Monks and Magic. An Analysis of Religious Ceremonies in Central Thailand 0700700919

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SCANDINAVIAN INSTITUTE OF

NO. 24

ASIAN STU IES M NO Fl pH SERIES

MONKS AND MAGIC

An Analysis of Religious Ceremonies in Central Thailand

B.J. Tervviel

Studentlitteratur

.r

r

IS B N Studentlitteralur ah (_`urzun Press L t d

Lund 91-44-1 166-1 Inn don U-7003I-0091-9

First puhlislwd 1 9 FE =;1c}

Scand inavia n lnsti11.1tc o f A Sian Sturiius and

BJ. Terwiel IQTS Prirlled i n Thzlilzmcl

€`railtsmz1n Press C`u.. Ltd. Bangkok IOTS

PREFACE The preparation for the research o f which this book is a result

began in

1964 I

when Dr R.H. van Gulik lent a textbook and gramophone

records for the study of the Thai languagel to a group of' undergraduate

students at the University

of Utrecht.

For more than two years these

students held regular meetings during which they covered the greater part o f the course.

Most of them persevered with the study o f this

language because a plan had been developed to form an anthropological 'expedition'

to a small community in Thailand.

It was intended to set

forth in l96T and, once in the field, each member would gather data almost independently from. other members of the group.

In order to prevent

duplication of work, and to spread the scope of the research as wide as possible, each member had to choose a certain topic within the

anthropological

discipline upon which to base fieldwork.

to concentrate upon decision-making

One decided

and authority (the 'power structure'

as it was then called) , one would look closely at land tenure, another would deal specifically with problems related to kinship and genealogy,

whilst the author of this study would focus his attention upon the religious aspects of' social life.

Since these plans were conceived

while the students involved had only recently commenced their academic

studies, it was possible for some o f them to map out several courses which would prepare them for the planned fieldwork.

The author was thus

able to incorporate the reading of Sanskrit and Pali texts and the

history of Buddhist in the program of the doctorial examination

in

cultural anthropology. The conditions attached to the allotment o f funds for this joint fieldwork proved too demanding, and the plan for the 'expedition' was abandoned in

1966.

However, the preparatory work o f several years proved

fruitful in at least one instance when, in December l96T, the Australian National University admitted the author as a research scholar. Before taking up the scholarship, it was possible to travel

extensively in central and northern Thailand.

The main object o f this

journey was to select a community where the circumstances

1

seemed

Mary' B. Haas and Hang R. Subhanka, Spoken Nazi, Holt Spoken Language Series, l9h5_

l

favourable

for anthropological fieldwork, where the inhabitants would not

be opbosed to prolonged intensive research. which would centre upon their religious observances. No effort was made to ensure that the community to be selected would

by 'typical' or 'average'

9

since it was virtually impossible

firm opinion on such matters at that stage of the research.

to form a

It was argued

that i f the selected community should prove markedly different in its religious practices and beliefs from those o f other communities, this would by no means invalidate the research.

In .such an event, analysis of

the differences between the religion studied in detail and the religion

of other communities would elucidate the topic of research as much as would analysis o f the situation where no marked variation could be traced. In retrospect it can be said that the religious observances o f the

community in question did not differ in any major aspect from those o f other communities idsited in the central rice-growing areas of Thailand.

Acknowledgements An earlier version of this work appeared as a dissertation, submitted

in

l9Tl

for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

in the Australian National

For four years the Australian National University granted me

University.

a scholarship and fully financed the last two periods of fieldwork. initial assistance,

encouragement

and supervision

For

I an indebted to

Professor J.A. Barnes, now o f the University of' Cambridge, England, to

Professor A.L. Basham and to Dr H.H-E. Looks of the Australian National University.

Whilst rewriting I received stimulating critical com~ ~ents

from my colleagues Hass Wipudh Sobhavong and Dr R.B. Davis. I am most grateful to the people in and around Wad . Saaneaw, who put up with my inquisitive presence.

I hope that I managed to represent and Amongst these informants

interpret their views realistically.

I would

especially like to mention the late Joom Saqiam. Caroencan, the Venerable

Phiiig who has recently become the abbot o f Wad Saar caw, the Venerable Bunriiod o f

Wad

S-§ano§:»~r, the late Phré' Khruu lvleethitlnalnmaanujUd of' Wad

l.§,adn1ethar], pm-5.' Khruu Wimonthiti' o f

wed Phaneenpluu and Somkhuan

Sutticaj.

ii

A Note on Transliteration

I

Throughout this work, Thai words are generally transliterated into Romanized spelling with the use of the phonetic system devised by Mary R. Haas, and which is used in her Thai~English Students Dictionary.

Only

when words are widely 1-;now*n in a different orthography have I deviated

from her phonetic system.

preference

to bead.

For example, the word baht has been chosen in

Some Thai names have been transcribed

'

with Dr Haas

method, but when they have been genere.ll*r known in the literature under

a name which does not follow the phonetic system the accepted custom is

followed.

Many Thai words are related to Sanskrit or p§1i. remains obscure in the Haas

1

orthography.

This relation often

For this reason, in footnotes

and in the Glossary, many Pali and Sanskrit parallels

are given.

Whenever

Peili formulae are citers, the common Pali spelling is maintained, although

it ought to be kept in mind that this does not correspond fully with Thai

oral usage.

iii

CONTENTS Page CHAPTER I.

TWO ORIENTATIONS IN THE PRACTICE OF BUDDHISM

The Diachronic CHAPTER II.

•

4

.

THE SETTING AND THE FIELDWORK

23

The Fieldwork Situation

32

The Framework of Definitions

36

MY 61

CHAPTER III. CHILDREN AND RELIGION

Formal Education The 5_'égwé'.d3

65

The Novices

69

CHAPTER IV.

-

l

6

perspective

ADOLESCENTS, AMULETS AND TATTOOING

i

TO

.1

Adolescents and Religion

TO

Amulets Tattooing

TO 83

Sources of Magical Power

Qu

CHAPTER V.

THE FIRST PERIOD IN THE SAMGHA

•

¢

$T

v

105

Traditional Learning of the Ineimerienced Monk A.

Ordination

105

B.

Chanting

loT

C.

Mbnaetic Behaviour

Lil

D.

Formulae

116

E.

Preaching

120

F.

Meditation

122

MOre Recently Introduced Learning Tasks of the Inexperienced MOnks

let

A.

state Examination

1214

B.

Behaviour

129

CHAPTER VI.

LEAVING THE ORDER, COURTING AND MARRIAGE

1

|

I

136

Leaving the Samgha

136

Courting

lhl

Marriage

lhé 155

Auspicious moments

iv x

Page

CHAPTER VII. BUILDING A HOUSE

1

q

159

*

The Elementary Ceremony

162

Common Elaborations

163

A Closer Examination o f the Different Powers Placated

The ritual baskets

175 183

Avoiding Inauspieiouaneas

183

CHAPTER, VIII. THE PRECEPTS AND RITUAL

l

l

186 136 198

I

The Five Precepts The Eight Precepts

the elementary ceremony

Outside the Lenten season: During the Lenten season:

199 202

elaborate ceremonies

210

Older women and the eight precepts A comparison between the five and the eight precepts

212

The Ten Precepts

215

CHAPTER IX. A.

KARMA

THE PURSUIT OF BENEFICIAL

•

U

218

¢

Beneficial activities during which only a. small number of

219

people are involved B.

Family rituals which include a recitation by a chapter of monks

221

C. Public ceremonies in 'one's own' monastery

226

D. Public ceremonies in monasteries 'other than one's own'

2342

Establishing a scale of merit

:Elm

CHAPTER

x.

OLD AGE, DEATH AND THE HEREAFTER

l

*

Q50

i

Women as religious specialists

253 25T

Death

260

The older monks

A.

The expected demise

B.

The sudden, unpredictable

CHAPTER XI.

Q60 death

CONCLUS IONS

I

l

268 2T2 1'*

The order in the animated world

A.

i

41

ET1-1

Sources of magical power

275

B. Secondary sources v

Page

G.

The range of powers

D.

Variations on the operatic level

275 2T6

276

Merit and good fortune

GLOSSARY OF THAI, pal AND SANSKRIT woRDs

BIBLIOGRAPHY Part I.

280

'I

i

.

Works with specific reference to Thailand

286

286 286

A.

In Thai

B.

Works with reference to Thailand in languages other than Thai

288

Other references

293

Part II.

vi

LIST 0F TABLES Page

Table

5

l

Two types of Buddhism in a 'Iheravada Buddhist country

a

Tests administered to the researcher before and after the main period of fieldwork .

3.

The range of magical powers

he 96

1+

Thai monks, monasteries and population

98

5

6 T

*

It

I

*

Men

of

wad

Saar caw and their ordination up to

1968

99 leT

Names and domains of the nine different Phuums Number of people receiving the eight precepts in

wad

Saar caw

from II may 1968 until 28 October 1968

8 9

203

The major annual ceremonies in the monastery

227

The role of merit in the life cycle of the adult farmer

QTY

vii

r

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Page

Maps The main rieegrowing area of central Thailand l.2.

Habitation, vegetation and rivers around

wad

S5anc§w

211 IT

Figures 1.

The respectful attitude towards teachers

2

A. Jan napatkammam

3

The jan '§¢.baak:3;°)Q

,

The positions o f the nffag during the year

The Jan traiisiqbée, or ll56

The Jan eibsioqthid, or

'three-in-lion' diagram 'twelve directions' diagram

611 MY 156 168 lTd lTd

Plate S

I. II.

III. IV.

Buddha images and medallions

The result of many tattooing sessions

The class prepares for the Nézgtkarn I I I examination The dedication o f

the gift for the first hole

viii

TT 89 127 1T1

.

