More evidence for an internal classification of Tupi-Guarani languages 3786116067

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INDIANA

BEIHEFT SUPLEMENTO SUPPLEMENT

WOLF DIETRICH

MORE EVIDENCE FOR A N INTERNAL CLASSIFICATION OF TUPI-GUARANI LANGUAGES

GEBR. MANN VERLAG • BERLIN

12

Die vorliegende Studie - eine vergleichende linguistische Untersuchung zu den Tupi-GuaraniSprachen - sucht die genetischen Beziehungen zwischen den einzelnen Idiomen dieser indianischen Sprachfamilie Südamerikas aufzuhellen. Im Vergleich von neueren und neuesten Daten aus 29 dieser Sprachen stützt der Autor sich auf 17 phonetische und phonologische sowie auf 34 morphologisch-grammatische Kriterien, jeweils ausgewählt nach ihrer Aussagefähigkeit hinsichtlich der »konservativen' Nähe zum bzw. der .innovatorischen' Entfernung vom rekonstruierten ,ProtoTupi-Guarani'. Dieses seinerseits wird nicht als eine spezifische oder einheitliche Sprache aufgefaßt, wie auch die verändernden Ein- und Nachwirkungen von Sprachen anderer Herkunft in Rechnung gestellt werden. In einem detaillierten Abgleich zwischen den verschiedenen Kriterien und zwischen den einzelnen Sprachen gelangt der Autor zu einer neuen Binnen-Klassifikation, in der sich u.a. auch eine deutliche Gliederung in eine südliche und eine amazonische Gruppe bestätigt.

INDIANA Beiheft I Suplemento / Supplement

12

IBERO-AMERIKANISCHES INSTITUT PREUSSISCHER KULTURBESITZ

i

GEBR. M A N N VERLAG • BERLIN - 1990

INDIANA

WOLF DIETRICH

MORE EVIDENCE FOR A N INTERNAL CLASSIFICATION OF TUPI-GUARANI LANGUAGES

BEIHEFT SUPLEMENTO SUPPLEMENT

12

BEITRÄGE ZUR VÖLKER- UND ALTERTUMSKUNDE, SPRACHEN-, SOZIAL- UND G E S C H I C H T S F O R S C H U N G DES INDIANISCHEN LATEINAMERIKA APORTES A LA E T N O L O G I A Y A R Q U E O L O G I A , LINGÜISTICA, S O C I O - A N T R O P O L O G I A E HISTORIA INDIGENAS DE AMERICA L A T I N A C O N T R I B U T I O N S T O THE E T H N O L O G Y AND A R C H A E O L O G Y , LINGUISTICS, SOCIAL A N T H R O P O L O G Y AND HISTORY OF INDIGENOUS LATIN A M E R I C A

Herausgegeben von I Editado por / Edited by Peter Masson in Zusammenarbeit mit Wera Zeller

© Copyright 1990 by Gebr. Mann \ferlag, Druck: Color-Druck, Dorfi Berlin ISBN 3-7861-1606-7

FOR MARTA

•ñ

.„i

CONTENTS

5

Contents study

7

methods

9

1.

O b j e c t i v e s of t h e

2.

Data b a s i s and

3. 3.1. 3.2. 3.2.1. 3.2.2. 3.2.3. 3.2.4. 3.2.5. 3.2.6. 3.2.7. 3.2.8. 3.2.9. 3.2.10. 3.3. 3.4. 3.4.1. 3.4.2. 3.4.3. 3.5. 3.6. 3.6.1. 3.6.2. 3.6.3. 3.6.4. 3.7.

Phonological criteria T e c h n i q u e of comparison First s e t of phonological criteria T r e a t m e n t of f i n a l c o n s o n a n t s Word s t r e s s Syncope Nasality Prenasal s t o p s D i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n [j) and (ñ] D i s t i n c t i o n between (w) and [gwj T r e a t m e n t of ' / j / G l o t t a l stop T r e a t m e n t of V p / Matrix of comparison Second s e t of phonological criteria Treatment of ' I I I and ' / c / T r e a t m e n t of / i / + ' I I I , HI + ' / c / E x i s t e n c e of / h / Matrix of comparison Third s e t of phonological criteria T r e a t m e n t of ' / p w / T r e a t m e n t of III + /i/ Vowel s h i f t T r e a t m e n t of * / k / Matrix of comparison

13 13 13 13 16 18 18 19 20 20 20 22 22 23 25 25 36 36 37 39 39 39 41 43 43

4.

Results of phonological

45

comparison

5. 5.1. 5.2. 5.3. 5.4. 5.5. 6. 6.1. 6.2. 6.3. 6.4. 6.5. 6.6. 6.7. 7. 7.1. 7.2. 7.3. 7.4. 7.5. 7.6. 8.

9.

First s e t of grammatical and m o r phological criteria Alternating initial t ^ . m . k : A t t r i b u t i v e and p r e d i c a t i v e forms R e f l e x i v e forms Person marking Matrix of comparison

60 60 61 62 64 66

Second s e t of grammatical and phological criteria Negation O p t a t i v e mood Tense Nominalizing s u f f i x e s S y n t a c t i c a l hierarchization R e f l e x i v e and reciprocal voice Matrix of comparison

68 68 68 69 70 71 72 73

Third s e t of grammatical and m o r p h o logical criteria Voice Word formation morphemes Second person object pronouns Personal pronouns Sex marking Matrix of comparison

75 75 76 78 79 82 82

Results of grammatical and logical comparison

84

morpho-

Results of combined phonological morphological comparison

References Sumário

mor-

em

and 99 117

portugués

130

1.

OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

1 . 1 . In recent y e a r s reliable d a t a on T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e s , both l e x i c a l and grammatical, h a v e b e come a v a i l a b l e to a much higher degree t h a n b e f o re. T h u s the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of comparative l i n g u i s t i c s in t h i s f a m i l y h a v e increased c o n s i d e r a b l y s i n c e t h e times of t h e f i r s t competent c i a s s i f i c a t i o n s ^ , which were t h o s e of A r y o n Dali'Igna Rodrigues and B e r nard Pettier. In spite of the enormous amount of new d a t a o b t a i n e d within t h e l a s t t w e n t y five y e a r s , we are s t i l l f a r from h a v i n g s u f f i c i e n t i n f o r mation about many of the T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e s ; sometimes it is e v e n too l a t e , b e c a u s e l a n g u a g e s are simply dying out, as is t h e case of G u a r a s u Pauserna. But Aryon D. Rodrigues and his d i s c i p l e s h a v e been trying to e s t a b l i s h the h i s t o r i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e s on t h e b a s i s of r e c e n t l y published and u n p u b l i s h e d m a t e rial ( s e e e s p e c i a l l y Rodrigues 1 9 8 4 / 8 5 and Ch. J e n sen 1 9 8 4 ) , reconstructing with increasing t r u s t w o r thiness different stages in t h e e v o l u t i o n of P r o t o - T u p i - G u a r a n i languages^.

1 We s h a l l mainly consider T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e s (in terms of Rodrigues 1 9 5 8 b ) , not T u p i - G u a r a n i s t o c k , perhaps with the e x c e p t i o n of Aweti and Sateré-Mawé, which Rodrigues (1984/85:35) cons i d e r s as " a b e r r a n t " , but see below 8 . 2 . 2 . and 9 . 2 . 6 . 2 It seems to be more r e a s o n a b l e to think of l a n g u a g e s in the plural and not only of one PTG (Proto-Tupi-Guarani). Experience in the f i e l d of I n d o - E u r o p e a n l a n g u a g e s has shown t h a t the r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of a single p r o t o - l a n g u a g e is only a

1 . 2 . 1 . In this paper I will consider l i n g u i s t i c e v i d ence from phonology and morphology f o r i n t e r n a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of T u p i - G u a r a n i . Lexical coherence h a s been shown by v a r i o u s authors, including L e m le ( 1 9 7 1 ) , although her f i r s t aim was a phonological c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . Leite ( 1 9 8 2 ) s t u d i e d t h e place of T a p i r a p é within the T u p i - G u a r a n i f a m i l y on t h e b a s i s of vowel changes. It is e v i d e n t t h a t the grouping of l a n g u a g e s depends on t h e criteria a p plied. Rodrigues, for i n s t a n c e , showed t h a t the t r a d i t i o n a l division of the f a m i l y into Tupi and Guarani l a n g u a g e s , which was f o u n d e d on t h e c o n s e r v a t i o n of - s - in Tupi and i t s change to - h - in Guarani, is not s u f f i c i e n t for a genetic c l a s s i f i c a tion and t h a t l e x i c a l comparison l e a d s to q u i t e d i f f e r e n t r e s u l t s (Rodrigues 1 9 6 4 : 1 0 3 ) . Rodrigues' r e c e n t l y published paper on t h e " I n t e r n a l r e l a t i o n ship within the T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e f a m i l y " ( R o drigues 1 9 8 4 / 8 5 ) is based on e v i d e n c e from h i s t o r i cal phonology. 1 . 2 . 2 . Ultimately, the purpose of the p r e s e n t s t u d y will be a genetic grouping, too, b e c a u s e t h e c r i t e ria f o r the comparison of phonetic, phonological, and morphological properties were m o s t l y c h o s e n according to t h e principle of c o n s e r v a t i o n or l o s s of a f e a t u r e of one of the " c l a s s i c a l " l a n g u a g e s of t h e family, t h a t is, of Tupinambá (Old T u p i ) and A v a ñ e ' é (Modern Paraguayan Guarani). Q u e s t i o n s of genetic relationship are also i n v o l v e d when we

2

hypothetical construct, historical reality.

but may n e v e r h a v e been a

consider innovations s i c a l " languages^. 2.

unknown in one of t h e

"clas-

D A T A BASIS AND METHODS

2 . 1 . We include 2 9 l a n g u a g e s in t h e phonetic and phonological comparison. Here the a v a i l a b l e d a t a are j u s t s u f f i c i e n t in some c a s e s , but others must be e x c l u d e d from t h e morphological s t u d y b e c a u s e of lack of information; this is the case of X e t á , G u a r a s u - P a u s e r n a , Canoeiro. Moreover, our i n f o r m ation is r a t h e r incomplete f o r Aweti and S a t e r é Mawé morphology and grammar. The l a n g u a g e s and d i a l e c t s t a k e n into general consideration are: Southern Brazilian Tb: Av: Ap:

languages areas)

(Paraguay

and

South-Eastern

Tupinambá (Rodrigues 1 9 5 5 , 1 9 5 8 , 1 9 5 9 ; Lemos Barbosa 1 9 5 6 ) A v a ñ e ' é or Paraguayan Guarani (Guasch 1961/62) A p a p o c u v a (Nimuendaju 1 9 1 4 )

1956,

3 We are not concerned with t h e d i s t i n c t i o n b e t ween l a n g u a g e s and d i a l e c t s . We could s a y t h a t A p a p o c u v a is a d i a l e c t of Mbyá, A v a ñ e ' é an e l a b orated dialect of Kaiwá, and t h a t Chañé and I z o c e ñ o - T a p y i are d i a l e c t s of Chiriguano; but as we will see, t h e r e are many degrees of r e l a t i o n s h i p , and it is d i f f i c u l t and r a t h e r u s e l e s s to s a y to which one we h a v e to apply the d i s t i n c t i o n of ' l a n g u a g e ' v e r sus ' d i a l e c t ' . Generally, there are no widespread l a n g u a g e s of such p r e s t i g e , to which others could p o l i t i c a l l y or c u l t u r a l l y be s u b c a t e g o r i z e d as d i a lects.

Mb: Kw: Xt: Gk:

Mbyá (Dooley 1 9 8 2 , 1 9 9 0 ; Meader 1 9 6 1 ; Ramos and Martínez 1 9 8 4 ) Kaiwá (Bridgeman 1 9 6 1 , 1 9 7 6 , 1 9 8 1 ; A. T a y lor 1 9 6 2 ; J. T a y l o r 1 9 6 1 , 1 9 7 6 ) X e t á (Rodrigues 1 9 7 8 ) Guayakí (Cadogan 1 9 6 5 , 1 9 6 8 )

Bolivian Ch: CT: Gy: Ps: Si:

languages

C h l r i g u a n o - A v a (Dietrich 1986)* C h i r i g u a n o - T a p y i or Izoceño or Izozo ( S c l i u chard 1 9 7 9 , Dietrich 1 9 8 6 ) Guarayo (Hoeller 1 9 3 2 a , 1 9 3 2 b ) Pauserna or Guarasu (Riester 1 9 7 2 ) Siriono (Schermair 1 9 5 8 , 1 9 6 2 ; Priest and McQuilkin Priest 1 9 6 5 )

Northern or Amazonian

languages

Wa: WJ:

Wayapi of French Guiana (Grenand 1 9 8 0 , 1 9 8 9 ) Wayapi of the Jari River/Brazil (Olson 1 9 7 5 , 1 9 7 6 , 1 9 7 7 ; R. Oison 1 9 7 8 ; A. J e n s e n 1 9 8 2 ; Ch. Jensen 1 9 8 4 ) Em: Emérillon ( A . Jensen 1 9 7 9 ; N a v e t 1 9 8 7 ) Cn: Canoeiro (Harrison 1 9 7 4 ; Rivet 1 9 2 4 ) AsT: Asurini of T r o c a r á / T o c a n t i n s River (Harrison 1 9 7 1 , 1 9 7 5 ; Nicholson 1 9 7 5 a , 1 9 7 5 b , 1 9 7 6 a , 1976b, 1982) A s X : A s u r i n i of the Xingu River (Nicholson 1 9 8 2 )

" T a p i e t e is v e r y c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to Chiriguano and h a s to be considered one of i t s d i a l e c t s ; it seems certain t h a t the T a p i e t e got their l a n g u a g e from the C h i r i g u a n o - A v a ( s e e Dietrich 1986:2012 0 2 ) . A n o t h e r dialect is Chañé, which is also c l o s e ly r e l a t e d to C h i r i g u a n o - A v a (see Dietrich 1986: 199-201).

10

Te: Gj: Ub: Tp:

Tembé (Boudin 1 9 7 8 ) Guajajara (Harrison 1 9 8 6 ) U r u b ú - K a a p o r (Kakumasu 1 9 8 6 ) T a p i r a p é (Almeida et al. 1 9 8 3 ; 1982, 1987)

Pt:

Parintintin (Betts 1 9 8 1 ; Pease 1962, 1968; Pease and Betts 1 9 7 1 ) Kayabl (Dobson 1 9 7 6 a , 1 9 7 6 b , 1 9 7 7 a , 1977b. 1983a, 1983b, 1983c, 1983d)5 Kamayurá (Saelzer 1974; Brandon and Seki 1 9 8 1 , 1 9 8 4 ; Seki 1 9 8 2 ) Cocama ( F a u s t 1 9 7 1 , 1 9 7 2 ) Aweti (Fonini Montserrat 1 9 7 6 ) Juma (Pease 1 9 7 7 ; Abrahamson 1 9 8 4 ) S a t e r é - M a u é or Mawé ( K o c h - G r ü n b e r g 1932; Nimuendaju 1 9 2 9 ; Graham and Harrison 1984)6

Kb: Km: Co: Aw: Jm: SM:

PTG: r e c o n s t r u c t e d

Leite

1977,

Proto-Tupi-Guarani.

The c o m p a r a t i v e r e s u l t s are shown in s e v e r a l s e p a r a t e matrices. A p o s i t i v e f u l f i l l m e n t of a criterion is marked by ' + ' and counted one point with regard to a correspondence in a n o t h e r l a n g u a g e . N e g a t i v e

= ) As Koch-Grünberg (1902:359) t e l l s in his s t u d y about Apiacá, Kayabi seems to be c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to A p i a c á ; Rodrigues ( 1 9 8 4 / 8 5 : 41) puts it t o g e t h e r with Parintintin and Kawahib, t h o u g h with a q u e s t i o n mark. But as there is no modern description of A p i a c á , we do not include this l a n g u a g e here. 6 ) There is not only a d i f f e r e n c e of time b e t ween t h e s t u d i e s of Maué b y K o c h - G r ü n b e r g in 1 9 3 2 , Nimuendaju in 1 9 2 9 , and Graham and Harrison f o r t y or f i f t y y e a r s l a t e r , but there may also be a d i f f e r e n c e between two d i a l e c t s . However, there is enough to s e e t h a t it is t h e same l a n g u a g e .

11

answers are marked by and counted null p o i n t s in comparison with a ' + ' for t h e same criterion in a n o t h e r l a n g u a g e , but one point for a n o t h e r Partial f u l f i l l m e n t s are marked by ' ± ' and counted h a l f a point as compared to a ' + ' or ' - ' . Remote r e f l e x e s are marked by and counted 0 . 3 p o i n t s as compared to ' + ' ( s e e also s e c t i o n s 3 . 3 . , 4 . 1 . and 8.1.). I am g r e a t l y indebted to A r y o n D. Rodrigues f o r giving me general and methodical h i n t s , and to Cheryl Jensen, Yonne Leite, Lucy Seki, and Robert A. Dooley, who g a v e me precious information a b o u t the particular T u p i - G u a r a n i languages of which t h e y are s p e c i a l i s t s and t h u s f i l l e d many of t h e gaps I had had in my q u e s t i o n n a i r e . A l l remained errors, of course, are my own. 2 . 2 . Besides comparison of r e c e n t l y collected d a t a , it is most h e l p f u l to consider old d e s c r i p t i o n s of T u p i - G u a r a n i from the Jesuitic times, a b o v e all t h e d i c t i o n a r y by A n t o n i o Ruiz de Montoya (1639), which also s e r v e s as an e x h a u s t i v e etymological dictionary for t h e modern l a n g u a g e s .

12

3.

PHONOLOGICAL CRITERIA

3 . 1 . T e c h n i q u e of

comparison

A s a b a s i s f o r t h e phonological and phonetic c l a s s i f i c a t i o n p r e s e n t e d here'', we took a lot of c r i t e ria w h o s e importance will be d i s c u s s e d a t e a c h place. Some of the criteria allow a simple b i n a r y answer, for example "Is word s t r e s s on t h e l a s t s y l l a b l e of t h e root, y e s or n o ? " . But sometimes we h a v e a larger number of p o s s i b i l i t i e s . For example, if we a s k " W h a t is the r e f l e x of i n t e r v o c a l i c of P r o t o - T u p i - G u a r a n i ? " , we h a v e f i v e p o s s i b i l i t i e s : / ? / , / c / , / s / , / h / , or 0. There may be a l s o i n t e r mediate s o l u t i o n s , as when we find l a n g u a g e s with f i n a l c o n s o n a n t s on roots or s u f f i x e s , l a n g u a g e s without them, and l a n g u a g e s which show only some of t h e p o s s i b i l i t i e s of other l a n g u a g e s . For e x a m ple, Guarayo h a s a f i n a l - r , but no f i n a l - p , - b , - t , etc. 3.2.

F i r s t s e t of phonological

3 . 2 . 1 . T r e a t m e n t of f i n a l

criteria

consonants

Since A n c h l e t a ' s grammar of Old Tupi (Anchieta 1 5 9 5 ) , t h e main c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Tupi was held to be t h e c o n s e r v a t i o n of f i n a l c o n s o n a n t s ; t h e s e are

'' We consider phonemes as well as a l l o p h o n e s , b e c a u s e t h e l a t t e r ones may be v e r y Important f o r a l a n g u a g e t y p e . The d i s t i n c t i o n between p r e n a s a l s t o p s and n a s a l c o n s o n a n t s Is n e v e r phonological In T u p l - G u a r a n l l a n g u a g e s ; however, It d i s t i n g u i s h e s l a n g u a g e s where [mb) a l t e r n a t e s with (m) according to the oral or n a s a l surroundings from l a n g u a g e s where t h e r e Is [ml In all c o n t e x t s .

13

l o s t in the Guaranlan languages®: Old Tupi a i p y s y k ^ 'I c a u g h t , grasped' - Guarani a i p y s y . Montoya h a s many of t h e old f i n a l c o n s o n a n t s , but n o t all of them: I n s t e a d of - k , - n g , - m , - n , - b , - r , he h a s o n l y - g , - b , and - r . For i n s t a n c e , Montoya a h u p i t y g

® A more detailed description is to be f o u n d in Rodrigues ( 1 9 4 5 : 3 3 6 - 3 4 1 and 1 9 8 6 : 3 0 - 3 1 ) . Rodrigues f o u n d t h a t ancient Northern Tupi a l w a y s had f i n a l c o n s o n a n t s , which were dropped in t h e South of Brazil and P r o t o - G u a r a n i . The r e f l e x of a dropped - n was a n a s a l vowel (amán 'cloud, rain' > amä). A t t h e times of Montoya, Guarani was also d r o p ping t h e f i n a l c o n s o n a n t s ; for example, P r o t o - T u p i j u k y r a ' s a l t ' > P r o t o - G u a r a n i j u k ^ r > Modern Guarani j u k y . T h u s , Cocama, Parintintin, and to some e x t e n t , Tapirapé c o n s e r v e d the s i t u a t i o n of P r o t o Tupi; Tembé, Guajajara, Kayabi, Kamayurá, and o t h e r s c o n s e r v e d t h a t of P r o t o - G u a r a n i . ® In order to make p o s s i b l e a comparison of t h e s o u n d s , we use a s t a n d a r d i z e d t r a n s c r i p t i o n , s u b s t i t u t i n g some of the symbols used by t h e original a u t h o r s , e s p e c i a l l y for t h e high c e n t r a l v o w e l W (which may be , , , etc. in t h e original t e x t s ) ; for < k u - > , < c u - > ; f o r < h u - > ; f o r (yl; for ; for < l > or ; f o r [I]: f o r or the like; 0 in Chiriguano are 0 0 'he went', mbápy ' t h r e e ' , p y á u 'new', ajáu 'I b a t h e d ' , but c h e - r é s a 'my e y e s ' and t á s y 'ant' < PTG ' t a c h y . Initial ' / ( ? / - > ( s - ) ( s y . SÚU, s y r y , s ä ) , whereas V c / - > I s - ) in l e x i c a l items ( s e v ó i 'worm', sóo 'meat'), but > [ h - ] as a 3 p marker: h e e , hówy. Group II. Languages which p r e s e r v e PTG (c) or Is) both in i n t e r n a l and initial p o s i t i o n IIa)

Co and

Gy

show

[c] in each

position

both

as

for

" It seems t h a t t h e original stem of t h i s word is o'ó, being p r e f i x e d by r - f o r a t t r i b u t i v e f u n c t i o n and s - f o r 3d 'person', so t h a t t h e p r e f i x t - could be u s e d f o r personal undetermination. In some l a n g u a g e s s - was i n t e g r a t e d into t h e l e x i c a l stem ( A v , Kw, Ch), and then h - marks the 3d person; in Mb, Ap, Gy, and most of the Amazonian l a n g u a g e s t h e original s i t u a t i o n was preserved. In a n y c a s e , s - d e r i v e s from ' c - .

28

and ' c , whereas Aw h a s [t] in all c a s e s , we consider as a v a r i a n t of [c]:

which

Co h a s the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s j u s t described, but c h a n g e s / c / to [ i ] b e f o r e / i / : j á c y 'moon', c á c h i ' a c h e , pain', t a - j a p e c h i k a 'I grasp it', k y c h i ' k n i f e ' . Examples for t h e r e f l e x of ' - / c / - are úri úcu 'he g o e s ' , mucapirika 'three', caciwa ' a n t ' , t a - j á c u 'I b a t h e ' , c a - c h i c a - k w á r a 'my e y e s ' . Initial ' / ? / - and V c / - are a l w a y s / c / , e s p e c i a l l y b e c a u s e t h e 3 p marker of a p r e v i o u s T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e , which was c e r t a i n l y o v e r t a k e n by t h e Cocamas, was i n t e g r a t e d into t h e l e x i c a l stem: cúu 'meat', t - a c y r ^ k a 'I f l o a t , flow', ci ' s w e e t ' , c á k u ' h e a t , h o t ' , ca 'hair', cúni 'to be black', chita 'many'. Guarayo r e f l e x e s of ' - i f : / - are e v i d e n c e d b y j á c y 'moon', á c y 'ache, pain', a c á c a 'I crossed i t ' , ácu 'left hand', apyca 'hearing', royca 'cold', táco 'worm', gwácu 'big', a i p y c y 'I grasped i t ' , a c e 'I went o u t ' , k y c e ' k n i f e ' . The same r e f l e x is f o u n d f o r ' - / c / - : ÓCO 'he went', mbocápy ' t h r e e ' , p y á c u 'new', t á c y ' a n t ' , ajácu 'I b a t h e d ' , - r é c a 'eyes'; •/?/> / c / ( c y 'mother', cúu 'to b i t e ' , c y r y 'to f l e e ' , c a ' s t r i n g ' ) , the same as ' / c / - : cee 'it is s w e e t / s p i c y ' , c ó v y 'it is g r e e n / blue', coo '3 p meat'. Aweti r e f l e x e s of ' - / c / - : t a t y ipó = Tb s a s y x e - p ó 'my hand was aching', k y t é ' k n i f e ' , and ' ~ / c / — e— q u a l l y > (t): a - t ó 'I go', m y t á t u 'new', a j - a t ú k 'I b a t h e ' , p o t y j e < PTG ' p o c y j ' h e a v y ' . Initial ' / ^ Z became ft] ( t u ' ú 'to b i t e ' ) , t h e same as ' / c / - ( t e ' e 'it is s a l t y ' , t - a k ú p 'it is h o t ' , t - ä j 'his t e e t h ' ) . IIb) Tb and Si show t h e r e f l e x f o r PTG and ' c :

[s) in each

position

29

Tupinambá r e f l e x e s of ' - / ? / - : j a s y 'moon', s a s y 'he is i l l ' , a p y s á ' ( s e n s e o f ) hearing', a i p y s y k 'I grasped i t ' , g u a s ú 'big', asém 'I went out'. Examples f o r '-/c/> / s / are osó 'he w e n t ' , mosapyr ' t h r e e ' , a j a s ú k 'I b a t h e d ' , - r e s á ' e y e s ' ; for ' / ? / - : s y ' m o t h er', SUÚ 'to b i t e ' , a s y r y k 'I slipped', s á m ( a ) ' s t r i n g ' ; f o r ' / c / - : s e e ' i t ' s s w e e t ' , s o v y 'it is g r e e n / b l u e ' , S0Ó 'meat'. Siriono r e f l e x e s of ' - / ) $ / - : t j á s i 'moon', s e - r á s i t e 'I am i l l ' , a-tása (a-irása, a - d i á s a ) 'I p a s s e d through, crossed i t ' , a - i s i 'I grasped it', e - r ó s é j 'my worm', - k w á s u , - k w á h u , - k w á u 'big', a - s e 'I went out'. Examples for ' - I d - > / s / are: óso 'he went', e - i á s u 'it is new, he is young', t á s i ' a n t ' , a c h á s u 'I b a t h e d ' , - r é s a ' e y e s ' ; for i n i t i a l ' / ? / - : s i 'mother', a - s i u 'I ate , bit it', s ä ' s t r i n g ' ; f o r '/c/s u ^ ú i 'worm', sóo 'meat'. The 3 p marker n e v e r is ' c - in Siriono ( s e e below 5 . 1 . 1 . ) . Group III. L a n g u a g e s V c / to Ih)

which

reduce

PTG

Vc/

and

Ilia) CT, Ub, Te, and Gj s h o w [h] in most p o s i t i o n s , but also h a v e examples of p r e s e r v a t i o n of a p r e v i o u s s t a g e c h a r a c t e r i z e d by (s) (CT, Ub, Gj) or I d ( T e ) - though not in the same c a s e s in t h e s e v a r i o u s l a n g u a g e s - and of loss of '-/c/(CT) and V c / - (Ub, Te): C h i r i g u a n o - T a p y i r e f l e x e s of ' - / ? / - ; j á h y 'moon', h á h y 'he is ill', á h u ' l e f t hand', r o y h a 'cold', g w á hu 'big', k y h e ' k n i f e ' , but a á s a 'I crossed i t ' , a p y s a ' h e a r i n g ' , t á s o 'worm' and ä e 'I went out', á i p y / a i p y y 'I grasped i t ' ; ' - / c / - > / h / : oho 'he w e n t ' , t á h y ' a n t ' , - r é h a ' e y e s ' , but 0 in mboápy ' t h r e e ' ,

30

p y á u 'new', k w a r á y 'sun', ajáu 'I bathed'^*; * / c / - > / h / : s é - h y 'ray mother' (but s y when i s o l a t e d ) , h ú u 'to b i t e ' , a h y r y 'I ran, f l e d ' , but s ä ' s t r i n g ' ; V c / > / h / : h é e 'it is s w e e t / s p i c y ' , hówy 'it is g r e e n / b l u e ' , but SÓO 'meat'. Urubú r e f l e x e s of ' - / ? / - : ah^ 'he is ill', a p y h y k 'I g r a s p e d i t ' , but a s á 'to cross'. PTG ' - / c / - l i k e w i s e becomes /h/ (oho 'he went', mahapir 'three'), w h e r e a s ' / ? / - is p r e s e r v e d as / s / : s u ' ú 'to b i t e ' . A s a 3 p marker i n i t i a l V c / - sometimes h a s t h e r e f l e x / h - / (hembé 'his lip', hamüi 'his a n c e s t o r ' ) , sometimes 0 ( a h y 'he is ill'), whereas l e x i c a l items show ( s - ) : so'ó 'meat'. Tembé r e f l e x e s of ' - / ? / - : z a h ^ 'moon', h a h y 'he is i l l ' , a h ú r ' l e f t hand', apyhá 'hearing', t a h ó k 'worm', - u h ú ' a u g m e n t a t i v e s u f f i x ' , a p y h y k 'I grasped i t ' , k y h é ' k n i f e ' ; PTG ' - / ? / is p r e s e r v e d as [c] in a a c á w 'I crossed i t ' , r u w y c á g 'cold', wacú 'big'. E x a m p l e s of ' - / c / - are oho 'he went', p y a h ú 'new', t a h y w ' a n t ' , a z a h á k 'I b a t h e d ' . Initial ' I I I - is [h] in h y 'mother', but (c) in a c y r y k 'I slipped' and [t] in a t i ' ú 'I bit i t ' ; ' / c / - is / h / in grammatical f u n c tion ( h e 'it is s w e e t / s p i c y ' , h u w y 'it is g r e e n / b l u e ' ) , but 0 in l e x i c a l stems ( 0 0 'meat'). Guajajara r e f l e x e s of ' - / ? / - are / h / in u h u a ' ú 'he is big', uhém 'he arrived' < PTG ' o c h e m 'he went o u t ' , t a k i h é ' k n i f e ' , but w - a s a a s á w 'he poked h o l e s '

A s t h e I z o c e ñ o - T a p y i o v e r t o o k their l a n g u a g e from t h e Chiriguanos (Dietrich 1 9 8 6 : 1 9 - 2 4 , 1982 0 1 ) , t h e y a c t u a l l y could not p r e s e r v e a r e f l e x of * - / c / - , where t h e r e was none in C h i r i g u a n o - A v a . N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e r e are some particular c a s e s which n e e d a more d e t a i l e d e x p l a n a t i o n .

