

263 279

LIST

OF

PLATES

'The plates follow page 166. i.

The Shakamuni of Seiryöji. A.D. 9 8 5 (Fujiwara period), with XII-century pedestal and mandorla; wood; H. 5 ft. P: Gregory Henderson, courtesy of Artibus Asiae, Ascona, Switzerland.

il.

Buddha preaching. Gandhära. II century A . D . ; gray-blue slate; H . ca. 2 6 in. Smithsonian Institution, Freer Gallery of Art, Washington. Reproduced through the courtesy of the Smithsonian Institution.

in.

Shaka, with the Bodhisattvas of medicine, Yakuo and Yakujö. A.D. 6 2 3 (Asuka period); bronze; H. ca. 6V2 ft. Golden Hall, Höryüji. P: Benrido.

IV.

Buddha. Tokugawa period Guimet, Paris. P: Musée Guimet.

(1615-1867);

gilt wood; H. ca.

2

ft.

2

in. Musée

v.

Mirjok (Maitreya). Diamond Mountains, Korea. Dating uncertain; stone; H. ca. 6 5 ft. P: Musée Guimet.

vi.

Buddha. Thailand. Exact provenance unknown (Dvâravatï style); V I I - X I I centuries; bronze, with patina and traces of lacquer and gilt; H . ca. IV2 in. Collection of H . R . H . Prince Chalermbol Yugala, Bangkok. P: Courtesy of Mr. A. B. Griswold.

vu.

Seishi (?) Bosatsu, Japan. X century (early Fujiwara period, 8 9 7 - 1 0 8 5 ) ; lacquered wood; H. 2 4 ! 4 in. (with mandorla, 3 6 in.). Detroit Institute of Arts. P: The Institute.

vin.

Buddha. Thailand. Excavated from the ruins of Sukhödaya. Sukhödaya style, probably second half of X V century; bronze, with traces of lacquer and gilt; H. ca. 1 6 in. The Räjadhäni Monastery, Sukhödaya Province. P: Courtesy of Mr. A. B. Griswold.

ix.

Amida. The central statue of Byödö-in, Höödö, Kyoto. X I century (Fujiwara period, 8 9 7 - 1 1 8 5 ) ; gilt wood; H. ca. 8 ft. 6 in. P: Musée Guimet.

xiii

LIST x.

OF

PLATES

Buddha. From Puvarasankulam, Ceylon. V - V I centuries; without pedestal, 5 9 in. Anuradhapura Museum. P: Copyright, Archaeological Survey of Ceylon.

limestone; H .

xi.

Buddha preaching. Gandhâra. V I - V I I centuries; stucco. Museum of Kabul, Afghanistan. P: Musée Guimet.

XU.

Buddha preaching. Gandhâra. ca. A.D. 3 0 0 ; bluish slate; H . 2.6V2 in. Collection of C . T . Loo, courtesy of Mr. Frank Caro, New York.

XIII.

Maitreya. Tibet. X V I I I century; gilt bronze set with turquoises; H . ca. 1 0 in. Musée Guimet, Paris. P: Musée Guimet.

XIV.

Dainichi Nyorai. Japan. Kônin period ( 7 9 4 - 8 9 7 ) ; wood; Art Museum, Eugene Fuller Memorial Collection. P: Depue, Morgan.

H.

3ÔV2 in. Seattle

XV.

Kongöge Bosatsu. Daito, Koya-san, Japan. Modern; from a painted column depicting the sixteen great Bodhisattvas. P: Benridô.

XVI.

Buddha (Dainichi Nyorai). Japan. Fujiwara period (Tenryaku era, 9 4 7 - 9 5 6 ) ; cryptomeria wood; H . 9 ft. 8 in. Providence Museum, Rhode Island School of Design.

XVII.

Miroku. Japan. Asuka period ( 5 5 2 - 6 4 6 ) ; gilt bronze; Museum of Art, John L . Severance Collection. P: The Museum.

XVIII.

Kannon. Japan. Asuka period Nara, Japan. P: Benridö.

xixa.

Nine-faced Kannon. Korea. Asuka period Horyuji, Nara, Japan. P: Benridô.

xixb.

Bodhisattva. Sok-kul-am, Korea, A.D. 7 5 2 ; stone.

XX.

XXI.

Buddha. China. Wei ( ?), Pappas, San Francisco. P: Hy Hirsh.

(552-646);

386-557;

in. The Cleveland

painted wood; H. ca. 3Vi ft. Horyuji,

(552-646);

gilt bronze;

H. 3

wood; H . ca. IV2 ft.

in. Collection of Mr. Louis

Bodhisattva. China. Sung ( 9 6 0 - 1 2 7 9 ) ; painted wood; Dr. Oreste Pucciani, Los Angeles. P: Jacques Faure.

xiv

H. 1 8

H. 2 2

in. Collection of

LIST

OF

PLATES

xxua.

Aksobhya. Tibet. X V I I I century; bronze repoussé plaque; H . 3 % in. Baroda (India) Museum and Picture Gallery. P: Baroda Museum.

xxiift.

Stüpa. Nepal. X V I I I - X I X centuries; gilded brass; H. 1 5 in. Collection of J. R. Belmont, Basel.

XXIII.

"Kudara" Kannon. Höryüji, Nara, Japan. Asuka period wood; H. ca. 6Y2 in. P: Benrido.

(552-646);

XXIV.

Kichijo-ten. Japan. Tempyö period Japan. P: Benrido.

5

xxvfl.

The monk IkkyG ( 1 3 9 4 - 1 4 8 1 ) . Japan. Tokugawa period ( H. ca. 5 8 1 4 in. Musée Guimet, Paris. P: Musée Guimet.

xxvò.

The monk Shinran ( 1 1 7 4 - 1 2 6 8 ) . Japan. Ashikaga period ( 1 3 9 2 - 1 5 6 8 ) ; wood; H. 1 2 V £ in. Musée Guimet, Paris. P: Musée Guimet.

XXVI.

Nyo-i-rin Kannon. Japan. Asuka period ( 5 5 2 - 6 4 6 ) ; gilt bronze; H . ca. Smithsonian Institution, Freer Gallery of Art, Washington. P: Courtesy of the Smithsonian Institution.

(710-794);

clay; H. ca.

painted

ft. Höryüji, Nara,

1615-1867);

wood;

XV

IS

in.

LISTOF

T E X T

FIGURES

In general, where sources are not given, the drawings are from life, 1

The Germ Syllable "A": writing attributed to Köbö Daishi ( 7 7 4 - 8 3 5 ) First of the twelve vowels and fifty letters of the Shittan. Implicit in all consonants, it is the beginning, hence the principle, of all sounds. It is the symbol of the fundamental negation. After Hö., p. 1, fig. 1.

2 The shdgaku danshiki mandara, or altar mandala This manciata stands for Buddha omniscience (shögaku, Sk. sambodhi). The vajra symbolizes the merits (kudoku) in the heart of the adept. The eightpetaled lotus represents the open heart of the practician. For details, see Gonda, SMH, pp. 5 0 - 5 1 . After ibid., fig. 8 6 . S The Six Fists (ken-in) 1 lotus (renge), 2 diamond (kongö), 3 outer bonds (gebaku), 4 inner bonds (naibaku), 5 anger (funnu), 6 tathägata (nyorai). After Toganoo, Himitsu jisô no kenkyü, p. 2 7 7 .

23

24«

39

4 The Twelve Handclasps 41 1 firm heart (kenjisshin), 2 empty heart (koshin), 3 unopened lotus (kummara), 4 newly opened lotus (boda), 5 clear exposition (kenrö), 6 holding water (adora), 7 refuge (kimyö), 8 backhand (miharita), 9 backhand superposed (bihararieisata), 10 construction-support (teiriei), 11 covering hands facing down (adara), 12 covering hands (fukushu). After Toganoo, Himitsu jisö no kenkyü, p. 2 8 0 . 5 Segan-in

51

6 Semui-in

55

7 Segan-semui-in

58

8 An-i-in

66

9 An-i-shdshu-in

69

1 0 Kichijo-in

71

11 Esoteric Amidas of the Nine Classes a Middle Class: Lower Life, ò Middle Class: Middle Life, c Middle Class: Upper Life, d Lower Class: Lower Life, e Lower Class: Middle Life,/Lower Class: Upper Life.

74

xvi

LIST

OF TEXT

FIGURES

1 2 Niwa-in

75

1 3 Kongô-gasshô

76

1 4 Kimyô-gasshô

76

1 5 Sokuchi-in

80

1 6 Sokuchi-in (variant)

80

1 7 Anzan-in

81

1 8 Jô-in

85

1 9 Jô-in (type A )

85

2 0 Type A: Variant

86

2 1 Jô-in (type B )

86

2 2 Jö-in of the Esoteric Amidas of the Nine Classes: Type C a Upper Class: Lower Life, b Upper Class: Middle Life, c Upper Class: Upper Life.

87

2 3 Tembôrin-in

94

2 4 Ajantâ Tembôrin-in

94

After Gupta, Les Mains dans les fresques, p. 1 5 . 2 5 Gandhâran Tembôrin-in

94

2 6 Tibetan Tembôrin-in

94

2 7 Horyuji Tembôrin-in

95

2 8 Tembôrin-in (variant)

95

2 9 Wheel a, b Early Buddhist symbol on ancient Hindu coins. After Foucher, Beginnings of Buddhist Art, Pl. I , figs. 2 , 3 . S O Eight-spoke Rimbô After Gonda, SMH, p. 1 3 ,fig.1 7 .

96

99

3 1 Chi Ken-in

102

3 2 Kanjô-in

111

S 3 Buppatsu-in

113

3 4 Basara-un-kongô-in

114

3 5 Kongo Ken-in

114

3 6 Sankaisaishô-in

114

3 7 Mushqfushi-in

115

xvii

LIST

OF TEXT

FIGURES

3 8 Ongyd-in

117

3 9 Gebahl Ken-in

119

4 0 Naibaku Ken-in

119

4 1 Ichiji-kinrin-buccho He is seated on a white lotus throne and makes the chi ken-in. Cf. Hö. pp. 1 4 8 ff. After Gonda and Omura, p. 1 1 ,fig.1 8 .

121

4 2 Kekkafuza (padmäsana)

123

4 3 Hanka-za

125

4 4 Lalitäsana

127

4 5 MahäräjaUläsana

128

t

4 6 Posture of Maitreya

129

4 7 Posture of Maitreya (variant) After a Chinese example.

129

4 8 Posture of Maitreya (variant)

129

4 9 Pensive Attitude

130

5 0 Kongara Dôji on Lion 133 Kongara (Sk. Kimkara), seventh of the eight great doji (attendants) of Fudö, is regularly to the left of Fudö. In his left hand he holds a rope, in his right a sword. He is mounted on a lion, which in turn stands on four lotuses. After Gonda and Ömura, p. 8 0 ,fig.2 6 2 . 5 1 Fudö on Rock 133 The divinity is yellow, the robe blue (upper) and red (lower). In his left hand he holds a rope, in his right a vajra-stick. Typically, two tusks protrude from his mouth. His eyes are red, and he is seated on a rock amid flames. After Gonda and Ömura, p. 7 9 ,fig.2 5 7 . 5 2 Karunä An anthropomorphic representation of the Compassion (karunä) of the Tathägata. The body is flesh color and the two hands are clasped. After Gonda and Ömura, p. 1 5 ,fig.3 4 .

133

5 3 Square Sumeru Throne After Gonda and Ömura, p. 1 , fig. 1.

133

5 4 Taishaku on White Elephant 134 Taishaku's (Indra) position is in the east; he rides on a white elephant and is surrounded by clouds of five colors. His body is golden, and in his right hand he holds a three-pronged vajra in front of his breast. After Gonda and Ömura, p. 9 5 , fig. 3 0 7 .

xviii

LIST

OF TEXT

FIGURES

65 Kujaku on Golden Peacock Kujaku-ten is mounted on a golden peacock, which stands on a white (or sometimes blue) lotus. The divinity is seated in hankafuza (half-lotus pos­ ture). The attributes are: right arms, open lotus and a citron (bijapüra); left arms, the auspicious pomegranate (kichijö-ka) and a peacock feather of 35 plumes. After Gonda and Ömura, p. 87, fig. 287.

135

5 6 Nichiten on Horse Throne Nichiten (SQrya) holds in his right hand the sun disk, his special symbol. After Gonda and Ömura, p. 105,fig.341.

135

5 7 Naraen-ten on Garuda Naraen-ten (Sk. Näräyana-deva), seated astride a garufa bird, figures in the outer diamond court of the taizökai mancala. He has three faces: on the left a cat's, on the right a white elephant's, in the middle his divine face. In his left hand he regularly holds a wheel. After Gonda and ömura, p. 115, fig. 272.

135

5 8 Emma-ten on Water-ox 135 Emma-ten (Sk. Yama), flesh colored, holds in his hand a pole surmounted with a human head, sometimes of ferocious aspect. He rides on a white waterox. After Gonda and Ömura, p. 97, fig. 312. 5 9 Suiten on Tortoise Throne 136 Suiten (Sk. Varuna), who resides in the west, sits upon a tortoise which floats upon the water. He is light green and in his right hand holds a sword, in his left his naga scepter; in his crown are five nügas. After Gonda and ömura, p. 100, fig. 321. 6 0 Futen on Deer Throne 136 Futen (Sk. Väyu), who resides in the West, has colors of red and black. He rides on a deer in the midst of clouds. In his right hand he holds a va/nz-headed spear and is clothed in armor. After Gonda and Ömura, p. 101, fig. 326. 6 1 Gatten on White Geese Throne Gatten (Sk. Candra) is white in color and is mounted on white geese. In his left hand he holds the moon disk. After Gonda and Ömura, p. 106, fig. 344.

136

6 2 Marishi-ten on Boar 136 Marishi-ten (Sk. Marlcl) is golden in color. She wears a blue garment, bears on her head a precious stüpa, and is mounted on a boar. She has eight arms carrying the following attributes: left, bow, lasso, aioka branch, scepter ( ? ) ; right, arrow, needle (signifying that it is as difficult to be reborn as a man as to try threading a needle on earth by throwing the thread at it from the sky [Soothiirj), vajra, trident. The divinity has three faces: middle one divine, left one a demon with tusks, right one resembling the autumn moon. After Gonda and Ömura, p. 119, fig. 387. 6 3 Daigen M y ö - ö on Demons 137 Daigen Myö-ö (Sk. ÄJavika) is seated on demons which he has subdued. He has three faces: the left one, with red eyes, is an angry one; the right one,

xix

LIST

OF TEXT

FIGURES

with yellow eyes, chews its lips; the middle one is blue and expresses the Compassion of the god. T h e attributes are: left, wheel, trident, lasso; right, three-pronged vajra, baton, wz/'ra-sword. After Gonda and Ö m u r a , p. 91, fig. 295. 64 A l m s b o w l (hachi)

143

65a A j a n t ä A l m s B c w l

144

After Gupta, Les Mains dans les fresques, p. 20. 656 Y a k u s h i ' s M e d i c i n e B o w l After Butsuzô—ikonogurafi, p. 7, fig. 7.

144

66 Takkon-in

144

67 A x (ono)

145

68 B e l l (kane)

146

69 F i v e - p r o n g e d V a j r a B e l l After Gonda, SMH, p. 25, fig. 32.

146

70 StCipa B e l l

147

71 B o w and A r r o w (yumi, y a)

148

72 A i z e n M y o - 5 Aizen M y ö - 5 (Sk. K a m a ) , seated on a lotus throne, holds in his hands the following attributes: left, sun disk, bow, vajra-bell; right, lotus, arrow, vajra. After Gonda and Ö m u r a , p. 93, fig. 300.

149

73 C o n c h Shell (hora)

150

74 F l y W h i s k (hossu)

152

75 J e w e l (nyo-i shu)

154

76 L a n c e (hoko)

157

77 T r i d e n t (sanko geki)

157

78 Indian T r i s O l a Tripula with wheel of the L a w . After Coomaraswamy, EBI, P l . I I , fig. 4.

157

79 T r i d e n t Support After Coomaraswamy, EBI, p. 15, fig. A .

157

80 T r i s O l a and L a w W h e e l Trññla with wheel of the L a w . After Coomaraswamy, EBI, P l . I , fig. 1.

158

81 T r i s O l a Headdress ( M o h e n j o - D a r o )

158

After Coomaraswamy, EBI, P l . V I , fig. 22. 82 M u n ö s h ö ' s T r i d e n t M u n ö s h ö M y ö - 5 (Sk. Ajita) is black: he is terrifying with his four faces and arms. T h e middle face has three eyes and flames for hair. H e carries an ax and a trident. After Gonda and Ö m u r a , p. 88, fig. 288. XX

158

LIST

OF TEXT

FIGURES

83 E k i Dôji's Trident 158 Eki döji, one of the eight attendants of Fudö, is represented with a kind face. His color is red; in his left hand he holds the wishing-gem (mani), in his right a trident. After Gonda and Ömura, p. 8 2 ,fig.2 6 7 . 8 4 Lotus (renge)

159

8 5 Nyorai-ge on Lotus 160 Nyorai-ge is the anthropomorphic image of the Tathägata's tooth (ge). The god is flesh color. In his left hand he holds an open lotus upon which rests the Buddha's tooth. After Gonda and Ömura, p. 1 6 ,fig.3 7 . 8 6 Blue Lotus of Gakkö 160 The Bodhisattva Gakkö (Sk. Candra), who resides in the Monju court of the taizökai, is yellow. In his right hand he holds a blue lotus, upon which rests a moon crescent, and also a (red) lotus. After Gonda and Ömura, p. 3 1 7 , fig. 108.

8 7 Three-stemmed Lotus

161

8 8 Five-stemmed Lotus

161

8 9 Kannon's Willow Branch

162

9 0 Yasodharä 163 Yasodharä, situated in the Lotus section, is richly dressed. She is flesh colored and holds a willow branch in her left hand. After Gonda and Ömura, p. 5 3 , fig. 1 6 0 . 9 1 Mirror (kagami)

165

9 2 Reliquary (sotoba)

166

9 3 Bishamon Holding StGpa 168 Bishamon (Sk. Brahma) is situated in the north; his color is yellow. He holds a stüpa, or pagoda, in his left hand, a baton in his right. After Gonda and Ömura, p. 1 0 2 ,fig.3 2 8 . 9 4 Rope (kensaku)

172

9 5 Rope Hand

173

9 6 Rosary (nenju)

174

9 7 Scroll and Brush (o-kyo fude)

178

9 8 Tibetan and Indian Books

178

9 9 Sistrum (shakujd)

179

1 0 0 Sword (ken)

182

1 0 1 Vajra (kongd-sho)

184

y

xxi

LIST

OF TEXT

FIGURES

102 Single and double Tridents from the Ancient Near East a Divinity with trident on lion. After Contenau, Manuel d'archéologie orien­ tale, II, 952, fig. 663.1 b Teshub. Hittite divinity. Ibid., 1007, fig. 704. / cTeshub. Hittite divinity. Ibid., I , 206, fig. 124. / d Double trident. After Contenau, Les Civilisations d'Assur et de Baby lone, p. 105, fig. 19.

184

103 Early Indian Vajra After Foucher, Beginnings of Buddhist Art, Pl. I , fig. 6.

185

104 Eight-spoked Wheel (hôrin) After Gonda, SMH p. 13, fig. 16.

188

t

105 Some Types of Vajra 187-90 a Two-pronged: niko-sho. After Gonda, SMH, p. 52, fig. 60. / b Crossed: kamma kongö (karmavajra). Ibid., p. 15, fig. 19. / c Three-pronged: sanko-sho. Ibid., p. 50, fig. 58. / d Four-pronged: shiko-sho. Ibid., p. 53, fig. 61. / e Fivepronged: goko-sho. After Shingon vajra in author's possession. / / N i n e pronged: kuko-sho. After Gonda, SMH p. 51, fig. 59. t

106 Vase (byd)

192

107 T w o examples of Kundikâ a After Hö., p. 269, fig. 88a. / 6 Ibid., fig. 88b.

193

108 Kobyô or Bird's Head Vase After Hö., p. 269, fig. 89b.

194

109 Unction Vase Of the type imported to Japan by Jikaku Daishi (794-864). In the unction ceremony (kanjö), the five vases are used to anoint the head of the initiate (gobyö kanjö, kalaSäbhiseka). After Gonda, SMH, p. 18, fig. 22.

195

110 Ritual Vase Ritual vase (kalaSa) in the kongökai. After Hö., p. 268, fig. 82.

195

DIAGRAMS i Symbolism of the Hands

32

il Classifications of Mudrä

37

m Five-storied S tüpa

169

IV Rosary

175

xxii

N O T E

O N

P R O N U N C I A T I O N

T H E PRONUNCIATION of JAPANESE words is very simple: the vowels are like those in Italian and the consonants like those in English (g is always hard). There are no silent letters (e.g., semui-in — se-mu-i-in). In the pronunciation of SANSKRIT words, the accent usually falls on the penult when it is long, otherwise it shifts to the next preceding long syllable. Long syllables contain vowels bearing a macron (e.g., 5 ) , diphthongs (and e and o), and vowels followed by two or more consonants (except A ) . The following list of equivalents is based on the one given in de Bary, ed., Sources of Indian Tradition, p. xiv: a 9 i I X (vowel) u 0

as u in but as a in father as i in pin as i in machine as er in river as u in pull as u in rule

e ai o au c M S

as é in cliché as ai in aisle as o in go as ow in how as ch in church as sh in shape as g in £i¿

th kh

as M in anthill as M in blockhouse as £Â in doghouse as in roundhouse as 6A in clubhouse

gh dh bh ph as ¿ A in K/»A/7/ in m (ft) as

In pronouncing C H I N E S E words, it will be sufficient to observe the following equivalents. Aspiration is indicated by an apostrophe, and aspirated letters are followed by a strong puff of breath. a ai au e ei u ou i final ih

as as as as as as as as as

a m father ai in aisle au in sauerkraut e in error ei in eight u in rule ou in 50«/ i in machine ¿r in corner, with the tip of the tongue curled far back

P P'

t t' k k' ch ch' hs ts initial j

as p in spy as p in pie as / in sty as t in tie as * in sky as 1 in kite as j in jtfte as ch in ¿ACTCA

as sh in ÍA#, with slight initial aspiration as ts in tsetse fly as 5 in pleasure, with the tongue tip curled back

xxiii

I Introduction

i Preliminary

T

H E

S Y M B O L I C

G E S T U R E S

called mudrâ

1

may be divided, despite

the multiplicity and confusion o f traditions, into t w o general groups:

m u d r â i n the sense o f signs symbolic o f the metaphysical aspect o f Eso­ teric ceremonies; and m u d r â used, particularly i n iconography, to evoke a specific episode o f the Buddhist legend or to identify divinities. T h e gestures o f the first group are " r i t u a l " ; they form an integral part o f religious ceremonies. W h e n they are made by the priest, the rapidity o f their execution as w e l l as the fact that they are often made under the stole may render them imperceptible to the eyes o f those pres­ ent. Under this heading belongs the greatest number o f m u d r â . For example, the Si-do-in-dzou?

a manual intended for the edification o f the

Shingon practician, lists 2 9 5 : 164« for the M a t r i x W o r l d (taizokai)

and

131 for the Diamond W o r l d (kongdkai). But numerous repetitions both o f form and o f nomenclature are at once apparent. T h e m u d r â o f the second group, the "iconographie," have multiplied greatly i n sculpture and i n painting, especially i n the graphic represen­ tations o f the cosmos called mandala. For example, i n the V I century o f the Christian era, the Murimandarajukyd?

probably the

first

s ü t r a to

codify the formation and the use o f the m u d r â , does not mention more than sixteen; yet w i t h the passage o f hardly a century, the 4

Daranijikkyo

5

lists more than three hundred. A m o n g these m u d r â , many belong to what may be considered lesser divinities, and these are, consequently, o f secondary importance. Only about fifteen are of sufficient interest to make a study o f them particularly useful for students o f Buddhist iconography. 3

PRELIMINARY

These are the m u d r â of the principal personages o f the Buddhist pantheon. But they are also the principal m u d r â o f the greater part o f Far Eastern art. I n sculpture, the great diversity o f m u d r â is reduced to a few basic gestures. Consequently, i t is specifically Japanese sculpture which has 6

been chosen as the basis o f this study, for Japan is the end point i n the development o f the Buddhist tradition, and Japanese Buddhist art is illustrative o f iconographie mutations at the extreme l i m i t o f Buddhist expansion. I t is easy to see that the study o f all existing m u d r â would over­ whelm the scholar w i t h a profusion of secondary details. For the identifi­ cation of rare or special m u d r â , then, which do not figure i n the present text, reference should be made to the specialized works indicated i n the notes.

7

4

2 Definition of Terms

G R E A T J L J L

R A N G E

O F O P I N I O N

as to the interpretation o f the term

" m u d r ä " exists among authorities in the field of Buddhist iconog­

raphy. M o s t o f them converge toward a dominant idea contained i n the original w o r d : that o f a hand pose which serves as a "seal" either to identify the various divinities or to seal, i n the Esoteric sense, the spoken formulas o f the rite. Coomaraswamy and conventional sign language";

1

calls the m u d r ä "an established

Rao,

meditation or exposition"; W o o d w a r d , tion i n the Si-do-in-dzou

4

"hand poses adopted d u r i n g

2

"finger-signs." T h e

3

is "geste mystique";

"the making o f diverse forms (katachi)

i n the Bukkyd

w i t h the

fingers."

transla­ Daijiten, Soothill

5

defines them as "manual signs indicative o f various ideas." According to G e t t y , the m u d r ä is a "mystic pose o f the hand or hands." According to 6

Eitel, "a system o f magic gesticulation consisting i n distorting the fingers so as to imitate ancient Sanskrit characters, o f supposed magic effect."

7

T h e use o f m u d r ä was introduced into Japan by Köbö Daishi, and they are used chiefly by the Shingon sect. Franke 8

m u d r ä "Schrift

(oder Lesekunst)";

9

Gangoly,

proposes as a translation o f 10

"finger plays"; and last o f

all Beai, "a certain manipulation o f the fingers . . . as i f to supplement 11

the power o f the w o r d s . " A l l these opinions, inspired by the Sanskrit w o r d , reveal a diversity that could be explained only w i t h difficulty i f the w o r d itself did not i n ­ clude various meanings. T h e etymology o f the term " m u d r ä , " a depos­ i t o r y o f varied significations, is interesting and useful to know; one may note i n this fundamental w o r d the elemental principle which serves as a 5

DEFINITION OF TERMS

basis for the names o f the symbolic gestures that pullulate throughout Esoteric Buddhism. I t is difficult to follow very exactly the evolution

1 2

of the w o r d

" m u d r â , " the o r i g i n of which remains uncertain. H o m m e l would see i n it a derivation from the Assyrian musarû,

a seal used i n w r i t i n g ; this

w o r d , undergoing in Old Persian the change o f z to d, would show the following evolution: musarü = * muzrä

= mudrä.

13

Such an evolution

is at most hypothetical, and scholarly research i n this realm has remained 14

inconclusive. Appearing first i n the post-Vedic literature o f India, at a very early period the w o r d " m u d r â " designates the idea o f a seal or the imprint left by a seal. Onto this idea have been grafted various meanings: mark ( i n a general sense or i n the sense of a mark produced by a seal), r i n g (i.e., seal r i n g ) , passport, sign, and last of all "piece of money" struck by means o f a seal.

15

Certain modern Indian dialects

1 6

still keep

this last meaning. I n Esoteric rites, the w o r d takes on the meaning o f " w a y of holding the

fingers,"

an expression which carries a special

interest because i t designates very precisely the ritual gesture. T h e Esoteric sense is not so far from the meanings just mentioned as one m i g h t be tempted to believe, for the various symbolic gestures formed by the fingers are, i n a certain sense, equivalent to a kind of mystic gesture meant to guarantee the authenticity or efficacy o f the rites.

17

In

this religious sense, the gesture had already i n the Vedic period taken on an importance at once magical and ritual. I t served to indicate by its vertical movement the accents o f the words o f the r i t e .

18

Here i t was a

question of an essentially grammatical use, which, nevertheless, presages the later development of the symbolic, iconographie gesture. Even i n later times, always i n close relationship to the spoken w o r d , the gesture was enhanced w i t h mystic and magical values. T o these definitions may be added also that o f the P â l i which derives from muddä

muddikä,

( a u t h o r i t y ) . A balanced relationship exists 19

between the command and royal authority, between the stamped amulet and divine authority, and above all between the ritual gesture and magic 6

DEFINITION OF TERMS

power.

A later contribution o f T a n t r i s m should also be noted: m u d r ä

20

as sakti

the feminine counterpart o f a god.

21

A l l o f these interpretations

2 2

may be summarized by the following

categories: 1

seal (and the imprint left by a seal); whence, stamp, mark ( i n a general sense or the mark made by a seal), piece o f money, etc.;

2

manner o f holding the fingers;

3

counterpart (sakti)

of a god.

2 3

24

A t first glance, the three groups would seem to be quite distinct from each other. But Przyluski points out a most interesting connecting thread which unites them. Beginning w i t h the idea o f " m a t r i x , " which he com­ pares to a mold used for the p r i n t i n g or stamping o f objects, he establishes a relationship between meanings 1 and 3. T h i s is, i n effect, the one which exists between the m a t r i x o f a woman i n which is formed the embryo o f the child she w i l l bear, and the seal which impresses on the piece o f clay its form or design. T h e same bond exists between the second meaning— i.e., symbolic gesture —and the other t w o , i f one accepts that the position of the hands constitutes, to a certain extent, a mystic seal. A m o n g the various meanings o f the w o r d " m u d r ä " i n Sanskrit, the idea of sign as a seal is predominant i n Esoteric thought. T h i s notion crossed the frontiers o f India w i t h the vajrayana and spread to China and later to Japan. I n effect, i t was by the Chinese wordjy/fl (Sino-Jap.

in),

"seal," that the first translators were likely to render what seemed to them the dominant meaning o f " m u d r ä " i n the canonical w r i t i n g s . Thus it is that the diverse compounds designating m u d r ä which are frequently met w i t h i n Sino-Japanese compounds all contain the vocable in. A m o n g the most important are shu-in, kei-in, mitsu-in, so-in, in-gei, in-sô, simply in.

25

and

On the other hand, certain authors or translators, anxious to

note the Sanskrit w o r d more precisely than the single ideogram in would permit, used Chinese characters phonetically i n an attempt to repro­ duce the syllables "mu-da-ra."

2 6

Such transliterations o f the Sanskrit 7

DEFINITION OF TERMS

w o r d are doubtless richer i n content from the technical and religious aspect than a simple translation. Y e t the w o r d " m u d r â " itself had probably been drained o f meaning for most non-Indian readers, and the ideogram in came largely to express the totality o f the idea. T h e notions expressed by the Chinese ideogram (yin)

at the time

Buddhism borrowed i t may be traced far back i n Chinese history. As early as the Shang dynasty, ideograms as probatory seals, so to speak, were impressed on bronzes. Even today, whether i n art, i n literature, or i n daily affairs, the seal stands as testimony to the authenticity o f the document to which i t is put. Thus since ancient times i t has played a main role, sanctioned by Chinese tradition and by usage —and likewise i n Japan, where the Chinese concept was transferred. I t is not surprising that a notion as deeply rooted i n the native tradition

2 7

should have been so

easily adapted to expressing the religious traits imposed on i t by Esoteric Buddhism. Just as the "seal" (yin) ments,

28

the m u d r â [yin),

guarantees the authenticity o f docu-

on a mystic and religious level, eliminates any

possibility o f lie or o f error. T o make the m u d r â is to recognize the authenticity o f the doctrine as w e l l as the power and the efficacy o f the ritual magic. T h e gesture is a sign, a ritual seal; seal implies authenticity, and, by analogy, the efficacy o f the m u d r â stands i n direct proportion to absence o f e r r o r . trine,

30

29

T h e m u d r â , whose value is determined by the doc-

serves to " f i x " the magic o f the rite. Hence the w o r d "in" takes

on the meaning o f a fixed resolution, for i t is, i n fact, the gesture which 31

makes i t possible to " s i g n , " to seal w i t h a metaphysical cachet, the solemn "contract" o f the ritual. " I t is the sign o f a pact, o f a solemn contract which binds the officiant to the w o r l d o f the d i v i n i t y and which permits him to become integrated into this w o r l d . " formulas ( dkàranì),

3 2

Accompanying the mystic

the m u d r â guarantees the absence o f error ( assuring

the r i g h t path) and the efficacy o f the mystic words. A l l these ideas are based on ancient Indian concepts, and "too much emphasis cannot be placed on the fact that 'mudrâ* always implies the idea o f name and o f form [rûpa)

productive o f strength, o f force, and o f efficacy." 8

[näma)

which, according to Indian theories, are eminently 3 3

DEFINITION OF TERMS

T h e term "in" lent itself early to broad interpretation. Beginning 34

w i t h the original meaning o f seal, as a sign or mark which identifies, in, i n the s ü t r a s , notably i n those o f Esoteric Buddhism (cf.,

Dainichikyô,

ch. 9 ) , refers not only to the symbolic gestures o f the hands but also to the objects, the attributes, which the Buddha and the Bodhisattva h o l d .

36

T h u s , "in" designates, for example, the lotus, the sword, the s t ü p a — i n brief, all the attributes o f divinity by which the original vows o f the Buddha and the Bodhisattva are symbolized.