CHAPTER I

Two ORIENTATIONS IN THE PRACTICE OF BUDDHISM The research on the practice of religion in rural Thailand of' which this study is a result , was partly inspired by the observation of'

discrepancies

and opposing views in the literature on the subject.

On

the one hand there are syncretists who maintain that the religion in

Theravada Buddhist countries is a harmonious blend of Buddhism and local creeds.

Other scholars , however, distinguish

clearly between two or more

distinct strata in the religion.

During the fieldwork it was possible to solve at least part o f this controversy.

A

actor which is neglected by many authors is that the

whole Buddhist population cannot he described under a single rubric. There appear to exist at least two i`undsmenta.llv different approaches towards religion in Thailand, and, by inference, in other Theravada Buddhist countries as well.

unsophisticated

The basic principles underlying rural,

Buddhism appear to be fundamentally different

from the

Buddhist religion of the highly educated classes. In- my view, some syneretists draw their conclusions

from the

3

'1\.

/'

\

§ i 1

observation of the untutored population and some authors who

.g

compartmentalize the religion base their views upon statements of members of the educated classes.

The two groups of authors would have avoided

apparent controversies had they made clear that their description of'

Buddhism does not encompass the whole Buddhist population, but refers only to certain sections of it.

Amongst the authors who mention the fact that Buddhism and nonBuddhist beliefs and practices have, in the course of the centuries

become so intermingled that it is at present impossible to draw a

1

The three periods of fieldwork in Thailand upon which this study is based were e preliminary survey from October 196T to November l96T, the man period which lasted from April 1968 to March 1969 and finally a period from October 1969 to January lotTO.

1

Il

\ n

Di st init ion b between theuul i s HAnuman Raj abhor

.

In his essay on the

traditional culture o f Thailand he describes two strata of belief: animism and Buddhism.

Their interrelation is as follows:

JM

belief In Thai popular Buddhism, these two the mess o f the Thai people have and conceptions degree. become intermingled in an inextrieab The use of` words such as

'popular Buddhism' and 'the mass of' the people'

indicates that Anuran Rajadhon is between Buddhism and animism is

of the opinion that the syncretism

only true for the religion of the

unsophisticated people.

Some researchers who obtain their data on religion from the highly educated sections o f

the population tend to

between 'pure Buddhism' and 'secretions' . 3 of

l

the philosophical content o f

stress the discrepancy They are continually aware

the teachings o f the Buddha, and when

Such views are expressed, for example, by J . E . deYoung, Village

Life i n Modern Thailand, 1955, P.110; F.N. Tragerzl 1 'Reflections on Buddhism end the Social Order in southern Asia'€li. Burma Research .Society Fiftieth Anniversary Publications, Vol p;.533-l: ; E.M. Mendelson, 'The Uses of Religious Scepticism in Modern Burma' Diogenes, vo1.h1, 1963, pp.9h-ll6; G. Obeyesekere, 'The Great Tradition and the Little in the Perspective of Sinhalese Buddhism' , Journal of Asian S t u d i e s , Vol.22 3 1963 s 13.1110 9 W.J. Klausner, III1§pu1e.r Buedhigff We Northeast Thailand' in Cross Cultural Understancltlng, edited by F . S . C . Northrop and Helen H. Livingston, 19614 , sash. 'Living with Natsz An Analysis o f Animism pp.89-905 -.._,,"ia1 Relations' Anthropological Studies -in in Burn an

,

.

,

' _ _ * - 0 ' - '

Theravada Buddhism, 1966, pp.l1T-135; J. Ingersoll , 'The Priest

,

-

Tharavacda Buddhism

be Thailand' Antkropolocrical Studies 'in N.966, p . 5 l ; and I*-'LA Wright, 'Some

Observations on Thai Animism'

. , R_.czct1Zcal Anthropology,

vo1.15, 1968

p.l. 2

Journal of the Siam Society, Vo1.38, 1951, reprinted in Phys HAnuman Rajadhon Essays on Thai Fo Z?~.

presented to the Thai farmers in the first centuries of the second

r

millennium. they fed, housed, sponsored and became themselves Buddhist monks , not because they wished to escape rebirth, but primarily to

.

acquire magical power. The ritual code of behaviour of the Samgha was considered efficacious in bringing about an increased prosperity and the Pali texts were used as spells to ward off danger and illness. This hypothesis on the introduction of Buddhism in the rural areas can be neither substantiated nor contradicted by historical evidence. Rural culture leaves very little traces , especially in a tropical climate where religious buildings, images and books are made from plant material.

Nevertheless the hypothesis of' a rural restructuring of Buddhism whereby it can justifiably be called animistic Buddhism is made plausible by

reference to the specific characteristics of the spread of Buddhism, to parallels with Tai speaking tribes outside Thailand and by a consideration of the evidence of present-day rural religion.

Firstly, with' respect to the spread of Buddhism it can be pointed out that there was little proselytism.

Only where local religious

practices flagrantly contravened basic tenets , did the Buddhist message

institute direct change in local religion. The major impact of Buddhism was therefore probably the abolition of animal sacrifices. However, the""\.8 Buddhist attitude would be one of protection of the beasts, not of' the abolition of sacrifices as such.

Another aspect of the spread of Buddhism lies in the fact that no formal threshold had to he crossed if' a v'llager wished to attend a

Buddhist ceremony. other beliefs.

Any layman could take part without having; to repudiate

There was no examination of intentions , no formal

conversion and no initiation ceremony.

Instruction in the Buddhist

doctrine was not a specific requirement for the layman who wished to sponsor the Buddhist monk and their ceremonies

19

l

_

.nI \

With the spread of' Buddhism to the countryside in

important to notice the recruitment of Buddhist monks.

mind, it

is

Any villager who

fulfilled the traditional conditions of age, health and status belonged t o the field from which the Samgha drew i t s numbers. no elaborate preparation was needed t o

On village level,

prepare a man who had found e

preceptor willing to lead the ordination ceremony.

consisted o f memorizing the P811 ordination t e x t .

the Samgha, the villager could function well i f

His religious training

Once a full member of

he followed the rules of'

I

conduct and learned the most important stanzas. The religious beliefs of the aspirant monk were not questioned during the ordination.

In

rural areas it

regularly occurred that men became

members of the Salr1_g;ha for purely animistic reasons. himself in to

rescue him and in

number of

When a villager i`ound

grave danger he could resort t o requesting the invisible powers

return he promised t o 'become a monk for a specified

days, months or y e a r s .

If

he escaped unscathed, he f'elt obliged

t o fulfill his promise and rind a preceptor.

This practice, obviously

quite distinct from the principles guiding the original brotherhood of monks, has been widely accepted throughout the countryside. likely that the motivation o f farmers t o

It

is

quite

join the Samgha may have been

equally far' removed from orthodox Buddhism during the early days of Buddhism.

It

is

par excellence

,

important t o notice that the representatives o f Buddhism the monks, can share with their fellow villagers a body

of religious beliefs which need not h e Buddhist in

the strict sense.

References t o the religions of Tai speaking tribes o f the twentieth century cannot be used as evidence to

determine the religion o f the

farmers in the Chao Phraya valley of early Sukhcthai and Ayuttbaya.

At

best they can provide us with knowledge about the variations which have developed in

the course of

time and aid us in

placing the Thai farmers in

a broader perspective.

At present, Tai speakers can be round in Kweichow and Kwangsi province, Vietnam, Laos, Thailand, Burma and Yunnan.

Surr1ms.I'y

descriptions Of the religions of' the most important, groups] mention u. mixture o f animism with one or more dominant, widespread religion

l

Frank M. Lebar, Gerald C , Hi¢r8¥ anti John K. Musgrawre lads) Gr'uw:s

at

Mac-in land

.Q'm.¢+.?¢¢=¢-¢¢#

Accra. 5

1961-. , pp.1U '[-Z*l1 I&1

:t

'Thus

E't.*m'1'.re

Tai tribes 111 Kweichow follow many Taoist practices, there are groups 'al r'1.1ral north Vietnam which practice Mahayana Buddhism and some colrmaunit"'es

,

CO

Laos

»~-1

make use of a fixture of B u d d h i s t , Taoist and Confucian rituals.

Thailand, Burma anil south Yunnan, most Tags are called Theravada

Buddhists

All reports of the religions of "at speakers mention a strong animism. "he adherence to

Taoism, Confucianism an& Buddhism appears t o be derived

from an eclectic approach t o religion.

whole, the compilers o f

Writing about the tribal Fai as a.

a gazetteer on the regions notice that the

fundamental religion i s centered upon propitiation of" ancestors

no

ET

of'

multitude of spirits. There are phi of all kinds: guardians of the earth and village, the evil spirits of those who suffered a violent death, bearers of disease, tormentors who watch over the

,

Outside each village is

cross e t c .

a small pagoda for

guardian of the village, and inside each house are or more altars for the ancestors and the guardian of hearth. The religious practitioners are the heads of families *.-rho are responsible "Por the ancestors and various classes o f shamans generally hereditary, who

the one the the the

,

,

,

know how t o find lost objects , commune with the spirits

,

,

A few local festivals cure the sick, interpret dreams e t c . are held, for the New Year, for the dead, and the harvest

. . I

,

1

This basic animism which characterizes tribal Tai also 11nd.ez"Lies

the religion

Q?

the farmers i n lowland Thailand.

the . same concepts > practise similar

the symbol o f

53.

The Thai farmers use

and u s e identical

cannot b e accidental that the

north Vietnsln and the Thais in

*-.-:bite Tai in

.

It

during many rituals

pa,r'a;Jl'1e1*nalia

central Thailand recognize

central pole or pillar as t h e syncol for

c&awpH5o Z&gmya0.3

EL C central

Zak rrruong, the Thais know it

The white Tai call it

aut?'1ority

CEFEMG DiEE

as

Other striking silliilarities will be noted i n the

course of this study.