31

(Harrison 1 9 8 6 : 4 3 5 ) , which we consider as a r e d u p l i c a t i o n form of asáw < PTG ' a c h a ^ 'to cross*. T h e r e f l e x of ' - / c / - is / h / (oho 'he w e n t ' ) , and i n i t i a l V c / - is likewise / h / as a 3 p marker ( h u r y w e t é 'he is h a p p y ' ) . Illb) Ps, solutions nor (s):

Ft, Jm. A s T , A s X , and SM(?) show / h / in most c a s e s , sometimes 0 , but n e v e r (c)

P a u s e r n a - G u a r a s u r e f l e x e s of ' - / ? / - : d j á h y 'moon', apiha ' h e a r i n g ' , hóhoi 'worm', úhu 'big', kiha ' k n i f e ' , and likewise - / c / - > / h / (óha 'he went", - r é h a 'eyes'); '/Í/> /h/ ( h y 'mother'), t h e same as V c / - ( i h ó v i 'blue'). Parintintin r e f l e x e s of ' - / ? / - : j a h y 'moon', h a h y 'he is i l l ' , a h á v 'I crossed i t ' , apVha ' h e a r i n g ' , - a h ó g 'grub, seed, sperm', - ( a u ) h ú 'big', a p y h y g 'I g r a s p e d i f , ahém and a'é 'I went o u t ' , k y h é ' i ' k n i f e ' . E x amples of ' - / c / - > / h / are oho 'he w e n t ' , m b o h a p y r 'three', p y a h ú 'new', t a y v i ' a n t ' , a j a h ú g 'I b a t h e d ' , but j i - r e a - k w á r 'my e y e s ' . Initial '/?/g e n e r a l l y is changed to / h - / (hy, but a l s o y ' m o t h er', hu'ú 'to b i t e ' , ham ' s t r i n g ' ) , but ' / c / - is l o s t : e ' é 'it is s w e e t ' , o v y 'it is g r e e n / b l u e ' , a'ó ' m e a t ' , e v ó ' i 'worm'. Juma r e f l e x e s of ' - / ? / - : h á h y 'he is i l l ' , - h u ' a u g mentative', a p y h y g 'I grasped i t ' , ahém 'I went o u t ' ; ' - / c / - becomes / h / in oho 'he w e n t ' , but ^ in - r e a - k w á r a ' e y e s ' ; initial ' / i / - > / h / (ihy ' ( h i s ? ) mother', h a h y 'he is h a v i n g pain'), and l i k e w i s e V c / - (hahy, h e ' é 'it is s w e e t / s p i c y ' , h a ' ó ' m e a t ' ) . R e f l e x e s of ' - / ? / > (h) in A s u r i n i of T r o c a r á : s a h y a 'moon', h á h y 'ache, pain', aáham 'I c r o s s e d it', a p y h a 'hearing', apyhyi) 'I grasped i t ' , -oho

32

•big', k y h e ' k n i f e ' ; of '-Id—, á h a 'I went', ijáho 'new', a c h á h o ^ 'I b a t h e d ' , ipohói ' h e a v y ' , k w a r a h y a ' s u n ' ; • / ? / - is (hi in h y 'mother', but 0 in oó'o 'he bit (him)'; V c / - is p r e s e r v e d as (h) in grammatical f u n c t i o n ( h é ' e 'it i s / s m e l l s good', hákom 'it is h o t ' , but seems t o be l o s t in l e x i c a l items (ewó'i 'worm'). R e f l e x e s of * - / ? / - in A s u r i n i of X i n g ú River: d z á h y / d 2 a h y a 'moon', h á h y 'ache, pain', a ó h a p 'I c r o s sed i f , a p y h y k 'I grasped it', - ó h u 'big', k y h e / k y ' e ' k n i f e ' , but also a p y a ' ( s e n s e o f ) hearing', ' - / c / - > / h / : á h a 'I went', ijahówa 'new', ipohói ' h e a v y ' , k w a r á h y ' s u n ' . Initial > (h) in h y 'mother', but is l o s t in oó'o 'he bit (him)'; V c / - > (h) ( h a k ó w / h a k ó p / o k ú p 'hot, ill', h é ' e 'it i s / s m e l l s good'), but > 0 in é t a 'much, many', ewó'i 'worm'. Our information about SM is incomplete, b e c a u s e we do not h a v e examples of t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of PTG • - / ? / - . A l l we can s e e is t h a t ' / c / - seems to show a stronger, more c o n s e r v a t i v e reflex. It), than ' - / c / - 0 (hi): a - r e - t e m 'I go out' and a - r e - t o 'I go' must be considered as i n i t i a l t r e a t m e n t s of •/c/, whereas -eha ' e y e ' as well as a h e n o i 'I t e a c h ' , henoi 'he t e a c h e s ' (as opposed to i ' a t u - e n o i ' t h e y t e a c h ' ) h a v e to be interpreted as i n t e r n a l treatments. IIIc) W i t h i n t h e g r o u p of l a n g u a g e s which is c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y g e n e r a l / h / r e f l e x e s of both ' / ? / and * / c / . Km h a s a particular position b e c a u s e of t h e f r e q u e n t l o s s of both a n c i e n t phonemes: Kamayurá r e f l e x e s of ' - / c / - : apyhyk 'I grasped i t ' , but j a y 'moon', k y e ' i á ' k n i f e ' . T h e r e s u l t of ' - / c / is / h / in oho 'he went', h y h á ' a n t ' , but 0 in m o a p y t ' t h r e e ' , - r e á ' e y e s ' ; ' / ^ / - b e c o m e s / h / in hám

33

•string', but 0 in a u ' u 'I bit ( i t ) ' ; • / c / - > / h - / 3 p marlier: h e á 'his e y e s ' , h e t 'iiis name', ' i t s root'.

as a hapó

Group IV. L a n g u a g e s 'III and V c / to 0

both

which

generally

reduce

T h e extreme position is shown by Kb, where t h e l o s s is complete, whereas Wa, WJ, Em, Cn, and Tp are l e s s uniform by showing p o s i t i v e s o l u t i o n s c, s, hi) in c e r t a i n c a s e s . IVa) R e f l e x e s of ' - / c / - in French Guayana Wayäpi are shown b y j á y 'moon', á y 'ache, pain', a p y y 'I g r a s p e d i t ' , awe 'I went o u t ' ; of ' - I d - : 00 'he w e n t ' , m a a p y ' t h r e e ' , p y á u 'new', k w a r á y ' s u n ' , - r é a ' e y e s ' . Initial ' I I I - > 0 ( e - y 'my mother'), but we find s ú ' u 'to b i t e ' , só'o 'game, meat'. Initial 'Icll i k e w i s e is l o s t (áku 'it is h o t ' , á y 'he is i l l ' , ée, but a l s o h é e 'his name'; húu 'his f a t h e r ' ) . R e f l e x e s of ' - 1 ^ 1 - in Wayäpi of Jari River: j á y 'moon', á y 'ache, pain', a p ^ v 'I grasped, b o u g h t i t ' , a é 'I went o u t ' , but ( a ) á s a 'I met (him), p a s s e d (somewhere)', - w á s u 'big', k y s e ' k n i f e ' . Examples of t h e l o s s of ' - I d - are 0 0 'he went', moápy ' t h r e e ' , (in t h e Wayäpi d i a l e c t of t h e Amapari River we find mosápy, s e e Jensen 1 9 8 4 : 4 1 ) , p y á u 'new', po'yi ' h e a v y ' , k w a r á y ' s u n ' , - r é a ' e y e s ' . Initial ' / ? / - > i in y 'mother', o y r y 'it flowed', ä 'string', but [s] in s ú ' u 'to b i t e ' , and s ó w y '(it is ) blue' must d e r i v e from 'J^ówy, whereas its b a s i s is cówy in o t h e r l a n g u a g e s ( s e e Ch. Jensen 1 9 8 4 : 1 9 ) ; ' I d - is g e n e r a l l y l o s t in l e x i c a l items ( e ' é ' s w e e t ' , ewó'i 'worm', ó'o 'meat', but s ó ' o 'game'), but is p r e s e r v e d as [h] as a 3 p marker in monosyllabic words: he 'his name', ho, ' i t s l e a f , ha 'its f e a t h e r ' .

34

Emerillon r e f l e x e s of - / ? / - : d z á y 'moon', oem 'he went out', but a p y h y k 'I caught i t ' , - ' u h u ' a u g m e n t a t i v e ' ; r e f l e x e s of - / c / - : mbapyt ' t h r e e ' , p y o k á t u 'new', - r é a ' e y e s ' , but póhi ' h e a v y ' . A s in WJ, Initial ' / ? / - is l o s t in e - y 'ray mother', but is [c] in c ú ' u 'to b i t e ' . Initial V c / - is l o s t in p o l y s y l l a b i c words (erékwa 'his wife', akú 'it is h o t ' ) , but is [h) in m o n o s y l l a b i c words ( h e t 'his name'). Canoeiro r e f l e x e s of * - / ? / - : c h á y 'moon', itaky ' k n i f e ' , n t é - r e 'your e y e s ' . We lack examples of t h e r e f l e x of ' - / c / - ; 'III> (tupá'am ' s t r i n g ' , b u t we find o c h é c u 'he bit ( i t ) ' , which may be e x plained as a r e f l e x of PTG ' / i / + / c / ( s e e below 3 . 4 . 2 . ) . Initial V c / seems to be g e n e r a l l y lost ( á ( a ) k u 'it is h o t ' ) , but we find c h a ' á ' i t s f r u i t ' . T a p i r a p é r e f l e x e s of • - / ? / - : c h ä ' y 'moon', chao ' l e f t hand', wehyaám 'I crossed i t ' . PTG ' - I d - is a l s o g e n e r a l l y l o s t : aá 'I w e n t ' , m a a p y t ' t h r e e ' , täyp 'ant', ä c h ä o k 'I b a t h e d ' , -reá 'eyes', but rahy ' f e b r i l e ' . Initial ' I I I - is l o s t in y 'mother', a h á 'meat', oho 'to b i t e ' ; Vc/> 0 in polysyllabic words (emé 'his lip', akóp 'it is h o t ' , e ä 'his e y e s ' ) , but > [h] in m o n o s y l l a b i c words: h e t 'his name', h y j 'his t e e t h ' , h a p ' i t s l e a f . IVb) Kb shows reduction to 0 in each p o s i t i o n ; PTG ' - / ? / - : ay 'ache, pain', p y y k 'to grasp', a - y a a - p a ' t h e y c r o s s e d t h e water', ü'é ' t h e y l e f t ' , u e ma ' t h e y came out'; ' - I d - : 00 'I went', - r e á 'eyes'. Initial V?/> 0 ( j e - y 'my mother', o'ó 'meat', and e q u a l l y V c / - > 0 ( k y n a r - é t 'her name', w a n - e á 'their (fem) e y e s ' ) . In t h e matrix we mark the r e f l e x e s g e n e r a l l y o c curring for each l a n g u a g e . R e f l e x e s which occur o n l y e x c e p t i o n a l l y are marked ± .

35

3 . 4 . 2 . T r e a t m e n t of / i /

+

'/I/

and / i /

+

Vc/

There is a phonetic rule which p r e v e n t s t h e w e a k ening of PTG • / ? / and V c / when preceded b y / i / , so t h a t it remains (if) e v e n where "c is g e n e r a l l y reduced to [c, s), or it is p r e s e r v e d as (s) where became [h): Tb x e - s y , but i x y 'his mother', s ä v s i x a 'his s t r i n g ' , suú v s a i x u ú 'I bit (him, i t ) ' ; Ch c h é - s y v s ichy, s ä v s ichä, s ú u v s aichúu; CT s é h y v s ísy. Strange enough, t h e rule does n o t work in A v ( i s y , i s a , a i s u ' ú ) , but t h e r e are i x u p é , i x u g u í i n h e r i t e d probably from Old Tupi i x u p é . ixuí, where the p o s t p o s i t i o n a l elements s u p é 'to, for' and sui 'from' were p r e f i x e d by i - . Mb does not show a n y of t h e s e forms, and Kw does not h a v e t h e m e c h a n ism in v e r b forms, b e c a u s e we find o i s u ' ú 'he bit him'. In Ap we find at l e a s t i c h y 'his mother'. In X t we h a v e , f o r example, hawicha 'big, c h i e f ( s e e Tb u b i x á b a 'big') and räicha 'cold'. Gy s h o w s i t s u s u a l t r a d i t i o n a l character: ichy, ichä, aichúu, and a i c h ó o 'I e x t e n d e d ' v s coo 'to e x t e n d ' . Among t h e Northern l a n g u a g e s only WJ h a s - i c h ú ' u v s s ú ' u . An example of t h e mechanism V i / + V c / > / i ? / can be s e e n in the forms of t h e 1 sg person p r o noun PTG ' i c e : Mb cheé, C h / G y che, Tb ( i ) x é , A v xe, P s / C T / S i s e v s W a / W J / K m / T p ijé, Kb j e , Pt j i hi, E m / A s X idSé (where ' c is l o s t and / j / a v o i d s the h i a t u s ) , SM u - i t ó v s T e / G j ihé, Ub ihé (where / h / avoids the hiatus). 3 . 4 . 3 . E x i s t e n c e of

/h/

The n e x t criterion is in connection with t h e p r e c e ding ones. T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e s can be grouped according to t h e e x i s t e n c e of / h / or i t s a b s e n c e , b e c a u s e reducing ' 2 or ' c to j! is a f e a t u r e which c o n t r a s t s v e r y much with c o n s e r v a t i v e l a n g u a g e s in

36

t h i s regard. L a n g u a g e s which lack / h / must h a v e morphophonemic problems, because / h - / is the t r a d i t i o n a l p r e f i x of t h e 3d person f o r roots of t h e H - c l a s s . Lack of / h / is found in Northern l a n g u a ges like Cn, Kb, Co, Aw, Si, and p a r t l y in Wa, WJ and Tp, where o n l y some monosyllabic words h a v e t h e h - p r e f i x ( s e e a b o v e 3 . 4 . 1 . ) . Mb, Ap, and Gk can be said to s h a r e t h i s " N o r t h e r n " c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . 3.5.

Matrix of

comparison

In t h e following matrix we use t h e s e (c): (c): [s]: (hi: -0-: c- : c- : s- : h- : 16 : /h/:

abbreviations:

t h e r e f l e x of PTG or *c is [c] is [cl is Is) is (h) is 0 t h e r e f l e x of PTG ' i - or c - is [cl is (cj is (s) is (hi, 0 - = is «> ( 3 . 4 . 1 . ) / i / preceding PTG or ' c p r e v e n t s ening of t h e s e phonemes ( 3 . 4 . 2 . ) e x i s t e n c e of / h / ( 3 . 4 . 3 . )

weak-

37

[Í] Tb Av Ap Mb Kw Xt Gk Ch CT Gy Ps Si Wa WJ Em Cn AsT AsX Te Gj Ub Tp Kb Pt Jm Km Co Aw SM

+ + + + -

[c]

[s]

[h] -«5-

Í-

c-

s-

h-

+ +

—

_

+

-

-

+ +

±

+ +

-

-

-

-

+

-

-

-

-

-

+

-

-

-

-

+

-

-

-

+

+ +

-

+

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

+

+ +

+ +

-

+ + + +

-

-

-

+

-

+

-

-

-

-

+

-

-

-

-

-

±

-

-

+

+

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

±

-

+ + +

-

-

-

-

-

+

+

-

-

-

+

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

+

+ +

+ +

+ + ± -

+ + +

+

+

-

-

+

+

-

-

-

-

-

± ±

+

-

± ±

+

-

+

-

± ±

+ + ± +

-

-

+

-

+

-

-

-

+

-

-

+

+

+

-

-

-

+

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

+

-

-

-

+

-

-

+

-

-

±

-

-

±

-

-

-

-

-

+

-

-

-

-

+

-

-

-

+

±

-

-

-

-

-

-

+

-

-

+ +

+

± ±

± -

-

+ +

-

-

-

-

-

+ +

±

-

+

-

±

+

-

-

-

-

-

±

-

-

--

The matrix will be a n a l y s e d below ( 4 . ) with t h e preceding and t h e following one.

38

-

-

-

-

+ + +

-

-

-

±

+

-

-

-

-

+

-

+

-

+

-

-

+ + + +

+ +

+

ii

+

together

3.6.

Third s e t of p h o n o l o g i c a l

3.6.1.

T r e a t m e n t of

criteria

'/pw/

Our n e x t criterion regards t h e p r e s e r v a t i o n or further development of t h e n e x u s PTG '/pw/, which occurs e s p e c i a l l y in t h e s u f f i x ' - p w e r ' p a s t t e n s e ' or ' p e r f e c t i v e a s p e c t ' . T h e r e f o r e , our c r i t e rion is t h e r e f l e x of ' - p w e r in T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n guages: It is unchanged in Tb, A s X , and Kb, whereas it became - k w e in most other l a n g u a g e s ; t h e r e f l e x - w e of Gk was considered a v a r i a n t of - k w e , whereas i t s reduction to - k e in Si, Wa, and probably in Jm and Aw was marked as a d i f f e r e n t d e v e l o p m e n t . It does n o t seem to e x i s t a t all in Co, so t h a t conformity or disagreement with t h i s p h o n e t i c and, at t h e same time, morphological c r i terion could not be counted in this c a s e . I n f o r m a tion a b o u t SM is not sure. 3 . 6 . 2 . T r e a t m e n t of / t /

+

/i/

A n o t h e r important criterion to show the p h o n e t i c s t a b i l i t y of a T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e is t h a t of / t / f o l l o w e d by / i / , Here, too, we may find d i f f e r e n t forms of p a l a t a l i z a t i o n , t h a t is reducing t h e s t o p to a s i b i l a n t [ - s i - ) or an a f f r i c a t e [ - 2 1 - ] or [ - c i ] . In some l a n g u a g e s t h e r e seems to be a c o r r e s p o n d ence b e t w e e n t h e a s s i b i l a t i o n of the n e x u s - t l - and t h e pronunciation of / j / as an a f f r i c a t e or s i b i l a n t ( s e e 3 . 2 . 8 . ) : Both f e a t u r e s are found in Mb, X t , Wj, Em, Cn, A s T , A s X , Gj, Tp, once more a c o n f i r m a tion of t h e Northern shape of Mb and X t p h o n o l ogy. On the other hand, Te, Pt, and Jm, which do not p r e s e r v e (jj, here show their c h a r a c t e r as, p h o n o l o g i c a l l y , t r a d i t i o n a l l a n g u a g e s . Si r e i n f o r c e s / j / to (tj) ( I j á s i 'moon') and h a s -hir e f l e x e s : iwáM 'corn' v s A v a v a t l , Ch/ CT awáti; e-difeíi ' s h o u l d e r '

39

v s C h / C T a t í y , fei 'white' v s T e tlng, A v morotl, and b y t h i s once more d i s p l a y s i t s s c a r c e p h o n o l ogic s t a b i l i t y . 3 . 6 . 2 . 1 . T h e l a n g u a g e s which p r e s e r v e - t i - are Tb ( a p a t i 'corn', tinga ' w h i t e ' ) , A v ( a v a t i , t f , a t i ' y ' s h o u l d e r s ' ) , Ap (awati), Kw ( a w a t i . nontTni 'he is not ashamed' « Av nomotmi), Gk (waté/waché •corn', but only c h l ' w h i t e ' ) , Ch/CT ( a w á t i , tfi, a t í y , h ä t i ' i t s horn'), Te ( a w a t i , t l ^ . h a t i ) , Pt ( a w a t i . t i g , h a t I ) , Co ( a w a t i . t i n i ) . Aw ( t l ^ ) , Jm ( a w a t i a . t i a ' n o s e ' , a k y t i » Ch a i k y t i 'I c u t i t ' ) , SM ( a w a t i ) . 3 . 6 . 2 . 2 . The - s i - r e f l e x is f o u n d in Ps ( a w á ¿ u . pisía 'chest', moróisu ' w h i t e ' ) . Si ( a w á s i . e - a s í ' y 'my s h o u l d e r s ' , e - r a m a f c l ( n t e ) 'my horn', fcl), Wa ( a w á s i , j a m i - r a s r 'horn', s i ) , WJ ( a w á s i , s i . posi'a ' c h e s t ' ) , A s T ( a w a s i a , h á s i a 'his horn', s i ^ . o a p y s i » Ch oñapyti, WJ a a p á s l 'he tied i t ' ) , Kb ( a w a s i , si 'point, tip', t a t a s l Q 'smoke' « A v t a t a t i , Ch/CT t a t ä t i , Gy t a t a c h i ) . 3 . 6 . 2 . 3 . Four Northern l a n g u a g e s h a v e a - c i - r e f l e x , t h o u g h one of them, Canoeiro, as we h a v e s e e n , does n o t show only t h i s s o l u t i o n . The o t h e r l a n g u a g e s are Em (awáci, ciq 'white', c l ' n o s e ' , t a t a cin ' s m o k e ' ) , Gj ( c i ^ . s i ^ 'white', h e k i c i / k i s i 'he c u t me'). Km (awaci, oiga ' w h i t e ' , cina ' n o s e ' , but t a t a s i i } 'smoke'). 3 . 6 . 2 . 4 . The - i i - r e f l e x is e q u a l l y d i s t r i b u t e d in Southern and Northern l a n g u a g e s , but as t h e p r e s e r v a t i o n of - t i - is l e s s u n i v e r s a l in Southern t h a n in Northern l a n g u a g e s , t h e - c i - r e f l e x , too, must be considered as a c h i e f l y Northern i n n o v a t i o n . It can be found in Mb (awachi, p o c h i ' á , c h l ' n o s e , t i p ' , c h i l . a c h i 'something prominent'), X t ( a w a c h i

40

'fog' » Ch y w y t i ) , Gk (waché 'corn', a c h í 'horn', j a c h i 'on s h o u l d e r s ' ) , Gy (awáchi, aftapychi 'I tied i t ' , pochia, amöchi 'I ashamed s . o . ' ss Ch amSti 'I was a s h a m e d ' ) , Cn ( c h l 'nose', but póci ' c h e s t ' , awáchi, but aci 'horn'), A s X (awáchi, h á c h i , chii), o a p y c h i ( « Gy a ñ a p y c h i ) , okychi 'he c u t it' ( « A s T o k y s i ) ) , Ub ( a w a x i ) " ; Tp (häwächr, a c h í 'horn', e h r ' n o s e ' , a c h í 'he was a s h a m e d ' ) . 3.6.3.

Vowel

shift

3 . 6 . 3 . 1 . Vowel s h i f t may c h a r a c t e r i z e l a n g u a g e s as much a s c o n s o n a n t s h i f t s . T h e y h a v e been s t u d i e d f o r some l a n g u a g e s in a d e t a i l e d manner ( s e e Leite 1 9 8 2 ) . In t h i s s t u d y we are i n t e r e s t e d in t h e f o l lowing f e a t u r e s which we mark ± if t h e y occur o n l y in u n s t r e s s e d s y l l a b l e s : " E x i s t e n c e of / u / " , which is a n e g a t i v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of A s T , Tp, and p a r t l y of X t : A s T soówa v s A s X dSu 'thorn'; Tp rot v s A p / M b / P t ru 'to bring'; X t a k ó t o v s ChCT a i k ú t u 'I pierced it'; A s T s e r o r y w é t e v s A s X d & e - r u w é t e 'I am glad'. " D i s t i n c t i o n of / i / / y / and / a / /y/", which n e g a t i v e l y s e p a r a t e s Si and m o s t l y Ps from t h e r e s t of t h e l a n g u a g e s (Mb/Te p y ' á v s Ps pía, Si e ia ' h e a r t , s o u l ' ; A v j y ' y v s X t ñco 'rainbow'). A s Priest ( 1 9 8 7 ) showed, Siriono does not h a v e / y / in words where this phoneme appears in cognate languages.

" I n f o r m a t i o n is n o t sure, b e c a u s e we only f o u n d t h i s example, which may be a loanword, and t h e r e are s e v e r a l p a r t i c l e s with (ti), like tf ' a l s o ' , and t i p é 'in v a i n ' .

