Money Talks: Reconstructing Old English 9783110883534, 9783110127416

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Money Talks

Trends in Linguistics Studies and Monographs 56

Editor

Werner Winter

Mouton de Gruyter Berlin · New York

Money Talks Reconstructing Old English

by

Fran Colman

Mouton de Gruyter Berlin · New York

1992

Mouton de Gruyter (formerly Mouton, The Hague) is a Division of Walter de Gruyter & Co., Berlin.

© Printed on acid-free paper which falls within the guidelines of the ANSI to ensure permanence and durability.

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Colman, Fran, 1 9 4 9 Money talks : reconstructing Old English / by Fran Colman. p. cm. — (Trends in linguistics. Studies and monographs ; 56) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 3-11-012741-5 1. English language — Old English, ca. 450 — 1100 — Etymology — Names. 2. English language — Old English, ca. 450—1100 — Phonology. 3. Names, Personal — English (Old) 4. Numismatics — England. 5. Coins, Anglo-Saxon. 6. Anglo-Saxons. I. title, II. Series. PE262.C64 1992 429'.2 —dc20 91-34452 CIP

Die Deutsche Bibliothek — Cataloging in Publication Data Colman, Fran: Money talks : reconstructing Old English / by Fran Colman. — Berlin ; New York : Mouton de Gruyter, 1992 (Trends in linguistics : Studies and monographs ; 56) ISBN 3-11-012741-5 NE: Trends in linguistics / Studies and monographs

© Copyright 1991 by Walter de Gruyter & Co., D-1000 Berlin 30 All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Typesetting and Printing: Arthur Collignon GmbH, Berlin. — Binding: Lüderitz & Bauer, Berlin. — Printed in Germany.

For Eleanor Colman and, in mentoriam, Ernest Colman — without whom ...

Contents

Foreword

1

Chapter One: Opening an account 1. The data and their uses 2. Some claims 3. Orthography and phonology 4. Onomastics 5. Numismatics 6. Summary

3 3 6 7 12 16 20

Chapter Two: The game of the name 1. Preamble 2. Etymological classification 3. Vocabulary 4. Combination of name-elements 5. By-names 6. Nationalities of name-elements 7. A synchronic account of an Old English onomatic system . . . . 8. Inflectional morphology 9. Name-changes 10. Paronomasia

21 21 22 23 25 29 31 34 53 55 67

Chapter Three: Person, place or thing?: Rose is not a rose 1. Introduction 2. The names and their etymologies

71 71 75

Chapter Four: Hidden talents 1. The coin types 2. Arguments for the chronology of types: internal evidence of the coins

127 127 130

viii

Contents

3. Arguments for the chronology of types: external evidence of hoards 133 4. Arguments for the chronology of types: external evidence of mints and moneyers 149 5. Summary of evidence for the type-sequence 149 Chapter Five: The die is not cast 1. The epigraphic symbols and identification of errors 2. Explication of epigraphic errors 3. Conclusion

153 153 159 162

Chapter Six: The money talks 1. Introduction 2. Stressed vowels 3. Reflexes of Pro to-Germanic stressed vowels represented on the coins 4. Main vowels of second elements 5. Vowels of unstressed syllables 6. Conclusions about developments of unstressed vowels 7. Consonants 8. Consonants in simplex names and in pro to themes of non-simplex names 9. Consonants of second elements

163 163 164

196 209

Chapter Seven: That'll do nicely 1. Stressed vowels 2. Root vowels in second elements of non-simplex names 3. Unstressed vowels 4. Consonants 5. The current account

219 219 222 223 223 225

165 181 191 194 195

Appendix: A catalogue of moneyers' names on coins of Edward the Confessor

231

Notes

359

References

363

Index of moneyers' name-elements

383

Index of subjects

389

Foreword

The corpus of data on which this book is based grew from that presented in my 1981 D.Phil, thesis (Oxford). The subsequent publication of new volumes in the Sylloge of coins of the British Isles series, not to mention the activity of metal-detectors, has considerably enlarged the original catalogue of coins and the name-forms recorded thereon. Parts of the account in the thesis, notably of the coins and their chronology, and of the name-etymologies, have informed the present work; but the latter reflects a more recent pre-occupation with the significance of theory — of onomastics in relation to theories of linguistics — in interpretation of material data as evidence for reconstructing Old English. Money Talks is therefore a new offering to the field of Old English language and numismatics. The data presented in the Appendix consist of forms of moneyers' names on coins of Edward the Confessor (AD 1042 — 1066), in museums and private collections in Britain, Scandinavian countries, and elsewhere in Europe, as well as in America. The Appendix includes a good deal of material not published systematically (if at all) elsewhere (notably, coins in the London Museum, and those acquired this century by the Royal Coin Cabinet, Stockholm). The coins are arranged by mint, and then by moneyer's name and type. The Index of moneyers' name-elements provides cross-references to the Appendix, as well as to Chapters 1 to 7. Etymologies are given in Chapter 3 under the first elements of names arranged in alphabetical order, along with a list of mints associated with each name. Cross-reference between Chapter 3 and the Index of moneyers' name-elements gives ready access to the individual name-forms listed in the Appendix. The following conventions are followed: — Bold type identifies the head form of a name: e. g. /Elfrsed — Italics identify the citation form of a common word: e. g. celf, reed — < ) enclose an epigraphic (or orthographic) form: e. g. ( A L F R E D ) (or ( A l f r e d ) )

2

Foreword

— [ ] enclose broad phonetic specifications, and are used when phonemic status is not at issue: e. g. [f], [v] — / / enclose phonemes: e. g. /f/ — { } enclose morphemes (represented as phonological strings): e. g. Phonetic specification follows the International Phonetic Alphabet. Since the early 1970s, when the late Professor H. L. Rogers, University of Sydney, prompted me to explore Anglo-Saxon coin-spellings as evidence for Old English, the list of philologers, linguists and numismatists willing to help out has become encouragingly long; and I owe a debt of gratitude also to the Commonwealth Scholarship scheme which allowed me to pursue Anglo-Saxon coins on their home ground. The presentation of some aspects of linguistic interpretation of onomastic and numismatic evidence has benefitted from presentation in guest lectures at the Universities of Edinburgh, Essex, Ghent, Helsinki, Liverpool, Poznan, Sydney, Turku, and Umeä. Apart' from the staff of coin departments at various museums, notably the British Museum, the Museum of London (especially Mr. John Clark), the Museum of Antiquities, Edinburgh, the National Museum, Copenhagen, the Historical Museum, Lund, and the Royal Coin Cabinet, Stockholm, I want to mention in particular Miss Marion Archibald, Sir Christopher Ball, Dr. Mark Blackburn, the late Mr. Christopher Blunt, Mr. John Brand, Dr. Cecily Clark, Margaret Clunies-Ross, Professor Jaques Durand, Professor Jacek Fisiak, Professor William Gillies, Mr. Antony Gunstone, Professor Richard Hogg, Anne King, Professor Roger Lass, Mrs. Elsa Lindberger, Mr. and Mrs. Sverre and Unna Lerdahl (great sandwiches on the Oslo-Copenhagen train), Mr. Stewart Lyon, Emeritus Professor Angus Mcintosh, Professor Tom Markey, Dr. Michael Metcalf, Mr. J. J. North, Mr. Hugh Pagan, Professor Matti Rissanen, Mr. Paul Robinson, Mr. Peter Seaby, Miss Celia Sisam, Dr. Veronica Smart, Professor Eric Stanley, Mr. Ian Stewart, Paul Taddei (the computer-compatible), Mrs. Margaret Warhurst, and the late Michael Dolley. All have contributed, in one way or another (or many), to the best bits of this book, by discussion, by detailed nit-picking of written material, by supplying details of coins and bibliographic information, by bullying, by buying the next round...; and for Dependency, John Anderson is assigned the highest node. The worst bits are entirely the responsibility of Mabel and The Russian. Lacking a wife to thank, I should at least express gratitude to Flo for all the washing-up.

Chapter One Opening an account

1. The data and their uses "No attempt to introduce classification into a subject so intimately connected with human life as personal nomenclature can be other than arbitrary." This claim by Stenton (1924: 168) makes an appropriate table for card-laying: for I would argue (from the point of view of a human being) that attempts at systematic classification are more crucial with respect to a subject "intimately connected with human life" than one which may be less so. And to those who would deride taxonomies as boring, uninformative lists, I maintain that without attempts at classificatory grouping, the material to hand (and even identifying that presupposes at least a preliminary classification) remains in a muddle and therefore opaque as to its potential significance. Taxonomies constitute a basic starting point for analysis — and become really interesting when they "break down". When something doesn't fit the categories, something may be wrong with the identification of the item, or of the categories: the possibility of a new, and better, analysis presents itself: arbitrariness is systematically reduced. So I offer here an attempt to introduce classification into the subject of Old English personal nomenclature as recorded on Anglo-Saxon coins. And my attempts are not confined to etymological identifications of individual names (much of this has been done in the past), but aim at a consistent formulation of an onomastic system whose members form a subset of a linguistic system. Old English name-forms, from a variety of material records, have long been recognised as a potential source of evidence for Old English phonology (see, for instance, Stenton 1955: 24 — 25; Campbell 1959: 358, §135; Dolley 1964: 1 2 - 1 3 ; van der Meer 1965: 2 1 - 2 9 ; Rumble 1984; Smart 1968: 273, 1981); and indeed, certain name-spellings have been cited as if unquestionable bases for reconstruction and formulation of sound-change and dialectal spread in Old English (notably the reliance on names in early Kentish and Mercian charters by De Camp 1958, and Toon 1983). Nevertheless, I am not aware of any systematic analysis of

4

Opening an account

any large corpus of Old English name-forms in relation to reconstructed phonological systems, or to a formal description of the names represented as constituting an onomastic system: in other words, one informed by explicit linguistic and onomastic principles (see, however, the etymological treatments of names in, e. g., Redin 1919; von Feilitzen 1937; and cf. the graphemic analysis of Old Frankish names in Wells 1972). In the absence of such an analysis for Old English names (for an account of a methodology of analysing Old English names see, e. g., Colman 1984), I fear that citation of isolated name-forms may be prone to attribute too much, or too little, linguistic significance to the onomastic material (see my remarks in Colman 1988b). Presentation of such an analysis is the primary aim of this book, which will address itself to assessment of the onomastic material as evidence for reconstructing Old English phonology, and its varieties. The corpus selected consists of moneyers' names from most of the extant coins of Edward the Confessor (AD 1042 — 1066) (see the Appendix). These silver pennies, struck from dies, bear on the obverse (or "heads") side, a "portrait" of the king, surrounded by letters representing the king's name (Eadweard, variously spelled), and usually some abbreviation of the title "Rex Anglorum". On the reverse (or "tails") side is represented the name of the moneyer responsible for the coin (on the putative function of the moneyer see section 5 below; Colman 1984: §4.1), as well as an identification, usually abbreviated, of the mint town of issue (see further section 5 below). Halfpennies and farthings were produced by simply halving or quartering whole pennies; since this results, of course, in reduction of the reverse legend, the linguistic value of such cut pennies is also reduced, and their legends will not form the basis for analysis here. The name-forms on coins from this late Anglo-Saxon period are represented in roman letter-shapes, with the addition of the runic >, "wynn" (see Chapter 5). What may be taken to be the same personal name (whether or not referring to the same man) often appears in a variety of spelling forms; and our interest will naturally lie in such spelling variation as potential evidence for diachronic and/or diatopic phonological variation (that is, between periods of time and/or geographical regions: see Chapter 2: section 9.1; on "relatively diatopic" see Colman 1988b). A major advantage of the coin-spellings lies in the repeated occurrence of a moneyer's name at one mint. This allows us to identify an unusual spelling with that moneyer's name: for instance, surely the forms , , and all represent the same name at Hereford (see

The data and their uses

5

the Appendix); in other cases identification is not possible: cf. the notorious forms at Oxford, representing ambiguously either /Ethelor m i - (see the Appendix; Colman 1981a; Freeman 1986: 448 ff.). I will not pursue here the rather different question as to whether the various spellings of the same name occurring at different mints refer to the same person (see, however, Smart 1968: 217-218; Colman 1981b: Chapter 1; Freeman 1986: Chapter 2). Well over five thousand coins survive from the period, and from the evidence of their reverse legends we can deduce that over seventy mints operated during the reign of Edward the Confessor (for mint profiles see Freeman 1986; and for alternative interpretations of some moneyers' name-forms, Colman 1985b, 1986). Variation in design of the coins distinguishes ten types, each representing a different issue of legal coinage. Nowadays these types are identified by conventionally accepted descriptive labels: so, for instance, "Expanding Cross" describes the shape of the cross forming part of the reverse design of the type so-called. Upon issue of a new type, coins of the preceding one were returned to a mint, and exchanged for those of the new (apparently upon payment of an excess: see Dolley 1964: 25; Petersson 1969: 47 — 49). The accepted hypothesis that no two types were issued concurrently is tremendously important to chronological ordering of the coins, and so to their unique value as potential evidence for sound change in progress (see below; and Chapter 4). We have, then, a large corpus of data, importantly of the same linguistic type — personal names, which can be chronologically ordered, and dated far more precisely than manuscript material (see Chapter 4). The coins are original contemporary documents, and the spelling on them reflects that of the time the coin was struck (compare that in, say, twelfth-century manuscript copies of earlier manuscripts: see Colman 1984: §2.1). And while contemporary forgeries of Anglo-Saxon coins, and more recent fraudulent alterations, are not unknown, the former have spellings so blundered as to be useless as linguistic evidence anyway, and Edward's coins seem largely to have escaped the latter (see further Blunt and Thompson 1955-1957, and further Colman 1984: §2.1; and note the recent identification of yet another coin altered perhaps by the well-loved John White, in Pagan 1985). Moreover, the coin data give us material from a period less well-represented by manuscript sources: what is often referred to as the "transitional" period between late Old English and early Middle English. There was not the gap in coin production that we find for manuscript production over the period just before and after the Norman Conquest (see also section 5 below).

6

Opening an account

Given the restricted nature of the data on the coins (in that they offer only a sub-class of nouns, with limited evidence of morphology and none of syntax), they are primarily of value in so far as they support or modify reconstructions of Old English phonology based on manuscript and runic spellings, as presented in the various grammatical treatments of Old English. But in the light of my remarks in the preceding paragraph, they may be accorded an important place, and one in some ways unique, among the surviving material sources of evidence for Old English phonology. In terms of the diachronic history of English, late Old English name-forms provide our last chance, as it were, of analysing spellings of names whose elements are directly associated with the common-word vocabulary (see section 4 below). With the change in nomenclature-type after the Norman Conquest, names of English-speaking people gradually lost any transparent etymological connection with common words, and so lost their value as potential evidence for reconstructing English historical phonology.

2. Some claims The examination of the data from coins of Edward the Confessor relies on reconstructions involving theories relating to orthography and phonology, to onomastics, and to numismatics. The basic assumptions might be summarised as follows: a. Some sort of correlation is assumed between the spelling and phonological systems of Old English; the correlation is, however, not always necessarily one to one between graph and phoneme. b. Proper names have a function in a language different from that of common words. However, the names represented by the spellings on the coins are formed in most cases from elements cognate with common words whose etymologies can be traced. c. Numismatic theory in relation to coin-production is significant for reconstructing the nature of any linguistic variation possibly evidenced by spelling variation. Furthermore, coin-epigraphy differs from manuscript orthography in terms of the materials used, and related differences in letter shapes. Reconstructions of methods of coin-making allow some spellings to be classified as errors, and therefore to be ruled out as evidence for reconstructing Old English phonology.

Orthography

and phonology

7

Let me now expand a little on each of these claims, pointing out that we will necessarily encounter a certain amount of overlap between any theories relating to the areas identified under the attempted taxonomy presented by the divisions a. to c. above.

3. Orthography and phonology We can regard an orthographic system in terms both of an inventory of graphs and of their possible combinations, just as a phonological system may be described, in phonemic theory, in terms of inventory and possible combinations of phonemes. (I use the term "orthography" at this stage to refer to systems of graphs, whether in manuscripts or on coins: subsequently I will refer specifically to coin-epigraphy.) Where a difference in symbol correlates with a difference between graphs (rather than simply in reproduction of the same graph — an allographic variation: see further below), we may refer to this as a spelling difference. The two systems, orthographic and phonological, may to some extent function independently (for a survey of works on possible autonomy or not of mediaeval scribal practices, see Bauer 1986). But since our concern here is with orthography as evidence for phonology, I will naturally be focussing on the extent to which a relationship between the two may be posited. An assumption that, on the whole, the Old English orthographic system correlates in some way with the phonological one is crucial to any phonological interpretation of Old English data. And any variation in the spelling of the same item is to be regarded as possible evidence for some sort of phonological variation. Given that the Old English orthographic system was originally based on a modification of the roman alphabet to represent the vernacular, we can assume that it conveys, in some instances, certain types of information analogous to that provided by present-day and earlier use of a similarlybased alphabet. For instance, the Old English graph presumably represented some sort of voiced bilabial, contrasting with the voiceless bilabial represented by

; a mid back vowel may be assumed as the signification of the graph , contrasting with the high and low back vowels represented by and respectively. (The spelling is not, of course, our only evidence for reconstructing Old English phonology. But this is not the place for detailed accounts of methods of reconstruction, and types of evidence such as data from near-contemporary cognate

8

Opening an account

languages, reconstructions of the subsequent history of English, and Present-day English diatopic variation: see, e. g., Penzl 1957; Hoenigswald 1960; Bynon 1977). But we must acknowledge possible, at least partial, independence of orthographic and phonological systems. And furthermore, as a phonological system will operate under certain phonotactic constraints, so an orthographic one will have certain independent graphotactic constraints: see, for instance, the interpretation of and after graphs representing palatal consonants in Stockwell and Barritt (1951) where the notion of graphotactic constraint is invoked (see further Lass and Anderson 1975: 279ff.; Colman 1985a: §4). We cannot therefore assume for evidence for a phonological analysis total consistency with respect to the following possibilities: (i) that every graph represents a sound-segment; (ii) that every graphic difference represents one between contrastive units; (iii) that every contrastive unit will have individual representation in the spelling system; or (iv) that any change in graphic representation signals phonological variation, and that graphic consistency implies lack of phonological variation. Consider for instance, for (i), interpretations of vowel digraphs as representing monophthongs (see, e. g., Colman 1985a); for (ii), the possibility of two graphs, and , representing not two phonemic units, but distributionally predictable quality variation (see Colman 1983a); or the graphic redundancy whereby two graphs, and Wulfwine, loss of [w]; Osferth, loss of [f]; ( L E O F S A N ) Leofstan, loss of [t]. The last two examples occur on only one die each: the significant ones are those showing loss of [h] and [w]. The distribution of OE [h], the glottal allophone of /x/, is restricted to word- and foot- initial positions: it does not occur foot-medially. (This distribution is, of course, reflected in the defective occurrence of presentday English /h/ in these contexts.) Its loss therefore implies foot loss (and so, of course, tonic loss) in the second element (see, however, Chapter 5: section 1.2). Loss of initial [w] in unstressed syllables is well-attested for Old English common words (cf., e. g., hlaford, above). Its loss in nameelements therefore associates such elements with foot- (and tonic-) loss. I have said rather more on consonant assimilation and loss in Colman (1984: § 6.2), particularly addressing the question of boundary-weakening as formulated by Allen. I need not repeat the details here, since the developments I have already cited all provide evidence for tonic loss in deuterothemes, and hence for non-primary compound status for Old English non-simplex names. I now want to return to the possible alternative developments for original compound second elements, described above with reference to present-day English fireman and lord. Now, several of the forms cited as evidence of tonic loss illustrate development of the second element to suffix status (or, rather, for the names, "suffixlike" status, given the restricted applicability of suffix criteria to nameelements: see section 7.3 above). A second element, having undergone phonological reduction, of the sorts outlined above, may recur, albeit in a variety of forms, attached to different protothemes: so we find, e. g., weard in ARD>, < ^ L F I > O R D ) , < ^ L F I > E R D ) , attached to /Elf; in < E A D ? ^ R D > , ARD>, ERD>, attached to Ead; in VLFPVRD>, VLFI>ARD), VLF1>ERD>, VLFI>ORD>, attached to Wulf. The phonologically reduced element is interchangeable with other second elements, and attachable to a variety of protothemes (see Chapter 3). Even more interesting is the behaviour of the sequence , as in ( G O D E R E ) , above, representing the phonologically reduced element cognate with here. This reduced element ere is attached to a first element, such as Mor which occurs only in the name Morcar. Forms of this name, including ( M O R C E R E ) , as well as ( M O R C A R ) , suggest reanalysis, reduced from here, as a suffix-like element, readily

Paronomasia

67

confused (perhaps also under the influence of the common-word agentive suffix ere) with the second element of Morcar. This reduced element ere is substituted also for the North Germanic nominative suffix {r}, as in, e. g., ( B L A C E R E ) , for Blakkr. The form (Thegn), with parasitic vowel [i], may well have arisen through association with the element cognate with -ing (cf. forms for this: Chapter 6: section 9.6). Such instances of "element substitution", available only once phonological reduction has occurred, offer further support for loss of compound status of non-simplex names, and neutralisation of any complex/ compound distinction for late Old English names. On the other hand, the second syllable of the name represented by (also by , , see the Appendix: Stamford), does not recur attached to other forms. Although etymologically we may most plausibly associate this name with the cognates N G am and fridr (see Chapter 3), the name Arfra is, as recorded in the eleventh century, a simplex name. The original (etymological) second element has been phonologically reduced, and become absorbed into the root: it now functions as an intra-root syllable. This exemplifies one of the two possible outcomes of compound obscuration described above: complete loss of identity of the second element, such that the original compound emerges as a simplex. Developments peculiar to late Old English names, as evidenced by the eleventh-century coin-data, correlate with the different function attributed to names, as opposed to common words. The segmental phonological behaviour of the names accords with the analyses of word-, morphological-, and suprasegmental phonological structures given in section 7 above. Distinctions between compound and complex structures of common words are not applicable for names: dithematic names show both compositional vowels appropriate to compounds, and phonological reduction of second elements appropriate to obscured compounds which may result in either complex or simplex forms. Thus the distinction is neutralised for dithematic names. The names are to be classified only as either simplex or non-simplex.