1 1

OJ" Northern Southeast Ashla, l'ult°L11-a.l Report Series Yale UNiversity Southeast Asia Studies 5 1950.

5

U»lQ 3

.re r

2

Ibid ,

i

,

*\;TD

3

L

`! Naapefo, Un etrrpfire colonial. .f'r'anQa'£. : ?,'Incloc?':-ine '7==~i;'tE=.';;, p E39 and-1-1'.1»L I.e°ba1° et a.1. , Etiznzic Grloups co' Ma1 H. ah-;I?=i:I Smuihemst AELG, 1Q6h, . 2 2 5 r"l

*

I

Q

i

Q

In .i

far

is

as the history of rural Thai religion i s concerned, it

can

be inferred that the rural people adopted the same eclectic approach that r

J

their distant relatives in

a.

`\ F

.of

I

J

\

the hills appear t o have taken.

hereditary leaders accepted Buddhism, the

When their

farmers of central Thailand

did not f`11Ilrlamentally reorient their religious outlook.

They remained

animists, continued t o propitiate their ancestors and the different kinds

of spirits remained in

the foreground.

'when

Bucidahism was introduced, it

became :subse;"v*ent to

animism.

3ucidhist monks were revered because their Paoli chants warbled off evil and their spells proved efficient ancestor shrine in

he image o f the Burlél-aa joined the

the houses and the Buddha st monastery occupied the

place just outside the community where the shrine for the guardian

C?

the village sto©d.

In the course of the centuries the role of Buddhism gradually became more prominent in

anil:-u so.

village 1~elj.gion.

Under the i n f l u e n c e

Rural anima am slowly became Eiudlilaist

of Buddhist principles the animal s a c r i f i c e

was replaced by offerings made up of

vegetahie r a t t e r .

It

is

notewortHy,

?1o'»re'~IeZ', Thai the azrzcient sacrifice has not 'been totally supplanted.

In

central Thailand there are occasions when a p i g ' s head forms the central Ei f t in

a ceremony

t o P r o1°i t i a t c the § odd

'

b r i n g the riineteenth and twentieth centllry wren the central 2(::ve1~nme;11 obtained. effective cont1~oll

1"o"e of Budclill1'i_sm was expanded until it animistic reljg'on

r

over muc ;1 of i t s

1"IU.I' al

areas

J

the

'became the major aspect o f rural

The central administration directed i t s e f f o r t s

towar&5 standardizing the Paoli texts used by t h e m o n k s , d i s t r i b u t i n g

tenrtbooks f o r newly ordained members of the Samgha and sponsoring an

"he prestige of the monks

r:-laborate examination system for the church. has r i s e n accordingly u

1m:asLe1~jy' from which it IUOILQS

to

No rural community i s

complete without

S.

can recruit at all times a chapter of Buddhist

bless a married couple or

a new house, t o

bring prosperity or

warm of illness and t o chant sacred sys tables for the dead. Althougll the Saingha and Buddhism pervade religious li4"e in

the

villages, this does not necessarily mean that the villager accepts t h e

philosophical tenets of' Buddhism OI' adheres t o i t s soteriology-. Budéhi .st concepts are often interpreted in accolwiance with animistic presuppositions

is

such a. way that they are in In

demonstrated how Buddhism has been cast in

22

The

the following chapters it

an animistic mould.

CHAPTER II THE SETTING AND THE FIELDWGRK The central rice-growing area it Thailand is depicted in Map 1.

In the south-west

corner' of this region lies the provincial

capital

rnhe toter is an important traffic centre ,

Ratburi on the river Maeklong.

not only because the river flows through it, but also a major highway and a railway cross the river at this point.

Its strategic position

is emphasized by a large garrison.

Like all provincial capitals, Ratburi provides a centre of trade

and commerce, frequented by people from the rural regions.

Apart from

a huge market place , there are workyards, specialist's shops and branch establishments of banks.

The government's administration is represented.

by a post office, a police station, a court o f justice, a cadastral

office, a hospital and various forms o f secondary education.

The monastery which was selected for the main period of fieldwork is situated only about five kilometers from the market of Rathuri.

Notwithstanding

its proximity to town it can he called a rural monastery

because it lies relatively' isolated from urban influence.

It is

connected with the network of bitumen roads only by a footpath. 1

The

most convenient method of reaching the monastery is by boat.

The origin of this monastery

cannot he determined with certainty.

One of the resident monks, the Venerable Phliig, told that even his grandfather had not been able to recall the time of founding.

According

to oral tradition, the original name of the monastery was Wad K§ewfas,

'Monastery of the Crystal Sky T been born in north~east

a

and it was founded by a monk who had

Thailand.

Approximately- one century ago the

name appears to have been Wad Paagnaam, 'Monastery at the MOnth of the River'.

Some older people can trace the names and origin o f the last

nine ahhots .

1

Since the period of fieldwork the situation bas changed drastically In February 197M I noticed that a bridge had been built which made it possible that motorised traffic reached the monastery. Consequently the influence of urban life was visible everywhere. New houses were built, the monastery and many houses bad been In a recently erected roadside cafe I connected with electricity. noticed the first television set

23

*

MAP I r'

THAILAND

THE MAIN FQICEGROWING AREA OF CENTRAL "/' /' J.L JJ- .. J JL; .u,_ J

.,r

..-..-»

J.»-A-Lfl.-»--l-:.J._.l».l_

.

/1LLLLL-

*..-"

/'

+L

II

' i / l L J , r _ i 1 . . l . L . - L L 1 J .

I'fl .Lx I , » ' Jn. /

-1J.

~;L.u.

_LL

.LL

-LL -l+

JJ,

/'

..l4._iJ__h._I.J;--_l.;__l.,...L _L_

L

'-

-I-L

Jo

-+4-.

».,~ ».., ."...l.r*..*"* {,»

.

1

i.

-.L*-

--» n -

¢

.."

-ii- .L

J+

-

/'

.

."

.

B -

..""'*

,»"

GFECI GFEU

Lopburi

J.i

f

THAILAND

~/

,

.

/

:_

Jo. L - .LL

_L

LL-

1:

aL

II.

.L

_L

.L;-

.

J

_:J. .L_

.)

*."

1

f

_,»"

J..

J

J

I

I4

r

I

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Some f i f t y years ago the name of the monastery changed again, thi time t o

wad

S5anc§w, 'Monastery o f

the Shrine o f

Chinese god on some land ad.jacen*; to the monastery constructed i t

after he had won a big p r i c e in

This was a very popular lottery in

or

*+.»

o

the hands

a

A Chinese be"son

the Pia# K33kH5D

l@tterv

h

Thailand from 1835 until 1016, and

the shrine must therefore date from this period.]

* s in

LJ

ThE

the Holy Being'

latest name was derived from the fact that a shrine was built

1""

The E h r i n E ' s sDk&en

* t o worshippers come

a Chinese caretaker

Fhinese population o f Ratburi

The

different cultures and +here i s

virtually

'r*'ism

tw- P

shrine and t h e wonastary r e p e a e n t

no communication between t

E

two

wma

E§anm§w 1 5

situated on

-E,

rectangular piece of land of e ' g t |-

Like mosI-

near the river bank are pruned j e t t i e s Drovide a c * e s -.J t o IP

the

ornamental t r e e s

A row O

.

i n the shape o f

t a l l candles

t h e grounds and each O f

Three

1

Maeklong, and at lunchtime the schoolchildren can often Dink

woman selling ;"1'uit

OF

with

I-|-l*1Elz'1 ' E urcvi dea

a cool place from where t o watch L`rle: 'Jess E:-15 on

is

It

I

has been taken to make a good impression

small shelter.

t`ie

A visitor can easily notice that great care

popular*on Gusta*ning it

Ea,

OP

Pl

monasteries, the area can be considered the community c e n t r e

L'J

S-4

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on the south bank of' the river Naeklong.

EYE

-EE,

sweets

All footpaths are slightly elevated so that the bul."'lldimg5 c a n e a § i l v

be reached even when most o f the area i s flooded i n the rainy season. But also in

the dry periods of' the year the 71i

go

footpaths are u s e d b e c a u s e

according t o their d i s c i p l i n e , monks and novices should avoid walking on grass lest they inadvertently t r e a d on

The buildings are kept in

adorned.

ill5.5EctE5

reasonable repair and are often richly

The most : mpc) r' L ant structure i s

the ?Q5OCZ3

9

OI' temnlfe

In

of&en days, the rural temple was invariably a wooden building, usually

'q

For further details on this lottery see B.C. Cartwright , 'The Huey Lottery' Journal

of

the Siam Society, 'Vo1.lB, pp.221- ,,.

H .

2

The raj is a Thai square surface measure, equal to 1600 meters Eight r&j corresponds thus with 1.25 hectare.

3

From the Paoli word posatha,

.

OI' Sanskrit pasadk-cz, meaning a Buddliiat

fasting day.

25

5

erected on a brick platform.

in

The old hood o f

wad

Saahcaw was derelict

the beginning of this century and the villagers constructed. the present

temple in 1932 and 1933.

They made it

according to

the latest fashion,

with thick brick walls plastered white and a roof covered with glazed tiles

U

When the present structure has t o be replaced again, probably

a more ornate building will be decided upon, with a concrete base and a'

multiple tiered r o o f .

Among the most essential 'buildings are two parallel rows of kristi' , 1

or monk 1 S Celle. In Wad S5.anc§w they are jo-F new by a central meeting ha"l where many of the ceremonies involving laymen take place. second meeting hall is less often in use.