41

" D i s t i n c t i o n of / a / - / o / " , which n e g a t i v e l y c h a r a c t e r i z e s X t , Kb, Tp, and Km in f r o n t of m a n y o t h e r l a n g u a g e s (Tb, A v , Ap, Kw, Gk, Gy, Ps, Si. Cn, T e . Ub, Pt, Aw), f o r i n s t a n c e Tp a h á , A s X á ' a a v s Si sóo 'meat', but there is large number of l a n g u a g e s where the two phonemes are n e u t r a l i z e d in u n s t r e s s e d s y l l a b l e s ( A v a p o r a v y k y v s C h / C T a p a r a w y k y 'I worked, took pains (about s . t h . ) ' ) . " W e a k e n i n g of / a / or / y / to [e)" is a f e a t u r e which c h a r a c t e r i z e s Gj, but which occurs in c o n d i t i o n s t h a t h a v e not y e t been studied s u f f i c i e n t l y : Gj Smen 'rain' » Ps ama, Km ama^, Pt aman, A s X amVna: Gj i - e k j T n ' h e / s h e got wet' « Ch i ñ a k y . Si ñ a á k i , Gj t e p ú z 'house' » A v / P t t a p y i ; Gj k u z e 'woman' » Te kuze, Km/Pt k u ñ a , Ch/ C T / G y küña, A s T kócho. Tembé reduces / a / to [e] in o r i g i n a l l y n a s a l c o n t e x t s : Te t e t e 'hard' = A v t a t ä , C h / C T t ä t a , CO t á t a , Si/Wa ä t ä ; Te t e ' y i ' s e e d ( s ) ' « A v t a ' y i , Kb - a ' y i . T h i s f e a t u r e , t o g e t h e r with t h e l o s s of n a s a l i t y , makes Tembé v e r y similar to Guajajara. In X t t h e r e is a rounding of / y / to (e) in c o n s o n a n t a l surroundings, as it looks like: X t k e c h e 'to be in f e a r ' « A v kyhyjé, C h / C T / W a kyje. Si s i k i t j e , s i k i c h e , Co a k y c h a ; X t ewa 'earth, soil' = W a / A s T / C h y w y , whereas / y / is preserved in v o c a l i c c o n t e x t s : X t póy ' h e a v y ' « Ch/CT póy, A v p o h y i . We mark t h i s f e a t u r e by ± for X t and Te, b e c a u s e t h e weakening seems to be l e s s general t h a n in Gj. 3 . 6 . 3 . 2 . Within t h e modern l a n g u a g e s , A v , Kw, Gy, Cn, Te, and Pt seem to be t h o s e with t h e u t m o s t v o c a l i c s t a b i l i t y . Their u n s t a b l e c o u n t e r p a r t s are e s p e c i a l l y X t , Ps, Si, A s T , A s X , Gj, Tp, and Co. Most of the other Amazonian l a n g u a g e s show a m i d - p o s i t i o n , whereas in t h e South Gk, Ch, and, t h o u g h f a r l e s s , Ap and Mb h a v e some minor i n novations. In general, Amazonian l a n g u a g e s are

42

more ges.

s u b j e c t to vowel s h i f t t h a n Southern

3 . 6 . 4 . T r e a t m e n t of

langua-

Vk/

Only in one c a s e we included a f e a t u r e which does n o t occur in more t h a n one l a n g u a g e : A w e t i is c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y t h e f a c t t h a t there is a c h a n g e of / k / > Ic] b e f o r e p a l a t a l oral v o w e l s and of / k / > [t] b e f o r e p a l a t a l n a s a l v o w e l s . This c o n t r i b u t e s to g i v e Aweti its particular phonetic s h a p e : Aw i - e c é 'come i n ! ' v s A v eiké, C h / C T / W a éike; Aw o t é n t a p 'door' v s Te ukén, A v oke. 3 . 7 . Matrix of

comparison

In t h e following matrix we u s e t h e s e pw: kw: ke: ti: si: ci: ?i: /u/: i/y: a/o: [§]: [k):

abbreviations:

t h e r e f l e x of PTG ' p w e r is - p w e ( r ) is - { k ) w e is - k e ( 3 . 6 . 1 . ; '0' means l o s t of t h e s u f f i x ) " p r e s e r v a t i o n of [t] preceding / i / " "PTG V t / + III > (sil" "PTG V t / + / i / > (cil" "PTG V t / + / i / > ( i l l " " E x i s t e n c e of / u / " " D i s t i n c t i o n of / i / and / a / v s / y / p r e s e r v e d " " D i s t i n c t i o n of / a / v s / o / p r e s e r v e d " " W e a k e n i n g of / y / or / a / > (§]" " P r e s e r v a t i o n of / k / as (k]".

43

pw kW ke Tb Av

+

-

Ap Mb Kw Xt Gk Ch CT Gy Ps Si Wa WJ Em Cn AsT AsX Te Gj Ub Tp Kb Pt Jm Km Co Aw SM

44

-

+ +

ti

+ + +

-

-

-

-

+

+

-

-

-

-

-

-

+

± +

-

-

+ -

0 +

0

0

0

-

+

-

-

-

-

-

-

+

-

+

-

-

-

+

-

-

-

+

-

-

-

+

-

-

-

-

+

-

-

-

+

+

-

+

-

-

+

-

-

-

-

-

-

+

-

-

-

+

-

+

-

0

H

-

+ + 0

si ci

+ + +

-

-

-

-

+

-

-

/u/

i/y

a/o

+ + + ± + + + ± + + + ± ± ± + + ± + ± +

-

-

-

+ + ± + +

[é]

± +

[k]

4.

RESULTS OF PHONOLOGICAL COMPARISON

4 . 1 . If now we count t h e number of a g r e e m e n t s b e t w e e n all t h e phonetic and phonological c r i t e r i a in each l a n g u a g e , we will get t h e rate of p h o n e t i c coherence between t h e l a n g u a g e s . We g i v e one point f o r e v e r y agreement between two l a n g u a g e s with regard to the same criterion, no m a t t e r if it is an agreement b e t w e e n two p o s i t i v e l y or two n e g a t i v e l y marked criteria. Half a point is g i v e n for e v e r y agreement between a p o s i t i v e or n e g a t i v e answer and a p o s i t i v e answer of limited v a l i d i t y , marked b y ± . T h u s , t h e p o s s i b l e maximum r a t e , which would mean phonological i d e n t i t y within t h e bounds of our criteria, is 3 7 points. 4 . 2 . T h e following t a b l e shows the phonological a g r e e m e n t s between all compared l a n g u a g e s in a ranking which goes from the h i g h e s t r a t e s down to the l o w e s t ones. The most important r e s u l t of t h e p h o n e t i c and phonological comparison are n o t o n l y t h e groupings formed by the l a n g u a g e s of g r e a t p h o n o l o g i c a l similarity, but is also t h e s h a p e of coherence each l a n g u a g e shows with all other l a n g u a g e s . There are l a n g u a g e s which show v e r y high r a t e s of coherence with at l e a s t one or e v e n with s e v e r a l other l a n g u a g e s , and there are t h o s e which seem to be f a r l e s s conspicuous by showing o n l y a moderate rate of coherence, f o r i n s t a n c e not more than 2 9 p o i n t s . And l a s t there is a group of l a n g u a g e s with a rather low rate of maximal coherence, that i s w i t h a maximum under 26 p o i n t s . We can also s e e t h a t high rate l a n g u a g e s , like Tb, A v , Kw, A s T , Te, Gj, and Pt, g e n e r a l l y show a more d i f f e r e n c i a t e d coherence with the other l a n g u a g e s than moderate rate l a n g u a g e s , as for i n s t a n c e Ap, Gy, WJ, A s X , b e c a u s e the l a t t e r ones do n o t h a v e r a t e s lower t h a n 18 or 17 p o i n t s .

45

High r a t e l a n g u a g e s h a v e a v e r y s p e c i f i c p h o n e t i c s h a p e , whereas moderate rate l a n g u a g e s are l e s s c h a r a c t e r i z e d and may be regarded as c o n n e c t i n g l i n k s b e t w e e n well defined e x t r e m e s . On t h e o t h e r hand, low rate l a n g u a g e s , like X t , Gk, Si, and Co, are c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a d e f e c t i v e c o h e r e n c e with o t h e r T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e s . It may be surprising t h a t l a n g u a g e s like A w e t i and S a t e r é - M a w é are n o t more d i v e r g e n t from t h e a v e r a g e Tupi-Guarani p h o n e t i c s h a p e t h a n Urubú and l e s s t h a n X t , Gk, Si, and Co.

46

4.3.

Tupinambá

Avañe'e

Apapocuva

3 5 . 5 Kw 31.5 30

Kw Av

27.5 27

Gy Pt

2 5 . 5 Ap/CT 2 4 . 5 Jm 23.5

Ch/Ub/SM

22.5 Mb/Si/Kb/ Aw Wa/WJ 22 21 Te/Km 2 0 . 5 AsX

Tb 30 2 8 . 5 CT 2 7 . 5 Ub 27 Pt 2 6 . 5 Ap/Gy/Jm

24.5 24 23.5 23 22.5

Ch/Te Km Mb WJ Ps

Wa 22 21.5 Si/Gj 21 AsT 2 0 . 5 Aw 20 Em/Tp 1 9 . 5 AsX

19 AsT/Em 1 8 . 5 Gk/Cn

1 8 . 5 Cn/Kb

17.5 17

1 7 . 5 Xt 17 Gk

Gj/Tp Ps

28 27.5 27 26.5 26 25.5

Mb Gy/Pt Kw Av CT Tb

24 Aw/Cn 2 3 . 5 Jm/WJ/Gk 22.5

Km

22 Kb/Ch 2 1 . 5 Te/Em 21 Wa/Tp 20 AsT/Si/Ps/Ub 1 9 . 5 Co/SM

18

Xt/AsX

17

Gj

1 5 . 5 Co/SM 15 Co 1 4 . 5 Xt

47

Mbyá

Kaivá 35

Xetá Av

3 1 . 5 Tb/Pt 30 CT

28 Ap 2 7 . 5 Pt

28

Ch

27

Ap/Gy

Gy/Tp WJ/Gk AsT/Cn Jra Kw/Xt Av CT/Kb Tb/Wa/Em/ AsX/Km 2 1 . 5 Gj 21 Ub

26

Jm

20

Gj/Aw 20 1 9 . 5 Em/Tp

26 25.5 25 24.5 24 23.5 23 22.5

Te

19 Aw/Si 1 8 . 5 Co 17.5

Ch/Ps

24 23.5 23 22.5 22

Mb/Wa/Te/ WJ Ub Km Ps Si

21

AsT

1 8 . 5 Cn/Kb 18 Xt/AsX 1 7 . 5 Gk 16.5

14.5 SM 48

14

25.5 25 24.5 24 23.5

Ch/Gk/WJ Tp Mb/Gj CT/Ub Em/Ps

2 1 . 5 AsT 21 Gy/Cn/AsX/ Pt/Km 1 9 . 5 Si/Wa/Jm/Co 19 Ap/Kw 1 8 . 5 Te

SM

17 16.5

Av Kb

Co

1 5 . 5 SM 15 Aw 1 4 . 5 Tb

Guayakl

ChiriguanoAva

ChiriguanoTapyi

33

33

Ch

30

Kw

CT

2 8 . 5 PS 28 Kw 27 Ub 2 6 . 5 WJ 25.5

Mb/Xt

24.5

Cn/Tp/Aw

2 3 . 5 Ap/Kb/ 23 Ps/WJ 2 2 . 5 Ch/Ub/AsX 22 Te/Wa 2 1 . 5 CT/Km 21 Em/Co 20 19.5 19 18.5 18 17.5 17

Gy Jm/SM Gj Tb/Si/Pt AsT Kw Av

2 5 . 5 Em 25 Av/Xt 2 4 . 5 Wa/Pt/SM 24 Si/Gj 2 3 . 5 Tb/Km 23 Te/Jm 2 2 . 5 Gk/AsX 22 Ap/Gy 21 Tp 2 0 . 5 AsT 20 Cn

2 8 . 5 Av/Pt 28 WJ 2 7 . 5 Jm 26.5 26 25.5 25 24.5 24 23.5 23 22.5 22 21.5

Ps/Ub Ap Tb Gy Wa/Km Xt/SM Em Mb/Si/AsX Te/Gj AsT Gk/Cn/Tp

20

Kb

19 Kb/Co 1 8 . 5 Mb 18 Aw 1 7 . 5 Co

16

Aw

49

Guarayo

Pauserna

Siriono

2 8 . 5 Ch/Gj 28 Te 2 7 . 5 Tb/Ap 27 Kw/Pt 2 6 . 5 Av 26 Mb 25 CT/Cn 2 4 . 5 WJ 23.5

Ps/Em/Wa

27 26.5 26 25.5 25 24.5

AsT/Ub/SM CT Em/Wa WJ/AsX Wa/Km Pt

23.5 Xt/Gy/Si/Kb 23 Av/Gk/Jm/Co 2 2 . 5 Kw/Cn/Tp

2 2 . 5 Km 22 Ch/Te/Aw 2 1 . 5 Ub/Jm 2 1 . 5 Aw 21 X t / A s T / A s X / T p 20 Gk/Si 1 9 . 5 SM 19 Kb 1 8 . 5 Gj/Co

20

Ap

1 7 . 5 Mb 17 Tb

50

26

Va

24 23.5 23 22.5 22 21.5 21 20.5 20 19.5 19 18.5

Ch Ps/WJ CT Tb Kw/Ub/Aw Av Em/Kb Jm Ap/Gy/Pt Xt/Cn/Co Mb Gk

17 16.5 16 15.5 14.5

AsX/SM Gj Tp/Kra AsT Te

Wayäpi

Wayäpi (Jari)

31

31

Emérillon 3 1 . 5 Cn

WJ

Wa

2 9 . 5 Kb

26. 26 25. 25 24. 24 23. 23 22. 22 21

2 9 . 5 AsT 29 Gj

28. 28 27. 27 5 Jm 26. Ps/Si/Km 26 5 Cn/Ub/AsX/ 25. Tp Aw 25 5 Ch/CT/AsT 2 4 . Em/SM 5 Gy 23. 23 Gj 5 Mb T b / A v / K w / G k / 22 Te/Pt Ap

20 Co 1 9 . 5 Xt

5 AsT CT/Tp 28 5 Cn 27. Era/Km 27 5 Ch/AsX/Ub/Kb Pt 26 5 Mb/Xt/Ps/Jra 2 5 . Te/Gj 5 Kw/Gy 24. 24 5 Ap/Si 23. Av/Gk 23 22. Tb 21. 21

20

Aw/SM

19

Co

Km 5 AsX/Te WJ Ps 5 Ch/Tp 5 Ub/Kb/Aw Wa/Pt/Jm 5 Xt/CT/Gy/SM Co 5 Mb 5 Ap Gk/Si

20 Av 1 9 . 5 Kw 19 Tb

51

Canoeiro

Tembé 3 2 . 5 Gj

3 2 . 5 Te

3 1 . 5 Em 30

28 27.5 27 26.5 26 25.5 25 24.5 24 23.5

AsX/Tp WJ Te/Kb Wa/Gj/Km AsT Wa Mb/Gy/Aw Ap/Gk Ub/Pt Jm

2 2 . 5 Ps 2 1 . 5 CT/Co 21 Xt 2 0 . 5 SM 20 Ch 1 9 . 5 Si 1 8 . 5 Tb/Av 18 Kw

29 Pt 2 8 . 5 Jm/SM 28 Ps/AsX 2 7 . 5 Em/AsT/Km 27 Cn 26

Ub/Tp

WJ 25 2 4 . 5 Av/Aw 24 Kw/Kb Ch 23 2 2 . 5 CT/Co Gk/Gy/Wa 22 2 1 . 5 Ap 21 Tb 20

Mb

1 8 . ,5 Xt

Km

29 AsT/Em 2 8 . 5 Ps/AsX

27 26.5 26 25.5 25 24.5 24

Jm/SM Cn/Tp Pt Ub WJ Xt/Kb Ch

23 22.5 22 21.5

Wa CT Av Mb/Aw

20

Kw/Co

19 Gk 1 8 . 5 Gy 1 7 . 5 Tb 17 Ap 1 6 . 5 Si

14.5

52

Si

Tapirapé

Urubú

Asurini-Trocará 31

2 9 . 5 Km 29 AsT 28 27. 27 26. 26 25. 25 24. 24 23. 23 22. 22 21. 21 20

5 Av/Jm Ch/Ps/Tp/Km 5 CT/WJ/Pt Te 5 Wa/Gj AsX/SM 5 Em Kw/Xt/Cn 5 Tb Aw 5 Gk Si/Kb 5 Gy Mb/AsT Ap

1 6 . 5 Co

AsX

2 9 . 5 Em 29 Gj/Tp 2 8 . 5 WJ/Pt

WJ/Cn/AsX

27 Ub/Kb 2 6 . 5 Gj/Jm Mb/Te 26 2 5 . 5 Em 25 Xt/Wa 2 4 . 5 Gk/Pt

2 7 . 5 Te 27 Ps Cn 26 2 5 . 5 Km/Jm 25 Mb 2 4 . 5 Wa Kb 24

2 2 . 5 Ps 22 CT 2 1 . 5 Ap/CT/Gy/SM 2 1 . 5 Xt/SM Ch/Aw 21 21 Av/Kw/Gj 2 0 . 5 Ch 20 Av 20 Ap 1 9 . 5 Kw 19 Tb 1 8 . 5 Co 18 Gk 1 7 . 5 Tb/Co Aw 17 1 5 . 5 Si

53

Asurini (Xingu)

Parintintin

31

3 1 . 5 Kw 31 Jm

AsT

Kayabi

2 9 . 5 ¥a/Km 2 8 . 5 Gj 28 Cn/Te/Tp 2 7 . 5 Em/Jm/Km 27 Kb 26 25.5 25 24.5

WJ Ps/Wa Ub Pt/SM

23 CT 2 2 . 5 Mb/Gk Ch/Aw 22 21 20.5

Xt Tb/Co

1 9 . 5 Av/Gy Kw 19 18 17

54

Ap Si

29 Te 2 8 . 5 CT/AsT 27.5 27 26.5 26

Ap/Mb Tb/Av/Gy Ub WJ/Gj/Km

27 C n / A s X / T p 2 6 . 5 WJ Aw 26 2 5 . 5 SM

25 Ch 2 4 . 5 Ps/AsX/Cn/Tp 2 4 . 5 24 Em 24 23.5 23 SM 23 22.5 22 Wa 22 2 1 . 5 Aw 21 Xt 21 2 0 . 5 Kb 20.5 20 1 9 . 5 Si 19.5 19 1 8 . 5 Gk 18.5 18 17 Co 16.5

Em/Gj AsT/Te Gk/Ps/Jm Mb Tb Ap/Ub Si Pt CT Co Ch/Gy Av Kw Xt

Kamayurá

Cocama

Juma

31

Pt

28.5 28 27.5 27 26.5 26 25.5 25 24.5 24 23.5 23 22.5

Te Km Av/CT/AsX/Ub Kw/Gj Wa/AsT/Tp WJ/SM Tb/Mb Aw Ap Em Ch/Cn/Kb Ps Gy

30 Gj 2 9 . 5 Kb 28 Em/Jm 27. 5 AsX/Te/Tp 27 WJ/SM/Ub 2 6 . 5 Cn 26 Ps/Wa/Pt 2 5 . 5 CT/AsT 2 4 . 5 Aw 24 Av/Kw 2 3 . 5 Mb/Ch/Gy Aw 23 2 2 . 5 Ap 2 1 . 5 Xt/Gk 21 Tb

17

Si

1 5 . 5 Co

23 22.5 22 21.5 21 20.5 20 19.5 19 18.5 17.5 17 16.5

Ps/Em Te SM Cn Gk AsX 2 0 . 5 Si Wa/Gj Ap/Xt/Si/Kb 1 9 . 5 Gk Ch/WJ/Jm 19 Xt/Co Mb/Gy/AsT CT/Tp Pt Ub

1 5 . 5 Av/Km 15 Tb 14 Kw

55

Awetí

Sateré-Mawé

2 8 . 5 Te

2 6 . 5 SM 26 Kb 2 5 . 5 Wa/Jm 25 Cn/Te 2 4 . 5 Ap/Gk/Em/Te/Co

23 Ub/Km 2 2 . 5 Tb 22 Gy/AsX/Si 21.5 Ps/Gj/Pt 2 0 . 5 Av/Tp 20 Kw/WJ 19 Mb 1 8 . 5 CT 17 AsT 16

4.4.

Ch

27 26.5 26 25.5 25 24.5 24 23.5

Ps/Gj/Km Aw Jm Kb Ub Tb/Ch/AsX CT/Wa/Pt Em

22 Co 2 1 . 5 AsT/Tp 2 0 . 5 Ap/Gy/Cn 20 WJ 1 9 . 5 Gk

17 Si 1 6 . 5 Kw 1 5 . 5 Av/Mb/Xt

Grouping based on phonological

criteria

4 . 4 . 1 . The large number of phonetic and p h o n o l o g ical criteria we considered in the comparison does not allow a clear grouping of all t h e l a n g u a g e s studied. We c a n , h o w e v e r , e s t a b l i s h f o u r t y p e s of

56

r e s u l t s : First of all, it is e v i d e n t t h a t high r a t e s of agreement indicate close phonological r e l a t i o n ship, which may also be e v a l u a t e d as a s t a t e m e n t of c l o s e c o g n a t e r e l a t i o n s h i p or, at l e a s t , as s t a b i l i t y with regard to phonological change. T h u s , we can s e e t h a t Tupinambá, Kaiwá, and A v a ñ e ' é are c l o s e c o g n a t e s and show a maximum of p h o n o l o g i c al s t a b i l i t y , whereas Mbyá and A p a p o c u v a are close to one a n o t h e r with a high, but not e x t r e m e rate of 2 8 p o i n t s of agreement, and their p h o n o l o g i c a l coherence with Tb, Kw, and A v is below t h i s l e v e l . On t h e other hand, we see close r e l a t i o n s n o t o n l y b e t w e e n l a n g u a g e s of t h e same area, but a l s o b e tween Southern l a n g u a g e s , like Tb, Kw, and A v , t o g e t h e r with Ap and Mb, and l a n g u a g e s of t h e Amazonian basin, and e s p e c i a l l y Parintintin. Most of the Amazonian l a n g u a g e s of t h e T u p i - G u a rani f a m i l y listed a b o v e are, however, all r e l a t e d p h o n e t i c a l l y with one another, but not with S o u t h ern l a n g u a g e s . Exemplifying t h i s are Em and Cn, A s T and A s X , Te and Gj, which not o n l y form t h r e e small c l o s e l y related subgroups, but also show low r a t e s of agreement with B o l i v i a n or Southern l a n g u a g e s of the same f a m i l y . Tp, Kb, and Km are well i n t e g r a t e d into t h e A m a z o n i a n l a n g u a g e group as there is a certain phonic a f f i n i t y b e t w e e n each of t h e s e t h r e e l a n g u a g e s as well as b e t w e e n them and A s X , and b e t w e e n Tp, Kb, Cn and WJ. Y e t t h e y do not show e x c l u s i v e c o h e r e n c e with d e f i n i t e subgroups. Juma, for i n s t a n c e , c o r r e l a t e s c l e a r l y with Parintintin. S a t e r é - M a w é seems to h a v e some a f f i n i t y to Te, Gj, Km, Aw, as well as to Ps. Both d i a l e c t s of Wayapi are close c o g n a t e s . E v e n though both show no p a r t i c u l a r p h o n e t i c a f f i n i t y to any other group, WJ h a s 2 8 p o i n t s of agreement with CT and Wa 2 6 . 5 with Si, b o t h of which belong to t h e Bolivian area group.

57

Within t h e l a n g u a g e s of t h e Bolivian area, Ps is t h e only one to show more a f f i n i t y to A m a z o n i a n t h a n to Southern l a n g u a g e s . Gy is close to Tb, Ap, Kw, A v , as well as to Pt, w h e r e a s both d i a l e c t s of Chiriguano show, on t h e one hand, a high rate of mutual coherence, but do not b e h a v e in t h e same way with regard to other l a n g u a g e s . Both are c l o s e to Kw, but CT e x h i b i t s a s l i g h t l y more c o n s e r v a t i v e character, with regard to s t a b l e l a n g u a g e s like A v , Pt, WJ, t h a n Ch. It is, however, also important to s e e t h a t t h e y h a v e some a f f i n i t y to t h e p h o n o l ogical s h a p e of Amazonian l a n g u a g e s , too. Low rate l a n g u a g e s do not s h a r e most of t h e t r a d i t i o n a l , i.e. inherited s p e c i f i c phonic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of t h e l a n g u a g e family. T h e y are p h o n e t i c a l l y a b e r r a n t with regard to t h e majority of t h e l a n g u a g e s . T h i s applies e s p e c i a l l y X t , Gk, Si, Co, and Aw. C o cama seems to d i f f e r the most from t h e g e n e r a l c h a r a c t e r of t r a d i t i o n a l Southern l a n g u a g e s , w h e r e as at l e a s t X t and Gk show more a f f i n i t y to t h o s e t h a n to Amazonian l a n g u a g e s . Siriono is a v e r y peculiar case, but could be regarded as a link b e t ween Amazonian, Bolivian, and Southern languages. Finally, Urubú, though being l e s s aberrant t h a n Siriono, could be c l a s s i f i e d in a similar way.

58

4 . 4 . 2 . Simplifying and s y s t e m a t i z i n g our p h o n o l o g i cal ranking we come to the following grouping of Tupi-Guarani languages: Southern

Amazonian group

group

Em - Cn

Ap - Mb

Si Wa WJ

Gy Kw I Av

AsT -

l e s s conservative

AsX

Kb

Pt - Jm Gj -

Tb

I

Ch

Km -

Ub Ps

l e s s con servative

Te

SM

Äw

II

Gk

Xt

Tp

I

CT

Co

most

in-

novatory

59

5.

FIRST S E T OF GRAMMATICAL LOGICAL CRITERIA

AND

MORPHO-

An a d d i t i o n a l s t u d y of morphological and g r a m m a t ical c r i t e r i a p a r t l y confirms, d i f f e r e n t i a t e s and c l a r i f i e s t h i s complex configuration^®. Grammatical criteria r e f e r to t h e e x i s t e n c e of a grammatical c a t e g o r y , whereas morphological criteria r e f e r to t h e form of a grammatical morpheme. Old T u p i a n d / o r Old Guaraní can be characterized by most of t h e criteria included. T h e s e criteria i l l u s t r a t e y e t again t h e degree of linguistic change and s t a b i l i t y , t h i s time in t h e field of morphological and grammatical c o n s e r v a t i s m or i n n o v a t i o n . G e n e r a l l y , we did not include i n n o v a t i o n s t h a t c h a r a c t e r i z e some of t h e Amazonian l a n g u a g e s and t h a t are n o t t r a d i t i o n a l l y f o u n d in the majority of t h e T u p l Guaranl l a n g u a g e s . T r a d i t i o n a l grammatical forms which h a v e undergone thorough c h a n g e s will be r e f l e c t e d by n e g a t i v e scores for t h o s e features. However, In four c a s e s we Included widespread I n n o v a t o r y criteria ( s e e below 5 . 3 . 2 . , 7 . 4 . 3 . - 7 . 4 . 4 . ) . 5.1. Alternating initial t - ,

r-,

h-

One of t h e t y p i c a l f e a t u r e s of T u p l - G u a r a n l l a n g u a g e s Is t h e a l t e r n a t i o n of initial t - , r - , h - in certain n o u n s . According to the phonetic e v o l u t i o n of * c - . Its r e a l i z a t i o n is [ s - ] or I c - ] in some c o n s e r v a t i v e l a n g u a g e s and [ h - ] or i in t h e more developed ones (see above 3 . 4 . 1 . ) . N o n - p o s s e s s i o n

A s was s t a t e d a b o v e ( s e e 2 . 1 . ) , X e t á , P a u s e r n a - G u a r a S u g ' w ä , and Canoelro had to be c o m p l e t e l y e x c l u d e d from morphological and grammatical c o m parison due to a lack of d a t a . We were a b l e to p a r t l y include Aweti and S a t e r é - M a w é .

