Mountain, Field, and Family: The Economy and Human Ecology of an Andean Valley (Anniversary Collection) [Reprint 2016 ed.] 9780812277289, 0812277287

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Mountain, Field, and Family

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Mountain, Field, and Family: The Economy and Human Ecology of an Andean Valley

Stephen B. Brush

University of Pennsylvania Press / 1977

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Brush, Stephen B. 1943Mountain, field, and family. Bibliography: p. Includes index.

1. Peru—Economic conditions—1968 2. Indians of South America—Peru— Economic conditions. 3. Peasantry—Peru. I. Title.

HC227.B79 330.9°85’063 77-24364 ISBN 0-8122-7728-7

Copyright ©1977 by Stephen B. Brush All rights reserved

Printed in the United States of America

Preface xi Acknowledgments ix Contents

| The Andean Way: Cultural Adaptation to I a Mountain Environment Andean Geography Verticality: The Human Ecology of the Andes The Andean Resource System Patterns of Andean Zonation Studying Subsistence Systems among Mountain Peasants Field Methods

2 Uchucmarca: The Village and its People 22 The Village of Uchucmarca The Upper Maranon River and the Eastern Cordillera Population

3 The Early History of Uchucmarca 40 Pre-Hispanic History: Chachapoyas The Prehistory of Uchucmarca Inca Domination The Spanish Conquest Uchucmarca atter the Spanish Conquest Cultural Development of Uchucmarca

4 The Formal Organization of Uchucmarca o4 The Peasant Community District Organization Intercommunity Conflicts Religious Organization: Saints and Celebrations

3 Resources For Subsistence: Land 69 Life Zones of the Uchucmarca Valley Crop Zones and the Folk Taxonomy The Determination of Crop Zones Settlement Location in the Valley Land Tenure Land Distribution Alternatives to Ownership: Sharecropping V

, V1 Contents 6 Agricultural Technology and Labor 91 Tools

Farm Procedures Erosion Control and Fallow The Agricultural Calendar Phase of the Moon

7 The Exchange of Labor and Goods 104 Reciprocal Labor Nonreciprocal Labor Exchange Mechanisms

The Use of Cash , Livestock

8 The Myth of the Idle Peasant 117 The Employment Question Economists: Approach to Underemployment Economists’ Critique of the Concept Anthropological Approaches to Underemployment Case Study of a Full-Employment Peasant Economy Nonagricultural Activities.

9 How the Economy Works: 133 The Role of Kinship Households Selecting a Marriage Partner

The Extended Family The Role of Kinship in Sociedad: Case Studies The Role of Kinship in Sociedad: Overview Reciprocal Relationships as Action-Sets

10 A Peasant Economy in the Modern World 153 Spatial-Demographic Adaptation ,

Techno-Economic Adaptations

Socio-Economic Adaptations

Appendix 1 , 165 Adapting to a Developing World |

Religious Celebrations Secular Celebrations

Appendix 2 Potato Varieties 170 Appendix 3 Food Yields from 174 Uchucmarca Agriculture :

Index 193

Bibliography 179

List of Maps, Figures, Tables, and Illustrations

1. Peru 3

Maps

2. Types of Andean Zonation 12 3. Location Map of Uchucmarca 23

4, Uchucmarca Valley27 25 5. Uchucmarca 6. Life Zones of Uchucmarca Valley 71 7. Crop Zones of Uchucmarca Valley (Schematic Diagram) 75

8. Crop Zones of Uchucmarca Valley 76 Figures

1. Immigration to Uchucmarca (Upper Valley Area) 34

2. Immigration to Pusac 36 3. Percentage of Total Population Per Age Group 38

4. Perceived Environmental Hazards Beyond Crop Zones 82

5. Agricultural Calendar 100 6. Planning Agricultural Activity According to

Plot Fertility and Phase of the Moon 103

7. Average Labor Demands in Field Agriculture—Per Family 131 Tables

1. Immigration and Marriage in Uchucmarca (by household) 3l

2. Percentage of Certain Crops Planted in on Different Zones during 1970

3. Acquisition of Chacras 84 SizeSharecropping Per Chacra 86 }.Average Land Under 88 4. Average Landholdings Per Household /

6. Percentage of Households Involved in Agriculture 89

7. Labor Inputs Per Hectare in Man-Days 96

8. Percentage of Agricultural Labor by Crop 97

with Saints’ Days 101

9. Timing and Nonworkdays Associated Vil

Vil List of Maps, Figures, Tables, and Illustrations

10. Payments in Crops Compared to Cash 108 11. Percentage of Crops Sold 115

12. Average Labor Requirements by Crop 130

13. Average Labor Requirements and Employment in 132 Uchucmarca

14. Types of Kinship Relations of Socios 148 15, Outputs Per Man-Day and Per Hectare 174 16. Nutritional Values for Crops—Calories and Protein 175 17. Nutritional Outputs Per Man-Day and 175 Per Hectare in Terms of Calories and Grams of Protein 18. Contributions of Crops to Available 177 Calories and Proteins Per Day

Illustrations, between pages 90 and 91 1. Aerial photograph (1962) of Uchucmarca. 2. Central plaza of Uchucmarca. 3. Typical house with kitchen on the left. Stairs on the right lead to a storage area where grains and tubers are kept. 4, Spinning and weaving. 5. House roofing fiesta. Women prepare a feast while the men finish the tile roof.

6. Guests at a faena feast on hominy, chicha, and mutton soup after | threshing wheat. 7. Men and women along the side of the municipal building during a meet-

ing of the Peasant Community of Uchucmarca. | 8, A communal labor day to level village streets rutted during the rainy season.

9. Grandmother and her grandson. 10. A meeting of the Peasant Community of Uchucmarca. Men in foreground, women behind.

Acknowledgments The preparation of this book would not have been possible without the encouragement and wisdom of many other people. The restrictions of a preface such as this make it impossible to acknowledge all of the people who have, in one way or another, assisted me in my years as a student and trav-

eler. The people of northern Peru have been most hospitable to me as a Peace Corps Volunteer and then as an anthropologist. They have given me hours of their time and food from their sometimes meager larders. Officials throughout the Peruvian government have been patient and helpful. Institutions that were particularly helpful include the Instituto Geografico Militar for maps and air photographs, the Biblioteca Nacional and the Archivo Nacional for historical material, the Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores for visas, and the Prefectura del Departamento de la Libertad. Both my wife and I owe our deepest gratitude to Enrique Mayer and his family for their hospi-

tality to us in Lima. | In order to acknowledge our debt to individuals in Uchucmarca, I

would have to list the Community roster. The officials of the Peasant Community of Uchucmarca, especially the President, Juan Abanto Merin, and the officials of the Municipal Council, especially the mayor, Tulio Navarro Diaz, were invaluable during the research period. Village schoolteachers were also especially helpful, particularly Ruperto Llaja Prieto and his wife Aurora Vega Rengifo, and Napoleon Navarro Prieto and his wife Maria San-

chez. Friends and neighbors surrounded us and made us feel at home in their lives. We were constantly welcome in the kitchen of Margarita Vega and her husband Gregorio Peyrera. The family of Julio Vega Navarro was kind enough to house and feed me for several weeks while I was in Pusac at the lower end of the Uchucmarca Valley. To Milciades Rojas Sagastegui and his wife Engma Rojas Navarro, I owe a special note of gratitude as my principal informants. I could extend this list out longer than anyone would care to read, but to those unnamed my debt is just as great. My work was generously funded by the National Science Foundation (grant GS—2836) and by supplementary grants from the University of Wisconsin Ibero-American Studies Ford Fellowship programs. These allowed

me to stay in Peru for extra months, and a Summer Fellowship gave me time to think and write. I am also indebted to the Faculty Research Committee of the College of William and Mary for supporting my continuing research in Uchucmarca and Peru. To my friends, colleagues, and professors at the University of Wisconix

X Acknowledgments sin and the College of William and Mary, I owe a great deal for their support and guidance. Dr. Donald Thompson, with whom we covered many adventuresome and enjoyable miles, was responsible for the funding that allowed me to conduct the research; and it was through his insights that the fascination of the eastern Andes became real to us. Dr. Arnold Strickon trained me in much of the anthropology I used in the field and later became a mentor in the preparation of this book. Dr. William Denevan primed me in cultural ecology and the importance of understanding a people’s subsistence system. Dr. John Hitchcock has helped me to understand one Andean culture through his research into another mountain culture in the Himalayas. I am certain that no one writing about mountains or mountain peoples has had better or more tireless help in preparing their manuscript than that given me by Mrs. Susan Glendinning. Mrs. Sharon Vaughn helped with her

preparation of Maps and Charts. ,

Finally to my wife Peggy, I owe a debt which is impossible to repay in

words. Without her constant companionship and assistance through both happy and difficult times, this book might not have ever been completed. She made a home for us in the Andes that was very hard to leave. I dedicate

this book to her. |

Preface “Oye .... Delfin,” came the firm whisper and gentle tug on the heavy blanket pulled over his sleeping head. “It’s early and time to go,” said Rosa as

she turned to go out to the kitchen where she had already laid a fire in preparation for breakfast. Delfin and Rosa did not own a radio to get the time from Radio Nacional like some of their neighbors, but the early cock’s crow was warning enough that the day would soon begin. It was 4:30 am, and Delfin eased himself out of the bed trying not to awaken Carlitos. Rosa was popping maize into cancha and boiling water for their usual cinnamon and molasses tea. As she patted out the wheat cakes, she reminded herself to ask Delfin to bring her a length of bamboo from the banks of the river near

Santa Cruz to make a blow pipe for the fire. Carlitos had broken the last one trying to break dirt clods in front of their house as he had seen his father do with a hoe in their fields. As Delfin pulled on his sweater and pants and fastened his rubber tire sandals, he thought of the day ahead. Yesterday, he had brought the mare from her grazing area above the village so that he would not have to waste time on that today. If he could get off before the sky became too clear, he could be well into the lower valley before mid-morning. His ultimate destination that day was the maize field in Balon owned by his cousin Praxides. They had been partners on this plot for two seasons now. Delfin’s neighbor

Gregorio had spotted a pair of mules from the other side of the valley browsing in the field and had managed to scare them off with some shouts, but Delfin would have to go there himself to survey the damage; he would have to find the hole in the stone and brush barricade that had let the mules

through. He hoped that the mending job would not be too serious. With luck Delfin could find the mules or someone who had seen them and could identify them so that he could seek retribution from the owner. Maybe the damage was not appreciable. Delfin also wanted to check the fences around his field peas in the middle valley. From there he would climb to his other maize field; he would

have to decide whether a second weeding would be necessary. If so, he would have to busy himself looking for friends and kinsmen to help him. He could at least count on his uncle, Eusebio, and on Tulio, whose crop he had helped weed last week. Besides these he would still have to hire a couple of peons. It looked like a good crop year in the lower valley with an abundance of rain. Delffn knew he had made a good decision in specializing in maize this year. If his harvest was large enough, the payments to the peons would Xl

Xi Preface not make a serious dent in their maize supply. He should harvest enough maize to exchange for potatoes; his own potatoes had been almost ruined by an attack of late blight. Luckily, there were always people who wanted to

trade potatoes for maize. ,

Delfin and Rosa ate in silence. As he pulled on his poncho, she reminded him about the blow pipe. He smiled at the thought of his son Carli-

tos trying to use the bamboo instead of a hoe. As he struck off down through

the village toward the lower slopes, he reminded himself to keep an eye open for any ripe custard apples along the trail; they would make a special treat for his young wife and son. As he crossed the plaza, he greeted Geronimo who was headed to the pastures above the village with salt for his three cows. Delfin left the village alone, but he knew that he would meet several

of his neighbors and kinsmen in the lower valley; this thought made him smile for the second time that day. This describes the beginning of a typical day for one family in the village of Uchucmarca in northern Peru. It briefly traces the path of one man

for one day. Later that year, the direction of his path will be reversed. Instead of going down the valley to the lower crop zones, he will hike upward

to work in the potato fields which lie on the upper slopes of the valley. If we followed his pathways and the pathways of his fellow villagers in the val-

ley throughout the year, their imprints would cover the terrain like a web. This book will describe and analyze some of the features of the physical and social environment of one Andean village and valley. I hope to show how the village culture and individual inhabitants have adapted to the Andean landscape which surrounds them. In doing this, I will discuss the decisions and actions taken by individual villagers in their attempt to meet the demands placed upon them by their culture and in the face of obstacles placed before them by the factors of time, space, and the social structure within which they live. Their environment includes natural resources (principally land) and human resources (principally labor), which are available to and can be used by a particular individual. In addition, there are a number of institutions and reciprocal relationships that an individual may utilize to gain

access to the resources needed for subsistence. | In speaking of adaptation, I am referring to the process by which behavior is fashioned in such a way as to attain certain ends. My concern here is the set of cultural and personal patterns by which the people of one Andean valley in northern Peru produce and procure food. The natural environment in which they live is marked by tremendous diversity owing to the nature of the steep environmental gradient of the Andean landscape. The adaptations designed to produce enough food to sustain the lives of the participants in the culture are treated as two separable, but interrelated, types. On one level are cultural adaptations that allow the people of Uchucmarca to extract adequate subsistence from the Andean envi-

Preface Xi ronment. I will examine three such adaptations here: spatial-demographic, technological, and socio-economic.

The second type of adaptation involves the day to day behavior of the individuals as they attempt to meet the need of feeding themselves. This type of adaptation is looked at as a strategic behavior for subsistence. These subsistence strategies are not only a response to the Andean environment

but also a response to the socio-cultural environment of the village of Uchucmarca.

The initial stages of this project began in the spring of 1969 when Dr.