A

Other structures on the

monastery grounds are the 'bell tower, a pyramiclical building called c6-:eci'i'£2

,

a cremation platform and the primary school.

To the east , south and west lie the households of the farmers who regularly support the monastery with food, services and money.

FTQ El

the

monastery, most houses can be reached on foot as well as via one of the waterways.

The total number of households called upon by the monks of

Wad Saar caw when they collect food early in

the morning is 116.

The

farmers' houses lie scattered about on the south 'bank o f the river tfaehlong and on both sides of the river 'com, which branches o f f from the Maeklong at Map 2

3

wad

Saaneaw.

the surroundings of

ecological systems. Saancélw itself i s

wad

Saar caw, depicts two distinct

On the one hand there is

the region in which Wad

situated, characterized by the cultivation of' r i c e ;

on the other there i s

an area which suddenly begins a few kilometres to

the south-east o f the monastery where no rice is grown, but where people draw their livelihood mainly from coconut-tree plantations.

The latter

type of environment is part o f a wider area covering much o f the delta o f the river Maeklong. t h e growing of

rice.

homesteads can be

In

this estuary the salinity o f the soil prevents

Scattered throughout these plantations single

found.

Rec e nt ly

many plantar i on

owners have based

1

From the Paoli or Sanskrit word. kz.4z%*L 5 meaning a shelter.

2

p51i

c e s y a , Sanskrit caitga.

26

1

M AP 2

H A l8 IT AW TATION, VEGETATION AND RWE Fl'S Ar-20UND WAD SA A N CA'

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27

I d r

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monastery

their incomes on a somewhat broader basis by combining their plantations with poultry farming. . The habitat around conforms to

area; it

Saaneéw differs greatly from the plantation

the rice-growing regions in

Thailand.

alluvial basin o f

main waterways.

wad

the r e s t o f the central

Here the people live on the borders o f the

The growth of' population has caused virtually all

river banks t o be divided up in

homesteads

,

so that on either side o f

a river an almost continuous stretch of" gardens can be found, here and there interspersed with the expanse o f a monastery. hides most houses -Prom view.

The plants growing in

Thick vegetation &

compound usually

comprise a few clusters of bamboo, a variety of vegetables, many trees which bear edible fruit, an areca palms

,

a betel plant and a kapok tree

.

The stretches of inhabited land are divided into small admini strative

units

,

the mifeulbdan.

In many areas o* Thailand a miaubcian forms a

distinct hamlet or a small village, but around wad Saancéiw, as in much of the central plain, there i s no visible boundary between different

rmlubéian.

The farmers in these populated river banks are aware of the

fact that they live in

a certain mu"ub¢°lian through their dealing with

officials from the post office, from the provincial cadastral office and from the Department of Irrigation.

Several m'.2Zt)&an are combined

administratively into a preprint , a tambcn.

A number o f tomboys form

an amphora, and. several amp foes constitute a oanwdd, or province.

The

farmers do not readily identify themselves with these administrative

.

units .

Apart from their families

many' farmers are firmly linked in nearest monastery.

,

the only other unit with which

thought and deed is usually the _.

Enclosed by the main waterways and their fringes of gardens and houses -are the regions used for agriculture. have cleared the soil of

Generations of farmers

almost all flora and have constructed small

rectangular fields, each surrounded-by a small Dyke which also- serves

as a footpath and along which at. irregular intervals a few sugerpalms

Each year at the beginning of the rainy season, during

can he found. 1

Areca catechu. The seeds o f the Areca plant are often referred t o as betelnut, an unfortunate name since it i s not a b e t e l , nor botanically speaking, a nut.

28

the months of May, June and July young rice-plants and seed are distributed over the fields , and in November, December and January, during the cool season, the crop is harvested.

The extend of' land-holding varies considerably from farmer to farmer.

In the region surrounding

wad

Saar caw, a man possessing 100

rdjl is considered a big landowner, while a farmer with 5 rdj to his name is regarded as very poor.

ho rdj.

Many farmers possess between 30 and

A field is not necessarily cultivated by its owner; big

landowners and old people without children often rent their land to

farmers with small holdings. In 1968 a rdj of' fields could be rented under the condition that the owner received a certain part of the yield of those fields. The customary fee was

lO

thdq2 , or 200 lit res

of rice per rdj, regardless of the total yield, but in special circumstances a different price could be agreed upon. Since the harvest of! one rdj usually yields between 25 and 50 t5"4§l3 of rice 'a the

customary rent amounted to a share of the. produce ranging from 20 to

HO

per cent of the total, After harvesting and threshing, part of the rice must be reserved.

for private consumption and another portion for planting during the subsequent year; sometimes a certain amount must be used to pay for

rent of land or working animals , but the remainder can be sold to a dealer'.

The money received for his surplus of rice usually represents

the greatest part of the . yearly cash income of the farmer.

Other

sources of" income during; the year come from the sale of surplus vegetables , fruit and fish in the provincial market and sometimes from

selling sweetmeats or proéuets of handicraft.

The poorer farmers

can derive aclclit tonal income from working as unskilled labourers

during the slack periods of the year, for example in the time between the harvest and the planting of the new crop.

Some farmers may derive

an extra income from breeding draught-oxen, whilst others who can be

1

Supra, p.25, footnote 2.

2

One then

3

During

s

or 'bucket' , is a unit of capacity equal to QUO litres

4

1968 the rent of an ox was estimated to be 30 to&rJ of rice 5

per year.

29

assured o f irrigation water may grow a second crop on a few o f their fields.

In

the region around

consists of

small green peas * I

was

Séance the second crop usually

W`hilet the great majority of people in

the region of W5.d Séance

derive their income from agriculture, there are some who can claim

other sources

o" income.

In

the

inst place there

who produce bricks from the clay in

are situated. that it for

the compounds

&TP

a

EW

Families

'.»I1"-&::p&~ +heir houses

The clay-pits are sometimes bigger' +han the houses s o

can be deducted that this home industwv has been established

a considerable t i m e .

The bri°k making i s

confined t o a small

region east of wad Séance on the south bank of the river Faeklong, where the deposits o f alluvial clay are suitable

Azoth et' familY

derives most of i t s income from the manufacture o f bronze images of the Buddha and sometimes o f Indra.

Secondly, there are f'arme'*s who spend a great deal of their time

trading goods.

Some go from house to house in a small boat , slowly

paddling along a waterway, announcing their wares.

Others, whose

houses are situated favourably, at a crossroad or next t o a :monastery , convert part of t h e i r homes into a shop.

They sell small household

goods such as soap powder, matches and cigarettes.

These shows ofI¢er

serve as a coffee house, where one can obtain soft drinks as well as alcoholic beverages.

A third group of people who derive an income from sources other than agriculture consists of those who receive a *enumeration from the

government.

Under- t h i s heading fall t h e headman of' t h e tanrbon, the

schoolteachers, men in military s e v i c z e and those who draw

EL

state

.

pension

Up to the time of the Second World War, the flow of' goods from the provincial capital to

the region o f

via

S`é'.anc§w was very small.

T816

farmers built their own houses and their own monastery from local

material

.

In many households 5. loom was in

production o f cloth.

constant use tor the

During the war, when the Japanese army occupied

the town of Ratburi , the flow o f goods from the central market dried up :in

1

Plzaseoilus ringo

.

30

l

almost completely.

The older inhabitants of' the region can recall that

in the last year of the war they had to press their own oil in order to light lamps, and the scarcity of matches made it necessary to rely on Flintstones in crc'lel. to make fire.

Since the Second World War , however,

many new goods and ideas have been introduced i n the region.

In 1968

the farmers had become actively involved in the economy of the provincial

capital

•

Many of the recent innovations have proven beneficial; access to modern medical equipment and new pharmaceutical products in the state

hospital has relieved some of the harsh sides of' the life of the farmer, The introduction of the mosquito net has undoubtedly contributed to the well-being and comfort of the rural population.

Mechanization of

transport end irregation systems have alleviated some of the problems of' the farmers , Many of the recent innovations , however, have serious drawbacks. Transistor radios for example, link. many households with the national broadcasting system and much valuable information may be disseminated

through this medium, but often the radio is switched on for hours on end, preventing ordinary conversation to take place.

Some older ':I.'hais

are aware of' the fact that the art of' story-telling is dying, out as a result o f the transistor radio.

A motorcycle provides splendid

opp or+unity to travel rapidly along the footpaths. It forces the

.

pedestrians to jump aside, however. Since many drivers of motorized vehicles are young adults and some of the peéestriane

are their seniors ,

the motorcycles have caused many breaches of the etiquette ' Similarly 5 the outboard motor has greatly increased the ef':I'iciency of' the transport system on all waterways , but nobody has assessed. the damage of the increased waves a and the loud noise is an unfortunate

ac r:ompanimeit

|

Mechanical pumps do relieve some anx'eties

of the

farmers , but at the same time it makes the farmer dependent upon ezvpens -1 ve fuel.

The monastery plays an important role in the process of

modernization.

"L

It is the place where the combined effort of the farmers

has made it possible to install a generator,

electrical wiring, a record

player, an amplifier and loudspeaker boxes.

The monastery is thus the

place where the farming population can test out these products

31

of modern

.,;-»

I m i

*

technology.

On festive occasions there is

no longer a need to hire a

band o f musicians, the record player can produce more sound for a

longer- period.

The monastery is

community, and in it

the result of the work o f the whole

a region which is

so close t o a provincial capital

reflects the modern ideas of the farmers surrounding i t .

The _Fieldwork Situatio

When an anthropologist remains for a prolonged period among a relatively small group o f people, often he cannot avoid becoming a disturbing influence in

the community under study.