36

T h e y are a l l , as i t were,

marks o f divine identity; i n this concept reappears the original meaning o f the w o r d " m u d r ä . " T o these t w o meanings o f " / » " — gesture and symbolic attribute — may be added finally that which designates even the mystic formulas (dharanï)

3 7

and the images o f the Buddha. I t is a matter

then, w i t h respect to the Sino-Japanese term, of a phenomenon o f extension analogous to what has been noted for the Sanskrit term. Just as the notion o f m a t r i x is a connecting thread binding the various meanings o f " m u d r ä , " the idea o f sign binds the three significations o f "in": 1

symbolic gestures o f the hands used as "seals," which guarantee the efficacy o f the spoken w o r d ;

2

the symbolic objects, as w e l l as the images and the statues, which are used as "marks o f i d e n t i t y " ;

3

dharanï, spoken formulas, which "seal" the magic o f the rites.

9

3 Origins and First Representations

T

H E

S T U D E N T

is confronted by numerous more

O F I C O N O G R A P H Y

or less plausible explanations o f the origins o f the symbolic ges­

tures. Toganoo Shöun

1

claims that the ritual and iconographie m u d r â

derive from natural gestures made under certain conditions, representing for the most part homely actions, such as calming by raising the hand, offering a gift by extending the arm, and so on. Renou adds: " I t is sup­ posed, without great reason, that the m u d r â were inspired by the w r i t t e n form o f the initial letter o f a mantra."

2

Whatever their o r i g i n may be,

in Esoteric Buddhism these gestures assume metaphysical meanings, and they multiply infinitely under the effect o f T a n t r i s m . As an iconographie symbol (Sk. pratika),

the m u d r ä was to come into existence at about the

same time as the beginning o f the Christian era. I t seems to have accom­ panied, moreover, the appearance o f the image of the Buddha. I t was a 3

question then of several "poses" of the hands, which were specially intended to establish the symbolic character o f statues by recalling certain episodes o f the Buddhist legend. First, these gestures were related only to the life o f the historical Buddha; later, under T a n t r i s m , they formed the point o f departure for an evolved symbolism. W i t h the development of Esotericism, they became endowed w i t h clearly magico-religious values. But the question o f what distant sources Buddhism had drawn upon for a system o f gestures is difficult to resolve. T h e fact is, at the time o f their entrance onto the stage of iconography, these gestures had undergone a l o n g evolution. T h i s is manifest i n the stereotyped forms they assumed i n the first G a n d h â r a n statues o f India. There is no doubt 10

ORIGINS AND FIRST REPRESENTATIONS

that, from a very early time, "the theory o f m u d r ä must have covered a wide range, for the Mañjusñkalpa* Guhyasamäja

5

presuppose the

the Mahävairocana-sütra,

knowledge

o f numerous

and the gestures."

6

According to the Indian tradition, the dance was conceived and transmitted to the people by Brahma. I n the first chapter o f the Sastra o f Bharata, we read:

Nätya

. . t u r n i n g away from Indra, he who

7

knows the essence o f every matter, seated i n Yoga posture, called to his mind the Four Vedas, thinking, ' I shall make a Fifth Veda, to be called N ä t y a ( D r a m a ) , combined w i t h epic story, tending to virtue, wealth (pleasure and spiritual freedom), yielding fame —a concise instruction setting forth all the events o f the w o r l d about to be, containing the significance o f every Scripture, and forwarding every art.' Thus, recalling all the Vedas, the Blessed Brahma framed the N ä t y a Veda from the several parts o f the Four Vedas, as desired. F r o m the R g Veda, he drew 8

forth the words, from the Sama Veda the singing, from the Yajur Veda gesture, and from the Atharva Veda the

flavor."

T h e mention o f the choreographic or dramatic gesture i n this t r a ditional literature

9

attests the important place of this type o f symbol at

an early date. But one may say even more, for since time immemorial, the dance has been a spontaneous mode by which man has expressed the magic and the mystery o f the primitive rite. Undeniably, even i n preBuddhist times, choreography had an important place i n the p r i m i t i v e religion of India. T h e use o f the gesture to express both religious and secular ideas must go back to some ancient source closely connected w i t h the p r i m i t i v e dance, which, i t would seem, furnishes the prototype o f the iconographie and ritual gesture o f later times. A t a very early date, dance gestures must have acquired a religious usage. T h e y were integrated early into a ritualism which, while deprivi n g them o f their former freedom, imposed on them a hierarchy, a classification according to cult, which tended to stabilize them through centuries of visual transmission. For the needs o f worship, later religions had only to adapt the choreographic gesture to their rites; the idea as well as the form o f the hand movements had already existed for a l o n g time. 11

ORIGINS AND FIRST REPRESENTATIONS

But the mere fact that the dance existed as early as the Vedic period offers no indication as to what point the symbolism and the form had been stylized. Moreover, the part o f the dance and o f dramatic art i n the stylization and the transmission o f the m u d r â is difficult to define. T h e m u d r â , which is o f the domain o f movement, constitutes i n iconography an "active" symbol, m a r k i n g , to some extent, the end point o f an evo­ l u t i o n which began w i t h the initial idea o f choreographic r h y t h m . These gestures which accompany the dance are an integral part o f the rhythmic expression. But what is more, since they could be seen rather distinctly from afar, they constituted already i n the dance a conventional method o f expression which supported the w o r d or the song. T h e materialization o f these gestures i n iconography, through the intermediary o f the rites, tended to blur their former rhythmic character, and this passed necessarily onto a secondary level. Nevertheless, i t remains that "the elementary hand gestures o f the divinities i n iconography are no more than mudrâ i n an undeveloped state."

1 0

I t is hardly w i t h i n the scope o f this study to retrace the origins o f the dance, though subsequent research may tend to clarify whatever influ­ ence choreography may have exercised i n the early formation of the ges­ tures i n both the Brahmanic and Buddhist art o f India. I t may suffice here to remark that the form, the artistic r h y t h m , even the symbolism of Bud­ dhist statues are a visual manifestation of the unquestionable bond which united iconography and the dance. These gestures, an integral part of the Indian patrimony, were adopted by Buddhism. T h e y constituted a group of symbolic movements w i t h a magico-mystical value which never ceased to be perceptible but which, somewhat blurred d u r i n g the period o f the G a n d h â r a n sculptures, underwent a revival o f importance i n T a n t r i s m , which exploited them rather than discovered them. There

remains,

unfortunately, no sculptural example from the early pre-Buddhist period which would enable the scholar to trace infallibly the evolution o f the m u d r â d u r i n g those p r i m i t i v e times. T h e preponderant function which Esoteric Buddhism bestowed upon the m u d r â seems, i n fact, to have been only a continuation o f the " i m m e 12

ORIGINS AND FIRST R E P R E S E N T A T I O N S

morial magical ritual language" (Renou) which they constitute. I n the Veda, they are used to note accentuation and, i n the schools o f the g r a m ­ marians, the r h y t h m o f words.

11

I n Vedic Sanskrit, the fingers are as­

signed definite roles: for example, the thumb, by virtue o f its form, which resembles the l i n g a m , represents Bhairava, the redoubtable aspect o f Siva; the middle finger represents Candikä, the violent aspect o f D u r g â . F o r the enrichment o f the m u d r â , at least, Brahmanism

1 3

1 2

served as a

convenient and permanent treasure house to the needs o f Buddhist ico­ nography. Buddhism, inheriting the m u d r â , bestowed upon them new and mystical meanings according to its o w n genius. A well-known jätaka

14

o f the V century attests the use o f m u d r â i n the

earlier lives o f the Buddha. " S ä k y a m u n i met a woman w h o m he con­ sidered taking for wife: not knowing, however, whether she was un­ married, he resolved to ask her at once 'by a gesture o f his hand' thamoddäya

(hat-

i n P â l i ) . I f she is educated, he thought to himself, she w i l l

understand and answer me. Thus he raised his closed fist, and the woman, in order to answer, showed h i m her empty hand." There is no doubt, remarks Auboyer, that the Bodhisattva was already practicing an estab­ lished usage, the conventional modalities o f which were well known at the time o f the composition o f the

jätaka.

15

Generally, the origins o f Indian sculpture are assigned to the I I I century B . C . I t was at this time, i n M a t h u r â , that Indian iconography had its beginning. Thenceforward, the cult element became more and more important. I t is well to remember that the representation o f the historical Buddha i n human form first took place about the I I century o f the Chris­ tian era. U n t i l then, the Buddha had been represented by symbols, such as the wheel o f the L a w , the throne, the pillar, or the tree;

1 6

the omission

o f the Buddha image itself was imperative, proscribed as i t is i n several 17

passages o f the Buddhist canon.

18

As soon as the need o f a representation was felt, the " i m a g e " was developed i n t w o places: G a n d h â r a , i n northwest India, and M a t h u r â , on the banks o f the Jumna River. I n the heart o f the Kusäna empire, G a n d h â r a , the statues representing the Buddha were executed by men 13

ORIGINS AND FIRST REPRESENTATIONS

who were the inheritors o f the anthropomorphic ideal o f the Greeks and Romans.

19

F r o m this leaven resulted images o f the Buddha which recall

the Hellenistic type o f Apollo the Orator that ultimately inspired i t . T h i s initial Greco-Roman influence was o f profound consequence. Indeed, the statues produced by the G a n d h ä r a n school drew their inspiration from both Greco-Roman and Indian sources. F r o m the first the G a n d h ä r a n school borrowed the human form, from the second the complex symbolism which, even at the beginning o f the Christian era, existed i n India. So i t was that the Buddhist art o f G a n d h â r a found itself playing an intermediary role between Greece and India on the one hand and the whole Far East on the other: the sculptural m u d r ä were adopted by Buddhism and propa­ gated across Asia along w i t h the expansion of this religion. G a n d h ä r a n iconography was born o f an extremely involved meta­ physical system. T h e Buddhist image o f these northwest regions devel­ oped i n a direction situated halfway between Greek art, which was i n the " m a r g i n of realism," and Indian naturalism. Despite the Greek influence, Indian naturalism predominated; and the statues of the historical Buddha, consequently, even though taking the form o f a man, were never intended to represent an anatomical unit capable o f functioning. Thus, at the very beginning, Buddhist sculpture draws on a group o f symbols l o n g estab­ lished according to a conventional stylization. T h e head, for example, 20

takes the form o f the perfect oval of the egg; the eyebrows, that o f the curve o f the Indian bow; the eyes, that o f the lotus bud; the ear, that o f the graphic form o f a certain Sanskrit character; and the neck, w i t h its three folds, that o f the conch shell. T h e wide breast and narrow waist are taken from the body o f the l i o n , on which is superposed the head of the bull; the arm is the elephant's trunk; the hands, lotus petals, etc.

21

The

symbol i n Buddhist statues and other images is not an "afterthought" intended to add to the meaning o f the w o r k , but an integral part o f the representation. Thus, while the Greeks i n representing their divinities tried to bring to perfection the anthropomorphic ideal, the Indians i n representing the Buddha conceived purely intellectual creations. T h i s accentuation o f the symbolic aspect of images was naturally to favor the development of iconographie signs as symbols. 14

ORIGINS AND FIRST REPRESENTATIONS

I n the early times (that is, i n G a n d h â r a ) of the utilization o f the m u d r â i n Buddhist art, no definite prescription seems to have established the precise value o f the symbolic gestures.

22

Rules developed little by

l i t t l e , especially toward the middle of the first millennium o f the Chris­ tian era. W i t h the b i r t h o f the vajrayäna

(Esotericism), the m u d r â were

subjected to formalization and impregnated w i t h a symbolism at once metaphysical and magical. I t is not surprising then that the few m u d r â which figure i n the Greco-Buddhist art o f northwest India have a multiple u t i l i t y . For example, a single m u d r â , the semui-in (abhayamudrä),

may be

[II

used for the receiving o f gifts or homage, the expression o f welcome, the subjugating o f the elephant, the Predication of the Doctrine, and even the t u r n i n g of the wheel o f the L a w .

23

T h e different roles o f the personages

performing this gesture are made perfectly clear either by attributes — e.g., the wheel and the gazelles indicate the Predication of the L a w —or by the presence o f the gesture w i t h i n a specific symbolic framework. On the other hand, i f one gesture alone may play several different roles, a specific episode o f the Buddhist legend may be symbolized by several m u d r â . I n order to represent the Predication o f the L a w ,

24

for example,

the G a n d h â r a n Buddha may form very different symbolic gestures: the jo-in,

which was to represent later the entrance of the Buddha into p r o ­

found meditation; the semui-in, m u d r â o f the Gift of Intrepidity; even the seppd-in (tembdrin-in),

which alone would indicate, when the use o f the

m u d r â was more definitely established, the act o f preaching or dissem­ inating the L a w . Nevertheless, i n G a n d h â r a n art, one may already notice the habit o f assigning certain m u d r â to certain personages, doubtless i n order to differentiate among the various Buddhas and Bodhisattvas: these m u d r â later became each the characteristic attribute of such and such a one among them. W i t h time, usage became more exact, for the plethora o f Esoteric divinities required a more precise means o f identification than was p r o ­ vided by the comparatively few G a n d h â r a n m u d r â . T h e semui-in

finally

l i m i t e d itself to representing the absence o f fear; the segan-in, charity; the tembdrin-in, the Predication o f the Doctrine, etc. I n G a n d h â r a , h o w ­ ever, Buddhist sculpture did not seem to have come out o f what Foucher 15

[XI, XII

ORIGINS AND FIRST REPRESENTATIONS

calls "la période

flottante"

which characterized the origins o f Buddhist

iconography. T h e uncertainty o f G a n d h ä r a n usage, however, was rapidly to give way to the codification imposed by the genius of Esotericism. Conse­ quently, the T a n t r i c school, which presides over the modifications o f the gestures, or better, over their expansion, plays a central part i n the evolution o f the m u d r ä .

16

4 The Contribution of Tantrism

T T H E BEGINNING

OF T H E CHRISTIAN

E R A , the role o f

the

m u d r ä i n Buddhist symbolism derives from traditional B u d dhism, but i t is to T a n t r i s m that i t owes a fuller development. Probably 1

toward the middle o f the first millennium A . D . , the Y o g ä c ä r a master A s a ñ g a (Sino-Jap. M u j a k u : c. 350 ) had already conceived a mystic doctrine founded at once on Y o g a practices and on the principal ideas of M a h ä y ä n a Buddhism. T h i s doctrine was elaborated i n a vast body o f religious texts known generically as tantra. They were largely devoted to the exaltation o f the Goddess. A n d along w i t h a number of lateral teachings, both philosophic and cosmogonie, they contained numerous elements (dhâranï,

m u d r ä , etc.) which were i n large part secret and were

practices intended to assure the identification of the faithful w i t h the Supreme U n i t y . T h i s type o f belief, appearing i n the I V century and 2

reaching its apogee i n the V I I I , evolved i n t w o main currents, which are known as Left-handed and Right-handed T a n t r i s m . Left-handed T a n t r i s m , to which the term vajrayäna

is usually applied, postulates feminine

counterparts o f the Buddhas, Bodhisattvas, and other divinities, places emphasis on these "Savioresses," or T a r a s , as they are called. T h e y are believed to represent, among other things, the active aspect o f their masculine counterpart. T h e unification o f the pair is symbolized by the sexual act. Right-handed T a n t r i s m , on the other hand, emphasizes devotion to masculine divinities; and, although great importance is attached to magical practices, this branch o f T a n t r i s m has largely avoided the extremism i n act and symbol characteristic o f the Left-handed type. 17

T H E CONTRIBUTION OF TANTRISM

Right-handed T a n t r i s m spread to China, and then on to Japan, where today i t is alive i n the form o f the Shingon school. I t is particularly to the Right-handed branch that the w o r d "Esoteric" refers i n the following pages. T h i s style o f Buddhism, which places great importance on magic formulas, is sometimes k n o w n i n Sanskrit as the Mantrayäna.

A t the

earliest stage o f T a n t r i s m , the m u d r ä , g o i n g beyond its simple role o f a sign evocative of the Buddhist legend (as i n G a n d h â r a ) , possessed powers at once mystical and magical. Esotericism did not l i m i t itself to m a k i n g the gestures a metaphysical symbol but, by a l l o t t i n g them a very i m p o r tant place i n the cult, i t saw i n the m u d r ä the active bond by which the dharanï

and the mantra (mystic formulas) m i g h t permit the worshiper

to identify w i t h the Supreme U n i t y . T h e sage Vajrasattva

(Sino-Jap. K o n g ö s a t t a ) , dwelt i n an iron

tower i n the south o f India. According to the Sino-Japanese tradition, i t was to h i m that Vairocana himself transmitted the secret doctrine o f the Esoteric school. I n the venerable line of patriarch-transmitters o f the L a w , i t was Vajrasattva who must have taught the mandala o f the t w o parts (kongökai and taizôkai)

to N ä g ä r j u n a (Sino-Jap. Ryüju; I I century

A.D.),

who, i n his t u r n , is said to have transmitted i t to his disciple N ä g a b o d h i . N ä g a b o d h i passed the doctrine on to Vajrabodhi ( K o n g ö c h i ) , who taught i t to Amoghavajra ( F u k ü ) , the founder o f the Esoteric sect

(mi-tsung)

i n China. I n 7 1 9 , Vajrabodhi, accompanied by his disciple Amoghavajra, 3

4

traveled to China, and there introduced the Esoteric system. A t the beg i n n i n g o f the I X century, the Buddhist monk K ü k a i

5

(Kobo Daishi)

left Japan i n order to study the doctrine under the great Chinese master, Hui-kuo

6

( K e i - k a A j a r i ) , a disciple of Amoghavajra. U p o n r e t u r n i n g to

Japan i n 8 0 6 , Kükai founded the Shingon sect; and i n 8 1 6 , he established its seat on the wooded summit o f M o u n t Köya, not far from present-day Osaka. Thus the Esoteric school, grafted onto M a h ä y ä n a Buddhism i n the I V century under the inspiration o f A s a ñ g a , spread i n less than four centuries over the greater part o f Far Eastern Asia, culminating i n Japan, where i t is s t i l l an active sect. 18

7

T H E CONTRIBUTION OF TANTRISM

T h e T a n t r i c Vehicle, assuming organized form i n India about A . D . 6 0 0 , drew upon the metaphysics of the Greater Vehicle; i t accentuated the syncretistic tendencies. T h e basic idea o f Esoteric Buddhism, upon which rests the magico-symbolic superstructure, is the concept o f the Three Mysteries:

8

thought, w o r d , and act. T h e y represent three ways o f

approaching the O N E and are three inseparable aspects o f the Great U n i t y . Equivalent each to the other, they are united i n every phenomenon of the ordinary w o r l d . T h e doctrine o f the Three Mysteries "maintains that thought, w o r d , and activity are only different expressions for one and the same reality, for i n the great Oneness reigns equality and identity ' i n the same way that the ocean has everywhere the same salty taste.' T h e doctrine o f the fundamental unity (samata) o f the three actions is a dogma essential to Esotericism, for i t alone permits one to consider as equivalent, or even as identical, meditative imaginations, mystical formulas, and exterior, material things; such is the condition required for all practical activity o f a magical nature."

9

T h e m u d r â , thanks to this triple unity,

were endowed w i t h an importance equal to the T r u e W o r d : they were checks, guarantees o f transmission. Three-in-One, A l l - O n e , equivalence of the Three Mysteries and consequently o f all reality — these are the very essence o f the Tantric teaching. I t was toward the V I I century that the religious books known as tantra

1 0

made their appearance. T h e y are manuals,

11

so to speak, which

concern themselves w i t h the accomplishment of the rites, w i t h the es­ tablishment of the mandala, and w i t h the elaboration of statues. I n a certain sense, they are actual iconographie collections. T h e tan tras may be considered sacred writings, but because o f the essentially practical goal o f the rites, their metaphysical and literary content is probably not so lofty as that o f the s ü t r a s . " T h e prescriptions," Glasenapp has w r i t t e n , " t o which they subject each one o f the rites considered i n all its detail are made to relate to a metaphysical view o f things. T h e basis o f any cere­ mony to be performed is a general w o r l d concept, related to magic, and developing the fundamental idea which requires that all the phenomena o f the cosmos depend as closely as possible on each other: mysterious bonds 19

T H E CONTRIBUTION OF TANTRISM

then connect each w o r d , each action, and even each thought to the eternal basis o f the universe."

1 2

This opens up the limitless vistas, i n the domain

of the mystic, that such a unity implies. T h e gesture is no longer a simple act: i t contains the essence o f the Three Mysteries, and this fact alone inspires i t w i t h an infinite mysticism. T h e m u d r ä , thanks to this triple unity, were accorded an importance equal to that of the word (dharanï).

T h e i r metaphysical value was com-

pounded of a primitive magic, which reached far back into pre-Buddhist times.

13

T h i s magic stems from a stratum of occult beliefs i n prehistoric

India. As early as the Vedic period, despite the condemnation o f the high cult, magic of an official nature existed, and charms could be wrought by a slight modification of or addition to the ordinary r i t u a l . used at once to bless and to curse.

15

14

T h e mantra was

T h e preventive processes (silence,

retreat, etc.) and positive remedies (ablution, lavage) were used to banish evil influences (santi); to attract useful forces.

17

1 6

anointing and food offerings were used

I n execration and i n the sermon (sapatha), * 1

the

use o f the formula, reinforced by invocation and emphasizing " t r u t h , " was already pre-eminent. T h e formula was to reappear i n T a n t r i c Buddhism, where its use is similar and certainly o f no less importance. Even the practices o f meditation go back to pre-Buddhist antecedents. " T h e Vaikhänasadharmasütra

gives details on y o g i adepts, attesting that the

Vedic tradition was progressively infused w i t h ascetic practices; born o f a prehistoric stratum and nourished by speculation, they were to w i t h the theory o f the äsrama ( § 7 6 8 ) . "

T h i s old magic exerted its influence i n T a n t r i s m : (expulsion, the causing o f death), unction, b i r t h ) , even medical magic

2 3

flower

1 9

21

2 0

noxious magic

ritual i m p u r i t y

2 2

(death,

were all practices which, o r i g i n a t i n g i n

ancient India, reappeared i n Esoteric Buddhism.

24

" T h e magical act depends i n large measure on a transference or on a symbolic representation."

2 5

I t follows that m u d r ä , words, and thoughts o f

the Three Mysteries assume i n T a n t r i s m metaphysical and even magic values. Certain students see i n these tendencies a degeneration o f early Buddhism. T h e exaggerated formalization o f Esotericism seems indeed 20

T H E CONTRIBUTION OF TANTRISM

to justify this point o f view. I t is, i n fact, undeniable that certain aspects of T a n t r i s m permitted the development o f rather grotesque magical rites: but i t must be added that such practices appear quite as fantastic to the traditional Buddhist as to the Western spectator. T a n t r i s m was nevertheless able, from many points o f view, to avoid a total deterioration: i n support o f its metaphysics, i t even brought new expressions, especially of an artistic nature. I t was actually this essential dogma o f the equivalence of w o r d , act, and thought that was responsible for raising Esoteric art to a place o f undisputed importance i n the religious system. T h i s unitary concept leads to a close interdependence

2 6

by which artistic forms become

the image o f the Tantric doctrine: the statue is henceforth the concrete manifestation of concepts related to the energies existing i n the order of things. Thus does art occupy an important place i n the rites and i n iconography. I t manifests, moreover, i n Buddhist countries situated beyond the frontiers o f India, a most fruitful inspiration. T h i s artistic expression should be sufficient i n itself to spare T a n t r i s m the injustice o f summary condemnation. T h e " w o r d " o f the Three Mysteries is represented by the magical formulas.

27

They are prescribed i n the s ü t r a s i n which are outlined the

bases o f Tantric magic. I t is noted, for example, i n chapter X X I o f the Lotus of the Good

Law:

"Thereupon the Bodhisattva M a h â s a t t v a Bhaisajyarâja rose from his seat, and having put his upper robe upon one shoulder and fixed the r i g h t knee upon the ground, lifted his joined hands up to the L o r d . . . . "Then

the

Bodhisattva

Mahâsattva

Bhaisajyarâja

immediately

said to the L o r d : T o those young men or young ladies o f good family, O L o r d , who keep this D h a r m a p a r y ä y a o f the Lotus o f the T r u e L a w i n their memory or i n a book, we w i l l give talismanic words for guard, defense, and protection; such as, any e manye mane marnane citte carite same, s a m i t ä v i , sante, mukte, muktatame, same avisame, samasame, jaye, ksaye, aksïne, sante sani, d h â r a n i ä l o k a b h ä s e , pratyaveksani, nidhini, abhyantaravisiste, utkule mutkule, asade, parade, sukânksï, asamasame, buddhavilokite,

dharmaparîksite,

sañghanirghosani,

nirghosanï 21

bha-

T H E CONTRIBUTION OF TANTRISM

y a b h a y a s o d h a n ï , mantre m a n t r ä k s a y a t e , rutakausalye, aksaye, aksavan a t ä y a , vakulevaloda, a m a n y a t â y a . These words o f charms and spells, O L o r d , have been pronounced by reverend Buddhas ( i n number) equal to the sands o f s i x t y - t w o Ganges rivers. A l l these Buddhas would be offended by any one who would attack such preachers, such keepers o f the S ü t r ä n t a . " T h e L o r d expressed his approval to the Bodhisattva M a h ä s a t t v a Bhaisajyaräja by saying: Very w e l l , Bhaisajyaräja, by those talismanic words being pronounced out o f compassion for creatures, the common weal o f creatures is promoted; their guard, defense, and protection is secured. "Thereupon the Bodhisattva M a h ä s a t t v a P r a d ä n a s ü r a said unto the L o r d : I also, O L o r d , w i l l , for the benefit o f such preachers, give them talismanic words, that no one seeking for an occasion to surprise such preachers may find the occasion, be i t a demon, giant, goblin, sorcerer, imp or ghost; that none o f these when seeking and spying for an occasion to surprise may find the occasion."

2 8

T h e abundance of such passages i n the sütra indicates the importance accorded the magical formulas. T a n t r i s m lost no time i n developing them. T h e dharanï

29

pullulated. T h e y are texts, generally short, often simply a

group of mystic syllables, employed primarily for the purpose o f meditation or o f magical action or serving as "supports" for meditation. By their use, one may supposedly succeed i n practicing a specific magic or, on the metaphysical plane, i n identifying oneself mystically w i t h the supreme d i v i n i t y . A t the end o f the dharanï

is generally found a short

explanation o f the goal of the prayer. These formulas lent themselves to the most diverse uses, such as causing rain, halting epidemics, etc. A t the beginning, end, and sometimes i n the middle o f a dharanï occurs a mantra,™ a sequence o f mystic syllables most often w i t h o u t literal meaning. T h e phenomenon o f the mantra and the extreme

importance

which i t assumed i n the Indian sphere, notably i n T i b e t , are characteristic of the evolution o f T a n t r i s m . By means of the vibrations which the resonance o f the man trie syllables creates i n the body, the mantra is capable o f 22

T H E CONTRIBUTION OF TANTRISM

producing certain states o f consciousness, which lead, on an e x t r a corporeal plane, to a religious experience. T h e mantras constitute objects ( " s u p p o r t s " ) o f meditation for the Conscience. Consciousness o f them comes d u r i n g meditation on them by the development o f the "seeds" {bïjà)

which they contain. I t is a question here o f the aspect o f U n i t y

which exists between w o r d and thought: the mudrä" becomes, therefore, a symbolic act identified w i t h and representing both. A T i b e t a n mantra w e l l k n o w n i n the West may serve as a model. I t is six syllables, "om mani padme hum" ( A h ! T h e j e w e l is i n the l o t u s ) . According to Getty, this formula can penetrate the Six Regions o f Beings and preside over the final liberation from the Wheel o f Life — that is, from the eternal cycle o f birth and rebirth. Sometimes syllables without meaning are used w i t h a w o r d of precise i m p o r t , such as "om Ak31

sobhya hum."

3 2

A vast religious system, related to the purest, not to say

most p r i m i t i v e magic, arose on these bases. Every syllable o f the mantra - " o m mani padme hum," for example —is identified w i t h a color: om white, ma blue, ni yellow, pad green, me red, hum black. T h e fingers, i n their t u r n , are identified w i t h colors and syllables and are closely allied w i t h symbolic s o u n d s :

33

they are endowed by this identification w i t h

magical forces and divine qualities. T h e mantra om contains i n itself all the others. I t is composed o f three phonemes, a, u, m, plus the dot (bindu) that marks the nasal resonance. I t is identified w i t h the brahman, the Veda, the yoga Is vara, and later w i t h the trimurti (a being Visnu, u Siva, and m B r a h m a ) .

34

T a n t r i s m developed among other usages that o f the shuji (Sk. bija) or germ syllable, which ends generally w i t h m ( o n the example o f 35

om). These syllables replace a mantra, a w o r d , a symbolic object, and "every d i v i n i t y , or better, each aspect o f a d i v i n i t y has its bija" ( R e n o u ) . T h e bija is imposed (nyäsa)

3 6

on the body o f the faithful " b y means o f the

ends o f the fingers, and w i t h the accompaniment o f the recitation o f the bija i n question" ( R e n o u ) . T h e body is thereby "impregnated w i t h the energies and essences contained i n the germ syllable." Thus i t is that the hands supervise the exact transmission o f the thought expressed by 23

l The Germ Syllable A

T H E CONTRIBUTION OF TANTRISM

the w o r d . T h e w o r d is the vehicle o f the ideas: the gestures are the vehicle o f the forms. T h e dharanï and the mantra belong to the domain o f the " w o r d " ; i n art ( p a i n t i n g and sculpture), the visual aspect o f this " w o r d " is set forth i n several ways. I n painting, one o f the characteristic forms is the mandara (Sk. mandala),

37

a geometric disposition o f symbolic attributes,

germ syllables, or images endowed w i t h magic power. I t is the point of departure for a system o f specific meditation, which aims at assuring

2 Mancala

the ultimate, mystic union w i t h the Supreme U n i t y ( i n Japan, Dainichi N y o r a i ; Sk. Vairocana).

38

T h e mandara corresponds, for the initiate, to

the complex symbols o f an integration for the mathematician ( M a r a i n i ) . I t can assume a number o f forms according to the use for which i t is intended: i n rites, i t may be traced on the ground, used at a specific moment, and then erased. T h e best-known form is the one which is permanently fixed on paper, silk, linen, etc. and is meant to be used as the object o f successive meditations. T h e use o f the mandala is to be particularly noted i n T i b e t and i n Japan. Japanese mandara are regarded highly from the r i t u a l point o f view and are often o f considerable artistic quality. T h e y exhibit most often Buddha or Bodhisattva images, Sanskrit signs, 24

39

or symbolic attributes. These last t w o are supposed to

T H E CONTRIBUTION OF TANTRISM

possess a magical power as effective, i n this instance, as that o f the Buddha image. T h i s power may be explained by the system o f equivalences i n the Esoteric dogma, where Buddha and symbolic sign are identical. But there are other kinds o f cosmic representation. Actually, i n Esoteric Buddhism the hands become a mandara. Thus, Auboyer writes, concerning the hastapüjävidhi,

the rite o f the offering on the hand:

" T h e devotee is able to reconstruct on his left hand a mandala o f three concentric zones. T h e outer circle is formed by the fingers, on which the devotee evokes successively the five elements w i t h their feminine manifestations: on the thumb, earth and P â t a n ï ; on the index, water and M â r a n ï ; on the middle finger, fire and A k a r s a n ï ; on the annulary, air and Narttesvari; on the auricular, ether and Padmajâlinî. T h e middle circle is formed by the nails, on which the devotee evokes the five jina or spiritual Buddhas, their colors, and their respective sacred syllables: on the thumb, Amoghasiddhi, white, om hah nämah; on the index finger, V a i r o cana, yellow, hi sväha; on the middle finger, A m i t â b h a , red, hum vausat; on the r i n g finger, Aksobhya, black, he hum hum hoh; on the l i t t l e finger, Ratnasambhava, green, phat ham. Last of a l l , the inside circle is drawn on the palm i n the form o f a red lotus w i t h five petals. T h e devotee begins his evocation by the eastern petal, and turns through those o f the n o r t h , the west, and the south, situating successively in them the five goddesses: Yarn i n i , black, ham yom; M ô h a n ï , white, hrim mom; Sancâlinï, yellow, hrem hrim; Santrâsinï, green, ngam ngam; and Chandikä, gray, phat phat. T h e end is at last realized i n the pericarp of the lotus, which contains the germ o f the mandara, vam)."

figured

by the goddess Vajravarâhï

( r e d , om

40

T h e object o f the Esoteric system is the psychic union o f the faithful w i t h the Universal S p i r i t .