Donald Thompson asked me to join a team that would go to the eastern slopes of the central Andes of Peru in 1970. The object of the project was to investigate late pre-Hispanic occupation of the eastern Andes, drawing on archaeological, ethnohistorical, and ethnographic sources. It was hoped that all three of these would provide information about the prehistoric and mod-

ern land use patterns of the Andes. Of particular interest was how people before and after the Spanish Conquest utilized the highly diverse Andean landscape. Besides Dr. Thompson and myself, other members of the project included Dr. Rogger Ravines of the Museo Nacional de Antropologia y Arqueologia and Mrs. Ann Saddlemire Rovner. The first field operation in Peru was an extended survey in the area of the upper Marafion River in order to locate a site that would be satisfactory

to the different members of the project. This survey, which lasted four months, covered roughly 300 kilometers of the upper Maranon River from the Department of Huanuco to the Department of Amazonas. An extended survey was conducted in the area of Llameliin in eastern Ancash. At one point my wife and I traveled by horse and foot from the high jungle area of Monzon to the town of Rapayan on the western side of the Maranon. This trip took some five days and brought us within sight of the spectacular Cordillera Blanca of the Callejon de Huaylas. Our first introduction to Uchucmarca came in early October 1970. On that first trip, which lasted five days, I sensed that this village would be a good one to live in and study. The Peasant Community of Uchucmarca controlled a valley that contained many of the Andean zones we had explored further south; the factors of size and isolation were satisfactory; the village was in an area that had hitherto been unstudied by anthropologists; finally, and perhaps most importantly, the people of Uchucmarca were among the most open and hospitable we had encountered in our months of surveying. After deciding that Uchucmarca was, indeed, the place where the research would be most satisfactory, my wife Margaret and I prepared for the _ trip that would establish us in a permanent field station. We arrived with three mules laden with supplies in early December 1970. After renting a house from one of the village schoolteachers, laying a hearth, digging a latrine, and having a table and a couple of chairs built, the research on an An-

XiV Preface dean ecosystem began. A regular schedule of interviews with friends and in-

formants was kept, and notes were recorded at night. With the help of a paid assistant, Sr. Milciades Rojas Sagastegui, I conducted a lengthy census covering over 90 percent of the village. Later on, Milciades and I surveyed a selected number of households to determine labor inputs into and outputs from agriculture. These households were visited several times in an effort to cross-check their information. Besides these surveys, censuses, and interviews, my wife and I worked on maps of the village and of the Uchucmarca Valley, and we made as many trips as possible into the surrounding area to observe people at work in the subsistence agriculture of the community. In November 1971, after eleven months in the village, we departed from the place and people who had taught us so much.

In 1974, I revisited the village from June to August, where I was greeted with the same hospitality that brought us to Uchucmarca in the first place. During the three years of my absence, the outward appearance of the village had undergone change: a cement border and walk had been completed around the plaza, construction of a market place had begun, and a vacant room under the municipality had been converted into Uchucmarca’s first secondary school. These changes, I feel, are highly representative of how dynamic this “traditional peasant’ village is. As I hope to show in the following pages, these changes are the latest steps in the on-going adaptation of the village to the Andean landscape and culture that surround it.

—— | —

The Andean Way: Cultural Adaptations to a Mountain Environment

Unlike so many people, I was not at all depressed by a sojourn in a narrow valley where the slopes, so close to one another as to take on the look of high walls, allowed one to glimpse only a small section of the sky and to enjoy at most a few hours of sunlight. On the contrary, I found an immense vitality in the upended landscape. Instead of submitting passively to my gaze, like a picture that can be studied without one’s giving anything of oneself, the mountain scene invited me to a conversation, as it were, in which we both had to give of our best. I made over to the mountains the physical effort that it cost me to explore them, and in return their true nature was revealed to me. At once rebellious and provocative, never revealing more than half of itself at any one time, keeping the other half fresh and intact for those complementary perspectives which would open up as I clambered up or down its slopes, the mountain scene joined with me in a kind of dance—and a dance in which, I felt, I could move the more freely for having so firm a grasp of the great truths which had inspired it. Claude Levi-Strauss (1967: 334)

The environments and landscapes of the high Andes are among the most spectacular on earth, providing constant variety and challenge to inhabitants and travelers alike. The great altitudinal differences, which can be traversed in a matter of hours or days, offer a series of climates that in other parts of the world where latitude is the determining factor may take weeks and even months to cover. Mountainous terrain compresses the major climatic zones of the world into single hillsides and valleys. There are places in the Andes where one can stand in a temperate valley, surrounded by tropical crops and wild flowers and look up across a landscape where trees and other vegetation dwarf, become tundra, and eventually disappear beneath a cover of permanent snow and ice. The vitality of the land and climate constantly impresses itself upon the viewer.

As one travels through the Andes, two things become apparent by their repetition. The first is the immense variety of the mountain landscape with its multiple altitudinal floors, each characterized by different microclimates and biotic communities. The second is the adaptation of the indige]

2 Cultural Adaptations to a Mountain Environment nous population to this landscape. This book examines these two factors and

how they relate to one another in one Andean valley. For some eighteen months, my wife and I traveled and studied the relationship between these two factors in northern Peru. For eleven months of that time, we lived in one village which is characteristic of other isolated villages in the Peruvian Andes. The village was Uchucmarca, standing at some 3,000 meters in altitude. To the west of the village, within one long day’s horse ride, flows the Marafion River, which has carved an immense canyon some 3,500 meters deep.

This rugged terrain has imposed isolation on the Andean people. The fragmented landscape divides and isolates the areas which are inhabited. Footpaths, horse trails, and roads must be laboriously carved into hillsides, and some are washed out yearly in the winter rains. Distances can be deceptive. I remember standing on a pass on a clear day and looking westward over the rolling ridges which characterize the northern Andes. Within easy eyeshot were a road and some houses; they would take some twenty hours to reach by conventional transportation: walking or perhaps riding a horse or mule. By using the modern means of transportation (horse plus pickup truck), this distance might be reduced to twelve hours. Regional and national integration have been objectives of political re-

gimes in the Andes for a thousand years. The fame of the Incas rests squarely on their success in this integration. For most Andean people, however, the links to the outside world have been too ephemeral and fragile to

depend on. Thus they have adapted their cultures and economies to the local environment, creating independent and self-sufficient subsistence systems based on cultivation and herding, Andean Geography

Peru has attracted some of the world’s finest geographers, such as Humboldt and Raimondi, and such well-informed travelers as von Tschudi and Squier.

| Like contemporary scholars, these men were drawn to an area where dramatic changes in altitude yield a series of environmental shifts (variations in temperature, rainfall, drainage, exposure, and slope) that in turn directly influence the natural biotic community. As one geographical observer noted about the Andes, “nowhere else on earth are greater physical contrasts compressed within such small spaces” (Milstead 1928: 97). The descriptive and analytical challenges which this natural complexity pose are obvious. The traditional starting point for students of the Andean area has been the three major zones which characterize Peru. These are the Pacific coastal desert

(costa), the Andean highlands (sierra), and the Amazon lowland forest (selva). A fourth, which has gained increasing attention as a frontier zone, is the intermediate montana lying between the highlands and the eastern low-

Cultural Adaptations to a Mountain Environment 3

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Uchucmarca: The Village and Its People 37 Districts of Bolivar and Chuquibamba began to settle in the valley. Concur-

rently the Pusac area also began to receive immigrants from the region around Celendin on the other side of the Maranon. These migrants soon became the most numerous type in the area, and they have dominated Pusac ever since. |

One incentive for this migration was the fact that a hacienda in the District of Longotéa, adjacent to Uchucmarca, parceled and sold land it had previously held in the lower valley of Uchucmarca. Some of the established residents of the lower valley had been tenants of this hacienda, and several of them purchased plots of their own from the hacienda. Another factor that made the Pusac area more attractive was the completion in 1965 of a road connection to Balsas and Celendin. Until this link was completed, the Province of Bolivar was roughly eighteen hours by horse to Celendin. The road brought increasing numbers of immigrants from the other side of the MaranOn River, especially from the province of Celendin. Like the people who migrated to the upper Uchucmarca Valley from

the District of Bolivar, these migrants from Celendin came from an area which contains a number of large haciendas. The immigrants to Pusac, however, maintain that it was the poverty of the soil of the Celendin Valley that was the major factor in their decision to migrate to Pusac. In addition to the opportunity to obtain a small plot of land, the appeal of Pusac was the availability of wage labor in the fruit orchards, sugar cane, and coca fields of the area, Many of the migrants complained of their inability to find regular cash

paying work in Celendin and of the low pay when they did find work. A causal relationship between the existence of haciendas and the conditions of exhausted soil and depressed wage labor conditions is neither recognized by the immigrants from Celendin nor demonstrated by statistical measures. It is relevant to note, however, that Hobsbawm (1969) has been able to demonstrate the role of haciendas in depressing the wage level in southern Peru. Net Growth |

The overall migration into the District for the period 1960 — 1971 was some

179 persons, increasing the population by 13 percent or 1.3 percent per year. Added to the 3.4 percent rate of natural increase per year, the average yearly potential growth rate of the District was 4.7 percent for the decade of the 1960s. The difference between this figure and the actual growth rate of 1.5 percent per year is 3.2 percent; this is the average rate of emigration away from the District for the period. In spite of the growth of Pusac, there was net emigration from Uchucmarca between 1960 and 1971. The sudden exodus of people from Uchucmarca because of the fear of a landslide certainly had its impact on these figures, but the net drain is characteristic of many rural towns. It must be remembered, however, that the population is

38 Uchucmarca: The Village and Its People | | FIGURE 3 Percentage of Total Population Per Age Group

Males % Females

0.1 | 0.7 70 + 0.4 | 0.3 70—74 % Age

0.7 | 0.6 65—69 1.0 pf 1.2 60-64 Ld Sy 1.6 55-59 1.7 ai | 0.8 o0—54 2.1 ae 2. 2 45-49 2.6 Cf 2.1 40-44 2.9 Pf 3.0 35-39 | 2.2 pp 3.0 30-34 2.4 Pf 3.1 25-29 3.0 PP 2.9 20-24 3.1 Pf 41 15-19 7.9 oe _ a 9.] o—9 | OO Males | Females

Uchucmarca: The Village and Its People 39 TABLE 1 Immigration and Marriage in Uchucmarca

(by household) Locally Born Mixed Immigrant

No. % No. % No. %

Male 17 7 4 2 Female 23 10 10 4

Single adults

Nuclear families

Male local/female local 92 «41

Male immigrant/female immigrant 21 9 Male local/female immigrant 19 9 Male immigrant/female local 42 18

Total 132 ~=58 6] 27 385 15 still increasing at a rate of 1.5 percent per year, and that this rate may actually increase as the fears of a landslide subside. Composition of the Population

The age structure of the population is characteristic of one with a relatively

high rate of natural increase. It is marked with a broad-based pyramid, which is narrow at the top. The decreasing width of the age structure depicted in the pyramid is due to relatively high infant mortality. Figure 3 gives the age structure pyramid using the percentages of age and sex groups from the village of Uchucmarca. The significant factor here is the predominance of children and the relatively small number of adults in the population.

Within Uchucmarca there is a slight demographic imbalance that weights the sex ratio toward the female side. Although more males are born, there is a greater infant mortality rate for males than females. Added to this natural

differential is the fact that adolescent and young adult males tend to emigrate from the village at a higher rate than females. The result of these two factors is that for the fifteen to thirty-nine year age group, there is 8 percent deficit of males. This is the age group most concerned with finding spouses, and immigrant males may help to correct this demographic imbalance. Such

an imbalance tends to lessen the competition for wives. Fourteen percent more migrant males than females have settled in the village. The demographic imbalance may be noted in the preponderance of single female households in Table 1. With so many single females, the marriage pool remains open and accessible to immigrant males.

_3 | The Early History of Uchucmarca The rugged Andean landscape which has isolated villages like Uchucmarca and made them self-sufficient has also buffered them from much of the recorded history of Peru. The isolation, however, has not been total, and the

people of Uchucmarca remain a part of the nation that surrounds them.

a Thus political, military, and economic events and trends have very real impacts on the lives of the villagers. People still talk of the band of marauding soldiers who pillaged and robbed Uchucmarca and other nearby villages after the War of the Pacific in 1879. One man in the village was on the front during the war between Ecuador and Peru in 1942. More recently, the political and economic reforms of the Revolutionary Government of the Armed Forces are known and discussed, although they have yet had little direct im-

pact on the village. Economic phenomena, such as inflation, often are keenly felt in these villages where people have a generally low earning capacity and little means of effecting outside markets.

, Although the isolation of places like Uchucmarca is not absolute, the inhabitants often feel as though the larger nation sweeps past them. At best, they feel marginally involved in events occurring on a larger stage. At worst, they see themselves as victims of these events. As phrased by the inhabitants, Uchucmarca is a “pueblo olvidado”—a forgotten town. Only minor government officials, who have their eye on the centers of power and prestige on the coast, come to places like Uchucmarca. A Prefect of the Depart- _ ment of La Libertad has never traversed the District. Petitions to the government for redress of grievances must be carried for four or five days to offices where they are often brushed aside because of the obvious unsophistication and “country bumpkin” appearance of the bearer. These obstacles and aggravations seem to be lessening with the new revolutionary govern-

ment of Peru. ,

The marginality of forgotten towns like Uchucmarca is reflected in the paucity of information on their history. The growing interest in the ethnohistory of the highland peoples (Murra 1970) is often hampered by the inacces-

sibility and destruction of documents and other historical material. In searching for historical material on the village, two questions dominated.' | The initial search for historical material was undertaken by my wife and I in provincial and parochial archives in the town of Bolivar. Later my wife spent two months in national

40

The Early History of Uchucmarca 4] First was the prehistory of the area. Events preceding the Spanish Conquest seem to have had great influence on subsequent history. Second was the Conquest period, the traumatic watershed of Andean history. This period initiated the modern development of the village. PreHispanic History: Chachapoyas

The outlines of Andean prehistory have been clearly defined by archaeologists.2 Finer details of that prehistory become available for late Inca times as they were recorded by the Spanish chroniclers of the Conquest. For many areas and time periods, however, our knowledge of this prehistory remains fragmentary. Such is the case with the northeastern Andes, where relatively little archaeological or ethnohistorical research has been done. The highlands were occupied by peasant agriculturalists who exploited different altitudinal zones in ways similar to contemporary populations. The major economic focus of this population was on subsistence, and the organization was based primarily on kinship. The key unit was a corporate and hierarchical kin group controlling territory, the ayllu. About one millenium before Christ, city states and religious cults grew and began to extend their influence over larger regional areas. The Chavin cult, known for its fine pottery and distinctive art, gained hegemony in the central Andes around 900 B.C. The rise and fall of different cults and incipient states in the area is recorded in a series of artistic and architectural “horizons.” Because the prehistoric Andean population was illiterate, the only culture history extending deeper than the memories and legends of persons living when the Europeans arrived is art history. Much of this history remains buried. Around 500 A.D., the cyclical ebb and flow of cults and incipient state organizations of regional cultures transformed to full fledged states whose genius seemed to lie in political organization and military expansion. During the next thousand years, four major states dominated different areas of the

Andes: the Tiahuanaco, Hauri, Chima, and Inca empires. Each of these gained military, political, religious, and economic hegemony over large portions of the Andean region, from the coast to the Amazon basin. Smaller re-

gional states arose in different areas, frequently to be absorbed into the larger empires. The most far-flung and highly organized of these four empires was the last, the Inca Empire, which began its military expansion in

1946), ee | - |

1438. In less than 100 years, the Incas dominated a territory stretching from

southern Colombia to northwestern Argentina and central Chile (Rowe archives in Lima looking for additional material. In 1974, Mrs. Inge Schjellerup of the Danish National Museum resumed the search in provincial and notorial archives in Chuquibamba and Chachapoyas. A Preliminary report has been prepared (Schjellerup 1976).