His introduction

into the group selected for research may already "oe of' crucial

importance.

not able t o explain his presence in

When he is

sufficient

measure he may precipitate a chain of reactions beyond his control

which may severely hamper his fieldwork. Usually the researcher cannot claim a kinship relation with any member o f to

the community.

The argument that he has come t o do research,

foster the development of

with utter disbelief.

a scientific discipline will often b e met

Understandably the people will suspect that the

researcher has arrived for e special reason which he cannot divulge in

public.

Especially in

relatively isolated rural communities where some

activities would be regarded as illegal by a central government, the members

of' the small community will suspect him o f spying for the central

authorities. Such a situation hampers proper research

9

because the information

gained from people who are suspicious of the motivation of the researcher

tends t o be of limited value.

All answers on the anthropologist's

questions may thus be tinted with caution, his informants are always on guard and may tell deliberate untruths. advisable

,

especially in

For these reasons it

is

the early stages of' fieldwork, for the

anthropologist t o try and find a role which makes his presence more understandable in

the eyes of the informants.

Depending on the

situation he can, for example, assume the role o f schoolteacher,

Shopkeeper, tractor-repairer or irrigation expert.

If

a role can be

found which is intimately linked with the aspect of culture under study, the practical advantages mf* assuzrning such a role may Bo great.

Since the research in

question centered upon the p r a c t i c e o f

a rural setting o f

religion in

'!"hailancll, the role which iwmediaflgff

Bresented 'itself was that o f the Duédhist monk. Thailand almost every adult man o i l for 5 Q m " u e r € m d mf h i s l i f e .

least one

essential preparation f o r adult ?ii"e

that

wishes t o become a monk behave in

*

C'

\-l

It

the

m&mber o

a manner b e f i t t i n g a f u ? l

b y hEart

will in

5

be n=°d.@Cf

U]

f *he abbot

to

Euatain the extra member

The author had t o ; mrivi'ege t o

3

additional

will

the

C;-,VEE

be

a mewbér o f

-530"Q 'Mb @1-

Lat

Of

1'1&ce5saI*y t o

Tn TJHQ i ""`t 11 . 5 in la f ' : 111t--Jr. iN Eli-p =.pa-.: .L §. i * .L

of t h e members o f the ccl'mmunity

,

.J_

D

2

h e haul

Gm.

E(@c*o11d.l§; , the role o f Buddhist monk i s

"I

.

In

I

TE5ETVEF

for

mE3[1

Therefore t o

the third p l a c e , a s a newly ordained monk, i t

was

an

earn a. set o f skills wh¥r1"1 are o f u r i n e immortanre am"

understanding of the p r a c t i c e of Thai r e l i g i o n . + E:-£t 5

.

this role by a foreigner does not necessarily upset Lhe

tuatiorz

r|.'!|

TCH E?

.1

Cl

adoption o f

r-

T

Q

Nat n e c c s 5 a r i ' T

total

:a

many respects

the ¢omrz1u.nit;j; which 'sustains the morlasterjy'

born in

Wii

t h e Earth& i n

-r

to lead a very useful l i f e

0Ur1 2-I'iip!"1

o f the order.

f'i"'s't place, the anthropologist had l i t s *or , in

rural

E.

'2l"*l:. mL4.1

proved t o be advantageous t o the res=archer in

lnrf aeencaD

In

ccnvincei that l a v e r

t,

35.zL;1c§.w from: 20 April 1968 until

a Buddhist

role o f

en°ourage t h i s man *

Guarantee the continuous subplot o f If:

" o

w @

order 7 to learn a

in to#

f armers w i * l b e inclined t o

monastery he will be admitted

gygigngy

and no claznonstrate t o a l l

I-*

4- _ e

regarded as an

in

a for+una:& c i r n u m a t n c e

13

layman that J

5; 93.5511

rolfe aspirant-monk is prepared no

l one as

certain number o f Paoli seutencea

1n1:::'1k

the S a s h a

.J.he Thais du not *ah@ exception t o a

Emma c a m e s a

in

a

rural

"EHLI3l

the rural areas t h e taking by a yawn;

In

the ordcv for &

the vows o f

man o f

In

become a member it

. . *Rom gumlm-leaf manuscripts preach

fellow monks 1-ras o f

aid in

,

to

learning t o

chant Pall

11ecli1Eate and study with

the unrlcrstanding of Inane 'Formal aspects

Q f'

the r»l!i§i@n *

In

ad§itiQn, parti.c:'i.pation in

sarvicee for

a great variety of' ceremonies

,

f`:=r'om

t h e l a i t y such as the first haircutting o? a child, blessing

a marriage, c r y i n g for rain and assisting with cremations, t o

ceremonies

reserved for members o f the Samgha, provided a stimulating introduction

Lo the

kaleidoecolnicr variety of experiences a ncwlv orfiaiued monk can

33

I

.

undergo.

MOreover, many of these ceremonies were attended repeatedly,

and this gave rise to e realization that rituals of the same name may not always take exactly the same ferm.1

As a monk in

wad

Saaneaw, the researcher was drawn to participate

in a great variety of' situations.

Ultimately this proved very useful

towards understanding.many aspects of rural life.

a network o f obligations

He became linked in

towards his benefactors, pupil of some senior

monks , classmate to other recently ordained members of the Samgha, |

comrade of some monks and laymen and sometimes instructor to some children who were assigned to the monastery.

The fact that the foreign

researcher was so obviously involved with the religion of the community

made much of bis tedious repeated questioning about details of religious ceremonies excusable to the Thais.

When such questioning took place,

the answers were often given as a matter of course, in a spontaneous manner.

Finally, the ritual superiority

of a full member

or

the Samgha over

all laymen facilitated the questioning of people who were much older

than the researcher himself.

When a layman, the difference in age would

have placed the researcher in a subservient position to some of the

most knowledgeable

members of the community.

The role of a Buddhist monk also brought some disadvantages the anthropologist's point of view.

from

A monk cannot move freely, he

should obtain permission from his seniors before leaving the precincts

of the monastery.

He should avoid mingling with crowds , and keep at

a distance from sporting events and :military parades. ought to be aware of his thoughts

women.

At all times he

and movements and remain aloof fI'0II1

His rules forbid him. to participate in gambling, to drink

alcoholic beverages, to fish or to work in the fields.

In addition

his superior ritual position prevents him from participating in those kinds of religious activities which involve paying homage to those

non-human powers which are ritually inferior to monks. In order to overcome the limitations

imposed by the monK's role ,

the first year of' fieldwork was divided into two parts; the first

portion of just over six months consisted of the time as a member of' the l

1

l

_

This aspect is elaborated upon later in this chapter, infra,

PP ho-hl.

oh 'I

Saqlgha, the second part was a period o f five months during which the

researcher remained in the vicinity of Wad Saazicaw as a layman . :During the second part of the main i`ielcl*w*ork period, the participant-observer technique remained in

occasion to participate

was grasped.

the foreground.

Every

actively in the religious life of the farmers

Therefore it was decided not to live isolated, but to

accept an invitation to take up residence with a f&;"mer's family

whose house was situated about one kilometer distance from

J

Wad Saar caw.

Every' opportunity to join a ritual was taken, whether it be a fund-

raising ceremony at a neighbouring monastery, building a new house, celebrating a marriage, or listening to a famous preacher. In addition it was possible to join the work on the f arm.

Especially

during the period of' harvesting and threshing rice many days of hard physical work were spent in the fields. Much of the information upon which this study is based has thus

been obtained with the help of the participant-observer technique.

this technique has its difficulties and shortcomings. While the researcher is physically actively engaged in some aspect of social life, for example, while he is helping to pound rice kernels into a

paste, or learning how to weave a basket, and meanwhile asking questions about some related beliefs and values, it is difficult to record the information received. A tape- eco de

C

ld o ly b

used i

e t e ely f rm l ci curst

yes ,

such as during a preaching or whilst the monks were chanting sacred texts. It was virtually impossible to record casual conversation because

invariably the conversation was diverted towards the recorder itself

and most people showed considerable language recorded.

inhibition to having their ordinary

MOreover, the researcher felt that continual use

did not agree with the role adopted for the

of the tape-recorder

duration of the fieldwork.

It becarae therefore

necessary to type or

write notes in an abbreviated form at free moments

1

.

1

Sometimes it lasted

'\

I am greatly ~hebted to the family of Sevier Caroencan. They allowed me to take part in their private lives and gave real friendship in

making this period of research not only immensely emotionally rewarding as well.

35

many hours before these notes could be worked out in

incorporated in

the r e s t of the data.

It

is

apparent that in

circumstances no word-for-word record could b e made.

memory, guided by a few key words only reconstruct the gist o f

was eacrified t o

detail and be

these

Relying on h i s

d o t t e d down, the researcher could

the different conversations.

a certain extent in

Accuracy

order t o obtain volunteered,

spontaneous information.

For this reason, a check on accuracy seemed necessary. end of the main fieldwork period it

Near the

was therefore decided t o employ

one member of the community living around Wad Saar caw, and to read with this informant all accumulated date. make c r i t i c a l comments

|,

This informant was encouraged to

This check eliminated certain inaccuracies

and rectified some misunderstandings, in addition the notes proved a

most fruitful store of topics of conversation, and some new data were uraewthed.

These sessions lasted for one month and this period

represents the only time that a paid informant was used. The framework o f definitions

Unlike many other sciences, anthropology does not appear to possess a set of axioms which are generally accepted.

There i s

no unanimity 0.9

opinion on what should be the definition of culture, religion or ritual;

.

the definition of anthropology itself' is not 'beyond discussion

For

is relevent to set out i n a concise manner what meaning

this reason it

is given to some Of the concepts which are crucial to this study of religion and how these concepts are interrelated.