60

is g e n e r a l l y indicated by t - f o r m s , sometimes b y s or 6 ( A v s o ' ó 'meat', oke 'door', Ch/CT s ó o , ö k e ) , w h e r e a s r - f o r m s mark ' a t t r i b u t i v e ' f u n c t i o n and h forms '3 p p o s s e s s i o n ' ( s e e 5 . 3 . 1 , ) . Here we o n l y differentiate between t (or i t s allomorphs), r-, and h - (TRH in t h e matrix). TR^ is o f f e r e d f o r t h e a l t e r n a t i v e s o l u t i o n , where the h - i n i t i a l is r e p r e s e n t e d b y ft\ T/R, where there is only an a l t e r n a t i v e b e t w e e n t - and r - , r - occuring e v e n as t h e marker of 3 p, as is the c a s e of Si: e r á s i t e s e ka 'something is giving me pain', corresponding with A v h a s y - e t é x é - v e . OTH is a heading in t h e m a t r i x t h a t i n d i c a t e s other s o l u t i o n s , as for i n s t a n c e r - v s b in Tp, t - / ' - v s r - v s i - or other s p e c i f i e d 3 p p r e f i x e s in Kb, or e v e n s u p p l e m e n t a r y forms, like t h a t of t h e Ub s - c l a s s , which c h a n g e s k - > S - in 3 p: Ub i h é kupé 'my back' v s x u p é 'his back' ( K a kumasu 1 9 8 6 : 3 7 1 - 3 7 2 ) . Some l a n g u a g e s h a v e t h e u s u a l a l t e r n a t i o n b e t w e e n t - and r - , but h a v e d i f f e r e n t s o l u t i o n s f o r 3 p: Wa, WJ, Em, A s X , Tp, and Jm u s u a l l y h a v e Ó, but h a v e m a i n t a i n e d h - in monosyllabic words. We mark t h i s by ±TRH and + T / R in the matrix. In Pt t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n of t - , h - , ^ seems to be not o n l y a q u e s tion of s y n t a x , but of c l a s s marking ( t - f o r human, h - for n o n - h u m a n , f o r human in some c a s e s ; s e e B e t t s 1 9 8 1 : 7 2 - 7 3 ) , whereas r - is a l w a y s a t t r i b u t i v e . 5 . 2 . A t t r i b u t i v e and p r e d i c a t i v e forms The n e x t criteria are to show t h e kind of d i s t i n c tion b e t w e e n a t t r i b u t i v e and p r e d i c a t i v e f u n c t i o n s in words with a l t e r n a t i n g i n i t i a l sound. Here we find maintained in most l a n g u a g e s t h e t r a d i t i o n a l d i s t r i b u t i o n we h a v e in Tupinambá and Old G u a r a ní: T h e p r e d i c a t i v e form is s - , h - , or i , w h e r e a s t h e a t t r i b u t i v e form is t h a t of 1 p and 2 p d e t e r -

61

miners ( A v h a s y ' h i s / h e r i l l n e s s ' , ' h e / s h e is ill' v s x e - r a s y 'my i l l n e s s ' , 'I am ill', but also x e - m e m b y r a s y 'my child's i l l n e s s ' v s x e - m e m b y h a s y 'my child is i l l ' ; Gy t á c y ' i l l ( n e s s ) ' v s c h e - r á c y 'I am ill' v s á c y 'he is i l l ' ; Tp c h e - r e m i r e k á 'my h u s b a n d / w i f e , partner' v s e r a i - r e k á ' h i s / h e r p a r t n e r ' , c h e - r a t y 'my wife' v s a t y 'his w i f e ' ) . Only Ch, CT, and SM generalized h both in p r e d i c a t i v e and a t t r i b u t i v e f u n c t i o n (Ch c h e - m é m b y h á s y 'my child is ill' as well as 'my child's i l l n e s s ' ) . The Chañé d i a l e c t of Chiriguano does not h a v e t h i s f e a t u r e ( c h e - m é m b y - r á s y 'my child's i l l n e s s ' ) . Si h a s g e n e ralized r in both f u n c t i o n s ( s e e a b o v e 5.1.1.), Neither Gk, Aw. nor Co h a v e a n y of t h e a l t e r n a t i o n s d i s c u s s e d in 5 . 1 . nor, c o n s e q u e n t l y , d i f f e r e n t forms f o r p r e d i c a t i v e and a t t r i b u t i v e f u n c t i o n s . In t h e matrix we mark the d i f f e r e n t s o l u t i o n s b y rh w h e n e v e r a t t r i b u t i v e r - is d i f f e r e n t from p r e d i c a t i v e h - or (Í; hh w h e n e v e r both f u n c t i o n s are not d i s t i n g u i s h e d , but h - is t h e general form; IT w h e n e v e r r - is t h e general form. 5 . 3 . R e f l e x i v e forms 5 . 3 . 1 . Still in t h e nominal f i e l d , we s t u d y t h e p r e s e r v a t i o n of t h e d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n r e f l e x i v e and n o n - r e f l e x i v e forms of t h e 3 p markers of n o u n s . T h i s t r a d i t i o n a l f e a t u r e h a s been l a r g e l y m a i n t a i n e d and is unknown only in aberrant l a n g u a g e s within t h e T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e f a m i l y , like Gk and Co, as well as in Ch/ C T " . Si, and Ub. In t h e o t h e r

" We will see t h a t there is g e n e r a l l y no i m p o r tant grammatical and morphological difference b e t w e e n C h i r i g u a n o - A v a and C h i r i g u a n o - T a p y i , so

62

l a n g u a g e s e v e n the morphology of the 3 p r e f l e x i v e form is, in general, the traditional one: Tb s - e t é 'his b o d y ' , Latin 'corpus eius' v s o - e t é 'his (own) body', Latin 'corpus suum'; t ú b a 'his f a t h e r ' v s gúba 'his (the s u b j e c t ' s ) f a t h e r ' ; Gy c - é t e v s g w é te, t u v s gu, ia 'its f r u i t ' v s óa ' i t s / h i s / h e r (own) f r u i t ' , t a y r 'his son' v s gwayr 'his (own) son'; Km tairra v s o a y r a ; Mb ta'y v s gwa'y, ipó 'his hand' v s opó 'his (own) hand', o v á 'his head' v s n g o v á 'his (own) head'; Pt g á - p o 'somebody's hand' v s ó - p o 'his (own) hand'; Tp i p y h a 'somebody's liver' v s a p y h a 'his (own) l i v e r ' ; Wa ilu oikáka 'he killed h i s (somebody e l s e ' s ) f a t h e r ' v s olu oikáka 'he killed his (own) f a t h e r ' (see Grenand 1 9 8 0 : 5 8 ) ; Te i w y r a pár 'his bow' v s uwyrapár 'his (own) bow', h a p y i 'his h o u s e ' v s u a p y i 'his (own) house'; SM ipy 'his f o o t ' v s t o p y 'his (own) f o o t ' , iha 'his e y e ' v s t e h a 'his (own) e y e ' . In A v t h e r e f l e x i v e form o g u e - v s n o n - r e f l e x i v e i - / h - only occurs as a f i x e d form with a few nouns (henda 'his house' v s oguenda 'his own h o u s e ' , h e t ä 'his country' v s ogueta 'his own c o u n t r y ' ) . It is marked ± A v in t h e matrix. 5 . 3 . 2 . In some l a n g u a g e s t h e c a t e g o r y of r e f l e x i v e v s n o n - r e f l e x i v e person marking has been e x t e n d e d to all persons. T h i s is so in the case of Tp, Kb, A s T , and p a r t l y A s X , and t h e r e f o r e seems to be an Amazonian f e a t u r e : Tp c h e - p i n a 'my f i s h i n g - h o o k (with regard to someone or something)' v s w e - p i n a 'my f i s h i n g - h o o k (with regard to me)'; A s X dSe'Vna

17

we will not h a v e them as s e p a r a t e items in t h e following matrices. T h e s e d i a l e c t s are d i f f e r e n t i a t e d in phonological and l e x i c a l respect ( s e e Dietrich 1986: 1 9 8 - 2 0 1 ) .

63

o é s ' a k 'he s e e s my picture' v s t e ' y n a aési'ak 'I s e e my picture (in the mirror)'. 5 . 4 . Person

marking

5 . 4 . 1 . One of the most prominent c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e is its manner of p e r s o n marking. Nearly all t h e s e l a n g u a g e s h a v e t h e same semantic d i s t i n c t i o n s , t h a t is, for i n s t a n c e , t h e y d i s t i n g u i s h nominal from v e r b a l markers, t h e y d i s t i n g u i s h the same persons, and t h e y use t h e same kind of traditional morphemes. I n n o v a t i o n s in t h i s f i e l d prove t h a t the r e s p e c t i v e l a n g u a g e either does not originally belong to t h e Tupi-Guarani f a m i l y or t h a t it has d e v e l o p e d in a n o t h e r d i r e c tion. In our comparison we h a v e included two c r i t e r i a , t h e f i r s t of which determines t h e c a t e g o r y of the person by studying t h e personal pronouns (Pr in t h e m a t r i x ) from which nominal person markers are t r a d i t i o n a l l y derived; the second c r i t e rion r e f e r s to the q u e s t i o n if there are s e p a r a t e v e r b a l person markers (PM in t h e matrix). Ub is t h e only language to p r e s e r v e not more t h a n one 1 pi p form, j a n ( d ) é , j a - and hence does not d i f f e r e n t i a t e i n c l u s i v e from e x c l u s i v e meaning. A s the r e s t of its person markers are t r a d i t i o n a l , we marked ± Ub for PPr. Em does not d i s t i n g u i s h b e tween i n c l u s i v e and e x c l u s i v e 1 pi person in t h e v e r b a l person markers, where n o n d e - is the o n l y form for i n t r a n s i t i v e verbs (for c i - in t r a n s i t i v e v e r b s s e e below 5 . 4 . 3 . ) . Gk has only t h e t r a d i t i o n a l personal pronouns and u s e s them as person markers in nouns and v e r b s (or, rather, Gk does not d i f f e r e n t i a t e nouns and v e r b s ) , so t h a t we mark +Gk for Pr, but - G k for PM. Si h a s changed the 3 p morpheme to e - '3 sg p' v s h e - '3 pi p', so we marked ± Si for PPr. Em shows some i n n o v a t i o n s

64

in t h e s e t of personal pronouns: n o n t e kom '1 pi incl', a g a / w i n y a '3 sg p', and wain kom '3 pi p' show a complete reorganization. All plural p e r s o n s h a v e a plural marker ko(m) which was borrowed from Carib ( s e e A . Jensen 1 9 7 9 : 6 ) . Aw h a s c h a n ged i t s 1 pi incl form ( k a y - f o r v e r b s and n o u n s ) . Co does not d i f f e r e n t i a t e b e t w e e n nouns and v e r b s , but t h e c a t e g o r y of person i t s e l f is not changed, though the morphology is not the t r a d i t i o n a l one for 3 sg and pi and 1 pi incl, e s p e c i a l l y as t h e r e are male and female forms for all persons. 5 . 4 . 2 . Modern T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e s of t h e South are c h a r a c t e r i z e d by two s e r i e s of v e r b a l person markers ( a - , ( e ) r e - , o - , y a - , ( o ) r o - , p e - and a l - , ( e ) r e i - , o i - , y a i - , ( o ) r o i - , p e i - , and s p e c i a l v a r i a n t s according to t h e l a n g u a g e ) . T h e i - p r e f i x h a s been said to mark t r a n s i t i v e v e r b s , b e c a u s e it is t h e morpheme of t h e third person as an object in some l a n g u a g e s , but not in all (see Dietrich 1 9 8 6 : 8 9 - 9 0 ) . It w a s a free syntactical form in Tupinambá, whereas it is obligatory with certain v e r b s in A v , Ap, Kw, Mb, Ch/CT, and Gy, which means, it must be e x p r e s s e d e v e n if there is a nominal direct object. In t h e s e l a n g u a g e s all v e r b s with - i - e x p a n sion are t r a n s i t i v e , but not all t r a n s i t i v e v e r b s h a v e t h e - i - e x p a n s i o n . We mark ± Te and Gj in the matrix, b e c a u s e t h e s e l a n g u a g e s show r e f l e x e s o f i - only in v e r b s with vocalic initial s o u n d s , [ i - 1 becoming |j-) and then [z): a z - a p ó , e r e z - a p ó , u z apó etc, from apó (not " z a p ó ) 'to make', b e c a u s e it is h e - a p ó (not ' h e - z a p ó ) 'he made me', and s i m i l a r l y T e / G j h e - a p i ' t h e y s t r o k e me' v s a z - a p l 'I stroke ( h i m / h e r / t h e m ) ' ( s e e also Jensen 1987:51). M i s t a k e n l y most linguistic descriptions n o t e roots like ' z a p ó 'to make' or ' z a p i 'to s t r i k e ' , s a y i n g t h a t apó and api are " s h o r t " forms. SM ( A b r a h a m son 1 9 8 4 : 1 7 8 - 1 8 1 ) shows the prefix in t r a n s i t i v e

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v e r b s w h e n e v e r the object is f o c u s s e d , so we mark ± SM for t h e criterion a - / a i - , which means t h a t there is a complementary distribution of v e r b a l markers with and without t h e i - p r e f i x . 5 . 4 . 3 . Some Amazonian T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e s are c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a morphological d i s t i n c t i o n between two 1 pi incl v e r b a l person markers, one f o r i n t r a n s i t i v e v e r b s and corresponding p h o n o l o g i c a l l y to " j a - and a second one corresponding p h o n o l o g i c a l l y to ' t i - , which is used with t r a n s i t i v e v e r b s . Jensen ( 1 9 8 7 : 5 0 - 5 2 ) g a v e a c o n c l u s i v e e x p l a n a t i o n of the origin of ' t i - (< ' t - j a - i ) , which a c c o u n t s for t h e f a c t t h a t , at l e a s t in some c a s e s , ' t i - f o r m s occur only in t h e o p t a t i v e (purpose) mood and do not show its morpheme t - b e c a u s e t h i s prefix h a s a l r e a d y been incorporated in ' t i - : Wa j a - t u w e s i ' u 'we ( i n c l . ) go, l e t ' s e a t ( i t ) ' , Te t i ' ú z a h a ' l e t ' s go to e a t ( i t ) ' , Gj s i - a p ó 'we (incl.) made it', but a l s o 'for us ( i n c l . ) to make it'; Em c i - k ú s u k 'we ( i n c l . ) washed (it)', Tp c h i á r ó 'we (incl.) waited for them', Kb s i - e t i i 'we (incl.) smelled ( i t ) ' , Pt t i j u k á ' we ( i n c l . ) killed it', Aw ti—t—étúp ujá 'we (incl.) heard him'. 5.5.

Matrix of

comparison

In t h e following f i r s t matrix of grammatical and morphological criteria we used t h e s e a b b r e v i a t i o n s : TRH, TR;i, T/R, OTH ( s e e a b o v e 5 . 1 . ) rh, hh, rr (see a b o v e 5 . 2 . ) rfl: " E x i s t e n c e of a r e f l e x i v e 3 p marker" ( s e e above 5.3.1.) RFL: " E x i s t e n c e of r e f l e x i v e forms f o r all p e r s o n s " (see 5 . 3 . 2 . ) Pr: "Existence of t h e t r a d i t i o n a l category of persons as represented by personal pronouns" (see above 5 . 4 . 1 . )

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PM: ai: ti:

" E x i s t e n c e of v e r b a l person markers" (see above 5.4.1.) " D i s t i n c t i o n of two s e t s of v e r b a l person markers" ( s e e 5 . 4 . 2 . ) " E x i s t e n c e of a special 1 p incl person m a r ker" ( 5 . 4 . 3 . ) . TRH TRii T/R OTH rh hh r r r + -

ai

ti

T h e a b o v e matrix will be a n a l y s e d below, t o g e t h e r with t h e two following ones ( s e e p. 7 4 and p. 8 3 ) .

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6.

SECOND SET OF GRAMMATICAL PHOLOGICAL CRITERIA

6.1.

Negation

AND

MOR-

Most of t h e f o l l o w i n g criteria refer to verbal categories. The traditional negative morpheme (Neg) of T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e s is n ( d ) ...i, which is w e l l - k n o w n in all d i a l e c t s e x c e p t in Gk, t h e Chiriguano complex, Si, and Ub. In Co we h a v e tyma and ni, both preceding the predicate, so t h a t we note ± C o for "neg"i8. We were i n t e r e s t e d f u r thermore in finding out the d i f f u s i o n of a n e g a t i v e morpheme ' - a or - ä , which is a l e x i c a l n e g a t i o n in Ch/ CT, but a p r e d i c a t i v e one in Gk and Si. In Ub the only n e g a t i v e particle is - J t h , which is t h e t r a d i t i o n a l l e x i c a l n e g a t i v e morpheme of Old Tupi and Guarani. T h e r e f o r e we had to n o t e - U b for " N e g " and ± U b for " - ä " , b e c a u s e it only h a s ani as a n e g a t i v e phrase ' n o ! ' , but not as a n e g a t i v e m o r pheme. WJ and Em h a v e a n e g a t i v e s u f f i x - r o w ä , which was rated at 0 . 3 points. The e x i s t e n c e of only ani ' n o ! ' was rated at 0 . 3 points and marked by ^ in the matrix. 6.2.

O p t a t i v e mood

One of the standard v e r b a l categories of t r a d i t i o n al T u p i - G u a r a n i languages is the o p t a t i v e mood (permissive, h o r t a t i v e , or purpose mood) as e x p r e s sed by the prefix t - : Mb t a ' i k u á i pora ' t h e y may

Tyma could be related to Ch/CT m b á e t y (ma) 'NEG p e r f e c t i v e a s p e c t ' , which d e r i v e s from mbáe 'thing, something, nothing' + h e t y p 'not to agree' (which is quoted for Old Guarani, s e e Montoya 1 6 3 9 , SV) + ma ' p e r f e c t i v e a s p e c t ; a l r e a d y ' .

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l i v e in harmony', A v t a p u k á x é 'I may laugh, l e t me laugh, I am going to l a u g h ' , Ch/CT t ó u 'he may come, l e t him come', Pt t a h o 'I m a y / w a n t to go', Te t a - z a n e - r u r i ^ w 'we may be d e l i g h t e d ' , Si t a t é a 'I am g o i n g / w a n t to s e e him', Wa a á - t a t a - j á u 'I am going to t a k e a b a t h ' . The n o n - e x i s t e n c e of t h i s mood in Gk, A s X , Ub, Aw, Co, and SM s e p a r a t e s t h e s e l a n g u a g e s from t h e r e s t of t h e language f a m i l y , p a r t i c u l a r l y as t h i s n e g a t i v e f e a t u r e is not t h e o n l y one t h a t c h a r a c t e r i z e s j u s t t h i s group of l a n g u a g e s . In Tp we find t - in some f i x e d e x p r e s s i o n s , like t e ' y - n a ' s i t d o w n ! ' ( ä - y n 'I s i t down') or t e h i n a ' l e t u s . . . ! ' ( t e h i n a aawó 'let him g o ! ' ) . A s t h e r e is no f r e e form, we mark ^ T p or 0 . 3 p o i n t s for " t - " . 6.3.

Tense

6 . 3 . 1 . Most T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e s are c h a r a c t e r i zed by t h e e x p r e s s i o n of t e n s e and a s p e c t both in v e r b s and in n o u n s . The basic opposition of v e r b a l t e n s e is t h a t of f u t u r e and n o n - f u t u r e , b e c a u s e f u t u r e h a s i t s own morphemes, whereas n o n - f u t u r e is e x p r e s s e d b y a zero morpheme and means b a s i c a l l y p a s t t e n s e . There are d i f f e r e n t c o n s t r u c t i o n s with a u x i l i a r y v e r b s for the e x p l i c i t e x p r e s s i o n of p r e s e n t t e n s e . Future h a s a t r a d i t i o n a l d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n remote f u t u r e ( - n e ) and i n t e n t i o n a l f u t u r e , e x p r e s s e d by - t a (< p o t a 'to w a n t ' ) : C h / C T a j ú - t a 'I am going to come' v s á j u - n e 'I will come ( s o m e time)', Tp a c h a o - p a t a n 'I am going to b a t h e ' v s a c h a o - n e 'I will b a t h e (sometime)'; Wa a á - t a 'I am going to go', t á t u o í k a - n e 'he w i l l / m u s t kill t h e armadillo'. Both forms are somewhat archaic in Gy, so we mark ± G y f o r " - t a " and " - n e " . Some l a n g u a ges o n l y h a v e t h e remote f u t u r e : Km korin a h á - n 'tomorrow I will go', Te a p u k á - n e h é 'I will l a u g h ' , a h á t a w h ú - p e - n e h é 'I will go to town'. O t h e r s only

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have t h e i n t e n t i o n a l f u t u r e , like Mb (aiapó-ta tembi'ú 'I am going to prepare the m e a l ' ) , WJ, A s T , A s X ( i a k y m - ó t a t "he is going to be w e t ' ) , and Ub, b u t Em, which is close to Wayapi in many r e gards, h a s both t h e f u t u r e s ( a p ó t a - n e 'I will be willing to, will desire it' and a m e ' é n g - t a t 'I am going to g i v e i t ' ) . 6 . 3 . 2 . Nominal t e n s e (NT) or a s p e c t is v e r y uniform in n e a r l y all t h e s e l a n g u a g e s and is d i f f e r e n t i a t e d e v e r y w h e r e in t h e same way: - r a m a , - r a m , - r ä , - r a f o r t h e d e s t i n a t i v e a s p e c t , and - p w é r a , -kwer, kwe, - n w e f o r the p e r f e c t i v e a s p e c t , f o r i n s t a n c e in C h / C T aiápo äi c h e - r e t ä - r a 'I am m a k i n g / b u i l d ing my ( f u t u r e ) house (which is to be my h o u s e ) ' v s a é c h a c h e - r e t ä - g w e 'I saw my a n c i e n t h o u s e (which is no longer a house, but a ruin)'; Km y w y r a p a r - a m 'which is to be a bow', i r ü - r a m ' t h e one who is to be a h u s b a n d ' . In some l a n g u a g e s t h e d i s t i n c t i o n between nominal and v e r b a l t e n s e is n o t v e r y s t r i c t , which means t h a t nominal t e n s e may occur a l s o with v e r b s , but not v i c e v e r s a : Mb n e k a n e ' ö v y n d - e r e - o - v e - i ' i á when you get tired, y o u won't go on a n y f a r t h e r ' ( s e e Dooley 1 9 8 7 : 1 4 ) , Gy a c é p j a - r a 'I will s e e him'. 6 . 4 . Nominalizing

suffixes

6 . 4 . 1 . In most of the Southern T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e s t h e r e is a nominal form of v e r b s , c a l l e d a participle by t h e ancient grammarians, i.e. the p a t i e n t of the action e x p r e s s e d by a t r a n s i t i v e v e r b . T h i s nominalizing s u f f i x , - p y { r ) , h a s f u t u r e and p e r f e c t i v e forms in Tb ( - p y r a , - p y r á m a , - p y r wéra), A v ( - p y , - p y - r a , - p y r é ) , Gk ( - p y / - m b y , - p r a , - p r e ) , Gy ( - p y r , - p y r a . -pjnrer, and t h e like in Mb and Kw), SM ( p y r - a m , p y r - e t , s e e Graham and Harrison 1 9 8 4 : 1 9 7 ) , but not in Tp, which h a s o n l y

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- p y r á ( i c h o k a - p y r á 'the one who was killed, who is d e a d ' ) . In t h e Amazonian area t h e s u f f i x e x i s t s in Em ( - p y l y ) , Tp. Km, Kb ( - p y r ) , SM, and Pt, t h o u g h t h e meaning of Pt - p y r is not e x a c t l y t h e same as in t h e other l a n g u a g e s and is t h e r e f o r e marked + P t in t h e matrix. 6 . 4 . 2 . Similarly t y p i c a l of traditional T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e s are word formations by means of the p r e f i x t e m ( b ) i - (with a l t e r n a t i n g i n i t i a l c o n s o n a n t ) , which e x p r e s s t h e r e s u l t or object of a p r o c e s s . T h e s e d e v e r b a l nouns are o f t e n described as p r e sent passive participles because the formation means ' t h a t which is done'. But the d e f i n i t i o n of t h e participle does not include the s e m a n t i c r e s t r i c t i o n to t h e d e s i g n a t i o n of t h i n g s , c o n c r e t e or a b s t r a c t , as we find in t e m ( b ) i - f o r m a t i o n s . T h e r e f o r e , we cannot admit t h e e x i s t e n c e of p a r t i c i p l e s In T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e s , e x c e p t in t h e c a s e of t h e p a s s i v e p a r t i c i p l e s formed b y - p y r . Formations by means of t - e m ( b ) i - do not e x i s t in Gk, Si, Ub, and Co. Information is lacking for A s X , Aw, and Jm, but we h a v e , for example Tb temijuká 'what is killed', abá remijuká 'what is killed by t h e Indian'; Mb, Kw, A v tembi'ú 'what is e a t e n , meal', Mb e m i endú 'what is heard, news'; Ch/CT temimónde ' c l o thing, c l o t h e s ' , c h e - r e m b i á p o 'my c r e a t i o n ' ; Te h e remierekó 'what is p o s s e s s e d by me, my goods', h e - r e m i r e k ó 'what is held by me, my w i f e ' ; Pt j i remitym 'what is planted by me, my p l a n t ' ; Tp c h e - r e m i h ó h e h e 'what is e a t e n by m e / m y meal is good/tasty'; Wa e - l e m i ' u , Em e - l e m i ' ö 'what is e a t e n b y me, my meal'. 6.5. Syntactical

hierarchization

S y n t a c t i c a l h i e r a r c h i z a t i o n is rather poor in T u p i Guarani l a n g u a g e s , but all the l a n g u a g e s , e x c e p t Si,

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Te, Gj, Ub, and Gk, u s e the t r a d i t i o n a l s u f f i x e s , called gerund s u f f i x e s b y a n c i e n t grammarians. T b has - b o , - m o , - r a m o , and - a f o r marking d e p e n d e n t c l a u s e s - d e t a i l s cannot be studied h e r e - and a t l e a s t one of t h e s e s u f f i x e s appears in most of t h e o t h e r l a n g u a g e s . We find - w o in A v , - w y or - v y in Ap, Mb, Kw, - w o e in Gy (but as an archaic form, t h e r e f o r e ± G y f o r " - w o " ) , - w e in Te. - p e in G j , wo in Tp, Pt, and Jm, - a w in Aw, w h e r e a s -a e x i s t s in Tp, Pt, Kb, and Jm, - o in Em. Co h a s - a i , which we consider as being t h e same. T h e most widespread s u f f i x is - r a m o (in Av.Mb, Kw. Ch/CT, Gy (but a r c h a i c ) , A s T , Km), - r a m b e in A s X , - e m o in Te, - l e m e in Wa, - r e m e in WJ, - a - n a m in E m , amo, - r o , - n o in Pt, - n o in Ap, - a m u in Kb, - h a m o in SM. O t h e r s u f f i x e s , which were considered e q u i v a l e n t to - r a m o , are - m e h e (for i n s t a n c e in Te and Gj) and - r a h a in Ub, but as t h e y do n o t correspond a b s o l u t e l y with regard to morphology, t h e y are rated at only 0 . 5 p o i n t s . We did n o t c o n sider t h e s u f f i x - j a w e , e x i s t i n g in A v , Mb, Kw, Gk, and Ch/CT. 6 . 6 . R e f l e x i v e and reciprocal

voice

R e f l e x i v e and reciprocal v o i c e is a well-known and, hence, an important c a t e g o r y of T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e s . Whereas t h e r e f l e x i v e v o i c e , e x p r e s s e d by - j e - and i t s d i f f e r e n t phonological r e f l e x e s , is found in all l a n g u a g e s but Gk and marked by a d i f f e r e n t morpheme ( - k a ) in Co ( 0 . 3 p o i n t s ) , t h e reciprocal v o i c e , corresponding phonologically to the prefix - j o - , is l e s s u n i v e r s a l : It does not e x i s t in Gk, Te, Gj, Ub, Co, and is u n d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from t h e r e f l e x i v e v o i c e in WJ and Em. In WJ and Wayampipukú - j o - occurs with nouns ( o - n ú p a ñ o ä k a - k u p a ' S - h i t R E C I P R - h e a d - P L ' , "they hit each other on t h e i r h e a d s ' ; but also Wa opóko o j e - k u p a