10. Paronomasia In what precedes I have stressed the difference in function between names and common words. The referential function of the former is reflected in such non-simplex names as Dxgnieht or Ealhsige, the combination of

68

The game of the name

whose elements, cognate with dceg 'day' and nieht 'night'; ealh 'temple' and sige 'victory', cannot be interpreted in terms of common-word lexical semantics (and on, e. g., Wigfrith, see Stenton 1924: 167). While it may be tempting to interpret some non-simplex names as descriptive units, Swetman and Godcild as 'Sweet man' and 'Good child' for instance, there is no way of formulating objective principles for deciding which ones may be descriptive, and which not: cf., e. g., Daegnieht, Ealsige, above, or Swetric and Godhere, whose elements are not readily interpretable as, e. g., 'Sweet kingdom' or 'Good army'. The names, as combinations of referential elements, not lexemes, lack the sense of common words. But this is not to deny that a perceived relationship between a nameelement and its common-word cognate might not be played on in paronomasia. The title of Wulfstan's Sermo Lupi is an obvious instance of this, in its monothematic "translation" of the non-simplex name whose first element is cognate with wu/^ 'wolf; and remember /Ethelrad Unrsed (see, e. g., Stenton 1924: 168). Robinson's (1968: 43) observation that "the literary use of vernacular name-meanings (as well as of Biblical name-meanings) was for the late Old English writers an available convention" makes a similar point (see also Greenfield 1972: 100 — 107), though I would qualify the term "name-meanings". We have no evidence that the names had "meaning", other than an association with a common word — perhaps not even an etymologically appropriate one — resuscitated for the sake of punning. Redin (1919: xxxviii-xxxix), to my mind, misinterprets the evidence he cites as evidence of diminished "intelligibility" of Germanic names by the Carolingian period: That even the people of the Carlovingian age had not always a clear understanding o f the formation and signification of their names is proved by a number o f erroneous translations; best k n o w n are those made by the m o n k Smaragdus, w h o lived in the Frankish empire at the beginning o f the 9th century. H e translates, for instance, Rainmir 'nitidus mihi', Uuilmunt 'volens bucca', Ratmunt 'consilium oris'. With those m a y be compared the assumed names under which Alcuin and his friends wrote to and about o n e another, e. g. Arno = Aquilo, Rabanus = Maurus, Hechstan = Alta Petra.

I don't see why we should assume Alcuin, for instance, was incapable of etymologising his own name (see Manitius 1911 — 1913, 1: 275). I would rather see Redin's examples as evidence of scholars having fun; and the possibility of this sort of word-play as arising precisely because names, having no sense, are available for association with a variety of common words. To claim such games as evidence of diminished "intelligibility" is

Paronomasia

69

to claim misleadingly, and with no evidence, that names ever had "intelligibility": or at least, to confuse names with etymologies. Names acquire "meaning" only when an association, genuine or not, with a common word, is deliberately played on. And a phonologically reduced name-element may acquire several potential paronomasic interpretations. Recall the element-substitution in (section 9.3 above), explicable in the light of phonological reduction of here; similar confusion is evidenced by, e. g., ( A T S E R E ) , , for Atsurr, Blakkr; and ( B R V N H U S E ) , ( B R V N N E S E ) , for Brunhyse. Re-etymologising of the second element here as associated with hus 'house' (cf. OE hysse 'young man') is possible given phonological reduction evidenced by the various spellings of the vowel. A name-element has reference, but not sense. But a "meaning" may be attributed to a name-element for the sake of paronomasia, by virtue of association of that element with a cognate common word. If an element becomes phonologically reduced — and such reduction is often associated with its function as a name, or part thereof — it becomes available to a wider range of paronomasic re-etymologising. Such re-etymologising is no evidence for names having "meaning" or sense; rather, the reverse.

Chapter Three Person, place, or thing?: Rose is not a rose

1. Introduction This chapter provides etymologies for the moneyers' names recorded on the coins of Edward the Confessor, as catalogued in the Appendix. The names are identified as Old English, North Germanic, Continental Germanic, or other (e. g., Celtic). Cognate common-words are suggested for each name-element. The gender of cognate nouns is indicated by the abbreviations "m.": masculine, "f.": feminine, "n.": neuter. Furthermore, I have identified the putative Proto Germanic vowel(s) historically underlying each element: although variation in consonant representation is significant enough to be accorded a place in the treatment of phonology in Chapter 6, that for vowels is more crucial in relation to identifying etymologies. References to secondary sources are included where relevant. For each name is given a list of the mints at which it occurs: the variant forms recorded on the coins are available in the Appendix: cross-reference may be made according to mint-names. The various name-forms, as listed in the Appendix, are here subsumed under head-forms (represented in bold), which correspond, in the main, to those adopted in Smart (1981). Names not recorded in Smart are marked f . In the absence of an explicit statement in Smart of principles for adopting head-forms, the principles I adopt here are based largely on extrapolation from Smart's use of headforms, and also on what seem to me the most consistent guidelines for selecting a form to represent the common word cognate(s) of any particular name, as I shall explicate now. For names whose cognate relationship with one or more common words is transparent, the head forms represent "standardised" forms of those common words. The standardisation ignores both diatopic and diachronic variation within Old English (on names of other "nationalities" see below). The regional dialect represented in most head-forms for Old English names is West Saxon: e. g., in the forms , . In most cases, West Saxon forms occur for the elements in question; but given that some elements, notably /Elf and Heathu, never occur in West

72

Person, place, or thing?: Rose is not a rose

Saxon form (see Chapter 1: section 4), these are accordingly cited under head-forms reflecting non-West Saxon diatopic variation, although the West Saxon cognate common-word form, if recorded, is cited in the commentary for these names. Diachronically, the head-forms reflect the supposed "classical" Old English forms of the cognates: that is, forms which evidence the state of the common words before late Old English phonological changes might have affected them. So, -sige is the head form for the second element cognate with sige 'victory', and not -sie or -si, which show later Old English changes (see Chapter 2: section 9). The element cognate with beorht 'bright', occurs with overwhelming frequency as , perhaps suggesting a development peculiar to the nameelement (Chapter 2: section 9; Campbell 1959: §305 fn. 1); but it may also reflect a late West Saxon development seen also in common words (and indeed, evidenced by N E bright; see further Campbell 1959: § 305). I have selected, in conformity with Smart (1981), Beorht as the headform. For names whose cognates are North Germanic or Continental Germanic, "standardisation" of head-forms poses some problems. Smart's head-forms Ketill and Authgrimr, for instance, cannot be based on contemporary North Germanic records of common words (because none exist). Rather, they reflect later records of North Germanic lexical items (particularly, of course, in Icelandic literature), or even reconstructions of putative North Germanic phonological forms. The name-forms on the coins often bear little relationship to the spelling of the head-forms: so, the simplex name (Ketill) never appears with initial , but as some variant of ( C E T E L ) , with . The first vowel of Authgrimr is always represented as or , never ; and the inflectional suffix {r} is not represented on coin-forms of this name. Nevertheless, I have adopted Smart's head-forms for North Germanic elements for the following reasons: an appropriate reconstruction of a cognate allows comparison with the attested forms of the name in question, and so assessment of those forms as evidence of phonological variation; the use of , while not an accurate reflection of any contemporary North Germanic orthography, serves as a visual mnemonic for the North Germanic source of the name-element; and finally, it would be perverse to allow pointless pedantry to hinder for the reader cross-reference to the excellent Index of moneyers' names in Smart (1981). Continental Germanic names are assigned to head-forms which correspond to phonological reconstructions based on evidence of written sources of Continental West Germanic: so, e. g., Continental Germanic Bald- is distinguished from OE beald by the

Introduction

73

representing the monophthongal reflex of PG [a], rather than the West Saxon diphthongal development of [ae] from first fronting of PG [a] (see Chapter 6: section 3.3). If the cognate relationship between a name and any common word(s) is not transparent, the predominant coin-form is cited as the head-form, and hypothesised original cognates are suggested in the commentary. So, the head-forms Arfre, and Cillin are selected for names formed from elements putatively cognate with Am and fridr, and Ceol and wine respectively. The aim in selecting head-forms is partly, of course, to give some label to variant forms assumed to represent the same name; but also to make any diatopic, diachronic, or name-specific phonological variation possibly evidenced by the coin-spellings the more accessible to linguistic analysis. In some instances, I have differed from Smart (1981) in selection of headforms. These I list here, with some explanation for my choice, in the light of the preceding discussion (page references are to Smart). Asfrethr, Asfrith: p. 15 = Asfrithr. Etymologically, both forms of the second element given in Smart, have the same derivation from [friGuz] (see Fellows-Jensen 1968: 348: *friduR), in which the normal development of PG [i], unlowered before [u], is reflected by the spelling. An alternative form with unexpected lowering of PG [i] to [e] apparently developed, such that the mid vowel was susceptible to «-umlaut, giving [0]. I have opted for the form, as reflecting the more characteristic development of the etymon, in the head-form. Blachere: p.20 = Blakkr. The discussion under this head-form below details the arguments: forms with are best explained as the result of element-substitution (see Chapter 1: section 4), not directly as reduction of the element here by loss of initial [h]. Burhred: p.22 = Burgraed. The first element is cognate with burg 'fortified place', with final [γ]. Forms, of the common word as well as the nameelement, with final < h ) / < H ) represent final devoicing of the original voiced fricative, a development well attested in late Old English material (Campbell 1959: §446). The form Burg, representing the original Old English voiced fricative, would therefore be preferable as a head-form. An form of the second element, which is cognate with OE reed 'advice', is evidence of vowel-reduction, and merger with schwa, presumably under low stress (see Chapter 2: section 9.3; Chapter 6: section 4.1). A head-form raed leaves the etymological association with the common word transparent, allowing forms on the coins to be interpreted as

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I have just suggested. Moreover, ( R J E D ) also occurs on the coins as a spelling for this element; and rsed is given as its head-form elsewhere in Smart for the Old English name-element. Ealdroed: p.32 = Ealdrad. The element cognate with reed is well-attested (see above); and Veronica Smart advises (personal communication) that the form -roed is a printer's error. I adopt here the otherwise consistent use of raed by Smart for the Old English second element represented by (RED). Folcard: p.36 = Folchard. The second element is cognate with CG hard 'hard', and forms without reflect phonological change, viz., loss of element-initial [h] in low stress (see Chapter 2: section 9.3; Chapter 6: section 9.10; note, however, the complete absence on Edward's coins of forms with ( H ) ) . Freothumund and Freothuwine: p.36 = First element Frithu. (eo> represents [eo], with which, in several dialects, [iu] merged by the ninth century (Campbell 1959: § 293-ff.). In this element, the high diphthong is the output of back umlaut of [i] —> [iu] before the following back vowel, unstressed [u]. Diphthongisation in this context is restricted in West Saxon to stressed vowels followed by a liquid or labial (Campbell 1959: § 205). The West Saxon form of the cognate common word therefore has the monophthong [i]; I have adopted Frithu as the head form. Moreover, no ( E O ) forms occur for this element on coins of Edward the Confessor; and for the element cognate with sidu, with an analogous West Saxon phonological structure, Smart's head-form is Siduman (as adopted in the present chapter). Godlamm: p.38 = Godlamb. I know of no possible cognate *lamm; moreover, OE lamb would be supported by the coin-spelling (GODLAMB) (on forms showing loss of final [b], see Chapter 6: section 9.4). Heard- or Heathu-wulf: p.45 = Heathuwulf. No forms on the coins suggest a cognate with medial [r]; or with a stop [d] rather than fricative [δ]. This, along with the plausibility of heaöu 'war', as a name-element etymon, prompts my adoption of the head-form. Leodmxr: p.50 = Ladmser. See under this head form below. Spracling (Old English): p.68 = Sprakaling (North Germanic). See under this head form below. The arrangement of names in the present chapter follows that in Smart (1981): protothemes are ordered alphabetically. Elements cognate with common-word suffixes (notably -ing for our material) are ordered alphabetically like any other second elements. Head forms with oe or a appear before those with e.

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2. The names and their etymologies /Elmaer. Old English. 1 st element: either /.Elf (see /Elfgar) or /Edel. The latter occurs on the coins with the same deuterotheme as here (see /Ethelmaer), but the former does not; the form < I E L M E R > at London may therefore represent /Ethelmaer. On the other hand, /Elfmaer is an attested Old English name (Searle 1897: 13 — 14); /Elmaer remains ambiguous. On developments of /Elf and /Ethel, see Chapter 6: sections 8.7, 8.8. 2nd element: OE mcere 'famous'. PG [a:] (WS [ae:]). The same element occurs in Continental Germanic names (Forssner 1916: 14): cf. C G mari. But combination with /Elf /Ethel suggests the whole name is Old English. Mint: London. /Elman. Old English 1st element: see /Elmaer, above. /Elfman is not attested on the coins, but /Ethelman is (see below). /Elman remains ambiguous. 2nd element: O E mann m. 'man'. P G [a]. Searle (1897: 14 and 30). Mint: London. /Elweard. Old English. 1st element: see /Elmaer. Both /Elfweard and /Ethelweard occur at London, and neither at Stamford: for both mints, /Elweard is ambiguous. 2nd element: see /Elfweard. Mints: London, Stamford. /«Iwi. Old English. 1st element: see /Elmaer. 2nd element: either wig (see /Elfwig) or wine (see /Elfwine). Given the occurrence /Elfwig, /Ethelwig and /Ethelwine at Oxford, both elements are ambiguous here. Mint: Oxford. /Elwig. Old English. 1st element: see /Elmaer. Both /Elfwig and /Ethelwig occur at London and Oxford, but neither is attested for Bristol or Norwich. The name is therefore ambiguous with respect to its first element. 2nd element: see /Elfwig. Mints: Bristol, London, Norwich, Oxford.

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/EIwine. Old English. 1st element: see /Elmaer. For all the mints with this name, except Oxford, both /Elfwine and /Ethelwine are attested. Oxford has only /Ethelwine, but see also /Elfwig, under which forms have been subsumed for this mint. 2nd element: see /Elfwine. Mints: Cricklade, London, Oxford, Winchester, Worcester, York. /Elfgar. Old English. 1st element: OE alf, WS ielf m. 'elf. PG [a], 2nd element: OE gar m. 'spear'. PG [ai]. Searle (1897: 7). Mints: Chester, London. /Elfgeard. Old English. 1st element: see /Elfgar. 2nd element: OE geard m. 'fence, enclosure'. PG [a]. Searle (1897: 9); von Feilitzen (1937: 259). Mint: Worcester. /Elfgeat. Old English (North Germanic?). 1st element: see /Elfgar. 2nd element: North Germanic gautr m. 'a man from Gautland' (Fellows-Jensen 1968: 349). PG [au], Searle (1896: 9); Sisam (1953.b: 314): "Geat is probably the name of a god (perhaps the tribal god of the Geats) whose cult was absorbed by Woden, for the equivalent Gautr is found in Norse as a name of Odin among the gods"; and p. 308 fn. 3: gaut is rare in late Old English. Mints: Lincoln, London, Shrewsbury. /Elfheah. Old English. 1st element: see /Elfgar. 2nd element: OE heah 'high'. PG [au], Searle (1897: 1 0 - 1 1 ) . Mints: Shrewsbury, Stamford. /Elfhere. Old English. 1st element: see /Elfgar. 2nd element: OE here m. 'army'. PG [a] 4- [i]. Searle (1897: 1 2 - 1 3 ) . Mint: York.

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/Elfnoth. Old English. 1st element: see /Elfgar. 2nd element: OE nod f. 'temerity', cf. O H G nand. PG [a] ( + nasal). Searle (1897: 1 4 - 1 5 ) . Mints: Lincoln, London. /Elfraed. Old English. 1st element: see /Elfgar. 2nd element: OE reed m. 'advice, counsel'. PG [a:] (WS [ae:]). Searle (1897: 1 5 - 1 6 ) . Mints: Canterbury, London. /Elfric. Old English. 1st element: see /Elfgar. 2nd element: OE rice n.'power'. PG [i] + [i]. Searle (1897: 1 6 - 1 9 ) . Mints: Barnstaple, Bristol, Canterbury, Exeter, Guildford, Lydford, Southwark, Stafford, Thetford. /Elfsige. Old English. 1st element: see /Elfgar. 2nd element: OE sige m. 'victory'. PG [i] + [i]. Searle (1897: 1 9 - 2 1 ) . Mints: Chester, Gloucester, Lewes, London, Warwick. /Elfstan. Old English. 1st element: see /Elfgar. 2nd element: OE stan m. 'stone'. PG [ai]. Searle (1897: 2 1 - 2 3 ) . Mints: London, Wilton, Winchester. /Elfweald. Old English. 1st element: see /Elfgar. 2nd element: OE weald m. 'power'. PG [a]. Searle (1897: 2 4 - 2 5 ) . Mints: London, Salisbury, Wilton. /Elfweard. Old English. 1st element: see /Elfgar. 2nd element: OE weard m. 'guardian'. PG [a]. Searle (1897: 2 5 - 2 6 ) ; von Feilitzen (1937: 181). Mints: Bristol, Canterbury, London, Shaftesbury, Wilton.

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/Elfwi. Old English. See /Elfwig and ^Ifwine. The forms from London are ambiguous, since both these names occur at this mint. Mint: London. /Elfwig. Old English. 1st element: see /Elfgar. 2nd element: OE wig n. 'war'. PG [i:]. Searle (1897: 27). Mints: Cambridge. Hereford, London, Oxford. /Elfwine. Old English. 1st element: see /Elfgar. 2nd element: Ο Ε wine m. 'friend'. PG [e] + [i]. Searle (1897: 2 7 - 2 9 ) ; von Feilitzen (1937: 181). Mints: Bristol, Canterbury, Chester, Chichester, Colchester, Cricklade, Exeter, Hertford, Huntingdon, Hythe, Ipswich, Lincoln, London, Northampton, Norwich, Southwark, Thetford, Wilton, Winchester, Worcester, York. /Ethelimer. Old English. 1st element: OE cedele 'noble'. PG [a] + [a] + [i] (Campbell 1959: §203, fn.l). 2nd element: see /Elmaer. Searle (1897: 4 2 - 4 3 ) ; von Feilitzen (1937: 184). Mint: Bath. /Ethelman. Old English. 1st element: see /Cthelmaer. 2nd element: see /Elman. Mint: Bedford. /Ethelraed. Old English. 1st element: see /Ethelmaer. 2nd element: see /Elfraed. Searle (1897: 4 6 - 4 8 ) ; von Feilitzen (1937: 186). Mint: Canterbury. /Ethelric. Old English. 1st element: see /Ethelmaer. 2nd element: see /Elfric. Searle (1897: 4 8 - 5 0 ) ; von Feilitzen (1937: 186). Mints: Gloucester, Hereford, Leicester, London, Oxford, Shrewsbury, Worcester.

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/Ethelsige. Old English. 1st element: see /Ethelmaer. 2nd element: see /Elfsige. Searle (1897: 5 0 - 5 1 ) ; von Feilitzen (1937: 187). Mints: London, Thetford. /Ethelstan. Old English. 1st element: see /Ethelmaer. 2nd element: see /Elfstan. Searle (1897: 51 - 5 3 ) ; von Feilitzen (1937: 188). Mints: Bristol, Buckingham, Hereford, Romney, Warwick, Winchester. /Ethelweard. Old English. 1st element: see /Ethelmaer. 2nd element: see /Elfweard. Searle (1897: 5 6 - 5 8 ) ; von Feilitzen (1937: 1 8 8 - 1 8 9 ) . Mint: London. /Ethel wi. Old English. 1st element: see /Ethelmaer. 2nd element: see /Elfwi. /Ethelwig and /Ethelwine are both recorded at each of the two mints for which /Ethelwi is recorded: the element remains ambiguous. Mints: London, Oxford. /Ethelwig. Old English. 1st element: see /Ethelmaer. 2nd element: see /Elfwig. Searle (1897: 58); von Feilitzen (1937: 189). Mints: London, Oxford, Wallingford. /Ethelwine. Old English. 1st element: see /Ethelmaer. 2nd element: see /Elfwine. Searle (1897: 5 8 - 6 0 ) ; von Feilitzen (1937: 1 9 0 - 1 9 1 ) . Mints: Bristol, Cricklade, Ilchester, Langport, Leicester, London, Oxford, Tamworth, Winchester, Worcester, York. Aleifr. North Germanic. 1st element: N G an m.f. 'ancestor'. PG [a]. 2nd element: N G leifi. 'remainder, inheritance'; cf. OE laf. PG [ai]. Björkman (1910: 2, 4-ff.); Fellows-Jensen (1968: 2, 342). Mint: York.