41

But i n order to arrive at this final union, i t is

not sufficient to pronounce the magical formulas o f the dhärani

and the

mantra, to meditate on the mandara or the statues of the Buddha; i t is necessary also to make the explicitly correct m u d r â . T h i s p r i m i t i v e gesture o f the exorcist assumes a great importance i n assuring the exact transmission of the words. Words and thought are closely connected, and 25

T H E CONTRIBUTION OF TANTRISM

likewise sound and gesture; the gesture expresses visually "the

ac-

t i v i t y o f the b o d y " and the mystery o f the w o r d . I t is thus that the m u d r ä i n its ritual form takes on the value o f a seal: " i t is the sign o f a pact, of a most solemn contract, for i t is the one that binds the worshiper to the w o r l d o f the d i v i n i t y , and integrates h i m into that w o r l d . "

4 2

T h i s idea o f contract is reflected i n the Japanese w o r d kei-in: kei, "contract," in, "sealed" by the worshiper, who, by reciting the r i t u a l words and by executing the correct m u d r ä , strives to unite himself w i t h the divinity. Thus the expression kei-shin means " t o make a pact w i t h a s p i r i t . " Kei serves also to designate the l i t t l e carved notches which constituted a form of w r i t i n g i n ancient China. These notches were "signs," and the meaning o f the character kei i n this way may be seen to have a relationship to the meaning o f "in." I n like manner, the bond which exists between the symbolic attribute and the magical sound is brought out i n the expression immyo myo":

4 3

or ichi-in ni-myö,

"one in and t w o

here in stands for symbolic attribute, myo, mystic syllable or

dharanï. I n this expression the symbolic attribute is the pagoda the

("Convention F o r m " )

attribute o f both kongokai

and

(stüpa), taizdkai

Dainichi. Besides the pagoda, t w o different germ syllables (myö) respond to the t w o Dainichi; hence the expression " t w o myo" phrase "in wo musubu," one " b i n d s " (musubu) a m u d r ä (in),

cor-

I n the

which, i n

its t u r n , "forms a pact" (musubu) between the worshiper and the supreme d i v i n i t y . T h e term "inkan suru" expresses the act o f " m a k i n g a m u d r ä " and at the same time " r e a l i z i n g " through contemplation the (statue or image o f a) Buddha. In ( m u d r ä ) corresponds to the " b o d y " [ a c t ] o f the Three Mysteries and is a visible form, while kan (meditate on) symbolizes the " t h o u g h t " o f the threefold Esoteric concept. W h i l e contemplating (kan),

the Buddha ( o r any other d i v i n i t y ) is "realized" by

an abstract psychic identification, the whole process being symbolized concretely by the hand gesture, which assures the union of the believer and the d i v i n i t y . Because the m u d r ä establishes a bond between the adept and the d i v i n i t y , the gesture becomes the symbol i n Esoteric Buddhism o f the 26

T H E CONTRIBUTION OF TANTRISM

" W o r l d o f the Buddha": dharmadhätu)

4 4

that is, "the W o r l d o f Essence" (kokkat, Sk.

of which i t constitutes the visual representation.

This

w o r l d of the Buddha is attained as much by the gesture as by meditation on the symbolic attributes.

45

Inasmuch as i t symbolizes the hokkai, the

m u d r ä becomes the symbol o f the Buddha. T h e Shingon rite aims, by means o f dharanï and mantra, accompanied by m u d r ä , to unite the worshiper w i t h the Supreme Spirit. I t is complemented by a system o f meditation peculiar to T a n t r i s m , i n which powers are transmitted from the object o f meditation to the person meditating. Certain ways o f breathing produce a state o f consciousness which permit the worshiper to withdraw himself from the sensations o f this w o r l d and to unite himself thus w i t h the One. I t is a state where there is neither thought nor annihilation o f thought, a state consisting o f the Six H a p p i nesses o f the body and o f the mind, from which the adept (yogï) supernatural magical powers.

obtains

46

T h e complete series o f ritual m u d r ä should, by an action on the nervous system, produce certain effects o f both a psychological and a physiological k i n d .

47

T h e m u d r ä "composed of certain groupings o f move-

ments and o f gestures are traditionally based on the results o f physiological phenomena: fear, j o y , modesty. . . . Thus i t is that the gesture attains its most abstract subtlety. I t is the science of the hidden meaning of exterior appearances, the fluid formation —but exactly defined by concrete poses — o f a traditional, mental image, which one must project on the sensibility o f the spectator, who i n t u r n w i l l react according to a traditional pattern. I t is a series o f suggestions linked by the sequence o f the gesture, p r o v o k i n g i n the mind o f the spectator a subjective reaction."

4 8

T h o u g h Auboyer is speaking primarily of choreographic

gestures, these observations are generally valid for the iconographie m u d r ä as well.

27

£ Rites

R

I T E S

B E G A N

T O

A S S U M E

an important role i n Esoteric Buddhism

^ as the magic concepts developed. T h e ritual basis was furnished

by traditional Buddhism, for " a l l the formulas and all the ceremonies are reputed to be no more than the visible expression o f thoughts seized and held through the power o f concentration."

1

T h e tantra show excessive

preoccupation w i t h ritual detail — w i t h the acts and words, mystical and magic, which are believed to lead one toward the ultimate attainment o f occult powers. T h e material of this preoccupation was most particularly the use of the dhärani, the mantra, and the mandala as w e l l as the meaning of the m u d r â . Thus the r i t e strives to b r i n g all the senses into a partici2

pation i n the religious act and so to facilitate higher meditation; but i t is none the less true that ritual questions predominate at the expense of speculation and that Esotericism was imbued w i t h a veritable anxiety o f detail, which seems at times devoid o f a more profound metaphysical impulse. Certain o f these rites, clearly o f Indian o r i g i n , were celebrated i n Japan at a relatively early time. D e Visser describes the T a n t r i c ceremony o f the N i n n ö r i t e ,

3

which must have been performed i n Japan

as early as the V I I century. T h e priest seats himself i n padmäsana:

4

that

is, his legs crossed, the soles o f the feet upward. Before officiating he is supposed to bathe himself, or at least to anoint his hands, w i t h perfumed water and incense and to wipe them on his stole. T h e n , his heart full o f devotion, he makes the m u d r â o f p u r i t y . H o l d i n g his t w o hands i n front 5

o f his heart, empty o f passions, he joins his palms. H e scatters lotus 6

28

RITES

flowers and recites three times the tantra ( g i v e n i n the N i n n ö k y ö t e x t ) . Whereupon he makes these correct m u d r ä : 2

7

Convention (sammaya) m u d r ä o f the Buddha section. Here " C o n 8

v e n t i o n " is the original vow o f the Buddha and the Bodhisattva to save Sentient Beings from the errors o f the Six Senses. 2

Convention m u d r ä o f the Bodhisattva section. T h e priest who 9

uses this m u d r ä is pure i n the three actions (body [ a c t ] , w o r d , thought) and exempt from all calamities. 3

Convention m u d r ä o f the Vajra section. is endowed w i t h the strength o f the

10

By this m u d r ä the priest

Vajra.

4

M u d r ä for the protection o f the body.

Ó

M u d r ä for the suppressing and warding off ( o f evil influences).

12

6

M u d r ä which invites all the saints to descend upon the altar.

13

7

M u d r ä for offering perfumed water to the saints.

8

M u d r ä for offering precious seats to the saints.

9

M u d r ä o f universal offering ( t o the saints).

JO

Original m u d r ä o f the Prajftä-päramitä.

17

11

14

15

16

Placing his hands over

his heart, the priest reads seven times the dharanï mentioned i n the sütra. Whereupon he is transformed and perfected. I n the same manner, m u d r ä o f other rites, such as those o f the M y s t e rious Laws

1 8

and those celebrated before the taizôkai

are

mandara,

19

noted i n explicit fashion. T h i s exactness is not without importance, for all the magic and the efficacy o f the rite depend on i t . T h e results o f a correctly performed r i t e are varied: the power o f the symbolic gesture is such that the ordinary man may succeed i n "commanding demons,"

2 0

in

avoiding calamities, i n endowing himself w i t h a whole range o f powers, and finally i n identifying himself w i t h the universal U n i t y . M o r e and more concentrated on magico-religious means o f salvation, Esotericism took on a complexity which, compounded i n great part of a primitive magic, appears rather extravagant i n view o f the metaphysical flights o f so-called traditional Buddhism. T h e T a n t r i c impetus is expressed by sequences o f sometimes

incomprehensible syllables, a 29

RITES

complex ceremonial, and an art, although v i t a l , profoundly subjected to traditionalist controls. T i b e t , which is particularly faithful i n respect to Buddhist iconography as i t has been transmitted from India, presents one of the culminations o f the tendencies inherent i n Esotericism. I n this country T a n t r i s m keeps its sense o f the mysterious and o f the great propositions o f earlier Buddhism, but i t finds itself caught up i n a com­ plexity o f exorcistic rites o f rather p r i m i t i v e inspiration. I n all countries where T a n t r i s m became implanted, however, its iconography expressed the mystic aspect o f the rites — sometimes fantastic, as i n T i b e t , some­ times peaceful, as i n Japan. A n d i t may be said truthfully that Esotericism, despite its complexity and excessive hierarchization, has

manifested

always a highly organized artistic sense which has been able to complete very happily the profound feeling for mystery that is the essence o f its doctrine. I n Esotericism the earlier role o f the m u d r â as a device to indicate the episodes o f the Buddha legend passed onto a secondary plane. T o take its place, a new symbolism o f the hands arose, based on a combination of magico-religious ideas and complemented

by features

borrowed

from other philosophical systems. T h e hand became a sort o f universe i n miniature, representing own

a complete cosmogonie

particular vocabulary. T h e " w i n g s " (hands)

( r i g h t ) and the moon ( l e f t ) ,

21

system, w i t h its represent the sun

intelligence and meditation. T h e 22

fingers

are called the T e n Degrees, the T e n Wheels, the T e n Lotuses, the T e n W o r l d s o f the L a w , the T e n Shinnyo

(Tathatä),

the T e n Summits.

23

T h e y are arbitrarily associated not only w i t h the Five Elements and the Ten

Degrees, but also w i t h magic signs (Sanskrit and Chinese). T h e

combination o f ideas that the fingers represent is very complex. A passage from the Fudarakukaieki

24

w i l l serve to give some idea o f the Esoteric

meaning that T a n t r i c literature attributes to the hands. " T h e left hand is Appeasement

(jakujo,

'elimination o f obstacles')

and is called Principle ( n , ' i d e a l ' ) : this is the M a t r i x W o r l d . T h e r i g h t hand discerns diverse things and is called Knowledge (chi):

this is the

Diamond W o r l d . T h e five fingers o f the left hand represent the Five 30

RITES

Knowledges (go chi) o f the M a t r i x W o r l d : the five fingers o f the r i g h t hand represent the Five Knowledges o f the Diamond W o r l d . " T h e left hand is Concentration (jo): the r i g h t hand is W i s d o m (e). T h e ten fingers are the T e n Stages (judo).

T h e y are called the T e n

W o r l d s o f Essence (hokkai) or the T e n Thusnesses (shinnyo).

By reduc­

tion, ( a l l ) this comes to the One: by extension, there are many names. T h e left l i t t l e finger is Charity (dan)) the middle finger, Patience (nin)\ Contemplation (zen).

the r i n g finger, Discipline

the index, Energy (shin);

T h e r i g h t l i t t l e finger represents W i s d o m

the r i n g finger, Means (hd)\ the middle finger, V o w (gan); Power (riki)\

the thumb, Knowledge

(hai);

the thumb, (e);

the index,

(chi).

" T h e l i t t l e finger represents earth; the r i n g

finger,

water;

the

middle finger, fire; the index, air; and the thumb, v o i d . " According to this text, we can draw up a table o f the relationships o f the fingers and their symbolism.

25

Here may be seen i n a schematic way

the whole o f the meanings devolving on the hands as w e l l as details concerning the symbolism o f each m u d r â . T h e simple j o i n i n g o f the t w o hands into m u d r â , which w i l l be treated i n the remainder o f this study, should consequently be related to the symbolism o f the fingers as set forth i n our table. Each m u d r â is affected, then, by the details o f the symbolism pertaining to the fingers, and i t should be noted that i n the following study these details are not repeated w i t h the consideration o f each different gesture. T o summarize briefly: I t is certain that the ritual gesture we know as the m u d r â existed even before the organization o f Buddhism into a religious system. Its use i n the Veda is attested, while its presence i n the magical rites o f primitive Buddhism is undeniable. T h e appearance o f m u d r â i n T a n t r i s m constitutes, we may say, a sort o f renaissance o f the earlier gestures, probably blurred d u r i n g the first centuries A . D . Never­ theless, i t is probable that the m u d r ä was used i n uncodified rites as early as that period, though the question o f its exact ritual value is at present unsolved. I t is, consequently, impossible to evaluate the influence that the ritual gesture was able to exercise on early iconography. F o r India, 31

[Diag. I

D I A G R A M

THUMB

MIDDLE RING

INDEX

LITTLE RING

LITTLE

MIDDLE

INDEX

THUMB

Reception

Perception

Operation

Discernment

Shajo M

Kôju »

Byakusan

Memory

Visionary WisMedidom tation

Reception

Form

The Five Aggregates

Shajo

Sho

The Five Bodhisattvas

Visionary Memory Energy Wisdom Meditation

Faith

The Five Roots

Faith " Energy

Knowledge

Power

Wisdom

The Ten Virtues

Charity

Precepts

Void

Air

Perception

Discern- Operation ment

Konrin

2 6

Byakusan Kôju

24

Vow

2 3

Means

2 2

1 4

2 1

2 0

Form

2

8

Shô»

2 8

3

4

2 7

16

6

6

1 7

Patience

7

1 2

Konrin

1 3

1 9

1 8

2 8

Effort »

Contemplation

3 0

Fire

Water

Earth

The Five Elements

Earth

Water

Fire

Air

Void

Dainichi Ashuku

Höshö

Amida

Shaka

The Five Buddhas

Shaka

Amida

Hoshö

Ashuku

Dainichi

Human Beings

Animals Prêta»

Hells

The Ten Essence Worlds

Gods

§rävaka*

Pratyeka Buddhas

Bodhisattvas

Buddhas

Asura

3 3

2

3 1

3 4

3 8

RITES N O T E S

T O

D I A G R A M

I

1 The right hand represents the world of the Buddhas, the Diamond World (kongükai) ; the left hand, the world of Sentient Beings, the Matrix World (taizükai). According to Mochizuki, BD, p. 177, the hands symbolize the following:

esses regarding like and dislike, good and evil (Soothill); action (Eitel); opérant (Ho.). 7 Sk. vijnäna: Connaissances, pensées (Filliozat); mental faculty in regard to perception and cognition; Knowledge (Eitel); notation (Hü.). 8 The Five Bodhisattvas, placed sometimes Left Hand Right Hand to the left of §äkyamuni, indicate the five forms of Knowledge. Cf. Hö., pp. 148 ff. and Pis. X I Moon Sun, standing for the mirand X I I . ror, represents the Four 9 Sho (Victorious), or Shusho Buccho; Sk. Transcendental KnowlJay a, who holds the sword, symbol of Knowledge edges: 1) the Miror of Discretion; Germ-syllable = ia, "appeaseror Knowledge, 2) the ment." Knowledge of Equality, 10 Shajo (who wards off), or Joshö Buccho 3) the Knowledge of (warding off obstacles); Sk. VikTrna, who disProfound Insight, 4) perses and distroys all painful illusions; symbol The Knowledge of Per= hook (Soothill); germ-syllable = hrim, "freed fection. It also represents from the Aggregates." the pinacle of super11 Koju, Kaju (mass of flame) or Hökö natural faculties. Buccho; Sk. Tejoräsi, collected brilliance with Arresting the active insignia of authority (Soothill); germ-syllable mind Observation = trim, "immaculate Thusness." Intent Contemplation 12 Byakusangai Buccho Rin-5 (white para(samädhi) Wisdom sol) or Byakusan Bucchô, carries a white parasol, Blessedness Knowledge symbol of pure mercy. One of the names of Principle Reason Avalokitesvara. Sk. Sitâtapatra; cf. Hö., p. 221b, Temporal Reality Ultimate Reality s.v. Byakusangaibucchö; germ-syllable = lam Following Offering "compassion." Inner Outer 13 Also Saishô (supremely victorious). Sk. Samaya PrajñS Vijaya, who is figured with a golden wheel, Memory of Affection Memory of Compassion symbol of the unequaled power to preach the 2 Sk. pañcaskandha: Filliozat (personal comdoctrine; germ syllable = si "Lotus of the Law." munication) translates skandha as "grosses ramifi14 Sk. Pañcendriyüni: indriya = faculté, poucations d'un tronc, membres, ensembles," which he voir, activité des organes (Filliozat). They are the considers better than Aggregates. The aggregates Five Roots (go kon), i.e., the Five Organs of the are, in this instance, the constituents of an Senses: eyes, ears, nose, tongue, and body as intelligent Being. roots of Knowledge (Soothill). Cf. Chacay ataña (Eitel, p. 198); Die Fünf Wurzeln (Hackmann, 3 Sk. rSpa: the physical form as opposed to Erklärendes Wörterbuch, p. S I S b ) ; de Visser, the organs of the senses; the smallest particle of matter having resistance (Soothill). Forme; sen"The Arhats in China and Japan," p. 98. sible (Filliozat); form (Eitel); forme {Hö.). 15 Sk. Sraddhä. 4 Sk. vedanä: reception, sensation, sensi16 Sk. vJrya. Cf. shöjin haramitsu. This bility; the function of the mind or the senses in is progress toward enlightenment. Hü. (p. 90b affairs or in things (Soothill); sensations (Fillioand p. 77b) gives "Bonne Volonte"; Eitel (p. zat); impression (Hö.). 204a) gives "zealous advance"; Hackmann (p. 5 Sk. samjñü: connotation, conception (Hü. ) 313b) gives "Energie." function of the mind in distinguishing (Soothill); 17 Sk. smfti. perceptions (Filliozat); consciousness (Eitel). 18 Sk. samädhi: visionary meditation (Soot6 Sk. samskära: complexes du psychisme ( F i l - hill). liozat); the functioning of the mind in its proc19 Sk.prajnä: wisdom (Soothill). [continued on p. 342

33

RITES

i t is imperative to avoid the chronological error o f attributing to the m u d r ä used before the codification o f the Vajrayäna

the varied meanings

which they were to assume from the V I I century on. One is obliged to define the principal role o f these first gestures i n G a n d h â r a as that o f evoking the specific function o f Gautama Buddha. After the V I I century i n India, the V I I I i n T i b e t and i n China, and the beginning o f the I X i n Japan, the influence o f the Vajrayäna

was felt throughout the Far East,

and the various m u d r ä appertaining to this school were henceforth liable to Esoteric interpretations based on the highly organized notions presented i n our table o f relationships. 20 The Ten Degrees or Virtues, that is, the püramitñ (perfections). The Six Päramitä: the six things that ferry one beyond the sea of mortality to nirvana (Soothill). 21 Sk. prajña. Wisdom (Soothill), with reference to principles or morals; cf. n. 25, infra. 22 Hö (ben); Sk. upâya, method (Soothill); moyen (Hö.). 23 (Se) gan; Sk. pranidhïïna. 24 Sk. bala. Cf. Eitel, p. 28/a. 25 Sk. ßäna, "defined as decision or judgment as to phenomena or affairs and their principles, of things and their fundamental laws" (Soothill, p. S74b). 26 Sk. dïïna: charité (Hö.). 27 Sk. Sila: discipline, défense (Hö.). 28 Sk. kfinti. "The power of patient endurance in the desire realm and the two realms above it, necessary to acquire the full realization of the truth of the Four Axioms" (Soothill). Cf. Soothill, p. 36a (the Eight Patiences). 29 (Shö)jin: effort, industry (Soothill). 30 Sk. dhyñna: meditative concentration; meditation (Soothill); extase (Hö.). 31 The Five Buddhas of the kongökai and the taizökai are: Shaka (Sk. Säkyamuni), incarnation and nirniänakaya; Amida (Sk. Amitäbha), wisdom in action; Hôshô (Sk. Ratnasambhava), bliss and glory; Ashuku (Sk. Aksobhya), immutable and sovereign; Dainichi (Sk. Vairocana), eternal and pure dharmakäya. Concerning the mudrä of these Buddhas, Soothill (p. 113a) notes: "The manual signs by which the characteristic of each of the Five Dhyäni-Buddhas is shown in the Diamond-

Sé

realm group, i.e. Vairocana, the closed hand of wisdom; Aksobhya, right fingers touching the ground, firm wisdom; Ratnasambhava, right hand open uplifted, vow-making sign; Amitäbha, samädhi sign, right fingers in left palm, preaching and ending doubts; and Amoghasiddhi, i.e. aäkyamuni, the karma sign, i.e. final nirvana." 32 Prêta: hungry spirits of which there are various classes. Soothill (p. 454a) notes: "They are of varied classes, numbering nine or thirty-six, and are in differing degrees and kinds of suffering, some wealthy and of light torment, others possessing nothing and in perpetual torment; some are jailers and executioners of Yama in the hells, others wander to and fro amongst men, especially at night." 33 Asura is an ambivalent term originally meaning spirit(s), sometimes good, sometimes bad. Here they may be thought of as enemies of the gods, especially Indra, with whom they wage constant war (Soothill, p. 285a). 54 Cf. Soothill, p. 51a. 35 ardvaka, "hearer," meaning those who listened to the Buddha, i.e., his personal disciples and hence disciples in general. Soothill (p. 462a) says: "but its general connotation relates it to Hlnayäna disciples who understand the four dogmas, rid themselves of the unreality of the phenomenal, and enter nirvana; it is the initial stage." 36 Pratyeka-buddha: a Buddha who lives alone and gains enlightenment for himself in contrast with the altruistic Bodhisattva principle. See Soothill, p. 441a.

6 Classification

T

R A D I T I O N A L

C L A S S I F I C A T I O N

assigns the mudrâ to two general

categories: the so-called "with form" (ugyö)

form" mudrâ (mugyô).

1

"mudrâ-form" (in-gyô),

T h e Dainichikyô

and the "without

explains that in the term

2

in signifies that which is held in the hand (the

wheel, the sword, the vajra, etc.), while gyd refers to the color (blue, yellow, red, etc.), or to the shape (oval, triangular, etc.) of the objects in question. Consequently, attributes fall under the heading of "with form," for they constitute a concrete object of meditation. Such seems to be the idea of Buddhaguhya. On the other hand, anything of an imma­ 3

terial nature —thoughts, consecrations {kaji),

mystic formulas

(dhärani)

— is in a sense formless, and therefore it falls under the heading of "with­ out form" (mugyô).

T h e hand gesture endows these "without form"

elements with a visible shape, thereby crystallizing an immaterial state. And so it may be said that the "with form" category (ugyd),

4

as

related to hand gestures, refer to those mudrâ occurring in Buddhist statues as well as to the gestures of priests performing the Esoteric ritual. Since they are visible, they have form (ugyd).

In statues, these "with

form" gestures stand for the original vow of the personages represented, while in living persons they are thought to stand for meditation on the Buddha in one's heart, such being the goal of the Esoteric concentration. A celebrant of the rites, by making mudrâ, arrives at the state of concen­ tration known as butsunyüga,

ganyübutsu,

the fusion of Buddha and self,

self and Buddha. It may be noted here that consecration mudrâ

(kaji-in) 36

CLASSIFICATION

are used in accompaniment to a kaji and are classified as form mudrä; their object is either to purify or to exorcise evil spirits. Owing to the confusing abundance of literature surrounding the mudrä, it is almost impossible to subject them to a rigid classification. Buddhist authors explain them sometimes one way, sometimes another. Zemmui Sanzö (kei-in).

5

divides mudrä into hand signs (shu-in)

and pact signs

T h e hand signs are essentially those mudrä formed by the

contortion of the fingers, while the pact signs would seem to be dis­ tinguishing symbols such as the lotus, sword, or the like. Pact signs are objects of meditation. However, hand sign (shu-in)

may be thought of as

being a generic term for all mudrä, and as such it is often used. In practice, it stands quite well for the mudrä of the ritual as well as for those used in iconographie representations; it is not, however, an entirely Diag. I I ]

correct name for all mudrä. In the KongdcKokyd* for example, four main types of mudrä are mentioned. T h e first is called the Great sign

(dai-in)

or great mudrä. In this type, the celebrant, by means of seed syllables attributes, and statues, concentrates on achieving a unification

(bija),

with the divinity of his meditation— the so-called "concentration on the five stages of Vairocana Buddhahood," that is, concentration on entry into the bodhi-mind

and maintenance of this state once it has been

achieved, concentration on the attainment of the diamond mind and the realization of the diamond embodiment, and finally the perfect attainment of the Buddha state. T h e second type is called the mudrä of distinguishing 7

symbols (sammayagyd-in),

sometimes known as the mudrä of convention

form. Such mudrä are hand gestures which represent conventional sym­ bols (e.g., lotus, sword). T h e third type is styled karma sign 8

(komma-in).

These are gestures which stand for respect-inspiring deportment and for the acts of the Buddha. T h e fourth type is called Essence sign

(hö-in),

being nothing more than the recitation of Esoteric mystic formulas. A diagram of these gestures may be helpful. The relation of these four mudrä types is not absolutely clear, and here again Buddhist authorities seem to differ in their interpretation. Vajra, who commented on Buddhaguhya's Tanträrthävatära, 9

36

mentions

CLASSIFICATION D I A G R A M

NOTES

TO

I I

D I A G R A M

II

1 Dai-(cht-)in (Sk. mahñjñünamudra) are to the TantrSrthävatära by Buddhaguhya (tr. by image forms (Soothill, p. 176.2). Cf. BD 727b, Vajra, under the title of Tantrürthävatüras.v. shichi-in: the Four Sorts of Mandara (Glase- vyäkhyäna), all the in derive from the hö-in or napp, MB, p. 109). (The diagram is based on from the dai-in. In are rather "effects" than Toganoo, MK, p. 486. ) Toganoo, Mikkyö shisü to "causes." The Cause is the bodaishin, the enseikatsu, p. 96, says that the dai-in are the postureslightened heart (cf. Soothill, p. 388b). The dai-in of the Buddha's body. Dai may also stand for the come from the bodaishin, and the Virtue (kudoku) Five Elements. of knowledge produces the others. This is at2 Sammayagyö-in (Sk. samayajnànamudra) tested in the Dainichikyö and the Kongöchökyö. Zemmui Sanzo, in the Dainichikyösho (15: 8, 40), are the symbols and the manual signs (Soothill, states: ". . . the germ syllables of the Buddhas p. 176.2); Smidt, I I I , p. 191, says that the derive from the bodaishin . . . A l l the in also attributes symbolize the sounds: cf. BD 727b, s.v. derive from the bodaishin." shichi-in. 3 Komma-in (karmajnänamudrä) are the emblems of specific functions (Soothill, p. 176/b). According to the BD (727b), the komma-in represent the revered works of the Buddha. 4 Hö-(chi-)in (Sk. dharmajnänamudrä) are the magical formulas (Soothill, p. 176/b) and, according to the BD (727b), the germ syllables, the sammaji of the Essence Body, and the exoteric dhàranl. Toganoo, MK, p. 486, notes that, according

Toganoo, Mikkyö shisü to seikatsu, p. 96, notes that the hö-in are those mudra used in the predication of the Law to avoid error. 5 According to Mochizuki, BD, 177a, li. 17 flf., kei-in signifies the symbolic objects that the divinities hold in their hands — the lotus (Kannon), the sword (Monju), etc. 6 Ibid.: shu-in signifies the symbolic gestures — chi ken-in (kongökai Dainichi), hokkaijö-in (taizökai Dainichi).

37

CLASSIFICATION

that some maintain that mudrâ stem from the L a w signs while others claim they come from the Great signs. In this they are wrong, he says, for mudrâ are effects, not causes. "Their cause is in the bodhi-heart. From the bodhi-heart came the Great signs, and the other mudrâ came from the virtue of Knowledge."

1 0

Zemmui Sanzö comments that "all the T a t h â -

gata are born of the bodhi-he&rt, and the seed syllables (bija)

of the

Buddha nature. W e must realize this. Also, all mudrâ stem from this 6o¿A/-heart."

1 1

In contrast to the four types of mudrâ set forth in the the commentary to the Dainichikyô

13

and hand signs (shu-in).

(kei-in)

Kongôchôkyô,

12

mentions two types: pact signs

Here, "pact signs" regularly designate

visible distinguishing symbols —that is, syllables, attributes, and images — while "hand sign" designates more precisely actual hand gestures formed by worshipers. Thus, in diagram I I , it may be seen how the four categories of "signs" set forth in the Kongôchôkyô compare with the twofold category of the Dainichikyô.

It may be observed that the

Essence Signs do not fit into either of the Dainichikyô's point of fact, the designation "hand sign" (shu-in)

Kongôchôkyô

two headings. In often refers to that

type of gesture which imitates forms —i.e., the lotus, the vajra;

they

were later complicated by a technical symbolism. This technical type of shu-in first appears in the Murimandarajukyô

which lists sixteen.

14,

15

T h e above mudrâ are all based on two groups of fundamental hand signs which are known as mother signs (in-mo). systematically treated in Zemmui Sanzö's

1 6

They are perhaps most

commentary on the

Daini-

chikyô.

17

si s-i]

T h e Four Types of Fist (shishu-ken) are the Lotus Fist, the Diamond Fist, the Outer Bonds Fist, and the Inner Bonds F i s t . (renge ken-in),

also called the Womb Fist (tai-ken),

the mother sign of the taizôkai

T h e Lotus F i s t

18

1 9

is thought of as being

mandala. This mudrâ is made by folding

the fingers into a fist with the thumb pressed against the side of the s-2]

index.

20

It is thought to represent an unopened lotus.

Diamond F i s t

2 2

(kongô ken-in),

21

T h e second, the

is the most important; it is considered

to be the mother sign of the Kongöchö section in the mandala. T h e karma 38

CLASSIFICATION

m u d r ä set forth in the Kongôchôkyô are all based on this Diamond F i s t .

23

T h i s gesture is formed by the middle, r i n g , and l i t t l e fingers grasping the thumb while the tip o f the index touches the thumb knuckle.

24

Methods

for making this Diamond Fist vary. I n the Kongôchôkyô™ i t is called the

" m u d r ä o f diamond bond Knowledge, the body speech and heart o f all the Tathägata"

a title which

(issainyoraishingonshinkongôbakiichi-in),

ex-

presses the unity o f the Three Mysteries (body, speech, and thought) o f all the T a t h ä g a t a . T h e t h i r d , styled the Outer Bonds Fist (gebaku ken-in)™

is formed

by clasping the hands, palm to palm, w i t h the fingers on the outside. I n the Kongôchôkyô,

27

i t is called Diamond Bonds (kongôbaku),

between the t w o hands is likened to the m o o n .

28

and the space

T h e convention-form

m u d r ä (sammaya-in) o f the Kongôchôkyô all have this Outer Bonds m u d r ä 39

£s-8

CLASSIFICATION

as their mother sign. Some see in this gesture a relation to the lotus: that is, the gesture seems to represent the moon resting on a lotus, the eight fingers representing so many lotus leaves.

29

But this would seem a rather

arbitrary interpretation, and it is not, as far as I know, based on any textual prescription. Some would see in the ten fingers a representation of moonbeams,

30

and it is true that for certain meditations on the moon

disk this Outer Bonds gesture is made. s-4]

31

Number four, the Inner Bonds Fist ( naibaku ken-in ) , is explained in the Dainichikyd-sho as a two-handed fist.

32

In this gesture the ten fingers

are joined with the tips on the inside. T h e Inner Bonds Fist is the mother sign of the taizô section and is not much used in the kongd section of the mandala. T h e space between the two hands again represents the moon, on the analogy with the Outer Bonds Fist. T h i s gesture of the Inner Bonds may be thought to represent the bodhi-heart, symbolized by the moon, i.e., the space between the hands, the fingers being a kind of aureole. T o these four basic fists are sometimes added the Anger Fist ken-in) s-5]

3 4

and the Tathâgata Fist (nyorai ken-in)?

h

33

(funnu

making in all the not

uncommon group of the Six Types of Fist. T h e Anger Fist is formed by closing the middle and ring fingers over the thumb while the index and little finger are held erect, slightly curved. T h e Tathâgata Fist is made by forming a Lotus Fist with the left hand and a Diamond Fist with the right, the left thumb being inserted into the right fist by the little finger.

4] 4-0

T h e second group of fundamental hand gestures is called the Twelve Handclasps (jünigöshö or jünigasshö).

T h e first is the nebina gasshd or the

clasp of the firm and sincere heart (kenjisshin) , T h e two hands are placed 36

together, palm against palm. No space is left between them. T h e second, 4-2]

the sanfuta (Sk. samputa) clasp is that of the empty heart (koshin).

4-s]

left. Number three is the kumma(n)ra

37

The

ten fingers are brought together, but between the hands a slight space is (Sk. kamalaf)

clasp, representing

the unopened lotus. T h e space between the hands is slightly more than in 38

4-4]

the preceding. Number four, the boda (Sk. *püna) newly opening lotus.

4-5]

39

clasp, is called the

Here the ten fingers join, and the index, middle,

and ring fingers are slightly separated to leave an opening. Number five, 40

CLASSIFICATION 4 T H E T W E L V E HANDCLASPS

io

u

the ottanasha (Sk. uttänaja) (kenrö).

40

12

clasp means the clasp of clear exposition

T h e two palms are presented open side by side, fingers up. In

number six, the adora (Sk. ädhära)

holding water, the hands are cupped. (Sk. pranäma)

|>-e

clasp, which stands for the gesture of 41

In number seven, the haranama

gasshö, the clasp of refuge (kimyö)*

2

the fingers of the

right hand are interlocked at the tips with those of the left, the right hand 41

D*-7

CLASSIFICATION

on top. This is in fact the Diamond Fist as it is set forth in the Kongo4-8]

chôkyô. Number eight, the miharita (Sk. viparita) gasshô, is known as the backhand clasp. In it the right and left hands are joined back to back, the 43

4-9]

ten fingers being interlocked with each other. Number nine, the bihararieisata (Sk.* viparyasta) gasshô,

means that the hands are placed back to

back one on top of the other. T h e gesture is made by holding the left hand 4-10]

palm down while the back of the right hand is placed upon it. ten is the teiriei gasshô, fingers.