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•3p h i t RECIPR-PL), but not with v e r b s , where it is e x p r e s s e d b y - j i - ' r e f l e x i v e ' ; t h e r e f o r e we r a t e ±WJ f o r " - j o - " . In Wa, however, we a l s o find o - j o w á p y ' t h e y lock up each other', though i t is n o t c l e a r w h e t h e r t h i s is p o s s i b l e in all grammatical p e r s o n s . In Ub t h e formal s y n c r e t i s m is r e p r e s e n t e d b y - j u - , with a r e f l e x i v e as well as a r e c i p r o cal f u n c t i o n . Examples of t h e r e f l e x i v e and r e c i procal v o i c e s : Tb a - j e - p y s y k 'I hold on to s . t h . ' o r o - j o - p y s y k 'we i e x c l ) hold on to s . t h . ' ; Ch ñ a - ñ e fiywo 'we arrowed o u r s e l v e s ' , t h a t is 'we d i s c h a r ged arrows to o u r s e l v e s ' , o - j o - á y u ' t h e y l o v e t h e m s e l v e s m u t u a l l y ' ; Gy a - j e - é p j a 'I s e e m y s e l f - j a j o - j ú k a 'we kill o u r s e l v e s m u t u a l l y ' ; Si a - d i - m ú m b a , a-dji-raúmba, a - 1 J i - m ú m b a , a - t j u - m ú m b a 'I wake up', a - y i - í s l 'I t a k e it for m y s e l f , a - 1 J u - r ú b a 'I t a k e m y s e l f up, I s t a n d / g e t up'; Wa a - j - k ú s u 'I c l e a n m y s e l f . Tp ä - c h e - c h o k ä 'I s q u a s h m y s e l f c h i - c h a - c h o k a 'we (incl) strike us m u t u a l l y ' ; Kb a j - e s a - u k á j e klä upé 'I showed m y s e l f to him (to t h e doctor)' v s a - j u - e s á k wä ' t h e y saw t h e m s e l v e s one a n o t h e r ' . In Si t h e reciprocal v o i c e does not e x i s t , but t h e r e is a r e f l e x of it in pronouns like u t j ú e . which corresponds to Ch/Gy o j ó u - p e 'to one a n o t h e r ' , so t h a t we count 0 . 3 points in t h e matrix. The same is t r u e f o r WJ, and Em. where we find pronominal forms like Em d^ópe 'to them'. SM h a s a p r e f i x t o ' o - 'reciprocal', which could be t h e same, and a n o t h e r p r e f i x w o ' o - ' u n i v e r s a l reciprocal' (uruw o ' o - k w a p 'we ( e x c l ) all know one a n o t h e r ' , s e e Graham and Harrison 1 9 8 4 : 1 8 5 ) , so t h a t we r a t e it +SM f o r " - j o - " . 6 . 7 . Matrix of

comparison

In t h e following matrix t h e criteria are

abbreviated

73

b y t h e morphemes s t u d i e d in t h e preceding p a r a graphs. " N e g " means t h e form of p r e d i c a t i v e n e g a tion ( s e e 6 . 1 . ) , " t - " is t h e o p t a t i v e mood ( s e e 6 . 2 . ) , " t a " , " n e " are s u f f i x e s f o r 'future* (see 6 . 3 . 1 . ) , " N T " is nominal t e n s e ( s e e 6 . 3 . 2 . ) , " p y r / e m i " are n o m i n a lizing suffixes (see 6.4.), "wo/-a/r(a)m(o)" are s u f f i x e s f o r s y n t a c t i c a l hierarchization ( s e e 6 . 5 . ) , and " j e " / " j o " are morphemes reciprocal v o i c e ( s e e 6 . 6 . ) . Neg - á Tb Av

+ +

+ Ap + Mb + Kw Gk Ch/CT+ Gy Si + Wa + WJ + Em + AsT + AsX + Te Gj Ub Tp Kb Pt Jm Km Co Aw SM

74

+

t-

t a ne

NT pyr em

+ + ? + + +

-

i

+ +

o

the

reflexive

a

rm

je

jo

+

+ +

+ + +

+ + + +

+ + + -

-

+

+

+ 7 J

+

+

-

+

-

?

+ + + ±

?

+

± ±

+ + + +

i.

i. -

?

7

+

+ +

-

+

+

±

-

+ ±

-

-

f

and

+ ± ± + + +

+ + + + +

+ +

+ +

±

+ + + +

+ -

+ + +

?

+

+

+

i. 7 ±

+ -

+

i.

+ + -

+ + + + ?

+ -

? ±

T h e a b o v e matrix will be a n a l y s e d with t h e following one ( s e e p. 8 3 ) .

below,

7.

THIRD S E T OF GRAMMATICAL PHOLOGICAL CRITERIA

7.1.

Voice

together

AND

MOR-

7 . 1 . 1 . F a c t i t i v e or c a u s a t i v e v o i c e h a s two t r a d i t i o n a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d c a t e g o r i e s in most TupiGuarani l a n g u a g e s . One is r e p r e s e n t e d b y t h e s u f f i x - u k a i r ) , which e x p r e s s e s ' f a c t i t i v e v o i c e ' in t r a n s i t i v e v e r b s ( A v ajuká 'I killed (him)' v s a j u k a - u k á '1 made him kill (somebody)', Si a m i i k w a - u k a 'I make him know i t ' . CT e e b á - u k a ' m a k e / l e t me s e e i t / t h e m ! ' , Te a ' é u z u k á - u k á r t a p i ' í r í i ) z w ä - p e 'he made Joäo kill t h e tapir'; Tp awachihi a c h a a k - a k a n 'I make him/them crush ( t h e ) rice'; Kb k a s u r u a a e s a - u k a t j e klä upé 'I made him s e e / s h o w e d him t h e pup'. The f a c t i t i v e v o i c e is unknown o n l y in Wa. WJ, A s X and Ub, Cocama h a v i n g again t h e c a t e g o r y , but n o t the s u f f i x , which is - t a . So we mark ^ C o f o r " u k a " . Gk has only a p r e f i x k a - 'to f e i g n , a f f e c t ' , which may h a v e t h e same origin, whereas t h e s u f f i x - k a , - n g a 'which is u s e f u l , f i t for' is a nominal s u f f i x and h a s nothing to do with - u k a ( r ) , t h e r e f o r e ±Gk f o r " u k a " . 7 . 1 . 2 . The p r e f i x - r o - and all corresponding forms, like Tp - r a - , is s o c i a t i v e - f a c t i t i v e or c o n c o m i t a n t sociative, which means t h a t the s u b j e c t makes someone do something and performs t h e same a c tion h i m s e l f : Mb k a v a j ú a - r o - ñ á , y v a t é - r u p i a - r o - p ó 'I made t h e horse run (accompanying i t ) , I made it jump high up (accompanying i t ) ' ; Ch á i k e 'I went in' v s a - r ó - i k e 'I made him go in (accompanying

75

him)', opüa 'he got up' - gwyropiia 'I made him get up with me'; Wa w e - l o - w a ' e ' t h e y made her come with them', oj-lo-ike 'he made him e n t e r with him'; WJ aro'a 'I made him f a l l with me', o - e r o - ' a 'he made me f a l l with him'; Si a - r u - 1 J é v i 'I made him return with me'; Chario a - r a - k é 'I make C h a rlo e n t e r with me, I e n t e r accompanied b y Chario'; A s T o - e r o - c h é r e m ä A s X o - r o m o i - ¿ é r e p 'I made t h e b o a t f l o a t upon the water (accompanying i t ) ' . S o c i a t i v e - f a c t i t i v e - r o - does not e x i s t in Gk, Ub, and Co. According to Jensen ( 1 9 8 4 : 1 0 4 ) t h i s morpheme is i n t e g r a t e d in widespread v e r b a l u n i t s , like a - r eko 'I made it s t a y with me, I own(ed) i t ' , a - r - a ( h ) a 'I made it go with me, I took it along with me', and would explain their s t r u c t u r e . 7.2.

Word formation

morphemes

7 . 2 . 1 . Word formation is one of t h e most e l a b o r a t e d f i e l d s of T u p i - G u a r a n i grammar. So we had to make a choice between the numerous s u f f i x e s and p r e f i x e s . The f i r s t morpheme is a u n i v e r s a l one in T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e s : - m o - or ( - m b o - ) precedes v e r b a l roots of i n t r a n s i t i v e v e r b s and t h e n means ' f a c t i t i v e ' (in which case it is not a word f o r m a tion morpheme, for example in Ch/CT ó k y 'it r a i n s ' v s omóngy 'he makes it rain', WJ ajáu 'I b a t h e ' v s amojáu 'I make h i m / h e r / t h e m b a t h e ' ) , Em o - m 5 mba-kátu 'he made h i m / h e r / t h e m awake'. It is, h o w e v e r , an element of word formation w h e n e v e r it makes f a c t i t i v e v e r b s from nominal p r e d i c a t e s : Ch/CT imäna ' h e / s h e is ashamed' amomana 'I make him ashamed'; Gy c - é t a 'there is a lot' amoéta 'I multiply, i n c r e a s e it'; Te akym 'it is wet' - ^ a m u a k y m 'I make it wet'; Si e - s 5 5 , e - r 5 5 'it is s o f t , s l o p p y and f i l t h y ' —> amosSo 'I make it s l o p py and f i l t h y ' ; Kb j e - m a r a ' n e kfa reé 'I became — >

76

a n g r y at him' v s j e - m o m a r a ' n e become angry at him'.

kia

'he

made

me

But - m o - also s e r v e s as a v e r b a l i z e r of nominal n o n - p r e d i c a t i v e roots: Mb p y a ú 'new' ambopyaú 'I renew it'; Pt p y h a ' t r a n s p a r e n t ' — ^ amombyha 'I make it t r a n s p a r e n t , make h o l e s , knit it'; Te irú 'friend, companion' amuirú 'I accompanied him'; Ch iru 'friend, comrade' — a m ü l r u 'I accompanied him'; Pt p o r a ^ ' t a l e n t e d , g i f t e d ' — > amomoräg 'I charmed, enchanted'; Kb k a w i 'manioc mush'—> a m o k a w l 'I made manioc mush'. T h i s universal p r e f i x does not e x i s t in Gk and Co. 7.2.2. The second word formation morpheme we chose f o r c l a s s i f y i n g purposes is t h e s t i l l more universal nominalizer t h a t p h o n o l o g i c a l l y corres p o n d s to PTG ' - c a r (we simplify with regard to t h e allomorphs, s e e Jensen 1 9 8 4 : 1 0 8 - 1 0 9 ) . T h i s v e r y p r o d u c t i v e s u f f i x forms agent s u b s t a n t i v e s (nomina a g e n t i s ) c h i e f l y from v e r b a l , but also from nominal p r e d i c a t i v e roots. Its e x i s t e n c e in all studied T u p i Guarani l a n g u a g e s , apart from Wa, Em, A s X , and Jm, where we lack information, does not make t h i s s u f f i x s u i t a b l e for c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , but it shows t h e surprising morphological coherence of t h e s e lang u a g e s : Tb j u k a - s á r a 'killer', p y s y k - á r a 'the one who t a k e s hold of, c a t c h e s ' ; Mb oó a p o - á 'home c o n s t r u c t o r ' ; Ap ñ a n d e - r a k y k w é m o ñ a - á ' t h o s e who come behind us' ( s e e Nimuendaju 1 9 1 4 : 4 0 1 ) ; C h / C T w a k a - r é t a i ñ a n g a r é k o - a 'guardian of cows, cowboy', w a k a - r é t a r é r u - a ' t h e bringer of t h e cows'; Gy che-mboé-car 'my t e a c h e r ' ; Si e - r i r o - s a 'who s t e a l s , t h i e f ' ; Wa j e m o e ' a 'pupil, the one who t e a c h e s to h i m s e l f / w h o learns'; WJ m o ' e - a ' t e a c h er', p e t e - a 'who claps his hands'; Wayapi of t h e Amapari River m o ' e - a r , p e t e - a r ; Te z u k a - h á r ' k i l ler', i - a p o - h á r 'maker, c r a f t s m a n ' ; Tp c h e - m a h e - a n a

77

'my t e a c h e r ' ; Pt m b o ' e - h a r ' t e a c h e r ' ; m o ' e - t á t ' t h e one who t e a c h e s people'; n o i - h a t 'who t e a c h e s me'.

Km SM

porou-he-

7.2.3. A n o t h e r u n i v e r s a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of TupiGuarani word formation is the incorporation of nominal direct objects into the v e r b a l complex, t h a t is, between the personal prefix and t h e root. Some l a n g u a g e s h a v e inherited the old pronominal p r e f i x e s f o r 'generic n o n - h u m a n object' ( - m b a e - ) and 'generic human object' ( - p o r o - ) . Here we c h o s e t h e l a t t e r one, which is rather w i d e - s p r e a d and, t h u s , once more shows the grammatical coherence of t h i s l a n g u a g e family. But again Gk, Co, and Si are t h e d i v e r g e n t l a n g u a g e s . For s e v e r a l other l a n g u a g e s we are lacking information. Examples are: Mb aporombo'é, Ch/CT a - p o r o m b ó e 'I t e a c h people, am a t e a c h e r ' ; Gy aporopóta 'I am in l o v e with s . o . ' , l i t t e r a l l y 'I l o v e (people)'; Te a p u r u p u t á r 'I w a n t (a woman), am j e a l o u s / e n v i o u s of her'; A s X oporofeóka 'he k i l l s (people), is a killer'. N o m i n a l i z a t i o n s are, for example, Mb p o r o m b o ' é - a ' t e a c h er', Ch/CT mbaeporóu 'cannibal', Te p u r u z u k a - h á r 'killer'; Wa p o l o - á p i ai ma'é 'those who hit people b a d l y / t h e y who miss(ed) people'; A s X morokótuk 'which s t i n g s , injection'. In SM - p o t - means ' h a b i t u a l v e r b a l object' ( a - r e - p o t - a k a s á 'I used to s e e t h i n g s / p e r s o n s ' ) , whereas the form - m i i t corresponds s e m a n t i c a l l y to - p o r o - in other l a n g u a g e s : a r e - m i i t - e r ú t 'I bring (people)'. 7 . 3 . Second person object

pronouns

The same kind of incorporation is shown by t h e pronominal elements ' - o r o '2 sg p as a direct object, t h e s p e a k e r being the subject' and ' - o p o '2 pi p as a direct object, the speaker being the s u b j e c t ' . Y e t t h i s t y p e of construction does not

78

belong to word formation, but shows t h e a g g l u t i n a t i v e c h a r a c t e r of T u p i - G u a r a n i grammatical i n f l e c t i o n . The p o s s i b l e origin of t h e e x i s t i n g allomorphs of - ' o p o ( - a p e - etc., - o r o p o - etc., - p o - , - p o r o - , and - o r e - e t c . ) is c o n c l u s i v e l y e x p l a i n e d by Jensen ( 1 9 8 4 : 8 3 - 8 6 ) . T h e s e p r e f i x e s are found in all s t u d ied l a n g u a g e s , e x c e p t Gk, Si, Ub, Kb, Aw, Co, and SM. Information Is lacking for Jm, p a r t l y f o r Em C - o p o - ? ) . Examples are: Tb oropysj^k 'I/we (incl) t a k e hold of y o u (sg)', o p o p y s y k 'I/we (Incl) t a k e hold of y o u (pi)'; Kw orohexá 'I/we (Incl) s e e y o u ( s g ) ' , oropohexá 'I/we (incl) see you (pi)'; C h / C T ché ronüpa 'I beat you ( s g ) ' , ore roniipa 'we (incl) b e a t y o u ( s g ) ' , c h é / ó r e p o n ü p a 'I/we (incl) b e a t y o u (pi)'; Gy c h e / ó r e orokwáa 'I/we (incl) know y o u ( s g ) ' , c h e / ó r e opokwáa 'I/we (incl) know y o u (pi)'; WJ o r o - é s a 'I/we (Incl) met you ( s g ) ' , p o r o é s a 'I/we (Incl) met you (pi)'; Em t a - l o - p ^ h y k , t a l o - ' u 'I will grasp you, I will e a t y o u ( s g ) ' ; Tp a r a - ä r ö 'I/we (Incl) wait for you ( s g ) ' , apa-ärö 'I/we (incl) wait for you (pi)'; Km o r o - c a r ö 'I/we (Incl) waited for you ( s g ) ' , o r o - e c á k 'I / w e (incl) saw you ( s g ) ' v s o p o - e c á k 'I/we (incl) saw y o u (pi)'. In Wa we find the normal pronominal form as p r e f i x e d to the verb: ta - ne péyu; á-yo penésa 3pOPT-2pOBJ-blow Isg-come 2plOBJ-see 'I came to s e e you'; 'he m a y / s h a l l blow at y o u ' , but also olomojáuta lpSUBJ2pOBJ-CAUS-bathe-FUT 'I am going to make you b a t h e ' . It seems t h a t t h e ' - o p o - f o r m does not e x i s t in Wa. 7 . 4 . Personal

pronouns

7 , 4 . 1 . T r a d i t i o n a l pronominal forms, too, stability or i n n o v a t i v e t e n d e n c i e s of

may show languages

79

thus serving to determine groups of corresponding languages. Whereas local determiners of nouns are expressed throughout the T u p i - G u a r a n i languages by nearly uniform s u f f i x e s and confirm the basic unity of the family, one could imagine t h a t an "irregular" form like A v h e s é '3 p + - r e h é 'on him, to him, by him' would not be inherited in all l a n guages. The form was r - e s é in Tb and had a 3 p form s - e s é , which developed to h e s é and the like in other languages, where it became independent from the t - , r - , h - alternation, because the local determiner, as an old a t t r i b u t i v e form (see above 5 . 2 . ) , was —re(hé) in any case. Surprisingly enough, h e s e (and corresponding forms) is unknown only in Gk, Em, A s X , Co, and, probably, SM. In the other languages we find, for example, Mb eché, A p / K b / Tp eé, X t héche. Old Guaraní and Kw hesé, Ch hése, C T / A s T / P t h é - he, Gy céce. Si diése, WJ ée, Wa t a - m á é ee aipa 'OPTlp s g - l o o k - a f t e r h i m - I ' , 'I will look a f t e r him'; Te/Km hehé. 7 . 4 . 2 . The local determiners ' c - u p e 'to, for' and ' c u i 'from, o f were originally nouns which could be prefixed by personal markers and then changed [c] to l?I when preceded by the 3 p marker / i - / . When the nouns had become local s u f f i x e s , i n d e pendent of initial alternations, 3 p forms with a then unmotivated ' / ? / , could h a v e been maintained as synchronically "irregular" forms of 3 p pronouns determined by these local s u f f i x e s : Tb ixupé 'to him/her/them', i x u i 'from h i m / h e r / t h e m ' ; Mb/Ap ichupé, ichugwí; Kw íxupe, íxugwi; Ch chúpe, c h ú gwi; Gy c h ú p e , íchui; Em idjúpe (not 'idííúpe, which would be the normal result of / j / ) ; AsT ichópe, ichóhi; Te izupé, izwí; Tp ichopé, ichowí. The forms were not found in Gk, Si, A s X , Ub, Ft, Jm, Kb, Aw, and SM. Some languages only h a v e forms t h a t correspond to ' i c h u p e ( Wa/WJ i j - ú p e ,

80

Km i j - u p é , Co cupe), but not to ' i c h u i ( 0 . 5 p o i n t s in t h e m a t r i x ) . T h e corresponding phonological rule, as described in 3 . 4 . 2 . , was not confirmed in Amazonian l a n g u a g e s , with t h e exception of WJ. The phenomenon studied in t h i s paragraph is l i t t l e more widespread in t h a t area, but includes at l e a s t Te, Gj, Tp, and, though p a r t i a l l y , Wa, WJ, Jm, and Co. 7 . 4 . 3 . T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e s , which o r i g i n a l l y did not h a v e a 3 p p e r s o n a l pronoun, compensated t h e gap by using t h e d e m o n s t r a t i v e 'a'e. This has p r e s e r v e d - i t s d e m o n s t r a t i v e v a l u e in some l a n g u a ges or is used for t h i n g s only (neuter f u n c t i o n ) , so in Ap, Em, and A s T (half a point in the matrix for " e x i s t e n c e of ' a ' e as a 3 p personal p r o n o u n " ) . The form h a s not been maintained in Gk, Wa, WJ, Pt, Aw, and SM, and is replaced by qa, a ^ a , ga, and t h e like, an i n n o v a t i o n unknown in Southern languages, i n c l u s i v e Ch/CT, Gy, Si, e x c e p t Gk, which h a s go (compare A s T góa 'people', c o r r e s ponding to the d e m o n s t r a t i v e ko in other l a n g u a g e s , both ± in t h e matrix f o r the criterion " o a " ) , whereas A s X h a s g a - as a 3 p marker f o r r e l a t i o n al s u f f i x e s ( g a - h i 'from him') and á ' e as t h e 3 p pronoun, which does not occur with s u f f i x e s . Tp h a s ä h e i n s t e a d of ' a ' e , which is a traditional form ( s e e Tb a h e ) , but ä h e always h a s a number marker, which is - 9 a for 'sg' and - r j e Z - ^ y for 'pi' ( á h é ^ á ' h e / s h e ' , ahSgV ' t h e y ' . A s - ^ a is a c o n s t i t u e n t of Tp pronouns, we rate it ± T p f o r " o a " , the same as Wa, which h a s awl, and WJ, with ä and awi. SM d o e s not h a v e a n y of t h e s e pronominal forms. Whereas " a ' e is r a t h e r a widespread pronoun, forms corresponding to 9 a can be found c h i e f l y in t h e Amazonian area.

81

7 . 5 . Sex marking The l a s t two criteria r e f e r to t h e i n n o v a t i o n of s e x marking. There are two kinds of s e x marking in T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e s , one of p e r s o n a l p r o n o u n s and one of the whole speech. So we f i n d e i t h e r a d i s t i n c t i o n between male and f e m a l e 3 p pronouns or a general d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n b e t w e e n male and female speech in pronouns, person markers, and other linguistic elements. The forms are n o t t h e t r a d i t i o n a l ones, b e c a u s e this is not a t r a d i tional c a t e g o r y in T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e s , and c a n n o t be studied here in detail. Sex marking o c curs o n l y in Amazonian l a n g u a g e s . It is o b l i g a t o r y in 3 p pronouns in Pt and Jm ( " s m " in t h e m a t r i x ) . Male and female speech ( " M / F " ) is a c a t e g o r y of Tp, Kb, Aw, and Co. In Te we find a r e f l e x of t h e t r a d i t i o n a l m a l e / f e m a l e speech d i s t i n c t i o n of T u p i Guarani l a n g u a g e s in a s s e r t i v e p a r t i c l e s ( e h e - m i a ' y e s ! , female speaking'; e h e - p a ' y e s ! , male s p e a k ing'). 7 . 6 . Matrix of

comparison

In t h e following matrix we use t h e s e

abbreviations:

uka: " E x i s t e n c e of the f a c t i t i v e v o i c e " ( s e e 7 . 1 . 1 . ) ro: " E x i s t e n c e of the f a c t i t i v e s o c i a t i v e v o i c e " (see 7.1.2.) mo: " E x i s t e n c e of ' - m o - as a word formation p r e fix" (7.2.1.) car: " E x i s t e n c e of ' - c a r as a word formation s u f f i x (7.2.2.) p o r o : " E x i s t e n c e o f - p o r o - as a generic human o b ject" (7.2.3.) oro: " E x i s t e n c e of ' - o r o - as a 2 p sg pronominal object" (7.3.)

82

opo:

" E x i s t e n c e of ' - o p o - as a 2 p pl pronominal object" ( 7 . 3 . ) " E x i s t e n c e of * s - e s é > h e s é e t c . " ( s e e 7 . 4 . 1 . ) hs: 'i-cui" ixu: " E x i s t e n c e of ( i ) x u - etc. < ' i - c u p e , (see 7 . 4 . 2 . ) a ' e : " E x i s t e n c e of a 3 p pronoun ' a ' e " ( s e e 7 . 4 . 3 . ) " E x i s t e n c e of a 3 p pronoun b a s e d on g a etc. 13a: (see 7 . 4 . 3 . ) sm: " S e x mark ng in 3 p p r o n o u n s " ( s e e 7 . 5 . ) SM: "Differen iation between male and female speech" ( .4.4.)

uka Tb + Av + Ap + Mb + Kw + Gk ± Ch/CT+ Gy + + Si

0 .mo c r po 0 o 0 opo hs ixu a ' e

± +

+

+ +

Tp Kb Pt Jm Km Co Aw SM

-

-

-

_

_

_

-

-

-

-

-

^ ±

-

± ±

-

-

-

-

+ + +

Va WJ Em 7 AsT + AsX + Te

Gj Ub

9a sm SH

+ ± +

-

-

+

+ + + + + +

-

+ +

+

?

+

+ +

± -

7 7

+ +

7

±

+

-

+ +

83

8.

RESULTS OF GRAMMATICAL LOGICAL COMPARISON

AND

MORPHO-

8 . 1 . Counting t h e agreements between all m o r p h ological and grammatical criteria for each l a n g u a g e we will g e t t h e rate of the corresponding c o h e r e n ce of T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e s . This time we g a v e one point f o r each f u l f i l m e n t of the criterion, h a l f a point f o r partial f u l f i l m e n t ( ± v s + or - ) , 0 . 3 p o i n t s for a remote r e f l e x v s + ) , 0 . 7 points f o r ^ v s - , and 0 . 8 points w h e n e v e r ± and ^ had to be compared. D i f f e r e n c e s up to 0 . 2 points are not a l w a y s l i s t e d s e p a r a t e l y , in order to reduce as much as p o s s i b l e the e x t e n t of the following t a bles. The p o s s i b l e maximum rate would be 39 p o i n t s , whereas the a c t u a l h i g h e s t r a t e is 3 7 . 5 p o i n t s (between A v and Kw), which is near g r a m matical i d e n t i t y . The figures f o r Em, Aw, SM, and, to some e x t e n t , Wa and Jm may only be compared with o t h e r s using extreme care, as t h e y are g e n e r a l l y lower on account of t h e lack of information for s e v e r a l criteria. The lowest moderate r a t e s are found in Gk and Co, and Si and Ub also show s u b average rates.