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Agmundr. North Germanic. 1st element: Olcel. agi 'terror, strife'; cf. OE ege 'fear'. PG [a] + [i]. Fellows-Jensen (1968: 342), however, suggests *aga, reconstructed from hypothetical PG *ag ([ay] ?) 'point'. 2nd element: N G mundr m. 'gift'. PG [u]. Björkman (1910: 1 - 2 , 1912: 1 1 - 1 2 ) ; von Feilitzen (1937: 141). Mint: Lincoln. Anderboda. Continental Germanic. 1st element: various possibilities are as follows: Forssner (1916: 28): " O H G antaron 'aemulari'"; Förstemann (1900: 106-107): cf. Gothic andar 'other', in the German name Andreberga; Graff (1834—1842: 384): cf. present-day German andorn. PG [a], 2nd element: "perhaps OS bode, O H G -boto, 'Bote'" (Forssner 1916: 28). Redin (1919: 45) agrees with Forssner, but von Feilitzen (1937: 204) suggests OE budda 'beetle'. The element is, however, lacking from Old English personal names. (See also Bruckner 1895: 237.) Mint: Winchester. Arfre. North Germanic. 1st element: N G am m. 'eagle', cf. OE earn, O H G am. PG [a]. 2nd element: N G fridr m. 'peace'. PG [i]. Nielsen (1883: 6); Searle (1897: 213); Redin (1919: 8 2 - 8 3 ) : "Probably a corrupt form of O. Dan. Arnfrith ... or some 0[ld] G[erman] equivalent of that name". Given plausibility of phonological developments suggested by the coin-forms (see Chapter 2: section 9.3, Chapter 6: sections 4.16, 8.12), I would accept this etymology, pace Smart (1981: 14): "obscure". Mint: Stamford. Arngrimr. North Germanic. 1st element: see Arfre. 2nd element: possibly N G grima m. 'helm'. PG [i:]. Forssner (1916: 131) says of this element: "[it] does not occur in native [personal names] but is suggestive of 0[ld] G[erman] or 0[ld] N[orse] origin". The common word would be acceptable as an etymon: cf. helm in Coenhelm. But the consistent ( G R I M ) forms on the coins would favour the etymon grimr 'fierce'. The weak masculine suffix {a} or {a} is commonly retained in Old English and North Germanic name-forms, whereas the North Germanic nominative {r} suffix is only exceptionally preserved (see Chapter 2: section 8). Smart's (1981) head form as adopted here is, for this reason, to be favoured. Mints: Leicester, Nottingham, Stamford, York.

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Arnketill. North Germanic. 1st element: see Arfre. 2nd element: N G ketill m. 'kettle, cauldron'; cf. OE cetel. PG [a] + [i] (Latin loan: cf. Latin catillus). Nielsen (1883: 6); von Feilitzen (1937: 56, 163). Mint: York. Asfrithr. North Germanic. 1st element: N G as m. 'divinity, god', cf. OE os. PG [a] ( + nasal). 2nd element: see Arfre. Björkman (1910: 1 0 - 1 3 ) . Mint: Lincoln. Asleikr. North Germanic. 1st element: see Asfrithr. 2nd element: N G leikr m. 'battle, sport, contest', cf. OE lac. PG [ai]. Björkman (1910: 20); von Feilitzen (1937: 340) cites OE Oslac; but given restriction of the name to coins from Lincoln, and the occurrence in our material of the form , North Germanic origin is most plausible in this instance. Mint: Lincoln. Atsurr. North Germanic. Fellows-Jensen (1968: 37) suggests the name was originally a by-name: *AntswaruR 'he who answers'. PG [a] ( + nasal). Von Feilitzen (1937: 1 7 0 - 1 7 1 ) ; Tengvik (1938: 172). Björkman (1912: 19) suggests possible Cymric origin: cf. the Welsh historian Asser. Mint: Thetford. Authbjorn. North Germanic. 1st element: N G audr n. 'riches', cf. OE ead. PG [au]. 2nd element: N G bjorn m. 'bear'. PG [e]. Björkman (1910: 106). Mints: Lincoln, York. Authgrimr. North Germanic. 1st element: see Authbjorn. 2nd element: see Arngrimr. Björkman (1910: 107). Mints: Lincoln, York.

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Authulfr. North Germanic. 1st element: see Authbjorn. 2nd element: N G ulfr m. 'wolf. PG [u]. Björkman (1910: 107). Mints: Leicester, York. Authunn. North Germanic. Presumably associated with N G audr. see Authbjorn. On the basis of the coin-forms (see Chapter 6: section 3.14, the Appendix), we may agree with Björkman (1910: 1 0 1 - 1 0 3 ) that the name is not the god's name Othin. Mint: York. Auti. North Germanic. Probably North Germanic audr. see Authbjorn. Schönfeld (1911: 3 9 - 4 0 ) . Mint: Lincoln. Baldric. Continental Germanic. 1st element: OS, O H G bald 'brave', cf. OE beald. PG [a], 2nd element: OS riki, OFris. rike 'power, riches', cf. OE rice: see yElfric. PG [i] + [i]. Given Old English cognates, the name could be Old English (and see, e. g., Björkman, 1912: 21, for suggested OE beald in Bealdhere, Bealdred); Continental Germanic origin is supported by that of known bearers of the name. Mint: Worcester. Baldwin. Continental Germanic. 1st element: see Baldric. 2nd element: OS, O H G wini m. 'friend', cf. OE wine. PG [i] + [i]. Forssner (1916: 42): Old English examples of this name are likely to be Old English "since both members are common in OE p[ersonal] n[ame]s. But the frequency of this name in England from [Domesday Book] onwards is no doubt altogether due to Continental influence". Mint: Stamford. Beorhtmaer. Old English. 1st element: OE beorht 'bright'. PG [e], 2nd element: see /Elfmaer. Searle (1897: 91); von Feilitzen (1937: 194). Mints: London, Wallingford, Winchester.

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Beorhtnoth. Old English. 1st element: see Beorhtmaer. 2nd element: see /Elfnoth. Searle (1897: 91 - 9 2 ) ; von Feilitzen (1937: 196). Mint: Gloucester. Beorhtrad. Old English. 1st element: see Beorhtmaer. 2nd element: see /Elfraed. Searle (1897: 9 2 - 9 3 ) ; von Feilitzen (1937: 196). Mints: London, Oxford. Beorhtric. Old English. 1st element: see Beorhtmaer. 2nd element: see /Elfric. Searle (1897: 9 3 - 9 4 ) ; von Feilitzen (1937: 196). Mints: Colchester, Ipswich, Lincoln, Petherton, Taunton, Wallingford. Beorhtsige. Old English. 1st element: see Beorhtmaer. 2nd element: see /Elfsige. Searle (1897: 9 4 - 9 5 ) ; von Feilitzen (1937: 198). Mints: London, Wilton. Beorhtweald. Old English. 1st element: see Beorhtmaer. 2nd element: see /Elfweald. Searle (1897: 9 5 - 9 6 ) ; von Feilitzen (1937: 198). Mints: Oxford, Winchester. Beorhtwine. Old English. 1st element: see Beorhtmaer. 2nd element: see /Elfwine. Searle (1897: 9 7 - 9 8 ) ; von Feilitzen (1937: 199). Mints: Frome, London, Malmesbury, Wallingford. Beorn. Old English Bjorn. North Germanic. OE beorn m. 'man, warrior'. PG [e]; NG. bjorn: see Authbjorn. Searle (1897: 9 8 - 9 9 ) cites the Old English form. Stefansson (1905-1906: 300 — 301) argues for North Germanic origin, but cites the earliest instance of Beorn in a charter of A D 758. The restriction of the Old English common word to poetry would accord with its use as an Old English name-element (see Chapter 2: section 3). See also Björkman (1910: 26).

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Redin (1919: 4): "Some of the earliest instances from the 11th cent, are undoubtedly to be identified with Scand. biorn, bear". Occurrence of the name at York would support this (see Chapter 2: section 6). Given available cognates in both Old English and North Germanic, however, and plausibility of surviving forms as representing either etymon (see Chapter 6: section 3.16), any firm conclusion escapes us. Mints: Wareham, York. Blakkr. North Germanic. NG blakkr 'black, dark'. PG [a]. Von Feilitzen (1937: 203): "OE blcechere is scarcely a suitable base, since it would give [Domesday Book] *Blacher(e) without syncope of the 1st e". In the light of coin-forms such as (BLACER, BLACERE), this argument loses force. But note the complete absence of forms with secondelement , as well as consistent forms for the first element. While the latter could possibly represent the late Old English merger of the short low vowels in [a] (see Chapter 2: section 9.3), absence of forms favours here as representing the North Germanic reflex of PG [a] (see Chapter 6: section 3.1; but note the remarks under Blacman, below). forms are readily explicable for representations of the North Germanic name (see above, Chapter 2: section 9.3, Chapter 6: section 5.6). I see no reason (especially given its occurrence at Thetford only) for accepting an Old English, rather than North Germanic, etymon for the name: in this case a simplex one. Mint: Thetford. Blacman. Old English. 1st element: OE blac 'black, dark'. PG [a]. 2nd element: see /Elman. The first element requires some comment. Consistent forms for the first element may suggest North Germanic origin (see Blakkr, above); but as Smart points out (1981: 20 fn. 1), another Old English etymon is available, viz., OE blac 'bright, shining' (PG [ai]). See also, Müller (1901: 47, 95); Björkman (1912: 24-ff.); Redin (1919: 11); von Feilitzen (1937: 203). Tengvik (1938: 292-ff.) argues for the former: "...in most cases we are no doubt concerned with OE blcec. The Lat[in] equivalent Niger well evidenced in our material strengthens the correctness of this statement." If this is right, then of course the head form, reflecting the etymology, should read Blxcman. Mints: Derby, Dorchester, Guildford, Leicester, Nottingham.

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Boga. Old English. The Taunton form with , viz., , suggests association of the name with Boio: "In most cases contemporary variants with medial i, ig, ge, gi from the same mint prove that the spellings Boga, Boge on coins stand for Boia, Boie" (Feilitzen and Blunt 1971: 189-190). On alternation of and see Chapter 2: section 9.1, Chapter 6: section 8.6. Feilitzen and Blunt (p.190) further suggest "In view of the frequent occurrence of the name in various OE sources and in placenames it seems reasonable to assume...that it could be native and identical with the supposed Old English ancestor of ME boie 'boy'". This contradicts Dobson (1940: 148), who suggests Continental Germanic origin for Boia, since the Old English equivalent would be Beowa. See also Schönfeld (1911: 52): Boio = Gothic *Bauja, OS Bojo, OE Beowa, a short form of a name with first element Bauja. Further references are in Napier and Stevenson (1895: 130 — 131); Forssner (1916: 51, 282, 286); Redin (1919: 73). Mints: Dover, Taunton. Brandr. North Germanic. brandr m. 'fire-brand, sword'. PG [a]. On OE brand as a poetic term for 'man' in Beowulf 1020, brand Healfdenes, emended in Klaeber's first edition to beam, see Marquardt (1936: 391 —393). This interpretation, supported by citation of helm as a term for 'man' in poetic formulae, is accepted by Isaacs (1963: 125 — 126). Given association of Old English name-elements with poetic vocabulary (see Chapter 2: section 3), this might encourage association of the name with an Old English etymon. Redin (1919: 4 — 5), however, remarks that, apart from a few examples, "this name is not recorded in England before the 11th cent., and those late instances are generally regarded as foreign". Forssner's (1916: 14) observation on the name y£thelbrand reflects a similar conclusion: "The second member is absent from native OE p[ersonal] n[ame]s and indicates either 0[ld] N[orse] or 0[ld] G[erman] origin" (see also Björkman, 1910: 30). Mints: Wallingford, Winchester. Brid. Old English. brid(d) m. 'young bird'. PG [i]. The ultimate etymology is obscure (Onions 1966: 96). Searle (1897: 114). Mint: Hastings.

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Person, place,

or thing?: Rose is not a rose

Brungar. Old English. 1st element: OE brun 'brown'. PG [u:]. 2nd element: OE gar m. 'spear, arrow'. PG [ai]. Forssner (1916: 52) lists the first element as possibly Continental Germanic, but acknowledges the difficulty of distinguishing CG brun from the Old English cognate. Von Feilitzen (1937: 209) cites OE brün, but adds: "In some cases we may have 0[ld N[orse] Brünn, 0[ld] Dan[ish], Ο [Id] Sw[edish] Brün". See also Nielsen (1883: 15); Searle (1897: 117). Mint: London. Brunhyse. Old English. 1st element: see Brungar. 2nd element: OE hysse m. 'young man, warrior'. PG [u] + [i]. Searle (1897: 117); von Feilitzen (1937: 209). Mint: Colchester. Brüning. Old English. 1st element: see Brungar. 2nd element: OE -ing (see Chapter 2: section 3). Searle (1897: 118): Bruningafeld; von Feilitzen (1937: 210) cites OE Brüning. According to Björkman (1912: 28), the name is not recorded in England before the tenth century (see also Nielsen 1883: 16; Tengvik 1938: 176). Mints: Chester, 'Dri', Ipswich, Lincoln, London, Tamworth. Brunman. Old English. 1st element: see Brungar. 2nd element: see yElman. Searle (1897: 118); von Feilitzen (1937: 210); but also listed as Old Danish in Nielsen (1883: 16). Mints: Canterbury, Ipswich, London, Southwark. Brunstan. Old English. 1st element : see Brungar. 2nd element: see /Elfstan. Searle (1897: 118). Mint: Thetford. Brun wine. Old English. 1st element: see Brungar. 2nd element: see /Elfwine. Searle (1897: 118); von Feilitzen (1937: 210). Mints: Stamford, Wallingford.

The names and their

etymologies

87

Burgrad. Old English. 1st element: OE burg f. 'fortified place'. P G [u], 2nd element: see /Elfraed. Searle (1897: 121); von Feilitzen (1937: 212). Mints: London, Southwark. Burg wine. Old English. 1st element: see Burgrad. 2nd element: see /Elfwine. Searle (1897: 122). Mint: Wallingford. Coenhelm. Old English. 1st element: OE coene, cene 'fierce, bold'. PG [o:]. 2nd element: OE helm m. 'helmet, protection'. PG [e]. Searle (1897: 139). Mint: Norwich. Centwine. Celtic? + Old English. 1st element: possibly Celtic, identical with OE Cent 'Kent' (von Feilitzen 1937: 214). Redin (1919: 51) gives the name as OE Cent. Ekwall (1928: 225) suggests "Cant- is common in Celtic names, but the etymology and meaning is doubtful". Jackson's (1948) dismissal of association with Celtic canto 'brilliant, white' is supported by Rivet and Smith's (1979: 298) account of the etymology as "lovingly applied by older authorities (and some not so old) to the 'white land' of the Kentish cliffs. No such word existed". Of Jackson's suggestions for cantium (if this is what we are dealing with here), viz., *canto 'rim, order', Middle Welsh cant 'host, party', and * canto- 'a hundred' (Welsh cant), they opt for an interpretation of the first, in the sense of 'corner land, land on the edge' (see also EllisEvans 1977). 2nd element: see /Elfwine. Von Feilitzen (1937: 214) accepts combination of a Celtic element with an Old English element. Mint: Wilton. Ceoca. Old English. By-name: Godwine Ceoca. Redin (1919: 27) and Tengvik (1938: 299) adduce OE ceoca, parallel to PG *keukön, *kaukön, and cite Old West Norse kjälki 'jaw-bone, jaw' as a by-name. PG [eu]. See Chapter 2: section 5. Mint: Winchester.

88

Person, place, or thing?: Rose is not a rose

Ceolwig. Old English. 1st element: OE ceol m.'keel of a ship'. PG [eu]. 2nd element: see /Elfwig. All the coin-forms lack final , so the element could be confused with a reduced form of wine (see /Elfwine); but association with wig is perhaps more likely on phonological grounds (see Chapter 6: section 9.6) Sweet (1885: 506); Searle (1897: 1 3 2 - 1 3 3 ) . Mint: Dover. Ceorl. Old English. ceorl m. 'freeman of the lowest class'. PG [e]. Redin (1919: 5); von Feilitzen (1937: 214): -ceorl as a second element. Mint: Bristol. Cild. Old English. cild n. 'child'. PG [i], Redin (1919: 6); von Feilitzen (1937: 215); Tengvik (1938: 2 4 4 - 2 4 5 ) . Mint: Bedwin. Cillin Old English. Probably an original non-simplex name. 1st element: most probably OE ceol, elsewhere attested as a nameetymon (see Ceolwig) (von Feilitzen 1937: 216); cf. Tengvik (1938: 299): OE cylle 'bottle, flagon'. 2nd element: see /Elfwine. Mint: Lincoln. Coa. The form ore,as a new nominative f>or:"Auf nordischem Gebiet kenne ich kein Beispiel davon, dass der Göttername Porr als Personenname gebraucht wurde, und es fallt schwer, in dem englischen Namen den nord. Götternamen zu erblicken". Stefansson (1905 — 1906: 307) had already observed: "The number of 'Thor' without the final e or i is so large that it almost looks as if the name of the god had been appropriated. Yet it is hardly credible". Yet, if we are to believe the forms, on the coins and elsewhere, it appears that the god's name could be adopted for human nomenclature (cf. also /Elfgeat); any fear of residual power posited by present-day writers for such a name may have diminished by the eleventh century: and in any case, claims for such power are presumably speculative (cf., for instance, present-day cultures which freely adopt as a personal name the Christian name for the son of god). Mints: London, York. Thorfrithr. North Germanic. 1st element: see Thorr. 2nd element: see Arfre.

The names and their etymologies

119

Björkman (1910: 1 5 5 - 1 5 6 ) . Mints: Huntingdon, Norwich, Thetford. Thorgautr. North Germanic. 1st element: see Thorr. 2nd element: see /Elfgeat and Heregod. Von Feilitzen (1937: 393). Mint: Thetford. Thorgrimr. North Germanic. 1st element: see Thorr. 2nd element: see Arngrimr. Nielsen (1883: 94); Björkman (1910: 158). Mints: Lincoln, Norwich, York. Thorketill. North Germanic. 1st element: see Thorr. 2nd element: see Arnketill. Björkman (1910: 151). Mints: Lincoln, London, Warwick, Wilton. Thorsteinn. North Germanic. 1st element: see Thorr. 2nd element: N G steinn m. 'stone'; cf. OE stan. PG [ai]. Björkman (1910: 161). Mints: Norwich, Stamford, Warwick. Thorulfr. North Germanic. 1st element: see Thorr. 2nd element: see Grimulfr. Björkman (1910: 1 6 2 - 1 6 3 ) . Mint: Stamford. Throndr. North Germanic. NG. drondr m. 'a man from Throndheim'. PG [o:]. Searle (1897: 446); Björkman (1910: 153-154); von Feilitzen (1937: 397). Mint: Chester. Tidraed Old English. 1st element: OE tid f. 'time'. PG [i:]. 2nd element: see /Elfraed. Searle (1897: 453). Mints: Hertford, Thetfod.

120

Person, place, or thing?: Rose is not a rose

Udee. ? Redin (1919: 37) cites as a possible form for Dud-; but there is no Dud, Dudda at the same mint (Lincoln). Searle (1897: 464) cites Udi, Udo; and cf. Redin (1919: 72): Uda, and C G Uto etc. But given the coinforms (see the Appendix), we may well be dealing with epigraphic errors for Ulf at the same mint (see Mossop 1970: Plate LXIX). Mint: Lincoln. Ulfr. North Germanic. See Grimulfr. Björkman (1910: 1 6 5 - 1 6 6 ) ; von Feilitzen (1937: 418). Despite the existence of an Old English common word cognate (OE wulf), the name is regarded as North Germanic (see Redin 1919: 10). Occurrence at Lincoln only would support this. Mint: Lincoln. Ulfbjorn. North Germanic. 1st element: see Grimulfr. 2nd element: see Bjorn. Searle (1897: 506); Björkman (1910: 1 6 6 - 1 6 7 ) is uncertain as to North Germanic origin. in the ( P U L F B E O R N ) form is Old English (see Chapter 6: section 4.14), but it occurs only for the moneyers, and is equally well regarded as anglicised spelling form of the North Germanic name. Occurrence of the name at Lincoln only would accord with North Germanic origin. Mint: Lincoln. Ulfketill. North Germanic. 1st element: see Grimulfr. 2nd element: see Arnketill. Björkman (1910: 168). Mints: Bedford, Berkely, Huntingdon, Lincoln, York. Unnulfr. North Germanic. 1st element: Förstemann (1900: 1477) has Un related to unnan 'to grant' (unlikely, given the rarity of verbal etyma for Germanic names: see Chapter 2: section 3), or Un, the negative particle. But according to Björkman (1910: 170), all instances of Un as a prototheme are reductions of some other element: e. g., Hun (see Hunna, above) or Hund. The recurrence of the form on at least seven dies, would rule out its dismissal as an error for Gunnulfr, at the same mint (see further Smart, in Warhurst 1982: 113).