45

4-ii]

44

Number

which means the clasp of construction-support-

The palms face each other but only the middle fingers touch, the

rest being held apart and erect. Number eleven, the adara (Sk. ädhära) clasp is called the "covering hands facing downward."

4 6

T h e two hands

are held side by side, palm downward, thumbs touching, while the two 4 - 1 2

3

middle fingers are brought together at their tips. In number twelve, the fukushu clasp, or the clasp of the covering hands, the two hands are held 47

palms down touching at the thumbs and spread wide.

42

48

7 Generalities

s Jl\.

H A S A L R E A D Y

B E E N

N O T E D ,

the mudrä of the first Buddhist

statues in India had no precise iconographie meaning. Moreover, 1

the number of symbolic gestures used during the early times of Gandhâra, at Amaravatî, and at Mathurä appears to have been very small. But 2

little by little the mudrä multiplied, and a specific nomenclature as well as a more exact iconographie signification was attributed to them. This organization had taken place in large part by the V I I century A . D . Before Esotericism, around the beginning of the Christian era, the symbols used in the aniconic representations of the Buddha, such as the wheel, the lotus, etc., were replaced by the figuration of the historical Buddha in human form. Mudrä were used especially to clarify the symbolic sense of the statue. On the gestures then devolved, to a certain extent, the former identifying role of the symbols employed in aniconic representations. Despite their small number, these first mudrä were to furnish the principal symbolic gestures that spread beyond the Indian frontiers. T h e most common mudrä in Gandhäran art is found on statues of the Buddha: he holds with his left hand a corner of his stole, while the right hand is raised, the palm outward. According to the texts, this raised hand should be the gesture which stands for the Predication of the L a w . It later sym­ bolizes the moment in which the Buddha subdues the drunken elephant who was on the point of crushing him. Thus it is the gesture which is to symbolize the Buddhist quality of fearlessness. But in Gandhâra, this same mudrä signifies indiscriminately the Predication, the Enlighten­ 3

ment, or the Temptation by the demons. A later gesture (called in Japa43

GENERALITIES

XI, XII]

nese the tembôrin-in — mudrâ of the Turning of the wheel of the L a w ) , which is fully developed at Ajantâ and at Sârnâth, will express quite specifically the Predication of the L a w . Subsequently, by undergoing modifications of form and of meaning, this same gesture may possibly

XIV]

have evolved, under the influence of Esoteric Buddhism, into the chi ken-in. As for the Enlightenment and the Temptation, these two episodes

X, XVI] VIII]

are respectively represented in Esoteric art by specific mudrâ, the jo"-in and the sokuchi-in. It is manifest, however, that from the beginning of iconic Buddhist art until the I V and V centuries, the raised hand (of the Predication of the Law)

4

was the mudrâ the most frequently represented in India. This

predominance is manifest in other countries as well: in China with NorthXX]

ern W e i statues, and in Japan with Suiko statues, which prove the con-

Ill, X X V I ]

tinuity of this gesture across Asia. In China this gesture was to keep its predominance during the T'ang, and ceded its place only under the Five Dynasties and the Sung, that is, toward the X I - X I I centuries.

XI, XII]

6

In India, the tembdrin-in begins to prevail over the semui-in around the V and V I I centuries and becomes characteristic of Gupta and postGupta statues. According to Hsüan-tsang and Wang Hsiian-ts'e, the tembdrin-in begins to predominate in China at the beginning of the T'ang. T h i s ascendancy was reflected in Japan toward the I X - X centuries.

6

Besides their role as metaphysical symbols, the mudrâ may, in cer­ tain cases, permit the identification of specific Buddhas. It has been noted that few formal rules governed the symbolic gestures in early Gandhâran sculpture. Y e t it appears that already in Gandhâra gestures had begun to designate specifically certain Buddhas, and in time this tendency was to 7

become generalized. However, the mudrâ (and the attributes) which will be treated in this study do not by any means constitute a proof of identity by themselves. While frequently appearing on the statues of the historical Buddha, they may not be taken as exclusively characteristic of the Buddha

Sâkyamuni.

" I t is difficult on this basis alone (and this is true

know whether a Buddha or Vairocana." Nevertheless, mudrâ

of Buddhist sculpture in general) to

Sâkyamuni, 44

Amitäbha,

8

represents and attri-

GENERALITIES

butes, although not absolute evidence of identity, help to individualize the various Buddhas by completing with other iconographie details the symbolic framework of statues. T h e possibility of identifying by means of gestures and attributes is more and more manifest as Buddhist iconography evolves: certain attitudes and certain mudrä are associated, if not infalli­ bly, at least frequently enough to draw certain generalities of identifica­ tion. Thus the universal occurrence of such associations as Dainichi and the chi ken-in (kongdkai) or the hokkai jd-in semui-in or the mida jô-in;

(taizdkai);

Amida and the

Shakamuni and the sokuchi-in; and Yakushi and

the an-i-in or the semui-in.

9

The spread of Buddhism throughout Asia imposed on the mudrä considerable modifications of form and of meaning. These became more and more apparent as the mudrä moved further from the country of their origin. In India, differences are less marked. "The mudräs," writes Siren, "have a precise meaning; they must be represented in conformity with recognized rules. T h e artist may reproduce them either as completely conventional clichés or he may lend to them more or less freedom and grace: in no case may he modify their essential traits. T h e gamut of per­ sonal variations is very limited: it is a question of nuances and of sugges­ tions rather than of differences in form."

1 0

The modifications brought about beyond the frontiers of India may be explained in several ways. It is possible that in China the artists who continued the Indian tradition had only superficial notions of Indian iconography; they were doubtless even less aware of the texts which underlay the elaboration of these statues.

11

Working from simple in­

structions, they were probably but little preoccupied with precision in things artistic. F o r instance, Davidson notes that in China when a par­ ticular Buddha was commissioned to be represented, a stock figure may have been produced and then identified by inscription rather than by position and attributes.

12

In India,

13

on the other hand, the sculptor in

creating the statue accomplished a pious work, of religious significance. The observance of iconographie details set forth by religious writ was of fundamental importance. By the V I I century, accurate drawings of Indian 45

[ X I V , XVI [ I X , VIII

GENERALITIES

Buddhist statues were brought back to China by returning pilgrims.

14

Despite this fact, in non-Indian Asia "the iconographie tradition became obliterated . . . little by little and there were created works so far from the traditional pose and so devoid of significant attributes that they es­ caped any attempt at a very precise definition."

1 5

Thus, in India, certain

statues originally bore in hand one or several specific attributes. At the time of the passage of these statues beyond Indian frontiers, the attri­ butes—the sculptured objects themselves — very likely came to be lost, and there remained in the hand that had held them only a gesture devoid of meaning. Nevertheless, this gesture was sometimes reproduced and given the value of a mudrâ whose prototype may be found no place in India. Such may well be the case of the The

an-i-shöshu-in.

16

freedom of interpretation which characterizes Chinese and

Japanese works as contrasted with Indian works sometimes resulted in considerable iconographie modifications. On the one hand, this would arise from the obsolescence of the "iconographie traditions" of which Siren speaks, or, in Japan, from a simple lack of models as well as of care­ ful observation on the part of the Japanese artisan. Moreover, the Jap­ anese did not have a fundamentally philosophic or metaphysical turn of mind. Unlike the Indian with his exactness, the strictly precise meaning of details, as in the instance of symbolic gestures, probably meant little to the Japanese, less, probably, than the general aspect of the statue. The explanation may be found in the fact that Japan, being the end point in the Buddhist tradition, inherited a Buddhism already imprinted with the influences of non-Indian personalities and countries. T h e Japanese tra­ dition was composite. Buddhism was a religion which the Japanese had adopted and not conceived. They were busier assimilating than develop­ ing it during the V I I - X centuries. It is natural then that the icono­ graphie variants deriving from the different national characters en­ countered en route should be reflected in the art of this country, and that the details of the iconographie tradition of India should become blurred. The meaning of a specific mudrâ during a geographical evolution may be clarified, to a certain point, by examining statues and images. But 46

GENERALITIES

the meaning of the mudrä during its evolution in time —a problem of no less importance —is more difficult to fathom, for the sacred texts and the ritual commentaries do not permit the student to follow the development of the mudrä in an uninterrupted line. F o r example, is the symbolism of the tembôrin-in

in Gandhäran India in the I I century the same as in China

under the W e i in the I V century, or in Japan under the Fujiwaras in the X I century? T h e answer to such a question is obviously no, for the mudrä, as it has been seen, were subjected to numerous modifications in the course of their passage across Asia. It is evident that each of the various national characters brought to them its own genius. (Hence it is to be hoped that some future study may arrive at a more exact evaluation of the mudrä in time as well as in space. This question is brought to the reader's attention with respect to the present work and should serve to caution him of the general nature of the present treatment of mudrä symbolism. The author is aware of what may be construed as slight attention to the particularities due to different sects and different periods; yet it is to be hoped that such a shortcoming will not outweigh the value of the infor­ mation assembled in the following pages. ) The meaning, especially ritual, of the mudrä differs according to the sect which employs it. T h e same is true for the meaning of the icono­ graphie gesture. It will be necessary, then, in attributing any symbolism to a mudrä, to take into consideration the close relationship between the rites and iconography, the latter being largely the representation in art of the former. Given a variety of meanings of the same ritual gesture, care must be taken not to attach, a priori, a definitive meaning to the icono­ graphie mudrä, but maximum attention must be given to the sect of which the statue is an icon and the period in which the statue was created. These two considerations may be found to modify considerably the interpre­ tations of the symbolic gesture. In the face of an immense body of confused and contradictory docu­ mentation, it would appear useful to make an attempt at clarifying all this information; this is an aim of the present study. In every statue, "the gestures and the attitudes are precisely the essential symbolic element: 47

GENERALITIES

thus, on the whole, it comes down to formulas more definite than types or than attributes. In fact, these latter are in many cases too inexact or undifferentiated to give us information on the name and the role of a Bud­ dha or of a Bodhisattva. Only the gesture and the attitude make the personage intelligible to us as a symbol of a religious or metaphysical idea. This is why it is indispensable to know the attitudes and the gestures that are most often met with in Buddhist imagery in order to understand the meaning of the statues."

48

1 7

II The Principal Symbolic Gestures

i Mudrä of the fulfilling of the v o w

Segan-in CH.

Shih-yüan-yin

S K . Varamudrä,

I

ifejffijy

varadamudrä

N T H E S E G A N - I N ,

2

1

the hand is lowered, the palm turned outward

in a gesture of offering. According to the Dainichikyd ( 4 ) :

3

[XXIII

"Then

the right hand (called Wisdom hand) is directed downward and forms the segan-in.

Gäthä: the yogan[-in] is like [this gesture]. And the Buddha

explains: 'if one makes this mudrä then the Buddha(s) will fulfill all vows.' " The palm should be completely exposed to the spectator, open and empty; the fingers may be slightly bent as if to support a round object.

4

When the personage who makes this gesture is standing, he holds his arm slightly extended to the front. In seated statues, the hand remains at [ I I I about breast level, a little to the side, the palm up; very often the other hand holds a corner of the kesa (monk's stole).

5

In older statues, notably in those of the Suiko period, it may be observed that the fingers are most often rigid and unbent. This is also apparent in Chinese Wei figures, in which the mudrä is integrated into the characteristically set arrangement of the very linear works of that period. In Japan, the Wei-Sui form tends, as early as the Suiko period, toward a more subtle rhythm. In the Yakushi of the Kondö (Horyuji) as well as in the Shaka Trinity, the little finger and the ring finger of the left hand [ I I I 6

are slightly inflected. T h e rigidity of the older statues gives way to a softening in the later periods, in which the fingers of the hand that makes the mudrä present a very supple and natural aspect. T h e arm, formerly extended in India, may as early as the W e i in China be bent at a rather 51

SEGAN-IN

abrupt angle in order to adapt to statues in a seated position. T h e relative flexion of the fingers seems to be a modification effected by the artisan himself, for texts limit themselves rather to indicating the general po­ sition

7

of this mudrâ. It is equally probable that the artisan was not well

informed concerning the elaborative details of these texts. Passages in the canon pertinent to the mudrâ note generally that the segan-in should be 8

made by the right hand, but already in India examples

9

are to be seen,

though rare, in which the gesture is made with the left hand, a tendency which was to be accentuated in China. In fact, one has but to refer to Wei sculpture to realize that with few exceptions the statues make the gesture I]

of the segan-in with the left hand. Japan carries on the Wei-Sui themes. Nevertheless, the opinions of iconographers differ on the subject of the hand which is to make the gesture.

10

In Japan, the segan-in is habitually

proper to the left hand, and the designation of the gesture of the down­ ward pendent hand, as it is noted under the heading of semui-in (cf.

infra),

may be rather ambivalent. In India, however, one may make a very clear distinction between the downward hanging hand of the segan-in mudra), and the raised hand of the semui-in (abhayamudrä)

.

n

(vara-

As a general

rule, this study will treat the traditional form. I, III]

T h e segan-in is very often displayed in association with the semui-in. T h e first gesture is formed by the left hand, especially in early statues (Suiko), and the second by the right hand. This association is also appar­ ent in W e i and Sui statues, where the simultaneous use of these two mudrâ may be noted. In China also, the segan-in is almost always formed by the left hand, the semui-in by the right. Sometimes in Japan the left 12

hand makes the segan-in while the right hand holds an attribute. On multiple-armed statues, the segan-in accompanies the an-i-in, the seppô-in (vitarkamudrä

in India), the attitude (äsana)

gasshö (anjalikarmamudrä).

of meditation, or the kongd

Even in multiple-armed statues, the segan-in

is almost always formed by a left hand; however, in these, it may some­ 13

times be formed by a right hand in order to maintain esthetic balance.

14

Sometimes the gesture is displaced from the left to the right hand, es­ pecially if the left hand holds a symbolic attribute: mention may be made 62

SEGAN-IN

of the Kichijö-ten of the Jöruriji (Kyoto), who carries in the left hand her particular attribute,

15

the wishing jewel.

[ X X I V , 75

There is a variant of the segan-in: the palm is open, the thumb, the ring finger, and the little finger are bent, but the index and the middle finger remain stretched downward, and seem to indicate some lower point. In India there appears to be no example of this variant, but in China,

16

as early as the Sui, it is frequently reproduced, and in Japan it is

present on the statues of Kannon of the Suiko and Heian periods.

17

In

Japan, the rigidly bent fingers seen in Sui statues are considerably relaxed to make the characteristic gesture of Amida.

18

SYMBOLISM

The segan-in indicates the charity of the Buddha, for it is the gesture of dispensing favors. Moreover, the Sino-Japanese transcription empha­ 19

sizes the idea of charity, of alms which the Buddha gives for the wellbeing of the world: se, "to give alms" (Sk. däna).

This transcription also

underlines the notion of the materialization of the Vow: gan, (Sk. pranidhäna).

"vows"

It follows that the variants of this designation all ex­

press the realization of the vows offered by the Buddha as assistance, or alms, to Sentient Beings; yogan-in, mudrä of giving, of granting desires through the charity of the Buddha; mangan-in, mudrä of fulfilling

(man)

the Vow. This notion of charity, of granting the Vow, represented in the Sino-Japanese transcription, reflects the meaning of the Sanskrit term vara or varada.™ Beginning with the idea of the charity accorded by the Buddha, this mudrä grants all desires and becomes, by extension, the symbol of the "Gift of T r u t h " made by the Buddha, Truth of the Doc­ trine, Truth of the means to salvation.

21

T h e open hand, the extended

fingers, symbolize the flowering of this Perfect Truth. T h e double aspect of the gesture, consequently, is apparent in these titles. There is, of course, the connecting thread of "charity," but in segan the emphasis is put on the fulfillment of the Vow, i.e., the original Vow of the historical Buddha to strive for the salvation of all Sentient Beings. In such desig­

ns

SEGAN-IN

nations as yogan and mangan appears the somewhat profane idea of fulfillment of wishes, not on the part of the Buddha as he acquits himself of his responsibility toward Sentient Beings, but on a much lower plane, that of satisfying the worldly desires of Sentient Beings even though these be chiefly to acquire salvation. T h e direction of these two aspects of charity is quite different; the second may be considered of a more profane nature, though it stems, of course, from a quite natural popular extension of the religion. This gesture

2 2

is characteristic of several divinities, the most im-

portant being Kannon. In India, this mudrâ was the most frequent symbolic gesture of Avalokitesvara (Kannon). Present as early as the beginning of the Gupta

2 3

period ( I V century), it prevailed from the V I I I

century until the decadence of Bengalese Pâla-Sena art. It becomes an habitual gesture Kannon,

25

Nyo-i-rin Kannon,

headed) Kannon XXIII]

of the multiple-armed Avalokitesvara. 2 7

26

24

In Japan,

Shökannon, and Jüichimen

(Twelve-

make this mudrâ, most often with the left hand, more

rarely with the right. In paintings, Kannon is sometimes depicted letting drop from the ends of the fingers of her right hand the nectar of life which the divinity diffuses around her for the Beings who worship her: this is the expression of the Compassion of Kannon. Early, in India, this miracle was cited "for the great relief of the hosts in the world of the dead." According to the Käranda-vyüha:

"Then Avalokitesvara approaches the

City (of the Dead), it freezes up; the guardian is kind; Avalokitesvara the Compassionate causes to flow from her fingers ten vaitaranï,

the water of

the eight elements, a true water of life, which will permit the dead to reconstitute themselves. When they partake of this water, they are reembodied. When Avalokitesvara has saved them, they are transported into the Sukhâvatï heaven, where the Bodhisattva finds them."

2 8

T h e segan-in figures on the statues of the Five dhyäni Buddhas, and constitutes a particular symbol of Höshö also seen on statues of Roshana Amida,

33

3 1

(Ratnasambhava). It is

(Vairocana), of Shakamuni, and of 32

as well as on those of the Bodhisattvas Miroku, Yakushi,

Monju, and the popular deity Kichijö-ten. 54

3 0

29

36

34

and

2 M u d r ä w h i c h grants t h e absence o f fear

Semui-in CH.

Shih-wu-wei-yin

S K . Abhayamudräy

T

H

^^ll^p

E

S E M U I - I N ,

abhayarridadamudrä

1

like the an-i-ìn

a gesture o f preaching, would seem

to sustain the theory that symbolic gestures originally sprang from

natural movements. Certainly the outstretched hand is an almost universal iconographie symbol. I n the Mediterranean w o r l d , for example, the outstretched r i g h t hand of the k i n g has magical power; there must be a close connection w i t h the power o f salvation i n the r i g h t hand o f the Roman emperors. T h i s all-powerful hand, or magna manus, as i t was called, was connected w i t h emperor and deity alike: Constantine signifies the act o f r u l i n g by stretching out his r i g h t hand, and G o d , as a savior, makes the 2

same gesture. T h e o r i g i n o f the raised r i g h t hand should probably be sought i n the M i d d l e East, whence i t must have spread both eastward and westward. I t is a common gesture i n G a n d h ä r a n sculpture; and i n Roman art from the time o f Severus (c. 200 ) , the emperor is depicted w i t h the raised r i g h t hand. I n Semitic religious ritual, for example, this gesture was used as a 3

magic blessing having apotropaic powers. " W h e n i t is made by a god, i t protects his servants against all malign influences and evil spirits: thus i t becomes a tutelary sign, a symbol o f benediction. W h e n the faithful w o r shiper himself makes i t , he reinforces thereby his prayer or his incantation, and the action o f the hand is added to that of the sacred words, i n order to save h i m from all e v i l . "

4

I n Persia, the cosmocrator Ahura

Mazda i n the w o r l d r i n g stretches out his r i g h t hand i n a similar gesture 5

of power. M o r e o v e r , there are numerous Biblical references to the m a g i cal powers and omnipotence o f the magna manus:

6

" T h o u hast a m i g h t y 65

[II

SEMUI-IN

arm: strong is thy hand, and high is thy right hand" (Psalm 89 : 1 4 , 3 ) . T h i s concept of the right hand apparently penetrated into ancient Greece, but it fell into disuse until around the third century A . D . T h e use of the gesture in Christian iconography is attested very early. By this sign Christ

is designated

7

as the all-powerful monarch, cosmocrator and

pantocrator. It may be noted, too, that the gesture evolved from a sign of power and rule to one of transmitting the law. According to the so-called legis, this is the sign of Christ who gives his doctrine to the

traditio world.

8

And, like Christ the lawgiver and pantocrator, the Buddha

assumes the double role of lawgiver and protector. "The preference for the right hand is perhaps connected with the apparent course of the sun from east to west, and the consequent idea that a sunwise course, keeping the object always on the right hand, is of good omen and the opposite of evil."

8 a

The semui-in, the hand raised to appease, is formed, according to the Shugokokkaishudaranikyö,

in the following way: "The right hand exposes

the palm; the five fingers, stretched vertically at the level of the shoulder, face toward the outside. [ T h e gesture] is called the semui-in}.

This

mudrâ has the power of giving tranquillity and absence of fear to all Beings."

9

According to the Dainichikyô:

"It is with the Wisdom hand (i.e.,

right hand) raised and exposed that the form [of the gesture] of the semui is made: gäthä:

to all the categories of Beings, it has the power of

giving absence of fear. If this dai-in

10

is formed, it is called semui-sha, the

one that grants the absence of fear." And from the same: "Vipasyana makes the mudrâ called the semui-shu. This is the sign (mudrâ) of the one who confers intrepidity."

1 1

According to the majority of authorities in matters of iconography, the position of the hand for the semui-in is that which is set forth in the preceding texts. Rao indicates that the fingers stretched upward, the palm exposed toward the outside, derives from the Hindu manner of greeting. Auboyer calls the abhayamudrä

12

"the right hand raised for appeasing."

In fact, the position of the raised hand, the palm toward the front, may be 56

SEMUI-IN

considered as being the semui-in; the hand pendent, the fingers down­ ward, is rather the segan-in, "the mudrä of charity." These two mudrä by reason of their similar meaning have tended to blend. In Japan the desig­ nation semui-in may apply either to the hand raised, the fingers stretched upward, or lowered, the fingers stretched downward. Sütra texts support this statement. T h e Senkdgenkyd,

lz

for example, endorses the double form

of the gesture in the following way: " I n the semui^-in},

the right hand is

stretched out; the five fingers are held downward, the palm exposed." And in the Kööbosatsudaranikyö:

14

"The right arm hangs down. T h e five

fingers are all stretched downward in the semui-shu. From the end of each of the five fingers rains the ambrosia

1 6

[which the Bodhisattva] gives as

alms to [ a l l ] the Beings of the Five Destinations."

1 6

Even when the title of semui-in, "mudrä of fearlessness," is attrib­ uted to the lowered hand, the symbolism is none the less that of segan-in, "mudrä of charity," the usual designation of the lowered hand. T h e Jap­ anese term semui-in may then encompass the abhayamudrä mudrä,

17

and the vara-

but the symbolism of the two gestures remains different. Certain

texts tend to relate these mudrä by giving them a common meaning, that of bestowing. T h e segan-in bestows the gift of charity; the semui-in, the gift of intrepidity. T h e essential meaning diners in that the upwardstretched fingers of the semui-in indicate the act of offering, while the downward-stretched fingers of the segan-in indicate the act of conferring from above to below, from the higher level of the Buddha to the lower level of Sentient Beings. T h e dominating idea of gift tends probably to unite these gestures; gan (vow of charity) and mu-i (intrepidity) note only the distinction of kind and of aim of the gift. T h e mutual contami­ nation of these two gestures in Japan may have come about as in the case of the an-i-in

(see infra).

This rather imprecise usage, founded on di­

verse traditions in Japan, does not exist in India, where the mudrä in question remain distinct from each other. T h e abhayamudrä

1 8

is formed

by "right hand raised, the palm outward, the fingers stretched and joined";

1 9

the varamudrä,

vitarkamudrä,

by the fingers hanging downward; and the

by joining the thumb and the index. 57

SEMUI-IN

Certain m u d r ä , such as the segan-in, are made by either hand. T h e semui-in, on the contrary, is uniquely a m u d r ä o f the r i g h t hand, and from the I I century i n India, i n Central Asia, and China, this m u d r ä is iconographically constant. Since the beginnings o f Buddhist iconography i n G a n d h ä r a , the exact position o f the hand seems to have changed: on the earliest statues i t is at shoulder level, but i t was gradually to lower until IV]

around the V century i t seems to have become fixed somewhere above hip level.

Vi

Actually, i n Japan as well as i n China, this gesture is always

20

situated a l i t t l e higher than the hips i n standing statues, which is i n con­ formity to the Wei-Sui types.

21

T h i s position of the hands, perhaps the most frequent o f all the mudrä, ai]

22

is characteristic of standing statues, i n which i t is often associ­

ated w i t h the segan-in (varamudrä).

T h e reason that these t w o m u d r ä are

used together, i n what w i l l be referred to as the compound segan-semuirfK

in,

2Z

|)"V? I

is probably due to the community of symbolic meaning as much as

to the suitability of a double gesture to the artistic equilibrium o f /

the statue.

SYMBOLISM

T r a d i t i o n a l l y , the position o f the hand i n the semui-in derives from the legend

2 4

o f the malevolent Devadatta,

25

who, wishing to hurt the

Buddha, caused an elephant to become drunk. As the elephant was about to trample h i m , S ä k y a m u n i raised his r i g h t hand, w i t h the fingers close together. T h e gesture not only stopped the elephant i n his tracks but completely subdued h i m .

26

Thus the gesture is called semui-in,

"gesture

of fearlessness." According to a later variant o f the same legend, the Buddha raised his r i g h t hand and from his fingers issued five lions,

27

who

attacked the elephant and saved the life o f the Buddha. F r o m the five 68

SEMUI-IN

fingers,

furthermore, five-colored rays are supposed to spring forth,

hence the semui-in may also be called the gesture of the five-colored rays, i.e., goshokkö-in.

28

In the first version, Buddhist benevolence triumphs

over evil by inner strength and illustrates the concept of "not-hurting," in Sanskrit ahimsä. T h e second version, where there is recourse to the force of the lions, an exterior strength, is of a less spiritual nature. As Foucher points out, however, "this intervention of the lions constitutes a rather late interpolation:

2 9

these are decadent methods, and we cannot

see that this popular expedient was ever present even in the most medio­ cre works of Gandhâra."

3 0

Moreover, it is interesting to note that a

short time after his birth, the Buddha was presented at the temple of Abhaya, the protective divinity of the Sâkya, so that already the Bodhi­ sattva was associated with the ideas of fearlessness and protection. In a passage of the Süträlaiikära,

the author, indicated as being

Asvaghosa, asks the following question: " ' W h y / wonders a violator of the stüpa, 'do the artisans of this world, possessing wonderful talent and with holy intent, why do they represent the Buddha with the right hand raised? ' And the robber of the stüpa answers his own question: Tt is so that those who are afraid, when they see his image, may be freed of fear . . . (for this is the gesture) which gives confidence to those who are intimidated or frightened/ "

3 1

With the notion of fearlessness as a point of departure, the symbolism of this gesture becomes by extension that of intrepidity: se, "to give," "gift"; mu-i, "fearlessness."

3 2

It is the gift of living without fear given

by the Buddha to Sentient Beings. This gift expresses the benevolence of the Buddha, inspires the repose of the mind, and liberates it from the pains and troubles of this world. T h e fearlessnesses themselves fall into two series: the Four Fearlessnesses and the Six Fearlessnesses. T h e Four Fearlessnesses, which the Buddha dispenses, may be subdivided into four 33

groups. T h e Fearlessness of the Buddha is born of his omniscience, of his perfection, of his power to dominate, and of his power to cause suffering to cease. T h e Fearlessness of the Bodhisattva is born of his power of memory, of his diagnostic moral power allied to his curative faculty, of 09

SEMUI-IN

his ratiocination, and of his power to dispel doubts. nesses are: 1

Issaichi

2

Rbjin

36

mushoi: Fearlessness which comes from the complete de­

Setsushödö

37

mushoi: Fearlessness which comes from the expla­

nation of doubts (obstacles). 4

T h e Four Fearless­

mushoi: Fearlessness which comes from omniscience.

struction of illusions. 3

34

3 5

Setsujinkudo

38

mushoi: Fearlessness which comes from the expla­

nation that pain may be caused to cease.

39

T h e Six Fearlessnesses are those virtuous acts capable of leading the (Shingon) initiate to salvation. According to the Dainichikyd, they con­ stitute one part of a double way to destroy illusions and to retrieve the pure, enlightened heart. T h e Six Fearlessnesses are: 40

1

Zemmui: T h e Fearlessness of Good. Awakened to moral good, man may, through the practice of the Five Precepts (gokai)

and

of the T e n Good Actions, win peace. 2

Shimmui: T h e Fearlessness of the body. Through meditation on the impurity of the body, one arrives at rejection of the attach­ ment one experiences for the Self.

3

Muga

mui: T h e Fearlessness of Non-Self. T h e Shingon adept,

"meditating on the unconditioned nature of his heart, arrives at ridding himself of attachment for his Self." 4

Ho mui: T h e Fearlessness of the Dharma. T o understand the inde­ pendent nonexistence of every phenomenal form.

Ó

Ho muga mui: T h e Fearlessness of the Selflessness of the Dharma. Understanding that any phenomenal form is but an aspect of one's Self permits the faithful to succeed in mastering his own heart.

6

Issaihö byödö mui: T h e Fearlessness of the Identity of all the Dharma. "The faithful perceived partially the true aspect of the pure bodhi heart as immaculate as space." According to the Si-do-in-dzou: 60

"Fear is innate, not only in man but

SEMUI-IN

in all that has existence. Birds, animals of all kinds, men, the sun, the moon, the worlds, fear continually of being suppressed by each other or of colliding, and are not for an instant without fear. It is the state that is called 'the world filled with fear and dread/ Despite the joys and the pleasures that one experiences and which constitute 'agreeable feelings/ there exists at the same time the feeling of fear because no earthly hap­ piness is perfect. Thus, by virtue of believing in and following the L a w , the faithful may arrive at a state which transcends joy, pleasure, calumny, pain; it is 'the world of the Buddha free from F e a r / "

4 1

In ritual ceremonies the officiating priest makes the semui-in in order to give Sentient Beings fearlessness. But, as the legend points out, there is more in this gesture than non-fear, a negative expression: this mudrâ expresses the gift of assurance. According to the legend, assurance in the 42

face of danger is the fearlessness that calms, that tranquillizes the mind. 43

On a positive plane, this is intrepidity, courage, and audacity.

44

This

mudrâ, which was able to protect the Buddha against the elephant, will protect

45

the believer against the assaults of evil.

Although the symbolism of the semui-in may be summed up in the expression "giving of fearlessness/' its use and its meaning were still not established in most Gandhâran works, where this same semui-in repre­ sents not only the absence of fear but also the predication of the Buddha [ I I (to the Trayastrimsa gods). "Only (here) he is teaching after the fashion of a Buddhist image which goes back to a time when the gesture of Teaching, like the rest of the mudrâ, had not yet been established and hierarchized."

4 6

Echoes of the indiscriminate Gandhâran use of this

mudrâ may be found in China as well. Indeed, mention must be made of the semui-in as symbol not of fearlessness but rather of the preaching of the L a w . This usage is early apparent in China; and in Japan, numerous statues making this gesture would certainly seem to be preaching rather than reassuring by giving the gift of fearlessness. And so there is no doubt but what the semui-in, in view of its preponderance in almost all of Asia, appropriated to itself a symbolism other than that of fearlessness alone. F o r example, it is manifest from the earlier Chinese Buddhist bronzes 61

SEMUI-IN

that in point of fact the semui-in was used rather than the tembôrin-in symbolize the preaching of the Law. Statues

4 7

to

which, according to icono-

graphie evidence other than the gesture, may be accepted as being closely associated with the Lotus Sutra, show

obviously

he is

Säkyamuni

in the semui-in when

preaching the sermon in the Deer Park at Benares —for

which the tembôrin-in

would be most commonly used. It must be noted,

too, that although in the Lotus Sütra the tembôrin-in

to the

is definitely assigned

Buddha Säkyamuni, in order to mark his predication of the L a w and

more precisely his preaching in the Deer Park at Benares, artistic tradition in China

4 8

not infrequently permits the use of the semui-in. Curi-

ously enough, then, an art convention identifies at T u n Huang, for example, the tembôrin-in

with the Buddha Amitäbha.

of later periods, the tembôrin-in

49

In Japanese statues

is frequently made by the Buddha Amida.

The semui-in occurs on statues of many divinities. It is the particular position of the Dipamkara Buddha, the twenty-fourth predecessor of the historical Buddha, who, holding his garment at the shoulder or at the 50

hip with the left hand, makes the semui-in with his right hand. It is sup51

posed that he appears whenever any subsequent Buddha preaches the Lotus Sütra. According to Foucher, the uncovered right shoulder denotes a ceremonial event* This is corroborated by the

Kongôhannyaparamittakyô,

describing an assembly of monks near Sravastï: "Now in the midst of the assembly was the Venerable Subhüti. Forthwith he arose, uncovered his right shoulder, knelt upon his right knee, and, respectfully raising his hands with palms joined, addressed Buddha thus."