84

Tupinaabá 35.5 35 34.5 33.8 33.5

Km Av Kw/Gy Gj Te

32 A p / H b / T p / P t 3 1 . 5 AsT

30

Avañe'é 3 7 . 5 Kw 3 6 . 5 Gy 35 Tb/Mb 3 4 . 5 Km 34 Ap/Te 33 32.5 32

Ch/CT Gj AsT

31

Tp

29

Pt

Gj

2 8 . 5 Ch/CT 28 WJ 2 7 . 5 Wa 27 Kb

28 WJ 2 7 . 5 Wa

Apapocuva

35 34.5 34 33.5

Mb Km Av Kw

3 2 . 5 Gy 32 Tb 31 Te 3 0 . 5 Gj 30 AsT/Km 29 Ch/CT/Tp

2 7 . 5 Pt 27 WJ 2 6 . 5 Wa

2 5 . 8 Em 2 4 . 5 AsX 24 Kb 2 3 . 5 Em/Ub 2 2 . 5 AsX 2 1 . 5 Ub 2 0 . 5 Jm 20 Si

2 1 . 5 AsX/Kb 2 1 . 2 Em 20.5

Si

19

Jm

18 Co 1 7 . 8 Gk 1 7 . 5 SM

1 5 . 5 Gk 1 3 . 5 Aw

16.5 16 15.5 11.5

SM Co Gk Aw

19.5

17.5 17 16.5 15 12

Si/Ub

Jm SM Gk Co Aw

85

Mbyá

Kaiwá 3 7 . 5 Av 36

Gy

35 34.5

Av/Ap Kw/Gy

35 Km 3 4 . 5 Tb/Mb

33

AsT

3 3 . 5 Ap/Te 3 2 . 8 AsT

32 Tb 3 1 . 5 Km 31 Te

29.5 29 28 27.7 27 25.5

Gj Ch/CT Tp/WJ Wa Pt AsX/Kb

3 1 . 8 Gj 3 1 . 5 Ch/CT 3 1 . 3 Tp 3 0 . 3 Pt 2 9 . 3 WJ 2 8 . 7 Wa 2 7 . 8 AsX

26 Kb 2 4 . 6 Em 23

Ub

2 2 . 3 Em 2 1 . 5 Si 21 Ub 20 Si 1 9 . 8 Jm 1 7 . 5 SM 17

Co

16

Gk/Jm

12

Aw

86

Guayakí

17 Gk 1 6 . 5 SM 1 4 . 5 Co 1 2 . 5 Aw

2 9 . 3 Co

25

Si

23 Ub 2 2 . 5 CT 2 1 . 5 SM 20 AsX 1 9 . 5 Aw 1 8 . 5 WJ 1 7 . 8 T b / 1 8 Km 1 7 . 5 Ch/AsT/Kb 17 Kw/Gy 1 6 . 5 Av/Te/Wa/Em/Pt 16 Hb/Gj 1 5 . 5 Ap 1 3 . 5 T p / 1 1 . 5 Jm

Chiriguano

3 3 . 5 Gy 33 Av

Guarayo 3 6 . 5 Av 36 Kw 3 4 . 5 Tb/Mb 3 3 . 5 Ch/CT

Siriono

3 2 . 5 Ap/Km 3 1 . 5 Kw/Km 3 0 . 3 Gj 30 Te 29 Ap/Mb/AsT 2 8 . 5 Tb 27 25

3 1 . 7 Te 3 1 . 5 AsT

28.5 28.3

WJ/Tp Gj/Pt

Wa/WJ Tp/Pt

24 Si 2 3 . 5 Ub 2 2 . 5 AsX

2 6 . 2 Wa 25 AsX

2 3 . 5 Kb 2 2 . 5 Em 22 Si 2 1 . 5 Ub

2 0 . 8 Em 2 0 . 5 Av/Kb

19

Kb

1 7 . 5 Gk 17 Co 1 5 . 5 Jm 1 2 . 5 SM 9.5 Aw

19

Jm

2 6 . 5 Co 26 Ub 25 Gk 24 Ch/CT/Km 2 3 . 5 WJ 22 Gy/Wa 2 1 . 5 Mb 21 AsT/AsX/Te 2 0 . 5 Av 20 Tb/Kw 1 9 . 5 Ap/Kb 1 9 . 3 Gj 1 8 . 3 SM 18 Pt

1 7 . 5 Co 17 Gk/SM 1 6 . 5 Em/Aw 1 5 . 5 Tp 1 4 . 5 Jm 12

Aw

87

Wayäpi 3 6 . 8 WJ

30 29.5 29.2 28.7 28.3 27.7 27.5 27 26.5 26.2

Pt Gj/Km T e / 2 9 AsT Kw Em Mb Tb/Av Ch/CT/Tp Ap/AsX Gy

2 4 . 5 Ub

Wayäpi J a r i 3 6 . 8 Wa

3 1 . 5 AsT/Km 31 Gj 3 0 . 8 Pt 3 0 . 3 Kw 2 9 . 5 Gy/Te 29 Tb/Av/Mb

28

Ap/Ch/CT

27

Em/AsX/Tp

Asurini 33 32.5 32 31.5 31 30.5 30 29

Trocará

Mb Kw Av Tb/Gy/Te Gj/Km WJ Ap/Tp Ch/CT/Pt/Wa

2 7 . 5 AsX 2 6 . 5 Kb

24.5

Si/Kb

2 4 . 7 Em 24 Ub

2 3 . 5 Ub 22

Si 21

Si

2 0 . 7 Kb 1 9 . 2 Jm 1 8 . 5 SM 17 Co 1 6 . 5 Gk 1 5 . 5 Aw

88

1 8 . 5 Gk/SM 1 7 . 8 Jm 17 Co 1 4 . 5 Aw

18 SM 1 7 . 5 Gk/Jm 16 Co 1 3 . 5 Aw

A s u r i n i Xingu

Eiérillon

Tembé 34 33.5 33.2 32.7 31.7 31.5 31 30.2 30 29.5 29.2

28 WJ 2 7 . 8 Kw 2 7 . 5 AsT 26.5 25.5 25 24.5 23.8

Wa Mb/üb/Km Gy Tb/Av Te/Pt

23 Tp 2 2 . 5 Ch/CT/Em 2 2 . 2 Gj 2 1 . 5 Ap/Kb 21 Si

14

Aw

Gj Gy AsT Ap/Mb Tp Ch/CT Pt/WJ Wa

2 8 . 3 Wa

27 26.6 25.8 24.6 24.3 24 23.5 23.3 22.5 22.3 22 21.6 21.2 20.8

WJ/Pt Wa Tb Kw/AsT Km Gj Av Te Gy/AsX Mb Kb Tp Ap Ch/CT

20 Gk 19 SM 1 8 . 5 Co 1 7 . 3 Jm

Av Tb/Kw Km

2 5 . 4 Kb

23.8

2 3 . 3 Em 2 2 . 5 Si

20

18.1 17.5 16.9 16.5 14.5

Ub SM Jm Gk/Si C o / 1 4 Aw

AsX

Ub

1 8 . 6 Co 1 7 . 9 Jm

1 6 . 5 Gk/SM 15 Aw

89

Guajajara

Urubú

Tapirapé

3 2 . 7 Te 3 2 . 5 Av 3 1 . 8 Kw 31 30.5 30 29.8 29.5 28.7 28.3

24

AsT/Km Ap/Ch/CT Tb/WJ Tp Mb/Wa Pt Gy

Em

2 3 . 2 Kb 2 2 . 2 AsX 2 0 . 2 Ub 1 9 . 3 Si 1 8 . 7 Jm

16

Gk/SM

14

Co/Aw

90

32 Tb 3 1 . 3 Kw 31 Av/Pt 3 0 . 2 Te 30 AsT/Kb 2 9 . 8 Gj

26 25.5 24.5 24 23.5 23 21.5 21 20.2 20 19.5 18.8 18.5 18.3 18.1 16.5

29 28. 28 27. 27 26

Ap Gy Mb Km Wa WJ

Si AsX Wa/WJ 25 Ch/CT AsT Av/Ch/CT/Co Kw/Gk/Km 23 AsX Tb/Gy 2 1 . 6 Em Mb/Kb Gj Te Ap/Tp Pt SM Jm Em Aw

1 9 . 5 Ub/Jm

16 Co 15. 5 Si 1 4 . 5 SM 1 3 . 5 Gk/Aw

Parintintin

32 31

Tb Tp

30.3 30 29.4 29 28.7 28.3 27.5 27

Kw/Km W a / 2 9 . 8 WJ Te Av/AsT/Kb

25

Kayabi

Kamayurá 3 5 . 5 Tb 35 Kw 3 4 . 5 Av/Ap 3 3 . 2 Te 3 2 . 5 Gy 3 1 . 5 Mb/Ch/CT/WJ 31 AsT/Gj 3 0 . 3 Pt 2 9 . 5 Wa

30

Tp

29

Pt

27 26.5 26 25.5

Tb AsT Kw/Km Mb/Te

24.5 24 23.5 23.2 22 21.5 21 20.7 20.5 19.5 19 18.5 17.5

VJ Av Gy Gj Em Ap/AsX Ub Wa Si SM Ch/CT/Co Gk/Aw Jm

2 4 . 3 Em 24 Si

14

Em

1 1 . 5 Aw

Gj Gy Ap Mb/Em

2 7 . 5 Tp

26 Kb 2 5 . 5 AsX

Ch/CT/Jm

2 3 . 8 AsX

1 8 . 8 Ub 18 Si 1 6 . 5 Gk/SM 1 5 . 5 Aw 1 3 . 6 Co

23

Ub

1 9 . 5 SM 1 8 . 7 Jm 1 8 . 5 Co 18 Gk

91

Cocama

29.3

Gk

26.5

Si

Awe t í

Juna

25

Pt

20.5 19.8 19.5 19.2 19 18.7 18.3 17.8 17.5 17.3 16.9 16 15.5

Tb Kw

2 3 . 5 Ub 20.3

SM 1 9 . 5 Gk

Kb/Avf 19 Te AsX/Km 18.5 Tb 18 Gy/WJ Mb/Ch/CT/Wa 16.5 16 Av/AsT/Tp 15.5 15 14.9 Ap 1 4 . 5 Kw/Em 14.5 14 14 Gj 1 3 . 6 Pt 13.5 13 Jm 12.5 12 11.5 19 18.6 18.5 18 17.5 17

9.5

92

Co Kb SM

Si/Ub

Tp Wa Av/Gy Gj/Kra Ub WJ/Te Ap/AsT/Kb AsX Em Mb Ch/CT

Pt/Wa Te WJ 1 4 . 5 Si Em/AsX Tb/AsT/Gj/Tp 13 Co Kw/Jm 1 2 . 5 Aw Ap/Mb/Gy Av/Km 1 1 . 5 Gk

Ch/CT

8 . 5 SM

Sateré-Mawé

2 1 . 5 Gk 2 0 . 3 Co 19.5 19 18.5 18.3 18 17.5 17

Kb/Km AsX WJ/Ub/Wa Si AsT/Aw Tb/Mb/Em Gy

16.5 16

Av/Kw/Te/Pt Gj

1 4 . 5 Tp

1 2 . 5 Ch/CT 12 Ap

8 . 5 Jm

8 . 2 . 1 . The comparison of morphological and g r a m matical f e a t u r e s shows l e s s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n b e t w e e n Southern and Northern (Amazonian) l a n g u a g e s t h a n in t h e phonic field. But once again ( s e e 4 . 2 . ) we

93

can s e e a clear c o n t r a s t b e t w e e n high r a t e , m o d e r a t e r a t e , and low r a t e l a n g u a g e s . High r a t e s mean a high degree of grammatical similarity and a c l e a r p o l a r i t y to l a n g u a g e s of lower ranks, w h e r e a s low r a t e s e x p r e s s considerable morphological d i v e r s i t y not o n l y from high r a t e l a n g u a g e s , but a l s o from o t h e r low r a t e l a n g u a g e s . Low rates, as are shown by Gk and Co, do not imply similarity b e t w e e n t h e s e l a n g u a g e s , but an i n d i v i d u a l aberrant b e h a v ior in grammar and s y n t a x . It is true t h a t Gk and Co show a r a t h e r high rate of 2 9 . 3 points b e t w e e n one another, but t h e majority of t h e r a t e s are from 2 0 downwards. The single high rate must be e x p l a i n e d by t h e high number of n e g a t i v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s both l a n g u a g e s show with regard to o t h e r l a n g u a g e s , so t h a t 2 9 . 3 points are t h e r a t e of n e g a t i v e similarity. Moderate rate l a n g u a g e s are d e f i n e d as t h o s e which do not show higher r a t e s of similarity t h a n 2 6 to 2 8 p o i n t s and t h u s are not polarized to high r a t e l a n g u a g e s , but may be r e garded as l e s s marked T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e s in t h e grammatical f i e l d . It is i n t e r e s t i n g to n o t e t h a t t h e polarized c h a r a c t e r of high r a t e l a n g u a g e s is a l s o marked g e n e r a l l y b y at l e a s t one gap in t h e descending numerical order of t h e r a t e s , so t h a t t h e r e may be a block of high r a t e s s e p a r a t e d by a gap from a n o t h e r block of low r a t e s ( s e e A v , Ap, or T e ) or b y an irregular column of low f i g u r e s (see t h e c a s e of Kw, which h a s a block of high r a t e s b e t w e e n 3 7 . 5 and 3 0 . 3 and then a column with many gaps b e tween 2 7 . 8 and 1 2 . 5 ) . On t h e other hand, moderate r a t e l a n g u a g e s , like Ub and Kb, do not show t h e s e t y p e s of g a p s , which i n d i c a t e s some grammatical d e f i c i e n c i e s in comparison with t r a d i t i o n a l , cons e r v a t i v e l a n g u a g e s and, b y t h i s , a t e n d e n c y t o wards or a link with low rate l a n g u a g e s .

94

8 . 2 . 2 . A s a r e s u l t of morphological and grammatical comparison we h a v e a grouping of this kind: I) T b , A v , Ap, Mb, Kw. Ch/CT, Gy, Wa, WJ, A s T , Te, Gj, Tp, Pt. and Km are more or l e s s high r a t e l a n g u a g e s which show a considerable similarity. G e n e r a l l y , t h e coherence b e t w e e n Southern l a n g u a ges is s l i g h t l y c l o s e r t h a n b e t w e e n Northern l a n g u a g e s , as we can s e e in t h e c a s e of Te, A s T , or Km, where t h e h i g h e s t r a t e s are t h o s e of t h e comparison with Southern l a n g u a g e s , though the grammatical similarity b e t w e e n high r a t e Northern l a n g u a g e s is n o t f a r from t h a t between Southern and Northern high rate l a n g u a g e s . On t h e other hand, Gk and Co are a l w a y s a t or near t h e end of t h e s c a l e . Within this group t h e r e is a graduation that goes from extreme l a n g u a g e s , like Kaiwá, A v a ñ e ' é , Guarayo, and Tupinambá, to l e s s c o n s e r v a t i v e ones, as for example t h e Chiriguano complex with a majority of r a t e s between 3 1 . 5 and 27 p o i n t s , but with two closer c o g n a t e s (Gy with 3 3 . 5 and A v with 3 3 p o i n t s ) . Wa and WJ are v e r y close to e a c h other, but keep a remarkable d i s t a n c e to t h e i r n e x t c o g n a t e s ( A s T and Km with 3 1 . 5 points f o r WJ and Pt with 3 0 points f o r Wa). II) Si, Em, A s X , Ub, Kb, and Jm are f a r from forming a homogeneous group, but t h e y all show lower a v e r a g e r a t e s than t h e f i r s t group. Asurini of t h e X i n g u River seems to be less s t a b l e and c o n s e r v a t i v e in traditional T u p i - G u a r a n i grammar t h a n i t s d i a l e c t of Trocará, with which it s h a r e s e s p e c i a l l y the lexicon and t h e phonic s h a p e . E v e n in t h i s group, at the end of t h e s c a l e , we f i n d Gk and Co, and Si is not much higher. Emérillon is n o t a t t h e maximum of its p o s s i b l e r a t e s , but this is due to t h e lack of information in s e v e r a l c a s e s . In grammatical r e s p e c t s this l a n g u a g e is r e l a t i v e l y

95

c l o s e to Wa, Pt, and WJ, and is a l s o to Tb, Kw, A s T , Km, and Gj. Kayabi is at t h e top of t h e ranking in t h i s group, b e c a u s e it shows a maximum of 3 0 and 2 9 points, but most of its r a t e s are b e t ween 2 7 and 18 points. Kayabi shows a c l e a r t e n d e n c y towards Amazonian l a n g u a g e s . Urubú and Siriono are two peculiar l a n g u a g e s , but not p o s i t i v e l y similar to one another. T h e y both show a small group of r a t e s over 2 5 points, but t h e m a j o r i t y is between 2 4 and 18. A c t u a l l y , Juma m u s t be put in t h i s group, though it seems t h a t t h i s r e s u l t is mainly due to the lack of information a b o u t i t s grammatical shape; but all we know l e a d s us to presume t h a t Juma is not o n l y c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to Parintintin, but to t h e c o n s e r v a t i v e high r a t e l a n g u a g e s in general. Ill) Gk, Co, Aw, and SM are to be considered as low rate l a n g u a g e s , though n o t for t h e same r e a sons. Gk, Si, and Co are at the bottom of t h e s c a l e . The low rates of Aw and SM are p a r t l y due to lack of information. The c l o s e s t r e l a t i o n s h i p of Aw seems to be with Gk and Co and, in t h e c a s e of SM, with Km, A s X , and Kb. Of course, t h e s e are only n e g a t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p s , which means t h a t t h e s e l a n g u a g e s h a v e only v e r y few common g r a m matical c a t e g o r i e s and morphemes, but are similar in many c a s e s regarding t h e lack of grammatical c a t e g o r i e s and morphemes. A s argued by A. D. R o drigues ( 1 9 8 4 / 8 5 : 3 5 , 1 9 8 6 : 4 1 - 4 6 ) , t h e s e l a n g u a g e s belong to the Tupl stock, which i n c l u d e s s e v e r a l l a n g u a g e families, one of which is t h e T u p i - G u a r a n i f a m i l y , to which, however t h e y c e r t a i n l y do not belong. Guayaki and Cocama should be on t h e v e r y periphery of t h e T u p i - G u a r a n i f a m i l y b e c a u s e of t h e common lexicon. A c t u a l l y t h e y do not s h a r e more common grammatical morphemes with TupiGuarani l a n g u a g e s than do Aweti and S a t e r é - M a w é ,

96

as f a r as we can s e e . In t h e case of Guayaki and Cocama, t h i s is perhaps a r e s u l t of strong s u b s t r a t e I n f l u e n c e s . Slriono, too, must h a v e been formed by such foreign I n f l u e n c e s , but i t s g r a m matical shape is c l e a r l y t h a t of a T u p l - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e . Slriono s h a r e s 1 2 . 5 p o s i t i v e morphemes with c o n s e r v a t i v e T u p l - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e s whereas Guayaki and Cocama h a v e only 5 . 5 . , Aweti 5, and S a t e r é - M a w é 6 . 5 . However, it is important to p r o v e t h a t e v e n members of other other f a m i l i e s of the Tupí s t o c k share a few basic grammatical c a t e g o ries and morphemes with T u p l - G u a r a n i , which we argue to be inherited from t h e p r o t o - l a n g u a g e or the proto-languages.

97

8 . 2 . 3 . Simplifying and s y s t e m a t i z i n g t h e logical ranking we come to t h e following of T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e s : Iii = c o n s e r v a t i v e

morphogrouping

languages

AsX Em Hb

1

Ap Kw

I

Gy Av - Tb •CT/Ch

•Wa AsT I WJ Te-Gj Pt Km

a x i s of logical tism

iEliii Ub

morphoconserva-

Si

II Jm

III

Gk

Aw

-

Co

SM

A s t h e majority of the l a n g u a g e s belongs to the f i r s t group we arrange them around an a x i s of morphological conservatism. Moving upwards as well as downwards from t h i s a x i s means an i n creasing i n n o v a t o r y character, which is e m p h a s ized in the second and s t i l l more in t h e third group. On t h e other hand, moving from l e f t to

98

r i g h t we n o t i c e an increasing d i s t a n c e from S o u t h ern grammatical shape and a l e s s t r a d i t i o n a l m o r p h o l o g y , which c h a r a c t e r i z e s e s p e c i a l l y some A m a zonian languages. T h e c o n f i g u r a t i o n of grammatical and morphological r e l a t i o n s is similar to t h e phonetical and p h o n o l o g ical one in t h e c a s e of Kaiwá and A v a ñ e ' e , A p a p o c u v a and Mbyá, both kinds of Chiriguano, both kinds of Wayapi, and of Tembé and Guajajara. Grammatical coherence between Kamayurá and Southern l a n g u a g e s is closer t h a n in t h e phonic f i e l d , where only Parintintin and Juma h a v e l o t s of " S o u t h e r n " c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . On t h e whole, it is s u r prising to s e e t h a t so many Amazonian l a n g u a g e s (Km, Te, Gj, A s T , WJ, Tp) are most c o n s e r v a t i v e with regard to t r a d i t i o n a l T u p i - G u a r a n i morphology. Siriono and Urubú, which are s i t u a t e d at d i f f e r e n t p l a c e s b e t w e e n Southern and Amazonian l a n g u a g e s in t h e phonic ranking, are o b v i o u s l y l e s s c o n s e r v a t i v e in the grammatical field. Their p e c u l i a r i t y lies in an equal d i s t a n c e from c l e a r l y Southern, A m a z o n i a n , and c o n s e r v a t i v e l a n g u a g e s . On t h e o t h e r hand, Kayabi is c l e a r l y Amazonian, but r a t h e r an i n n o v a t o r y l a n g u a g e . The low f i g u r e s of Juma and Emérillon may be explained by the lack of d a t a in some c a s e s .

9.

RESULTS OF COMBINED PHONOLOGICAL AND MORPHOLOGICAL COMPARISON

9 . 1 . Combining the r e s u l t s of phonic and g r a m m a t i cal comparisons we will get t h e following r a t e s of s i m i l a r i t y (for X t , Ps, and Cn see the r e s u l t s of phonic comparison in c h a p t e r s 4 . 3 . and 4 . 4 . ) :

99

Tupinambá 66 65

Kw Av

62

Gy

59

Pt

Avañe'e 7 2 . 5 Kw 65

Apapocuva

Tb 63

5 7 . 5 Ap 5 6 . 5 Km 5 4 . 5 Mb/Te 54 CT 52

6 1 . 5 CT 6 0 . 5 Ap 58.5 57.5 56 54.5 54 53

Mb/Te Ch Pt Km

51

WJ/Ub/Tp

Gj AsT

6 0 . 5 Av/Kw 60 Gy 5 7 . 5 Tb 55

CT/Pt

5 2 . 5 Te/Km

Ch

5 0 . 5 AsT 50 WJ 4 9 . 5 Wa/Tp/Kb

45 Ub/Jm 4 4 . 8 Em 42.5

Si/AsX

41

SM

36

Gk/Aw

33

Co

( 1 8 . 5 Cn) (17 Ps) (14.5 xt)

51 Ch 5 0 . 5 WJ 50 AsT/Tp

4 9 . 5 Wa

4 7 . 5 Gj

100

Mb

4 7 . 5 Gj 4 6 . 5 Wa 45.5 44 43.5 42.5 42

32.5 32 31.5 (22.5 (18.5 (17.5

Jm AsX Em Kb Si

Gk Aw/SM Co Ps) Cn) Xt)

4 3 . 5 Kb 4 2 . 7 Em 41 40 39.5 36.5 36 34.5

(24 (20 (18

Jm Gk Si/AsX, SM Aw Co

Cn) Ps) Xt)

Mbyá

63

Kaiwá 7 2 . 5 Av

Ap

6 0 . 5 Gy 58.5 58

Av/Kw AsT

54.5 54 53.5 52 51 50.2 48.5 48 46.5

Tb/Pt Tp/Km WJ CT Te/Gj Wa Kb AsX Ch

4 4 . 8 Em

42 Ub 4 1 . 5 Gk 4 0 . 5 Jm

66

Tb

63 61.8 61.5 60.5 59.5 58.5 58 57.5

Gy Pt CT Ap Ch Mb Km Te

Guayakí

5 3 . 8 AsT 5 2 . 8 WJ/Wa 5 1 . 8 Gj 5 0 . 8 Tp 5 0 . 3 Co

47 Ub 4 5 . 8 AsX/Jm 4 4 . 5 Kb 4 4 . 1 Em

42

Si

4 5 . 5 Ub 44 CT/Aw 4 3 . 5 Si 4 2 . 5 AsX 4 1 . 5 Mb/WJ 41 Kb 40 Ch 39 Ap 3 9 . 3 Km 3 8 . 5 Wa/Te 38 Tp 3 7 . 5 Em 37 Gy/SM 3 6 . 3 Tb

101

Mbyá 3 5 . 5 Co

Raiwá

Guayakí 35.5 AsT 35 Gj/Pt 3 4 . 5 Kw 3 3 . 5 Av

3 4 . 5 Gk 33 SM 32 SM Aw 31 (25 Cn) (24 Xt) ( 1 7 . 5 Ps)

Chiriguano-Ava 6 6 . 5 CT

32.5 28.5 (22.5 (18.5

Aw Co Ps) Cn/18

Xt)

31 (25.5 (24.5 (23

Jm Xt) Cn) Ps)

C h i r i g u a n o - T a p y i Guarayo 6 6 . 5 Ch 63 6 1 . 5 Av/Kw

59.5

Kw

58

Av

55.5 55 54.3 53.5 53

Gy Km

52 51.5 51 50.5

Tb Wa Ap Ub

49.5 48 47.5 46.5 46

AsT/Pt Si Mb Em

5 8 . 5 Gy

102

Gj WJ Te

Tp

56 55 54 53.5 52.8 52.5 52 51.5 51

Km Ap/WJ Tb Pt Gj Te Mb Wa AsT

50

Ub

47 Si 4 6 . 5 Tp 4 5 . 5 AsX

Av/Kw Tb 6 0 . 5 Mb 60 Ap 5 8 . 5 CT

62

5 5 . 5 Ch/Pt 55 Km 5 3 . 7 Te WJ 53 5 2 . 5 AsT

4 9 . 7 Wa 4 9 . 5 Tp

4 6 . 8 Gj 46 Em/AsX

Chiriguano-Ava 45 AsX

40

Gk

Chiriguano-Tapyi

Guarayo

43

43 Ub 4 2 . 5 Kb 42 Si 4 0 . 5 Jm

Jm

4 0 . 5 Kb 39 Gk

3 8 . 5 Jm 38 Kb 37 SM 3 6 . 5 SM 36

Co

37 Gk 3 6 . 5 SM 36 Co

3 4 . 5 Co 34

Aw

( 2 8 . 5 Ps) 2 5 . 5 Aw (25 Xt) (20 Cn)

2 7 . 5 Aw ( 2 6 . 5 Ps) (24 Xt) ( 2 1 . 5 Cn)

Siriono

Wayäpi 6 7 . 8 WJ

Wayäpi J a r i 6 7 . 8 Wa

5 5 . 5 Km

60 58.5 56.8 56 55 54.8 54.5 54 53.5

AsT Km Pt CT/Gj Tp Kw Mb/Ch/Te Gy/Em AsX

52

Av

5 3 . 5 AsT 5 2 . 5 Gj 5 2 . 3 Em 52 AsX/Tp/Pt

(25 (23.5 (21

Cn) Ps) Xt)

103

SirioDO

48 47 46 45

Wayäpi 5 1 . 5 Ch/CT 5 1 . 2 Te 5 0 . 7 Kw 5 0 . 2 Kb/Hb/Ub 4 9 . 5 Tb/Av/Gy 4 8 . 5 Ap

Ch/Wa/WJ/Ub 48 Si CT Co 4 5 . 7 Jm Gk

Wayäpi J a r i 5 1 . 5 Ap 51 Tb/Kb

50

Ub

48

Si

4 3 . 3 Jm 4 2 . 5 Tb 42 Av/Kw/Gy

4 2 . 5 SM 4 1 . 5 Gk 41

40.5 40 39.5 38.5 38 37.5

Mb/Kb Km Ap Aw AsX/Pt Em

36.5 35.8 35.5 35.3 35

AsT Gj Te SM Jm

Aw

3 8 . 5 Gk

37

3 8 . 5 SM

Co 36

Co

3 4 . 5 Aw

3 1 . 5 Tp

(23.5 (19.5

104

Ps) Xt/Cn)

(26 Ps) ( 2 5 . 5 Cn) ( 1 9 . 5 Xt)

(27.5 (25.5

Cn) Xt/Ps)