The names and their etymologies

121

2nd element: see Grimulfr. Mint: York. Vetrfugl. North Germanic. 1st element: N G vetr m. 'winter'; cf. OE, O H G winter. PG [i]. 2nd element: see Saefugl. Björkman (1910: 177). Mint: York. Vikingr. North Germanic. N G vikingr m. 'viking'. PG [i:]. Björkman (1910: 176) says the noun became a by-name in Old West Norse; but von Feilitzen (1937:405) questions whether the personal name is "identical with the common noun vikingr"'. Nevertheless, no other etymon presents itself. Mints: Exeter, Worcester. Vilgripr. North Germanic. 1st element: N G vili m. 'desire'. PG [i]. 2nd element: N G gripr m. 'valuable thing'; cf. OE gripa 'handful, sheaf. PG [i]. Nielsen (1883: 106); Searle (1897: 497); Björkman (1910: 177); von Feilitzen (1937: 405). Mints: Hertford, Lincoln, London, Stamford. Wiedel. Old English. The only possible etymon here is a verb: OE wadan 'to go, move'; cf. O H G watan (Förstemann 1900: 1491). PG [a]. The name could be Old English or Continental Germanic: Forssner (1916: 237); von Feilitzen (1937: 4 0 7 - 4 0 8 ) . Mint: Bath. Walrafn. Continental Germanic. 1st element: C G wal n. 'slain, slaughter'; cf. OE wcel, N G valr. PG [a]. 2nd element: see Hrafn. Fellows-Jensen (1968: 330) suggests a "Scandinavianised (or possibly anglicised) form of the Continental] Germfanic] pers[onal] n[ame] Wal(a)ram, -rand". See also Nielsen (1883: 104); Björkman (1910: 173); Forssner (1916: 241). Mint: Lincoln.

122

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Widia. Continental Germanic. 1st element: O H G witu f. 'wood'; cf. OE wudu. PG [i] + [u], 2nd element: gauja: see Schönfeld (1911: 263). PG [au]. Förstemann (1900: 1562-ff.); Redin (1919: 58); Stenton (1970: 103). Widia may be a shortened form of Vidigoia (see Chapter 6: sections 4.16, 9.17). The name occurs as a by-name attached to Godwine. Mint: Winchester. Widred. Continental Germanic. 1st element: see Widia. 2nd element: see /Etfrxd. Searle (1897: 486); Förstemann (1900: 1572). Wudu occurs also as an element in Hertfordshire place names (Gover et al. 1938: 242). Mint: Hertford. Wigal. ? The name-form appears on one coin only, and may well be a blunder. Certainly, the etymon is "obscure" (Smart 1981: 76). Mint: Chester. Wigbeorn f . Old English. 1st element: see /Elfwig. 2nd element: see Beorn (or possibly OE beam m. 'child'. P G [a]: see Chapter 6: section 4.14). The name occurs on only one coin. Searle (1897: 487). Mint: Cambridge. Wineman. Old English. 1st element: see /Elfwine. 2nd element: see /Elman. Searle (1897: 501). Förstemann (1900: 1615) records the name also as Continental Germanic. Mints: Lincoln, Salisbury, Wilton. Winus. Old English. Possibly OE wine, see Wineman. The form appears on coins for ^Ethelred and Cnut (Redin 1919: 9; Smart 1981: 78), and may perhaps represent the same name. Both forms, that is, with and , recur, the latter on seven dies in our corpus (see the Appendix), so neither is to be lightly dismissed. Redin (1919: 10): " Winus in KCD might well be interpreted as a Latini-

The names and their etymologies

123

sation of Wine, in spite of the alleged Winhus minister KCD 741 (1042), which form is, perhaps, only due to the etymological fancy of some scribe". KCD 741 is genuine, according to Sawyer (1968). There are, however, no certain cases of latinisation of name-forms on Edward's coins; and given the repetition of ( M N U S ) (the sole form of the name at the mint), the Charter form (regarded as doubtful by Redin), and the existence of the common word winhus n. 'wine house', the elements of the latter seem plausible as etyma. Absence of deuterothemic initial is phonologically explicable, representing loss of foot-medial [h] (see Chapter 2: section 9, Chapter 6: section 9.10). This would not, of course, explain the repeated form elsewhere: and one might, after all, wonder whether this represents the same name. Mint: Wilton. Wrice f. ? Any possible etymon is obscure; the form would not appear to occur elsewhere, and occurs on one coin only. Mint: Norwich. Wuducoc t . Old English. 1st element: see Widia. 2nd element: OE coc m. 'cock'. PG [u]. The name is not elsewhere recorded. Mint: Shaftesbury. Wuduman. Old English. 1st element: see Widia. 2nd element: see /Elman. Searle (1897: 505); von Feilitzen (1937: 418). Mint: Shrewsbury. Wulfgar. Old English. 1st element: see Eadwulf. 2nd element: see /Elfgar. von Feilitzen (1937: 419). Mints: Dernt, Lincoln, London. Wulfgeat. Old English. 1st element: see Eadwulf. 2nd element: see /Elfgeat. Searle (1897: 508); von Feilitzen (1937: 419). Mints: Canterbury, Gloucester, Shrewsbury, Steyning.

124

Person, place, or thing?: Rose is not a rose

Wulfheah. Old English. 1st element: see Eadwulf. 2nd element: see /Elfheah. Searle (1897: 509); von Feilitzen (1937: 420). Mint: Derby. Wulfmaer. Old English. 1st element: see Eadwulf. 2nd element: see /Ethelmaer. Searle (1897: 513); von Feilitzen (1937: 421). Mints: Bedford, Exeter, Romney, Shrewsbury. Wulfnoth. Old English. 1st element: see Eadwulf. 2nd element: see /Elfnoth. Searle (1897: 5 1 3 - 5 1 4 ) ; von Feilitzen (1937: 422). Mints: Canterbury, Exeter, Leicester, London, Northampton, Nottingham, Stamford. Wulfraed. Old English. 1st element: see Eadwulf. 2nd element: see /Elfraed. Searle (1897: 5 1 4 - 5 1 5 ) ; von Feilitzen (1937: 422). Mints: Aylesbury, Canterbury, London. Wulfric. Old English. 1st element: see Eadwulf. 2nd element: see /Elfric. Searle (1897: 5 1 6 - 5 1 7 ) ; von Feilitzen (1937: 4 2 3 - 4 2 4 ) . Mints: Chichester, Gloucester, Hastings, Hertford, Leicester, Lincoln, London, Pershore, Rochester, Shaftesbury, Steyning, Wareham. Wulfsige. Old English. 1st element: see Eadwulf. 2nd element: see /Elfsige. Searle (1897: 5 1 7 - 5 1 8 ) ; von Feilitzen (1937: 4 2 4 - 4 2 5 ) . Mints: Dernt, Hereford, Ipswich, London, Northampton, Wareham. Wulfstan. Old English. 1st element: see Eadwulf. 2nd element: see /Elfstan.

Norwich,

The names and their etymologies

125

Searle (1897: 5 1 8 - 5 1 9 ) ; von Feilitzen (1937: 425). Mints: Cambridge, Canterbury, Hereford, Huntingdon, London, Warminster. Wulfweard. Old English. 1st element: see Eadwulf. 2nd element: see /Elfweard. Searle (1897: 5 2 0 - 5 2 1 ) ; von Feilitzen (1937: 4 2 5 - 4 2 6 ) . Mints: Dover, Gloucester, London. Wulfwi. Old English. The name could be either Wulfwig or Wulfwine (see below). Neither name is recorded in full at the two mints at which ( P U L F H ) occurs. Mints: Oxford, Worcester. Wulfwig. Old English. 1st element: see Eadwulf. 2nd element: see /Elfwig. Searle (1897: 521); von Feilitzen (1937: 4 2 6 - 4 2 7 ) . Mints: Bedford, Gloucester, Huntingdon. Wulfwine. Old English. 1st element: see Eadwulf. 2nd element: see /Elfwine. Searle (1897: 521); von Feilitzen (1937: 4 2 7 - 4 2 8 ) . Mints: Bedford, Bristol, Cambridge, Canterbury, Colchester, Exeter, Hereford, Huntingdon, Lewes, London, Southwark, Stamford, Warwick. Wynstan. Old English. 1st element: OE wyn f. 'delight, joy'. PG [u] + [i]. 2nd element: see /Elfstan. Searle (1897: 524); von Feilitzen (1937: 429). Mints: Dover, Salisbury, Winchester.

Chapter Four Hidden talents

1. The coin types The coins of Edward the Confessor are grouped into types according to similarities or differences of non-epigraphic design, and identified by present-day numismatists by descriptive labels (see Chapter 1: section 1; on methods of engraving the dies from which the coins were struck see Chapter 5: section 2.1). Ten substantive types (with some variation within types) were issued in Edward's name; and each type can be dated within a few years. During the reign of Eadgar (AD 959 — 975) the Anglo-Saxon coinage system was reformed; establishment of the cyclic change-over of the coin-types from then until the end of Edward's reign gives time limits to each issue (see Dolley and Metcalf 1961: 152; on the changeover of types see Chapter 1: section 1). For our purposes in assessing the numismatic material as evidence of Old English name-phonology, an absolute chronology for each type is not necessary: but the establishment of a relative chronology of the types is, of course, vital to the value of the coin-spellings as evidence for diachronic variation in the phonology of the names; and, as I remarked in Chapter 1 (section 1), the tightness of this chronology makes the coin-spellings a unique source of evidence. (For a key to coin-references in the present chapter see the Appendix) The order of Edward's types now widely accepted, and adopted by the Sylloge of coins of the British Isles series, is given in Smart (1981: xxxvi-xxxvii), and presented here following the descriptive labels, and dates for each issue, given therein: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Pacx 1 0 4 2 - c . 1044 Radiate small cross c. 1 0 4 4 - 1 0 6 6 Trefoil quadrilateral c. 1046 - 1 0 4 8 Small jlan c.1048-1050 Expanding cross c. 1050 —1053 Pointed helmet c.1053 —1056 Sovereign-eagles c. 1056— 1059

128

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talents

8. Hammer cross c. 1059 —1062 9. Facing small cross c.1062—1065 10. Pyramids c. 1065 - 1 0 6 6 Sub-varieties can be identified for several types: for instance, one with a left-facing, instead of right-facing, bust "portrait" of the king in the Pointed helmet issue; or the variety of Pyramids with a facing bust instead of profile "portrait". Such variety within substantive types does not affect conclusions about the chronology of the latter, and need not be dwelled on further here (for more detail, see Smart 1981: xxxvi-xxxvii; and relevant volumes of Sylloge of coins of the British Isles referred to therein). Arrival at this chronology, and indeed even identification, of types has not been without controversy, some of which is worth recounting as a preliminary to, and basis for, the account in sections 2ff. below of the types of evidence adduced in establishing the sequence of types. The British Museum catalogue (Keary and Grueber: 1887 — 1893) lists seventeen substantive types in the following order (labels follow those above; obv. = obverse, rev. = reverse): BMC BMC BMC BMC BMC BMC BMC BMC BMC BMC BMC BMC BMC BMC BMC BMC BMC

i. ii. iii. iv. v. vi. vii. viii. ix. x. xi. xii. xiii. xiv.

Radiate small cross Small flan Trefoil quadrilateral Pacx Expanding cross Obv. as v.; rev. as vii. Pointed helmet Obv. as vii.; rev. as ix. So vereign-eagles Obv. as ix.; rev. as xi. Hammer cross Obv. as xi.; rev. as xi. Facing small cross Obv. as xiii., with sceptre and orb; rev. as xv. XV. Pyramids xvi. Obv. as xv.; rev. as William I Bonnet type xvii. Obv. as xv.; rev. as Harold II Pax type.

Now, one thing striking about this list is the number of 'types" whose obverses and reverses are identical with those of other types: specifically, BMC types vi., viii., x., xii., xiv., xvi. and xvii. And these Carlyon-Britton (1905b: 179 — 205) identified as mules: that is, coins struck from the

The coin types

129

obverse die of one type and the reverse of another (see further section 2.1 below). Coins thus produced do not represent substantive types, and the descriptions can, with no loss of accuracy, be eliminated from the original British Museum catalogue list of types. The final type Pyramids: BMC xvii represents a mule between this type of Edward's, and the first of Harold II's. Moreover, BMC xvi, classified by Carlyon-Britton as a mule, has since been shown to be a forgery (Pirie 1975: xxii). Carlyon-Britton added, however, to the remaining substantive types, by distinguishing as a type the Arm and sceptre variation of BMC iii. Trefoil quadrilateral. In addition, he "re-arranged" the order of the first five "types" to run as follows: I. II. III. IV. V.

Arm and sceptre Radiate small cross Trefoil quadrilateral Small flan Pacx

with the remaining types continuing in the BMC order. We will look at some of the bases for Carlyon-Britton's arguments for this revised chronology in subsequent sections of this chapter. Brooke (1950: 69) dismissed the Arm and Sceptre variety as a transitional issue, rearranging the first four types to run as follows: 1. 2. 3. 4.

Trefoil quadrilateral Radiate Small flan Pacx

King (1941 — 1944: 1—7), arguing from the apparently single-moneyer status of the Steyning mint, claimed that the types issued by the two consecutive moneyers supported the ordering of Pacx as the third type, issued before the Small flan type. Finally, it was Seaby (1955-1957: 1 1 1 - 1 4 6 ) who, in spite of King's evidence, placed Pacx as the first type, followed by Radiate, Trefoil quadrilateral and Small flan, in the now-accepted order given above (see further Dolley 1958-1959b; Dolley and Lyon 1967, for citation of coins in support of Pacx as the first type).

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2. Arguments for the chronology of types: internal evidence of the coins 2.1. Mules A mule is a coin struck from a die of one type on one side, and one of a different type on the other (on dies and their manufacture, see Chapter 5: section 2). Anglo-Saxon mules may be used as evidence for chronology of types because they seem to have been struck consistently from the obverse of the obsolete and the reverse of the superseding type. The evidence for this generalisation comes from Scandinavian hoards of Anglo-Saxon coins A D c.990 —1035, considered decisive for the ordering of types: the mules from these hoards follow this pattern (on hoards, see section 3 below). Nevertheless, exceptions to this pattern are known: for instance, a coin from Lewes in the Η. H. King collection, and another in the British Museum trays: a Sovereign-eaglesjPointed helmet mule by Alwine at London. The danger of relying on mules lies in the fallibility of the eye: assignment of an obverse to a particular type can be a matter of stylistic distinction, and a misattribution may result in errors such as CarlyonBritton's (1905b: 188 — 189) description of an Expanding cross variant as a PacxjExpanding cross mule. The mule identified by Carlyon-Britton as Arm and sceptre)Radiate small cross, and cited as evidence for the latter as the second type, has been shown subsequently by Seaby (1955 — 1957: 136) to be a mule of the Pacx and Radiate small cross types. Seaby cites three instances of this type of mule, all from Lincoln by the moneyer Asfrithr, and all from the same obverse die: evidence for ordering Pacx as the first and Radiate as the second type (further supported by the additional evidence of hoards containing coins of Edward of only these two types: e. g., Stroby, see Smart 1981: 115). The Radiate small cross j Trefoil quadrilateral mule, K293, from the York mint by the moneyer Authunn, further supports this sequence (for three more examples, see Seaby 1955 — 1957: 136). Trefoil quadrilateralj Small flan mules (K.1113; and see Dolley and Lyon 1967: 61) place Trefoil quadrilateral between Radiate and Small flan (the latter placed fourth on evidence from the Hvitaby and Haagerup hoards). Carlyon-Britton (1905b) makes no reference to Trefoil quadrilateralj Expanding cross mules which jump the intervening Small flan type, and look like evidence for a sequence of the two muled types. Two such mules cited by Seaby (1955-1957: 137) are listed in Keary and Grueber (1887 — 1893) as Expanding cross coins: K1327, from Wilton by /Elfwine, and Κ1395, from Winchester by Leofwine. The trays of the British

Arguments

for the chronology

of types:

internal

evidence

of the coins

131

Museum offer more examples: coins from Lincoln by Beorhtric and Authgrimr, and from London by ^Elfsige. Seaby (1955 — 1957: 137) invokes the disproportionate size of the flan of the Small flan type to account for these: "A small Short Cross [Small flan] die struck on to an Expanding Cross flan would be too prominent to pass easily into currency". Elsewhere, Seaby (1955-1957: 128 fn. 1) suggests that the Trefoil quadrilateral and Small flan types may have been issued concurrently: "Certain similarities in the design of the Short Cross [Small flan] and Trefoil types and the large variation in the weights of the former lend some support to this idea". If this were plausible, then it may be possible to regard the Trefoil quadrilateral!Expanding cross coins as "normal" mules. But the Trefoil quadrilateral/ Small flan mules cited above, and the Hammer cross/Facing small cross mule cited below, show that mules of larger and smaller flans were possible, and mitigate the force of Seaby's claim for the concurrence of Trefoil quadrilateral and Small flan types. Expanding cross/Pointed helmet mules are cited by Head (1867: 6 3 - 1 2 6 ) , by Carlyon-Britton (1905b: 1 8 9 - 1 9 0 ) and by Thompson (1956: 94, 122). (Ade 1848: 3 8 - 4 2 , cites one from the Milton Street hoard: coins from this hoard went through Sotheby's, 8 July, 1850, and 24 June, 1970; details of coins are given for the latter sale, but there is no record of a mule between Expanding cross and Pointed helmet types. I cannot locate the coins cited by Ade.) These, and the Pointed helmet/Sovereign-eagles mule described by Carlyon-Britton (1905b: 192) place the Pointed helmet types between Expanding cross and Sovereign-eagles. The relatively frequent occurrence of mules between Pointed helmet and Hammer cross types (i. e. types 6 and 8) is disturbing. CarlyonBritton (1905b: 199) cites one by Leofthegn at Bedford; Thompson (1956: 98) mentions some from the Walbrook hoard, one of which is K25, by Siggautr at Bedford. Other examples in the British Museum are one by Stanheard at Canterbury and three more at Bedford. Carlyon-Britton (1905b: 200) regards these as "irregular or acidental": the obvious explanation would appear to be that during the issue of Type xi [Hammer cross] an obverse die of Type vii [Pointed helmet] was used in mistake for the obverse of the current type, both of which are in profile to the right.

But, despite the anomalous existence of the mules just cited, mules between Sovereign-eagles and Hammer cross types are common enough

132

Hidden

talents

to allow the sequence Pointed helmet, Sovereign-eagles, Hammer cross. Carlyon-Britton (1905b: 193) cites one by Saemaer at Hertford, and the British Museum has others: for example, by Wulfwi at Bedford, by Godwine at Huntingdon and by yElfnoth at Lincoln. Hammer cross)Facing small cross mules, e. g., as cited by CarlyonBritton (1905b: 195), by ^ t h e l r i c at Leicester, and others in the British Museum, e. g., by Godric at Huntingdon, attest to the sequence of these two types. Carlyon-Britton (1905b: 196) describes a coin supposedly a mule between BMC types xiii and xv: Facing small cross and Pyramids. This coin in fact represents type xiv. The obverse of this coin differs from that of the Facing small cross, whereas in a true mule it should be identical with the obverse of the earlier type. Carlyon-Britton suggests that the larger flan of type xv, on which the coin was struck, allowed for "fuller representation of the obverse type". This sort of explanation would imply a new die struck for the purpose of minting a mule: surely not the procedure which gave rise to mules. And indeed, Elmore-Jones (1957: 158) points out that this is the only instance of a supposed mule cited by CarlyonBritton's sequence of types which is not a true mule. He lists ten known specimens of type xiv, claiming that while they are not true mules, nor do they represent a substantive type, but transitional emission of this latter type [Pyramids] with an elaborate, new style facing portrait which was soon to be discarded in favour of the profile bust of the main substantive type BMC xv.

Reverse dies of type xiv were used for type xv, and Elmore Jones mentions die links (that is, use of the same die(s)) between coins of the only two type xiv moneyers who also made type xv (Manwine of Dover and Leofraed of Cricklade). Although the coin held by Carlyon-Britton to show the chronological relationship between the Facing small cross and Pyramids types clearly does not do so, Elmore-Jones cites the required mule, in the London Museum (formerly in the Guildhall Collection), by iCthelwine at Leicester, with a BMC xiii obverse and a xv reverse, struck on a BMC xiii small-sized flan. 2.2. Overstrikes When a die of a particular type has been struck on top of an existing coin of another type, so that the old type is recognisable under the new, we have very good evidence that the overstruck type immediately preceded the one replacing it. Several Sovereign-eagles coins struck on to Pointed

Arguments for the chronology

of types: external evidence of hoards

133

helmet ones support the accepted sequence of the two types. Examples of such overstrikes are cited by Carlyon-Britton (1905b: 192, Plate VII: 15) and Hodgkinson (1969: 185). Dolley ( 1 9 5 8 - 1959b) cites an overstrike of a Trefoil quadrilateral obverse over a Radiate small cross reverse (H235), counter-evidence to King's ordering of Trefoil quadrilateral before Radiate small cross (see section 1 above). 2.3. Size and weight Other physical details of the coins allow inference about the order of types, and the related problem of dating hoard deposits (see section 3.6 below). Coins of the Pacx type are struck on large and small flans, the former size corresponding to that of the preceding Harthacnut Arm and Sceptre type, the latter to that of the following Radiate small cross. We may deduce from this an earlier and later period of issue of the Pacx coins. The Expanding cross type reflects an unusual change of weight during the currency of the type. Coins early in the issue are about 14 grains, but later they rise to as much as 27 gr. The change in weight conspires with accumulated evidence to suggest that the type was current in A D 1051. The first half of the eleventh century saw an overall drop in coin weight, from 27 gr. to no more than 18 gr. (Dolley 1966a: 10). The increase in the weight of the Expanding cross coins corresponds with the abolition of the heregeld by Edward after A D 1051 (Stenton 1971: 412): the issue was therefore presumably current during this year. (The heregeld was used to pay a standing army of mostly Scandinavian men, who, on their return home on completion of service, would have taken their English pay with them. The evidence of the contents of Scandinavian hoards, with coins of Edward predominantly of the first five types, would agree with this interpretation of the change in weight during the fifth type: see section 5 below.)