;ey ( ov recent and invaluable reviews of Andean prehistory are Lumbreras (1974) and Wil(1971).

42 | The Early History of Uchucmarca The northern Andes of Peru, between the Maranon and Huallaga rivers, saw the rise of a regional state among the Chachapoyas people during the late period of Andean prehistory. This probably occurred between 1300 and 1400 A.D. Like many other parts of the eastern Andes, only preliminary archaeological survey and analysis has been done in this area (Thompson 1972, 1973, 1974, and Savoy 1970). Very little is known about the original inhabitants, their culture or political organization. Extensive archaeological and ethnohistorical research in the Huanuco region, 300 kilometers south of Uchucmarca, shows that the eastern Andes were inhabited by numerous ethnic groups before the Inca conquest.? Uchucmarca and the surrounding region seem to follow this pattern. Archaeological evidence suggests that the people of the area traded as far away as the Pacific coast. Pottery remains show that they were influenced by other northern cultures from the Caja-

marca region as well as by the coastal empire of the Chimu (Thompson 1972). At the time the Spanish chroniclers began their inquiries about the native Andean peoples, the inhabitants of this region were referred to as a unified ethnic group, the Chachapoyas.* They were famous for the beauty _ of their women and their dauntless resistance to the Inca expansion. Uchucmarca stands in the heart of what was the Chachapoyas ethnic area. Little is known about the specific nature of the local cultural divisions

before 1532, but as more and more Conquest period documents come to light, we are becoming aware of the original complex mosaic of the Andean population. Recently, some documents dealing with the Chachapoyas nation have been published and analyzed by Peruvian ethnohistorians (Espinoza — Soriano 1967 and Ravines n.d.). Both of these contain direct references to the Province of Cajamarquilla (now Bolivar) of which Uchucmarca is a part. Other sources that have proved fruitful include local records in the archives of the Peasant Community of Uchucmarca, municipal archives in Chuqui-

bamba, parochial archives in the provincial capital of Bolivar, and documents located in the Biblioteca Nacional and the Archivo Nacional in Lima.

There are also scattered references to the Chachapoyas and to Cajamarquilla by some of the cronistas who described Peru at the time of the Spanish Conquest. Chronicles which contain direct references to the Chachapo-

yas and to the area around modern Uchucmarca include Cieza de Leon (1880, 1962), Vazquez de Espinosa (1948), Sarmiento de Gamboa (1960), Garcilaso de la Vega (1963), and Acosta (1954). Two documents which proved to be especially important concerning the Spanish Conquest of the area are a letter written by the Chacha Juan de Alvarado around 1555 and

i,

3 See Universidad Nacional Hermilio Valdizan (1966); Murra (1972); and Espinoza Soriano

) eSources on pre-Incaic ethnic groups are scarce for all parts of the Peruvian highlands and extremely so for the northern highlands east of the Maranfion. One important exception to this which focuses on the Chachapoyas group and provides a good bibliography is Espinoza Soriano (1967). An earlier, but less complete, work is that of Bandelier (1907).

The Early History of Uchucmarca 43 an anonymous description of the first Spanish contact with the Chachapoyas, both published in the Relaciones Geograficas de Indias (Jimenez de la Espada 1965). Espinoza (1967) describes the Chachapoyas as a confederation of corporate ayllus (kin groups) and pueblos (towns). These were independent and

apparently fairly self-sufficient units governed by a curaca (chieftain) and a council of elders in peacetime. During war, this council elected a captain to

rule by decree. There were no clerics or organized temples. Espinoza stresses the autonomy of the individual towns. He points out that the Inca conquest (ca. 1475) left the basic fabric of the ayllus intact. Local parochial records corroborate this. These records, covering baptisms, marriages and deaths, mention three cardinal points of reference for placing any one individual in the province: his ayllu, where he lived (his parcialidad or barrio), and the particular cacique who governed him. Contrary to Espinoza’s conclusion that the Chachapoyas ethnic group functioned as a loose collection of autonomous villages, there are three indications that justify thinking of it as a nation with incipient state institutions. First is the fact that the Incas themselves regarded these people as a unified group capable of mounting some of the severest and most sustained resistance to Inca expansion. They were one of the last groups to be conquered, and the Incas undertook to pacify them by the forced removal of part of the population to different parts of the empire. These were known as mitimaes. Second is the extent of the Chachapoyas ethnic group, which covered some 12,500 square kilometers. Within this territory, the manner of constructing towns and the architecture of houses, tombs, and public buildings is very uniform (Savoy 1970). Towns are built on high, defensible ridges and are fortified with finished rock walls. These are frequently decorated with geometric mosaics of diamond, stepped-fret, and zig-zag patterns. Houses are always circular and usually built on platforms. They are constructed of faced stone, and although the masonry is rough, no mortar is used. Houses are also decorated with geometric mosaics. Third is the massive fortress of Cuelape, the center of the Chachapoyas nation, above the Utcubamba River. The size of the fortifications, the elegance of the stonework, and the extent of the ruins inside all indicate that this was the center of a political and military organization more complex than a loose confederation of villages. Hemming (1970: 237) describes Cuelape as one of the most impressive ruins in the Andes:

Of all the myriad ruins in Peru, Cuelape is the most spectacularly defended, the strongest by European standards of military fortification. . . . Cuelape’s superb outer walls, rising in places to over fifty feet, are faced with forty courses of long, rectangular granite blocks. A steep ramp overshadowed by tall, inclined re-entrant walls leads into the mysterious gloom of the fortress enclosures. There, towering out of the tangle of trees and undergrowth, are

44 The Early History of Uchucmarca the remains of the walls of inner enclosures, of watch towers, bastions and of some three hundred round houses. It has been calculated that the great walls of Cuelape contain 40 million cubic feet of building material—three times the volume of the Great Pyramid.

To build such a fortress, large amounts of manpower must have been employed. This indicates the existence of a centralized authority and administration. The loose confederation of villages described by Espinoza would have had neither the means nor the need to build such a fortress.

, The Prehistory of Uchucmarca Documents published by Espinoza (1967: 314) indicate that there were once

six ayllus and two pueblos, “Lilamachiban” and “Chibul.” Ruins and place names corroborate the existence of these towns. Documents indicate that after the Inca conquest, the six ayllus were combined into one administrative unit, a pachaca. It is possible that this was the original unit that eventually became Uchucmarca. It is likely, however, that the actual town of Uchucmarca was Spanish-built because of the grid pattern and the north-south direction of the streets.

As in many other Andean valleys, Uchucmarca is ringed by preHispanic ruins. (See Map 4.) Most of these are small settlements, but there is some monumental architecture also. Perhaps the most impressive feature of these ruins is their extensiveness. House counts here indicate that the preHispanic population may have exceeded today’s. Extensive field systems no longer in use in the upper portion of the valley corroborate this. Remains of ridges, terraces and mounds indicate large-scale cultivation. These areas are now abandoned, and there is no living memory of when, how, or by whom they were cultivated. Remains of maize and potatoes uncovered in excava-

tions above Uchucmarca show that the pre-Hispanic population used the

valley in a way similar to modern inhabitants> | | Besides the extensiveness of the prehistoric ruins, archaeological excavations in Uchucmarca have revealed other things about the early inhabitants of the valley (Thompson 1972, 1973, 1974). They lived in villages concentrated in the upper parts of the valley, although they inhabited and used the entire valley. Their villages were clustered along ridge tops or in other easily defended places, and they were often ringed by walls that may have been defense perimeters. Within these walls, the people lived in circular and rectangular houses made of stone. In typical Andean fashion, their walls had niches. Beneath the floor was a stone-lined chamber whose function is unknown. These may have been storage areas where potatoes or other food was kept. Public and monumental architecture are important features of these ° Personal communication from Mr. Dale McElrath (University of Wisconsin) who has done archaeological research on prehistoric agriculture in the Uchucmarca Valley (1973 ~ 74).

The Early History of Uchucmarca 45 villages. Large D-shaped and rectangular buildings are found in the center of one village. Beneath their floors, caches of pink spondylus shell from the Pacific coast were buried. Floors and part of the walls of these buildings were plastered, and beneath the floors ran covered ditches. Whether these served to bring water or to carry it away is not known. The most spectacular prehistoric building still standing is a double tower constructed of carefully selected and faced white stone. This dominates one of the highest prehistoric villages and is visible from many of the surrounding hillsides. Within the two towers are beehived-shaped chambers, corbelled vaults. After centuries of looting, there are no remains of their original contents, but they may have once been burial places for local nobility. The parochial archives of baptisms in Bolivar record at least two ayllus for Uchucmarca, “Llama” and “Chibul,” in the year 1602. These correspond to modern place names in the valley. As in other parts of the central Peruvian highlands, the barrio or moiety divisions of “Ichoq” and “Allauca” are found in ethnohistorical and contemporary contexts. The parochial records of the early Colonial period give prominent place to these divisions in defining the identity of any one individual. The provincial capital, Bolivar, is still divided into these barrios. Further south the Ichog-Allauca division corresponds to the right and left banks of a river (Thompson and Murra 1966: 636). In Bolivar, the division seems to correspond to the two sides of the valley which run into the Maranon canyon. It may be an Inca-imposed division,

although the normal division of the Inca administration was the upper and lower barrio divisions, hanan and unan. Although there is no direct application of the Ichogq-Allauca division to Uchucmarca itself, one document in the parochial archives (Anonymous 1909) indicates place names of each within the boundaries of the modern District of Uchucmarca. According to , this, the southern (left) side of the valley appears to have been Allauca while the northern (right) side was Ichoq. Virtually everything that we know about pre-Hispanic life in the area is colored by two cataclysmic events which shook the lives of the Chachapoyas people: the successive conquests of the Incas from the south and the Spaniards from the west. It is probable that these took place within two generations, or about fifty years. From most accounts, it seems that the Chachapoyas were still resisting the Inca conquest when they were confronted by the Spaniards.

Inca Domination Garcilaso de la Vega (1963: 347 — 50) and Vazquez de Espinosa (1948: 385) report that Tupac Inca Yupanqui (147] —- 93) commanded the Inca armies

that overran the Chachapoyas nation. According to Garcilaso, the army of Tupac Yupanqui fought pitched battles in all of the major towns of the northern nation. One of these was Cajamarquilla. Later the people of that

46 The Early History of Uchucmarca _ province mounted a rebellion against the Inca administration of Huayna Capac (1493 — 1525), who returned to the province with an army to quell the rebellion. Huayna Capac was deterred from slaughtering the people of the province only by the tearful pleas of a woman who had been in the concubinage of his father, Tupac Yupanqui. To honor the favor of leniency granted

by Huayna Capac, the people of the province of Cajamarquilla built a shrine and dedicated it to Huayna Capac (Garcilaso 1963: 402 — 4). Other chroniclers (cf. Sarmiento 1960; Cieza de Leon 1880) maintain

that the Chachapoyas nation was not conquered until very late in the Inca Empire, under Huayna Capac. Cieza (1880: 244) also comments on the fierce resistance offered up by the Chachapoyas in their defense against the Incas. He reports that the Incas removed a fairly large number of mitimaes to Cuzco. This community was still intact when the Spaniards arrived (Cieza 1962: 217). Besides their resistance to the Incas, the other notable thing reported about the Chachapoyas people is their fair complexion. Both Cieza de Leon and Garcilaso comment on the white skin of the people and upon the beauty of their women. This characteristic has survived until today. The people of the entire region around Chachapoyas — Celendin — Tayabamba strike one as having a significant proportion of European genes. It is not uncommon to encounter blond, blue-eyed people and men with heavy beards and bald heads. The Inca occupation of the area was brief, lasting not more than fifty years. It is difficult to determine their impact, although it appears to have been limited. The only Inca-type architecture in the Uchucmarca region is found in the small hamlet of Cochabamba roughly 15 kilometers north of Uchucmarca. Here an Inca administrative center was built to govern the Chachapoyas region. Espinoza (1967) informs us that local administrators were chosen, rather than importing ones from the royal Inca lineages of Cuzco. These ruins consist of three trapezoidal portals, a bath, and a number of scattered stones all finished in the fine Inca style. In other ruins of the area, the only remnants of the Incas’ presence are a few polychrome shards. Most of the ruins in the Uchucmarca Valley were burned and abandoned prehistorically, perhaps indicating the severity of the conflict with the Incas. To the east of the valley runs the Royal Inca highway, connecting Quito and Cuzco. South of Bolivar is a tambo, or way station, on the Inca highway. This tambo is of historic construction, although it reportedly stands on the ruins of an original Inca one. It is still maintained by the local people and is an important stopping place en route to villages in the southern part

of the Province of Bolivar. | The Spanish Conquest

It has long been known that on the eve of the Spanish Conquest, the one hundred-year-old, two thousand-mile Inca Empire was rocked by internal

The Early History of Uchucmarca 47 division and strife. A bloody civil war between the two pretenders to the Inca throne, Atahualpa and Huascar, culminated as Pizarro and his small band rode down the Pacific coast and into the highlands. Recent ethnohistorical research in Peru indicates that the civil war between the half brothers was only one dimension of the internal struggle in the Andes that allowed the Spaniards to gain a foothold and victory over the Inca. Pre-Inca ethnic divisions survived the Inca expansion in many parts of the Andes, and some ethnic groups remained restive under Inca rule. As the work of Waldemar Espinoza (1967, 1973) shows, the hegemony of the Incas over their vast empire was only partial, and the Spaniards were able to exploit the discontent of newly conquered peoples. Without native allies and auxiliaries, European chances of success would have been greatly diminished. This was a lesson which many of the conquerors brought with them from Mexico.

On the eve of the Spanish invasion of Peru, the Chachapoyas had mounted their third and final rebellion against the Inca (Espinoza 1967). Having sided with the forces of Huascar in the civil war, they fought Atahualpa on his left flank as he marched south from Quito. In one pitched battle, the Inca’s forces massacred 8,000 Chachapoyas warriors. After this, direct contact with Atahualpa was avoided. From Cajamarca, Atahualpa led an expeditionary force deep into Chachapoyas territory in 1532, during which he was able to create a fragile truce with them. This truce was immediately dissolved by the Chachapoyas leaders when they learned of the Spanish arrival in Cajamarca. The principal chieftain of the Chachapoyas, Guaman, journeyed to the Spanish camp, bringing gifts and promises of cooperation. In return, he was given the honorary title of don Francisco Pizarro Guaman by the Spanish leader and was allowed to accompany the Europeans on their march toward Cuzco.