The theoretical framework drawn up in this section rests upon a system which is

by no means original; a similar model has been devised

,

for example, by Humans. 1

The basic assumption in

this theoretical framework is that the

aspect of culture which social scientists primarily wish to

is social activity.

elucidate

By the social activity of a person is meant that

type of activity which is

directed towards e or implies the existence of

1

l

George C . Humans, The HuMan Group, 1951, and Social' Behavior, Its

Elementary Forms, 1961.

36

The word 'actor' should be used in a broad sense indeed:

other actors.

it is not solely reserved for human actors 5 it can include all kinds

of non-human or imagined agents. This ensures that the theoretical model encompasses religious activities among the social activity studied . The social activities observed by the researcher 1nvariab;y take place in an envizrorunent which contains other actors and agents who

recognize,

OI'

are believed to recognize

in other wards:

3

most of each other"s a.cti'-.tities ,

who partake in the same cultzve .

Different sub-

disciplines of social science study different aspects on° social activity. Most anthropologists are often intent on investigating; the norms which exist in

E.

certain c:om.mu1'1i+.y .

By the concept 'norm' is understood the opinion o* a certain number of actors that under certain circumstances certain act*v'+ies Ehmuid be engaged upon or avoided.l type

Q

Since nor hwnan agents can be regarded as a.

actor in social activity, i-J- 'E &DDarQnt that ethic; and morals

can be seen as specific types of norms

Each norm

s the product of a historical

C1.E,lH

Qi"

ev&nt5 :

there

must have been a set of precedents in the past which have respited in

its being .generally known that in certain Qircumstancea one ought to behave in a u"escribed manner.

The constant inf'lux o f new ii*cumstanceQ J

which brings about HEW precedents , combined with the fact 1hat in the course OP time the members of a culture do not remain £he same individuals, makes it understandable that norms change continually in all societies

There are norms, however, which, with the help of historical records , can be traced over EB. long period of time.

Even if such a norm does not

appear to have changed during many century es , this does not warrant the conclusion that the norm can be evaluated in a similar manner over that whole period of time.

Since the culture is in constant flux, a norm

should be interpreted in its contemporary context

in relation to the

whole cultural situation of a particular time.

l

Humans, Social Behavior, Its Elementary Forms ,

IT

p.h6.

was noted that the people of Sukhothai in the fourteenth

Thus it

century worshipped sacred relics.

Similar beliefs can probably be However, for a

established in the same region six centuries later.

proper understanding of the importance of relics in Sukhothai times it is necessary to take into account the development of the fortified

town, the position of a ruler as guardian of the realm and the political impact of a religious validation of the ruler by noting miraculous

power i n miraculously found relics.

Consistent with the framework of concepts drawn up so f a r , the

definition of religion is based upon the concept of religious activity. Religious activities are hereby defined as those social activities or aspects of social activities which involve human actors in relation with culturally postulated immaterial non-human a g e n t s . 2

The words

|

immaterial non-human agents' are used i n preference

to the more generally accepted 'supernatural beings F 'supernatural

nature

I

1

since the word

J

has connotations such as 'more than natural'

3

'beyond

'

While activities showing the aspect of 'more than natural

can sometimes be regarded as religious , the exclusive use of the term 'supernatural' limits religious phenomena

too much.

quite possible that there are cultures in

which the religious agents

are seen as an intrinsic part o f nature.

Such s case could be made

is

After all, it

for the Thai rural setting. For a similar reason the term 'superhuman' was avoided in

definition of religion, since 'superhuman'

has connotations

than human', 'above human' , and while much of the religi mis

can be caught under

Ei

of 'more activities

definition with this term, it is not necessarily

a classification which comprises all religious action. possible to

the

It

is quite

envisage religious agents which are 'less than human 1

'below human'

.

Some of

the spirits of

3

Thai religion may well fall

1

See pp. 12-35.

2

I arrived at this definition partly by critically appraising M.E. S8.:'ir'o's clei'inition of* religion of' 19611: "a cultural system consisting of culturally patterned interaction with culturally

post1.1le1'ted super-humall 'beillgs." Proceedings

of

i:1:

"Rel inion and 'the Irrational"

Log 2964 Annual $pr-ing Meeting

EthnoWgvlnql Society

5

p.l03

.

of

the American

under this heading.

Since the morphological classification o f religious

agents will differ from religion t o religion, it

wee therefore decided

t o make the wording as wide as possible and use the terms 'immaterial non-human agents'

In

.

contrast with the approach of

functionalist school; 9 religion is

some anthropologists of the

here not thought of

1-.

r

as a. social

J | \

I

system, as a sub-systean, or as an institution in i t s own right. it

i s maintained that religion i s

in

other c a s e s it

is

found in

Instead,

often an aspect o f social behaviour,

combination with non-religious activities

.

Many anthropologists who have learned t o compartmentalize human behaviour fail t o realize how rare purely religious behaviour i s . Even in

the institutionalized areas o f religion, for example during

certain ceremonies with a religious aim, it

is

always possible t o

discern aspects which have direct hearing on quite different areas of` the culture.

For example, when a group o f

S`a'.anc§w on a Buddhist holy day in listen t o the recital of

villagers gather in

Wad

order t o offer food t o the monks and

sacred t e x t s , non-religious aspects can is

crucial for a full understanding of the ritual.

Some layznen may take

part because staying home would give r i s e t o gossip, others may attend

in

order t o meet certain members of the group.

laymen in

respect to

each other i s

nothing t o do with religion. with respect t o

of

The positioning of the

"'r r

anthropological i n t e r e s t , "out has

The amount of

food donated can be relevant

economics and the verbal exchanges o f layman often have

no bearing on religion. Whilst there i s nothing t o

in

much in

the Buddhist monastery that has l i t t l e or

do with religion, the reverse i s

also true.

Many activities

the houses, and on the fields reveal a religious aspect when carefully

analysed.

Before cutting a t r e e , a farmer may address the spirit

believed t o inhabit the tree.

When setting out on hazardous journey,

many Thais will take precautions which are of? religious significance. Religion pervades all aspects of l i f e and i t virtually all social situations in

can he studied in

rural Thailand.

P

1

,

Notably M E . Spiro, Zoe.c'llt. "Religion: Problems of' Definition and E;);planation" in Arthropod logical .épproockes to the Study of Religion, ed. M. Barton, l515.U5-W I

.

39

in

I

In line with a general trend among anthropologists

is made between religion and magic, the latter

whole field of religion.

.-s

al

,

no distinction

seen as part of the

Magical activities are those religious

activities whereby the human actors manipulate the non-human agents

\for a purpose o* their own. Having defined social activity, culture, norm religion

,

and magic

there remains a concept crucial to the study of TheI-I religion : ceremony

¢

,

the

A ceremony i s hereby defined as the performance of a' numbs*

of related social activities in a prescribed manner

.

They provide es.

researcher with a formal demonstration of a set of interrelated norms

.

In many societies the enactment of a ritual is

a:1éL

care is

taken to

adhere t o

considered inzjpcrtar t

the :manner traditionally observed.

9

|- I 15

-

Thai?and, where some traditional lore is preserved in handbooks and

re-inforced by €'or:nla1 teaching, ceremonies tend t o preserve an interrelated network of norms of a period prior to the time of enactment.

of ceremonial can thus be an aid t o historical insight

3

The study

and on t h e other

hand, historical data may be helpful t o understand the inclusion of certain e-| events in

ceremonies.

, having been

Ceremonies

defined in relation to social activities

in general, are therefore not necessarily part of religion.

There are

many ceremonies centered around a religious theme, but much religious information is

embedded in

rituals which are primarily concerned with

other types o f social activities

Much of the evidence brought

forward

i n this etty of Thai rural

religion i s based upon the analysis o f a multitude o f ceremonies

Although the conclusions can- ultimately be traced back t o the data

obtained from specific rituals, in many cases the details

of actual

ceremonies have been l e f t out so as to keep t h i s study concise as well as encompassing.

The presentation of rituals i n this book i s

often one level removed from. direct observation

the reader, rituals are presented in

For the benefit of

their basic normative form first

A ritual i s often described in its essential core

the minimal

as; Levity withmlt which the ceremony has no validity i n the

the

T;.p.-v-jl'D1'-Tnpyg

eyes o f

L

This essential ceremony gives clues about the 11=:»1ni:1thF:l;ica.] structure behind. the" ELctiviti&~;5

,

Huwuver., the wealth of idé:':lbrl":q:l11iDal

ho

detail has its own analytical elementary

value.

core, usually & description

Therefore after describing of coin non elaborations

the

follow,

in which is shown what aspects are usually embellished by those who have the means and the inclination to do so.

While the analysis o f many ceremonies has been chosen as the major key towards understanding certain fundamental principles

underlying rural Thai religion, the order of presentation is derived from a general awareness

of a simple sociological

truth.

The individuals

who make up a society are of` great diversity, each possessing a unique

genetic code. culture.

Every

person differs in his or her appreciation

of' the

This diversity in society is especially pertinent to the

study of Thai religion.

In the first place there is a great difference complexity

in the grasp and

of religious beliefs 'between persons of different ages.

During

the first formative years of his life, the religious knowledge of a person is essentially different from the understanding an adult may have

acquired.

The religion of a man who has been a Buddhist monk may well

be at variance with that of a person who has not had that privilege.

A

man setting up a family may have a slightly

a person in his old age.

different outlook than

Secondly, within each age group, women may

differ from men in religious experiences and access to religious knowledge.

In order to impart these principal notions, the ceremonies which et are discussed in this book are ordered along a developmental scale,

.

and from time to time a distinction between the sexes is mentioned. Thus a picture o f religion is developed in e manner somewhat like that

in which religion unfolds itself' to the Thais. In order to impart a complete picture of the techniques used during the different stages of the fieldwork, some additional methods

and technical

(a)

devices have to be mentioned.