3. Arguments for the chronology of types: external evidence of hoards 3.1. Caching a hoard A hoard is just what one would expect: a cache of something valuable, in this instance, coins, hidden away for safe-keeping. Most of the extant coins of Edward the Confessor's coins have been discovered in hoards,

134

Hidden

talents

or parts thereof, though naturally, a single find may well be of a coin originally mislaid. Many hoards contain coins of more than one type, and several contain an enormous wealth (see sections 3.2, 3.4 below). Given that each type was made obsolete by the succeeding currency, it may seem strange that someone would "save up" outdated coins. But given, too, the purity of silver of the pennies, it is not beyond supposing that they could (no doubt illegally) be melted down, and still constitute a source of wealth. The survival of a hoard presumably means that its owner never had the chance to recover it from its hiding place (for exemplification of present-day speculation about motivations for the stashing of a hoard and failure to recover it, see section 3.6 below). Once a hoard has been discovered, its contents may be dispersed, finding themselves in a variety of collections, private and public, and subject to re-sale. That it is not always straightforward to determine the contents of an original hoard, or even their present whereabouts, emerges in the following account. 3.2. List of British insular Viking-age hoards containing coins of Edward the Confessor What follows is intended as no more than a list of hoards, giving the year of discovery and a summary of contents of Edward's coins. This list is based mainly on that given by Dolley (1966c: Appendix A), and follows the putative dates of deposit suggested therein (see further section 3.6 below). Numbers to the left of entries are those given by Dolley. References to works listing details of contents, and discussion, of each hoard are here cited where appropriate (for a more ponderous account of the hoards, see Colman 1981b: Chapter 2; for Scandinavian hoards represented in the Stockholm Museum collection up to the late seventies see sections 3.4, 3.5 below). 157. Wedmore 1853 Deposit c.1043 Contents: over 200 Anglo-Saxon coins, ranging from ^Ethelred II to Edward the Confessor (pace Thompson 1956: no. 374, which lists no coins of Edward). Dolley and Strudwick (1955 — 1957) list five coins of Edward, all Pacx: Κ192, K699, K908, Kl263, Kl384. 159. Castor 1759 Deposit c.1045 Contents: 500 or more Anglo-Saxon coins. Dolley concludes that the hoard contained coins of the Pacx, Radiate small cross, Trefoil quadrilateral and Small flan types, with a preponderance of Trefoil quadrilateral, and a greater number of Radiate than Small flan and Pacx. Pagan,

Arguments for the chronology

of types: external evidence of hoards

135

however, has recently argued (1984a), on the basis of engravings made at the time of discovery of the Castor hoard, described by Stukeley, and of a comparison of two collections made by Hodsoll and Hunter soon after the discovery, that the hoard contained one parcel of recently minted coins of Harold II and Facing small cross and Pyramids ones of Edward, and an earlier one spanning Edward's coins up to the Pyramids type. The date of deposit suggested by Pagan is, therefore, in or just after 1066. 160. Thwaite 1832 Deposit c.1048 The alleged two hoards of Thwaite and Campsey Ash (Thompson 1956: nos. 69, 362) have been shown to constitute only one find. Martin (1955 — 1957) suggests how the misunderstanding arose from newspaper reports of 1832: the Mrs. Sheppard of Campsey Ash was the same person as the Mrs. Wilson who owned the estate at Thwaite on which the hoard was found. Some Edward coins from the hoard are in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford: 2 Pacx, 4 Trefoil quadrilateral, and 8 Small flan. The totals of coins from the hoard in the British Museum, including coins ex Mrs. Wilson and ex Cuff, are: 13 Pacx, 18 Radiate small cross, 95 Trefoil quadrilateral, 186 Small flan, 1 Expanding cross, and 1 Pointed helmet (Dolley and Strudwick 1955 — 1957: 36). The hoard contained some coins of Harthacnut and Harold I, supporting Pacx, Radiate small cross, Trefoil quadrilateral, and Small flan as the first four issues of Edward. 161. Andreas 1874 Deposit c.1048? Thompson (1956: no. 9) mentions no Edward coins from this hoard; but Dolley (1978) argues that the hoard ends with the Radiate small cross penny by ^Ethelmaer at Bath. 164. Dunbrody 1836 Deposit c.1050 25 Edward coins from the hoard, ex Feuardent, are listed by Dolley and Strudwick (1955-1957: 56). On the basis of records in Lindsay (1839, 1842), which had been overlooked in Thompson (1956: no. 141), Dolley (1962a) maintains that the total of Edward's coins known from the hoard is 38, in the following proportions: 6 Pacx, Radiate small cross, 7 Trefoil quadrilateral, and 6 Small flan. There are also two mules: 1 Radiate small cross/ Trefoil quadrilateral and 1 Trefoil quadrilateral!Small flan, which support Seaby's sequence (see section 1 above) for the three types they represent. 166. Milton Street 1843 Deposit c.1055 Ade (1848) lists 37 coins from the hoard: 5 Pacx, 12 Radiate small cross, 2 Expanding cross, 17 Pointed helmet, and 1 Expanding cross!Pointed

136

Hidden

talents

helmet mule. Thompson (1956: no. 270) lists 36, with one less Radiate small cross type than in Ade. Ade's lists is taken to be the more reliable. The absence of Trefoil quadrilateral and Small flan types is noteworthy; and a graphic representation of the hoard contents, as in figure 12, may suggest two periods of hoarding (the numbers on the vertical axis refer to the numbers of coins).

20

15

10

5

u

Pacx

Rad.

Exp. cross

P. Helmet

Figure 12

The Pacx and Radiate small cross coins may have been deposited during the currency of the latter, c. 1044—1046; and the other two types during the currency of Pointed helmet, c.1053 —1056. There are no recorded remains of a container; according to Ade (1848: 38), the coins "were discovered singly, here and there", and there is no proof of his suggestion that they were all placed together in some form or another. Also listed in Ade are 12 coins of Cnut, 2 of Harold I, and 1 of Harthacnut. 167. Nottingham Forest 1789 Deposit c.1058 The hoard no. 294 in Thompson (1956) is now believed to constitute two hoards. Dolley and Strudwick (1956: 297) cite Throsby's account of the 1789 find of five coins of Edward, distinct from the 1786 find of Nottingham, Barkergate (see below). The coins are: 4 Pointed helmet and 1 Sovereign-eagles. The disposition of the coins is unknown.

Arguments for the chronology

of types: external evidence of hoards

137

168. Nottingham Barkergate 1786 Deposit c.1058 Dolley and Strudwick (1956: 2 9 5 - 2 9 6 ) cite a letter of 1786 in the Gentleman's Magazine about a find of twenty coins of Edward the Confessor; the find was described by Merrey in 1789. All the coins are of the Sovereign-eagles type. Mayfield Before 1844? Deposit c . 1 0 5 9 - 1 0 6 2 This hoard is thought to be the source of 10 Hammer cross coins from the Stafford mint, all from the same reverse die and only three obverses, traced by Robinson (1970). Robinson shows how the coins are unlikely to have come, either as a group or singly, from known hoards deposited after the dates of issue of the Hammer cross type (1059 — 1062), such as the Chancton, Oulton or City (Walbrook) finds. He suggests that "the majority, if not all, the Stafford coins of this type are from a single find". This find is most likely to have been deposited near Stafford between 1059 and 1062, "although within these dates there is no recorded event which might explain the deposition of coins in this area and their nonrecovery" (Robinson 1970: 384). Garner's reference (1844: 74) to a find at Mayfield supplies the possible source of the Stafford Hammer cross coins. Kirk Michael 1972 Deposit c. 1060s Contents: 3 Radiate small cross, 1 Trefoil quadrilateral, 1 Hammer cross. See Archibald and Woodhead (1976: 114 no. 447) and Cubbon and Dolley (1980: 5 - 2 0 ) . 169. Gracechurch Street, London c.1850 Deposit c.1062-1063 Dolley (1952 — 1954) lists 56 and more coins of Edward from this hoard; Thompson (1956: no. 244) cites 58 and more. The proportion of types listed by Thompson is: Expanding cross, 26 Pointed helmet, 2 Sovereigneagles, 26 Hammer cross, 2 Facing small cross, and 1 Sovereign-eaglesj Hammer cross mule. 173. Stockbridge 1953 Deposit c.1065 Contents: 6 Pyramids coins. Three of the coins are in the British Museum, one is in the Winchester City Museum, and the disposition of two is unknown (Dolley 1959; 1961b) 174. Harewood 1895 Deposit c.1065 Contents: at least 40 Anglo-Saxon coins. 38 of these have been listed, all Pyramids, and one a cut halfpenny. 34 coins are in the Leeds City Museum, 4 in the British Museum (Pirie 1975: xli).

138

Hidden talents

175. York, Bishophill 1882 Deposit c.1065 387 of the 600 and more Edward pennies and cut halfpennies have been listed by Pirie (1975). The types represented in the hoard are: 1 Radiate small cross, 2 Expanding cross, 34 plus 2 halfpennies Pointed helmet, 1 Pointed helmetjSovereign-eagles mule, 64 plus 2 halfpennies Sovereigneagles, 2 Sovereign-eagles/Hammer cross mules, 88 plus 1 halfpenny Hammer cross, 134 Facing small cross, and 56 Pyramids. Of the coins listed by Pirie, 25 are in the British Museum, 1 is in the Nottingham Museum, and 18 are in the Mack collection; others were dispersed through Sotheby. 176. Sedlescombe 1876 Deposit c.1066 Raper (1883) catalogued about 1,136 coins and about 50 coin-fragments of Edward from the hoard: 123 Pointed helmet, 114 Sovereign-eagles, 1 Sovereign-eagles j Hammer cross mule, 713 Hammer cross, 183 Facing small cross. ill. Chancton 1866 Deposit c.1066 (Upper Chancton Farm, in the Parish of Washington) Head (1867) cites 1,720 coins from the hoard in the British Museum; the rest are scattered. 58 are of Harold II and the rest are of Edward the Confessor. About 1,641 of Edward's coins are listed: 4 Radiate small cross, 1 Trefoil quadrilateral, 133 Expanding cross, 4 Expanding cross j Pointed helmet mules, 425 — 30 Pointed helmet, 303 Sovereign-eagles, 578 Hammer cross, 138 Facing small cross, 54 Pyramids. Thompson (1956: no. 81) lists only 693 of these 1,720 coins in the British Museum: his list is obviously incomplete, but the proportions of types represented are the same as in Head's (1867) list. The Ashmolean Museum contains several coins from Chancton, ex Sir John Evans: 4 Pointed helmet, 1 Sovereign-eagles, and Facing small cross. The Small flan type is absent from the hoard. 178. London, Walbrook 1872 Deposit c.1066 "A total of about 3,480 coins from this hoard has been listed in detail, though the exact number published by Sir John Evans in 1885 is difficult to estimate" (Thompson 1956: 94 no. 255). According to Thompson the hoard contained about 7,000 Anglo-Saxon, Norman, and foreign coins, but Dolley (1961c: 40) claims that it represents two parcels: one of about 6,000 Anglo-Saxon pennies, mostly of Edward, with some of Harold II, deposited c.1066, the other not deposited until c.1075. The types listed by John Evans (1885) are: 37 Pacx, 11 Radiate small cross, Trefoil quadrilateral, 73 Small flan, 598 Expanding cross, 305

Arguments for the chronology

of types: external evidence of hoards

139

Pointed helmet, 4 Pointed helmetjHammer cross mules, 123 Sovereigneagles, 3 Sovereign-eagles j Hammer cross mules, 768 Hammer cross, 599 Facing small cross, 41 Pyramids. The total of coins in Thompson (1956: no. 255) differs, but the proportion of types, except for a greater number of Sovereign-eagles, is roughly the same for each list. Thompson cites two mules from the hoard, 1 Expanding cross/Pointed helmet and one Pointed helmet/Sovereign-eagles, not listed by Evans; and unless there is a misprint, there seem to be two mules with a Hammer cross obverse and a Sovereign-eagles reverse. Thompson (1956: 97) explains discrepancies in the lists of coins for the Walbrook hoard, with reference to Evans' list of 1885: exact numbers are never stated and the tabulation is confused by the insertion of figures referring to obv. legends, and in consequence it seems impossible to combine Evans's list accurately with coins from other sources.

Most of the coins are in the British Museum, probably from the Willett collection, and in the London Museum. Some are in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, ex Evans, not all of which are marked with a provenance. A863, ex Evans, is a Pointed helmet/Hammer cross mule (see Thompson 1967); as no such coin is recorded from the Chancton hoard, the other major source of Evans' collection, this could be a coin to add to those of Evans' collection from Walbrook. Evans' list is taken to give a sufficiently accurate picture of at least the proportion of types in the hoard to be used as the basis of the information on Walbrook in the Table of hoards, section 3.3 below. As the hoard contained examples of all types of Edward's coins, it does not offer direct evidence about the type sequence. 179. Offham 1766 Deposit c.1066 No precise information is known about the types of coins contained in the hoard. Thompson (1956: no. 297) mentions a small number of AngloSaxon pennies, mostly of Edward the Confessor, but it is not known whether the pennies were from early or late issues. 180. Oving 1789 Deposit c.1066 Metcalf (1957) describes the hoard as containing 200 Anglo-Saxon pennies of Edward the Confessor and Harold II, buried at the time of the Norman Conquest. No disposition for the coins is known, no information about the types given. It may possibly be asumed from the presence of Harold II coins that the Edward pennies were of later types.

140

Hidden

talents

183. Denge Marsh 1739 Deposit c.1069 It is not certain whether the hoard contained any coins of Edward. It is described by Metcalf (1957) as containing many William I coins and only a few of Harold II. The hoard was composed largely of Romney coins, and there is a large number of coins by Wulfmaer from this mint, for Harold II and William I. No other hoard in the area was found to be the source of such coins, and it may be assumed that they are from the Denge Marsh hoard. The coins by Wulfmser at Romney for Edward may have this hoard as their provenance. The description of the find by Griffith (1786: 358) suggests that coins of Edward may have been included: Griffith suggests that the coins from the hoard "belong to one or other of the same three monarchs", Edward, Harold II, and William I. 185. Oulton 1795 Deposit c.1068 Contents: about 4,000 coins, mostly of Edward the Confessor, with some of William I; most of the Edward coins are Pyramids (see Dolley 1962b; Robinson 1969). 187. Soberton, Hants 1851 Deposit c.1068 This hoard shows Pyramids to be the last of Edward's types: it contained 1 Expanding cross and 77 Pyramids, as well as 159 coins of Harold II and 22 of William I (Hawkins 1851: 100, 1852: 17). 32 of the Pyramids, and the single Expanding cross are in the British Museum. 189. York, Jubbergate 1845 Deposit c.1068 The hoard contained about 600 Norman pennies of William I (Waterman 1959). 190 of these are listed; 78, of which 9 are now missing, are recorded in the York Museum. The only alleged Edward coin in the find is a mule of Pyramids!William I Bonnet type II (BMC xvi) of uncertain mint and moneyer, now recognised as a contemporary forgery of c.1068. 191. Beetham 1834 Deposit c.1070. A letter in Archaeologia (1852) records the presentation to the Society of Antiquaries of at least one Edward and two William I coins "with many others" (see Reveley 1851). Dolley and Metcalf (1961: 165) refer to the hoard as having been deposited c.1067 —1068, but no more information about the contents of the hoard, and what of Edward's types it may have contained, is available. 198. St. Mary Hill, London 1774 Deposit c.1075 After an analysis of the coins in the Hunter collection and those in the British Museum by 1838 (see Castor, above), Dolley deduces that the hoard would have contained specimens of all ten types of Edward, not

Arguments for the chronology

of types: external evidence of hoards

141

represented in equal proportions. Griffith (1786) gives the most informative list of coins from this hoard. He examined 300 — 400 coins, more than half of which were of Edward; others were of Harold II and William I. Six known types are listed: Expanding cross, Pointed helmet, Sovereigneagles, Hammer cross, Facing small cross, and Pyramids. For the Sovereign-eagles type twenty seven moneyers from sixteen mints are recorded, none of which are known for other types. 3.3. British insular hoards The contents of Insular hoards may be set out in tabular form, as in table 1, as possible evidence for the chronological ordering of the types. The hoards are listed in putative chronological order of their presumed dates of deposit (but see further section 3.6 below). The horizontal axis numbers the coin-types according to Seaby's chronology (see section 1 above), with, in addition, a column to the left for coins before Edward's reign, and to the right for those after it. Representation of a type in a hoard is indicated by the symbols listed below; the grouping of these crosses (if the putative dates of deposit are at all reliable) indicates that the earlier hoards contained earlier types, the later ones, later types. The following symbols are used: χ χ χ : the hoard contained 120 — 1,199 Anglo-Saxon coins χ χ : the hoard contained 20 — 119 Anglo-Saxon coins χ : the hoard contained 1 — 19 Anglo-Saxon coins > : this type is the most strongly represented in the hoard < : this is the second strongest type + : there are many coins of this type in the hoard, but they do not predominate 4-: one or more coins of this type are present : indicates a mule of two types. Hoards known to have contained coins of Edward the Confessor, where the proportion of types is not known: Offham: all coins in the hoard were from Edward's reign, but whether they were of early or late issues is not known; Oving: the hoard contained Harold II coins, and it might be speculated (with no evidence) that the coins of Edward were of late types; Betham; Denge Marsh;

142 Table 1.

Hidden talents

Table of British insular hoards

Hoard Wedmore χ χ Kirk Andreas xxx Castor xxx Thwaite XXX Dunbrody χ χ Milton Street χ χ Nott. Forest χ Nott. B'gate χ Mayfield χ Kirk Michael χ Gracech. St. χ χ Stockbridge χ Harewood χ χ Bishop Hill χ χ Sedlescombe xxx Chancton xxx Walbrook xxx Oulton xxx Soberton χ χ Jubbergate xxx St. M. Hill. xxx

1 +

2

+

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

+

+

+

3

+ +




+

+

+




<

?

?

+•> >

+ + +

>

+

+ + < + < - > >

+ + +

+

+ + < - • +

+ +

+

+ +

+

+ *-»· +


< ± >

+

+

+

+ * - • + «-• + ••>




+

+

+

+

+

>

+

+

+

Arguments

for the chronology

of types:

external

evidence

of hoards

143

Uncertain Site (Northern England?), discovered before 1835: a hoard of Anglo-Saxon pennies, all apparently of Edward, plus some Norman deniers, is postulated by Dolley and Morrison (1963: 84 no. 26).

3.4. Excursus: Scandinavian hoards in the Stockholm coin cabinet The following is a list of hoards in Statens Historiska Museum, Stockholm, numbered according to Hätz (1974: 251-ff.; further information on Scandinavian hoards is in Galster 1966 — 1972; see also Maimer and Rasmusson 1975). The hoards contain non-Anglo-Saxon material, but are listed here in order of the types of Edward's coinage. Contents are listed only with respect to coins of Edward the Confessor. 5804 16501 7218 11340 24071 9318 8693 11661 13252 6620

7070 4637

Lilla Klintegärda II. Discovered: Väskinde, Gotland, 1876. Contents: 1 Arm and sceptre, 3 Pacx. Oxarve. Discovered: Hemse, Gotland, 1920. Contents: 1 Pacx. Blacksta. Discovered: Blacksta, Södermanland, 1883. Contents: 1 Pacx halfpenny. Borgeby. Discovered: Borgeby, Skäne, 1901. Contents: 2 Pacx. Discovered: Estonia. Contents: 1 Pacx. Kvinnegärda I. Discovered: Gotland, 1893-ff. Contents: 1 Pacx/Radiate small cross mule. Mickels. Discovered: Hablingbo, Gotland, 1889-ff. Contents: 1 Radiate small cross. Garde II. Discovered: Stenkyrka, Gotland, 1902. Contents: 2 Pacx (1 a halfpenny), 1 Radiate small cross. Sandegärda II. Discovered: Sanda, Gotland, 1907-ff. Contents: 1 Radiate small cross halfpenny. Espinge. Discovered: Hurva, Skäne, 1880. Contents: 35 Pacx halfpennies, 1 Radiate small cross halfpenny. Pilgärds I. Discovered: När, Gotland, 1874-ff. Contents: 1 Radiate small cross halfpenny. Skälo. Discovered: Järna, Dalarna, 1871. Contents: 1 Radiate small cross.