The enmity between the Chachapoyas and Incas apparently did not end with the arrival of the Spanish. The call by Manco Inca in 1536 for rebellion against the Europeans was refused by the northern group. According to Hemming (1970: 248), the rebellious Inca sent his cousin, Cayo Tupa, to make peace with the Chachapoyas and to investigate the possibility of retuge for the Inca in the area, probably in the fortress at Cuelape. These overtures were refused by the Chachapoyas. A letter written by a Chachapoyas, Juan de Alvarado, around 1555 describes the response of the principal cacique, Guaman, to Cayo Tupa's request: Some Indians obeyed and others refused; the people living between Cajamarquilla and Leymebamba followed this cacique, named Guaman, while many

others went to follow the governors of the Inca; one of whom was named Cayo Tupa and was on very bad terms with the principal cacique. Guaman, who was in Cochabamba at the time, sent for help in the way of soldiers from the Spanish [‘los barbudos’ — the bearded ones] to fight the Inca; the Captain in Trujillo, Garci Olguin, sent one soldier from Trujillo to Cocha-

48 The Early History of Uchucmarca bamba who was received with much rejoicing. The Inca governor, who had heard of the arrival of the single bearded soldier, fled toward Cuzco where all the Indians had risen. With the aid of the soldier, Guaman pursued the fleeing Incas. He marched with 1500 armed men from Cochabamba to Caxamarquilla, some thirteen leagues. They marched all night and captured the Inca Cayo Tupa along with his principal cohorts before dawn. Cayo Tupa and some sixty Indians were brought to Cochabamba and addressed by Guaman: ‘since the bearded ones will never return to Castilla but will always remain here, we must become Christians and children of God. You have always cheated us and refused to listen to my advice, and for this you are to die.’ After this justice was carried out: first, thirty of the captured Indians were , burned, and afterwards Cayo Tupa himself was burned alive as a warning to all in the land since he had fortifications and more people ready for war than any other cacique. Following these events the war with the Incas began with the help of the Christians (Jimenez de la Espada 1965: 166; my translation).

The chroniclers who describe the Spaniard’s advance into the northern part of Peru comment on how well they were received by the Chachapoyas. The first foray into the area was led by Alonso de Alvarado in 1538. An observer reported that when the party of Spaniards reached Cochabamba: . .. they were wellj received by the natives, who had come from the entire vicinity to see them [the Spaniards]. Alvarado was determined not to do them any harm or to anger them; he spoke with the caciques and nobles about his arrival, telling them how he would give them news of our sacred religion, telling them to save themselves by not worshipping the sun or stone images but rather God, creator of sky, earth, and sea. This frightened the Indians who said that they would be happy to become Christians and be baptized. The people gathered in the plaza and danced according to their custom; they came adorned with pieces of gold and silver which they gave to Alvarado. Recognizing their hospitality, Alvarado spoke with the men who had accom_ panied him, and it was decided that they would remain in the area until he could return with more people to populate and divide the region (Jimenez de

la Espada 1965: 158; my translation). |

Alvarado did return to explore, conquer, and settle the region with Europeans. His reception in other parts of the Chachapoyas nation was not as cordial as the initial one at Cochabamba (Espinoza 1967). None of the resistance, however, was sustained, partly because the Europeans were able to muster the aid of some villages in battles against others. The successes in the war against the Incas earned the cacique Guaman the right to reign over the entire Chachapoyas area he had helped to pacify

for the Europeans. In Alvarado’s terms, Guaman became “master of all things of the Chachapoyas and the haciendas of the Incas, their livestock, chacras, clothes, personal servants, and hammock makers” (Jimenez de la Espada 1965: 167). Following Guaman’s death in 1551, the Chachapoyas area was carved up into smaller units by Spaniards and natives alike. This meant the disintegration of the once strong Chachapoyas nation that had stoutly resisted the Incas.

The Early History of Uchucmarca 49 Uchucmarca After the Spanish Conquest

The exploitation of the Andean population by the Spanish invaders is a wellknown story.® Grants of Indian labor, encomiendas, were given to the Spanish encomenderos as payment for services rendered in the campaign against

the Incas. Often, these were administered with the aid and cooperation of native caciques. The results of the Conquest on the native population were drastic. Every native was dislocated, and the majority died from disease and maltreatment.

Having consolidated their victory over the Incas in the south, the Spanish expanded their administrative apparatus northward. In 1538, Alonso de Alvarado, a man who had first entered Chachapoyas territory in 1536, founded a Spanish outpost at Levanto, within sight of Cuelape on the other side of the Utcubamba River. This outpost was soon moved slightly north and became a permanent settlement, San Juan de la Frontera de Chachapoyas. Here Alvarado ruled as a lieutenant governor, and extended Spanish dominion into the frontier zone of the northeastern Amazon. The native Chachapoyas population was parceled among encomenderos and native caciques. Juan Perez de Guevara, who had accompanied Alvarado on the first Spanish expedition to Chachapoyas territory was made encomendero of the Uchucmarca region. Guaman, who had befriended the Spanish, was made cacique. The existence of this Spanish-native duality was to become a major theme in

Uchucmarca’s development. The founding of Uchucmarca probably occurred during the resettlement of the native Andean population (reduccion) initiated by Viceroy Toledo in 1570. This is indicated by parochial archives in Bolivar and by the typically Spanish grid pattern of streets. Conditions in the Andean hinterland must have been close to wretched after more than fifty years of civil war, conquest, rebellion, epidemic, and virtual enslavement. The Spanish policy of reduccion was designed to consolidate the depleted population and to resettle them into towns where administration, conversion to Catholicism, and above all the collection of tribute would be easier. For the natives, it meant removal from their ancestral villages and the final dislocation of the Conquest period. Uchucmarca was populated with roughly four hundred tribute-paying Indians, enough to support a priest (Schjellerup 1976). Local legend states

that the original site of the Spanish town was in the lower part of the Uchucmarca Valley at Chibul. There is an abandoned church there, but there are no visible remains of a town. It is possible that this was the origi°For a thorough and recent history of the events of the Conquest and its aftermath, see Hemming (1970). An excellent introduction to the social and economic history of the early colonial period is Lockhart (1968).

50 The Early History of Uchucmarca nal site of the Guevara settlement and encomienda. The town was supposedly moved up the valley to its present location after an outbreak of an epidemic (probably malaria, but possibly smallpox) decimated the population. The lack of any ruins of a town, plus the relative inhospitality of the area for agriculture, cast some doubt on the accuracy of the local legend. It is possible, however, that a town was founded here before 1572 and that the re-

mains of houses and streets have been obliterated. The reasons why the Spanish might have built a town in the lower part of the valley include the location of mines and the production of sugar cane and fruit. Cultural Development of Uchucmarca

In the four centuries which have passed since Juan Perez de Guevara founded the town, Uchucmarca has survived as a relative backwater of Peru. The population has outgrown the original grid pattern only in recent times.

Perhaps the most intriguing historical problem is how and why this community and others in the former Chachapoyas nation have moved so close to the mestizo culture of Peru and away from the traditional “Indian” mold (Stein 1972). Many customs of the contemporary Andean population are transplants from Spain. Foster (1960) has described this process as the “Conquest Culture” for the entire Latin American area. All communities underwent this process to some extent, but the penetration of Spanish or Spanish-American customs and traits has been more pervasive in some areas

than others. The most obvious transplant is the language. Uchucmarca is now a monolingual Spanish-speaking village. As long as any of the villagers can remember, this has been the case. There is no telling when Spanish became dominant, or even what local dialect it replaced. The nearest Quechua

, speakers are some villages in the valley of Cajamarca to the west. These are most likely the descendents of Inca mitimaes. To the south, the Quechua re-

gion begins in the vicinity of Huacrachuco, which is the northern limit of

theThereAncash Quechua region. | are important and fairly obvious vestiges of Quechua in village

culture. Place names are predominantly Quechua. Many of the customary agricultural and communal activities are labeled with Quechua names and are characteristic of “Indian” culture. Thus the opening of new land for potatoes is referred to as chacma; the first weeding of potatoes is aporco, the second is cutipa; house roofing parties are known as huasharui; reciprocal labor exchange is termed huasheo; and ritualized first haircutting ceremonies are known as landarut. In Uchucmarca, the term minga refers to any cooperative work, and it is even extended to the hiring of wage labor for domestic or agricultural work. Further south in Quechua-speaking areas, this term applies to festive cooperative labor.

The Early History of Uchucmarca ol Other socio-cultural phenomena show the heavy influence of European culture. In political organization, there is no equivalent to the varaydq system of the southern and central highlands (Stein 1961: 184). Typically Spanish agricultural practices such as plowing with oxen (barbecho) have replaced indigenous foot-plow agriculture, and the faena is celebrated during the harvest of wheat. Other European crops such as barley, field peas (arve-

jas), and broad beans (habas) have become important crops. Skeletal remains in the ruins above Uchucmarca prove that the Andean cameloids, the llama and alpaca, were raised before 1532, but these have been entirely replaced by European livestock. There is no real or ritualized redistribution of plots each year as is done in some central and southern highland communi-

ties. In kinship there is no equivalent, linguistically or in any functioning unit, of the ayllu or casta systems of many Quechua communities (Vasquez and Holmberg 1966). There are two possible reasons why the penetration of Spanish culture

was so pervasive in this region. First, population decimation might have been so severe that the relative influence of the Spaniards was very great here. Second, because of the enmity between the Chachapoyas ethnic group and the Incas, the local population of this region might have been receptive

to European culture, especially if their own had been weakened in their struggles with the Incas.

Vasquez de Espinoza (1626?: 281) reports that the population of the province of Cajamarquilla was small because many Indians had died or fled - to a refuge in the montana. The decimation of the native population of the entire Andes is certain (Smith 1970). Local archaeological remains including several sites with relatively large house counts (125 units) and extensive prehistoric field systems attest to the size of the pre-Hispanic population of the Uchucmarca Valley. 7” It is possible that besides the severe threat to the pop-

ulation from new European diseases, the population of the former Chachapoyas area had already been reduced by the severity of their wars with the Incas. In any case, there can be little doubt that the calamitous succession of two conquests took a heavy toll of the original population of the valley.

The willingness of the Chachapoyas to befriend the Spanish invaders might have been indicative of the weakness of their physical and cultural resources to resist another conquest or simply of the enmity toward the Inca. One imagines that the disruptions caused by the Inca conquest of the Chachapoyas left them with little defense to resist the inroads of the invading European culture. Spanish activity in the area might have been very intense in the early years after the Conquest. One reason for this is the hospitality ” Archaeologists Donald Thompson and Dale McElrath suggest that the pre-Hispanic population may have been at least twice the size of the contemporary population (personal communication).

52 | The Early History of Uchucmarca showed toward the Europeans by the Chachapoyas people. Another is the presence of gold mines that are reported by two of the chroniclers (Cieza de

| Leon 1962: 218, and Vazquez de Espinosa 1948: 281) in the vicinity of Uchucmarca. One was owned by none other than Juan Perez de Guevara. Vazquez says that Guevara took out much wealth from the mine, but was forced to abandon it and others like it because of the lack of manpower. _ There are local legends about old mines in the valley, but I was unable to locate them. One of the interesting problems posed by the mestizo culture of the area arises in comparing it to the traditional Quechua communities of the central and southern highlands that are relatively more integrated into the larger national socio-economic system through such things as roads, markets,

migration, and political structures. Uchucmarca is relatively more isolated from the national mestizo culture in physical and political terms than many traditional Indian communities. Uchucmarca seems to contradict traditional diffusionist arguments about the importance of communication links as the

, source of the new traits. In Peru’s case, the source of the national mestizo culture is the coast. Traits potentially flow along road links which allow easier movement for migrants, traders and their products, and ideas from the outside world. Its nearest road link is six hours away. Until seven years ago, the nearest link was some twenty-four hours away. All of the people whom I questioned about the changes in local traditions and culture caused by the extension of a road link to within a day of Uchucmarca maintained that the

road had affected the economy of the village, but that they could not discern any appreciable change in the general culture. Uchucmarca has been essentially a mestizo village for as long as living memory serves. The basic self-sufficiency of villages of the Chachapoyas nation contin-

ued into the Colonial and Republican periods. Indeed, it appears that only

in the past decade, with the introduction of a road link, has this selfsufficiency started to break down. Politically, the village was dominated by

a succession of caciques, the last of which died just after the turn of the twentieth century. The village was the home of a resident priest during much of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Local residents also report that in the village there was a monastery, which was destroyed by a landslide. I have not located any official documentation to corroborate this. Perhaps the most notable events recorded in the local archives are the land disputes with surrounding haciendas and communities (Anonymous 1786). In all of the disputes, the Community was successful in defending its territorial integrity (Brush 1974). The memory of these disputes is still alive in Uchuc-

marca. |

From time to time, there have been official “reorganizations” of the political structure of the communal and municipal organizations. One of these was taking place during my research in Uchucmarca. It did not ap-

The Early History of Uchucmarca 53 pear, however, that such official reorganization initiated from outside of the

Community would have a direct impact on the functioning of the village culture. This should hold true for similar reorganizations in the Colonial and Republican periods. Some exceptions to this were the creation of Cajamarquilla as a Corrigimiento in 1577 (Espinoza 1967: 283), the creation of Cajamarquilla as a Provincia in 1916, and the recognition of Uchucmarca as an official Indigenous Community, Comunidad de Indigenas (later changed to Comunidad de Campesinos), in 1945. Each of these steps meant greater po-

litical and administrative autonomy for the Province and the community. The recognition of Uchucmarca as a Comunidad de Indigenas gave the Uchucmarquinos an important tool in the defense of their communal lands, allowing them to carry on the tradition of independence and self-sufficiency which began before the Spanish Conquest.

__ 4 The Formal Organization of Uchucmarca One characteristic of isolated, self-sufficient peasant villages like Uchucmarca is the importance which is placed on informal, personal interaction rather than on formal, legal social organization. Day-to-day living is governed by the nature of family and friendship ties rather than by legal codes or contracts. Uchucmarca has existed as a community since the late sixteenth century, with roots reaching far back into the prehistoric period. We may expect, therefore, that a great proportion of the cultural patterns and social structure of the village are autochthonous and based on tradition rather than on formal written codes. Nevertheless, peasants like the ones studied here live within modern nations. They are, therefore, bound by legal codes and constitutions that help shape and organize the community as a formal entity. Moreover, they give the community a legal existence vis-a-vis other communities, persons, and offices. Uchucmarca, accordingly, has a for-

mal legal structure that was designed by politicians and lawyers acting on the national level of Peruvian government. The local people must work within this structure. Local needs and conditions, however, temper and change this structure so that it is satisfactory to the residents of the village. Three major components make up the formal structure of the village. Two of these are legal: the Peasant Community of Uchucmarca and the District of Uchucmarca. The third is the religious organization built up around the devotional offices of particular saints in the church. The rest of this chapter will examine each of these institutions according to their structure and organization.