5 1 a

In Japan, the first

representations in sculpture of the historical Buddha resemble those of the Dipamkara Buddha, with the exception that the right hand forms the semuiin, while the left hand, which in India was holding the stole, makes the 52

segan-in. T h e right shoulder is generally uncovered. Already, in India, Avalokitesvara (Kannon) raises his right hand to reassure; his left hand is held at breast level. T h e semui-in serves at times to hold the rosary or the lotus, two common attributes of this divinity. In 53

India, according to Mallmann, no absolute rule governs the hand positions of Avalokitesvara, but rather "a certain desire for balance." So, in 62

SEMUI-IN

general, in four-armed statues of Avalokitesvara, on each side one hand is raised and one lowered (segan-semui-in)\ are raised.

54

more rarely, the two left hands

On six-armed statues, the segan-semui-in

compound is re­

peated after the example of the four-armed statues; sometimes on one side the three hands are raised and on the other they are lowered. A variant of this arrangement may be observed: one right hand raised, the other two lowered, or two left hands raised, one lowered, or vice versa. But, writes Mallmann, "the number of arms, odd on each side, was to make the task (of balancing these statues) particularly difficult. Perhaps this reason hastened the abandonment of six-armed forms."

5 5

T h e oldest

gesture attributed to Avalokitesvara, the semui-in, appears as early as the Kusâna art of Mathurâ,

56

and a close association may be noted between

the idea of the gift of fearlessness and this divinity. This relationship is 57

borne out by the Lotus of the Good Law: "Therefore then, young man of good family, honour the Bodhisattva Mahâsattva Avalokitesvara. T h e Bodhisattva Mahâsattva Avalokitesvara, young man of good family, affords safety to those who are in anxiety. On that account one calls him in this Saha-world Abhayandada (i.e., Giver of Safety)."

5 8

T h e use of

this gesture by Avalokitesvara continues in Indian art —e.g., at Ajantä

5 9

and at Aurangâbâd ( V I I ) —until the time of the Pâla-Sena art of 6 0

Bengal; but the varamudrd (segan-in)

tends gradually to replace it.

Kannon, in the older statues of Japan (as early as the Suiko period), strikes two characteristic hand poses: that of the compound semui-in

6 1

segan-

(left and right hand), and that of the semui-in (right hand). In

[XXVI

seated statues, the ankle of the right leg lies on the left knee, the left hand leaning on the right heel.

62

These two positions will be replaced towards

the X century, under T'ang-Sung influence, by the languishing attitude of [ X X I the Chinese Bodhisattva. T h e compound gesture of the

segan-semui-in

appears in numerous statues of a rather primitive kind, while the seated attitude, although appearing in Suiko statues, forms to a certain extent a transition between the Kannon in semui-in and the Kannon in maharajalilüsana.

In Japan, at least, statues in which Kannon has both hands in

semui-in are exceptionally rare. T h e Bato Kannon makes this mudrâ with 63

SEMUI-IN

one of her hands: for example, in the statue of the Kanzeonji,

63

the left

hand forms the semui-in, the index and the middle finger bent, the index in contact with the thumb. Bikuchi, "she who frowns," one of the forms 64

of Kannon in Esotericism, makes the same gesture. 65

T h e semui-in

is also a mudrä characteristic of Yakushi. In the

Takushinyorainenjugiki

6 6

is written: "The altar is decorated with diverse

precious things, and in the middle is erected a statue of Yakushi Nyorai. 656]

T h e Tathägata

holds a bowl in his left hand: this is called

muga-jü?

7

priceless jewel. With the left hand the divinity forms the mudrä of the Three Worlds. padmäsana

68

(Yakushi) wears a monk's robe and is seated in

on a lotus throne."

6 9

T h e Yakushi of the Kondö ( T ö d a i j i ) and of the Nara Yakushiji are in this position. As for the mudrä, sometimes the ring finger is bent inward, sometimes this gesture shows the middle (or the index) and the 70

thumb joined at the tips. In China, the right hand of certain T'ang repre99]

sentations, instead of making the semui-in, holds a sistrum (shakujô),

and

the left hand a bowl. Habitually, in the gesture of Yakushi, the thumb is inflected toward the palm, slightly bent, more rarely touching the middle finger: the ring finger and the little finger are very often curved in a supple and rhythmic gesture. 656]

holds a medicine j a r ,

72

71

With the other hand the divinity often

his particular attribute, but there are also numerous

statues of the segan-semui-in type, for this compound gesture is not at all 73

uncommon for Yakushi. T h e first representations of this deity in Japan show only the semui-in accompanied in the left hand either by the jar or by the segan-in. T h e position which, from the X century on, becomes very common in statues of this divinity — that of the jar resting on the joined 662

hands in jô-in —is, statues of Yakushi.

nevertheless, posterior to that of the semui-in in 74

T h e semui-in is one of the most frequent gestures on statues of Amida; but oftentimes, in statues of this divinity too, one notes the com­ pound gesture (segan-semui-in)

75

respectively in the left and the right

hands. T h e semui-in as a gesture of Amida presents several variants io]

resembling the an-i-in or the kichijô-in, 64

7 6

with the thumb touching the end

SEMUI-IN

of the index, the middle finger, or the ring finger. But these are properly Esoteric variants and will be discussed subsequently. And, for Amida, the compound gesture segan-semui-in

77

[11

shows the thumb and the index

(less often the middle finger) joined to form a circle. On older statues, the ends of the fingers do not touch, but on statues after the Suiko period, the thumb and the index often make a closed circle. T h e right hand is raised to shoulder level and the left hand lowered in front of the knees, the two palms turned outward. According to the Tetsugaku Jiten

(Dictionary of

Philosophic T e r m s ) , this would be termed the hosshin seppo-in or the mushqfushi-in.

7S

It should be added, however, that according to certain

authorities, the latter designation admits of different interpretations. In the present classification, it would appear more appropriate to consider these gestures under the heading of an-i-in, where, by their form at least, they seem to fall more naturally. T h e compound gesture (segan-semui-in) muni;

79

of Roshana Buddha;

80

is found on statues of Shaka-

of Miroku ( r a r e l y ) ;

81

[I,

of Monju; and of

Jizö. T h e last divinity, from the I X to X I I centuries, "appears with the precious pearl in the left hand" and the right hand in semui-in; "at the end of the X I I century, he takes the form which is now most widespread, (with) the pearl in the left hand, the sistrum in the right hand."

8 2

In China, numerous W e i Buddhas, the identification of which remains sometimes uncertain, exhibit this hand gesture, which, under the Wei and the Sui, was by far the most common mudrâ.

83

60

[X]

3 Mudrä of appeasement

An-i-in CH.

4r#¿p

An-wei-yin

S K . (Vitarkamudrä,

1

B

E F O R E

T H E A N - I - I N

vyäkhyänamudrä ) 2

is considered in its F a r Eastern context, a

few general remarks may help to establish the role of this gesture

as a universal sign. Like the semui-in, the an-i-in would seem to support the theory that ritual, symbolic gestures originate in natural gestures. There are numerous examples of the presence of the an-i-in type in the Mediterranean world from ancient times until the present. Quintilian, for example, notes that "already in heroic times the Greeks had a fully developed system of significant gestures and a separate doctrine concerning their correct use: a chironomia, a lex gestus." ani-i-in

3

Among them figures the

type. In representations of the classical stage, the actor is char-

acterized by both the masks and this gesture. T h e same sign is present 4

today in most Latin countries, where it may be seen universally used as a gesture of argumentation, the present-day users of which hardly suspecting they are following an ancient tradition sanctified by both time and literature. In the Christian tradition, the sign of the cross, the so-called 5

benedictio latina,

6

1

is a reflection of this earlier gesture in Christian

iconography, although it should be noted that this same sign occurs in profane circles as well. In Christianity, this gesture would seem to accompany speech, just as it does in Buddhist tradition, and in Christian art the "scroll in the left hand contains the written speech; the gesture in the right one expresses the realization of the written in the living world."

8

The universal connection of this gesture with speech must modify both Christian and Buddhist thinking about it, for the Christ, who, like the Buddha, makes this gesture, should be considered not so much a bene66

AN-I-IN

dictory

9

or blessing figure as a speaking and teaching one. In Chris­

tianity as in Buddhism, the raised hand must have accompanied some kind of incantation. T h i s would seem to be so, for example, in the case of the Buddha who raises his hand against the maddened elephant. "When men or heroes raise their right hands in this gesture against wild beasts, it is not the gesture itself, but the spoken word, the ritual or magic formula expressed in it, which gives them the upper hand."

1 0

T h e an-i-in proto­

type, then, seems inextricably connected with speech, in a religious as well as a profane context. Although there is an overlapping of use, the Buddha who makes this gesture would seem more to be engaged in the predication of the L a w than in the blessing or quieting that the name an-i-in

implies. Within the context of Christianity, l'Orange notes that

"the speech gesture accordingly loses more and more of its original philo­ sophical-discursive significance and becomes increasingly the sign of authority of the Christian dogma."

1 1

T o a certain extent this tendency is

present in Buddhist sculpture as well, and the relationship of word, logos, and this gesture is maintained when the an-i-in is used to represent the divine authority of the L a w . T h e an-i-in

1 2

is formed in the following manner: the hand (right, [ I V

generally) is raised, the palm outward, the fingers straight, with the exception of the thumb, which touches the end either of the inflected index or of the middle finger, sometimes even of the ring.

13

T h i s gesture

may be confused with one of the semui-in forms, notably with the com- [ I I I pound gesture segan-semui-in, in which the thumb and the index (or the middle finger)

1 4

touch, or are brought very close to each other. Rather

diverse traditions are at the basis of the variety of forms that characterize this mudrâ.

15

According to Mochizuki, this gesture should be made by 16

both hands at the same time, held rather near to each other, the right hand raised, the left lowered: each one forms a closed circle by joining the index and the thumb. Y e t iconographers maintain for the most part that this gesture is made with the thumb and the index joined to form a circle. In India, the mudrâ the form of which corresponds to the an-i-in is called the vitarkamudrä.

It seems not to be the symbolic prototype of the 67

AN-I-IN

Japanese an-i-in;

it corresponds rather to the seppô-no-in,

mudrä of the

exposition of the Law. Auboyer observes that the vitarkamudrä

is formed

"with the right hand raised, the thumb touching the index in a gesture of argumentation that the Indians still make mechanically during their con­ versations."

1 7

Foucher, the Bukkyd Bijutsu Kdwa, 18

Shimbi Taikan I I chin-mudrä

2 2

2 1

19

Mochizuki, and the 20

make the same description. Rao names this gesture the

or the vyäkhyänamudrä.

23

Certain authorities maintain that

the gesture of exposition is formed by joining the thumb with the middle

2 4

or the index

2 5

fingers. Getty

Japan a "variant" of the an-i-in,

2 6

asserts that there exists in

which is called semui-in and which is

formed by the fingers raised ( vertically ) , the thumb bent over the palm. T h e only difference between these two gestures would lie, then, in the position of the index, which in the semui-in does not touch the end of the thumb. A definitive distinction between the semui-in and the an-i-in is, in fact, difficult to establish, for these two gestures may assume almost identical forms. This similarity inclines one to think that the an-i-in, 27

at

the beginning, may have been a form of semui-in in which the fingers were inflected, the thumb and the index somewhat brought together. T h e resemblance in form may have produced a contamination of symbolism by which the an-i-in came to express the idea of gift —not that of intrepidity (mu-i),

but of tranquillity (an-i). * 2

Moreover, the notion of assurance

implied by the semui-in presents an obvious affinity with that of tran­ quillity symbolized by the an-i-in.

In the case of Avalokitesvara (in

Yunnan), Mallmann suggests that these two mudrä may have been "pro­ gressively confused; the notion of 'security* of the first transferring to the second, which, from a gesture of argumentation, may have become a ges­ ture of 'consolation.' T h e fusion could have been effected, for example, in Ceylon, the intermediary stage between India proper and the outer 29

Indian sphere; we know that there was venerated in this country an Avalokitesvara protector of hospitals, Simhaladvipe-ärogasälä L o k a nätha, an eminently benevolent divinity, whose gesture was doubtless meant to 'reassure' or to 'appease' the sick."

3 0

This evolution is certainly

not belied in the sculpture of Japan, where the an-i-in preserves a clearly 68

AN-I-IN

protecting character. I n fact, the Soshicchigiki

calls this gesture the

Z1

goshin-in,

the m u d r ä o f the protection o f the body,

32

and the Hachidaibo-

satsumandarakyo, describing Jizö Bosatsu ( K s i t i g a r b h a ) , gives these i n d i ­ cations: " T h e left hand reposing i n the lap holds an alms b o w l ; the r i g h t hand w i t h the palm inverted, turned downward, the thumb and the index joined, 'symbolizes' the (Bodhisattva's) ings."

thought o f consoling all Be­

3 3

By an arbitrary distinction, these two gestures may be differentiated to a certain extent. I n the semui-in (hand raised) or segan-in ( l o w e r e d ) , the habitual form is that o f the palm presented outward, all the

[7

fingers

extended vertically; sometimes the index and the thumb are brought a l i t t l e together, more rarely do they touch. I n the an-i-in (hand raised or, less frequently, lowered) the palm is often presented obliquely, and by the junction o f the index or the middle finger w i t h the thumb a closed circle is formed. But the identification o f this last m u d r ä is made still more diffi­ cult by the existence of several gestures, of less importance perhaps, but which resemble i t : the samdarsanamudrä, forward; the uttarabodhimudrä supreme Enlightenment,

34

which presents the palm well

( W a d d e l l and W i l l i a m s ) , the m u d r ä of

i n which the index of each hand touches the end

of the thumb, the t w o hands being held very near the breast and at the level o f the heart. According to Waddell, i t is the flexion of the thumb that differentiates this gesture from the

semui-in.

35

9 An-i-shöshu-in

T h e designation an-i-shöshu-in

( C h . an-wei she-ch'ü yin),

the m u d r ä

that "tranquillizes and collects," evolves from the notion o f appeasement contained i n the denomination an-i-in. T h e an-i-shöshu-in

is formed by the

t w o hands at the same time: the left hand makes the an-i-in,

the thumb

and the index forming a circle, while the r i g h t hand remains at the level of 69

[IV

AN-I-IN

the hip ( i n standing statues), the palm turned toward the outside, the fingers slightly inflected, but the thumb and the index separated.

36

Thus

w i t h the left hand the divinity appeases Sentient Beings, and w i t h the r i g h t hand he gathers them together to protect them or to lead them into his ( A m i d a ' s ) paradise. W h i l e the Sanskrit vitarka puts the accent on the notion of argumentation, the Sino-Japanese designation of an-i-in or of an-i-shdshu-in

3 7

emphasizes the idea of "consoling" all beings,

consoling and "gathering i n " (shöshu,™ Sk. parigraha)

38

or of

beings. " A l l

beings who invoke the (name of the) Buddha A m i t ä b h a , having been gathered together, guarded, and cared for in the l i g h t of the Buddha A m i t ä b h a , w i l l be saved and w i l l not be abandoned."

4 0

IV]

T h e an-i-in may be formed either w i t h the r i g h t hand (the most

VI]

frequent f o r m ) , or w i t h the left, or w i t h both hands at the same time. There are various possible positions, i f the gesture is made by each hand

l i j , 6, c ]

at the same time: ( 1 ) that which Waddell calls the uttarabodhi — the two hands i n front of the breast, the palms oblique or facing each other (cf.

IV] ud,e,fl

Amida of the Z e n r i n - j i ) ; ( 2 ) that i n which one of the two hands is raised, while the other remains in the lap, the palm up;

4 1

( 3 ) that i n which one

hand is raised and one hand is lowered in the fashion of the segan-semui-in. I n the second variant, the thumb and the index of the raised hand are joined, while i n the hand l y i n g i n the lap the ends of the thumb and the middle finger touch. T h i s position is characteristic of Amida and of Shakamuni. T h e an-i-in is also called the seppö-(no)-in, sition of the L a w .

42

designation of vitarka (Sino-Jap. bitaka), T h e term vitarka the vitarkamudrä

4 4

the m u d r ä of the expo­

T h e seppd-in corresponds exactly to the Sanskrit the m u d r ä of argumentation.

is glossed by the ideogram "jin,"

deliberation:

43

4 5

is consequently the gesture which indicates the expo­

sition of the Law (seppö), the deliberation on the Doctrine. I t is the m u d r ä of the Buddha who explains the Law to the faithful. I t is very natural, then, to pass from the idea of instruction to that of teaching. Such a metamorphosis must have taken place as early as the G a n d h ä r a n school and have determined to some extent the character of the vitarkamudrä 70

in

AN-I-IN

India. I n Indian statues, u n t i l the I V - V centuries, the m u d r â o f the predi-

pi

cation o f the L a w appears to be the most common: the left hand holds a corner o f the stole, while the r i g h t hand is raised. T h i s gesture was transmitted to China of the N o r t h e r n W e i dynasty and hence into Japan w i t h the passage o f Buddhism into that country i n the V - V I centuries. I t is fitting

then to recall that the

tembôrin-in, the gesture o f t u r n i n g the

£23

wheel o f the L a w , as a m u d r â which designates the predication o f the Buddha, consists logically o f t w o

seppô-in, which are joined i n front

of the breast. I t may even be said that despite their form, all the m u d r â o f G a n d h â r a tend to represent the predication o f the L a w (cf.

tembôrin-in),

46

the signification o f which would seem to underlie that o f argumentation

vitarkamudrä is represented. T h e seppô-in o f the "Esoteric A m i d a "

wherever the

4 7

(Amida-butsu seppô-in), [11

that is, the A m i d a o f the Intermediate Class, may be noted to be actually a form of meditation m u d r â {fi-in) i n which the t w o hands are joined i n the [ 2 2 lap, the thumbs touching the index, middle, or r i n g

fingers,

thereby

forming a circle. Either by separating the hands and raising them both i n front o f the breast, or by raising one and l o w e r i n g the other i n front o f the body, the fi-in turns into t w o seppd-in. One may see i n this relationship o f forms a similar concatenation o f symbolism, for after the Enlightenment, d u r i n g which the Buddha sat i n

fi-in, he began to preach, breaking from

meditation into predication: i n a like manner the fi-in breaks into the

seppô-in. T h e variant o f the an-i-in formed by the j o i n i n g o f the thumb and the r i n g finger is called

kichifi-in,** the m u d r â o f good fortune. T h i s m u d r â ,

characteristic o f the goddess Kichijö-ten,

49

fortune that the goddess symbolizes. T h e that " b y kudoku

51

grants to the faithful the good

Daishoen'okushô ( l 5 )

5 0

notes

is meant Kichijo tennyo. I n Sanskrit she is called

(makashiri). Mahä means great. Sri has t w o meanings: merit {kudoku) and good fortune {kichijo)." W h e n this m u d r â is shown on

Mahâsrî

statues o f Shakamuni, i t is called kichifi-in, the m u d r â o f good fortune or of j o y , because by i t the w o r l d to which the Buddha explains his L a w rejoices (cf.

chi-kichifi-in, infra)}

2

71

10

Kichijö-in

AN-I-IN

It may be mentioned, in passing, that sometimes the divinity holds flowers, clasping the stem between the thumb and the index finger. T h e hand assumes a form not unlike the an-i-in, XVIII]

jike-no-in,

a position which is called

the gesture of holding flowers. In the strict sense, though, this

may be considered not an actual hand gesture nor, for that matter, the bearer of any sort of Esoteric symbolism. Mention is made of it here because in Japanese reference works it does have a specific designation, rather than because it resembles certain forms of an-i-in. 4-2,37]

is not quite the case of the koshin gasshô,

Such, however,

which is made by bending the

53

thumb and index until they meet, forming a shape like the conch shell. T h i s gesture, called both shdgan-in and kichijô-hora-no-in, symbolic relationship with the an-i-in.

has a certain

It is said that by making it, the

Buddhas and the Bodhisattvas call all Beings — the hora or conch shell being used to summon the faithful by its sound —who subsequently hear the predication and attain nirvana. It is not altogether inappropriate to place the above designations under the an-i-in or rather the seppd-in heading. Y e t it must be borne in mind, particularly in the case of the union of different fingers with the thumb, that the mudrâ of exposition, according to the Esoteric system of classifying the gods, is sometimes used to indicate the rank

6 4

of certain

divinities. It follows then that the idea of exposition must necessarily pass onto a secondary plane.

SYMBOLISM

T h e circle formed by the thumb and the index, a complete form, having neither beginning nor end, is that of perfection; it resembles the Law of the Buddha, which is perfect and eternal. It is very certainly here a question of a mudrâ form which recalls the Wheel, one of the attributes which symbolize traditionally the predication of the L a w or the teaching of the Doctrine. In Tibet, the "circle" formed by the thumb and another finger is sometimes called "the triangular pose," of the Taras or the eight Bodhisattvas. 72

56

6 5

the mystical gesture

In Esotericism (cf. diag. I ) ,

AN-I-IN

the gesture is liable to an extended interpretation:

5 7

the circle of per-

fection represents the exercise of the perfect wisdom of the Buddha, and the accomplishment of his vows. T h e gesture also expresses his great compassion. T h e left hand represents concentration; the thumb, which corresponds to vacuity and symbolizes

superior

[Diag. I

intelligence,

unites with the middle finger, which corresponds to fire and symbolizes the vows of the Buddha. T h e right hand represents wisdom; the thumb, which corresponds to meditation, unites with the index, which corresponds to air and symbolizes the efforts of the Buddha. T h e act of joining the thumb and the index is symbolical of the diligence and the reflection which the Buddha brings to his function (of Enlightened One). In India, the vitarkamudrä

is a gesture of argumentation or teaching:

consequently, it is a mudrä used particularly by Buddhas. In Japan, the seppö-in, mudrä of the exposition of the L a w , is attributed to Shakamuni and to Amida. This latter Buddha, according to the Höbögirin, 59

60

58

£IV

strikes

the mushqfushi-in, also known as the (hosshin) seppd-in, which resembles,

\\\d,e,f

in fact, the compound mudrä, segan-semui-in. "It (the seppd-in) is the seal of the third of the nine Amidas of the nine classes.

61

. . .

It is frequent in

standing statues of Amida, notably in the sects Jödo, Shin, Tendai, etc. The right hand, which is raised, indicates the search for the Awakening, and its five fingers represent the Worlds of Auditors, Buddhas-for-self, Bodhisattvas, Exoteric Buddhas, and Esoteric Buddhas. T h e left hand, which is pendent, symbolizes the conversion of Beings, its five fingers representing the worlds of men, gods, dead, animals, and infernal (beings)."

6 2

It has already been noted in the Introduction that the mudrä

are liable, especially in the rites, to variable designations.

And the

mushqfushi-in may, in fact, designate quite another mudrä, that which is peculiar to (taizdkai)

Dainichi and which will be treated under the head-

ing of mushqfushi-in.

[37

Actually, a form of the an-i-in may represent six of the nine Esoteric Amidas —namely, the Amidas of the so-called Middle and Lower Classes. Middle Class: Lower Life is represented by the two hands held in front of the breast, each one forming the an-i-in,

while the ring fingers and 73

[ila

AN-I-IN

nò]

thumbs touch to form mystic circles. M i d d l e Class: M i d d l e Life is represented by the same disposition of the hands but the middle fingers and the

lie]

thumbs joined. M i d d l e Class: Upper Life shows also the same disposition of the hands, the an-i-in

lid}

being formed by the indexes and the thumbs.

L o w e r Class: L o w e r Life is represented by the r i g h t hand raised to 11 A M I D A S O F T H E M I D D L E AND L O W E R CLASSES

a Middle Class: Lower Life

b Middle Class: Middle Life

c Middle Class: Upper Life

d Lower Class: Lower Life

e Lower Class: Middle Life

f Lower Class: Upper Life

shoulder level the left hand reposing on the left knee, palm upward. Each lie}

hand makes the an-i-in

w i t h the r i n g finger and the thumb. L o w e r Class:

M i d d l e Life shows the same disposition of the hands, while the an-i-in

is

formed by the middle fingers and the thumbs. T h e same disposition of the n

/>

I V

3

hands obtains for L o w e r Class: Upper Life, but here the an-i-in

is formed

by the indexes and the thumbs. T h i s m u d r ä signifies the descent of Amida on the earth to seek the souls o f the dead, and is one o f the most frequently represented forms o f Amida. T h e remaining three gestures of the Esoteric 74

AN-I-IN

Amida are properly meditation m u d r ä and w i l l be treated under the heading of jd-in By the an-i-shôshu-in,

subsequently

(see p. 8 7 ) . Raigo A m i d a welcomes souls into paradise:

this is the hand which gives and which welcomes. Amida, this gesture is called the raigo-in,

63

[9

I n statues o f Raigo

"gesture o f welcoming to

paradise." T h e gesture may be made w i t h one hand alone, or, as i n the case of the Yamagoshi-no-Amida of the K o n k a i k ö m y ö - j i , both hands may be held in front o f the breast. T h e an-i-seppo-in is characteristic o f several secondary divinities: Kannon,

65

Miroku

6 6

and Brahma

as a Buddhist d i v i n i t y . Y a k u s h i

6 7

6 4

6 8

[V

sometimes makes the gesture o f the an-i-in by j o i n i n g the thumb and the index or sometimes the r i n g finger.

69

I t is probably here a question o f a

gesture that bears some relationship to the semui-in,

which is more

characteristic o f this Buddha. M o n j u also makes this gesture w i t h his left hand, by j o i n i n g the middle finger and the t h u m b .

70

A type o f an-i-in

is a characteristic gesture o f Tibetan T ä r ä s . Here the left hand is held vertically i n front of the breast while the r i g h t is placed below i t . Both hands present the palms out, indexes and thumbs joined. Last o f a l l , a gesture d e r i v i n g , i t would seem, from the an-i-in

7 1

may be noted.

I t is the one made by placing the two hands back to back and j o i n i n g the thumb w i t h the middle finger o f each hand. T h e l i t t l e fingers are inter­ locked, and the index fingers are vertical. T h i s m u d r ä is called the niwain, the gesture o f the t w o wings (i.e., hands), and is typical o f G ö z a n z e M y ö - ö (Sk. T r a i l o k y a v i j a y a r ä j a ) , Subduer o f the Three W o r l d s .

12 Niwa-in

75

[12

4

T h e d i a m o n d handclasp

Kongo -ga ssho ^ $j >^ %

4-7]

CH.

Chin-kang

SK.

Vajra-anjalikarmamudrä,

h r ^ H E

K

O

N

G

Ö

-

ho-chang

G

A

S

S

H

Ö

1

Anjalimudrä

is formed by j o i n i n g the hands, which are

A held vertically at the level o f the breast, palm against palm,

fingers

against fingers, interlocked at the tips, the r i g h t thumb covering the left. 4r-i]

I n the kenji(sshin)-gasshö

the hands are simply joined. T h e arms may be

somewhat advanced. T h e Dainichikyösho

2

describes this gesture thus:

" T h e tips o f the fingers are interlocked. A l l the fingers o f the r i g h t hand repose on the corresponding fingers o f the left hand. T h i s is the kongögasshö

3

(also) called the kimyö-gasshö.

skrit is haranama-gasshö."

( T h e transcription of) the San­

4

T h e kongö-gasshö resembles very much the m u d r â o f supplication called the shashu-gasshö?

and, according to certain authorities, only the

position o f the crossed fingertips differentiates them. For example, the kongö-gasshö

has

the

thumbs and

fingertips

interlocked, but i n the

sammaya-kai— that is, rules to be observed before full ordination into Esoteric sects —the thumbs are interlocked but the fingers n o t . Because 6

of their common signification and their similarity o f composition, these several gestures w i l l be treated under the same heading. I t may be noted 7

here that the designations kimyö-gasshö and kongö-gasshö are 14 Kimyö-gasshö

for the Gyöbökanyöshö

8

( I ) notes:

equivalent,

. . A t the moment o f worshiping

the d i v i n i t y , the kongö-gasshö is made; that is to say, the

kimyö-gasshö.

T h e meaning o f the interlocked fingers is that the ten fingers represent the T e n Perfections (haramitsu) dharmadhätu)." 76

9

and the T e n W o r l d s o f Essence (hokkai,

KONGO-GASSHÖ

T h e kongö-gasshö

also resembles very much the kenjis shin-gas shö

(cf. F i g . 4 - 1 : the Twelve Handclasps), but according to Mochizuki,

10

the first shows the fingers crossed, while the second shows the hands joined in a simple attitude of prayer.

SYMBOLISM

These gestures, which ritual as well as iconographie usage tends to relate, are mudrâ of adoration. As such they enjoy a common meaning. As a gesture of adoration —the hands are joined (gasshö) Law

1 1

to honor the

— the kongö-gasshö may derive from Hindu etiquette, in which it is

a gesture of offering, of adoration, and of salutation. In Hindu dancing, the performer generally forms this mudrâ at the end of each presentation in order to indicate that his dance has been an "offering" intended for the pleasure of the spectator. In Buddhism this gesture serves to give homage to divinities accompanying offerings or prayers, and reveals thereby the influence of the old Hindu usage. In India, be it with Brahmâ teaching the Veda or in early Buddhist sculpture,

12

this gesture preserves the same

use, which is universally prevalent in countries of Buddhist obedience. T h e hands are joined under the mouth in order to give homage to the Words emitted by it; hence the gesture honors the Buddha and the L a w . T h e designation kongö-gasshö,

as a gesture formed by the union of

the two hands, recalls the co-existence of the two inseparable worlds, which are really one: the kongokai, the Diamond World (Sk. and the taizökai,

the Matrix World (Sk. garbhadhätu).

vajradhätu),

These two worlds

are the expression of two aspects of one cosmic life and represent the reciprocal action of the spiritual and the material, the static and the dynamic. On the other hand, the kongö-gasshö bolizes the world of ideas (kongökai),

1 3

as a simple gesture sym­

which, like the diamond (kongö),

is

indestructible, eternal, static. T h e symbol of the diamond represents hardness and utility, indestructible truth, and the action of knowledge. Like qualities are emphasized by another designation,

kenjisshin-gasshö,

the joined hands of the inflexible, sincere heart. T h e counterpart of the 77

KONGÖ-GASSHÖ

that is, the Matrix World (taizökai),

kongökai,

which represents the

perishable, the phenomenal, the material, is symbolized by the koshinthe joined hands of the heart empty (of passions). As Smidt

gasshö, 4-2]

writes: "Since the kongö-gasshö

and the koshin-gasshö

play parallel roles,

the first signifies the wisdom of the kongökai and the second the knowledge of the taizökai.

T h e 'Empty H e a r t / the space which exists between the

two hands in this gesture, is the depository of the treasure of the Law, the precious receptacle of the Buddha nature which all Beings represent. T h e inflexible heart is so inflexibly closed that, between Sentient Beings and the Buddha, there is not even room for a hair. T h e 'Empty Heart' signifies that there is a way {^Treppe} between the Buddha and Sentient Beings. Since the Jödo sect believes that we will be saved by the great Compassion of Amida, this sect [^especially] has recourse to the koshingasshö."

14

In these gestures of adoration, the union of the right hand (world of the Buddha) with the left hand (world of Beings) represents the funda­ mental unity which exists between the kongökai and the taizökai.

This

unity is a representation of the Esoteric principle of duality-non-duality. T h e hands are in fact two; but they are joined to form only one unit, a unity, moreover, parallel to that which exists between the Buddha and 4-1]

Beings. This notion is reflected in the kenjisshin(-gasshö),

which is a

gesture utilized by the Zen sect: just as the two palms are held firmly closed against each other, in the same manner the Zen adept focuses him­ self in interior contemplation. Thus is explained the phrase kenshöjöbutsu,

jikishininshin-

"directly to attain the human heart (while rejecting all

literary aid), perceiving one's (fundamental) nature, and becoming Buddha." is]

1 5

T h e designation shashu-gasshö

evokes, by the crossing of the ten

fingers, the union of the T e n Perfections (haramitsu) 14]

and the T e n hokkai (dharmadhätu).

16

(cf. Intro., supra)

T h e denomination of

kimyö-gasshö,

the gesture used at the moment of worshiping the divinity, hence the gesture of prayer, 78

17

admits of three significations as declarations of faith:

KONGO-GASSHÖ

1

T o take refuge in the Buddha.

2

T o submit to the L a w of the Buddha.

3

T o reduce the basis for life ( mydkon to its origin [ m the heart] ) . T h e kongö-gasshö

is a gesture of adoration, a gesture which gives

honor to a superior state. Consequently it is never represented on a statue of the Buddha. It is a gesture which belongs rather to Bodhisattvas [ V I I and to lesser personages (Guardian Kings, holy men, etc.), who give homage either to the Buddha or to the Doctrine. It is seen on statues of multiple-armed Kannon.

18

kenjis shin-gas shö becomes

By separating the middle three fingers, the one of the characteristic gestures

of this

divinity, the mifu renge-in, the gesture of the unopened lotus. According [ 4 - 4 to the Himitsunembutsushö,

19

Kannon holds an unopened lotus in her

hand. T h e meaning here is that she has the power to make the flower open, in other words, to propagate the L a w to all things and to cause thern to benefit by her universal compassion. Mallmann notes the use of this gesture with (Sadaksara-)Lokesvara in India, who, on the example of Brahma teaching the Veda, forms it to worship the six-syllable formula, "om mani padme hum."

2 0

But in Japan, as in India, Kannon

with two arms does not form the kongö-gasshö.

21

This mudrâ is also to

be found on statues of the M y ö - ö ("Knowledge K i n g s " ) , holy person­ ages,

22

donors, and Bodhisattvas.

23

79

5 Mudra o f touching the ground

Sokuchi-in j ^ ^ p CH. SK.

Ch'u-ti-yin Bhümisparsamudrä

1

15

Vili]

H E

S O K U C H I - I N ,

a gesture of the r i g h t hand, is peculiar to seated

JL statues. I t is formed by presenting the hand pendent i n front o f the 2

r i g h t knee w i t h the palm turned i n w a r d , the fingers extended downward 3

touching or "designating" the ground.