144

11619

9774 8214 12080 9012 21401 23228

8578 17528 14376

8583 16181

19577 16200

14487 23040

14091

Hidden

talents

Garde II. Discovered: Stenkyrka, Gotland, 1902. Contents: 2 Pacx, 7 Radiate small cross, 3 Trefoil quadrilateral. Kvinnegärda I. Discovered: Havdem, Gotland, 1893-ff. Contents: 1 Radiate small cross, 1 Trefoil quadrilateral. Grausne II. Discovered: Stenkyrka, Gotland, 1885-ff. Contents: 5 Pacx, 3 Radiate, 4 Trefoil quadrilateral. Runsberga. Discovered: Gärdslösa, Öland, 1903. Contents: 1 Trefoil quadrilateral halfpenny. Single purchase by SHM 1892. Contents: 1 Small flan. Garde III. Discovered: Stenkyrka, Gotland, 1935. Contents: 2 Small flan. Botvalde. Discovered: Väte, Gotland, 1943. Contents: 5 Radiate small cross, 2 Trefoil quadrilateral, 2 Small flan. Mickels. Discovered: När, Gotland, 1889. Contents: 1 Radiate small cross, 2 Small flan. Uppveda. Discovered: Vätö, Uppland, 1924. Contents: 2 Radiate small cross, 1 Small flan. Stora Bjärs II. Discovered: Stenkyrka, Gotland, 1909-ff. Contents: 2 Pacx, 5 Radiate small cross, 4 Trefoil quadrilateral, 2 Small flan, 1 Expanding cross. Mickels. Discovered: Hablingbo, Gotland, 1889-ff. Contents: 1 Trefoil quadrilateral, 1 Expanding cross. Snovalds. Discovered: Alskog, Gotland, 1918. Contents: 4 Radiate small cross, 3 Trefoil quadrilateral, 1 Expanding cross. Smiss. Discovered: Linde, Gotland, 1930. Contents: 2 Radiate small cross, 1 Expanding cross. Sigsarve. Discovered: Hejde, Gotland, 1918. Contents: 2 Pacx, 3 Radiate small cross, 2 Trefoil quadrilateral, 1 Pointed helmet. Stora Bjärs. Discovered: Stenkyrka, Gotland, 1909-ff. Contents: 1 Small flan, 1 Pointed helmet. Hallsarve. Discovered: När, Gotland, 1942. Contents: 5 Pacx, 7 Radiate small cross, 4 Trefoil quadrilateral, 3 Expanding cross, 3 Pointed helmet. Stora Sojdeby. Discovered: Fole, Gotland, 1910. Contents: 5 Pacx, 13 Radiate small cross, 11 Trefoil quadrilateral, 1 Small flan, 6 Expanding cross, 1 Pointed helmet.

Arguments for the chronology

8503

17305

15721 21026

7219

17747

16978 18287

11300

28830

of types: externa! evidence of hoards

145

Gärestad. Discovered: Edestad, Bleckinge, 1888. Contents: 1 Radiate small cross, 1 Trefoil quadrilateral, 1 Small flan, 2 Expanding cross, 1 Sovereign-eagles. Stora Varbos. Discovered: Gotland, 1923. Contents: 1 Radiate small cross, 2 Trefoil quadrilateral, 1 Small flan, 1 Expanding cross, 1 Sovereign-eagles. II, 40 Unna Saiva. Discovered: Gällivare, Lappland, 1915. Contents: 1 Sovereign-eagles. Anggärda. Discovered: Rone, Gotland, 1935. Contents: 5 Radiate small cross, 1 Small flan, 2 Expanding cross, 1 Hammer cross, 1 Sovereign-eagles. Mölndal. Discovered: Mölndal, Västergötland. Contents: 1 Arm and sceptre, 2 Pacx, 5 Radiate small cross, 5 Trefoil quadrilateral, 4 Small flan, 3 Expanding cross, 1 Pointed helmet, 2 Hammer cross. Gannarve I. Discovered: Hall, Gotland, 1924. Contents: 1 Pacx, 1 Radiate, 1 Small flan, 1 Expanding cross, 2 Hammer cross. Unghanse. Discovered: Eskelhem, Gotland, 1922. Contents: 1 Expanding cross, 1 Facing small cross. Stora Haglunda. Discovered: Alböke, Öland, 1927. Contents: 1 Radiate small cross, 1 Trefoil quadrilateral, 1 Pointed helmet, 1 Hammer cross, 1 Facing small cross. Mannegrda. Discovered: Lye, Gotland, 1900. Contents: 12 Pacx, 15 Radiate small cross, 12 Trefoil quadrilateral, 11 Small flan, 9 Expanding cross, 2 Pointed helmet, 1 Hammer cross, 1 Sovereign-eagles, 1 Facing small cross. Bürge I. Discovered: Lummelunda, Gotland, 1967. Contents: 2 Pacx, 2 Radiate small cross, 1 Radiate small cross/ Trefoil quadrilateral mule, 1 Trefoil quadrilateral, 1 Small flan, 3 Expanding cross, 1 Hammer cross, 1 Facing small cross.

3.5. Scandinavian hoards

The arrangement in table 2 follows that for the British insular hoards; for layout and symbols, see section 3.3 above. Two hoards without known find-places have coins of type 2.

146

Hidden

talents

Table 2. Table of Scandinavian hoards Hoard 5804 χ

A&S +

>

16504 χ

+

7218 χ

+

11340 χ

+

24071 χ

+

9318 χ 8693 χ 11661 χ

+ >

13252 χ 6620 χ χ

+ +

>

+

7070 χ

+

4637 χ

+

11619 χ

±

9774 χ 8214 χ

>

>




17528 X

>

+

14376 X

+

>

8583 X 16181 X

>

19577 X

>

16200 X

+

14487 X

>

+




+

8503 X

+

17305 X

+

+

14091 χX

+ +

+

+




+

>

+

+

+ +

21026 X

17747 X

9

+

15721 X

7219 χX

8

+

±




+

+

>

>

+

+

+

+

+




+

18287 X

+

+

+ +

11300 χX







+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

148

Hidden

talents

3.6. Date of deposit of hoard The date of deposit of a hoard, if known, would give a useful terminus ante quern for the issue of a type. But hypotheses about dates of deposit are based on (a) other types of (not necessarily watertight) evidence for chronology of types (see section 2 above); and very often on (b) speculations about historical events putatively associated with some motivation for hoarding money. For instance, (a), the date of deposit given by Dolley (1966c: Appendix A) for Dunbrody, c.1050, is based on the absence of the Expanding cross type, and the acceptance on other grounds of the currency of this type in 1051 (as the fifth type: see sections 2.1, 2.3 above). And (b), Dolley's suggested date of deposit of the Harewood hoard, 1065, is intended to coincide with the revolt against Tostig of Northumbria. Dolley attempts to account for the high proportion of coins from southern mints in a Yorkshire hoard, by postulating ravaging of Northamptonshire by a rebel northern army, subsequently unable, for fear of reprisals, to recover their booty (see also Colman 1984: §4.2.a.ii). It is dangerously circular to cite supposed dates of deposit as evidence for chronology of coin-types; and the tables of hoards in sections 3.3, 3.5 (tables 1, 2), based on Dolley's dates of deposit, while providing a satisfying pattern that conforms to Seaby's chronology (see section 1 above), by no means constitute independent evidence for the ordering of types of Edward the Confessor's coins. 3.7. Contents of hoards The types of coins contained in any one hoard may provide evidence for the relative chronology of types: for example, the Wedmore hoard, containing coins from reigns preceding Edward's, along with Pacx coins of Edward's, suggests that Pacx must have been the earliest of Edward's types. It has been argued that paucity of coins of a particular type in a hoard suggests that the hoard was deposited early in the issue of that type: for instance, the York Bishophill hoard shows a steady increase in numbers to the Facing small cross type, and a drop in the number of Pyramids: this would accord with the suggested date of deposit of 1065 (after Michaelmas). But such an argument is not without problems (see further Kent 1974); and there is further, apropos of this hoard, the problem of the absence of Trefoil quadrilateral and Small flan types (the third and fourth respectively).

Summary

of evidence for the type-sequence

149

4. Arguments for the chronology of types: external evidence of mints and moneyers A catalogue of mints showing the moneyers who worked at each, and what types they produced, can be informative about type sequence (see Freeman 1986). A moneyer who minted for Harthacnut, for example, and made Pacx, Radiate small cross, and Trefoil quadrilateral types for Edward, gives a strong indication that the Edward types were early in the chronological sequence. The single-moneyer mint, too, may be useful, if it can show where the first moneyer breaks off and his successor takes over. King's (1941 — 1944) arguments, for instance, rest on fairly strong implications of the succession of types minted by two successive moneyers at Steyning. But these arguments depend on the completeness of surviving coin-evidence; and in the face of stronger internal evidence of the coins themselves, and doubt as to whether Steyning really was a single-moneyer mint, King's evidence remains an anomaly, rather than proof of his suggested sequence of types (see section 1 above). Clearly, evaluation of evidence from the hoards and moneyers for the sequence of types is heavily supplemented by the detailed evidence of the individual pieces: mules, overstrikes, weights and sizes (see section 2 above).

5. Summary of evidence for the type-sequence For references to British insular hoards, and Scandinavian hoards in the Stockholm cabinets see sections 3.2, 3.4 above. References to other hoards are given where appropriate. Type 1: Pacx This is supported by the Wedmore hoard, with its 5 Pacx coins alongside coins from reigns before Edward's. The same sort of evidence is given by two Danish hoards, Store Valby, with coins of Cnut, Harold I, and Harthacnut, and 3 Pacx coins, and Bolbygaard, with coins of Cnut and Harold I and 4 Pacx (Galster 1966-1972, 1: 37 nos. 82, 86); also by two Swedish hoards, Öja, with Harold I and Harthacnut coins and Pacx, and Lösebäck, with Cnut and Harold I coins and 1 Pacx (Galster 1966—1972, 1: 37 nos. 84, 88).

150

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talents

The evidence of these hoards, and of the Arm and sceptrejPacx and PacxjRadiate small cross mules (see section 2.1 above), outweighs that of the Tornegaard hoard, with pre-Edward coins and 1 Radiate, or the Roskilde hoard, with coins of Cnut and 1 Trefoil quadrilateral (Galster 1966-1972, 1: 36 nos. 77, 80). Type 2: Radiate small cross This is shown, not by any of the Insular hoards, but by the contents of the Ströby hoard (Galster 1966-1972, 1: 37 no. 85), viz., coins of Cnut and Harold I, with 1 Pacx and 1 Radiate small cross. In addition, the mules cited above (section 2.1) place this type between the Pacx and Trefoil quadrilateral ones. Type 3: Trefoil quadrilateral The Espinge hoard from Scania contained coins of Cnut, Harold I, and Harthacnut, as well as Pacx, Radiate, and Trefoil quadrilateral types of Edward (Galster 1966-1972, 1: 37 no. 87; and see section 3.4, no. 6620, above). The mules cited in section 2.1 above support this sequence; of particular importance is the overstrike of Trefoil quadrilateral on to Radiate small cross (section 2.2 above). Type 4: Small flan Once the order of the first three types is settled, the hoards of Castor, Thwaite and Dunbrody place this type fourth. Several Scandinavian hoards contain the same four, and only four, types, as well as coins of Cnut, Harold I, and Harthacnut: the Haagerup find from Denmark, and the Hvitaby and Vanneberga finds from Scania (Galster 1966 — 1972, 1: 38 no. 91, 36 — 37 nos. 81, 83). As far as I know, there are no mules known between the Small flan and Expanding cross types. Type 5: Expanding cross The Danish hoard from Bonderup (Galster 1966-1972, 1: 38 no. 92) ends with this type, perhaps indicating that it followed the Small flan type. The mules cited in section 2.1 above show that it preceded the Pointed helmet type. Expanding cross is the last of Edward's types present in any numbers in the Scandinavian hoards: an observation in support of the theory that the increase in weight during this issue reflects the abolition of the heregeld (see section 2.3 above; Dolley 1976: 1 5 4 - 1 5 8 ) . Type 6: Pointed helmet The Milton Street hoard offers evidence for this, although the absence of Trefoil quadrilateral and Small flan types is disturbing. The Danish

Summary

of evidence for the type-sequence

151

hoards of Gärestad (Bleckinge) and Lyngby (Jutland) end with this type (Galster 1966-1972, 1: 3 8 - 3 9 nos. 93, 95A). Expanding cross/Pointed helmet mules support the sequence (see section 2.1 above). Type 7: Sovereign-eagles Evidence for this comes from Pointed helmet/Sovereign-eagles mules, and the Sovereign-eagles over Pointed helmet overstrikes (see sections 2.1, 2.2 above). Type 8: Hammer cross This is supported by Sovereign-eagles/Hammer 2.1 above).

cross mules (see section

Type 9: Facing small cross The representation of types in the hoards from Gracechurch Street, Sedlescombe, and Bishophill agrees with this sequence, which is supported by Hammer crossj Facing small cross mules (see section 2.1 above). Type 10: Pyramids The Oulton and Soberton hoards, with their specimens of post-Edward coins agree with placement of this type as the last. This is further supported by the Facing small cross/Pyramids, and Pyramids/Harold II Pacx mules (see section 2.1 above).

Chapter Five The die is not cast

1. The epigraphic symbols and identification of errors 1.1. The symbols The epigraphic symbols appearing in the representation of moneyers' names on the coins are presented in Figure 13.

A / E B C D E M

N

Figure

O

P

R

S

F G H T

D

V

P

I X

K L Y

Z

.

13

Before attempting to attribute phonological significance to these symbols (see Chapter 6), we must isolate those spellings which may be classified as errors, or as epigraphic variants which have no direct phonological significance (see Chapter 1: section 3). Many spellings classifiable as errors seem to be mere blunders of repetition or omission; and for such, there is no systematic basis for what could only be speculation as to how the error arose in each case. But the classification as such of any form as erroneous need not be unprincipled. First, it considers two numismatic factors: the number of dies for which a form is recorded, and a reconstruction of methods of die-manufacture. A form recurring on more than one die is less plausibly dismissed as erroneous: its repetition may imply a deliberate spelling. On the other hand, though, our ignorance of the method of transmission of forms of moneyers' names to the die-cutter (see Chapter 1: section 5, below: section 2) leaves open the possibility that the latter may, in some instances, simply have copied an erroneous form from an existing die. Methods of die-manufacture involved the use of a limited set of punches to make up all the graphic shapes in the epigraphic inventory: reconstruc-

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tion of these methods may allow a particular shape to be understood as an error for another; and the non-epigraphic design of the coin may be responsible for abbreviated name-forms: I return to die-manufacture in section 2 below. Second, if a form (even recurring on more than one die) representing a name with an attested etymon, varies from expected forms in such a way as to be uninterpretable in the light of phonological and onomastic theory (i. e. plausibly reconstructed variations attested for the common word or its cognate name-element), it may be a candidate for classification as erroneous. Too rigid adherence to this criterion may, of course, result in dismissal of a potentially significant form: therefore, several forms included below as errors are discussed as potential evidence for phonological variation (with cross-references to plausible phonological or onomastic accounts given for the same forms in other chapters). Forms regarded as likely to be erroneous are listed below. Those found on more than one die are marked by f . The coins on which they occur may be identified by cross-reference to Chapter 3 and the Appendix. 1.2. Intrusion of graphs Vowel graphs: BIRIHTM/ER; BVRVNFTNE; G O D M N V E ; L E O F N O I A D , LEOFNOEI; LIFINEC; LEO FI STAN; LEEOFHNE; SENEBRN; D V R F I O R D ; (PV)LENOID. Consonant graphs: B R I H T N O H D ; BRVNNVSEL; E D H C G ; G O D N N C E ; FLERDCIN; L E O F H I N C ; ODSLAC; S^ECOLF; fSWARCOLF; S T A N D M Y R E , STNDMYRE; f D R E O D R E D ; DVRFTORD. Some of these forms may have an onomastic or phonological basis. Element-substitution presumably accounts for the added to (see Chapter 1: section 4); and possibly for for Edwig (cf. OE wieg 'horse' (poetic)), for Oslac (cf. the nameelement Auth spelled : see Chapter 3, the Appendix) and ( H ^ E R D C I N ) for Harcin. The added vowel graph may, in some instances, represent a genuine svarabhakti, or parasite, vowel, more common in names than in common words (see Chapter 2: section 9.3, Chapter 6: section 5.4). The in the first element of ( D R E O D R E D ) , on more than one die, could represent anticipation of [r] in the second. in might relate, indirectly, to deuterothemic initial [h]-loss,

The epigraphic symbols and identification

of errors

155

a concomitant of foot-loss, in, e. g., ( G O D E R E ) for ( G O D H E R E ) (see Chapter 2: section 9.3), reflecting hyper-correction. in (BRIHTN O H D ) may be an inversion of to represent the dental fricative, comparable to the use of in early manuscripts (Campbell 1959: § 57.5, fn. 3). 1.3. Omission of graphs Vowel graphs: JELF 1>N, jELFPNE; ANDERBOD; BLCMAN; BRNSTAN; BRTRED; fCNSTAN; EADRD; EADI>LF; f G O D R C ; GOPPNNE; H ^ R R D ; flOCTEL, IVGRTEL; tLEFPNE, LEOFI>NE, tLFPINE; MORCRE; PVRFRP (Thorfrithr); fSNEBRN; STANMRE; SPRTINC; SPARTCL, SPRTCOL; fVLFCTL; I>VLBRN; PVLFGT; Ρ LS TAN. Consonant graphs: IEFGEHT (/Elfgeat); t ^ G E L I G ; /ELFPOD (/Elfweald); ARGRIM (Fargrimr); tBRAD (Brand); BRINl>OLD (Beorhtweald); BRIHPI, BRHI>INE (Beorhtwine); BRVINC, BRVINNE, BRYIN, fBRVNIC, BRVNNIC, BRYNNIC, BVNINC (Brüning); BVHREI, BVRRED, tBVRED, DVRREB, PVRREB (Burgraed); BVNHYSE (Brunhyse); BRVMAN, BRVHAN, fBRVMON, BRVNIM (Brunman); CENEI (Coenhelm); COLBRAD (Kolbrandr); f D I R E M A , DEOHAN (Deorman); DICNIC, DVNIC, DVINNC (Dunning); EAPVLF, t ^ P V L F (Eadwulf); FOCPINE (Folcwine); GAFIN (Garfinnr); GODESBRAD, tGODESBRAN (Godesbrand); ODELIF (Godleof); GOPINE, GOPPNNE, ODPINE (Godwine); GVDEPINE (Gyldewine); tHVSCAR (Huskarl); tIFINC, LIFICE, LIFIC (Leofing); fLEONOD, EOFNAD (Leofnoth); LEOFSAN (Leofstan); LEOPOLD (Leofweald); LEOFIC, tLEORIC, LEOPIG (Leofwig); tLEOPINE (Leofwine); OSERD (Asfrithr); fRINVLF, RIIVLF (Hringwulf); SETMAN (Swetman); SPATIC (Svertingr); SPARCOL, fSPARCOLF, SPEATCOL (Svartkollr); PVFGET (Wulfgeat); PVFSTAN, PVFSTE (Wulfstan); PULEORN (Ulfbjorn), PULFINE, PULINEE (Wulfwine). There is some difficulty in deciding if all these omissions are purely epigraphic, or if some have phonological significance. Loss of certain consonants, such as of [1] elements such as /Elf, Wulf, Ulfr is plausible for name-elements; protothematic final loss in, e. g., Burgraed, Leofnoth, Svartkollr, Ulfbjorn, and deuterothemic initial loss, in, e. g., /Ethelwig probably reflects foot loss in the non-simplex names (see Chapter 2:

156

The die is not cast

section 9.3). Campbell (1959: §477) cites miscellaneous instances of reduction of "three unlike consonants", including loss of [f] in the nameelements Wulf and /Elf, particularly in the Kentish Glosses "where, however, scribal carelessness may be a contributory factor". It is interesting, though, that such loss is evidenced by coins from several dies, suggesting that the epigraphic forms should be dismissed as evidence of phonological developments only with caution. may show progressive assimilation of [nm]; although Campbell (1959: § 484) says assimilation is not usual in groups "consisting of a consonant followed or preceded by a liquid or nasal", assimilation of two nasals is surely natural: the possible significance of the form as evidence of name phonology ought not to be too hastily ignored (see Chapter 6: section 8.12; also section 1.4 below on ). Reduction of to occurs frequently on the coins (see also Redin 1919: 149 fn. 6). Forms such as , , etc. probably reflect phonological weakening of the suffix, and should not be passed over as epigraphical errors (see Chapter 6: sections 9.6, 9.12; Campbell 1959: §474). 1.4. Doubled graphs Vowel graphs: .EvELFPARD; t ^ L F J > H ; /ELPINEE, f i E L F P I N E E , t ^ L F P H N E ; ALCSIIE; E G E L H N E E ; ERNDII(Earnwi); f E P I I , ΕΡΠΕΡΠ, ΕΡΙΕΡΠ; fGODRIIC; tGOLTSIIE; fLEOFHNEE; ΟΔΠΝ; fSCVLAA; P-VLINEE; R U L F R I I X (Wulfric); P H C I N N C ; PIIDIIA. Consonant graphs: ^ELREDD, / E L R C D D ; ^ L F R I C C ; ^ELLRIC; ^ELFMGG; yELPERDD; ^ L P I N N E ; f / E S T A N N ; Β R A N N D; BRVNNVSEL, BRVNNHYSE, BRVNNESE; f BRYNNING, BRVNNIC, f B R Y N N I N C ; BRVMMAN; t C E T E L L ; f C O L L I N C , CVLLINC; DEORRSIGE; fDVNNING; tEDRICC; fEDPICC; fGODRICC; GOPPNN E; IOCCETEL; f l O L L A ; L E O F P E R R D ; L E O F H N N E , t L E O F F P I N E ; LIFFSTAN; f L I F I N C C , LVFFINC, LYFFINC; LOCC; OMMVND, fOSMVNDD; OVDDVLF; SPEGNN; fVLFF; PALR/EFENN; H1CINNC; t^VLINNOD, FVLENNOD. Double representing [ae]; the usual graphic shape with this signification is formed by the addition of a diagonal to the left of (E> (see the list of graphic symbols in Figure 13), rather than by discrete and shapes (on ( I E ) , transposed in the first two examples above, as an epigraphic alternative for (Ai}, see section 2.4 below). On ( H V S C A L R ) , see Chapter 2: section 8. ( O ) in ( L E F O N O D ) may represent a compositional vowel (cf. ( L E F E N A D ) , Chester; see Chapters 2: section 7.3, 6: section 5.5.)