The Peasant Community Although the status of Uchucmarca as a legally recognized Community is re-

cent, its existence as a group and a territory was established at least fourhundred years ago. The legal recognition of Indigenous Communities (Communidades de Indigenas) was first provided for by the Peruvian Constitution of 1919.1 Historically many of them date from the Toledo reducciones of the early Colonial period.2 In 1946 the village of Uchucmarca organized itself 1 As the case of Uchucmarca shows, although the concrete legal identity of these “indigenous communities” was dubious before the 1919 Constitution, their de facto existence was well established by over 300 years of litigations, usually involving boundaries. 2 Thus the “Indigenous Communities” were, in fact, creations of the Spanish Colonial policy (Fuenzalida 1970).

o4

The Formal Organization of Uchucmarca 50 and sent a commission to Lima to petition for formal recognition as an Indigenous Community. As with other communities, the single most important attribute of Uchucmarca that qualified it to petition was the fact that it had

controlled a specific territory since the 1570s and had roots in preColombian times. With more published descriptions of similar highland communities, it becomes clear that the traditional category of “community” should be used with caution? Adams (1962) points out that the “myth” of indigenous communities was a product of the liberal intellectuals of the indigenista movement of Mexico and Peru. In Peru, two pivotal figures in this movement were Mariategui and Castro Pozo; neither of these men had any extensive or direct contact with the highland communities that they discussed. Perhaps the most important result of the indigenista movement was legislation dealing with the “Indian” populations of the hinterlands. Among the legal guarantees provided Indigenous Communities after 1920 are: inalienability of community property, direct control over community resources and income, and official government recognition as legal entities. The Revolutionary Government of the Peruvian Armed Forces has further elaborated the legal protection of these communities by placing them under the control of the national agrarian reform. In 1969 they were renamed “Peasant Communities. ”

In 1970 Uchucmarca and other Peasant Communities underwent the first administrative reorganization designed to move them toward a national cooperative model. The traditional communal organization with a Deputy (Personero), President, and Executive Committee was reorganized into an administrative organization of a cooperative. In this, two committees are nominated and elected to run the Community. These are the Executive Committee (Consejo de Administracion) and the Vigilance Committee (Consejo de Vigilancia). The Executive Committee is comprised of five members: President, Vice President, Secretary, Treasurer, and Voter (Vocal). The Vigi-

lance Committee is made up of three members: President, Secretary, and Vocal. These committees are elected as slates in biennial elections held by secret ballot in the community. Although their meetings are supposed to be separate and biweekly, in fact they are held jointly and are often characterized by irregular timing and attendance. Most of the day-to-day work of the Community is carried on by the President and any one of the other officers who he is able to recruit at a specific time. The only time when the communal organization takes action is when a crisis demands the attention of the Community or when a specific task must be performed for the village. Examples of the latter are the periodic work projects in and around the village and deciding on petitions for unclaimed land from members. The communal 3 Difficulties associated with using the community as the “object and sample” of anthropological research have been suggested and discussed for over a decade by anthropologists. The emergence of “systems analysis” and “network theory” has reoriented much anthropological research away from the conventional community study.

56 The Formal Organization of Uchucmarca organization has no regular office. The committees meet in the home of one of the officers, usually the President of the Executive Committee. Besides these two committees, the communal organization consists of the General Assembly of the members of the Community (Asemblea General de Comuneros). Legally this is the most powerful unit in the entire commu- nal organization. General Assemblies are held on an irregular basis to discuss particular issues and problems facing the community. Often they are called in order to ratify and to officially record in the Community Ledger (Libro de Actas) decisions already reached by the leadership. It is extremely difficult to conduct business meetings in a large and sometimes cumbersome Assembly where crucial and sometimes delicate decisions about Community policy are called for. Debate usually begins in an orderly fashion, but it frequently evolves into heated discussions among small groups with an occasional call

for order from the officials. It is often necessary for the President and his committees to work out the shape of the decisions he will ask the General Assembly to make prior to the actual meeting of the Assembly. In these instances, the meeting of the Assembly is devoted to explaining the administration’s viewpoint and allowing debate that hopefully moves toward appro-

bation. In one General Assembly during the field work period, the Community Ledger was signed before the minutes of the meeting had been entered. Membership in the Community means above all that the person has the right to use land in the Uchucmarca Valley. Membership is granted according to several different criteria. It is automatically granted to any person who is born within the community, regardless of the status of his or her parents. An immigrant to the village who marries a member may immediately petition the Executive Committee for membership. It is common, however, for such a person to wait one or two years before making his appeal. This must be accompanied by a fee. At the time of this study, this fee was $4.40

(S/.200), although there was serious discussion about raising it to $11.00 (S/.500).

Membership for an immigrant who is not married to a community member is dependent on three things: residency in the village, a formal application (letter) for membership, and the payment of a fee. The minimum period of residency is five years, although most immigrants do not appeal for

membership until after a considerably longer period. The average is closer to ten years, and the Executive Committee has discussed raising the official residency to ten years. The fee is now $11.00 (S/.500), and the Community will soon raise that to $22.00. An immigrant who brings a spouse with him must pay an additional fee ($5.00) for the spouse’s membership. In petitioning for membership in the Community, there is a strong element of good faith that the immigrant must demonstrate. He is expected, for instance, to participate in the periodic work obligations called by the communal orga-

The Formal Organization of Uchucmarca 57 nization, pay the occasional fees for special purposes which are levied by the communal organization, and, finally, demonstrate his fealty to the village by participating in such things as the sponsorship of the religious activities. Immigration into the valley has been an important feature of Uchucmarca’s recent history (Brush 1977c). Forty-six percent of the community’s population was born outside the valley. Peasants from regions surrounding the valley arrived in two waves: the first to the upper valley area between

1940 and 1960 and the second to the lower valley beginning in 1965 and continuing today. In both, a major factor attracting migrants was the fact that Uchucmarca is a free community, whereas most of the migrants came from areas controlled by haciendas. In the village and immediate vicinity of Uchucmarca, immigrants account for 42 percent of the population. Among adults, this figure is lower and shows a predominance of male immigrants: 35 percent of adult males are immigrants versus 25 percent of adult females. The receptivity of the inhabitants of Uchucmarca to these migrants may be traced to three factors. First, there is a slight demographic imbalance with more females than males in the village. Although more males are born, their infant mortality rate is higher than that of females. Moreover, emigration of adult males exceeds that of females. This imbalance means that male immigrants do not have to compete with natives for spouses. Second, the demographic imbalance of males means that labor is often scarce. Most immigrant males work for at least part of their time as sharecroppers with natives, thus providing a labor pool. Third, there has traditionally been a surplus of land in the Uchucmarca Valley. This is especially true of the upper valley areas

where potatoes are grown and livestock grazed. Immigrants could, therefore, find sufficient land for subsistence crops without encroaching on the land of locally born peasants. In contrast to past receptivity, there is a growing reticence on the part of the communal organization toward granting membership to immigrants.

There appears to be a more stubborn attitude toward immigrants without affinal or other kinship ties to the village than toward those who marry into the village. Several immigrant families have permanent residence of ten years or more but feel that the Peasant Community is not ready to accept their application for membership. As the community’s population grows, the villagers are becoming more and more aware of an increasing strain on its

land base. So far, this pressure is confined to the lower grain-producing zones where many members have not been able to obtain land and must

work as sharecroppers. |

The status of immigrants is complicated by a long history of conflicts and tensions between Uchucmarca and neighboring communities and haciendas. Another source of tension is the fact that the villagers of Uchuc* As discussed in chapter 2, the lower valley was virtually uninhabitable because of malaria before the early 1960’s.

08 The Formal Organization of Uchucmarca marca perceive a potential threat to their land base from the landless peasantry of nearby haciendas. Throughout the Peruvian highlands where one finds the presence of both haciendas and free communities like Uchucmarca, there has traditionally been a significant migration from the former to the latter (Brush 1977c; Martinez 1970). This pattern has put considerable demographic stress on the land base of communities which are adjacent to haciendas. Although the migration into Uchucmarca has not caused the serious demographic problems characteristic of the southern highlands, the Uchucmarquinos are aware of the potential danger posed by their relation to nearby haciendas. The Peasant Community of Uchucmarca exercises its control over the

land in three ways: 1) the defense of community lands from outside incursions; 2) the redistribution of unoccupied land; and 3) the control of who has rights to use land through the control of memebership in the community. Usufructuary rights to plots are held indefinitely by individuals, and | they may be bequeathed to a spouse or a child. Land that is left vacant, either through emigration or lack of inheritors, reverts to the communal organization, which is empowered to redistribute it through a process of petitions. A nominal fee is paid to the Executive Committee for such land. It is not paid for the land itself but rather for “improvements” (fences, structures) on the land that the former owner might have put in. In this way, the communal organization attaches no value to the land itself. Rights to plots may be sold or traded to other members of the community, but not to outsiders. Nonmembers must seek alternate means of working the land other than direct ownership. These include sharecropping and working as peons

(see Chapter 7). 7

There are few formal duties imposed on the members of the community. Most important are the periodic work obligations called by the Executive Committee. Each council, and especially every President of the community, customarily plans and executes public works for the village. The most common type is the construction and upkeep of trails, roads, and bridges. During the research period (1970 — 71), there were five different projects for which the membership was called to work by the Executive Committee.

Three of these were for improving the streets, trails, and bridges in and around the village; one was for cleaning the water system of Uchucmarca; and one was to prepare a bull ring and improve a football field used during the annual fiesta of the village patron saint. Attendance is taken at the site of the project, and those persons who are absent and who have not given a valid excuse are fined. The only men who are exempt are old men (ancianos) and schoolteachers, although it is not uncommon to find some schoolteachers and old men participating with their neighbors in these projects. Work obligations tend to be relatively pleasant events with a flute and drum player (cajero) accompanying the work. The communal organization

The Formal Organization of Uchucmarca 59 and a few of the more affluent community members contribute coca and cane liquor (arguardiente). Because of the nature of the agriculture in the valley, much of every man’s day is spent alone in his fields. Work projects are viewed by most as a pleasant change of pace and a chance to be with their friends and neighbors. Another obligation of members is attendance at General Assemblies.

They are also asked on special occasions to contribute small amounts of money for specified financial needs of the communal organization. A variation of this is the kermés where the members contribute food, firewood, or liquor, which is sold at a dance. In the yearly routine, these obligations are seen as minor diversions from the heavy manual labor of subsistence farming.

The Peasant Community of Uchucmarca has few sources of regular income, and these yield only a small amount of money. These sources include: 1) the payments which accompany petitions for unoccupied land; 2) the fees paid by immigrants wishing to become members of the community; 3) the fees collected from visiting merchants during the annual fiesta; 4) the contributions from members who no longer reside in the village but who continue to graze cattle and sheep on communal pasture; 5) the payments by mem-

bers of a periodic “head tax’; and 6) occasional fees levied on members. Money raised from these sources is spent on legal fees, travel expenses, and equipment and materials for community projects. District Organization Besides being a Peasant Community, Uchucmarca is a municipal District of the Province of Bolivar. As such it is part of the administrative structure of the Peruvian government and has a set of institutions which are within the district — provincial — departmental — national hierarchy. The municipal council (Consejo Municipal) or simply municipio has seven members with specified functions according to standard Peruvian municipal organization. These are the mayor (alcalde), the lieutenant mayor (teniente alcalde), the recorder of rents or income (sindico de rentas), the recorder of expenditures, (sindico de gastos), the inspector of the civil registry (inspector de obras publicas), the inspector of hygiene (inspector de higiene), and the inspector of weights and measures (inspector de pesos y medidas). Despite the elaboration of titles, the council functions in a rather amorphous fashion. The municipal council has no power to raise money by levying taxes. It must de-

pend on appropriations from the national government (Ministerio de Fomento) for its operating budget. These appropriations can be highly irregular. During the research period they were suspended altogether, forcing the closure of the municipality. The most important regular function of the municipality is the recording of births and deaths. These have been kept with a

60 The Formal Organization of Uchucmarca varying degree of accuracy since the latter part of the nineteenth century. Until the recent financial collapse of the municipality, these records were kept by a part-time secretary. When the council could no longer pay him $7.00 (S/.300) per month, he was forced to leave.

The alcalde is normally elected yearly, but during the Revolutionary Government he has been appointed by the provincial authority, the Subpre-

fecto. Upon his election or appointment, the alcalde appoints the other members of the municipal council. He also appoints five representatives (tenientes) for each of the small hamlets outside of the main nucleated settle-

ment of the District, Uchucmarca. They represent and report back to the regular municipal council. The mayor and all of his appointees serve without remuneration.

The other office in the district-provincial nexus is that of Governor (gobernador). The municipal council and the gobernador are both essentially outward-looking, serving as the official links through which the villagers me-

diate their relations with the rest of the Peruvian governmental structure. The gobernador is a local person appointed to the job by the subprefect of the province. His chief function is to transmit orders from the provincial to the village levels. His duties include the collection of taxes such as those on cattle sold out of the District and those on the sale of alcohol. He is the liaison between Peru’s National Police Force, the Guardia Civil, and the other

, village authorities. The office of gobernador is regarded with some amount of mistrust.®

, The office is considered as a sort of necessary evil in the village. Relations between the wider provincial hierarchy and the village are not overly cordial. Many of the villagers object to paying taxes to an office from which they can perceive no real benefit for themselves or their village. A common sentiment among Uchucmarquinos is that they are often treated unfairly and with some disdain as “country bumpkins” by the political appointees at the

provincial level. ,

The judicial system in Uchucmarca consists of one Justice of the Peace and two alternates. These are local persons nominated for two years by the Judge of the provincial capital (Juez de Primer Instancia). The cases over which the Justices of the Peace have jurisdiction are very circumscribed. The vast majority are concerned with minor quarrels between households. Perhaps the most typical are the cases that arise when someone's horses or cattle get past the brush and stone barricades surrounding every chacra and destroy the crops within. In these cases, the Justice of the Peace attempts to

bring the two parties together to work out a settlement. This usually involves payment in cash or kind to replace the estimated value of the crops.

| Cases involving minor theft are also brought to the Justice of the Peace, al° Stein (1961) found the same kind of mistrust directed to appointed officials in the village of Hualcan, Ancash Department.

The Formal Organization of Uchucmarca 61 though his powers to punish are very limited. He can handle only those cases where the property is valued at less than $46.00 (S/. 2000). He has the power to fine up to $46.00 and to confine a culprit in the Guardia Civil post for up to forty-eight hours. Cases that exceed either the maximum property value or the potential punishment are referred to the Superior Judge in Bolivar, who is a federal appointee.