4

Sometimes the lowered hand

rests on the r i g h t knee. Sometimes i t remains a l i t t l e away from the knee, while the left hand holds a section o f the stole

5

at the level o f the breast

or lies in the lap, where i t may form the so-called Diamond Fist (kongd ken-in ) . The left hand may also lie on the left knee or at the level o f the 6

16 Sokuchi-in {variant)

navel. T h i s gesture i n Japan is the same as its prototype, the 7

bhümisparsa­

mudrä, o f the G a n d h ä r a n school. T h e sokuchi-in is characteristic o f seated statues, but there is another gesture which iconographically and symbolically is akin to i t ; this is the 17]

anzan-in

( C h . an-shan-yin),

"the gesture which 'represses' the moun­

t a i n , " a m u d r ä often found i n standing statues. T h e gesture is regularly formed by the left hand, but sometimes i t is made by the r i g h t as well. T h e arm is lowered in the fashion o f the sokuchi-in, the w r i s t is flexed i n such a way as to present the palm o f the hand more or less parallel to the ground —not unlike a natural gesture o f suppressing. I t is, i n fact, the 8

m u d r ä which signifies the "subjugation o f the mountain" (the earth). 80

SOKUCHI-IN

T o the extent that this m u d r â symbolizes the victory over the demons, i t has the same meaning as the sokuchi-in. T h i s community o f meaning would seem to justify the study o f these t w o gestures under the same heading.

17 Anzan-in

SYMBOLISM

T h e sokuchi-in is known under several designations, which are con­ nected w i t h the symbolism attributed to this gesture. T h i s symbolism doubtlessly finds its o r i g i n i n the following legend: A t the moment when the historical Buddha was on the point o f p r o v i n g his Buddha perfection, the gods o f the earth warned h i m that he would be attacked by demons. But the Buddha calmed them, saying that he would suppress these e v i l doing gods by his power alone; that is, by his bodhi knowledge. A t this point the demon k i n g appeared and challenged h i m to put his words into action. T h e Buddha, p o i n t i n g to the ground w i t h his finger, called upon the gods o f the earth, who rose up and killed the demons. Other versions 9

describe the Buddha seated in padmäsana

under the bodhi tree and touching

the earth; whence the term soku-chi, "touching the earth." S â k y a m u n i remains unshakable by virtue of his former merits and his boundless kindness (maitrl).

M a r a (compare w i t h R ä v a n a , Bali, etc., i n Brah-

m a n i s m ) , following the defeat of his demon army, nevertheless presses his claim for the bodhi throne. He calls upon his troops as witnesses. T h e Buddha, without supporters, takes Earth as his witness by touching the ground. Whereupon, personified, Earth, t r e m b l i n g i n six ways, proclaims the Buddha the rightful occupant o f the bodhi throne. Still another version has the Buddha making this gesture as a sign o f gener­ osity when he was born as Vessantara.

9a

Some designations put stress

on the dramatic episode o f the demons; thus, gdma-in subjugation of the demons;

1 1

1 0

signifies the

hama-in, the m u d r â of the defeat o f M a r a ,

12

the demon k i n g who flung his malevolent legions against the Buddha; 81

[16

SOKUCHI-IN

nômetsubinayaka-in, shoma-zn,

14

mudrâ of the annihilation of the Vinâyakas;

1 3

saifuku-

mudrâ of the suppression of all the demons, the mudrâ by the

aid of which Shakamuni must have turned the demons, symbols of evil, to rout at the crucial moment of the final enlightenment. T h e position of the hand in the so-called anzan-in recalls the moment in which the Buddha repulsed the demons. Another aspect of this gesture relates the historical Buddha's long preparation for enlightenment. According to Conze: "He points to the earth as his witness, and the deity of the earth rises out of the ground, to confirm his statement. She also bore witness to the fact that Säkyamuni had fulfilled the complete discipline and duty of a Bodhisattva. This par­ able hides a deep spiritual truth. Mara, who corresponds to Satan, is the Lord of this world and of this earth. He claims therefore that the Bodhi­ sattva, representing that which is beyond this world and irredeemably hostile to it, has no right even to the piece of ground on which he is seated in meditation. T h e Bodhisattva, on the other hand, claims that through his innumerable deeds of self-sacrifice in his former lives, he has won a right to this little bit of earth."

1 5

T h e kyohacchijin-in, the gesture of surprising the gods of the earth, finds its origin in the version of the legend according to which Shakamuni, arriving at the state of Buddhahood, surprised (kydhatsu) the gods of the earth and obliged them to swear him eternal fidelity. As a result, this gesture symbolizes the decisive moment of the Enlightenment of the Buddha, a moment pregnant with meaning, for it is the instant in which Shakamuni ceases to be a Bodhisattva and becomes the Buddha. By the simultaneousness of his transformation, he incorporates the two states — Buddha and Bodhisattva —in one single instant. This

metamorphosis

recalls the superiority of the knowledge of the Buddha, which is pure bodhi perception and the means which enables the Enlightened One to triumph over the demons. T h e term sokuchi signifies "touching the ground," and the preceding names all stem from the notion of "repressing" the evil which is sym­ bolized by the demons. But the idea of the kyôhacchijin-in 82

derives more

SOKUCHI-IN

directly, perhaps, from the idea expressed by the Sanskrit the act of calling the earth to witness.

bhümisparsa,

T h e notion of witnessing is

16

related to the episode of the aforementioned legend, in which Gautama Buddha asks the earth to witness his temptation by the demon king, Mara, or of the unshakable resolution the world. Thus, the kyöhacchijin-in army.

of the Buddha to

1 7

renounce

symbolizes the defeat of the demon

18

19

There remain to be noted such designations as shichi-in,

a gesture

which indicates the earth — this is the mudrä which quiets the shock of the Enlightenment —and the nösaibuku-in, 20

the mudrä of bewitching.

21

The principal divinities which employ the sokuchi-in are Shakamuni

[VIII,

and the Esoteric Ashuku Nyorai (Aksobhya). In the Gandhäran school, the sokuchi-in refers to the scene of the Buddha's Enlightenment and to the subjugation of the demons. Siren writes: "This gesture alone, among all the gestures, is a distinctive sign of Säkyamuni; the other gestures may be of a common use with several Buddhas."

2 2

In Esotericism, the mudrä

of "touching the earth," as one of the "act seals" of the five Buddhas (gobutsu komma-in),

pertains to Ashuku,

23

for whom it constitutes the

principal iconographie characteristic. "With his right hand, he extends the five fingers and 'represses' the earth: the five fingers of the left hand hold a section of the stole (kesa)" attribute of (kongökai)

at the level of the breast.

2 4

Ashuku, the mudrä is called ashuku-in or

25

As an shichi-in,

and symbolizes the suppression of the demon army. Gonda observes that Ashuku holds the kesa with his left hand, but sometimes he forms the kongö ken-in,™ Diamond Fist, with the left hand, which then lies in his lap. Tenkuraion N y o r a i

( Taizökai)

27

also makes this gesture, for it may

be noted that "a tradition identifies to the Buddha Aksobhya of the Diamond World the Buddha Divyadundubhimeghanirghosa raion) of the Matrix World." Höshö ( E a s t ) .

2 8

(Tenku­

And sometimes it is associated with

29

Although this mudrä as a gesture characteristic of the Buddha Amida seems to be extremely rare, if not entirely absent, from Japanese sculp­ ture, one may, nevertheless, note continental examples which would 83

[s-2

XXIIA

SOKUCHI-IN

support the notion of an iconographie confusion in Korea (and in C h i n a ) . Here again, as in the case of the tembôrin-in,

30

the artistic tradition differs

from that of the texts. Amida, in certain cases, appears to have assigned himself this gesture, which, however, must be considered most charac­ teristic of Shakamuni.

84

6 Mudra of concentration

Jö-in íáL^p CH.

Ting-yin

S K . Dhyänamudrä

T

H E

J Ö - I N ,

is

1

or "gestures of concentration," reflect diverse tradi­ 2

tions, which have led to a variety of designations

3

and forms. It is

possible, however, to bring out the general lines discernible in the jd-in and to impose a certain amount of order on them, without attempting to make a definitive system of classification. This somewhat arbitrary ap­ proach is taken in order to give the student of Buddhist iconography a more or less comprehensive picture, from which he can note those details which interest him. The jö-in is a mudrâ universally peculiar to seated statues. T h e most common position or "attitude" (cf. äsana)

is that which is called kekka

fuza: the legs are folded so that the right foot rests, sole upward, against the left thigh, the left foot likewise against the right thigh (cf.

padmä-

sana ) . In order to facilitate the classification and the symbolic interpre­ 4

tation, it is possible to divide all the jö-in of Japanese sculpture into three general categories. For the convenience of this exposition, the mudrâ of concentration, according to their form, will be called Type A , Type. B , and Type C . TYPE

A

The hands lie in the lap, one on top of the other, the palms up. 19

The Shöshinjitsukyö jö-in:

( I I ) thus describes Type A , the simplest form of

"First, the five fingers of the left hand are extended in front of the 85

JÖ-IN

navel, then the five extended fingers of the right hand are placed on those X]

of the left."

5

In Type A , the position of the hands is characteristic; they

are placed one on the other, flat, the right on the left, palm up; less fre­ quently, the fingers are enmeshed. This is the Gandhäran

dhyänamudrä.

20 Type A : Variant 2

This form of jô-in

is found on Japanese statues especially in the V I I I - X

centuries, but after the X century it is less frequent than Types B and C . Type A is frequently found in China in Wei sculpture. Two

6

variants of Type A , although rare in Japan, may be placed

under this heading: ( 1 ) the legs in padmäsana

and the hands placed one

on top of the other in inverted position and held parallel to the feet, the 20]

palms turned toward the body;

7

( 2 ) the hands placed on top of each

other, the palms up, and crossed at about a 4 5 ° angle, the right hand on the left hand or vice versa. Type A , of Indian origin, spread throughout all parts of Asia of 8

Buddhist obedience, notably China TYPE

9

and southeast A s i a .

10

B

The hands lie in the lap, one on the other, the palms up; the thumbs, extending toward each other, sometimes touch, or are raised to form a triangle with the palms of the hands. 11

XVI]

In the form of T y p e B which is probably oldest, the ends of the thumbs join over the fingers of the superposed hands. Absent or infre­ quent in India, this form is frequently seen on Chinese W e i statues, and 12

the first Japanese statues serve as indications of the passage of this type to 86

JÖ-IN

Japan. T h e position in which the thumbs are slightly separated is prob­ 13

ably a somewhat later one.

14

Most of the authorities in iconography

maintain that this gesture is made by placing the right hand on the left,

16

as in Type A , but several examples exist in which the left hand is placed on the right. Doubtless it is a question here of a simple lack of icon­ ographie precision. Some of the texts, which have a tendency to give rather general indications

1 6

for the gestures, do, however, show that the

left hand should occupy the upper position.

17

Nevertheless, universally

in India, the right hand is placed on the left.

22

TYPE

C

The hands lie in the lap, one on the other, palms up. The last two phalanges of the indexes are in a vertical position and touch back to back. The thumbs join at the ends of the indexes form­ ing thus two circles. * 1

This type, which is later

1 9

than the other two, is frequently used in [ I X

Japanese Esotericism, especially in statues of the so-called Esoteric Amida. It is not present in Indian sculpture. It has three aspects, char­ acterized by circles formed with the thumbs and indexes, middle fingers, and ring fingers. Each aspect stands for a specific rank in the Amida hierarchy. SYMBOLISM

T h e symbolism of the jô-in concept of samädhi

(sammaji):

is closely associated with the Indian the complete absorption of thought by

intense contemplation of a single object of meditation, in such a way that 20

the bonds relating the mental faculties to so-called "real phenomena" are broken, and the worshiper is thus enabled to identify himself with the Supreme Unity

2 1

through a sort of super-intellectual raptus. T w o cate87

JÖ-IN

gories of thought processes fall under the heading of samädhi:

the sanjö,

or "scattered meditation," exercised under the influence of the World of Desire, characterizes the ordinary fashion of thinking; and the or "ecstatic meditation,"

2 2

zenjö,

exercised in the World Beyond Forms.

T h i s latter type is one of the attributes of the Essence Body

23

(hosshin),

a state which implies absolute calm, impassivity, tranquillity, wherein one is "exempt from exterior sensations." In the jö-in,

the position of

the hands (especially in Types A and B but also in Type C ) is that of the adepts of yogic contemplation. Thus the jö-in

symbolizes specifically

zenjö, ecstatic thought ( N . B . the designation zen-in),

for it is the gesture

which indicates the suppression of all spiritual disquiet in order to arrive finally at the complete concentration on the truth. T h e position of the hands in the mudrâ of concentration derives, in accordance with the tradition, from the attitude which the historical Buddha assumed when he devoted himself to final meditation under the bodhi tree. T h i s is the attitude he was found in when the demon armies of M a r a attacked him. He was to alter it only when he called the earth 15]

to witness, at the moment of his triumph over the demons (cf.

sokuchi-in).

Consequently, in the Gandhâran school, the position symbolizes specifically the supreme meditation of the historical Buddha, but also the Buddhist qualities of tranquillity, impassivity, and superiority.

24

Ac-

cording to a variant of this legend, the Buddha as Liberator of the N â g a is symbolized by the jo-in (renge-in,

(dhyänamudrä)

or by the

2 5

uttarabodhimudrä

26

mudrâ of the Lotus). T h e mudrâ of concentration under the

designation of zen-in also serves as a gesture peculiar to the Buddha Fuküjöju ( Amoghasiddhi), who, in India, is represented in the position of meditation and protected by the serpent Mucilinda. As early as the art of Amarâvatï, however, the hand of this divinity is raised to make the abhayamudrä

(semui-in),

which subsequently becomes the characteristic

gesture of Amoghasiddhi.

27

It will be noted that the junction of the thumbs, in the position of the 21]

hands joined in the lap, especially in Type B, takes on the aspect of a triangle. T h i s mystic triangle (trikona) 88

is associated closely to the one

JÖ-IN

which is constituted by the straight torso and the legs of the statue seated inpadmäsana. T h e triangle symbolizes both the tri-ratna

(Buddha, doc­

trine, community) and, according to the beliefs of certain sects, the yoni, womb-source of all things.

T h e symbolic value of the triangle may be

28

found to originate in the words of the Buddha himself. T h e Supreme One spoke about the symbol of Self by using three points, . \ , arranged in the form of a triangle resting on its base. This geometric form was used to symbolize the embodied aspect of the Tathägata.

29

The symbolism of the

triangle "seal" extends far back into the history of Buddhism. As Steinilber-Oberlin writes: "According to an ancient translation brought back from India, and adopted by Buddhism, the Body of Fire is triangular. So the Seal of Hokai-Chö consists in forming a triangle by joining the tips of the two extended forefingers, the other fingers remaining closed. It sym­ bolizes the production of Fire, which must destroy all that is impure in the World of L a w , and render the world sacred and saintly."

3 0

In Esotericism, the symbolism of the position of the hands shows considerable amplitude: the jô-in

title signifies "the complete renounce­

ment of the Buddha and his evasion from the chain of causality." zen haramitsu (dhyänapäramitä)

is actually the fifth perfection,

3 1

The

dhyäna

or meditation, fifth of the Six Perfections which lead to nirvana. It is thus the mudrä which symbolizes the crossing of the sea of life and death by means of "ecstatic concentration," to arrive at Extinction. T h e right hand, which symbolizes the World of the Buddha, reposes on the left hand, which symbolizes Sentient Beings. Together they emphasize not only the relative position which these two worlds occupy but also the fact that Buddha and Sentient Beings form one and the same unity.

32

T h e circle formed by the fingers in Type C means the perfection of the L a w (compare with the circle-wheel of the L a w ) , because, of course, the circle is a perfect form.

33

So in the hokkai jô-in,

the single circle­

like shape of this mudrä represents the universe. T h e formation of the two circles by the two hands representing, respectively, the world of the Buddhas and that of Sentient Beings, indicates that the L a w conceived by the Buddha is sustained by Sentient Beings, who integrate themselves 89

JÖ-IN

into it completely. T h e two juxtaposed circular shapes represent the accomplishment and the perfection of Buddhist L a w in its relationship to all Beings. T h e right-hand circle symbolizes the divine law of the Buddha, the left-hand circle, the human law of the Buddha. Side by side, the circles symbolize the harmony of the two worlds, that of Sentient Beings and that of the Buddha. T h e fingers are entwined or superposed; those of the left 34

hand represent the five elements of the world of Beings, and those of the right hand the five elements of the world of the Buddhas. Moreover, the fingers symbolize by their respective position the superiority of the world of the Buddha in its relation to the world of Sentient Beings. Also in those cases in which the left hand (Sentient Beings) is placed on the right (Buddha), the relative position of the two would symbolize that the world of the Buddhas sustains the world of Beings. T h e two circles of Type C also stand for the two aspects of cosmic

22]

unity; the Diamond World (kongökai World (taizökai

or garbhadhätu).

or vajradhätu)

and the Matrix

These circles are separated from each

other because they are formed by two different hands. T h e circles are joined in this mudra to constitute a single unity which symbolizes, by the forms and their juxtaposition, the double aspect of a single world, and the concept of All-One, the basic principle of Esotericism. T h e jö-in indicate the two Worlds are often called hokkai jö-in,

that

a designation which

denotes the entrance into profound meditation on the World of Essence (hokkai).

In fact, Zemmui states that in is actually a symbol of the (body

of the) world of essence and that it is from this relationship that the hokkai jö-in

derives its name.

35

T h e mudra of concentration are difficult to denominate and to classify in a completely precise fashion. F o r example, the different jö-in of taizökai XVI, I X ]

Dainichi and of taizökai

Amida change their names and their symbolism

with slight differences of position of the fingers and of the hands. In order to succeed in distinguishing the principal variants, however, a somewhat arbitrary order may be imposed upon them. It may be seen that the jö-in let themselves be apportioned to three categories,

36

according to the

nature of the divinities that make them, and their position in the mandala. 90

JÖ-IN

Mudra of the Buddha Section T h e hokkai jö-in,

concentration mudrâ of the Dharma world, is

associated with (taizökai) name Dainichi jö-in.

Dainichi of the Matrix World, whence the

This denomination usually applies to Type B of

37

the jö-in

[21, X V I

in which the thumbs are held level with the fingers. In the case

of Dainichi of the Matrix World, the symbolism of the union of the two hands would be essentially the unity of the material and the spiritual. The hokkai jö-in the (kongökai)

is the counterpart of the chi ken-in, which characterizes Dainichi of the Diamond W o r l d .

38

[si, XIV

Together these two

gestures represent the Six Essence Worlds (rokudai hokkai) of the two (taizökai

and kongökai)

position of the jö-in bucchöshuyugahögiki

Dainichi. Several texts officially establish the

for (taizökai)

Dainichi; among others, the SonshÖ-

and the Ryakushutsukyö(l),

which indicate that the

39

statue of the divinity should be in a seated position (kekka fuza) the soles of the feet up. T h e two hands in hokkai jö-in

4 0

the oneness of knowledge (chi) and of principle ( n ) .

4 1

with

symbolize here Thus Dainichi

Nyorai is customarily seen seated in the middle of nine gods on an eightpetaled lotus throne: he makes the nyü jö-in be noted that the jö-in

or hokkai jö-in.

(that is, the hokkai jö-in),

42

It should

such as it is formed by

Dainichi of the Matrix World, is distinctive in that the thumbs touch each other. Yakushi also on occasion makes the hokkai jö-in

(Hokkaiji,

Yamashiro): hands flat, tips of thumbs touching. This mudrâ is con­ venient for holding a medicine pot, the usual attribute of the divinity.

Jo-in of A m i d a ,

43

[66

or Lotus Section Jo-in

Amida is perhaps the most important of all the divinities that display [ I X the jo-in.

Consequently the jö-in of Amida are comprised of the variously

named concentration mudrâ formed by this Buddha. In the Amida concentration mudra, the fingers are interlocked on the outside

(gebaku),

while the indexes of both hands touch the thumbs to form two circles. T h e rengebu-no-jo-in of Amida is also known under the name of

myökan91

[22

JÖ-IN

mudrä of the Mirror Knowledge,

zacchi-in,

spicacity, a particular virtue of Amida.

45

44

a gesture denoting per­

This is "one of the five Knowl­

edges of Vairocana (i.e., Amida from the point of view of equality, all Buddhas being equal), whose role it is to conduct Beings toward en­ lightenment by retrenching doubts relative to the predications of all Buddhas."

4 6

According to the Bakkyô

Daijiten,

this is one of the four

Knowledges of the Exoteric Doctrine, the knowledge of the exposition 47

of the L a w through "perspicacity" (myökan), understanding of the whole teaching.

48

which vouchsafes

mydkanzacchi another explanation according to which "myôkan" the name of a triple system of meditation. known under other designations: meditation; rengebu jô-in,

5 0

49

T h e jô-in

saishôsammai-in,

becomes

of Amida are

mudrä of supreme

concentration mudrä of the lotus

shiyui-in, mudrä of the mind at work; jüsammaji-in, in meditation; josanranshin-in,

the

T h e Tendai school gives of the

section;

mudrä of perseverance

mudrä of dispersing the disorders of the

heart (in the toils of the passions of this world, in order to arrive at enlightenment); Mida jô-in,

51

jô-in,

mudrä of concentration in Amida; rikitan

mudrä of concentration in the extreme strength (of the Buddha);

and Murybjunyorai-in,

52

T h e jô-in

mudrä of the Tathägata

Muryöju (i.e., Amida).

is the "act seal" of the five Buddhas (gobutsu komma-in, which

corresponds to Amida in the Diamond W o r l d ) . 11]

T h e mudrä of the Esoteric Amida, that is, the Amida of the nine classes,

22]

53

are known as kuhon-in and serve to indicate the rank of the

Amida in question. T h e jô-in

are reserved for the Upper Class. F o r ex­

ample, Upper Class: Lower Life presents the Type C jô-in,

in which the

two raised ring fingers form with the thumbs two circles. T h e indexes and the middle fingers are entwined. Upper Class: Middle Life presents Type C jô-in,

in which the two erect middle fingers form with the thumbs the

two circles, the other fingers being entwined. Upper Class: Upper Life also presents the T y p e C jô-in,

in which the two raised indexes form with

the thumbs the two circles, the other fingers being entwined. Other mudrä designating the Amida of the nine classes were discussed above under an-i-in (see p. 7 4 ) . 92

JÖ-IN

Jö-in

of the Diamond Section and others

T h e jô-in

of the Kongo section is the baku jö-in,

mudrâ of concen­

tration on the bonds which attach Sentient Beings to the passions of the world; it is a characteristic gesture of Tenkurai N y o r a i regularly formed by interlocking the fingers (gebaku),

54

and is

letting the tips

[i9

of the two thumbs touch. While the three foregoing may be considered most important, there are other concentration mudrâ characterizing different mandala sections. Since they are essentially pictorial, they may be summarily mentioned. F o r the treasure section (hö-bu), jö-in

Amida's

is formed: the two indexes in contact with the thumbs make the

circles characteristic of the Type C concentration mudrâ. This gesture is called the samben höju jö-in,

"concentration mudrâ of the trilobate jewel"

(q.v.). T h e kamma-in of the karma section is formed by interlocking the fingers (gebaku), letting the thumbs and little fingers touch at their tips. Despite the variety of forms and uses, among the above concentra­ tion mudrâ, generally speaking, the hokkai jö-in World of Essence (taizö

symbolize the Womb

hokkai), while the kongö-bu jö-in

Diamond World of Essence (kongö

hokkai).

symbolize the

T h e concentration mudrâ

of the Buddha, Diamond, and Lotus sections are collectively known as the sambu jö-in,

"concentration mudrâ of the Three Sections." They

apply to the taizökai,

in which the images are enclosed in three circles.

T o these three are added two more: treasures and karma, which form the five circles of the kongökai.

T h e collective concentration mudrâ of

the Five Sections are hence called the gobu jö-in. No one of these three groups of jö-in

should be considered as being

exclusively distinctive of the principal divinities mentioned above. Thus, numerous Buddhas, and Bodhisattvas. holy men, and sages 55

56

5 7

form the

jö-in at times to recall the legend of the historical Buddha, at other times to invoke the Esoteric power of the gesture. T h e mudrâ also symbolizes Zen meditation. Contrary to the sokuchi-in, which —in Gandhâra —is pe­ culiar to Säkyamuni, the jö-in,

of ecclesiastic and secular use,

58

is rarely

sufficient to identify the personage who makes it. 93

[22

7 Mudrä of turning the wheel of the L a w

Tembörin-in ^4 & CH. SK.

xrj

H E

*P

Chuan-fa-lun-yin Dharmacakramudrä

]

T E M B Ô R I N - I N

is characterized by a diversity of forms during

T the course of its development across Asia. Even India offers a va­ riety of aspects: in general, the right hand is held at the level of the breast, palm facing outward, while the index and the thumb, joined at the tips to form the mystic circle, touch one of the fingers of the left hand, 2

whose palm is turned inward; such is the form manifest as early as Särnâth. In a Buddhist fresco at Ajanta, the two hands are held in front 3

of the breast, the left hand grasps a corner of the stole, and the right hand, whose index and thumb are touching, seems to press upon the little 24 Ajanla Tembörin-in

finger of the left hand. In another Ajanta example, the hands are held 4

close together but do not touch. This type is reflected in the Horyuji XII]

Amida. In a work of Gandhâra, the right hand, with the fingers rather close together and the palm turned inward, loosely envelops the joined

25 Gandhäran Tembörin-in

26 Tibetan Tembörin-in

ends of the thumb and index of the left hand: the other fingers are negli­ XIII]

gently closed. Another form occurs in Tibet: the right hand is held erect 5

in front of the breast, as in the an-i-in (index and thumb joined at the tips — cf. F i g . 9 ) , the palm fully turned outward; the left hand with the palm turned toward the inside touches, with the ends of the thumb and the 94

TEMBÖRIN-IN

index (also i n the form o f an an-i-in),

the mystic circle formed by the

r i g h t hand. T h e left hand may either hide the r i g h t palm or be fixed on a 6

slightly lower plane i n such a fashion as to leave i t exposed. T h i s gesture, which exists i n China i n identical f o r m , was said to have been transmitted 7

27 Höryüji Tembörin-in

there i n the early T ' a n g dynasty

through H s ü a n - f s a n g and

Wang

H s ü a n - t ' s e . A Japanese example is to be seen on the H ö r y ü j i A m i d a . I n Japan, these diverse Indian forms have favored the occurrence o f several variants. T h e most common one very much resembles the corresponding

[26

Tibetan m u d r ä : the left hand forms the "mystic circle" by j o i n i n g the middle finger and the thumb, the extremity o f the index touches the joined ends of the thumb and index o f the r i g h t hand, and the l i t t l e finger of the left hand lies on the base o f the r i g h t thumb. T h e index constitutes thus a symbolic bond between the t w o hands.

8

I t is fitting to note here another v a r i a n t o f secondary importance. 9

T h e hands are placed back to back, the left palm turned outward; the entwined fingers touch at their extremities, and the left thumb meets the r i g h t thumb on the r i g h t palm. T h i s variant has not been noted i n India, and even i n Japan,

10

especially i n sculpture, i t is rare.

^

28 Tembörin-in [variant) SYMBOLISM

\

\

By virtue not only o f its designation ( " t u r n i n g the wheel o f the L a w " ) but also o f its form (the t w o circles recalling the aspect o f the w h e e l ) , the Esoteric significance o f this m u d r ä is based on the symbolism 96

[28

TEMBÖRIN-IN

of the wheel. This attribute, which may be appropriately classified under 11

the heading of the gesture to which it is so closely associated, is charged with meaning since the earliest antiquity. Before Buddhism, the wheel 12

had doubtless already taken on with the Indo-Europeans a role emblematic of the sun and of fire. And so it is that in Buddhism Vairocana, who 13

14

29 Wheel: at right, from early coin

carries this attribute, marks his clearly solar nature;

1 5

and error, just as the sun dissipates morning clouds.

16

he dissipates lies

By virtue of a possible identification with the solar disk, the wheel comes to designate the course of the sun, the "revolution of the year: the incipience of its movement constituted then the primordial act of creation."

1 7

" I n the sense that T i m e is the Sun," writes Coomaraswamy, "a

circle is its centre, the Wheel represents the Sun, but more exactly the movement of the Sun, in his heavenly car, with one or two correlated wheels."

1 8

T h e solar character of this attribute in Buddhism is manifest as

early as Bärhut and Amarâvatï. T h e Buddha is represented at both sites as the "sempiternal sun."

1 9

As a solar emblem, the wheel appears in a double form: that is to say, the two wheels of the solar chariot at once bound together and held away from each other by the same axle. It is the emblem of the world seen from two different but inseparable bility of the taizökai

2 0

points of view ( in Shingon, the indivisi-

and the kongökai).

T h e sun lights the sky and

the earth; in the same way the two wheels touch, one the heavens and the other the earth. T h e axle is identified with the cosmic axis, which at the same time separates and binds together these two points. E v e n in the pre-Buddhist period, the cakravartin vartin,

21

(cakra, "wheel";

"he who has the movement or who puts into movement"), the

king who causes the wheel to turn,

se

22

23

uses the wheel as a symbol or dis-

TEMBORIN-IN

tinctive a r m .

24

Legend has i t that at his investiture a golden wheel fell

from the sky. T h e cakravartin is nevertheless inferior to the Buddha, who 25

as dharmacakravartin,

the one who causes the wheel of the L a w to t u r n ,

conquers the w o r l d for Buddhism by universalizing the Doctrine. Thus the wheel presents a meaning o f double aspect: that o f destroying, and that of l i g h t i n g —both d e r i v i n g from pre-Buddhist notions. A close re­ lationship may be established between the Buddha and the universal sovereign, for the Buddha as the all-powerful monarch is "he who puts the wheel i n m o t i o n " (cakravartin), the w o r l d , crushes

2 6

the wheel that, as i t passes through

all evil, all error, all enemies o f the L a w . "There

where i t keeps itself is the unshakable place i n which should reside such a sovereign, he who, by definition, is stable, firm, omnipresent, linked to the center o f the universe from where he reigns."

2 7

Only he who sets the

wheel i n m o t i o n , who performs the creative act, may be a monarch reigning over the whole w o r l d . So the indestructible Wheel o f the Cosmos illustrates the action o f the Buddhist Doctrine, which crushes all illusion and all superstition, as the wheel crushes all i t passes over. protection, wheel of creation

2 9

28

Wheel of

such are its qualities as the arm o f the

universal sovereign. Moreover, the Prasna

Upanisad adds: " O n w h o m

the parts stand fast, as i t were spokes on the nave o f the wheel, H i m I deem the Person to be k n o w n . "

3 0

D r . Coomaraswamy gives a r é s u m é of the rich symbolism o f the wheel i n Buddhist metaphysics: " I t s dimensions are indefinite, its radius the variable distance between an undimensioned (amätra) immeasurable (antariksa,

(asankhya)

äkäsa),

(chäyätapa),

point and an

there i n the 'middle space'

between the T and the ' n o t - I , ' essence and nature, lie

procession and recession (dharmädharmau),

circumference: (pravrtti,

j o y and sorrow

nivrtti),

there are good and evil

(sukha, duhkha),

l i g h t and shade

b i r t h and death, all local movement and affection: and that

motion and passibility are greater the greater the distance from the centre. Beyond the felly lies only the inexistence of the irrational, an impossi­ bility o f existence, as o f square circles or the horns o f a hare; w i t h i n the nave, the non-existence o f the supra-rational. 97

TEMBÖRIN-IN

" T h e cycle o f ego-consciousness," Coomaraswamy continues, " i m ­ plies an outward movement from the nave to the ever-receding felly, and a return from the however distant felly to the unchanging centre. A p r o ­ gressive enlightenment (krama-mukti)

can then be expressed as a gradual

contraction o f the radius, b r i n g i n g the circumference ever closer to the centre, until that which seemed to enclose the point is seen to be con­ tained w i t h i n i t , knowledge being thus con-centrated into a single form, which is the form o f very different things. T h a t is Nirvana, unitary being, ' w i t h residual existential elements/ and by a vanishment o f the point becomes also Parinirväna,

w i t h o u t residuum o f existence."

3 1

According to the legend, the historical Buddha is supposed to have transmitted the original design o f the wheel to his disciples by tracing i t w i t h grains o f rice gathered while he was teaching i n a rice field.

32

How­

ever i t may be, before the representation o f the historical Buddha i n h u ­ man form, the wheel, identifiable w i t h the universal sovereign, figured in the place of the Buddha.

33

I t was represented i n the form of a "Principiai

W h e e l " standing upon a universal t e r r a i n .

34

D u r i n g the first centuries o f

the Christian era, at the time of the representation o f the Buddha i n human form, the wheel appeared some place on the T a t h ä g a t a ' s body or on the II]

throne on which he was seated. I t served to indicate the sermon o f the Deer Park at Benares. T h e dharmacakramudrä,

by assuming a part of

the role of this aniconic attribute, symbolizes i n iconographie repre­ sentations this same episode o f the Buddhist legend.

35

T h e wheel presents an affinity w i t h the lotus. Represented at first i n 36

the form o f a solar disk whose rays came to constitute the e i g h t

3 7

spokes

o f the Buddhist wheel, i t demonstrates early a "decorative contamination w i t h the red lotus (padma),

whose cosmological value is doubled w i t h a

profound philosophical sense."