A picture of' the historical 'background was obtained mainly

through discussions

with the older-members

of the community.

All

available documentary records of the monastery were checked. Altogether this comprised

3h6

books and pamphlets in Thai and pale,

as well as several handwritten sources.

Most of' the books, however :

were old copies of texts used by monks to prepare thees elves for state

up

examinations.

The handwritten sources were exercise books in

which was

recorded which individuals had contributed to religious ceremonies held in

the monastery.

Altogether the printed and written documents were

interesting, but of limited historical value.

(b)

In line with the participant-observer technique, information

was obtained from depth-interviews rather than from. questionnaires. In

general it

can be stated that when a certain point remained

unanswered, or when the researcher .failed to understand a statement this was noted in followed up in (c)

,

a booklet especially reserved for this purpose and

subsequent questioning.

Genealogical charts were constructed, comprising all households

which regularly supported the monastery.

These charts included all

people already deceased who could be remembered.

It

was recorded of

all males in the charts whether or . not they had over been a monk, and if

this question was answered in

had been ordained, in

(d)

the affirmative, how many times they

which monastery and for how many years

.

On some occasions when the researcher was prevented from

attending an important ceremony through overlap with other engagements, a photographic record was obtained.

was instructed in

For this purpose, an informant

the use of photographic equipment.

photographs were often instruments in

The resulting

further conversations and

interviews.l

(f)

While the use of the tape-recorder was restricted for reasons

mentioned earlier in

this chapter, it

much of

or

the chanting

the monks.

was possible to make recordings of

These recordings were later used to

compare the chanting of the Wad Saar caw monks with the texts issued by the Department of Religious Affairs and by the mahamakuta Educational Council of the Buddhist University in

(5)

Furthermore, it

Bangkok.

should be mentioned that attempts were made

to evaluate the inetrunalent upon which the whole p r o j e c t depended in

the first place:

1

the anthropologist himself.

Nobody who is

ilmnerseéi

How an anthropologist unwittingly can precipitate change in the community under research is demonstrated be the fact that this intorxnent had in 1971+ become a part-time photographer.

142

for a prolonged time in

The

an alien culture can remain objective.

personality of the researcher is

involved, not only when he chooses his

path through the multitude of information which unfolds itself daily around him, but also when he selects contacts with members community.

The values and attitudes of

of the

8. person iNfluence his manner

of' observation, his basic classification, bis line of analysis. When s psychologist at

the Australian National Universityl was

approached before setting out for the main period of' fieldwork, it

was with two aims in mind. human perception i s , it assessment of

it

In

the first place, realising how subjective

was felt necessary t o obtain some sort of

the values and attitudes o f

the researcher.

Secondly,

would be interesting t o discover whether any marked change in

.personality would occur as a result of the new experiences in

fieldwork situation. It

the

the

.

was decided t o try and obtain a picture of

the attitudes and

values of the researcher by administering a certain number of t e s t s , set out in

Table 2 , during two different periods.

tests were given in

The first set o f

March 1968, just before setting out for Thailand,

and the second series took place in April l96C

,

returning from the main period o f fieldwork.

In

immediately upon

addition, extensive

interviews were recorded.

l

Mrs M. Evans gave many hours in questions.

order to

M3

present an

ansmrrc t o

the

Table 2.

Tests administered

to the researcher before

and after the main period of fieldwork

.-_~-

1-.

March 1969 .»I-!-..

April 1969

_

._-

i

l

l

Eysenck Personality

Inventory Form A

Eysenck Personality Inventory From B

2

Thematic apperc emption Test

2

Thematic Apperception Test

3

Rorschach

3

Rorschach

h

Cattell's 16 p.F. Form A

LL

Cattell's 16 p.F. Form B

5

Minnesota MUltiphasic

5

Minnesota Multiphasio

Personality Inventory

6

Allport-Vernon-Lindsey's

T

Leary Interpersonal Check

Personality

Allport-Vernon-Lindzey's

T

Leary Interpersonal

Study of Values

Study of Values

8

Willoughby Personality

Schedule

The major findings resulting

Cheek

List

List

8

Inventory

5

Willoughby Personality Schedule

from the analysis of the tests and

interviews can be summarized as follows • (1)

The topic of the thesis and the role of a monk were chosen,

not only for the purpose of intellectual enquiry, but also because the

researcher hoped and expected that it would enlarge and enrich his personal experiences(2)

After the research he was cliseLppoin+ed in some measure to

realize how ordinary and understandable the -experiences were. (3)

Although he participated in many ceremonies and rites, he

never possessed faith.

Is)

He himself felt that he end not personally' change greatly

from these experiences(5)

The tests revealed no significant changes in his personality

as a result of these experiences.

111+

CHAPTER III CHILDREN AND RELIGION In many traditional societies people have an incomplete knowledge of the exact biological principles

governing the conception

of a child.

Their views on the mechanism of conception are often influenced by religious beliefs.

In Thailand, as can be expected from a Buddhist

country, adults see the conception

of a child as related to the

principles governing rebirth and karma] .

In rural areas it is believed

that a woman who regularly has sexual intercourse with a man becomes pregnant when a winjaan, a soul or spirits settles in her womb.

Coitus

provides the circumstances wherein the winjaan can grow and be reborn.

It has been reported that a woman can obtain knowledge

of the character

of the child through a dream soon after she has conceived , but no

such instances can be reported from the region around Wad Saar caw.

If a child is stillborn or if it dies soon after birth, the w-zlnjaan of the infant is considered to have possessed bad karma.

The fact that

such an. unhappy event occurs to a certain family is also seen related

to the had karma

or

the parents involved.

The woman' who finds herself pregnant usually takes great care to protect herself and the foetus from harm.

It may be asked why the

Thais take elaborate precautions against mishap, siNce the doctrine of karma appears to indicate a world view based on a theory of predestination. It could thus be reasoned that an individual with good kcz1°mawill be free from mishap, whatever actions are taken and that a person who

possesses had karma will not be able to avoid a horrible fate.

I

1

Literally'doing' , 'action'. . The Thai spelling indicates that the Mhai word k m is derived from the Sanskrit karma, rather than the P§.ILi kwrztna.

2

Paoli vi%%&@a, life force, also extending over rebirths.

3

_

Wales, in -§Slamese. Theory and Ritual Connected with Pregnancy,

Birth and Infanr:y",. Journal 03" the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Eritain wed Ireland, VO1.LX1II, pp.l+lL2-l¢lL3pp.109-110 nfafe and Rama; in of. of related to the belief that all dreams can be iNterpreted Whenever a person has a vivid dream or nightmare he try to find out its meaning by consulting textbooks or' knowledgeable persons • ix

as

MY

_

W

.,».,.."....

.......~".-.

However, the place of the karma doctrine in the Thai world view is quite

different, in no way can the religion of the Thais be called fatalistic. As an illustration the agricultural pursuits of a i'alner can be

taken.

The man who plants a crop and tends his fields has a chance of

reaping a harvest, whilst the man who decides not to plant may run out of food.

The methods of dealing with the environment in order to have

a good chance on obtaining profitable results have been handed dovn through the generations.

Magical manipulations form part of" the

traditional knowledge, and it is generally accepted in

wed

Saancéw that

these have proven successful in many instances.

.

Sometimes, however, a person does not obtain the desired result notwithstanding the fact that he took proper precautions.

misfortunes

can be explained in several ways'

Small

the techniques may have

been applied in the wrong manner or at the wrong time, the

persons

involved may have been inexperienced, propitiation of outside powers

may have been insufficient.

It is only when a man has continuously

used the proper methods and still receives

setback after setback that

he has to acknowledge that his bad karma must be the overriding factor.

The store of karma from past lives is for most people a mixed bag, it may bring something good and something bad, and in ordinary situations no reference is made to this ultimate decisive factor of a person's circumstances.

In special situations s when there is exceptional bad

fortune, but also when there is an inexplicable 4

per-son's kcrnna may be referred to. therefore used

- of events.

ad

amount of good luck, a

In general, the karma doctrine is

hoe, as the ultimate explanation for the occurrence

The karma doctrine and magical manipulations are therefore not

fundamentally opposed in the eyes of Thai farmers.

Placing a karmic

system in opposition with a magical system, like Textor does for a village in central Thailand seems to be based on the world view of the

researcher rather than on that of the farmers themselves.

This

becomes even more evident when he gives the kctrmrlc system the epithet

'moral'

1

s

and calls the magical system BN

'amoral' system.l

R.B. Text or, An Inventory of Non-Buddhist Supernatural Objects in

a Cent.T=r1?, 7'1'r»:r1' Tri?-E-mga, l96u l pp.6-ll et pdsaitn.

M6 r

1

1

The karma doctrine does not seem to exclude the principles underlying On the contrary the two are

the application of magical power.

complementary.

A person who neglects magical protection, relying solely

on his good karma, is a sort of gambler trusting his luck.

takes many magical precautions

will feel more secure.

A man who

before engaging upon important activities

If things turn out badly for the latter, at

least it cannot 'ne attributed to the idea of his neglecting to be polite to the non-human agents around him. Therefore a pregnant woman will often do all she can to protect herself and her child.

Even if she is not inclined to do so, her

relatives may ensure that she takes magical precautions 9 because she is a potential danger to her surroundings. If she dies with her child still unborn, or in giving birth to her. child, she 'becomes a very

dangerous spirit, blindly revenging her sorrows on the innocent members

of' her community. The co~ ~mon precautions taken include a special diet, the wearing of certain talismans and special rules of 'behaviour' dur-I fig

bathing. Many of the traditional prescriptions for pregnant women

have been described in detail by Phya Anuran Rajadhonl and they need not be repeated here. Usually a child is horn at home.