Emérillon

54.2 54 53 52.3 51 50.8 50.6 50

AsT WJ

47.1 46.3 46 44.8 44.3 44.1 43.5 42.6 41

Tp Ch/Kb Gy Tb/Mb CT Kw Av Ap/Ub Jm/SM

Gj Km Pt Te Va AsX

Asurini Troc. 60 59 58.5 58 57.5 56.5 54.2 53.5 53 52.5

Gj WJ/Te/Tp AsX Mb Pt Km Em Kw/Wa Av

51 50.5 50 49.5

CT Tb/Kb Ap Ch

45

Gy

Ub

4 2 . 5 Jm 39.5

SM

36.5 35.5 34.5 30.5

Si Gk Co Aw

3 8 . 5 Aw 37.5 Gk/Si/Co

( 3 1 . 5 Cn) (26 Ps) ( 2 3 . 5 Xt)

(27 Ps) (26 Cn) ( 2 1 . 5 Xt)

A s u r i n i Xingu

5 8 . 5 AsT

54

WJ

53 52 51.8 51 50.7 50

Km Wa Te

48.3 48 46.8 45.5 45 44.5 44 43.5 42.5

Pt Mb Kw/46 CT Tb/44 Ch/Gy Av SM Gk

Tp Gj/Ub Em

3 9 . 5 Ap 39 Co 38 Si Aw 36

(28 Cn) ( 2 5 . 5 Ps) (21 Xt)

105

Tembé 6 5 . 2 Gj

Guajaiara 6 5 . 2 Te

6 0 . 7 Km

61 60

59 AsT 5 8 . 5 Av/Pt 5 7 . 5 Kw 5 6 . 2 Tp 54.5 53.7 53 52.5 51.8 51.2 50.8 49.5

Tb/WJ Gy Ch Ap/CT AsX Wa/51 Mb Em Kb

4 6 . 4 Jm 46 Ub 45 SM

Urubú

Km AsT

5 6 . 3 Tp 5 5 . 2 P t / 5 5 WJ 5 4 . 5 Av/Ch 53 52.5 51.8 51 50.7

CT Wa Kw Mb AsX

4 7 . 7 Kb 4 7 . 5 Tb/Ap 4 6 . 8 Gy 4 5 . 7 Ub/Jm

43

SM

4 1 . 1 Co 3 9 . 5 Aw 3 8 . 5 Gk 37 Si

51 50.5 50 48 47 46.5 45.7 45.5 45 43.5 43 42.6 42 40 39.5

Av/WJ Ch/AsX/Km CT/Wa Si Kw T p / 4 6 Te Tb/Gj/Jm G k / 4 5 . 3 Pt AsT SM Kb/Gy Em Mb Co Ap/Aw

3 5 . 8 S i / 3 5 . 5 Aw 35 Gk/34 Co (28 (27 (18.5

106

Ps) Cn) Xt)

( 2 8 . 5 Ps) ( 2 6 . 5 Cn) ( 2 4 . 5 Xt)

(27 (24

Ps) Xt/Cn)

59

AST

57 Kb/Km 56.3 Te/Gj 5 5 . 5 Pt 54

Mb/WJ

52 Wa 51 Av/Kw/AsX 5 0 . 5 Ap 50 Gy 4 9 . 5 Tb

Parintintin 6 1 . 8 Kw Tb 59 5 8 . 4 Te 5 7 . 5 AsT 5 6 . 3 Km Av/WJ/Jm 56 5 5 . 5 T p / 5 5 . 3 Gy 55 A p / 5 4 . 7 Gj 5 4 . 5 Mb 5 3 . 5 CT 52 Wa Em 51 50 Ch 49.5Kb 4 8 . 3 AsX

4 7 . 1 Em 4 6 . 5 CT/Ub 46 Ch/Jm 4 5 . 3 Ub

39.5 38 Gk 36 SM 3 4 . 5 Aw 3 3 . 5 Co 3 1 . 5 Si (28) Cn) (25 Xt) ( 2 2 . 5 Ps)

SM

3 7 . 5 Si Aw 37 35 Gk

3 0 . 6 Co ( 2 4 . 5 Ps/Cn) (21 Xt)

Kayabi

57

Tp

5 5 . 5 Km

51 50.5 50.2 49.5 48.5 47.7 46.5

WJ AsT Wa Tb/Te/Pt Mb/AsX

45 44.5 43.5 43 42.5 42 41 39 38.5 38

SM Aw/44 Kw Ap Ub Av/Gy G k / 4 1 . 5 Si Jm CT Co Ch

Gj Em

(27 Cn) ( 2 3 . 5 Ps) ( 1 6 . 5 Xt) 107

Kanayurá 61 60.7 59 58.5 57 56.5 56 55.5 55

Gj Te Kw Av/WJ Ap/CT Tb/AsT/56.3 Gy Wa/Kb Mb/Ch/Tp

Cocama

Juma

Pt 56

Pt

53 AsX 5 2 . 3 Em 50

Ub

5 0 . 3 Gk

4 6 . 7 Jm 4 6 . 5 SM 46

Si

4 3 . 5 Aw 42 SM 41 Si 3 9 . 5 Gk

3 4 . 5 Aw 34 Co

108

41. 1 40 39 38. 5 37. 5 36. 5 35. .5 34. 5 34 3 3 . ,5 33

46.8 46.5 46 45.7 44.8 44 43 42 41.5 41

Kvf/46 Av/46 Tb/Tp Wa/Gj AsX AsT/43 CT Ap Mb/Gy Em/Kb

Te Ub AsX 39 Ch Kb Em/37 Wa 3 7 . 5 Aw WJ/36 Ch/Gy 35 Si Mb Ap/CT/AsT 3 4 . 5 SM Gj/Km Tp Tb

Kamayurá

Cocaaa 32 Jm 3 1 . 5 Av 3 0 . 6 Pt

Juma Co 32 31

Gk

2 8 . 5 Kw ( 2 6 . 5 Cn) (26 Ps) ( 2 1 . 5 Xt)

Aweti

Wa

3 9 . 5 Te/Ub 3 8 . 5 Si/Em 38 Jm 37

( 2 3 . 5 Cn) Ps) (23 (19 Xt)

Sateré-Mawe

4 4 . 5 Kb/SM 44 Gk 4 3 . 5 Co

41

(23 Ps) ( 2 1 . 5 Cn) ( 1 9 . 5 Xt)

Pt

4 6 . 5 Km 45 Te/Kb 4 4 . 5 Aw 43.5 43 42.5 41 40.5 39.5 38.5

AsX/Ub Gj W a / 4 2 . 3 Co Gk/Em Pt AsT WJ

3 7 . 5 Gy 37 Ch

109

Awetl 36.5 36 35 34.5 34

Ap Tb/AsX Gj WJ/Km Gy/Tp

32.5 32 31 30.5

Kw Av Mb AsT

27.5 25.5 (25 (21.5 (15

CT Ch Cn) Ps) Xt)

»

Sateré-Mawe 3 6 . 5 CT 36 Tp 3 5 . 3 Si 3 4 . 5 Jm Kw/Mb 33 3 2 . 5 Ap 32 Av

(27 Ps) ( 2 0 . 5 Cn) ( 1 5 . 5 Xt)

9 . 2 . 1 . The c l a s s i f i c a t i o n which r e s u l t s from t h e s e r a t e s of phonic and grammatical comparison must, here again, be based upon the o b s e r v a t i o n t h a t t h e r e are high rate l a n g u a g e s with a majority of high points of similarity and few e n t r i e s below 5 0 p o i n t s a n d / o r a l e s s close numerical order below around 5 0 points (Kw, A v , Tb, Gy. Km, Pt, Te, A s T , WJ, l e s s s t r i c t l y Mb, Ap, CT, Ch, Wa, Tp, Kb, Gj). Moderate rate languages with a majority of p o i n t s between 5 2 and 4 0 (Ub, Kb, A s X , Em, and Si), and low rate l a n g u a g e s with a majority of p o i n t s below 4 5 (Co, Aw, SM, and Gk). High r a t e s mean high degrees of coherence, but also c o n s e r v a t i s m with respect to language change, e s p e c i a l l y grammatical change. Low r a t e s mean low d e g r e e s of coherence, not only with higher rate l a n g u a g e s , but also with other low rate l a n g u a g e s , as well as i n n o v a t i o n t o g e t h e r with a reduction or t h e i m p e r -

110

f e e t adoption of traditional T u p i - G u a r a n i m o r p h o l ogy and grammar. Moderate r a t e s mean i n t e r m e d i a te stages between the extremes. Undoubtfully, t h e s e l a n g u a g e s are old T u p i - G u a r a n i languages, but with a certain number of i n n o v a t i o n s and d e f i c i e n c i e s in t h e traditional grammatical and phonic shape. 9 . 2 . 2 . Simplifying and s y s t e m a t i z i n g our ranking we come to t h e following approximative grouping of T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e s (we cannot show all t h e e x i s t i n g r e l a t i o n s r e p r e s e n t e d b y the f i g u r e s ) :

S O U T H E R N

A M A Z O N I A N

Pt - Jm

- T e - Gj \ ^ T p Kb AsT - AsX WJ - Wa Em - Cn Xt Ub II

Ps Si

SM III

Gk

Aw Co

111

9 . 2 . 3 , This scheme shows t h r e e s t a g e s of s i m i l a r i t y , according t o our d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n b e t w e e n high, moderate, a n d low r a t e s of coherence. Moving downward on the page means increasing i n n o v a t o r y and d e f e c t i v e t r a d i t i o n a l character, t h u s , for e x a m ple, Siriono is l e s s s t a b l e t h a n Urubú. Yet, within t h e f i r s t s t a g e , there is a central a x i s of c o n s e r v a t i v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s around which we arranged t h e l a n g u a g e s according to their r e l a t i v e d i s t a n c e from t h i s a x i s (compare page 9 8 ) . Moving from t h e l e f t to t h e right side of the page marks an Increasing Amazonian character, which Is simply e x p r e s s e d by a h i g h e r number of close similarities with other Amazonian l a n g u a g e s and an inferior rate of c o h e r e n c e with Southern l a n g u a g e s . So Mbyá is l e s s " S o u t h e r n " than Kalwá, C h l r l g u a n o - A v a l e s s than C h i r l g u a n o - T a p y l , whereas P a r l n t l n t l n , Tembé, and Kamayurá are l e s s s t r i c t l y " A m a z o n i a n " t h a n T a p l rapé or Kayabi. On t h e other hand, considering a n o t h e r a s p e c t , we can see the character of subgroups: The c l o s e s t one is formed by Kalwá and A v a ñ e ' é , but t h e r e Is a l s o a close relation b e t w e e n both d i a l e c t s of Chlrlguano studied as well as b e t w e e n A p a p o c u v a and Mbyá and between Tembé and Guajajara and between both d i a l e c t s of Wayäpi s t u d i e d . The s i m i l a r i t y between both t y p e s of A s u r i n i s t u d i e d is l e s s e v i d e n t , t h e rates of coherence being s l i g h t l y i n ferior to t h o s e between A s T and Gj, WJ, Te, and Tp. Canoeiro, which h a s been included o n l y with regard to its phonic shape, is c l o s e to Emérlllon. T h i s language again h a s its c l o s e s t r e l a t i o n s to WJ, A s T , and Gj. 9 . 2 . 4 . First of all. It Is amazing to s e e t h a t T u p l Guaranl l a n g u a g e s are not only r e l a t e d to one a n other by a common lexicon and a r e c o n s t r u c t a b l e

112

phonologic s t r u c t u r e , but t h a t t h e y h a v e a l s o i n herited a common basic grammatical s h a p e , which h a s been p r e s e r v e d b y t h e majority of t h e s e l a n g u a g e s f o r c e n t u r i e s , e v e n b y the s m a l l e s t groups s c a t t e r e d all o v e r a great part of t h e c o n t i n e n t . Southern T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e s e x h i b i t , on t h e whole, more coherence with one a n o t h e r t h a n A m a z o n i a n T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e s with one a n o t h e r . But i t is n o t e w o r t h y , too, though logical, t h a t t h e h i g h e s t r a t e s of similarity b e t w e e n Southern and Amazonian l a n g u a g e s are with t h o s e which show high r a t e s among t h e Amazonian l a n g u a g e s , as Parintintin, Tembé, Guajajara, A s u r i n i of Trocará, Kamayurá, Wayäpi of t h e Jari River. T h e s e A m a zonian l a n g u a g e s h a v e more r a t e s of similarity with Southern T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e s , t h a n , for e x a m ple, Kayabi, Tapirapé, Asurini of t h e X i n g u River, and Emérillon. Y e t , on t h e other hand, it is o n l y Parintintin t h a t h a s a s l i g h t l y g r e a t e r i n c l i n a t i o n toward two Southern l a n g u a g e s (Kw and T b ) t h a n toward Amazonian l a n g u a g e s , like Te, A s T , WJ, and Km. On t h e contrary, Te, Gj, A s T , Km, and WJ are c l o s e r to high r a t e Amazonian t h a n to Southern languages. However, t h e s e l a n g u a g e s also show c o m p a r a t i v e l y high r a t e s of similarity with S o u t h ern l a n g u a g e s , whereas t h e s e r a t e s are lower in more s t r i c t l y Amazonian l a n g u a g e s , like Kayabi and Tapirapé. Within t h e group of c o n s e r v a t i v e Southern l a n g u a g e s , Mbyá is l e s s extreme t h a n Kaiwá and A v a ñ e ' é , showing more f e a t u r e s of similarity with A m a z o n i a n l a n g u a g e s like A s T , Pt, Tp, and Km than t h e s e . X e t á c e r t a i n l y is t h e most d i v e r g e n t Southern l a n guage. P r o v i s o n a l l y it was put at t h e bottom of t h e f i r s t rank, b e c a u s e it shows some a f f i n i t y to Ch, Gk, WJ, Tp, and Mb, but we do n o t h a v e s u f -

113

f i c i e n t morphological data to s a y a n y t h i n g c o n c l u s i v e . In a n y c a s e , it does not seem to be a h i g h l y d i v e r g e n t l a n g u a g e with regard to morphology. 9.2.5. B o l i v i a n T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e s are not uniform. Guarayo and the Chiriguano group und o u b t f u l l y belong more to the Southern group t h a n to the Amazonian languages, though especially C h i r i g u a n o - A v a is l e s s s t a b l e than C h i r i g u a n o - T a p y i (Izocefto) and Guarayo. Yet, Pauserna-Guarasugwä and Siriono are not only v e r y i n n o v a t o r y , but a l s o show a plain p r o p e n s i t y for t h e Amazonian t y p e of T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e s . T h e y can c e r t a i n l y be r e garded as links between t h e old P a r a g u a y a n area and t h e l a n g u a g e s of the Amazonian b a s i n . Siriono is so d e f e c t i v e in its grammatical s t r u c t u r e , so p e c u l i a r in i t s phonological s t r u c t u r e and v o c a b u l a r y t h a t it is near the third c a t e g o r y , which means low rate l a n g u a g e s . Siriono is, h o w e v e r , u n d o u b t e d l y a f u l l member of t h e T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n guage f a m i l y , though thoroughly changed, b u t with a basic common v o c a b u l a r y , phonological and grammatical s t r u c t u r e . 9 . 2 . 6 . Low rate languages are put in our third c a t e g o r y . T h e y lack most of the t r a d i t i o n a l g r a m m a t i c a l c a t e g o r i e s and h a v e a d i f f e r e n t p h o n o l o g i cal s h a p e in many i n s t a n c e s . The h i g h e s t r a t e s in t h e ranking of low rate l a n g u a g e s do n o t mean p o s i t i v e similarity, but communality in n e g a t i v e features. T h e r e f o r e , the lowest r a t e s here are shown b y high rate l a n g u a g e s , like Kw, A v , and Ft, and t h e h i g h e s t r a t e s are t h o s e of other low r a t e l a n g u a g e s . In t h e c e n t e r of the column we f i n d t h e r a t e s of l e s s c o n s e r v a t i v e l a n g u a g e s , like A s X and Kb. T h i s is exemplified by the t a b l e of Gk, f o r example ( s e e p. 1 0 1 - 1 0 2 : Gk is more c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to Southern l a n g u a g e s , with r a t e s of 4 1 . 5 f o r Mb 114

and 4 0 f o r Ch, whereas Co h a s its f i r s t r a t e s of Southern l a n g u a g e s at 3 6 p o i n t s and below. S a t e r é Mawé is not too f a r from Amazonian l a n g u a g e s like Km and Te, and closer to Aw than to Co, whereas A w e t i is as f a r from Co from Kb, SM,Gk, and Wa. Guayaki and Cocama may be members of t h e T u p i Guarani l a n g u a g e f a m i l y , but t h e s e l a n g u a g e s are to such an e x t e n t mixed up with f e a t u r e s a t y p i c a l of T u p i - G u a r a n i l a n g u a g e s t h a t t h e y must h a v e been t a k e n over by people who were originally s p e a k e r s of l a n g u a g e s belonging to o t h e r l a n g u a g e s t o c k s , or t h e y must h a v e been e x t e n s i v e l y inf l u e n c e d by such s p e a k e r s . We don't h a v e enough e v i d e n c e for Aweti and S a t e r é - M a w é to s a y a n y thing c o n c l u s i v e about t h e s e l a n g u a g e s , but it s e e m s t h a t t h e y do not belong to the T u p i - G u a r a n i f a m i l y , but to Tupi stock (compare 8 . 2 . 2 . I I I ) . 9 . 3 . Our c l a s s i f i c a t i o n comes to c o n c l u s i o n s which d i f f e r from t h o s e of Lemle ( 1 9 7 1 ) and Rodrigues ( 1 9 8 4 - 8 5 ) on s e v e r a l a c c o u n t s . Tupinambá and C o cama do not share c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which allow them to be put into the same subgroup (Lemle 1 9 7 1 : 1 2 8 ; Rodrigues 1984-85:39). Guajajara, which forms a subgroup with Asurini in Lemle ( 1 9 7 1 : 1 2 8 ) and with Tembé in Rodrigues ( 1 9 8 4 - 8 5 : 3 9 ) , is c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to both l a n g u a g e s , a bit closer to Tembé and e v e n to Kamayurá than to A s u r i n i of Trocará. Siriono does not form a subgroup t o g e t h e r with Guarayo (Lemle 1 9 7 1 : 1 2 8 ; Rodrigues 1 9 8 4 - 8 4 : 3 8 ) , but only shows some v a g u e r e l a t i o n s to Wayapi and C h i r i g u a n o and is mainly c h a r a c t e r i z e d in a n e g a t i v e manner. Siriono forms a subgroup of i t s own. U r u bú does not form a subgroup t o g e t h e r with Wayapi and Emérillon (Rodrigues 1 9 8 4 - 8 5 : 4 2 ) , but is a low r a t e language without clear r e l a t i o n s to other l a n g u a g e s . Kayabi is much closer to T a p i r a p é and K a -

115

mayurá t h a n 85:40).

to A s u r i n i

of X i n g u

(Rodrigues

1984-

9 . 4 . What, then, is t h e f i n a l r e s u l t of t h i s i n t e r n a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n ? We can see t h a t t h e comparison does not lead to a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n in t h e s e n s e of a c o n s t i t u t i o n of c l a s s e s of l a n g u a g e s , but only to a network of relations between l a n g u a g e s . T h e r e are no a c t u a l c l a s s e s , but groups of not more t h a n two or three close cognate l a n g u a g e s and groups of l a n g u a g e s which share a number of phonic and morphological c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . There are g e o g r a p h i cal a r e a s of conformity, but there are a l s o l a n guages which share a lot of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s with the l a n g u a g e s of a d i f f e r e n t area. What we can show is t h e i n d i v i d u a l r e l a t i o n t h e l a n g u a g e s h a v e with each other and e s p e c i a l l y with h y p o t h e t i c a l previous s t a g e s of a p r o t o - l a n g u a g e or of p r o t o - l a n g u a g e s (Proto-Tupi-Guarani). In t h e s e n s e of Wilhelm von Humboldt's t y p o l o g y , t h e r e are no c l a s s e s of l a n g u a g e s , but only i n d i v i d u a l l a n g u a g e s , each of which r e p r e s e n t s i t s own t y p e (which he calls " f o r m " of a l a n g u a g e ) . But, of course, our aim was not a typology, but an i n t e r nal c l a s s i f i c a t i o n which was to show us the a b o v e mentioned network of a f f i n i t i e s . This can be r a t h e r a solid b a s e for f u r t h e r s t u d i e s in the h i s t o r y of t h e s e l a n g u a g e s and in t h e historical r e l a t i o n s b e t ween them, which u n t i l now are f a r from being clear.

116

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Meader, Robert E. ( 1 9 6 1 J , Guaraní Phonemics: Dialect of Rio das Cobras, Arquivo L i n g ü i s t i c o N«" 1 4 2 , B r a s i l i a : S I L . (Mbyá). M e l i á , Bartolomeu (1983), "La lengua

América latina 59. Bernard Monte A v i l a .

en sus Pottier

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Caracas:

43-

Unesco,

123

M o n s e r r a t , Ruth Maria F o n i n i (1976), "Prefixos pessoais em A w e t i " , Lingüistica 3 . 1 - 1 6 . Rio de J a n e i r o , Museu N a c i o nal. Navet, Eric (1987), "Textes é m e r i l l o n " , i n : Contes amérindiens de Guyana. T e x t e s r e c u e i l l i s , t r a n scrits et traduits par 0 . Renault-Lescure (galibi), F. Grenand (wayäpi), E r i c Navet (émerillon), 127-160, Paris: Conseil I n t e r n a t i o n a l de l a Langue F r a n p a i s e . Newton, Dennis ( 1 9 7 8 ) , "Guarayu D i s c o u r s e " , Work Papers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, Riberalta, Bolivia, 1972-1976, e d . by U r s u l a W i e s e mann, 1 6 3 - 2 6 9 . R i b e r a l t a , B o l i v i a . N i c h o l s o n , Velda (1975a), Transformagöes morfofonémicas em Asurini, Arquivo L i n g ü i s t i c o N° Oil, Brasil i a : SIL. ( 1 9 7 5 b ) , Initiating and Non-Initiating in Assurini, Arquivo L i n g ü i s t i c o N« 0 1 2 , s i l i a : SIL.

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(1976a), Textos Asurini 25 bistórias, 7 mitos, Arquivo L i n g ü i s t i c o N» 015, B r a s i l i a : SIL. ( 1 9 7 6 b ) , Asurini Domains Dictionary, L i n g ü i s t i c o N® 0 1 7 , B r a s i l i a : S I L . ( 1 9 8 2 ) , Breve estudo Xingu, B r a s i l i a : SIL.

124

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Nimuendajú-Unkel, Curt (1914), "Die Sagen von der E r s c h a f f u n g der Welt a l s Grundlagen der R e l i g i o n der Apapocúva-Guaranl", 2^ 46. 284-403. Berlin. ( 1 9 2 9 ) , "Zur 22.131-140.

Sprache der M a u é - I n d i a n e r " , Paris.

O l s o n , Gary (1976), 18 textos Oiampi (Dialeto Arquivo L i n g ü í s t i c o N" 1 0 0 , B r a s i l i a : O l s o n , Gary and Robbie Olson ( 1 9 7 5 ) , Tentative Phonemic pi, Arquivo Lingüístico SIL. (1977), Frases Jari), Arquivo SIL.

JSA

Jari), SIL.

Statement N» 099,

of OiamBrasilia:

úteis em Oiampi L i n g ü í s t i c o N^ 1 0 1 ,

(Dialeto Brasilia:

O l s o n , Roberta (1978), Dicionário por tópicos ñas linguas oiampi (wayäpi) portugués, B r a s i l i a : SIL (Ensaios l i n g ü í s t i c o s , 2 ) . P e a s e , Helen (1962), Tentative Phonemic Statement Parintintin, Arquivo Lingüístico N® B r a s i l i a : SIL. ( 1 9 6 8 ) , Parintintin Grammar, Arquivo t i c o NÖ 0 8 3 , B r a s i l i a : S I L . ( 1 9 7 7 ) , Juma-Parintintin vo L i n g ü í s t i c o N» 0 3 8 ,

Similarities, B r a s i l i a : SIL.

For 082,

Lingüís-

Arqui-

125

P e a s e , Helen, and LaVera B e t t s (1971), "Parintintin P h o n o l o g y " , Tupi Studies, 1 . 1 - 1 4 . D. Bendor-Samuel ( e d . ) , Norman, Oklahoma: S I L . P r i e s t , Perry N. (1987), "A C o n t r i b u t i o n t o Comparative S t u d i e s in the Guaraní L i n g u i s t i c F a m i l y " , Language Sciences 9 , 1 . 1 7 - 2 0 . Special Issue: Comparative Linguistics of South American Indian Languages, e d . by Mary R i t c h i e Key. Tokyo. Priest, Perry N., y Ana McQuilkin de P r i e s t (1965), "Sirionó", Gramáticas estructurales de lenguas bolivianas, 1.281-373. Riberaita, Beni, B o l i v i a : SIL. Ramos, L o r e n z o , B e n i t o Ramos, and A n t o n i o M a r t í nez ( 1 9 8 4 ) , El canto resplandeciente - Ayvú rendí verá. Plegarias de los mbyá-guaraní de Misiones. Edición trilingüe. Buenos A i r e s : Ediciones del sol (Biblioteca de c u l t u r a p o pular, 3 ) . R i e s t e r , Jürgen ( 1 9 7 2 ) , Die Pauserna-Guarasu'gvä. Monographie eines TupiGuaraní-Volkes in Ostbolivien, St. Augustin bei Bonn: Anthropos I n s t i t u t (Collectanea, 3 ) . R i v e t , Paul ( 1 9 2 4 ) , "Les Indiens Canoeiros", 181. Paris.

JSA 1 6 . 1 6 9 -

R o d r i g u e s , Aryon D a l l ' I g n a (1945), "Fonética histórica tupi-guaraní: Diferengas f o n é t i c a s entre o tupi e o g u a r a n í " ,

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(1955), "Morphologische Erscheinungen Indianersprache", Münchner Studien Sprachwissenschaft 7 . 7 9 - 8 8 . Munich.

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(1958), "Classification of Tupí-Guarani", UAL 2 4 . 2 3 1 - 2 3 4 . B a l t i m o r e / C h i c a g o . ( 1 9 5 9 ) , Die Phänologie der Tupinambá-Sprache, P h i l . D i s s . U n i v e r s i t ä t Hamburg. ( 1 9 6 4 ) , "A c l a s s i f icaijäo do t r o n c o co t u p i " . Revista de Antropoloffia Sao P a u l o .

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( 1 9 7 8 ) , "A l i n g u a dos i n d i o s Xetá como d i a l e t o g u a r a n i " , Cadernos de Estudos lingüísticos 1 . 7 - 1 1 . Campinas. ( 1 9 8 0 ) , " T u p i - G u a r a n i e Mundurukú: E v i d é n c i a s lexicais e f o n o l ó g i c a s de p a r e n t e s c o g e n é t i c o " , Estudos Lingüísticos I I I . 1 9 4 - 2 0 9 . Araraquara. ( 1 9 8 4 / 8 5 ) , " R e l a ^ S e s i n t e r n a s na f a m i l i a l i n g ü í s t i c a T u p i - G u a r a n i " , Revista de Antropología 2 7 / 2 8 . 3 3 - 5 3 . Sao P a u l o . (1985), "Evidence for Tupi-Carib Relations h i p " , South American Indian Languages, 371404, ed. by Harriet E. M a n e l i s K l e i n and L o u i s a R. S t a r k , A u s t i n : U n i v e r s i t y of Texas Press. ( 1 9 8 6 ) , Linguas mento das linguas

brasileiras. indígenas.