Alternate Justices of the Peace help avoid conflict of interest. Although it is rare, disputes between families have become acrimonious, lead-

ing to a permanent state of antipathy between households. Cases of husband-wife separation often lead to such antipathy. As in many provincial towns, there are also a few individuals who fashion themselves to be “coun-

try lawyers.” The term applied to these is tinterillo which literally means one who deals with ink. The presence of these types appears to be widespread in the highlands. As Metraux (1959: 235) notes, in regions where the Indians’ lot has not improved as the result of an agrarian reform Jand hunger sometimes assumes the form of an obsession. It gives rise to interminable lawsuits between Indians’ to the advantage of the notorious tinterillos—shady lawyers, who since the colonial era have earned a living by exploiting the Indians.

Even though the community retains residual rights to the land, the only land disputes which the communal organization acts upon are those involving disputes with neighboring communities or haciendas or concerning

land which is owned and controlled communally. There are no regular mechanisms within the communal organization to handle internal disputes over land. Such disputes are referred to the Justice of the Peace who is not part of the communal organization per se. Intercommunity Conflicts Conflict between Uchucmarca and its neighbors has been a recurring theme in the history of the village.° Waging these boundary disputes is perhaps the clearest administrative role of any village organization. Before becoming an Indigenous Community, this role belonged to the municipio as it now does

the Executive Committee. At no other time is the community interest so well defined, and no other communal action has left such a clear historical record. Uchucmarca’s problems with its neighbors began almost as soon as the reduccion and founding of the permanent village of Uchucmarca were complete. The first litigation over land rights is dated 1608 and was with the 8 Again, this seems to be a common, yet understudied, phenomenon in the Andes (Brush 1974). The frequently mentioned litigations between every type of legal unit in the area seems to be the best proof of how common these conflicts are. Schjellerup (1976) gives an ethnohistorical account of Uchucmarca’s boundary conflicts.

62 The Formal Organization of Uchucmarca community of Chuquibamba, which borders Uchucmarca on the northeast. From that time to the present, the community has been involved in various

disputes with all of its neighbors at one time or another. In all of these, Uchucmarca has been successful in retaining its territory. In the early Colonial dispute with Chuquibamba, Uchucmarca may have actually increased its holdings. Since the late eighteenth century, the disputes have been with haciendas to the south and west of the community. This type of competition is widespread in the Andes of Peru (Tullis 1970). Unlike other areas, Uchucmarca has generally succeeded in resisting hacienda encroachment. These disputes, with their voluminous legal paperwork, leave the only written history of the village. Several of them lasted over three decades, and one lasted 150 years! Land disputes continue to be one of the principal forms of interaction with neighboring villages. They are always favorite topics of conversation.

The only outstanding failure to hold territory during 400 years occured recently around Pusac. Until a decade ago, this area was uninhabitable because of malaria. Many people report that they were afraid to ride or walk

through this area, let alone cultivate in it, because of the disease. There were only a few who dared establish homesteads there, growing coca, fruit, and sweet potatoes. Some of these homesteaders came from Uchucmarca, but most were migrants to the community from haciendas in neighboring districts and on the other side of the Maranon River. These were the first of

many migrants who moved onto Uchucmarca’s land without becoming members or fulfilling communal obligations. Because of the lack of subsist-

ence value of these lands at this time, the Community Council of Uchucmarca did not press them to become members. Besides these migrants, the Hacienda of Longotea and Chorobamba of the neighboring district began encroaching on community lands in this area. It purchased several large plots from the homesteaders, and built an irriga-

ton canal across community property to its own land. The community fought this by blocking the canal in 1939, but this move backfired when the police stepped in and arrested several community officials for destruction of property. Between 1939 and the late 1950s the Hacienda of Longotea and Chorobamba maintained possession of some community lands in the area, and used irrigation waters from community land. In the late 1950s the Peruvian government with the help of UNESCO introduced DDT to the valley, eliminating the malaria threat and making it habitable. At this time, the community began proceedings to bring a suit against the hacienda to reclaim lands in the area, but the hacienda circumvented this by parceling and selling its lands within the Uchucmarca Valley to several individuals. Many of these became members of the community, but some 40 percent are still not members. In 1965 a road was built to: this part of the valley, and a large number

The Formal Organization of Uchucmarca 63 of persons who had been landless laborers from haciendas on the other side

of the Maranon River and in Bolivar moved into the area where a new town, Pusac, was quickly forming. These were looking for work as day laborers in the sugar cane and coca fields. The land base of Pusac was quickly monopolized by a few families, and the bulk of this new population had no interest in becoming members of the community of Uchucmarca. Since its founding, the town of Pusac has taken on a very independent political and

economic life from the central village of the District and community, Uchucmarca. The political leadership (agente and consejo municipal) is com-

prised mostly of persons who are not members of the Community, and the town has refused to participate in municipal or communal obligations that have been requested by Uchucmarca. There have been attempts by some residents of Pusac to break away from Uchucmarca and establish as an inde-

pendent District. The people of Uchucmarca refer to Pusac, somewhat wryly, as a rebel annex (anexo rebelde). Although there has been no open conflict between the two towns, there is an atmosphere of tension and mutual resentment between them. This comes, in part, from the fact that many land owners have refused to become community members and that many people of Pusac have refused to support the community in work obligations and on questions of policy. This tension and resentment focused in recent years over a communal

plot of land in Pusac known as “El Tingo.” The Peasant Community of Uchucmarca retained direct control over a 4-hectare plot of land there, but because the plot is far from the actual village of Uchucmarca, the community has tried various means of exploiting it without cultivating it directly themselves. The community experimented with renting and sharecropping this plot, but each attempt ended in failure, legal conflict, and acrimony. Finally, in 1973, the plot was parceled and sold to individual members.

In considering the different conflicts Uchucmarca has had with its neighbors since its founding, there appear to be three different sources of friction. The first source is the lack of clearly defined boundaries in the original founding of villages, communities, and haciendas after the Conquest. A second source is the direct efforts by hacendados to encroach upon community lands. As Tullis (1970: 81) points out, peasants in other parts of Peru were able to win suits negating similar encroachments, but in many places victory in court did not mean that land was actually returned to the Indian community. Uchucmarca has had considerably more luck in winning and enforcing court decisions than the cases reported by Tullis. A third source of friction between communities is the demographic pressure that the hacienda system can exert over an entire region. Religious Organization: Saints and Celebrations

Besides the legal framework of Peasant Community and District, the other form of social organization which ties the village together is the Catholic

64 The Formal Organization of Uchucmarca form of social organization which ties the village together is the Catholic Church. As in other Latin American communities, the church must be understood not as a unified body, but rather as a set of interlocking devotional offices of the saints. This character is strengthened by the fact that no priest

resides in the village. :

There are twenty-three images of different saints arrayed on various altars in the church of Uchucmarca. In theory, each of these should have two or more persons (male or female) in the village who have pledged themselves to specific services for the saint. There are three possible officers for each saint: the tesoreros, the munidor, and the mayordomos. The tesoreros are usually man and wife, although there are some instances of parent-child pairs (e.g. mother-son) serving this position. They are the most important officers for any one saint, responsible for the celebration of the saint’s day on the church’s calendar and for taking care of the image throughout the year. The expenditure of time and money varies greatly according to the impor-

tance of the saint and the devotion of the tesorero. Of the twenty-three saints in the church, only eleven have tesoreros pledged to their service. The pledge is usually lifelong, and the office is frequently bequeathed to a son or daughter. _ The munidor is a parish officer in charge of the property of the saint. Of the twenty-three saints, only four have munidores, all women. The only property now owned by saints are clothes, usually two sets, and special gift items such as silver hearts and amulets, flower vases, plastic flowers, and candle holders donated by devotees. The responsibility of the munidor is to protect and care for these objects by washing and changing the clothes at least once a year and polishing the ornaments that are attached to the saint’s robes. This is always done for the saint’s day, but an especially devoted mu- _ nidor may do these tasks several times a year. The final position serving the saint is that of mayordomo. Unlike the other two positions, this is only a temporary one, usually lasting only one or two years. Mayordomos volunteer to perform a specific service for a particular saint. These involve the celebration of the fiesta honoring the saint, so that only relatively major saints are served by mayordomos. Services that are

pledged include the purchasing and lighting of candles at the feet of the saint, decorating the saint’s altar with flowers, and buying special gifts to honor the saint such as a new set of clothes or a silver amulet. The most elaborate way a mayordomo can honor a saint is by preparing and serving a

meal to the village. This is only done for the patron saint of the village, Nuestro Senor de los Milagros.

There has not been a resident priest in the village since the turn of the twentieth century. Until recently, a visit by a priest was a very special occasion. Uchucmarca is part of the parish covered by a Spanish Franciscan mis-

The Formal Organization of Uchucmarca 65 sionary order. In 1967 a visiting priest spoke to the town about modernizing their religious celebrations. He suggested that they simplify the interior of the church by removing some of the images of saints and by redesigning the altar, making Christ, Nuestro Sefor de los Milagros, the focus. He also suggested that the costumes of the saints be simplified by removing some of the more garish ornaments. Uchucmarquinos interpreted his suggestions about

the saints as an attempt to steal the costly clothes and silver for his own benefit. Moreover, he recommended that the baptismal system be altered by making relatives godparents (in the Spanish fashion) and by having the par-

ents hold their own child during the baptism. It seemed to the priest that this would eliminate the crying of the children during the ceremony. To the Uchucmarquinos, however, this seemed to be a direct blow to the ritualized

system of coparenthood, which is important in peasant communities throughout Latin America (Mintz and Wolf 1950). The villagers feel that for the ritual to be complete, the godparents must hold the child during the ceremony.

There was an angry confrontation between the priest and several of the villagers, and the priest has not been welcome in the village since then. Uchucmarca has fallen back on its own resources for its religious celebrations. A group of lay preachers (rezalones) fulfill the role of priest for all but those services that a priest must attend to serve the sacraments: absolution, marriage, and the last rites. There are five rezalones in the village who have studied and memorized the mass and several important prayers in the Catholic prayer book. They serve without pay but will take contributions such as

food. They are present at all religious services in the church or private homes. On occasion they even deliver short sermons to their “parishioners.” Most Uchucmarquinos express confidence in the rezalones and a willingness to do without a priest. There are several different ways in which a person can devote him or

herself to the saint. The simplest way is by saying special prayers to the saint and lighting candles for the saint on the saint’s day in the church calendar. People who want to pay more respect than this may take the saint to their house where they build a small shrine, light candles, and say special prayers. This is usually done for the saint’s day. All types of devotion are en-

hanced by contracting one of the lay preachers to say a mass or to lead other prayers for the saint. A few villagers have acquired their own statues of saints whom they wish to venerate with shrines, prayers, and candles. The women of the village are far more active than the men in conducting these religious affairs. Most men adopt a rather passive role, while some are forthrightly skeptical.

The public celebration of a saint’s day varies from year to year and from saint to saint according to how much money and effort the devotee is

66 The Formal Organization of Uchucmarca willing or able to donate. In some years, there is virtually no celebration of the saint’s day by some of the treasurers. In others, there is a relatively complete celebration. This may vary according to special pledges people make to their saints. Thus a treasurer who does not normally direct much time and effort to the celebration of a saint may pledge an extraordinary celebration to the saint for the answering of a special prayer. In one case, a woman pledged to put on a dinner in addition to lighting candles and saying prayers for a saint if her sick child became well before the saint’s day. The self-reliance of the folk Catholicism in Uchucmarca has certain drawbacks in the eyes of some of the villagers. Many complain that without a priest the church is bound to decline. It is obvious, for instance, that very few of the children are baptized as official members of the church. At birth, they are blessed by a compadre of the parents with holy water (Agua de Socorro), but few people accept this as a legitimate substitute for baptism by a priest. There is some concrete evidence of the church’s decline. A formal committee that supervised church activities in the village is now inactive, and there is no overall direction to the religious activity of the village. When asked, many people claim that religion was much more important in former years. They point to the fact that fewer and fewer people volunteer for religious tasks or to be treasurer for one of the saints. Almost half of the images of saints in the village no longer have a treasurer. Parochial records show that in former years there were plots of land and herds of cattle maintained

by sodalities (cofradias) for the benefit of a particular saint. The last of these disappeared in the early 1950s. The cattle were sold and the land was redistributed by the Community because it was laying fallow. The last vestige of these cofradias are the muiidores who care for the only remaining property of the saint, his clothes and ornaments. Perhaps it is not surprising

that the people have resisted the efforts of the Spanish priest to remove these from the village church. By far the most important fiesta of the year is the week long celebra-

tion honoring Nuestro Senor de los Milagros, the patron saint of Uchucmarca. September 14 was chosen as the fiesta day since it was on that day that the image of Christ arrived in the village sometime during the nineteenth century after a miraculous journey from the coast which is the sub-

jectThe of a popular village legend. , date of the fiesta occupies a strategic position in the annual agricultural calendar. The grain and legume harvests of the valley below the village are completed by the first week of September, and the potato harvest

of the upper valley doesn’t begin until November. The only agricultural work to be done is the second weeding of potatoes. The fiesta, then, falls in one of the few slack periods of the agricultural year. Moreover, it comes at a time when most of the households have a supply of recently harvested grain on hand. These grains have traditionally been one of the most important me-

The Formal Organization of Uchucmarca 67 diums of exchange for manufactured clothing and other goods brought in by traveling merchants. If the fiesta. were held any earlier, many households would be unable to participate in the exchange at the fair.

The village-wide religious celebration involves four major types of event. These are the novenas (nine nightly prayer services), processions, ritual dances, and the communal meal presented to the village by mayordomos. There is almost constant activity in the church. The church is cleaned and whitewashed inside for the fiesta, and the image of Nuestro Senor de los Milagros is cleaned and dressed in special satin robes. The ordinary nails which pierce the hands and feet of Christ are replaced with silver ones. During the entire procedure, the figure is only handled with white linen cloths. At dawn on the morning of 13 September there is a mass featuring a

communal breakfast of bread and coffee prepared by a large number of women. The villagers are awakened by the band marching through the streets at dawn to bring the people to this Misa de Alva. It is believed that the saint is pleased by the sight of happy people eating before him and that his pleasure will mean that the village will be blessed with abundant harvests during the next year. There are three major processions honoring the saint during the fiesta. During the largest one, on 14 September, the image is accompanied by a contingent of ritual dancers, and by every musical instrument in the village. Two communal meals are provided by volunteer mayordomos. They prepare a simple meal of wheat, mutton soup, and chicha for the entire village. While I was in the village, only one person had volunteered for this service. It is considered one of the most joyous events of the entire fiesta. Besides the formally organized religious activities, some households participate in private celebrations. Many households build their own shrine

for the saint. These may be honored with a small meal and dance if the household has enough money or grain surplus. It is. during this week more than at any other time of the year when the bonds of compadre and comadre are established. The ritualized first haircutting (landariit) using compadres often occurs at this time. The other side of the fiesta honoring Nuestro Senor de los Milagros is secular. It involves activities such as a market, a bullfight, cock fights, drinking, fireworks, soccer games, and dances. The appearance of the village changes drastically during the fiesta. Merchants from the coast and highland

market centers spread their goods out along the streets and around the plaza. A number of people both from the village and from nearby areas set soup kitchens on the plaza, which are busy late into the night. The biggest change is the presence of people; the normal routine of village life demands that most of the people, especially men, be absent from the village during

the day, but during the fiesta they remain in town. They are joined by friends and family who come from as far away as Lima to help celebrate.