Even the ;°'a,1¢meI's who live within

easy reach of a hospital ask for medical help only in exceptional cases

This reluctance to use modern medical facilities is partly due to the expense involved .

Additionally,

many women prefer to give birth in the

ancestral home because there they can freely surround themselves with

magical precautions which have no place in hospitals.

Moreover, most

women fear the obstetrician and do not wish to expose their bodies to

the eyes of :nurses and

e,

doctor. When the child is born in the village,

an older female assists and a loose cloth is kept over the lower parts of the body

Ceremonies surrounding the birth of1 a child vary according to the

wealth of the family into which it is born, and the number of children that have already been born to the couple in question. When the family

l

Prapheenfiii kind kg:"$:Jr) Thai, 1927, pp.].0-35. An English translation can be found in Life and Ritual in old Siam, pp-.110-120.

117

is poor or when the child has already many 'brothers and sisters 3 often only the essential

ceremonies are observed;

As soon as the labour' pains begin, the midwife is called. When the midwife enters the house she must be presented with a ceremonial gI- ft:

a tray with a quantity of' unhusked rice, s. coconut , some bananas areca 3

fruit , candles , incense and an amount o* money.

was Saar caw

farmers

can recollect the time when the amount of' money was four or six baht , 1

but in 1968 the midwife could expect to receive t1-renty baht from Fri ends g and as much as fox-ty baht when she worked for s. +'am1l3"' with whom she was not particularly

intimate.

The midwife receives the tray, but it is immediately placed in an honorable place

O-El

the house *

three days after the delivery

A

She does not take possession of it until

THe

midwife assists the pregnant woman

with her' skills which usually include the application

of ointments, *he

use of medicine, the uttering of spells and manipulation.

is

Even as

the child is born, mucus is removed from the mouth and the nose of the

baby by sucking. The umbilical cord is cut with a. Knife made from m&ajr§ag, a type of bamboo.2 "he placenta is collected, salted and placed in a jar which is kept in the room or three days. "Ne day of

the week and the l.mar' month are noted,

to

that the child ma.y' use this

knowledge later when making decisions for which astrological. calculations are necessary.

Under the house, directly beneath the place of confinement , a heap of thorny branches is placed

This acts as a. cover for all excreta that

may fall during and after the confinement. The thorns prevent not only animals , but also malevolent spirits from feeding On the offal. On the third day after birth, the child is cercmoniouslv into the world of his relatives.

accepted

The infant is laid on a kmdéq , a

large round tray. The midwife moves the basket three times in a clockwise direction, whilst chanting slowly: spirits; four days, human child.

l

'Three days , child of the

Who will receive this child?'

The baht is the anonetary unit of Thailand. sterling equal-led approximately forty-nine

An

older

In 1968, the pound OT, one US S 9

baht

squalled twenty baht.

2

Tkrysostachys siamensis, (G.B. McFarland, Thai-English Dictionary ,

p.689l.

1I8

relative, who has a good standing in

the com~ ~unity and who often has

reared children successfully, accepts the infant from the hands of midwife and has t o pay a ceremonial sum. for this honour.

the

On this

occasion the child receives a string of cotton thread bound around, his right w r i s t s , a ritual intended t o reassure the soul of the infant.2 in

After this precaution, the baby is bumped softly on the floor

order t o acquaint it

may occur in

with the fact that harsh and startling events

the world of the humans.

introduced t o i t s relatives

,

After the infant has thus been

the midwife receives her payment.

The

jar

with the aft-erbirth can be buried under a tree somewhere near the house. This establishes a link between the tree and the infant: thrives, the child should he healthy and happy; if bodes i l l for the infant and it

the tree

if

the tree dies it

should be guarded carefully.

The elementary ceremonies surrounding 'birth close with the tonsure

of the child.

On an auspicious day, some time after mother and child

have left the place of

confinement, a member of the family who is

skillful with a big razor shaves the head of the infant. 3 seems ailing and the family fears that it

face l i f e , it

In

If

the child

may not be strong enough t o

may be decided t o leave one or more tufts of hair growing.

that c a s e , during the following years , the rest of the head should

be shorn regularly leaving the tufts to grow.

When the child is ten

or more years old this hair, which may be plaited or knotted, will he shaved o f f at

an auspicious moment.

Many children who appear

perfectly healthy soon after birth may never have a topknot.

The

tonsure not long after birth can be regarded as a purification r i t e

it

serves to

,

cleanse the baby's head which has been treated

disrespectfully and which has come into contact with unclean matter during birth.

l

2

This ritual is mentioned for ancient India in the Sizfzklzéyana Grkya 5'i'2tr=cz, I , 2 5 , 12 (sacred Books of the East, *vo1.xxIx, p.513 The ceremonies o f reassuring the soul are mentioned in

later in 3

more detail

this chapter, infra, p p . 5 2 .

The tonsure ceremony was commonly used in ancient India. It is described in detail in the Grkya S2T1t1=as, in the Mama-sm1~t11 and dealt with in Kg,ne's History Of Diaarfnasizstra, Vol.II, p.2t§0 of. .

MY

Farmers who can afford t o pay for elaborate ceremonies may decide, before a child i s

born, t o have the place of

confinement purified and

They invite a ritual specialist, who can be a Buddhist

protected.

monk or an older layman, t o do this. cotton thread, known as s5ojs{nl

The specialist strings a white

around the place o f

enclosed.

an object it

confinement in

underlines the sacredness o f

The ritual specialist sacralizes a bowl o f the pale language whilst

water, by reciting from memory sacred verses in

holding a lighted candle above the surf ace of the water in

the bowl

During this recitation, the specialist holds the candle at

such an

angle that it

drips wax on to

sacralization, the water is

the surface of' the water.

known as

'mantra-water

Immediately after némmon has been prepared, it around the area o f

the

Whenever such a cord

several feet o f f the floor level.

form o f a square

i s placed around an area or that which is

,

confinement.

1

:

.

After

or n€vn'nc>n.

can be sprinkled in

and

The householder may keep some o f the

néinrnon to extinguish the fire that traditionally formed an essential part of the post-natal treatment.

In

order t o ward o f f evil influences , the ritual special i t

have prepared different kinds o f magical drawings.

of paper cut in small s t i c k .

The banners are usually made o f

the shape o f

in

inserted.

1

are usually made

sacred script are

Both the banners and the Jane are placed above and around the confinement.

.

It is related t o the This word means literally 'spriNkling cord' Sanskrit word sziflcana, or the paoli svlfnceanaka. The connection with water lies probably in

'2

,

Often they consist of intricate geometrical designs

which, at regular intervals , small characters in

place of

gaily coloured pieces

a triangle and fastened by one side t o a

The magical drawings, known as 0m12

on paper or on cloth.

may

small banners and

sacred objects:

the ritual of

sscralization o f

this water.

A word derived from the P§1i Santa or the Sanskrit mantra. OI°ig1.na.1]y the word. meant ' a i d ' or I t o o ,iii hi, iiliiliu iliih .meditation. The 'J.'1w.i=s u.E't¢en use it in a restricted sense, nsanely as mystical in

.

g

lm

The original Yearling can 'be found in the '*.slang,uage 4* Lhe word rtf nr* n1ecI1a,11if:a1 engineerings' 'wQ$eZ1.aa§matak.:zm'.

diagram'

Many older women around Wad S?a'.anc"aw. have been through a period of

jiufaj

, of

it

considered oldfashioned and not worth the trouble.

is

living at the f i r e , after giving birth to a child.

case was reported recently.1

Nowadays

Only a single

Therefore jiufhj has not been included

in the elementary ceremony, but can now be regarded as a kind o f elaboration. Before the child is

due t o be born, an oven is

prepared from a

layer o f banana leaves covered with a generous amount o f farmer collects an axnple supply o f

sand.

The

fire wood, which he heaps up neatly

and covers with a thorny branch to keep evil spirits away.

,

The wood

should be of good quality, which will burn steadily for a considerable time.

He should, for example, not collect bamboo for that burns

unevenly.

MOreover, bamboo was traditionally used t o cover corpses

and t o cremate bodies.

Its association with death i s

the reason why

young persons should not even plant bamboo. As soon as the child is born, a big fire is l i t in oven, and the mother is is

the earth

laid as close by as she can endure.

The fire

kept burning tor days' and the mother and child should not leave the

place of the confinement until it

has been ritually extinguished.

Usually jNufNj lasts en uneven number of days

,

and a woman may remain

as long as fifteen days on the confinement bed. The older women relish their periods o f

jnfsj

During this time they are the centre of' attention in

in

their memory.

the household.

The men are employed t o keep the fire burning, and female relatives are in

constant attendance.

Many :Friends come t o visit the lying-in woman

and cheer her up w i t h interesting stories. speak about the heat of

the fire, because i t

No visitor is

allowed to

i s believed that i f

a topic were broached, the lying-in would become unbearable.

period of' lying 'by the fire is

such

The

considered to be a very strong medicine.

The fire warms the belly, dries up the liquids, cleanses and heals.

It

is believed that a woman who had had a period of

a ripe age without suffering from pains in

1

jiuf@j will live t o

the beck or in

the belly.

.

Personal cc:f1nn1;micat:ion, Saryiazn Caroencan, lil November 1969

51 *pun

*

.

1

.,.

\

1

in;

An elaboration of the ceremony of the wimmowing basket, three days after birth, consists o f a ceremony known as tfzwrzkkwdrx. specialist invokes non-human powers t o come and a s s i s t in

In

A ritual

the ritual.

order t o cause these non-human agents t o assist he folds some

i)a.n»I1: ,

conical structures folded from banana leaves

ess.

each of these an like

,

babysit ,

The ceremony is

'morale'

5

a

places on top of

the vicinity

.

intended t o strengthen the }'