3 8

Thus the lotus fully opened, also bearer

of a clearly solar character, symbolizes the divine b i r t h , the purity of the law. I t is divided into eight petals, which indicate the eight cardinal so]

points, the eightfold path, etc. I n Japan, the rimbo

3 9

o f the Shingon sect —

which displays a lotus i n the guise o f the nave, from which proceed eight rays — constitutes evidence, i n this instance, o f the fusion o f these t w o 98

TEMBÖRIN-IN

symbols.

40

T h e wheel and the lotus become, as i t were, the "secret pivot

of the w o r l d " around which the diverse constituents are disposed i n sym­ metrical fashion. I n India the wheel surmounting a pillar recalls the opened lotus at the top of its stem;

4 1

(cakrastambha)

and i n Nepal the Wheel o f

Vairocana is actually represented by the calyx of a lotus containing the procreating seeds of the

flower.

42

SO Eight-spoke Rimbö

Buddhist art utilizes first the symbol of the wheel and then the tembörin-in

in order to recall the precise moment of the Buddhist legend at

which the Buddha, having triumphed over the attacks of the evil demon, M a r a , attains bodhi, and gives his first sermon i n the Deer Park at Be­ nares. T h i s is the moment i n which the Buddha puts into motion the wheel of the Law. I n aniconic representations o f the historical Buddha, the scene was symbolized w i t h the help of a pillar surmounted by a wheel and flanked by t w o affronted deer. I n iconographie representations, this same wheel persists, but appears now either traced on the body of the Buddha or held in his hands —one may cite numerous Buddhas in jô-in who hold on their joined hands an eight-spoke w h e e l — or represented 4 3

by the symbolic gesture of the tembôrin-in M T h i s m u d r ä appropriates for itself the symbolism o f the wheel and acknowledges the omnipotence and the sovereignty of the Buddha by affirming his identification w i t h a u n i ­ versal monarch. T h e tembôrin-in

itself, whose form represents t w o j u x t a ­

posed wheels of the L a w , recalls, i n Esoteric symbolism, the " p r i n c i p i a i " unity of the taizökai

and the kongökai and, according to the non-Tantric

explanation, the Teaching of the Buddha and the dissemination o f his L a w . T h i s gesture is also called the seppö-in, m u d r ä of the exposition of the L a w .

45

T h e tembörin-in

symbolizes the destruction of human ills, as 99

TEMBÖRIN-IN

w e l l as the constant progression o f Buddhist doctrines which penetrate to all Beings and which, without l i m i t s , like the cosmic wheel, exist universally. T h i s is a symbolism which accentuates the movement of the wheel, a continual movement of the L a w which is constantly being trans­ mitted to all Beings; i t emphasizes the "incessant repetition o f the funda­ mental moral doctrines of Buddhism." I n the Japanese Esoteric sects, making this m u d r ä , accompanied by the r i g h t ritual words, may for the celebrant take the place " o f all sermons, for no predication is more perfect than the L a w . "

4 6

T h e tembôrin-in,

according to the symbolism that has just been

traced, is w i t h one exception reserved to the exclusive use o f the Bud­ dhas; that exception is the Bodhisattva M i r o k u ( M a i t r e y a ) . M i r o k u as XIII]

the future Buddha makes the tembörin-in,

for i t is he who i n time to come

w i l l turn the wheel o f the L a w . Thus i n India this m u d r ä is associated 46, 47, 4 8 ]

w i t h M a i t r e y a , especially when he is seated on a throne, his legs pendent in front, i n the so-called "European attitude,"

a characteristic position

4 7

of this d i v i n i t y . T h e Buddha Shakamuni, as early as the G a n d h ä r a n school, uses the tembörin-in

to identify the legendary scene when, after the Illumination,

he made his first sermon and exposed the Doctrine. I t was at that time that he put into motion the wheel o f the L a w , which was to move throughout the universe, to crush the forces o f evil, and to w o r k for the salvation o f Beings. Doubtless i n G a n d h â r a , this gesture alone would have sufficed to recall the predication o f the L a w i f the use o f the m u d r ä had not been indeterminate at that time (cf. Introduction, pp. 43 ff.). Before and after the introduction o f Esotericism 27]

tembörin-in

is a gesture o f the Buddha A m i d a .

the Doctrine, A m i d a makes the tembörin-in,

49

4 8

into Japan, the

As a Buddha exposing

composed o f t w o wheels of

the L a w . T h e circle formed by the thumb and the index of the left hand is that o f Beings and represents the precept jögubodai: bodhi"

5 0

" o n h i g h to seek

— " t o aspire . . . toward divine knowledge, i n order to reach

the w o r l d o f the Buddhas";

6 1

consequently, the fingers o f the left hand are

erect. T h e circle formed by the thumb and the index o f the r i g h t hand is 100

TEMBORIN-IN

that o f the Buddhas and represents the precept gekeshujd: "below to convert all Beings (plunged into e r r o r ) " —that is to say, seeking the salvation o f Beings through the intermediary o f the B u d d h a ;

conse­

52

quently, the fingers o f the r i g h t hand are lowered. T h e tembdrin-in which reflects the ancient symbolism o f the wheel is associated also to Dainichi N y o r a i and to M i r o k u .

6 3

T h e name of Dainichi

[V

N y o r a i ( = Great Solar T a t h â g a t a ) clearly illustrates the nature o f this association. As the sun shines, Dainichi, as supreme Buddha,

54

i n the

center, dissipates by the l i g h t o f his knowledge untruths and errors. There remains to be noted the designation bjin-seppd-in,

65

also a m u d r â o f the predication o f the L a w .

56

teristic o f Shakamuni as predicator. I t is also called Shakamuni explaining the L a w kichijö-in,

5 7

which is

T h i s is a gesture charac­ chi-kichijd(no)in.

makes w i t h his r i g h t hand the

(chi)

m u d r â o f the Felicity o f Knowledge, for i n propagating his

doctrine, he delights the w o r l d . T h e left hand turned toward the interior represents the naishö, "inner attestation," toward the outside, the geyö,

59

5 8

and the r i g h t hand turned

" e x t e r i o r use."

101

[10

8 M u d r ä of the Knowledge

fist

Chi Ken-in CH.

Chih-cKüan-yin

SK. Vajramudrä

( P ) , jnänamudrä

bodhasrimudrä

XIV, 41]

* T T < H E

S

T

A

T

U

E

(?),

1

2

(?)

3

( o f Dainichi)

4

on which the chi ken-in figures is i n a

A seated position, the soles o f the feet facing upward; this is the pos­ ture o f interior concentration (padmäsana).

T o make this gesture, the

r i g h t thumb is inflected onto the r i g h t palm, where i t is enfolded and grasped by the other fingers so as to form a solid fist the center o f which s-2]

is the thumb. T h i s fist is called the kenro kongd ken(-in)

"adamantine,

6 y

diamond fist" (cf. kongö ken-in). navel,

6

T h e left hand is held at the level o f the

the palm turned toward the r i g h t ; the raised index (i.e.,

"Diamond Finger")

7

is inserted as far as the first j o i n t

8

into the

the fist

formed by the r i g h t hand, which is now superposed over the left. T h e left index is held by the r i g h t l i t t l e finger. T h e r i g h t index is grasped at the first j o i n t by the r i g h t thumb i n such a way as to bend the index. T h i s m u d r ä is called the bodaiindodaiichichi-in,

"first Knowledge m u d r ä which

conducts souls to enlightenment"; or the nometsumumyökokuan-in,

"mudrä

which is capable o f suppressing darkness and spiritual shadows"; or the biroshananyoraidaimyöchi-in,

" m u d r ä o f the great and marvelous K n o w l ­

edge o f Vairocana" (cf. n . 2 7 ) . According to the

Shugokokkaishudaranikyô

( I I ) : " T h e n the r i g h t hand is made into a diamond fist and held i n front of the breast; [ t h i s r i g h t hand] grasps the left index. T h i s is called nöyomujöbodaisaisonshö-in

and

is the

sign o f Vairocana, the

original

teacher." But all texts do not agree w i t h this disposition o f the hands. A n d according to the Kongöchörengebushinnenjugiki: 102

" T h e n the Diamond

CHI K E N - I N

Fist is formed and, i n meditation (samähita — i n which both m i n d and body are concentrated), there are t w o [ d i v i s i o n s ] . T h e left Diamond Fist grasps the r i g h t index."

8 a

A n d the Shobutsukydgaishdshinjitsukyd

(II)

notes: "Further, the t i p o f the r i g h t index contacts the end section o f the r i g h t thumb; i t is held i n front o f the breast. T h i s is called the (the first Knowledge m u d r â leading to enlighten-

bodaiindò~daiichichi-in ment). . . .

By means o f this m u d r â ( b y means of its kaji ), 9

the various

Buddhas, on behalf o f the adept, impart the sign o f the surpassing samädhi of perfect enlightenment, that is, Vairocana's great and marvelous Knowledge m u d r â . "

1 0

I n this gesture, both left and r i g h t hands form

the Diamond Fist. T h e left is held i n front o f the breast, the index is extended and is grasped by the r i g h t fist. There are t w o traditions concerning this gesture, one being the foregoing and the other being that the left thumb is extended and is held i n the r i g h t fist. Since the chi ken-in is fundamentally an Esoteric gesture, i t does not appear i n Japan before the introduction of mikkyd ( Esotericism ) , officially around the beginning o f the I X century. I n India the examples o f this gesture, even after the codification o f the Vajrayäna,

must be very rare:

none have come to the attention of the present author. Certain authorities

1 1

maintain that the chi ken-in may have originated i n the m u d r â o f the

predication of the L a w , the tembdrin-in. As early as G a n d h â r a , there existed several variations o f the classic tembdrin-in — prototype o f the gesture of the A m i d a T r i n i t y i n the H ö r y ü j i to the chi ken-in. Gandhâra

1 2

— which are sculpturally very close

By referring to Foucher's L'Art

gréco-bouddhique

du

(figs. 4 0 5 , 4 2 6 , 4 5 6 , and 4 5 9 ) , one may perceive the hypotheti-

cal evolution which, i n Japan, is said to have ended i n the chi ken-in.

lz

Ac-

cording to the present writer's opinion, however, such a theory is based on the erroneous assumption that this so-called "evolution o f f o r m " is i n itself sufficient proof o f the relationship between chi ken-in and tembdrin-in. T h e fact that any similarity i n symbolic meaning is quite lacking should, i t would seem, preclude such a hypothesis.

Considering, too, that the

formulation o f new gestures must require no great imaginative effort or time, i t is not hard to suppose that Esotericism simply created, as i n so 103

[25,27

CHI K E N - I N

many other cases, a new gesture i n order to express the metaphysical notions which were to be newly symbolized. SYMBOLISM

T h i s gesture is closely associated w i t h Vairocana.

14

According to

T a n t r i c symbolism, the chi ken-in emphasizes not the propagation o f the L a w on the example o f the tembdrin-in, but the aspect o f Knowledge

(chi),

the Knowledge o f Vairocana as supreme d i v i n i t y . T w o different roles o f this god are thus underlined by the use o f these t w o gestures: the tembdrin-in is attributed to Vairocana as dhyän/-Buddha is attributed to h i m as Ä d i - B u d d h a , produced the dhyäni-Buddha

15

and the chi ken-in

for the Ä d i - B u d d h a is said to have

by means o f the activity o f the Five K n o w l ­

edges (go chi). XIV]

T h e chi ken-in is the mudra o f Dainichi i n the kongdkai

(vajra-

16

" D i a m o n d W o r l d . " By reducing this gesture to its constituent

dhätu),

elements, one finds that i t is actually composed o f t w o fists called kenrd s-2]

kongd ken-in, "adamantine, diamond fists," which symbolize the Diamond W o r l d , the spiritual W o r l d to which Knowledge (chi) belongs. But this Knowledge is militant, for i t represents the power to destroy (cf. kongd, vajra)

the passions o f this w o r l d ; i t is also an intellectual force which

gives the power to all Beings to attain to Buddha Knowledge; for, as the Hokkegisho notes: "Possessing a seal, a man enters a country i n peace. I f he does not possess a seal he may not enter. I n like fashion, [ b y means of the chi ken-in^ the Bodhisattva attains this concentration (sammai) Knowledge,] and comprehends r e a l i t y . "

[on

1 7

According to the Esoteric symbolism o f this gesture, the left index ( W o r l d o f Beings) is surrounded and protected by the fingers o f the r i g h t hand ( W o r l d o f the B u d d h a [ s ] ) . T h e five fingers o f the r i g h t hand represent the Five Elements o f which man is composed: the l i t t l e

finger,

earth; the r i n g finger, fire; the middle finger, water; the index, air; the thumb, v o i d .

18

T h e fingers symbolize also the rokusho (sadäyatana),

gokon (pancendriyäni)

19

the

; that is to say, the five organs of the senses, as roots

(kon) o f Knowledge, to which is added the s i x t h element, manas ( m e n 104

CHI K E N - I N

t a l ) . T h e index o f the left hand, which plays the role o f the s i x t h finger, "represents the flame-symbol o f Ä d i - B u d d h a , for the s i x t h element, the mind (manas),

is a particle o f his essence."

"gesture o f the Six Elements"

2 1

2 0

Thus the denomination

is intelligible: the six elements are the

five which compose man plus the s i x t h , which is o f the Buddha. T h e t w o 22

hands symbolize the t w o inseparable worlds o f the taizökai kongökai, and are here connected by the left index,

23

and the

the diamond

finger

which constitutes at once a bond between the hands and the

(kongöshi),

way between the worlds. " . . . the fingers o f the r i g h t hand clasp the forefinger o f the left . . . the gesture symbolizes the unity o f the cosmic and individual souls i n the final spiritual enlightenment." dhätu

(taizökai)

2 4

I n thegarbha-

form, the t w o hands hold the dharmacakra,

implying

their distinction on the plane o f operation. According to G e t t y , the kongökai (Spiritual W o r l d ) is represented by the raised left index, which joins the r i g h t hand, whose five fingers represent the taizökai

(Matrix

W o r l d ) . T h e t w o together symbolize the oneness o f the spiritual and the material ( w o r l d s ) , the oneness o f the cosmic soul and the individual soul, the oneness o f Knowledge and Principle.

25

A specific symbol o f the Knowledge o f the Buddha Dainichi o f the kongökai,

this gesture is named daichi-in, "gesture o f the Great K n o w l ­

edge." By making this m u d r ä , the Buddha ( o r the celebrant who identifies himself w i t h the Buddha) enters into possession of the chi-hokkai,

"Es­

sence W o r l d o f K n o w l e d g e " ( i . e . , the Knowledge of all the Buddhas together).

26

T h i s is the knowledge peculiar to (kongökai)

knowledge o f the substantial nature o f the dharma

27

Dainichi, the

(hokkai taishö

chi),

which is symbolized by the chi ken-in. Considered i n Japan on a metaphysical plane as symbolic o f the Knowledge o f Dainichi or even o f the Five Elements, this gesture — especially i n T i b e t , according to the sakti

28

cult —takes on significance o f

a clearly sexual character. Thus i t may be seen, through the erotic inter­ pretation accorded this gesture, that T a n trie ideas were subjected

to

strong non-Indian influences. As Conze says: " T h e erotic mysticism and the stress on the female principle owed much to the D r a v i d i a n stratum 105

[so

CHI

KEN-IN

of Indian culture which, i n the cult of the Village Goddess had kept alive the matriarchal traditions about the Mother-Goddess than the Vedic r e l i g i o n had done."

to a greater extent

2 9

For Buddhism the procreative act is not i n itself reprehensible; the union of the sexes is forbidden more precisely because i t attaches the participants more firmly to life by nourishing passion and desires that Buddhism tries endlessly to annihilate. But i n the unitary concept of Eso­ tericism, the physical plane becomes involved i n the metaphysical plane, and thus permits women to take a place i n the religious pantheon i n order to represent " d i v i n e l y " the passions, on a high and spiritualized plane.

30

W h i l e Buddhism i n general was cognizant of feminine attitudes and d i d , in fact, incorporate them i n numerous feminine deities, the relations existing between the masculine and the feminine principles were rather unemphasized.

I n Left-handed T a n t r i s m , however, such as the T i ­

betan type, sexuality was introduced as a means to ultimate identi­ fication w i t h the godhead. Such notions, i t must be said, do not run at all contrary to Western thought. M o d e r n psychologists, i n fact, are of the opinion that sexuality may enter directly into the so-called mystical experience, and i t is undeniable that even the most abstract metaphysical thought may contain references to or be directly influenced by the libido. Thus, as Conze points out, "the authors o f the

Prajnäpäramitäsütras

were aware that the pursuit o f perfect wisdom could easily assume the character o f a love affair w i t h the Absolute. T h e persistent elusiveness of perfect wisdom on its o w n would maintain interest to the end. W e are, as a matter of fact, told explicitly that a Bodhisattva should think o f perfect wisdom w i t h the same intensity and exclusiveness w i t h which a man thinks o f a 'handsome, attractive, and beautiful woman* w i t h whom he has made a date, but who is prevented from seeing h i m . "

3 1

N o w , i n the chi ken-in, the left hand (Beings) symbolizes the mas­ culine principle, Vairocana himself as procreator, making union w i t h the feminine principle represented

by the r i g h t hand. T h e sexual act is

found to be endowed w i t h metaphysical interpretations. I t is thus that the chi ken-in symbolizes at once the abstract side of M a h ä y ä n i s t inspi106

CHI K E N - I N

ration and the concrete side o f the life o f this w o r l d . I t is the exalted expression o f creation on the human plane and on the divine plane, the expression o f an act fundamentally pure, without passion; for the supreme d i v i n i t y himself accomplishes i t . M a r a i n i comments: " A n idea typical o f the Tantras is that o f the Energy which emanates from a god; i t becomes something external and objective and ends by incarnating itself i n a female body (sakti).

Meta-

physically, a sakti is the line o f force according to which the One, the Absolute, differentiates itself and acts. A sakti is generally represented as engaged i n a carnal embrace w i t h the god who generated her and has become her mate. T h i s orgiastic symbolism became enormously popular, and initiates read innumerable meanings into i t . Perhaps the most w i d e spread and best-known interpretation is that the male d i v i n i t y represents karunä, compassion, while the female stands for prajnä,

gnosis, or perfect

knowledge. Gnosis means a l i g h t n i n g intuition o f the t r u t h which leads to liberation, but that is n o t h i n g i f i t is not intimately united w i t h the active, altruistic force o f compassion, which causes h i m who knows and sees to immolate and sacrifice himself for h i m who does not know and who does not see. Such unity can adequately be represented only by the symbolism o f a lovers' union. T h a t is what the eye of the initiate reads into the amorous embrace which confronts h i m on the altar." Renou

3 3

notes that this union o f upäya (means) and prajnä

3 2

(gnosis)

is free from any pain connected w i t h ignorance, and that i t may be realized through psychic exercises as well as by actual sexual intercourse. A c t u ally, for the M a h ä y ä n a , the most important impulsion was that o f compassion (karunä).

Upäya and prajnä

are i n reality compassion and V o i d ,

the sexual interpretation being secondary. I n the final analysis, i t may be admitted that "the theoretical justification for the introduction o f e r o t i cism into T a n t r i s m by the symbolism of upäya and prajnä

(means and

knowledge) was encouraged, i f not produced, among the T a n t r i c adepts, through the action of their libido, or of their subconscious instincts. I n any case, the sublimation o f sexuality appears to be a concept already known to A s a ñ g a . "

3 4

107

III Six Secondary Mudra and the Äsana

9 M u d r ä of the ceremony of u n c t i o n

Kanjö-in CH. SK.

$L¿%íy

Kuan-ting-yin Abhiseka(na)-mudrä

1

32

T

H E

M U D R Ä

called the kanjö-in

2

is one of the gestures which accom-

panies the ceremony of unction (kanjö).

I t is formed by placing the

palms of the hands against each other, the fingers crossed and folded on the interior (naibaku) of the " f i s t " thus formed; the thumbs and forefingers remain erect and touch at the tops.

3

S Y M B O L I S M

T h e ceremony o f unction, used principally by the Esoteric sects for 4

ritual consecration, presents an analogy, superficial as i t may be, to Christian baptism. T h e Buddhist kanjö, however, is more than a rite which marks the entrance into religion; i t is the affirmation that the neophyte has accomplished a given step toward bodhi and, hence, is further engaged on the path toward supreme enlightenment. According to Köbö 5

Daishi, who is thought to have introduced the kanjö ceremony to Kyoto in the I X century, i t is a question o f the " b e s t o w a l of the Buddha's 6

great mercy upon Sentient Beings to enable them to obtain the highest perfect Enlightenment."

7

T h e ceremony o f unction is probably to be traced to the universal custom, i n ceremony, of anointing the head w i t h o i l . Aspersion at the investiture o f a k i n g was already practiced i n ancient India. T h e Vedas

8

attest the association o f a ceremony o f unction w i t h the royal consecration. Since ancient times, the aspersion o f the head o f the sovereign w i t h ill

KANJÖ-IN

water taken from the Four Great Oceans symbolized the universality o f his reign. T h e ceremony o f unction was rapidly contaminated through contact w i t h magical practices inherent i n Esotericism. I t evolved toward rather diverse objectives, such as assurance o f progeny, restoration o f the power o f a k i n g , dispensation of happiness, 9

10

and increase i n " u t i l i t y "

(i.e., i n health, i n riches) ; i t was even used to avoid the distress o f adver­ sity.

11

Nevertheless, d u r i n g the first centuries o f the Christian era, the

abhiseka rite took on a spiritual sense.

12

W h i l e Buddhism o f the most

ancient type associated the kanjö uniquely w i t h the investiture o f a sover­ eign, after the development o f Esotericism the ceremony is clearly stamped w i t h a magico-religious character. I t became then a ritual aiming at procuring powers attainable through the magic o f the rite. F o r the Mantrayâna, Buddha,

14

1 3

the unction water symbolizes the Five Knowledges o f the

which are symbolically granted to the neophyte by the cere­

mony. " I n the first place," Glasenapp says, "the Buddhist abhisheka aims at conferring on the subject, through a consecration, the required aptitude for the study of a tantra. As the initiation into the mysteries proceeds by degrees, most of the systems recognize a hierarchic order established w i t h (relation t o ) several abhishekas to be received, each i n t u r n , until the pupil equals his master i n knowledge as well as i n magic power, and u n t i l he himself is authorized to confer the consecration to others."

1 5

I n China this ceremony is sometimes celebrated on behalf o f important secular

figures.

T h i s m u d r â is most often made by personages o f an inferior order. I t is never made by a Buddha, sometimes by a Bodhisattva, and most often by holy personages (gods, my d-d)

1 6

to indicate the receiving o f an

abhiseka y notably that kanjö which is supposed to grant to the celebrant the Knowledges o f the Buddha ( D a i n i c h i ) .

112

i o M u d r ä o f t h e Buddha's alms b o w l

Buppatsu-in ^ I M p CH. SK.

T;

io

Fo-puo-yin Buddhapätramudrä

F

O

R

M

T

H

I

S

(?)

G E S T U R E ,

1

the celebrant is seated myogâsana

the

2

soles o f the feet up, the t w o hands held at the level o f the n a v e l

3

on

t w o different planes, facing each other. The left hand sometimes holds two corners o f the kesa* while the r i g h t is held directly above i t , palm d o w n ­ ward. T h i s gesture is also called the

shakamuni-daihachi-in.

5

A variant o f this gesture seems to be the one mentioned under the jô-in (cf. n . 5 6 , p. 231 ) : the two hands are superposed, one above the other, the palms up, the

fingers

slightly flexed

6

"as i f for holding a bowl.

By forming this seal, one is identified w i t h the T a t h ä g a t a . T h e

re­

sult is that all Beings who are not Receptacles ( that is, who do not have the "caliber" to receive the Good L a w ) become Receptacles o f the L a w (hokiy epithet for the A l m s B o w l ) . "

7

T h e buppatsu-in is one o f the m u d r ä distinctive o f Shakamuni.

8

113

I i Basara-un d i a m o n d

mudrâ

Basara-un-kongö-in i # & HL^^M-) ¿p CH.

Chuan-yüeh-lo-hung

SK.

T

chin-kang-yin

Vajrahümkära-mudrä

M U D R Ä ,

H I S

characteristic o f V a j r a - h ü m ,

1

whose diamond-like

strength and terrible anger i t expresses, is made by crossing the

wrists i n front o f the breast, the fists turned toward the outside, the r i g h t 101,68]

superposed on the left. Usually, the r i g h t hand holds a vajra, the symbol of the Knowledge which destroys passions and of the adamantine T r u t h of

y^Xthe i

"j^^

L a w which n o t h i n g can destroy; the left hand holds the bell or I

3 5

Kongo Ken-in

/ .. \

36 Sankaisaishö-in

ghantä, /

U^f^^

the symbol o f the L a w and o f the assembling o f the faithful. These objects 2

are not necessarily present, for the meditation of the adept may supplant their absence. I n meditation, the hands remain i n position for holding the XV]

objects; or, as the case may be, they may form t w o kongd ken-in crossed: the r i g h t hand (Buddha) symbolizes Sentient Beings i n w h o m

intelli-

gence o f the Buddha exists in a perfect state, and the left hand (Beings) rings the bell i n order to disperse illusion and error. W h e n the wrists o f 3

the hands i n basara-un-kongö-in

are turned toward the inside, contrary to

the previous form, the m u d r ä may be called sankaisaishö-in [jnudra}),

4

(trailokyavijaya

" m u d r ä o f the Victor o f the Three W o r l d s . "

T h i s m u d r ä is peculiar to K o n g ö z ö ö and to K o n g ö s a t t a sattva). 114

(Vajra-

i2 M u d r a o f t h e u b i q u i t y ( o f t h e T h r e e M y s t e r i e s )

Mushofushi-in

^tfj^fXty

C H . Wu-so-pu-chih-yin

37

T

1

H

E

M

U

S

H

O

F

U

S

H

I

-

I

N

is formed by j o i n i n g the palms of the t w o

hands: the middle, r i n g , and l i t t l e fingers are raised and touch at the

ends. A space is left between the hands. T h e indexes are flexed, and at 2

their tips they j o i n the thumbs, which are erect, side by side. T o this grouping of the fingers the following symbolism is applied: the erect fin­ gers (middle, r i n g , and l i t t l e ) represents the Six Original Substances; the thumbs and the indexes, the Four Kinds o f Mandara;

4

3

and (according

to the Kegonkyo) the t w o thumbs, H ö s h ö (left) and Shaka ( r i g h t ) . T h e three apertures formed by the indexes and the erect fingers symbolize the Three Mysteries (sammitsu),

w o r d , thought, and body ( a c t ) , which form

the triple U n i t y , the basic principle o f Esotericism. As Smidt says: " T h u s are represented substance, semblance, and activity which, all three, are present i n all phenomena: 'there is no place which they do not reach' (mushqfushi)."

5

T h i s m u d r ä may be named ritd-in,

6

" m u d r ä o f the 'principiai'

s t ü p a . " So designated, the m u d r ä is peculiar to Dainichi N y o r a i , symbolizes the supreme Principle (ri)

7

of the Esoteric system.

[Diag. I l l

who

Other

names are: hen hokkai mushofushi-in, " m u d r ä which reaches to all the Es­ sence W o r l d s " ; mushqfushi td-in, "ubiquitous stüpa m u d r ä " ; dai sotoba-in, "great stüpa m u d r ä " ; butsubu sotoba-in, " s t ü p a m u d r ä of the Buddha sec­ t i o n " ; Biroshana-in,

" m u d r ä of Vairocana." A l l these names refer to this

gesture as specifically connected w i t h Dainichi (Vairocana) whose at­ tribute is the " p r i n c i p i a i " stüpa. Since the knowledge sword is also an attribute o f this d i v i n i t y , the mushofushi-in is also called Dainichi

ken-in,

115

poo

MUSHOFUSHI-IN

"mudrä of Dainichi's sword," or Dai etô-in, "Great knowledge sword mudrâ." These mudrä" are known as the gestures of the ultimate mystery of (taizdkai) Dainichi.

116

13 M u d r ä o f h i d i n g f o r m s

í^fi^jJ

Ongyö-in CH.

T

H E

Tin-hsing-yin

O N G Y Ô - I N

1

is formed i n the following fashion: the left hand

forms the fist called the Fist o f Void (küken);

i t is covered by the

r i g h t hand, whose fingers are extended horizontally. T h i s gesture is also 2

known as the Marishitenhöbyö-in,

" m u d r ä of the precious receptacle of

Marishi-ten." T h e magical object o f this gesture is to dissimulate, to hide the form ( o f the b o d y ) , to subtract oneself from the view o f others. T h e notion of 3

dissimulation is closely associated w i t h the goddess M a r i s h i - t e n (Sk. M a r ï c ï ) . I n China, M a r i s h i , who is also called the Queen o f the Sky, is the goddess o f the l i g h t which supports sun and moon.

4

I n T i b e t , she is

the goddess o f the sunrise. I n Japan, she is supposed to reside in one of 5

the seven stars o f the Great Bear.

6

Marïcï

7

is one of the attendants of

S ü r y a , the sun god, around w h o m she ceaselessly revolves, so rapidly that she is quite invisible. He who makes the ongyd-in, pronouncing at the same time the required formulas, is supposed to be able to render himself invisible on the example o f this d i v i n i t y . T h e ongyo-in is used i n connection w i t h the so-called ongyd-ho or method of dissimulating form, and in Esoteric sects i t is believed that the practician, by pronouncing the correct mantra and making the is enabled through the power of "incantation" (kaji) demons. According to the Marishitengyö*:

ongyö-in,

to exorcise all

" A t that time, the Buddha

spoke thus to the monks: 'There is a goddess called M a r i s h i . She has great supernatural (and superhuman) powers. She is forever passing i n front o f the gods o f the sun and moon, yet they cannot see her, though she 117

ONGYÖ-IN

can see the sun. M e n cannot perceive or recognize her; they cannot cap­ ture or bind her; they cannot hurt or deceive her; they cannot take her possessions; they cannot condemn or punish her and those who are re­ sentful cannot obtain her a i d / ( T h e n ) the Buddha spoke to the monks saying: T f you know Marishi-ten's name and constantly keep i t in mind, men

cannot perceive or recognize y o u , neither can they catch, bind, or

hurt you. Moreover, people cannot deceive you. Y o u r property w i l l not be taken and you w i l l not be condemned or punished; yet her help w i l l not be had by those who are resentful/ " Further, the same s ü t r a explains the gesture: " N e x t , the Marishiansosona-in

(which means hiding shapes)

is formed. T h e left hand is made into an 'empty fist' (i.e., hollowed) w i t h the thumb slightly bearing against the fingernail of the index as i f form­ ing a r i n g . T h e remaining three fingers are grasped into a closed fist. A n aperture is to be left w i t h i n the fist and i t is to be placed in front of the breast. One should meditate on entering into the hole and being con­ tained therein. Revolve the r i g h t palm (hand) i n a right-hand motion and rub the mudra (formed by the left hand), that is, cover the top of the hole. T h i n k of this mudra as the body of M a r i s h i Bosatsu, and of your own self as being held hidden w i t h i n the heart of M a r i s h i - t e n Bosatsu. Concentrate w i t h all your m i g h t , ceaselessly. . . . ( O n l y ) i f one is re­ spectful and sincere and puts forth one's heart, then one w i l l certainly obtain the awesome protection of the divinity and be invisible to all re­ sentful and evil people, and able to avoid all disasters/'

118

9

i 4 T h e o u t e r b o n d s fist

Gebaku Ken-in ¿ M ^ ^ P CH.

Wai-fu

H E

G E B A K U

ch'üan-yin

K E N - I N

1

i s formed by j o i n i n g the t w o palms and by

[s-s

crossing the fingers so that they are on the outside o f the fist thus formed. T h i s gesture may be compared to the m u d r â called the naibaku ken-in, "gesture of the inner bonds," which is the same as the gebaku ken-in except that the entwined fingers, held w i t h i n the fist formed by the t w o hands, constitute "inner bonds." T h i s m u d r â is called also shizaige "fist w i t h the fingers outside." T h e Dainichikydsho ( 1 3 ) ,

ken-in,

shingonshugyö-

shö, notes that this m u d r â "is variously named kengo baku[-in] bonds m u d r â ) , kongd baku[-iri}

(stable

(diamond bonds m u d r â ) , or gebaku ken-in.

[ T h e gesture^] signifies release from the bondage o f the passions and expresses the perfection of the T e n Stages."

2

40 Naibaku Ken-in

According to the position o f the fingers, these t w o m u d r â are differentiated on the symbolic plane: the gebaku ken-in represents the v o w o f Beings ( t o become Buddha); the naibaku ken-in, that o f the Buddha(s) ( t o help Beings). T h e Si-do-in-dzou that o f the taizökai

ken-in,

gives t w o ritual forms of gebaku

and that o f the kongökai.