68 The Formal Organization of Uchucmarca The celebration of El Catorce (The Fourteenth) involves the most intense fiesta activity of the year. Chacras are forgotten for the time being, streets normally deserted hold more and more people, and the usually quiet nights are broken with the sounds of music from small household dances or an oc-

casional whoop uttered to the hills. More than any other single event, the fiesta marks the coalescence of the village as a community of souls joined together in a common effort to please their saint with their own pleasure. No other event so confirms the importance of the village in the lives of its sons and daughters.

Resources for Subsistence: Land

Uchucmarca has an agro-pastoral economy in which two resources, land and labor, are primary. The economy has a subsistence orientation with the principle object being the provisioning of individual households with food. Like other subsistence economies, it is one of production for use.! Most local production is consumed within the community, and most individuals depend on what they can grow or barter for within the community limits. Trade networks do reach beyond these limits, and there is evidence that they have become more significant to the economy of the village in recent years. To most of the village residents, however, these are only of secondary importance to the main concern of subsistence production. In this village level economy, the most important unit for both production and consumption remains the household.’ In looking at the resources in the subsistence production of the village, there are two levels of integration and analysis that must be kept in mind. First, we are dealing with a village as a whole. This unit controls a certain number of resources and carries a specific culture and knowledge of agricultural production. It is, however, not the village as a unit, but rather the individual household that is the actual user of resources and producer of subsistence. As in most traditional economies, the household is the significant unit of both production and consumption. It is important to keep in mind that the specific condition of a particular household may vary greatly from the overall condition of the larger village unit. In general terms, the Uchucmarca Valley and the village agricultural system are relatively productive, providing a fairly wide subsistence base through the variety of micro-climates and crops. The productivity of these is enhanced by exchange links with a regional system so that the vil‘Here I am following Sahlins’ (1972) termininology and concept of economies of production for use. * This is one of the principal characteristics distinguishing a peasant, subsistence economy from a market, consumer economy. Many economists have recognized the particular characteristics that derive from having the family rather than the firm as the principal unit of production and consumption in an economy. Chayanov’s (1966) treatment of the importance of family farms in peasant production is especially relevant here.

69

70 Resources for Subsistence: Land lage as a whole has an adequate, although not overly abundant, subsistence base. When we look at individual households, on the other hand, it is easy to spot specific shortages of things like land, labor, seed, and oxen. Life Zones of the Uchucmarca Valley

The lands controlled by the Community of Uchucmarca fall into five natural life zones as described by Tosi (1960). (See Map 6). These are: a) Subtropical Thorn Woodland (bosque espinoso subtropical), an area of xerophytic vege-

tation found at the base of the valley well within the intermontane rain shadow of Marafion Valley; b) Dry Forest (bosque seco montano bajo), an area still affected by the rain shadow, but where cereal production is possible during non-drought years; c) Temperate Moist Forest (bosque hiumedo montano), which is outside of the rain shadow and has a temperate, frostfree climate suitable for the production of a wide variety of crops from cere-

als to tubers; d) Rain Tundra (paramo muy himedo subalpina or tundra pluvial alpino), which is the highest zone in the valley, experiencing frequent frosts and heavy rainfall and covered with natural pasture (primarily Stipa ichu grass); and e) Cool Temperate Wet Forest (bosque muy hiimedo montano), a dense cloud forest, the ceja de montana, which lies along the flanks of the eastern Andean cordillera.,

The subtropical thorn woodland (bosque espinoso subtropical) (Tosi 1960: 65-71) is found along the coast of Peru and on the lower western slopes of the Andes from the northern border to the Pisco River in central Peru. Its location in inter-Andean valleys such as the Maranon or the upper Huallaga River basins is a result of a rain shadow. The soils are usually thin and belong to the reddish-chestnut group. The natural vegetation is an open thorn woodland that is xerophytic in nature. Most of the trees lose their leaves during the drier months (May to October). There are numerous cactus species, with columnar cactus being the most notable. Other predominant vegetation includes small but relatively open brush such as the “palo santo’ (Busera graveolens). Human occupation and exploitation is confined

to areas where irrigation is possible. | The dry forest (bosque seco montano bajo) (Tosi 1960: 101-8) is one of

the most common Andean life zones. Many of the major Andean valleys with both historical and contemporary population centers are located in this zone. It is characterized by both moderate temperatures and rainfall. Temperatures range upward to around 22 °C, during the day, and may go as low as -4° C. on clear nights with high radiation. There is little rain shadow effect. The topography is marked by moderate to steep slopes with only limited flat areas. In many parts of the Andes, this zone has been under heavy human exploitation since pre-Hispanic times, and the effect on the natural vegetation has been considerable. There are virtually no natural forests left

Resources for Subsistence: Land 71

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Resources for Subsistence: Land 77 quirements of this operation, the trapiches are highly lucrative for their owners.

The kichwa fuerte zone (1,500 to 1,900 meters) begins at the edge of

the rain shadow of the Maranon Valley, and is frequently marked by drought. The zone is intermediate between the subtropical woodland forest and dry forest natural life zones, and its vegetation is a mixture of the xerophytic types found in the temple and nonxerophytic types found at higher altitudes. During non-drought years, wheat and maize are produced and alfalfa is grown on small, irrigated plots. Land is not intensively exploited here because of the threat of drought, and the tenure is not commercial. The collection of firewood is one of the main activities of Uchucmarquinos in the kichwa fuerte. Fairly dense stands of shrubs and trees in canyons and on steep hillsides are exploited for a variety of woods. The fuel of this area is considered superior to anything the upper slopes can produce since it is drier and tends to ignite and burn more smoothly than the brush that can be gathered around the town. The two most frequently exploited trees are palo amarillo and the huarango (Acacia macracantha).

When firewood is one’s only fuel, the differences between woods quickly becomes apparent. Many people pick up firewood as a normal part

of any excursion outside of the village, and it is common to see men, women, and children dragging or carrying small bundles of firewood. This type of gathering is usually insufficient, and special trips for collecting firewood are necessary. Women tend to stay closer to the village, while men will range farther in search for the best wood. Such trips occupy roughly 10 percent of the time spent in subsistence activities since they frequently head for the kichwa fuerte to spend several days cutting and hauling wood.° The kichwa zone (1,900 to 2,450 meters) is marked by moderate and dependable rainfall and mild temperatures. Topographically, the valley begins to widen appreciably in comparison to the first two zones, providing much more cultivable land. This zone is outside of the rain shadow that affects the lower valley, but there is still a lengthy dry season (May to September). The major focus of agriculture here is the production of two important elements in the diet of the population, wheat and maize. Given the population size and the importance of these crops, there is a relative shortage of land in the kichwa. In spite of this shortage, land tenure is kept noncommercial. Systems of reciprocity and sharecropping play an important role in distributing

the land and crops of this zone. |

As in other parts of the Andes, the kichwa zone is the primary grainproducing zone for the Uchucmarca Valley. Crops of secondary importance 3 As the population of the valley grows, firewood will undoubtedly become scarce and require longer and longer excursions to collect. People have already begun to note that good quality firewood is more scarce and costly than previously. In other parts of the Andes, the depletion of firewood has forced people to use dung as a substitute (Winterhalter, Larsen, and Thomas 1974).

78 Resources for Subsistence: Land are beans, alfalfa, maguey, fruits such as chirimoya (Anona cherimolia), and a large squash, chiclayo (Cucurbita moschata). A few households specialize in the raising of guinea pigs and chickens. Depending on the altitude within the zone, wheat and maize mature in seven to nine months. Of all the zones directly accessible to the people of the nucleated settlement of Uchucmarca, the kichwa zone has the greatest

pressure on its land base. The wheat produced in the kichwa is the single most important crop in the diet of the village in terms of proteins.4 The grains grown here are still essentially noncommercial crops in the subsistence system of the village, but a growing number of villagers market at least

a part of their grains in the lower valley and to traveling merchants. The , pressure on the land is indicated by the fact that over half of the land in the zone is sharecropped. This means that many parcels support more then one _ household. It is common for villagers to maintain a separate house structure

in this zone and to live here during the harvest season for one or two months. During these months the town of Uchucmarca is deserted while the people move to the lower valley. Harvests of wheat and maize begin in the lower areas of the kichwa in late June and move progressively up through

, the zone toward the village. The most festive and ritualized of all the harvests in the valley is the wheat harvest (faena), which is almost a daily event

during the months of July and August in different parts of the kichwa.° Many people remain in the kichwa during the faena period in order to go to

a series of them. Other people work in the harvest of wheat, maize and beans, being paid an inflated wage in the crop itself. The templado zone (2,450 to 3,100 meters) is a transitional zone be-

tween the warmer and drier lower valley and the cooler and wetter upper valley. The nucleated village of Uchucmarca is located in this zone. It is transitional between the dry forest and the temperate moist forest natural life zones. Xerophytic characteristics of the lower zones disappear. Rainfall is regular, and there is only a short dry season (June to August). In terms of the crops grown, the templado is also intermediate. In the lower part, wheat,

maize, and barley are grown, while in the upper part, high altitude crops such as the potato appear. An important crop which is grown exclusively in this zone is the arveja or field pea (Pisum sativum). There tends to be less competition here for plots than in the lower, grain-producing zones, and land tenure is marked by a minimum of commercial transaction. The jalka zone (3,100 to 3,500 meters) begins immediately above the village of Uchucmarca. Ecologically, this zone is analagous to Tosi’s alpine 4In terms of the amount of calories and proteins provided by crops produced in the valley, I estimate that wheat accounts for roughly 47 percent of the calories and proteins avail-— able (see Appendix 3). °This usage for faena seems to be derived from Spanish custom. In other parts of Peru, the term is used interchangeably with republica to refer to communal work obligations or some form of conscripted labor tribute for public projects (Mendizabal 1964; Escobar 1973).

Resources for Subsistence: Land 79 tundra or subalpine wet paramo and to the puna zone of the southern Andes of Peru. It is, however, drier than the former and wetter than the latter. The vegetation is dominated by the typical Andean highland sedges and bunch grasses, and the effects of altitude adaptation, such as dwarfing, become evi-

dent here. The valley widens in the form of a shallow glaciated basin threaded by a clear mountain stream. Like the puna to the south, the jalka is the area of potato production,

and more land and time is devoted to the potato and other tubers than to any other crops in the valley. The oca (Oxalis tuberosa) is the most important tuber besides the potato. Others include the mashua (Tropaeolum tuberosum) and the ulluco (Ullucus tuberosa), which are often used as pig fodder. Tuber cultivation is land extensive, a system of field rotation. Other crops grown here are the edible Andean lupen (Lupinus mutabilis), known as chocho or tarwi, broad beans (habas), and barley. There is a relative abundance of land with little competition for plots, which are easily obtained through petition to the communal council. The jalka fuerte (3,500 to 4,300 meters), the highest and most extensive

zone in the valley, is ecologically close to the subalpine wet paramo lite zone. Rainfall is heavy, with no appreciable dry season, and frosts are frequent. The topography of the jalka fuerte is a combination of rolling hills and lines of rock outcrops and peaks. The vegetation is composed of hardy Andean sedges and grasses, which provide a natural pasture for sheep, cattle, and horses. The pastures of the jalka fuerte are communal property, and the only permanent dwellings are those of households specializing in herding. Livestock is important to the village for such things as meat and wool and as a means of obtaining cash. Cattle are especially important in this final regard. Beef, cheese, and milk are only rarely consumed in the village, but over half of the village households keep a few head of cattle as a living bank account on the hoof, that can be converted to cash by selling to one of the itinerant merchants from the other side of the Maranon River. The céja de montana zone, also referred to as the montana, lies on the other side of the eastern Andean cordillera from the Uchucmarca Valley. It begins at roughly 2,500 meters and extends eastward out of the community lands. It corresponds ecologically to the temperate wet forest life zone. The high grasses of the jalka fuerte and jalka on the eastern side of the cordillera blend into a dense and almost impenetrable forest of low trees and shrubs. This zone is exploited lightly for hunting (bear, jaguar, deer) and lumbering

for the local carpentry industry. As with the jalka fuerte, the land of the montana zone is communal. Considering the size of the village population, the resource base repre-

sented by these seven crop zones is extensive. Unlike many other Andean communities, Uchucmarca has enough resources as a community for virtual self-sufficiency, without the need to rely on extensive exchange or market

80 Resources for Subsistence: Land networks reaching outside of the village for subsistence items. As mentioned above, however, community self-sufficiency does not necessarily mean that every household within the community is self-sufficient. The Determination of Crop Zones

As noted in Chapter 1, out of the bewildering complexity of natural life zones in the Andes, the Andean subsistence farmers have delineated four major crop zones: 1) a lowland tropical zone for coca, fruit/and sugar cane; 2) a temperate grain-producing zone; 3) a cool potato/tuber zone; and 4) a zone of native wild grasses for natural pastures. Intermediate zones, lying between these major crop zones, may be added, as in Uchucmarca. Other important zones are those yielding firewood, although these may not always be designated as separate zones in the population’s description of their environment. It is important to stress that the existence of a limited number of zones reflects the subsistence pattern of a large and complex area and not a

limitation in environmental perception on the local level. | The delineation of crop and resource zones in the Andes is directly re-

lated to the natural zonation of the mountain environment, but it may not correspond exactly to the zonation of plant communities. In Uchucmarca, for instance, there are five life zones, or natural plant associations, and seven zones in the ethnogeography of the villagers. One way to approach the human zonation of the valley is to consider the “effective” crop limits versus the “absolute” crop limits. The effective limit for any one crop is the area of optimum production of that crop, and serves as the basis for the local system

of vertical zonation of crop zones. Using effective limits results in some amount of overlap between zones in terms of crop distribution. The distinction between absolute and effective crop limits has been extensively treated

by Gade (1967: 153 ff.) for the Vilcanota Valley. He notes that, , Essentially two kinds of crop limits exist: the effective, at which the crop is not important in the economy and yields are not satisfactory, and the absolute, the extreme limit at which a crop will grow and at which the chance of the success of the crop is slight indeed. A crop limit may refer to a plant on the species level or to a specific cultivar of a species.... While each human-manipulated plant has a particular ecological niche in which it grows best, the boundaries of its cultivation are wider in this peasant society than they would be if the area had a modern industrial-type agriculture. The peasants plant a crop wherever they anticipate some return but without much consideration for high yields.