1.6. Blundered names ANETEI (Arnketill); A R N G R C H L O H (Arngrimr Loc); ^ELDARDD (/Elfweard); BRINIT (Brunwine); DICNIC, D I C N N I G (Dunning); LTSE (Eadsige); ERTAN, CRTAN (Estan); F A R G I H R (Fargrimr); GOLTHE (Goltsie); LODSVMIV, GOVSIV (Godsunu); G V O L C H N E (Seolhwine); G O D E G O F , G D E L I C (Godleof: see Carson, 1949: 2 0 0 - 0 1 ) ; GPELN (Godwine or Godleof: see Appendix: Thetford); G O R E F (Korf); H L A N G V L F (Hringwulf); I O N A N A (Iol, Ioli); L E O T I N ^ R (Ladma;r); f L I C N C C (Leofing); LEOFNOEI (Leofnoth); ICOCREE, ICORIFF,

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The die is not cast

LEF^EFRIC (Leofric); ELFORED, LEGOFRED (Leofraed: pace Carson, 1949: 200, Leofwine); LLFMHE, LEOCDINE, LEOCRINE (Leofwine); STREOLL (Styrkollr); DVRCETDT (Thorketill). 1.7. Errors in individual graphs IELGEHT, IELFGEHT, yELFFET (/Elfgeat: see Sisam, 1953.b: 308, fn.3); ^LFl>OND, ELFPOND (TElfweald); ^ L E R E A R D , ^LEI>ARD (/Elfweard); ELEHNE, ELYHNE, ^ E L H N E (/Elfwine); C L E R I C , ERFRIC (/Elfric); ^ L E S I S E , ^ L C S I G E , ^ L C S I C E , ^ L F S I S E (/Elfsige); yELRIE (^Ethelric); vEILPINF (/Ethelwine); ALEIE (Aleif); ARBETEL, ANETEI (Arnketill); BLAEEMAN, BLAREMAN, BIACAMAN, BLACHAN (Bhecman); BLARERE (Blakkr); f B R N D (Brid); D R I H T N ^ R (Beorhtmier); BRINT-E- (Beorhtrad); BRINRIC, BRINTRIC, BRINTIRC (Brihtric); BRINFOLD (Beorhtweald); BRIHIHC, BRININ? (Brüning); BRVNMGN, BRVHAN (Brunman); BRVNMNC (Brunwine); BVRNREI, BVHREI, BVRREB, I>VRREB (Burgrasd); CENEI (Coenhelm); CINEN^ER (Cynemar); COLDEGN (Kolthegn); EORFF (Korf); DIRGMAN, DIREMA, DEOHAN, DEORHAM (Deorman); EADMIND (Eadmund); ENDRIC (Eadric); NLDGAR (Ealdgar); ERNDII (Earnwig); E N C H N E (Engwine); DNRIC (Eanric); F ^ R G R I N (Fargrimr); F O L I H N E (Folcwine); FRONE, FROHE (Frome); HARULF (Garwulf); GODRICC, GODRIE (Godric); LODSUNU (Godsunu); GOM>NE, G O D H N C , G O D H H E , FODPINE (Godwine); GRINVLE, GRIMVLE (Grimulfr); COLTSI (Goldsige); CLDMNE (Goldwine); C Y L H N E (Gyldewine); IOREL, IVRELEL, IVGRTEL (Ioketill); LADH^ER (Ladmaer); t L I F I N D , LICNI, | L I C N N C (Leofing); LEOCNO, LEONOD (Leofnoth); CIOFRED (Leofrasd); LEDFRIC (Leofric); LIOTSIAN (Leofstan); LIOEDEGEN (Leofthegn); LEOEf>ERD (Leofweard); LEOFH, LEOCDINE, L E F H H E (Leofwine); MANAC (Manna); OSCERD (Asfrithr); OSHUND, OSIIVID, OSMVID (Osmund); ODGRIM (Authgrimr); OVDOIF (Authulfr); SIAFVCL, SCFVEL, S ^ F V C E F (Saefugel); C E H N E (Ssewine); SIDENAN (Siduman); S P R ^ L I H G , SPRACLINE, SPRARELINC, SPARELNG (Sprakaling); SBEIMAN (Swetman); f T N D R E D (Tidrad); !>VRCL, PVRCIL (Thorketill); FVRFVRD, FVRFVRF (Thorfrithr); I>VRSTAN (Thorsteinn); DVRTILF (Thorulfr); MLERIC, MLCRIF, HLGRID (Vilgripr); IVLFERD (Wulfweard); (I>V)LENOID, 1>VLINN0D (Wulfnoth); FVLCRED, I>VLCRDD (Wulfrad); RVLFRIIX, FVLERIC (Wulfric); I>VISIG (Wulfsige); PVLNHG (Wulfwig); f P V L C H N E (Wulfwine).

Explication

of epigraphic

errors

159

2. Explication of epigraphic errors 2.1. Die-manufacture Classification of some of the spellings as errors may be supported by considering supposed methods of manufacture of the coins. These were stamped out of silver placed between a set of dies: one engraved with the design of the obverse, the other with that of the reverse. A hammer-blow would imprint the designs on the respective sides of the silver piece (presumably the metal of the dies was stronger than the silver of the coins). Reconstruction of the die-manufacture is what particularly concerns our assessment of the coin-epigraphy as evidence (or not) for phonological variation. Until recently, no Anglo-Saxon dies or engraving tools had been found: but the discovery of Viking dies from York (see Hall 1980) offers support for the account of die-manufacture in Sellwood (1962), based on his own reconstruction of an "Anglo-Saxon" penny. An Anglo-Saxon die discovered in 1989 (not yet cited in publication) offers confirmation of the principles of construction described here. Sellwood used a limited number of punches: wedge-shaped, straight and semicircular, both "full-sized" and "half-sized". Each graph is constructed from one or more strokes, each of these hammered from a particular punch: one for ; one long vertical plus two short horizontals for ; three long for ; a short diagonal added to the long vertical and three short horizontals of , for and so on. By accidentally leaving out one or two strokes the engraver could produce, for instance, instead of , for ,

for . Reaching for the wrong punch, he could hammer out , with an upper semi-circular, or , with two semi-circulars, instead of , with two straight diagonals. Some of the spellings are so blundered as to be inexplicable in the light of die-manufacture (see section 1.6 above). But the most commonly occurring errors imply alternation of / ; / ; / ; / ; / ; / : / . These are readily understood in the light of reconstructed methods of die-engraving: for in ( B L A E E M A N ) (Btecman), (Godric); for in t < D I R G M A N > (Deorman); for in VLCI>INE> (Wulfwine), and so on. 2.2. Transmission of name forms Examination of some of the spellings along the lines of traditional textual critism, as set out by, for example, Maas (1958), may suggest that some errors could be explained in the light of transmission of name-forms. If

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The die is not cast

we operate according to Maas's methods of accounting for a "corrupt" form (p. 13), we find the following considerations potentially relevant to the coin-spellings: the history of transmission, the history of the language, and the nature of the script and orthography of contemporary manuscripts. Some errors might be explained if only we knew the nature of transmission of name-forms to the die-engraver: were the transmission known to be verbal, then the spelling may have been that of the engraver. But we do not have this information (see Chapter 1: section 5; Smart 1968: 209). A comparison of the graphs in some erroneous name-spellings with letters of eleventh-century minuscule script might be expected to indicate the nature of corruption in a spelling, if we could assume written transmission of moneyers' names to the die-cutter. Some coin-forms may have arisen through the latter's misreading of minims in the minuscule script (cf. exemplifications of the latter in, e. g., Denholm-Young 1954; Hector 1966). For instance, we could hypothesise that in for Dunning represents misinterpretation of a minuscule shape of the graph ; or that confusion of minims produced such forms as and for Osmund, < E A D M I N D > for Eadmund and < D V R T I L F ) for Thorulfr. But in the absence of clear evidence, this interpretation must remain hypothetical, and insufficient to establish written transmission (see, again, Colman 1984: §4.2.b.ii).

2.3. Merography Some forms look like abbreviations: they give enough of a name for that name to be visually recognisable, but have no significance as evidence of phonological reduction. Logeman (1888: xl), for instance, suggests merography to account for certain crude forms in the glosses to the The Rule of S. Benet: "It would seem as if the glossator, when writing down only a few letters, thought: 'If I see but this part, I shall remember the whole easily enough'". Identification of moneyers by names was certainly important, but an abbreviated form of a name could identify the man responsible for the coin. The following forms are probably best identified as abbreviations: ^ELFS, IELFS, yELLFF (/Elfsige); BLACEM, BLACA (Bkecman); BRTRED (Beorhtraed); BRVN, BRVM, B R M A N (Brunman); BRVNN (Brüning); DyEIN, DyEII (Daegnieht); LVFFE (Leofing: though we may

Explication

of epigraphic

errors

161

have here evidence of genuine hypocorism, with phonological reduction: see Chapters 2: section 9.3, 6: section 8.7); j S V M R E D , S V M R D , t S V M E R D (Sumarlithr); F V L P C ) (Wulfwine).

2.4. Epigraphic variation In some cases, epigraphic variation accounts for what may appear to be differences in spelling: such variation is not directly significant for phonological reconstruction. The graph sometimes occurs where would be expected, and where no phonological or onomastic reconstruction would expect an umlauted vowel ([y]): Y L F C E T L ; W Y D E C O C . In other forms, appears for expected : B R V N H V S E (Brunhyse: see also Chapters 1: section 4, 2: section 9.3 on element-substitution); ( G V L D E H N E ) (Gyldewine). These suggest that in late Old English epigraphy, the graphs and were readliy interchangeable: at least the difference between the two shapes is so slight as to make frequent confusion understandable. It is hard, nevertheless, to know what significance to give / alternations in several forms. In , ( B R Y N I N C ) , ( B R V N I N G ) ; , ; , etc. the may be genuinely phonologically significant, representing [y] from /-umlaut of [u], given [i] in the deuterotheme; the graph may represent [u] in a form of the prototheme lexicalised without /-umlaut (see Chapters 2: section 9.3, 6: section 3.27). The sequence occurs instead of in: I E L F H N E , I E F G E H T , I E L M E R , IELFSI, I E G L D I N E , I I E - H N E , I E G L H N E , SIEPINE, BRIHTMIER. It is clear that this sequence has the same phonological signification as since in forms representing the elements /Ethel, maer, and Sse there is no etymological plausibility for as used in manuscripts for diphthongal, and other, significations (see Colman 1985a). Similar epigraphic variation of and occurs in the mint signature :

As :

Old English: ALRAFAN>. Old English: < ^ D E - > , < ^ G E L - > , < ^ I E L - > etc., < ^ L L R I C , iELRIC, jELSIGE, .ELSIG, yELMNE), < ^ S T A N > (/Ethelstan: see Chapter 3), < D ^ I N I H T , PvEDEL). North Germanic: ( F A R G R I M , H^ERGOD, R ^ F E N , R^FN, fSPR^LIHG). Old English: : see further, however, on ( E L F - ) , ( / E L F - ) , section 3.7 below. In the case of (ED->, etc., for /Ethel-, element-substitution of the cognate with OE edel 'homeland', may account for forms (see Chapter 1: section 4). The single occurrence of the form ( D E H F I N ) has parallels in (e> forms in other sources (Björkman 1910: 31, where an uncertain Old Swedish form (Daeghfin) is cited). (E> for (ΛΕ) in this instance could be another case of the (Ε>/(ΛΕ> spelling alternation discussed in section 3.7 below. Certainly, Kentish merger of [as] with [e] is not to be invoked here, given the frequency and geographical distribution of the (E> forms. Vocalic length in the element /El-, El- from /Ethel-, cannot be deduced from the spelling, but compensatory lengthening of the vowel may be asumed given loss of [ö] (Colman 1981a). 3.2. PG [a] + nasal As :

As ( O ) :

Old English: ( M A N , M A N N A ) . North Germanic: ( B R A N D ) . Continental Germanic: ( A N D E R B O D A ) . Old English: ( F R O M E ) .

Both forms reflect retraction of PG [a] [a] /- Ν (Campbell 1959: § 130); the ( O ) spelling (Derby mint) accords with evidence of a rounded reflex of this back vowel in texts classified as Mercian (e. g., the Old English Vespasian Psalter, and the Middle English Ancrene Wisse: Campbell 1959: § 130; see further section 4.3 below). 3.3. PG [a] + [1] + consonant As ( A ) :

Old English: ( A L D A , A L D G A R , A L H M U N D , t A L H S I E , ALCSIE, f A L X X I ) . Continental Germanic: ( B A L D E R I C , BALDUINE). As (EA>: Old English: (EALCSI, EALGAR, E A L D G A R , E A L D H G , EALDHNE). As : Old English: ( t / E L D R E D > . ( A ) in the forms of Old English names presumably represents Anglian retraction of [as] (from fronted PG [a]) before [1] + C (Campbell 1959: § 143). In the light of the (/E> form, it may, however, suggest late Old English merger of [aea] and [ae] (see below). The forms of the Continental

Reflexes of Proto-Germanic

stressed

vowels represented

on the coins

167

Germanic names could reflect either of these Old English developments: the diatopic or the late Old English diachronic, unless they simply retain the (non-Frisian) Continental Germanic reflex of PG [a]. The digraph represents the diphthongal output of West Saxon breaking in the context of a following [1] + C (Campbell 1959: § 143). The (JE) spelling, although represented on only one die (at London), is probably to be taken as evidence of the late Old English monophthongisation of this [£ea], and merger with [as] (which in turn merges with [a] in [a]: see section 3.1 above). To my mind, supposition of Anglian /-umlaut of [a] before [1] -I- C would be somewhat forced, given that the element cognate with OE eald 'old' does not elsewhere show i'-umlaut. Homorganic lengthening may be assumed in the forms i in the elements -stceinn and goeirr, which is evidenced from about 1000" (von Feilitzen 1937: §40); cf. for steinn in Domesday Book. 4.11. PG [au] As : Old English: VLFGEAT>. As : Old English: OE [ae:a]. in forms of the element heah could be the product of Anglian smoothing of [ae:a] —• [e:] (Campbell 1959: §222); this would be appropriate for dialects associated with the areas of the mints at which the form occurs: Derby, Shrewsbury, Stamford. In forms of geat, may be evidence of late Old English monopthongisation of the long low diphthong (see section 3.14 above), or else of reduction of the diphthong under low stress (see also Campbell 1957: § 357). represents N G [o:] PG [au]. 4.12. PG [e] As :

Old English: .

The form is that expected for the stressed reflex of P G [o:]. 4.19. PG [u] As :

As < 0 > :

Old English: < A L H M V N D , E A D F V L F , E D M V N D , ESTMVND, GARVLF, GODSVNV, HEADEPVLF, HRINGVLF, OSMVND, S ^ P V L F ) . N o r t h Germanic: < A G A M V N D , F R I D E M V N D , GRIMVLF, OUDLF, S ^ F V G E L , DVRVLF, MNTERFVGEL). Continental Germanic: < R ^ D V L F ) . Old English: VDVCOC>. N o r t h Germanic: < G R I M O L F , O U D O L F , SyECOL, S T I R C O L L , SI>EARTCOL, V N O L F ) . Continental Germanic: ( A N D E R B O D A , S I E B O D E ) . As :Qld English: < f E A D M I N D > . N o r t h Germanic: ( t D V R T I L F ) .

The reflex of P G [u] + nasal is consistently represented by , reflecting retention of the high vowel in this context, as ir stressed syllables « E A D M I N D ) is perhaps best classified as an error: see Chapter 5: section 2.2). In other contexts, < V / O ) alternation, often in the same name, reflects variation in the reflex of [u] —> [o] before a non-high vowel: for such alternation in stressed vowels, see section 3.27 above). The form , for the element cognate with O E wulf, possibly represents a non-Old English reflex (Campbell 1959: § 115).

4.20. PG (u] + /-umlaut As : As : As :

Old English: < B R V N H Y S E > . Old English: . Old English: < t B R V N N E S E > .

Vowels of unstressed

syllables

191

is the normal representation of /-umlaut of [u] —•> [y] in stressed syllables. Forms of hyse with may have arisen through elementsubstitution (see Chapter 1: section 4), unless we have here epigraphic variation between and (see Chapter 5: section 2.4). The form suggests reduction of vowels in reduced stress in the second element.

5. Vowels of unstressed syllables 5.1. Some comments Unstressed vowels are here treated according to their function as rootinternal, or as vowels of inflectional morphological suffixes. The following graphs occur in the representation of vowels of unstressed syllables: , etc., ^DEL>. Continental Germanic: ( A N D E R B O D E ) . Old English: All instance of (JEL>, , (representing /Ethel).

5.2.2. PG [i] As : As :

North Germanic: , and all instances of < ^ G E L > . As : Old English: < ^ I E L M ^ R > , and all instances of < ^ I E L , EIEL). As : North Germanic: . Omitted: Old English: < / E L M ^ R ) , and other instances of {JEL, E L ) . represents /θ/: on contexts for voiced realisation, as [ö], see section 7.2.7 above. The voiced allophone may be assumed for element-internal /θ/ in voiced environments: e. g., in . North Germanic: EART, SI>EARTCOL, S1>ERTINC, STATIC, SI>EGN>. Continental Germanic: (GODESBRAND, SIEBODE). North Germanic: EARTCOL>.

represents /s/: on contexts for voiced realisation, as [z], see section 8.7 above. There is no direct evidence for the realisation of the elementfinal fricative, as in, e.g., , , or (GODESBRAND), though a form such as , with vowel graph of the second element characteristic of reduced stress, would be evidence of reduced stress and hence foot-loss on that element (see section 8.7 above). ( Z ) , on one die only, is an epigraphic variant of , with no phonological significance. 8.10. PG [x] As :

As : As :

Old English: (ALHMVND, ALHSIE, BRIHTM^ER, BRIHTRED, BRIHTNOD, BRIHTRIC, BRIHTMNE, BRIHH, BRIHTPOLD, FLERRED, HEADEFVLF, HORN, HRINGVLF, HVNEWNE, Hi>ATEMAN, f V H I T R E D ) . North Germanic: ERNPI

Type 4

a.

Type 8 a.

a. H.235 b.* 0.74/6

Type 6

Type 7 a.

Type 3

EDRIC

a. b. c.

H.237 H.238 S.6620.G.18 34

LEOFNAD LEOFNOD LEO-

262

Appendix

Type 2 a. Gallwey

Wulfwine LEOFN

40

Type 5 a. A.829 LEOFNOD b. Hereford Museum, ex FEJ 352, ex Lockett 814 LEOFENOD c. Dr. Eric Harris Colin. LEOFENOD Type 6 a. G.1068 g.87

LEOFENOD

LEFENOD -NOD

Type 8 a. K.552

LIOFENOD

Type 1 a. L.1915.5.7.2319 ORDRIC ORDRIC

Raedwulf RyEDVLF RyEDVLF

Type 4 a. National Museum Wales, ex Seaby, ex Lockett 799, ex CB 112a R^DVLF Wulfsige Type 2 a. C.899

PVISIG

Wulfstan Type 3 a. C.900

Type 2 a. U.639

PVLPINE

Type 3 a. S.11300.255 L.1959.10.12.3 Type 6 a. K.544

PVLFPI

PVLFPINE

yElfwine

Ordric

Type 3 a. K.536 b. H.240

PVLFPINE

Hertford

Type 7 a. K.546 b. H.239

Type 2 a. C.898

Type 1 a. H.241

PVLFSTE

Type 3 a. K.532 L.1957.11.7 Deorsige Type 1 a. S.6620.G.12/3 b. H.221 c. H.222 d.* e.559 Type 2 a. H.220 C.889 b. K.531 c. C.888

.ELFPINE

-SIGE DEORSI-SIGE DEORDEORSIGE DEORSIGE DEORRSIGE

0pi Type 1 a. H.223 b. H.224 c. H.225 d. H.226 Type 2 a. H.227 —228

EPIIEPPI

Godman Type 2 a. H.230

GODMAN

EPI EPH EPII EPII

Moneyers' names on coins of Edward the Confessor

b. c. d. e.

C.890 C.891 C.892 H.229

GODMAN GODMAN GODMAN GODMAN

Type 3 a.

S.11619.98 K.533

a.

GODMAN

Type 2 C.893

a. b. c.

K.534

b.

H.231

GODPINE GODPINE GODPINE

H.126

GODPINE

Type 8 a.

L.1957.7.11.8

K.535

K.538

PILTRAD

Type 8 a. L.1915.5.7.2323 PILGIRP

a. K.540 b. K.541 c. g.144

GOLDPINE

Type 10 a.