The

first,

mashu

gebaku, is formed after having made the required offerings. T h e j o i n i n g o f z

119

[s-4

GEBAKU

KEN-IN

the t w o hands symbolizes the harmony ( o f the t w o w o r l d s ) ; "the ent w i n i n g o f the fingers forms a round figure, that o f the full moon, which indicates that the m i n d o f the priest has no stain w i t h i n and that i t is 'full ( o f p u r i t y ) like the full moon.' "

4

T h e second, daiyoku

(great a v i d i t y ) ,

indicates the love o f Vairocana for all Beings, a love, which, i n man, is represented by the l i m i t e d desire for affection: i n K o n g ö s a t t v a (Vajrasattva, the Bodhisattva who emanates from Vairocana), this love is translated by an A v i d i t y ( y o k u )

6

to love all Beings at the same time. Thus i n

Shingon r i t u a l , the gebaku ken-in, emblematic o f Great A v i d i t y , symbolizes the Heart and the Compassion o f the Buddha. T h e aperture which exists between the thumbs and the indexes is to permit Beings —by virtue o f the power o f the ritual dharanï— to gather w i t h i n the fist o f the Buddha (i.e., the celebrant). " H o l d i n g them thus i n his hands, he proposes to convert them i n order that they may all have the same idea and the same feeling ( o f goodness and o f reciprocal l o v e ) . "

6

A t this moment i n the r i t u a l , the

gebaku ken-in is made — i t is called dai raku — so that the hands, closely locked, hold the Beings that were assembled i n the preceding m u d r ä . T h i s gesture is most often made by holy personages, but most par7

ticularly those o f secondary rank. I t is never made by a Buddha.

120

iç Postures and T h r o n e s

Za CH.

Tso

SK.

Asana

41

H E Ä sA N A

1

may correctly be considered to be o f the domain of the

A m u d r â , and i t is particularly fitting to approach this subject w i t h reference to the gestures, for the postures o f the body, notably the pose o f the legs — äsana (za) — enter into the symbolic framework o f the statue. I t is also true that the m u d r â and the äsana are generally treated under the same heading i n Japanese texts relating to iconography. Even a super­ ficial study o f these âsana w i l l enlarge the scope o f the symbolism that has been outlined for the symbolic gestures. T h e technique of assuming particular postures goes far back into Indian asceticism. Asana are mentioned i n the Upanisads and i n Vedic literature, although extensive lists are to be found most usually i n tantric treatises. " T h e purpose o f these meditational positions is always the same: 'absolute

cessation o f trouble from the pairs [ o f opposites]'

\jdvamdvänabhighäta:

my reading,

E.D.S.].

I n this way one realizes a

certain 'neutrality' o f the senses; consciousness is no longer troubled by the 'presence o f the body.' One realizes the first stage toward isolation o f consciousness; the bridges that permit communication w i t h sensory ac­ t i v i t y begin to be raised."

l a

I t is certain that the âsanic posture, i n iconography, is meant to differentiate the state o f the man so portrayed from that o f human beings i n general. M a n is constantly i n movement, he is physically active, d y ­ namic, constantly alternating between composition and decomposition. I n this he is different from objects which are static, non-mobile. Thus the äsana emphasizes a change i n man's status. T o a certain extent he has 121

POSTURES AND THRONES

rejected his human qualities and w i t h d r a w n from the surroundings which affect h i m as a human being. I n this sense, then, the äsana symbolizes a transcendent state corresponding for the body to the ecstatic condition that concentration produces i n the mind. T h e Buddha by his posture makes clear that he is a being no longer completely i n the w o r l d o f men, that the constant human processes o f change have been suspended for h i m , and that he now stands as a transcendent being, changeless and stable.

L o t u s p o s t u r e (and t h r o n e ) : Renge-za 41]

T h e renge-za (padmäsana),

as the designation for s e a t or for socle, 2

3

is universally used i n N o r t h e r n Buddhism, where almost all the divinities, w i t h very few exceptions, are represented either standing flower,

on a lotus

4

which is sometimes stylized into a socle, or seated on a lotus

throne, which i n such cases serves as a dais. T h e early Buddha, as a 5

tangible human being, stood on the ground, but i n M a h ä y ä n a Buddhism he became the epiphany of a transcendental essence, and properly he is placed upon the lotus, the cosmic flower. "Precisely as the transcendent substance of Visnu, the primeval water, brings forth the phenomenal, dynamic form of Brahma ( w h o then evolves the phenomenal universe), so likewise, the transcendent sheer 'suchness' (tathatä) Vili, I X ]

adamantean essence o f enlightenment, the which underlies the universe, gives forth the

saviors. T h a t is why the Buddhas, the

first-born

of that reality, are en-

titled no less than Brahma to the lotus throne. T h i s lotus symbol, which in its original association w i t h the goddess P a d m a - L a k s m ï denoted divine physical life-force, the life-sustaining, transcendent yet immanent substance of the timeless waters, i n M a h ä y ä n a Buddhism connotes supramundane

(lokottara)

the

character o f the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas,

who are, as seen, mere phantoms, mere luminous reflexes on the several phenomenal planes of celestial and terrestrial intellection."

5 a

T h e lotus

also constitutes, i n some instances, an individual support for the foot or feet of seated divinities. I n T i b e t , Nepal, China, and Japan, the lotus 6

122

POSTURES AND THRONES

generally bears t w o or three rows o f petals, or even more: the outside row is bent down, and the inside r o w raised so as to delimit the flat part that w i l l support the statue. W h e n the renge-za

7

designates a seated attitude, this posture is

formed by crossing the legs and b r i n g i n g each foot, the sole up, onto the opposite thigh. I n Exotericism (kengyö),

all Buddhas and Bodhisattvas

assume this position. I n Esotericism (mikkyö), on

the r i g h t thigh. According to the

the left leg is first placed Kongöchögyöichijichörinnöyugais-

" T h e left l e g presses on the r i g h t t h i g h , while the

saijishonenjujöbutsugiki:

42 Kekka fuza

r i g h t l e g is placed on the left thigh. T h i s is the nyorai posture."

7 a

This

position, characteristic of the y o g i , is favorable to meditation and to ecstatic concentration: i t is called in Japanese kekka filza,

9,

padmäsana.

i n Sanskrit

( T h e latter designation, however, which serves to indicate

indiscriminately either the lotus seat or the posture called the kekka fuza, is somewhat confusing.) There are two types of full lotus posture: the kichijd, [posture o f ] good fortune, and the goma, demon-subduing [^pos­ t u r e ] . I n the goma-za

corresponding hand gesture (jô-in) one. T h e kichijô-za

[VII

the left foot rests on the r i g h t thigh, and in the the left hand is placed on the r i g h t

is just the opposite. Such designations as

zenka-za,

[VIII

" f u l l crosslegged posture," and zenka, honka-za, daiza, all o f which are designated here by the term " f u l l lotus posture" stand i n opposition to the posture i n which only one l e g is crossed, i.e., hanka-za (see p. 1 2 5 ) , which is here termed " h a l f lotus posture." I n India until the end of the Gupta period, this was the habitual attitude o f seated statues —an attitude, moreover, which spread t h r o u g h 9

123

[II, X I , X I I

POSTURES AND THRONES

out all Asia o f Buddhist obedience. I n India from the V I I century on, other manners of representing seated statues came into use, such as the so-called 46, X I I I , 4 5 ]

"European p o s i t i o n " and the attitudes of royal ease. W h e n the Buddha is seated on his diamond throne, kongö-za

(Sk. vajräsana),

10

that is to say,

the one on which he was seated i n meditation under the bodhi tree, this fact is indicated by the presence o f a vajra

1 1

on some part o f the throne.

Sometimes i n certain Shingon representations, the vajra is represented on the body o f the Buddha rather than on the dais. T h e kongö-za

(vajräsana)

12

posture is the same as the kekkafuza except

that the legs are even more firmly locked. I n Sanskrit this attitude is also called vajra-paryanka.

lz

T h e vajra-paryanka, the adamantine and unshak­

able posture, may be explained, psychologically, as representing a mental quality of H i m who is seated ( o n the adamantine throne) ; his heart is like the diamond

1 4

(vajra-upama citta),

unshakable, hard. T h i s position evokes

not only the most profound meditation o f the Buddha on the diamond throne, but also the calling o f the earth as witness, at the moment o f the VIII]

defeat o f the demons (cf. sokuchi-in, supra) and the supreme enlightenment to which the Buddha attained on this throne. Consequently there exists a close association between the jö-in (bhümisparsamudrä)

(dhyänamudrä)

bodhi tree —and the posture called kongö-za. "Padmäsana

and the sokuchi-in

— both o f which derive from the episode under the

and vajräsana

I n Coomaraswamy's words:

are equally symbols o f that sthäyitä

[^exist­

ence]: both express visually sadä sthita, and tisthati, w i t h respect to the Buddha or any A n g e l ; both differentiate the station of S a m b h o g a k â y a from that of the D h a r m a k ä y a , which is inaccessible even to the angelic eye."

1 5

Sometimes i t is noted that the left l e g folded over the r i g h t is the

attitude o f subduing demons, while the r i g h t over the left is the attitude of blessing, the hands being placed i n similar order.

15a

M o r e o v e r , the

r i g h t l e g stands for the w o r l d of the Buddha(s) while the left l e g stands for that o f Sentient Beings. Placing the r i g h t on the left symbolizes that the w o r l d of Sentient Beings is gathered (shöshu)

into the w o r l d o f the

Buddha and also that the w o r l d o f the Buddha takes refuge i n the w o r l d o f Sentient Beings. 124

POSTURES AND THRONES

I n the vajräsana the symbolism o f the vajra is fused w i t h that o f the wheel, for the adamantine throne is situated i n the center o f the universe [ 1 0 4 and supports itself on the wheel o f gold. T h e t e r m "adamantine throne," designates the purity and solidity o f the support. W i t h o u t this throne the earth could not last, and He who wishes to be victorious over the demons must sit upon i t . T h e Buddha(s) o f the present all attained enlightenment on i t . W e r e the earth to be shaken on its foundations, the throne would remain unmoved.

16

Despite its close connection to

Säkyamuni, this attitude is not at all

pi

l i m i t e d to the Buddha(s). I t is a pose characteristic o f numerous B o d h i sattvas,

17

holy men, monks, and secular as w e l l as ecclesiastic worthies.

T h e m u d r ä which accompany this posture and its variant, the

are consequently diverse: among them are the semui-in, the an-i-in, jô-in,

the sokuchi-in and sometimes,

by lions or elephants, the

the

[III, X , XXIIA, X I I

especially when the lotus is supported

tembörin-in.

Half (lotus) posture: T h e hanka-za (viräsana,

19

so-called vajräsana

[VII, X V

viräsana,

Hanka-za

18

"attitude o f the H e r o " ) is a variant o f the

posture. Other names are: hankafu (half lotus pos­

t u r e ) ; hanka shöza (correct half posture); hanka-za, hanka, hanza

(half

posture); han-kekka (half [ l o t u s ] posture); kenza (Knowledge posture). According to the Jühachikeiingishakuseiki:

" T h e hanka-za

is formed by [ 4 3

placing the r i g h t foot on the left t h i g h . T h i s symbolizes the R i g h t W a y and the suppression o f heterodoxy. T h e r i g h t signifies R i g h t ( c o r r e c t ) , and left means erroneous. Another name given to this posture is bodai-za, 'bodhi posture.' "

2 0

There is a revealing passage i n the

Makasögiritsu

( X L ) concerning the use by nuns o f the hanka-za instead o f the full lotus posture. " A t that time, the bhiksuni [[were i n the h a b i t ] o f s i t t i n g con125

POSTURES AND THRONES

tinually i n the full lotus position (kafu).

A t one time a snake appeared

and entered into the 'wound' [ o f one of t h e m ] . . . . T h e Buddha said: 'Why

do you sit thus i n the lotus posture? Henceforth I w i l l not permit

[ y o u to do s o ] . T h e way of sitting is thus: Y o u should bend one leg and put the heel o f the other ( l e g ) over y o u r " w o u n d . " Those bhiksuni who sit i n the lotus posture w i l l transgress [against the r u l e s ] . ' " tion represents the Bodhisattva as the Victorious One (shbja),

2 0 a

T h i s posi­ triumphant

over the demons o f evil, the universal sovereign who, by spreading his Law, represses the forces o f malevolence. I n the t w o mandala and kongökai)

Bodhisattvas like K o k ü z ö , Senju Kannon

(taizökai

(Thousand-

armed), K o n g ö z ö ö , Hannya, etc., all are portrayed seated on a lotus i n the hanka posture. There are i n practice t w o types of hanka-za: the goma, the demonVIII]

suppressing seat, and the kichijö, seat o f good fortune. T h e za)

VII]

kichijö-(hanka-

is formed by placing the r i g h t l e g on the left thigh, the

göma-(hanka-

za) by placing the left leg on the r i g h t thigh. T h e kichijö hanza is most common i n Esotericism, while the göma hanza is perhaps most usual as an ecstatic-concentration (zazen)

posture. T h e kekka-za is for T a t h ä g a t a s

and the hanka-za for Bodhisattvas.

I n the yuga-za

22

(yogäsana

2 3

21

) , the meditation posture associated w i t h

yoga meditation, the knees are held slightly elevated by a band which goes round t h e m ;

2 4

i n sculpture this band is very often absent. M o r e

precisely, this attitude may be called paryanka bandhana supra).

T h e Sino-Japanese designation o f yuga-za

2 5

(cf. kekka fuza,

tends to become a

generic t e r m which indicates any posture o f meditation — kekka hanka-za,

fuza,

or yuga-za — w i t h o u t distinguishing one from the other. T h e

yuga-za is the position i n which the celebrant devotes himself to concen­ tration " o n one single point i n order to suppress all t h o u g h t . " thus enabled to possess magical powers

2 7

2 6

He is

which permit h i m to make his

body lighter or heavier than air, smaller or larger than any t h i n g ; which 126

POSTURES AND THRONES

permit h i m to penetrate everywhere, to take on diverse forms, etc. ( E i t e l ) . T h e yogic pose, and this holds for all yogic techniques, puts em­ phasis on "unification" and " t o t a l i z a t i o n / ' On the plane of the body, Eliade notes, "asana is an ekägratä, a concentration on a single point; the body is 'tensed/ concentrated i n a single position. Just as ekägratä

puts

an end to the fluctuation and dispersion of the states of consciousness, so äsana puts an end to the m o b i l i t y and disposability of the body, by re­ ducing the infinity of possible positions to a single archetypal, icono­ graphie posture."

2 7 a

Posture o f r e l a x a t i o n :

Lalitasana'

I n this attitude, the personage represented is seated on a lotus dais,

[IV

one foot (the r i g h t , generally) is pendent and the other, folded on the socle, supports the opposite knee. T h e hanging foot very often rests on an individual lotus, which, for this purpose, is i n front of the throne. T h i s is a [ 4 9 characteristic Bodhisattva attitude. I n India, Avalokitesvara assumes this posture i n the latest caves o f E l l o r a , and after the X century "most o f the divinities are thus represented."

2 9

I n China this same attitude is

often used, especially i n representations o f Kuan-yin ( A v a l o k i t e s v a r a ) , d u r i n g the T ' a n g and the Sung dynasties.

30

T h e mundane postures o f ease, like the lalitasana and the jaliläsana

severity of their position, the padmäsana, fuza,

mahärä-

below, recall the w o r l d o f Beings by their elegance; while by the

hanka-za, and yuga-za)

viräsana,

and yogäsana

(kekka

evoke the solemnity of the Doctrine or the

calm o f meditation and thus suggest the w o r l d o f the Buddha. 127

POSTURES AND THRONES

Posture o f r o y a l ease:

[Maha]r5jahlasana

31

T h i s is the attitude o f " r o y a l r e l a x a t i o n . " T h e left l e g o f the statue, which is i n a seated position, is folded horizontally i n such a fashion that the sole o f the foot is exposed; the r i g h t foot rests on the edge o f the seat. T h e r i g h t knee, erect, may support the r i g h t arm o f the statue. T h e palm of the r i g h t hand is turned either out or i n , and the left hand braces itself against the throne. This XXI]

posture,

common

frequently by M o n j u Certain authorities

3 4

3 2

for

Bodhisattva(s),

is

assumed

most

( M a ñ j u s n ) and by Kannon ( A v a l o k i t e s v a r a ) .

33

call i t the "Enchanter's pose," for M a ñ j u s n ; but, as

Foucher correctly points out, the attitude is not peculiar to this d i v i n i t y alone.

35

I n India this position is associated w i t h the l i o n throne,

36

which

would seem to confirm its royal character. I n Getty's The Gods of Northern Buddhism

( P l . x ) , a group o f wooden statues represent S â k y a m u n i ,

who is still i n the state o f an ascetic, i n this attitude. Three o f the statues out o f four present the left knee raised; only one shows the r i g h t knee erect. Since this elegant attitude o f ease and nonchalant unconstraint has the most w o r l d l y character, the position is formally forbidden to monks.

128

37

Posture o f M a i t r e y a

38

T h i s attitude, which shows the t w o legs pendent, sometimes crossed at the ankles ( the feet are sometimes supported by individual lotuses ) , reserved almost completely [XIII

4 0

is

for statues o f M i r o k u . As a "posture o f

M a i t r e y a " i t is closely associated w i t h the tembörin-in mudra),

3 9

(dharmacakra-

the gesture of t u r n i n g the wheel of the L a w , by which M i r o k u ,

as the Buddha o f the future, emphasizes the symbolism o f sovereignty

47 Posture of Maitreya (variant)

48 Posture of Maitreya (variant)

characteristic o f the wheel (cf. tembôrin-in,

supra).

I n India, the fact that

this attitude is associated w i t h royalty is indicated by the presence of other elements which symbolize sovereignty, such as the rearing l i o n and the elephant. I n the V I - X I I centuries, these elements figured i n statues of the Buddha(s) seated i n the so-called "European fashion" and forming the tembôrin-in.*

1

T h i s position, which is found at Benares

M a t h u r ä , was reserved for royal statues,

43

4 2

and which, at

becomes habitual from the 129

POSTURES AND THRONES

Gupta period on. A statue now located i n the Bombay Museum is seated in this fashion. I t is of the Gupta period ( I V - V centuries) and comes from the stûpa at M i r u k ä n ( S i n d ) . I t is noted as being seated i n bhadräsana, "good posture." I t must have penetrated centuries into other Indianized countries,

44

around the V I I — V I I I

into China,

45

even to Japan,

46

although this position is rarer i n the Buddhist art o f these t w o lands.

Pensive a t t i t u d e T h i s the so-called pensive attitude does not seem to figure among the m u d r ä or the äsana studied by Japanese authorities on iconography. T o the knowledge o f the present w r i t e r , the modalities o f its composition are not established

by any text. Nevertheless,

the following indications w i l l

serve to define i n general lines what is called here the pensive attitude. Statues represented i n this position show the elbow resting on a raised knee, the foot or the ankle on the opposite knee, the hand raised toward the cheek, and the head slightly inclined in an attitude o f contemplation or o f reflection. T h e opposite hand lies on the foot ( o r the ankle, less often on the calf) o f the crossed l e g .

47

I t is possible to trace the origins o f this attitude o f reflection, whose variations i n detail are numerous indeed, as far back as India. Already at M a t h u r ä , toward the beginning of the I I century, there was an example of a standing statue, the r i g h t hand raised, the fingers ( w i t h the exception o f the index and the middle finger) inflected. T h e raised hand delicately touches the end o f the c h i n .

48

Moreover, Greco-Buddhist art from the

province of T o k h t - i - B a h a i furnishes the figuration o f a seated Bodhisattva, the r i g h t hand raised, the index extended at the level of the hair, the r i g h t elbow braced against the erect knee.

49

T h i s figuration doubtless consti-

tutes a prototype for numerous W e i and T ' a n g statues represented i n the same position. 130

50

Under the W e i , the attitude remains rather stiff,

POSTURES AND THRONES

obeying thereby the linear character of this period; but under the T ' a n g and the Sung,

52

5 1

i t was to show all the voluptuous languor which marks the

statues o f Bodhisattva i n mahäräjatiläsana.

T h i s tradition is present i n [ X X I

Japan as early as the Suiko period i n numerous statues, o f which the most famous is probably that of the Chügüji at N a r a .

53

I n China, either the r i g h t

or the left hand could be raised, for i t would seem that the aesthetic balance o f the statue was adapted to the position and to the use of the icon.

54

I n Japan numerous variations of the position of the hands, the

fingers, and the palms are encountered, but generally this attitude shows the r i g h t hand raised toward the face (chin, cheek, or forehead), while the left lies on the left leg (instep, ankle, or calf). T h i s attitude i n Japan, as i n China, is especially characteristic o f t w o Bodhisattvas: Kannon and M i r o k u . For Kannon,

55

i t is the end-point o f

the non-Tantric tradition of Avalokitesvara in the form of N y o - i - r i n Kannon, either two-armed or w i t h multiple arms. still (and specially) characteristic of M i r o k u .

5 7

56

But this position is

[XVII

One foot o f this d i v i n i t y

invariably rests on the ground, the other lies across the opposite knee, and the chin is brushed by the index and the middle finger ( which may vary i n position

5 8

) of the raised hand. T h e M i r o k u of the Chügüji is one of the

most famous examples of this posture in Japan. I t may also be added here that i n meditative statues, like the Chügüji and the Köryüji M i r o k u ( s ) , which are seated i n hanka-za, the left leg hanging down from the pedestal, the attitude is called hanka shi-i-za,

half ( l o t u s ) posture of thoughtful

(meditation).

Thrones Certain elements o f a decorative nature may be discussed together w i t h the äsana. Elements such as the kürmäsana, the makaräsana,

60

"throne supported by makara,"

or "tortoise throne," the simhäsana,

5 9

"lion

61

throne," a symbol o f r o y a l t y , the elephant seat, a symbol o f sovereignty and w i s d o m , etc., are necessarily connected w i t h the symbolic framework 62

131

[ 5 0 , 54, 63, X I I

POSTURES AND THRONES

of the statue. A summary list o f the more common types o f thrones would include the following, some o f which are also illustrated: 1

T h e seat o f the Buddha under the T r e e o f W i s d o m .

Kongö-za.

Usually i n the form o f a square platform. 50]

2

Shishi-za. A throne i n the form o f a l i o n or supported by lions. T h e

l i o n , k i n g o f the animals, carries the Buddha, k i n g o f the L a w . T h e use of this animal as a throne probably derives from the Indian legend that a l i o n was often i n attendance on the Buddha or near the Buddha's throne. W h e n the Buddha figure first appeared, he stood on the ground, or, when seated, he was shown not on the lotus throne but on the l i o n throne (simhäsana).

T h e Buddha, who is a " l i o n among m e n , " preaches sermons

which are the " l i o n ' s r o a r " (simhanäda).

T h e l i o n throne is associated

w i t h Dainichi N y o r a i and the Bodhisattvas M o n j u and H o k k a i Koküzö (Sk. Ä k ä s a g a r b h a ; Ganagarbha), etc. Ichijikinrinbutchö has seven lions, and Rasatsu ( R ä k s a s a ) has a white lion. Ill]

3

Ten-i-za.

A platform draped w i t h the heavenly robe (ten-i).

Ex­

amples are to be found i n G a n d h â r a , T i b e t , India, and China. I n Japan, the famous H o r y u j i Yakushi and Shaka are seated on thrones o f this sort. I, V I I ]

4

Renge-za. T h e eight-petaled lotus throne (see supra, p. 1 2 2 ) . But

lotuses w i t h as many as one thousand petals may also be used. Both C h i ­ nese and Japanese lotus thrones show the influence o f southern Indian Buddhist images. I n the post-T'ang period ( i n Japan after T e m m u , 6 7 2 8 6 ) , almost all thrones are i n the shape of the lotus. Attendants o f the Buddha are sometimes, as i n the Tachibana shrine or the H ö r y ü j i Amida T r i n i t y , supported by lotus buds. 5i]

5

Banjaku-za.

A kind o f throne i n the shape o f a rock o f which t w o

styles may be discerned: a simple rocky structure, and pieces o f wood o f curious shapes. T h i s type o f dais (also called iwa-za)

is characteristic o f

the Myö-ö or Guardian Kings. 52]

6

Kayö-za.

A platform throne i n the shape o f an inverted water-lily

leaf. I t is used by various divinities. 53]

7

Sendai-za.

A throne i n the shape o f the cosmic mountain Sumeru:

hence also sumi-za. 132

T h i s throne is rectangular i n its plane form, the

51 Fudö on Rock

50 Kongara Dôji on Lion

52 Karunä

53 Sumeru Throne

POSTURES AND

THRONES

upper surface being the largest and surmounting a series o f flat rectan­ gular blocks, gradually diminishing toward the base. I t resembles some­ what the ideogram sen, whence still another name, senji-za. T h i s type o f throne is particularly used by N y o r a i (cf. the central statue o f the Shaka T r i n i t y , H ö r y ü j i K o n d ö , and the Yakushi N y o r a i of the

Yakushiji

K o n d ö ) . I t is, however, used by other divinities, e.g., Makeshura ( M a hesvara), Emmaten, Suiten (Varuna, näga vajra),

Ishura, and Taishaku-

ten. According to the Kongöchörengebushinnenjugiki,™

the Sumeru k i n g

expresses the bodhi mind o f Sentient Beings. There are t h i r t y - t w o gra­ dations i n a l l ; sixteen r i s i n g from the center upwards and sixteen de­ scending from the center downwards. T h e y doubtless correspond to the t h i r t y - t w o divinities o f the Chöjü-za or Kinjü-za.

8

kongökai. A throne i n the form o f a bird or o f a specific

beast: a T h e elephant o f Fugen, Ashuku, Kongo K o k ü z ö , and Taishaku

134

54 Taishaku on White Elephant

POSTURES AND T H R O N E S

b The peacock of Kujaku-ten, Amida, Renge K o k ü z ö , and Kumara-ten ( K u m ä r a ) . The l i o n of Dainichi N y o r a i and the Bodhisattva(s) M o n j u and H o k k a i Koküzö (Sk. A k â s a g a r b h a ; Ganagarbha), etc. Ichijikinrinbutchö has seven lions, and Rasatsu ( R â k s a s a ) has a white lion. c The horse throne is associated w i t h H ö s h ö N y o r a i , Nemyo-bosatsu, H ö k ö K o k ü z ö . Nichiten ( S ü r y a ) of the twelve heavenly beings has

five

horses,

Nichiten of the outer Diamond Court of the mandala has four. Nichiten of the taizökai

64

and

taizökai

Diamond

Court has three. d The

or garuda

karura-za

(bird)

throne is seen

w i t h Fuküjöju N y o r a i , G y ö y ö K o k ü z ö , and Naraenten

6 5

( Näräyana ).

e The Myö-ö

ox

(buffalo)

(with

water

throne is used by D a i buffalo),

water buffalo), Daijizai-ten

Emma-ten

(black water

Itoku (white

buffalo), 55 Kujaku on Golden Peacock

56 Nichiten on Horse

57 Naraen-ten on Garuçla

58 Emma-ten on Water-ox

59 Suiten on Tortoise Throne

6 0 Fûten on Deer Throne

6 1 Gatten seated on White Geese Throne

136

6 2 Marishi-ten on Boar

POSTURES AND THRONES

Katen (blue o x ) , Izana-ten ( I s ä n a ; yellow water buffalo). W h i l e the type o f ox may differ, all are classified under the general term o f ushi. J A few somewhat less common creatures are also used as seats: the ram for Daijizai-ten, who is known as U m a - h i (Mahesvarau m ä ) and is seated on a red goat; the tortoise for Suiten ( V a r u n a ) ; the deer for Futen, one o f the four Diamond gods of the

kongökai

(cf. BD 1 5 0 6 ) ; the goose ( o r geese) for Gatten ( C a n d r a ) ; the w i l d boar for M a r i s h i - t e n ; the demon seat used by Daigen M y ö - ö and M y ö m o n - t e n , who rides on ayakusha-oni (yaksa),

and by U z u -

sama M y ö - ö (Ucchusma), who rides on a binayaka (i.e., a demon symbolizing evil; Sk.

vinäyaka).

63 Daigen Myö-ö on Demons

137

IV The Attributes

Introduction

H E

(Sk. laksana

A T T R I B U T E S

that is, the objects which d i v i n -

X ities —except the B u d d h a ( s ) —hold i n their hands, serve as m u d r ä 2

i n the sense o f signs. T h e y help to identify the gods and to mark their symbolic character. Certain attributes are used i n aniconic representations in order to replace the body o f the historical Buddha. Later, i n the course 3

o f the development o f Buddhist iconography, these objects became closely associated, i n the capacity o f accidental details, to the Buddhist statue or image. Divinities which resemble each other on the mystic plane are distinguished iconographically by the attributes which serve as m u d r ä , i n this instance as "signs o f i d e n t i t y . " Thus Vajrapäni carries the

vajra;

F u d ö , the sword and the lasso; Kannon, the lotus or the vase, etc. There exist several interchangeable series o f these symbolic objects. L i k e the m u d r ä , however, no one group o f attributes suffices on its o w n to permit the identification o f a specific d i v i n i t y . For example, as Glasenapp says, " i n the Shingon sect, several symbols are often attributed to a same ent i t y ; reciprocally, there are many that diverse entities possess i n common. Thus the Shingon sect attributes as arms to Vairocana a stûpa, while according to Advayavajra, i t should be a wheel. T h e attribute o f A m i t ä b h a , 4

after the Shingon sect and Advayavajra, is none other than a lotus, but a tradition attested elsewhere makes i t a stüpa and a j e w e l . "

5

T h e diverse

series vary, yet the principal symbolic objects remain relatively few.

6

Certain ones reappear constantly i n sculpture. I n order o f their frequency of use and according to their importance, the following may be mentioned: 141

THE ATTRIBUTES:

INTRODUCTION

lotus, vajra ( l i g h t n i n g b o l t ) , s t ü p a , j e w e l , alms b o w l , sistrum, rosary, bell, conch shell, sword, knot and rope, trident, bow and arrow, scroll and brush, m i r r o r , ax, and fly whisk. I n the following, they are dealt w i t h i n English alphabetical order.

142

i

Alms Bowl

Hachi CH.

SK.

S

1

4£

Po Pätra

E V E R A L

L E G E N D S

describe the alms bowl, the small vessel which

the mendicant priests o f Buddhist countries still use today. A c -

cording to one o f these, at the end o f seven weeks o f meditation, t w o merchants, Trapusa and Bhallika, were passing i n a caravan near the place where the Buddha was sitting. T h i s happened near O r ï s a , i n central India. Miraculously the caravan stopped, and the t w o men discovered the Buddha. T h e y offered h i m refreshments o f barley mixed w i t h honey, but the Buddha, resolving to set an example for the community o f monks, accepted only that food which was presented to h i m i n an alms bowl. A t once the Four Guardian Kings (lokapäla)

o f the cardinal directions of-

fered h i m four bowls made of precious stone: the Buddha, however, refused them as unbefitting his estate. T h e n the Guardian Kings offered him four other bowls of ordinary stone. T h e Buddha, taking the four bowls, piled them one on top of the other to make a single vessel, which he used to hold the offerings

2

of the merchants. Therefore, the pätra is 3

one o f the Six Personal T h i n g s o f a monk, the utensil which corresponds 4

to the respectful offerings o f others. On the example o f the stupa, the 5

alms bowl as a receptacle becomes the symbol o f the dharma (hö, "essence") and, consequently, is identifiable w ith the Buddha himself. r

T h e pätra, as i t is universally represented i n the Far East, probably derives from an Indian prototype.

6

I n general, the Buddha(s) do not

carry any attribute-objects, these being reserved rather for the Bodhisattvas. T h e pätra is an exception, however, to this custom, and i t constitutes the characteristic attribute o f both A m i d a and Shakamuni: ( i n 143

fXXIU

ALMS BOWL

China) on statues o f A m i d a , i t lies on the t w o hands joined i n the lap ( i n jo~-in) \

7

on statues o f Shakamuni, i t is borne by one hand alone. I n 8

India, Avalokitesvara is but rarely seen among the Bodhisattvas who hold the alms b o w l ; M a l l m a n n , i n fact, makes mention o f but one image (cf. n . 6 ) . Such would seem to be the case also i n Japan, for sculptural ex­ amples of Kannon w i t h t w o hands, carrying apätra,

are completely absent.

H e r attributes are rather the vase and the lotus, although multiple-armed

65a Ajançâ alms bowl

65b Yakushi's medicine bowl

Kannons are frequently represented w i t h the alms b o w l . T h e pätra i n the 9

form o f a medicine bowl {ruri-yakkon, often carried i n Japan by Y a k u s h i .

a medicine bowl o f lapis lazuli) is 10

Elisséeff notes that i n very an­

cient statues o f this d i v i n i t y , sometimes the bowl does not figure, but that its presence is indicated by the hands l y i n g i n the lap i n such a position that they suggest its presence. T h i s m u d r ä is called yakkon-in. Yakushi 11

does not always hold the bowl i n t w o hands but sometimes simply i n one hand —the left—which he holds away from his body:

1 2

i n this case, the

other hand makes a m u d r ä , most often the gesture o f the absence o f fear (semui-in),

the sentiment which the d i v i n i t y is supposed to inspire.

66

144

Yakkon-in

2 Ax

Ono C H .

Fît

SK.

Parasu

%f

H E A X , fu, meaning " t o c u t " (according to W i l l i a m s ) , is doubtless A analogous to fu,

" t o b e g i n , " for i n order to make any object o f

wood, i t is necessary to begin by felling or cutting the tree. T h e ax is 1

considered to symbolize, consequently, the act of building, o f making, o f developing (the D o c t r i n e ) . I t is more probable, however, that this sym­ bolism o f the ax is connected — like that o f the bow, the arrow, and the sword — to the idea of protection. Since i t is an arm of war, the divinities who carry i t would use i t to cut out all E v i l which menaces the L a w . I t is carried by secondary divinities, habitually those gods repre­ sented w i t h multiple arms.

2

145

3 Bell

Kane CH.

H

4