Table 2 demonstrates the effective limits and distribution of different

crops in the Uchucmarca Valley. Even though a particular crop may be grown in either higher or lower altitudes, the returns on the investments of © land, labor, seed, and oxen are usually perceived as being too low outside of

certain altitude ranges to warrant the risk. The dangers faced when a cer-

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82 Resources for Subsistence: Land tain crop is planted beyond its effective limits are phrased in a series of maladies that attack the crop. These are summarized for crop limits in Uchucmarca in Figure 4.

FIGURE 4 , Perceived Environmental Hazards Beyond Crop Zones

Crop Too High Too Low Maize doesn’t bear fruit —

Wheat insects (polvillo worm) drought eat the grain, or the grain rots on the stalk

from too much moisture. , , Too little gluten. Potatoes - ocas frost or late blight plants wither (rancha) kill the plant and without tubers

Field peas too little fruit peas don't cook properly (too hard)

Barley too littlethegluten, and drought hulls are too thick Settlement Location in the Valley | The village of Uchucmarca is located in the templado, the transitional zone between the lower grain producing zones (kichwa) and the higher potato and pasturing zones (jalka). The line separating these two zones becomes higher in altitude as one moves south where the diurnal period of the sum-

mer months is longer than at the equator. Thus in the Cajamarca region (7°16’S), the kichwa zone is found at roughly 2,800 meters altitude, while in

the Cuzco region (13° 36'S), the kichwa zone extends up to 3,350 meters

| altitude. Dyer (1962: 340) points out that the vast bulk of the Andean population lives in small villages and hamlets situated in the kichwa zone. Although it would be extremely difficult to corroborate, it appears that most hamlets, villages, and towns are not merely located in the kichwa zone, but are located on or near the line of demarcation between the kichwa.and jalka | zones, as in the case of Uchucmarca. In the immediate Uchucmarca region, it is evident that the major preHispanic settlements were significantly higher than they are today. Most were located in the upper jalka zone, just below the jalka fuerte zone. One

Resources for Subsistence: Land 83 explanation for these relatively high settlements is that endemic warfare forced pre-Hispanic populations to seek the safest and most defensible posi-

tions for their hamlets and villages, and these in general tend to be the higher areas. Other explanations deal with the problem of settlement location according to subsistence patterns. Troll (1958, 1968) notes the importance of the relationship between conditions of regular frost, wet and dry seasons, and the possible manufacture of freeze dried potatoes (chuno) in understanding the settlement and cultural patterns of the pre-Hispanic population of the altiplano region around Lake Titicaca. Pre-Hispanic populations in the Andes were generally more dependent on produce from the higher zones (potatoes, quinoa, llamas) and less dependent on grains, especially maize, than the modern population. Wheat, of course, is a Spanish introduction into the area. Maize, as Sauer notes (1950: 494), was not a staple in the diets of most native American populations south of Honduras. Murra (1960) argues that maize was more important as a ceremonial crop rather than a subsistence crop in the Andes. The notable exception to this was the Inca state, which was apparently beginning to exploit the kichwa region in earnest for maize, the food “preferred”’ by its armies (Murra 1960: 400). The importance that the Inca placed on the lower zone is evidenced by the fantastic terracing which they constructed for the cultivation of maize.

The Spanish, who were grain eaters themselves, completed a process in many other parts of Peru that the Inca administration had initiated in the Cuzco area. This was the conversion from a subsistence base principally reli-

ant on tubers to a mixed base that included both grains and_ tubers. Throughout the central and northern highlands of Peru, European grains, such as wheat and barley, have become major crops along with the native Andean crops. This appears to be less true for the southern highlands, especially the altiplano, where potatoes and quinoa are predominant. In their consolidation of the Andean population during the Toledo reducciones of the 1570s, the Spanish moved much of the population that had survived the epidemics of the Conquest into new towns such as Uchucmarca. These new towns became the loci of the majority of the peasant population of the Andes (Fuenzalida 1970). It is likely that the Spanish interest in wheat and maize, as well as their interest in pasture for animals and in the traditional subsistence base of the population (potatoes), led them to locate the new towns in places with fairly equal access to the kichwa and jalka zones. In Uchucmarca, as in other Andean communities, the introduction of wheat eventually led to a major new focus of subsistence activities.

Land Tenure

The Peasant Community of Uchucmarca retains residual rights to all of the lands within the community. Usufructory rights are granted in such a fash-

84 Resources for Subsistence: Land ion that plots are treated virtually as private property. They can be inherited, fallowed, and exchanged with other members of the community, but they cannot be alienated by sale or exchange to nonmembers. The only lands held in common are grazing lands in the jalka fuerte and the scrubcovered or forested areas in other parts of the valley that are used for gathering firewood. The clearing and cultivation of unclaimed land can only be done with the permission of the Peasant Community of Uchucmarca. This is sought with a petition to the Executive Committee by the member, and

| there appears to be, at this time, no reluctance on the part of the Executive Committee in granting permission. Besides by petition, chacras may be obtained by inheritance, purchase,

and exchange. In Table 3 the percentages of chacras in different crops obtained by these various means are presented. They do not reflect the other means of access to various crop lands through such measures as sharecropping, loans, and renting chacras. These will be discussed in the next section. TABLE 3 Acquisition of Chacras Percentages of Chacras Acquired by Different Means Petition

Crop to Community Inheritance Purchase Exchange -

Maize 33 37 30 — Wheat 13 47 33 7 Barley 10 70 10 10 Field peas 22 33 33 1] Broad beans SO 33 17 — Potatoes 59 38 3 —

Ocas 100 — — ~— Average 4] 37 18 4 As Table 3 indicates, the principal manners of acquiring land are by petitioning the Executive Committee and by inheritance. It is important to note, however, that for certain crops such as maize, wheat, and field peas, the incidence of purchasing chacras increases over that of the other crops. The difference here is indicative of the differential pressure on cereal-producing zones versus tuber zones. In the cereal-producing areas of the kichwa and templado zones, the limited supply of land is insufficient to meet the high demand. This land is prized for its frost and drought-free climate and for the

fact that high value crops are grown here. This land is rarely available

Resources for Subsistence: Land 85 through petition, and cash purchase is often the only means of obtaining a desired plot.

Land Distribution Land holdings in Uchucmarca are small and typical of peasant free-holding communities in other parts of the Andes, These are described as minifundia in comparison to the latifundia holdings of haciendas and plantations. Land is not concentrated, and no family owns more than 10 hectares. Land distribution in Uchucmarca is, however, characterized by two forms of inequality: quantity and type of land. Several families are landless, and the distribution of ownership in different crop zones is uneven. Both of these conditions contradict the ideals of equality and of owning sufficient land in as many different crop zones as possible. This inequality is attributable to three main sources: 1) historical circumstances, especially the role of caciques; 2) demographic circumstances, especially the presence of migrants; and 3) the inheritance system. Although Uchucmarca has been an independent community since the early part of the seventeenth century and free from control by an hacendado, it has been dominated at times by local persons and families who have concentrated land holdings. The cacique system that was common throughout

the Spanish Empire survived the independence movement from Spain in many parts of Latin America. The archives of the Peasant Community and of the municipality of Uchucmarca mention the presence of caciques well into the nineteenth century. Toward the end of that century, there appeared to be a decline of caciques in the village, and by 1910 they had disappeared altogether. Several families in the village trace their descent directly to two caciques of the late nineteenth century. Some of these families have considerably more land in all parts of the valley than the average household, and they attribute this to their inheritance from cacique ancestors. The second factor influencing the unequal distribution of land is demographic and stems from migration into the village. There are a number of

immigrants who have not been able to attain the status of member in the community, and therefore cannot own land. Because of a male preference in the inheritance system many of the male immigrants who marry locally born women do not have the same overall access to lands as locally born men. Immigrants also are hindered in their acquisition of lands by the fact that they inherit lands from only one set of relatives, the affinal ones. The third factor influencing the distribution of land holding in Uchucmarca is the inheritance system. A patrilateral preference characterizes the system. Sons are generally preferred to daughters because it is believed that a son rather than a son-in-law will remain at home to contribute his labor to an older couple. Also, it is understood that a daughter who marries or lives with a man will claim support from him rather than from her father. There

86 Resources for Subsistence: Land are no rules of primo- or ultimogeniture in inheritance, although an older son may have some advantage since he is usually responsible for a family before his younger brothers are.

Table 4 presents data on average land ownership per household. The information given here is derived from a sample survey of households, and it is based on a combination of seed planted per plot and airphotograph mea-

surement. One of the most striking features of the average holding per household and the average chacra size is their relatively small size: 1.58 hec-

tares. This is typical of the minifundia landholding pattern. | In spite of the very small average holding, there does not appear to be a significant level of malnutrition in the village. No cases of either kwashiorkor or extreme emaciation were observed. Children, who are among the first to suffer in general hunger conditions, are bright and lively instead of dull, and there were no apparent indicators of famine such as reddened hair, bowed legs, or swollen abdomens. No clinical estimate of overall nutritional levels was available, but calculations of available calories and protein indicate an adequate diet with an average per capita availability of 2,705 calories and 80 grams of vegetable protein (see Appendix 3). TABLE 4 Average Landholdings Per Household—Hectares’

Average Size Per Chacra —Hectares

Crop _ Hectares/Chacra Hectares/Household

Potatoes 0.42 het. 0.49 het. Maize , 0.44 0.35

Wheat , 0.79 Field peas 0.22 0.44 0.09

Ocas 0.18 0.06 Barley 0.35 Broad beans 0.11013 0.02 | Total 1.58 © Clinical surveys of nutrition in highland communities similar to Uchucmarca corroborate this conclusion of adequate nutritional levels. Although certain areas of caloric and protein deficiency were found in some highland areas (Collazos et al. 1960), the overall nutritional pattern seemed low but adequate (Mazess and Baker 1964; Gursky 1969; and Thomas 1973).

’ These figures are based on an intensive survey of forty-two sample households. Fields were measured using ground surveys, seed/land ratios, and air photograph measurement.

Resources for Subsistence: Land 87 Alternatives to Ownership; Sharecropping

One must go further than ownership figures to understand the nature of the

land tenure system of Uchucmarca. For any one crop, there are usually more producers than actual owners of plots. Alternatives to outright ownership permit more than one family to use the same parcel of land and have the effect of multiplying the number of producers of any given crop. The most important of these is sharecropping (sociedad).§ Others include renting and borrowing chacras.

The sociedad arrangement calls for an even division of the yield between the owner of the plot and the person who is his socio (partner). It is essentially the same as the “a medias” system of Spain and other parts of Latin America. The obligation of the owner of the chacra is to provide the principal capital (seed and oxen) as well as the land itself. The socio’s obligation is to provide his labor. If any extra labor is needed in plowing, weeding, or harvesting, the cost in either goods or cash is divided equally. Given the existing parcelization of land in the valley, and considering the differential

stress on crop zones with a relative abundance of land in the higher zones and a shortage in the lower zones, the system of sociedad has advantages for both the sharecropper and the owner. There are persons who for a variety of reasons have not been able to obtain land in one or more of the crop zones in the valley. Others are unable to cultivate part or all of the land they own in the valley. Some of these have more land spread throughout the valley than they can effectively cultivate alone. Schoolteachers, for instance, own land, but because of the con-

flict between the intensive agricultural schedule and obligations in the school, they must find a sharecropper to put in the necessary labor in their various chacras. Another reason why an individual owner may look for someone to sharecrop with him is that he alone cannot meet the necessary labor requirements for the particulr chacra. He may be too old for the strenuous work involved or too busy tending other plots in the same or different zones. The labor input involved in managing different chacras in different altitudinal zones is very demanding. There is no one in the village who merely hires laborers (peons) for all the necessary tasks in the fields. The initiative for the recruitment of a socio may come equally from ei-

ther the owner or the partner. A person who has an abundance of land and a shortage of time or available time and labor may seek out another person who needs land and has time. The relationship may just as likely be initiated by the latter. 8 This sociedad system is known as the mitad-mitad or medianero system in other parts of Latin America and Spain. Known as metayage, it is common throughout southern Europe (Dumont 1957). Useful reviews of the economic issues and rationality of the sharecropping system may be found in Martinez-Alier (1971) and Cheung (1969).

88 Resources for Subsistence: Land The importance of the sociedad system for Uchucmarca can be seen in

Table 5. This shows the percentage of land in each crop and crop zone which is under the sharecropping regime. Besides the high overall average of

, land cultivated under sharecropping arrangements, this table indicates the relative shortage or abundance of lands in different zones. The highest crop

zone, the jalka, and its crops, potatoes, and ocas, has a markedly lower percentage of sharecropping than the lower, cereal-producing zones. There is adequate land in the upper zone for pioneer plots, but in the lower zones

there is competition for free plots. | TABLE 5

Land Under Sharecropping

% of Crop % of Land Crop Sharecropped Zone _ Sharecropped

Wheat 63 Kichwa «62 Maize ya Kichwa Fuerte 45 Barley 51 Templado 45 Field peas 45 Jalka 25, Potatoes 24 ,

Ocas 99 Average for , Broad beans 20 all zones 4300

, There are several ways to determine the actual distribution of land in , the valley. Holdings may be extensive in either acreage or distribution over a wide range of crop zones. Table 6 presents the percentage of households in the village who own chacras and are producing various crops, the percentage of households having access (through sharecropping) to the production of crops without owning the chacras, and the percentage of households not producing the given crop. The column labeled “multiple” covers persons who have more than one chacra of a given crop using a variety of tenure patterns. The column labeled “other” covers such arrangements as loans and rental of chacras. From Table 6 it is possible to see how the sometimes low percentage of owners can be multiplied to a relatively high percentage

, of producers by mechanisms in the land tenure system. Although only 14 percent of the households are owners of wheat chacras, 49 percent are producers of wheat; in maize, 23 percent of the households are owners and 63 percent are producers. In looking at Table 6 several factors must be kept in mind. Some households choose to specialize in the production of one or two crops and to obtain the others by exchange. There are households that may own a chacra but not farm it themselves because of old age or shortage of labor. Many of the crops in the table are interchangeable in the same cha-

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