Para o conheciSao P a u l o : L o y o l a . 127

Ruiz de Montoya, P. A n t o n i o , S . J . ( 1 6 3 9 ) , Tesoro de la lengua guaraní, Madrid : luán Sanchez. Reimpresión f a c s i m i l e preparada por don Julio Platzmann, L e i p z i g : Teubner, 1876. S a e l z e r , Meinke (1974), A Tentative Phonemic Analysis of Kamayurá, Arquivo L i n g ü í s t i c o N^ 0 4 8 , B r a s i l i a : SIL. S c h e r m a i r , P. F r . Anselmo ( 1 9 5 8 ) , Vocabulario sirionó-castellano, Innsb r u c k : Innsbrucker B e i t r ä g e zur K u l t u r w i s s e n s c h a f t , Sonderheft 5 . ( 1 9 6 2 ) , Vocabulario castellano-sirionó, Innsb r u c k : Innsbrucker B e i t r ä g e zur K u l t u r w i s s e n s c h a f t , S o n d e r h e f t N« 1 1 . Schuchard, Barbara ( 1 9 7 9 ) , /fane ñé. Gramática guaraní para castellano hablantes. Santa Cruz de l a Sierra : Ayuda para e l campesino d e l O r i e n t e b o l i v i a no. (Chiriguano-Tapyi, I z o c e ñ o ) . S e k i , Lucy ( 1 9 8 2 ) , "Marcadores de p e s s o a do verbo i u r á " , Cadernos de Estudos Lingüísticos 4 0 . Campinas.

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( 1 9 9 0 ) , "Kamaiurá (Tupí-Guaraní) as an A c tive-Stative Language", Amazonian Linguistics: Studies in Lowland South American Languages, 367-391. D o r i s L. Payne ( e d . ) , A u s tin:Texas University Press.

128

Susnik,

Branislava

Dispersión

(1975), Ensayo Andrés Taylor,

analítico. Barbero.

tupí-guaraní Asunción:

Kaiwá

Religious

Text

q u i v o L i n g ü í s t i c o N^ 0 4 5 ,

Kaiffá

Creation

g ü í s t i c o NO 0 4 6 , ( 1 9 7 6 ) , 4 Kaivá 047, B r a s i l i a : Antonio,

(1984), del

and Notes,

Brasilia:

Ar-

SIL.

John

(1961),

Tovar,

Etnográfico

Audrey

(1962),

Taylor,

prehistórica.

Museo

Sur.

Texts, SIL.

and

Catálogo

Myths,

Brasilia:

Arquivo L i n -

SIL.

Arquivo L i n g ü í s t i c o N»

Consuelo Larrucea de Tovar

de

las

Nueva e d i c i ó n

lenguas

de

América

refundida.

Abbreviations:

UAL

International guistics,

JSA

Journal de

Journal of American

Lin-

Baltimore/Chicago

la Société

des

Américanistes,

Paris

ZE

Zeitschrift

für

Ethnologie,

Berlin.

129

SUMARIO Novo i n t e n t o de c l a s s i f i c a c ä o Interna das tupi-guarani

linguas

1.1. Este e s t u d o p r o p 5 e - s e elaborar urna c l a s s i f i c a Qäo i n t e r n a de 29 linguas e d i a l e t o s t u p i - g u a r a n i na base de 17 critérios f o n é t i c o s e f o n o l ó g i c o s e de 3 4 critérios morfológicos. A s classificaQöes a n teriores, de Aryon Rodrigues, Miriam Lemle e Y o n ne Leite, b a s e a v a m - s e únicamente em critérios f o n é t i c o s ou em comparagöes l e x i c a i s . 1.2. O acréscimo de dados publicados sobre a e s trutura de multas línguas da familia t u p i - g u a r a n i e até algumas do tronco tupi (em termos de A . R o drigues) permite agora uma comparacao mais e x a t a do que a n t e s das correspondencias f ó n i c a s assim como do sistema morfológico das línguas r e s p e t i v a s . A e s c o l h a das línguas e dos dialetos foi f e i t a s e gundo o critério dos dados a c c e s s í v e i s . Foram c o n s i d e r a d a s as línguas tupinambá, a v a ñ e ' é ( g u a r a n í do Paraguai), apapocuva (corresponde ao t x i r i p á ou n h a n d e v a moderno?), mbyá, kaiwá (ou c a i g u á ) , x e t á , guayakí, c h i r i g u a n o - a v a , chiriguano-tapyi, guarayo, guarasug'wä (ou p a u s e r n a ) , siriono, w a y a p i (oiampi) da Guiana Francesa e do Rio Jari, émérillon. c a ñ o eiro, a s s u r i n i de Trocará (Rio T o c a n t i n s ) e do Rio X i n g u , tembé, guajajara, urubu, tapirapé, p a r i n t i n tin, kaiabi, kamaiurá, cocama, aweti, juma e s a t e r é - m a w é . No e n t a n t o , é e v i d e n t e que os dados sao mais e x t e n s o s para algumas línguas e e s c a s s í s s i m a s para o u t r a s . Nao foram s u f i c i e n t e s para uma a n á l i s e morfológica do x e t á , do p a u s e r n a - g u a r a s u g ' w ä e do canoeiro, e d e f i c i e n t e s no caso do a w e t i , s a t e r é mawé, juma e, parcialmente, também para o a p a p o cuva.

130

1 . 3 . Os critérios f ó n i c o s e morfológicos foram e s colhidos na medida que nos a s s i n a l a s s e m o grau de p a r e n t e s c o de cada uma das línguas comparadas, i s t o é o grau de conservadorismo com o p r o t o t u p i - g u a r a n i reconstruido e o caráter inovador d a q u e l a s l í n g u a s que, por d i f e r e n t e s r a z o e s , mais se a f a s t a r a m da h i p o t é t i c a lingua comum primitiva, que, com c e r t e z a , nao era uma lingua f i x a e u n i t á ria. O n o s s o critério de compara?äo é, portanto, a e s t r u t u r a f o n é t i c a , f o n o l ó g i c a , gramatical e, com i s t o , morfológica do p r o t o - t u p i - g u a r a n i . 1 . 4 . Ao mesmo tempo, a comparapao, embora f e i t a com rela^äo ao critério mencionado, f a z v e r a g r u pamentos internos das línguas t u p i - g u a r a n i . Em primeiro lugar e fora de todo e s t u d o comparativo o b s e r v a - s e um agrupamento geográfico em línguas " m e r i d i o n a l s " , de tipo t u p i - g u a r a n i puro, em línguas a m a z ó n i c a s e em línguas b o l i v i a n a s , geográfica e tipológicamente intermédias entre os primeiros dois grupos. Além da repartigao geográfica o b s e r v a m - s e a g r u p a m e n t o s que se constituem no interior dum grupo g e o g r á f i c o ou que excedem o próprio grupo g e o g r á f i c o . Há, além disso, línguas e x c é n t r i c a s , que näo correspondem ao tipo tradicional das línguas da familia t u p i - g u a r a n i , mas que parecem ser a l t e r a d a s por um s u b s t r a t o estrangeiro. 2 . 1 . A maioria dos critérios fónicos s a o f o n é t i c o s , näo f o n o l ó g i c o s (no s e n t i d o f u n c i o n a l da escola de Praga). O critério das c o n s o a n t e s f i n á i s mostra o mantimento d e s t a s näo só numa lingua antiga como o tupinambá, mas em muitas línguas amazónicas, embora muitas v e z e s de maneira imperfeita, e a s u a queda em t o d a s as línguas meridionals, na maioria das b o l i v i a n a s e em wayäpi, lingua amazónica. O a c e n t o agudo das p a l a v r a s é típico do tupi antigo, do g u a r a n í paraguaio e s e u s p a r e n t e s mais próximos

131

(mbyá, kalwá, a p a p o c u v a ) , assim que de m u l t a s l í n guas amazónicas. A compara?ao mostra, porém, que o a c e n t o g r a v e näo é uma rara excegao, por e x emplo no c a s o do chiriguano, onde se tem p e n s a d o numa i n f l u e n c i a do quichua, mas é um f e n ó m e n o que se encontra em 13 das 2 9 línguas e s t u d a d a s : em todas as línguas b o l i v i a n a s , mas também em l í n g u a s amazónicas (wayapi, assurini, cocama) e numa lingua meridional ( x e t á ) . Este f a t o demonstra que, na p r o t o - l í n g u a , o a c e n t o p r o v a v e l m e n t e näo era f i x a d o numa determinada sílaba e que t a n t o o a c e n t o agudo como o acento grave sao p o s s í v e i s ñ a s línguas t u p i - g u a r a n i . 2 . 2 . Os demais critérios sao a e s t a b i l i d a d e das s í l a bas oposta a d i v e r s o s graus de síncope, a e x i s t e n cia e fungao da n a s a l i d a d e , a distingao c o m b i n a t o ria entre o c l u s i v a s p r e n a s a l i z a d a s e n a s a l s d m b - m ] , ( n d - n l , ( n g - n ] ) , a distingao igualmente combinatoria e n t r e [j] e Tñ), entre [gw] e Iw], o mantimento de V j / como (j), de V p / e a e x i s t e n c i a da o c l u s a o g l o t a l (?]. A evolupao de ' / ? / e ' / c / ñ a s posigöes i n t e r v o c á lica e inicial mostra uma grande d i v e r s i d a d e de soluQoes. O n e x o ' ( t i ) é mantido ñas línguas m e r i dionals, com a excepäo do mbyá e x e t á , em c h i r i guano, tembé, parintintin, juma, cocama, aweti e s a t e r é - m a w é e é p a l a t a l i z a d o e a s s i b i l a d o em (si), Ici) ou (el) ñ a s demais línguas. Outros critérios f o n i c o s sao a e x i s t e n c i a de / h / , a e v o l u g a o do n e x o ' / i / + V ^ / ou V e / , do nexo ' / p w / , de V k / e a e s t a b i l i d a d e das v o g a i s primitivas. 2 . 3 A comparagäo de todos os critérios fonicos aplicados a cada lingua e s t u d a d a mostra uma g r a n de coeréncia entre o a v a ñ e ' é e kaiwá, o p a r i n t i n t i n e juma, o apapocuva e mbyá, entre ambos d i a l e t o s

132

e s t u d a d o s do chiriguano, do wayäpi, do a s s u r i n i , e n t r e o émérillon e canoeiro, o guajajara e tembé e, em n i v e l algo Inferior, entre o t a p i r a p é e o k a maiurá, o kamaiurá e o guajajara e e n t r e o k a i a b l , o wayäpi e o kamaiurá. Em geral, as s e m e l h a n g a s e x i s t e m mormente entre as línguas dos grupos r e gionais, i s t o é entre as linguas meridionals da uma e entre as línguas amazónicas da o u t r a . Entre as últimas só o parintintin e juma e, em menor m e d i da, o urubu, tendem para o grupo merdional. Entre as l í n g u a s b o l i v i a n a s o guarayo e, em menor m e d i da, o chiriguano fazem claramente p a r t e do grupo meridional. Siriono e p a u s e r n a - g u a r a ^ u g ' w ä ocupam p o s t o s intermédios, d i v e r g e n t e s de todos os grupos. A i n d a mais d i v e r g e n t e s säo o guayakí, x e t á , c o c a ma, awetí e s a t e r é - m a w é . 3 . 1 . Os critérios morfológicos demonstrara a e x i s t e n c i a ou perda das r e s p e t i v a s funQÖes g r a m a t i c a i s e, com i s t o , o caráter conservador ou i n o v a d o r das línguas. A s c o n s o a n t e s i n i c i á i s v a r i á v e i s s e g u n d o a f u n g ä o s i n t á t i c a ( t - , r - , h - ou v a r i a n t e s ) , c o n s e r v a d a s , pelo menos parcialmente, em t o d a s as l í n guas menos em guayakí, cocama e aweti, d i f e r e n cam as línguas de tipo t u p i - g u a r a n i de l í n g u a s de origem p r o v a v e l m e n t e nao t u p i - g u a r a n i , que a d o t a ram uma parte do léxico tradicional t u p i - g u a r a n i e, com i s t o , certos a s p e t o s da sua f o n é t i c a , mas n a o a e s t r u t u r a gramatical b á s i c a . Outro critério, com r e s p e i t o ás línguas que conservara a a l t e r n a n c i a das c o n s o a n t e s iniciáis v a r i á v e i s , é a forma da distingao entre a f u n g a o a t r i b u t i v a (em geral r - ) e a funpao p r e d i c a t i v a (em geral h - ) . A maioria das l í n g u a s c o n s e r v a a distincäo entre r e f l e x i v o e n ä o r e f l e x i v o ñ a s terceiras p e s s o a s das formas nomináis. Só no a s s u r i n i , tapirapé, kaiabl e, p a r c i a l m e n t e , o s a t e r é - m a w é estenderam e s t a distingäo a t o d a s a s p e s s o a s gramaticais, traco c a r a t e r í s t i c o de línguas

133

amazónicas

näo-tupi-guarani.

3 . 2 . Os demais critérios morfológicos s ä o o s i s t e m a mesmo das p e s s o a s gramaticais, a d i s t i n ^ ä o entre marcadores p e s s o a i s para nomes e para v e r b o s , a distingao entre os marcadores v e r b a i s de p e s s o a simples e a q u e l e s c a r a t e r i z a d o s por um i n f i x o - i ( a i - , ( e ) r e i - , o i - , . . . ) , a e x i s t e n c i a da forma t i para marcar a 1» p. i n c l u s i v a do plural nos v e r b o s t r a n s i t i v o s , as formas da n e g a c a o , a e x i s t e n c i a do modo o p t a t i v o em t - , as formas do f u t u r o v e r b a l , a e x i s t e n c i a de diferenciagSes a s p e t u a i s nos nomes e a c o n s e r v a ? a o ou perda das formas t r a d i c i o n a i s dos s u f i x o s nominalizadores e da jerarquizagäo s i n t é t i ca; a e x i s t e n c i a das v o z e s r e f l e x i v a , recíproca, f a t i t i v a e f a t i t i v a - s o c i a t i v a . A formagáo de p a l a v r a s tradicional testemunha-se pelo mantimento dos morfemas ' - m o - e ' - c a r - ; a morfología dos objetos direitos pronominais pelos i n f i x o s ' - p o r o - , ' - o r o - e •-opo-; a tradiconal morfología pronominal pela e x i s t e n c i a de formas correspondentes a ' s e s e / h e s e , ' i x u - ( - p e , - g w i ) e ' a ' e , forma tradicional do p r o nome da 3» p e s s o a , s u s t i t u i d a nalgumas línguas amazónicas pela i n o v a g a o ija. Os últimos dois c r i t é rios r e f e r e m - s e á e x i s t e n c i a duma distingáo de s e x o nos pronomes da 3» p e s s o a e á d i s t i n c ä o mais geral e n t r e formas l i n g ü í s t i c a s d i s t i n t a s para mulheres e homens, categoría pouco difundida ñ a s línguas t u p i guarani. 4 . 1 . A comparaQäo das línguas com r e s p e i t o aos critérios gramaticais f a z v e r menos diferenciapäo e n t r e l í n g u a s amazónicas e línguas meridionals do que no dominio fónico. Mas, mais uma v e z , se o b s e r v a urna clara distlngáo entre línguas t i p o l ó g i c a mente bem m a r c a d a s como c o n s e r v a d o r a s , como i n o v a d o r a s e como intermédias. Neste conjunto p r e c i s a - s e e n t e n d e r o termo " i n o v a d o r " a n t e s como

134

' r e l a t i v o a urna lingua de origera n ä o - t u p i - g u a r a n i que so imperfeitamente adotou a e s t r u t u r a g r a m a t i cal e morfológica do t u p i - g u a r a n i . A comparapäo morfológica mostra sobretudo que até as mais r e motas l í n g u a s t u p i - g u a r a n i , que e s t ä o s e p a r a d a s as urnas das o u t r a s áz v e z e s por milhares de q u i l ó m e tros, a p r e s e n t a m , na s u a grande maioria, uro quadro s u r p r e e n d e n t e de uniformidade gramatical, a p e s a r das p a r t i c u l a r i d a d e s morfológicas e s i n t á t i c a s de cada uma d é l a s . O aweti e s a t e r é - m a w é ocupam p o s t o s ainda mais extremos de divergencia com as l í n g u a s c o n s e r v a d o r a s , debido á e s c a s s e z de dados a c c e s s í v e i s , que o g u a y a k í e o cocama. E x t r a v a g a n t e s säo também o urubu e siriono, marginals o k a iabi e o émérillon. 4 . 2 . A comparagäo i n t e g r a l com respeito aos c r i t é rios f ó n i c o s e morfológicos confirma mais ou menos o agrupamento em l í n g u a s meridionals, com grandes s e m e l h a n g a s m ú t u a s , embora o mbyá e multo mais ainda o x e t á divergirem da norma ( v e j a - s e o e s q u e ma na pág. 1 1 1 ) , e línguas amazónicas, com s u b grupos formados pelo parintintin e juma, pelo t e mbé e guajajara, j u n t o com o kamaiurá, pelos dois d i a l e t o s do wayapi e, em medida menos e v i d e n t e , do a s s u r i n i e pelo émérillon e canoeiro. Confirma também as relapóes e n t r e c e r t a s línguas amazónicas e merdionais (tembé e a v a ñ e ' é , parintintin e k a i w á / tupinambá. Confirma, mais além, a d i s t i n ? ä o e n t r e o c a r á t e r c o n s e r v a d o r da maioria das línguas, o c a r á t e r multo menos c o n s e r v a d o r do urubu, p a u s e r n a - g u a r a s u g ' w ä e siriono e o caráter nítidamente alheio do g u a y a k i , cocama, s a t e r é - m a w é e aweti, que fazem parte do tronco tupi, mas nao da familia t u p i - g u a r a n i (em termos de A. Rodrigues). A s l í n g u a s b o l i v i a n a s f i n a l m e n t e nao formam um grupo particular, mas d i f e r e n p a m - s e em línguas de tipo c o n s e r v a d o r ( g u a r a y o e c h i r i g u a n o - t a p y i , mais que

135

o c h i r i g u a n o - a v a ) e em línguas i n o v a d o r a s como o p a u s e r n a - g u a r a S u g ' w ä e mais ainda o siriono. Para o cocama e o siriono os r e s u l t a d o s diferem dos obtidos ñ a s c l a s s i f i c a g S e s de Lemle e Rodrigues. 5. Na tipología de Humboldt cada lingua tem o s e u tipo i n d i v i d u a l . Nao foi e s t e que se buscou n e s t e e s t u d o , mas urna c l a s s i f i c a g ä o interna dum grupo de línguas segundo o p a r e n t e s c o . Os n o s s o s r e s u l t a d o s podem ser um fundamento para ulteriores p e s q u i s a s sobre a h i s t o r i a e as r e l a ? 5 e s h i s t ó r i c a s e n t r e e s t a s línguas que ainda sao longe de e s t a r c l a r a s .

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Aesop in Mexico Die Fabeln des Aesop in aztekischer Sprache Text mit deutscher und englischer Übersetzung Aus dem Nachlaß von Gerdt Kutscher herausgegeben von

A 16th Century Aztec Version of Aesop's Fables Text with German and English Translation From the Papers of Gerdt Kutscher Edited by

Gordon Brotherston & Günter Vollmer

Es gibt eine große Zahl von Handschriften und Codices, in denen mexikanische Indianer über ihre Geschichte, ihre Kultur oder ihre Lebensumstände berichten. Es ist auch versucht worden, den Indianern abendländisches Gedankengut zu vermitteln. Was aber in ihre Sprache übersetzt wurde, waren in der Regel Bibeltexte, Katechismen, Gesetze und Vorschriften. Das Interesse, ihnen Dichtung und Kunst nahezubringen, war gering. Trotzdem haben Motive und Werke der europäischen Literatur Eingang in die Welt der Azteken gefunden. Vor vierhundert Jahren wurden 47 Fabeln Aesops ins Náhuatl übersetzt. Aber es war mehr als eine Übersetzung. Es war eine Anpassung der antiken Texte an die indianischen Verhältnisse im 16. Jahrhundert. Das mußte so sein. Fabeln sind Beispiele, und sie haben nur dann Wirkung, wenn der Leser sich oder seine Umwelt in ihnen wiedererkennt. Gerdt Kutscher hat eine Rückübersetzung dieser Texte hinterlassen. Das Ergebnis ist erstaunlich: Es ist immer noch Aesop, aber doch ist vieles anders. Der Fuchs wurde zum Coyoten, der Löwe zum Jaguar; der Coyote ist nicht immer schlau, und der Jaguar hat manchmal Angst. Grundprinzipien der Fabel werden aufgegeben, und die indianische Redekunst sprengt die klassische Form. Der „aztekische Aesop" liefert Verhaltensmuster für Eingeborene in einer kolonialen Gesellschaft, und die Akzente sind dementsprechend anders gesetzt als im überlieferten Vorbild. 259 Seiten • 85 Abbildungen • 39,80 DM

Ibero-Amerikanisches Institut: Stimmen indianischer Völker, Band 3

Gebr. Mann Verlag Berlin 1987

AesoD in Mexico Die Fabeln des Aesop in aztekischer Sprache Text mit deutscher uhd englischer Übersetzung Aus dem Nachlaß von Gerdt Kutscher herausgegeben von

A 16th Century Aztec Version of Aesop's Fables Text with German and English Translation From the Papers of Gerdt Kutscher Edited by

Gordon Brotherston & Günter Vollmer

The Aztecs and other native Mexican peoples are authors of a considerable corpus of texts, in their own and in alphabetic script, which deal with such matters as history, poetry, and cosmogony. After the European invasion, the Aztec language, Nahuatl, also became the vehicle for various propagandizing works, part of the Christian mission in the New World. At the same time, the Aztecs themselves on occasion chose to translate and adapt Western texts, incorporating them into their own literary tradition. Four hundred years ago Aesop's Fables found their way into Nahuatl. The result was more than a translation: the Old World text was fully integrated into its New World environment. The fox became a coyote, the lion a jaguar, and the peacock a quetzal, a bird of profound significance in Mesoamerican ritual and philosophy. Indeed, the whole purpose and morality of the Fables were transformed, to the extent that the Nahuatl text came to stand in its own right as an example of native American literature. Initially conceived by the late Gerdt Kutscher, the present edition provides the complete Nahuatl text, published here for the first time, as well as accompanying German and English translations, a host of illustrations from 16th century Mexico, and explanatory notes. 259 pages • 85 illustrations • 39,80 DM

Ibero-Amerikanisches Institut: Stimmen indianischer Völker, Vol. 3

Gebr. Mann Verlag Berlin 1987

GESCHICHTE DER AZTEKEN Codex Aubin und verwandte Dokumente Übersetzt und erläutert von Walter Lehmann und Gerdt Kutscher Abgeschlossen und eingeleitet von Günter Vollmer Quellenwerke zur alten Geschichte Amerikas, aufgezeichnet in den Sprachen der Eingeborenen, Herausgegeben vom Ibero-Amerikanischen Institut Preußischer Kulturbesitz Band 13 XXXVI + 210 Seiten mit 5 Abbüdungen und 144 Tafeln. 21 X 29,7 cm. Br. mit Schutzumschlag. 106 DM.

Wo gesciuchtliche Abläufe eines geschriebenen Berichtes entbehren, muß nicht selten die bildliche Überlieferung - und deren Interpretation - ersetzen, was sich mit dem Wort eindeutiger identifizieren ließe. Dies trifft auch für die Geschichte der Azteken zu, jenes großen indianischen Volkes, das 1168 aus seiner Urheimat Aztlan aufbrach und im 14. Jahrhundert ein gewaltiges Königreich im Hochland von Mexiko errichtete. Mit der spanischen Eroberung 1 5 1 9 - 2 1 war das Ende des Reiches gekommen. Im „Codex Aubin" des Britischen Museums und in drei weiteren Handschriften (Paris) sind die Annalen der Azteken aufgezeichnet. Die anonymen, aus der 2. Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts stammenden Bildhandschriften gehen vermutlich auf ein gemeinsames, nicht bekanntes Urbild zurück. Hieroglyphen und Texte ergeben ein eindrucksvolles Bild sowohl der tradierten Frühgeschichte als auch der ersten Jahrzehnte unter spanischer Herrschaft. Erstmals werden in der vorliegenden Publikation die vier Bilderhandschriften vollständig reproduziert. Außer der Faksimile-Wiedergabe der Originale enthält der Band eine Transkription der aztekischen Texte und eine vollständige deutsche Übersetzung. Umfangreiche Anmerkungen geben auch dem nicht fachkundigen Leser erwünschte Erläuterungen zum Verständnis eines Epos, mit dem die ferne Geschichte eines Volkes und Reiches in aufregende Nähe gerückt ist. Die sorgfältige Edition geht auf Walter Lehmann bis in das Jahr 1905 zurück.

GEBR. MANN VERLAG • BERLIN 1981

INDIANA. BEIHEFTE 1

Jürgen Gölte: Bauern in Peru. Entwicklungsfaktoren in der Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte der indianischen Landbevölkerung von der Inka-Zeit bis heute. 1973. 326 Seiten, 25 Abbildungen, 2 Karten.

2

Heinz-Jürgen Pinnow: Studie zur Verbstammvariation im Navaho. 1973. Xlll, 101 Seiten.

3

Ortwin Smailus: Textos mayas de Beiice y Quintana Roo. Fuentes para una dialectología del Maya Yucateco. 1975. XII, 293 Seiten, 1 Karte.

4

Anncharlott Eschmann: Das religiöse Geschichtsbild der Azteken. 1976. 371 Seiten, 6 AbbUdungen, 1 Karte.

5

Heinz-Jürgen Pinnow: Geschichte der Na-Dene-Forschung. 19^6. X, 140 Seiten.

6

Veronika Bennholdt-Thomsen: Zur Bestimmung des Indio. Die soziale ökonomische und kulturelle Stellung der Indios in Mexiko. 1976. IV, 225 Seiten.

7

Gerdt Kutscher: Berlin como centro de estudios americanistas. 1976. 72 Seiten, 8 AbbUdungen.

8

Ana Maria .Mariscotti de Görlitz: Pachamama Santa Tierra. Contribución al estudio de la religión autóctona de los Andes centro-meridionales. 1978. Xll, 430 Seiten, 9 Tafeln.

9

Wolfgang Hecker und Gisela Hecker: Archäologische Untersuchungen in Pacatnamü, Nord-Peru. 1977. 61 Seiten, 23 Tafeln.

10

Gernot Krause: Der Sonntagsmarkt von Huancayo und die Struktur des Mantaro-Tals in Peru. 1977. X, 182 Seiten, 2 Abbildungen.

11

Richard Haas: Keramikfunde aus Ancón, Peru. Die Tonobjekte der Sammlung Reiss und Stübel im Museum für Völkerkunde Berlin. 1986. IV, 404 Seiten, davon 48 Tafelseiten, zahlr. Abb. im Text.

12

Wolf Dietrich: More Evidence for an Internal Classification of Tupi-Guarani Languages. 1990. 136 Seiten, Diagramme im Text, portugiesische Zusammenfassung.

Gebr. Mann Verlag • Berlin

sozioökonomische

El presente estudio - una investigación lingüística comparativa de las lenguas tupí-guaraní - intenta esclarecer las relaciones genéticas entre los diferentes idiomas de esta familia de lenguas indígenas sudamericanas. En la comparación de datos recientes y últimos de 29 de estas lenguas, el autor se apoya en 17 criterios fonéticos y fonológicos así como en 34 morfológico-gramaticales, seleccionados cada vez según su facultad de exposición respecto a la proximidad 'conservadora' al, respectivamente su distanciamiento 'innovatorio' del 'proto-tupi-guaraní' reconstruido. Este, a su vez, no es concebido como una lengua específica o uniforme, tomándose en cuenta también las influencias y los efectos posteriores sobre lenguas de otra procedencia. En un examen comparativo detallado de diversos criterios y diferentes lenguas, llega el autor a una nueva clasificación interna, en la cual se va confirmando entre otros también una clara estructuración en un grupo sureño y otro amazónico.