Type 4 K.260

PILGRIP

Type 6

GODPIN-

Leofing a.

A.830

Type 9

Type 3 a.

a.

GODPINE

Type 9 a. L.1957.7.11.9 Goldwine

TIDRED TIIDRED -RED

Type 5

a.

Type 4 a.

H.232 H.233 S.6620.F4/4 S.6620.Fl 1/29

Vilgripr

Type 3 a.

S^EM^ER

Tidrxd

Godwine a.

K.539

Type 1 GODMAN

Type 4 a.

Type 8

L.1960.7.1.1

PILEGRIP PILGIRP PILGIRP

PILGRIPR

Widred LIFICE

Saemsr

Type 4 a.

K.1562

PIDRED

Type 2 a. g.43 b. g.44 c.* e.562

S^M^R S^M^R S^M^R

Wulfric Type 9 a. G.1146

PVLFRIC

Type 7 a.

C.893a

-M^ER

Horndon

Type 7/8 mule a. b. c.

L.1915.5.7.2324 L.1965.1.4.1 g l 04

SyEM^ER S^M^R S^M^R

Duding Type 7 a.

K.554

DUDINC

Appendix

264

Huntingdon

Lcofric

/Elfwine

Type 8 a.

Type 3 a. b.

K.559 g.60 c.566

Type 4 a. K.556 C.901

^ELFPINE ELFPINE

/ELFPINE

K.561

GODRIC

L.1915.5.7.2325

K.568

LIOFPINE

K.565

LIOFPINE

a.

g.253

DVRFERD

Type 3 K.557

VLFCTL

Wulfstan GODRIC

b.* c.632

GODRIC

Type 8 9 mule a. g.128 L.1915.5.7.2449

GODRIC

Type 2 a.

C.907

PVLSTAN

Wulfwi Type I a.

Godwine Type 5 S.11300.277

a.

a.

Type 6

a.

a.

Ulfketill

Type 5

a.

Type 4

Type 6

Godric K.562

Leofwine

Thorfrithr /ELFPINE

a.

LIOFRIC

Type 8

Type 5 a.

K.564

b.

H.243 S.6620.G.2/30 C.902

PVLFPI PVLFPI

GODPINE Wulfwig

Type 7

Type 2 a.

H.242

Type 718 mule a. g.106 L.1971.6.5.8.384 Type 8 a.

K.563 L.I 946.10.4.209 P. 1249 A.949 —950

Type 9 a. K.566

GO DPI Ν Ε GODPINE

GODPINE

a. b.

K.555 C.906

PVLFPIG PVLNPIG

Wulfwine Type 1 a. K.560 C.905

PVLFPINE

Type 2 a. GODPINE

b.

C.903 H.244 C.904

PVLFPINE PVLFPINE

Money erΗ' names on coins of Edward the

Confessor

Ipswich

Hythe /Elfwine

/Elfwine

Type 2 a.

H.245

^LFPINEE

Type 9 a. b.

Goldwine Type 8 a.

K.571

COLDPiNE

c.

Guthrethr K.569 K.570

GVDRED GVDRED

a.

K.448 — 449 Y.1071 41

llchester

Beorhtric 42

/Ethelwine

Type 8

Type 9 a. K.4 T.732

a.

G.1171

DVNBERD DVNBERD

Godric

a.

P. 1284 d. 1336

BRIHTRIC

b. c.

K.443 K.444 g.148 L.1915.5.7.2329

BRIHTRIC BRINTRIC

d. e.

Type 6 a.

K.432

GODRIC

Type 7 a.

L.1915.5.7.2576 GODRIC

b.

M.446 K.434 K.433

GODRIC GODRIC

Osweard K..431 L.1915.5.7.2375

BRINRIC

Brüning

a. b.

OSPARD OSPARD

H.177 H.178

BRVNIC BRVNN

Type 4 a.

Type 5 a. b.

A. 1020 d. 1335 g.137 & 256 g.245

BRIHTRIC BRIHTRIC

Type 2

Type 8 a.

IELFPINE

BRIHTRIC

IIE-PINE

Type I C.868 H.174

yELFPINE

Type 9

Dunbcard a. b.

ELFPINE

L.1915.5.7.2374

^EGELPINE

Type 10 a.

-NE

Type 10

Type 6 a. b.

G.1147 A.1019 L.1915.5.7.2327 K.442 g l 40

H.179 K.437 d. 1279

b.* e.573

BVNINC

BVNINC

Appendix

266

Leofing43

Type 5 a. L.1915.5.7.2370 b. C.869 H.176 Type 6 a. g.279 b. P.1212 L.1915.5.7.2371 d.1304 —1305 c.* g.86

BRVBRVINNE

BRVNNBRVNINC

BRVNINC

Type 8 a. P. 1250 b. d.1319 & 1321 c. d.1320

BRVNING BRVNING BRVNING

Type 9 a. K.446 b.* e.644

BRVNINC BRVNINC

Brunman Type 7 a. d. 1317

BRVNMAN

Type 8 a.

K.441

Type 9 a. K.445 d.l 337 A.1021 b. L.1915.5.7.2326

BRVMAN

LIFINC

LIFINC

Type3 a. H.183 b. C.873

LIFINC LIFINC

Type 5 a. K.440

LIFIC

Leofstan Type 2 a. C.870 K.436 H.180

LEOFSTAN

Leofweald

L.1946.10.4.210

d. d.l 338

BRVMON BRMAN

Type 10 a. d.l 342

BRVNM

Eadwi Type 4 a. K.104 K.438 b.* e.574

Type 2 a. S.14091.709 C.871 H.181 b. C.872 S. 11300.241 H.182

BRVM

BRVMAN c.

Type 1 a. H.184 LIFINC LIFINC H.185 b. c. L.1935.11.17.636 LIFNC LIFINC d. K.1563

EDFI EDPI

Type 6 a. L.1915.5.7.2372 b.* d.l306

LEOFPOLD LEOFPOLD

Type 8 a. L.1931.5.7.2372 b. c. d. e.*

A.951 H.186 g.292 d.l322

Type 9 a. K.447

LIOFPOLD LIOFPOLD LIOFPOLD L-LD LIOFPOLD LEOFPOLD

Moneyers'

b. L.1915.5.7.2328 c * 0.7

LIOFPOLD LEOFPOLD

Leofwine

Type 1 a. g.64

LEF-IN

Type 6 a. g.255

LEOFPIND

Wulfsige

Type 4 a. S.8503.220 K.439 d.1280-1281 Type 5 a. L.1960.6.5.1 b. H.187a H.187b c. H.188 d.* d. 1294 —1295

PVLSIE

PVLSIE PVLSIE PVLSIE PVLSIE

PVLSIE -V-IE -IE

Langport /Ethelwine

Type 5 a. H.3 b. K.609 c. e.592

Type 8 a. K.622 M.447 Type 8/9 mule a. K.625 Type 9 a. K.626 Type 10 a. M.493 b. Y.1072

267

/EGELRIC /EGELRIC ^LRIC

AGLRIC AGLRIC -LRIC jEGLRIC

Type 7 a. K.620 Type 8 a. L.1915.5.7.2313 b. M.448 Type 9 a. M.467

JCGLPINE

ALPINE ELPINE yEGELPINE

Type 9/10 mule a. g.150 Type 10

IEGLPINI

a. Y.1104

IEGLPINE

Authulfr

^GELPINE /EILPINE EILPINE

Type 10 a. M.494 L.1960.5.1.43

OUDOLF

Blacman

Type 2 a. P. 1128 BLACAMAN b.* Grantley lot 1185 BLACAMAN

Leicester /Ethelric

Type 6 a. M.408 b.* Robinson 1979

Type 7 a. F.898 b. K.618 —619

Confessor

/Ethelwine

Type 6 a. L.1915.5.7.2373 b. A.867 c.* 1.1752

names on coins of Edward the

yEGELRIC ^GELRIC

Eadwine

Type 5 a. K.612

EDPNE

268

Appendix

Gyldewine

Type 5

Type 5

a.

a.

A.831

GILDEPINE

Godric Type 3 a. C.909 —910 b. H.275 c.* H.276 Type 4 a. K.611

GODRICC GODRIC GODRICC GODRIE

Type 5 a.

M.387

Type 6 a. M.409 K.614

GODRIC

b.

P. 1234 K.651 M.427 K.623 K.627

a.

S.22830.81

Type 5 a. M.389 P.1191 b. L.1971.6.5.9

b. c. d.

K.615 K.616 K.617

b. GODRIC

PVLINNOD PVL-NNOD -LENOID PVLNAD

b.

M.373 S.14376.153 A.798 M.410

a.

Type 3

PVLFRIC PVLFRIC -C

Type 6 a.

SUPINE S/EPINE

PVLFRIC

Type 4 a.

LIOFRIC

K.610 M.364 M.365

Type 2

M.495

PVLFRIC PVLFRIC

Lewes 44 /Elfsige

C.913

S/EPINE

Type 4 a. C.912 H.277

SUPINE

a.

PVLNOD

Type 2

Type 10

W.897 C.911

PVLNOD

L.1915.5.57.2381

Saewine a. b.

-NOD

Type 6

a.

Leofric Type 8 a. K.624 g-121

Type 3

GODRIC

Type 9 a.

PVLNOD

Wulfric GODRIC

Type 8 a.

Type 1 a. M.360 H.278

a.

GODRIC

S/EPINE

Wulfnoth

GODRIC

Type 7 a.

M.388

Type 5 a.

K.580 ^LFSIE H H K (528: no.228) P.1192

Moneyers' names on coins of Edward the Confessor b.

K.579 tELFSIE H H K (528: no. 227) Brighton (528: no. 227) c. City Hoard (528: no.229) /ELFSIE d." g.69 yCLFSIE

Type 7 a.

b.

Deoring Type 4 a.

b.

H.34 DIRINC K.45 H H K (528: no.215) K.576 DIRINC

Eadwig Type 4 a.

Eadweard

K.592 EADPARD HHK (529: no. 245) L.1915.5.7.2389 K.593 EADPARD Brighton (529: no. 246) H H K (529: no.246) Brighton (529: no. 247) EADPARD Brighton (529: no. 248) EADPARD

K.572 EADPIG Brighton (528: no. 216)

Type 3 a.

FEJ (527: no.203) EDPERD b.* C.908 EDPERD

Eadwine Type 1 a.

Type 4 a.

H.246

EDPERD

b.

H H K (528: no. 222) EDPINE H.249 EDPINE S.6620.G8/5 H.250 EDPINE H.251 EDPINEE

Type 5 a. H H K (529: no.232)

c. d.

EDPERD Brighton (529: no. 232) b. H.247 EDPERD L.1953.12.8.1 c. K.581 EDPERD d. K.582 EDPERD c.* e.588 EDPERD

Type 2 a. H.248 0.64/8

EDPINE

H H K (528: no. 211) Type 3 a. H H K (527: no. 204) EDPINE

Type 6 a.

b.

F.879 ^EDPARD K.585 Brighton (529: no. 236) H H K (529: no. 236) K.586 EADPARD L.1915.5.7.2387 Brighton (529: no. 237) H H K (529: no.237)

Type 4 a.

K.573

EDPINE

Type 6 a. b.

K.588 EDPINE H H K (529: no. 239) K.587 EDPINE H H K (529: no. 238) L.1915.5.7.2386

270

Appendix

Type 7 a. K.595 EADPINE Brighton (530: no. 250) b. K.594 EADPINE P. 1233 HHK (530: no. 249) Brighton (530: no. 249) Chancton hoard(530: no.251)

Leofnoth

Godric Type 3 a. G.999 b. K.577 c.* b.

GODRIC GODRICC GODRIC

Type 4 a. g.51

GODRIC

Godwine Type 5 a. K.583 b. K.584

Type 9 a. K.603 GODPINE Brighton (530: no. 266) HHK (530: no. 266) Type 10 a. K.606 GODPINE Brighton (531: no. 271)

GODPINCE GODPINE

Type 6 a. K.589 GODPINE P.1213 HHK (529: no. 240) Type 7 a. K.596 GODPINE HHK (530: no. 252) Brighton (530: no.252) b.* 0.7/9 GODPINE Type 8 a. Sedlescombe hoard (530: no. 259) GODPINE b. Sedlescombe hoard (530: no. 260) GODPINE c. F.921-922 GODPINE L.1915.5.7.2388 K.599 HHK (530: no. 257) T.718 Brighton (530: no. 258) GODPINE HHK (530: no. 258) e.* 0.9 GODPINE

Type 3 Brighton (527: no. 207) LEFONOD Leofman Type 4 a. K.574 LEFMAN Brighton (528: no.219) Leofweard Type 8 a. F.923 LIOFP^ERD b. K.600 LIOFPERD Brighton (530: no. 261) HHK (530: no. 261) Type 9 a. K.604 LEOFPORD L.1915.5.7.2384 Brighton (530: no. 267) LEOFPORD HHK (530: no. 267) Type 10 a. K.607 LEOFPORD HHK (531: no. 272) Brighton (531: no. 273) LEOFPORD HHK (531: no. 273) Leofwine Type 4 a. K.575 LEOFPI Brighton (528: no.220) Nordman Type 1 a. HHK (528: no. 223) NORDMAN

Money ers' names on coins of Edward the Confessor

b. Montague sale (528: no. 224)

Type 8

NORDMAN

Osmund Type 3

a. K.578 OSHVND b. H.253 OSMVND HHK (527: no. 208) Type 4

a. H.252 b.* Z.3

OSMVND OSMVND

Osweald Type 2

a. H.254 b. Walters sale (528: no. 213)

OSPOLD OSPOLDD

a. F.924 OSPOLD b. K.601 OSPOLD Brighton (530: no. 262) HHK (530: no. 262) A.952 P.1251 c. HHK (530: no. 263) Brighton (530: no. 263) Type 9

a.

A. 1022 OSPOLD L.1915.5.7.2385 P. 1285 K.605 HHK (530: 269) b. G.1148

Type 3

Type 10

a.

a. P. 1323 OSPOLD b. K.608 OSPOLD Brighton (532: 274)

HHK (528: no. 210) OSPOLD

Type 5

a.

HHK (529: no. 235) OSPALD

Type 6

a.

K.590 OSPOLD HHK (529: no. 241) HHK (529: no. 244 b. K.591 OSPOLD HHK (529: no. 242) Brighton (529: no. 242) HHK (529: no. 243) c.* a. OSPOLD Type 7

a.

K.597 OSPOLD Brighton (530: no. 253) HHK (530: no. 253) HHK (530: no. 254) F.899 b. K.598 OSPOLD Brighton (530: no. 255) HHK (530: no. 255) c. City hoard (530: no. 256) OSPOLD

Wulfwine Type 8

a.

K.602 PVLFPINE Brighton (530: no. 265) PVLFPINE

Lincoln 56 /Elmxr Type 10

a.

C.974

IELMER

/Elfgeat Type 10

a. b.

K.740 K.741 1.787

IELGEHT IELFGEHT

/Elfnoth Type 2

a.

K.664 C.925

/ELFNOD

271

272

Appendix

1.604 HRM b. H.280a H.280b Type 3 a. A.780 S.23040.414 H.285a H.285b b. H.284 Type 4 a. C.927 b.* a. Type 5 a. C.926 b. Leningrad Type 6 a. H.281 b. H.282 c. K.707 C.947

ELFNOD

yELNOD

ALPINE yELPINE

Type 8 a. 1.738

yELFPlNE

Agmundr

yELNON

Type 9 a. 1.769 b.* g.l 35

ALFNAD ALFNAD

Type 10 a. H.288 K.742

AHMVND AHMVND AGAMVND

Asfrithr

yELFNOD yELFNOD yELFNOD yELFNOD ELFNOD

Type 7 a. C.948 b. L.729 c. S.17305.6 d. K.717

ELFNOD ELFNOD yELFNOD ELFNOD

Type 7/8 mule a. K.723

ELFNOD

Type 8 a. L.744 —745 ELFNOD b. K.725 ELFNOD HRM c. L.1935.11.17.645 ELFNOD d. g. (un-numbered) ELFNOD /Elfwine

Type 2 a. H.283

Type 4 a. H.286 b. 287

yELFPINE

Type 1 a. 0.59/11 b. K.697 c. C.992 d. C.993 e. 1.593 Type 1/2/ mule a. 1.602 C.929 b. C.991 c. C.990 H.362 d. H.363 e. 1.603 Type 2 a. S.l 1300.243 b. H.361 c. K.667 d. C.928 e. C.989 Type 3 a. H.360 I.638 b. S.14091.721 c. K.687 1.637 HRM

OSCERD OSFERD OSFERD OSFERD OSFERD ASFERD OSFERD OSFERD OSFEROSFERD OSFERD OSFERD OSEFRD ASFERD OSFERD OSERD OSFERD OSFERD

Moneycrs' names on coins of Edward the Confessor d. 1.641 e. 1.640 f. 1.639 Type 4 a. Stavangcr Type 5 a. S.21026.70 b. S.14091.732

OSFERD OSFERD OSFERD

ASLAC g· 1.740 h. Birmingham (285) OSLAC

OSFERD

Type 9 a. 1.777

OSFYRD OSFERD

FEJ

HRM 1.687-688 c. H.365 d. 1.686 e. 1.687 Type 6 a. H.364 1.720-721 L.1915.5.7.2400 b. G.1071 c. H.359 d. K.705 e. K.711 f. 1.722-724 g. H R M h. 1.727

OSFYRD OSFERD OSFYRD OSFERD

OSFERD OSEFRD ASEFERD OSFERD OSFERD OSFERD ASFERD

Type 7 a.

1.727

ASFERD

Asleikr

Type 5 OSLAC a. 1.691 - 6 9 2 Lincoln OSLAC b. 1.690 L.1915.5.7.2397 Type 8 a. K.K.729 ODSLAC b. M.449 OSLAC c. 1.739 ASLAC L.1915.5.7.2402 d. L.1915.5.7.2403 ASLAC e. K.729 O-LAC f. 1.753 OSLAC HRM (2 coins)

OSLAC

Authbjorn

Type 5 a. C.994 Stavanger Type 6 a. K.712 1.725 b. K.713 c. H.366 d. g.252

ODBERN

ODBEORN ODBERN ODBERN ODBEORN

Authgrimr

Type 3/5 mule a. K.703 Type 4 a. K.676 Z.8 1.653 H.369 C.996 b. H.368 C.995 Type 5 a. C.997 H.371 Stavanger T.686 b. H R M L.1915.5.7.2398 I.695 c. H.370 K.703 d. M.391 e. H R M f. H R M

ODGRIM ODGRIM

ODGRIM

ODGRIM

ODGRIM

ODGRIM ODGRIM ODGRIM ODDGRIM

274

Appendix

g- JWFH h. HRM FEJ 1.697-698 HRM Leicester 1.703 JWFH J· 1.693-694 k. HRM 1.699 1.700-702 Type 6 a. K.715 S.23040.434 L.1915.5.7.2401 1.726 b. S.23040.435 c. A.871 d. K.714 e. K.715 Type 7 a. F.901 C.988 K.720 Type 8 a. K.728 1.755 b. 1.754 c. H.372 d. G.1127 Type 9 a. G.1149 FEJ 1.779-781 b. K.736 H.367 c. HRM I.778 Type 10 a. H.373

ODGRIM ODGRIM

b. H.374 I.789

OVDGRIM

Auti

ODGRIM

ODGRIM ODGRIM

Type 5 a. G.1045 b. C.930 Stavanger 1.655 c. H.292 S.21026.69

AVTTI AVTTI

AVTTI AVT-I

Type 6 a. L.1915.5.7.2399 ODGRIM b. ODGRIM ODGRIM ODGRIM ODGRIM ODGRIM

ODGRIM ODGRIM ODGRIM ODGRIM ODGRIM

ODGRIM ODGRIM

ODGRIM

c.

H.289 1.708 A.868 1.709

Type 7 a. H.290 b. H.291 1.728 c. H R M d. F.900

AVTI AVTI

AVTI AVTI AVTI AVTI AVTI

Type 8 a. 1.743 AVTI b. L.1915.5.7.2404 AVTI c. K.724 AVTI 1.741-742 Lincoln Type 9 a. 1.770 S.16978.14 b. 1.771 Type 10 a. H.385 1.790 b. 1.791 L.1928.5.7.76

AVTI AVTI VTTI OVTTI

Moneyers'

Beorhtric

Type I a. H.298a H.298b L.1928.5.7.74 I.586 b. C.931 c. H.296 d. H.297a H.297b Type 2 a. 1.605 H.293 C.932 Type 3 a. I.618 G.1000 b.* Z.6 c. C.936 H.301 Brussels a. d. K.679 I.617

BRIHTRIC

BERHTRIC BRIHTRIC BRIHTRIC

BRIHTRIC

BRIHTRC BRIHTRC BRIHTRC

BRIHTRIC BRIHTRIC

BRIHTRIC BRIHTRIC

BRIHTRIC

1.660-661

Lincoln 1.662

BRIHTRIC

Brüning

Type 2 a. H.302

BRVNINC

Cillin

Type 1 a. H.303 b. K.699

CILLIN CILLIII

Conli

BRIHTRIC

Type 1 a. H.313

CONLI

Eadmund

BRIHTRIC

Type 5 a. C.934 b. C.935 c. M.390 d. H.299 I.656

e. H.300 f. A. 832 L.1915.5.7.2395 1.663 g. L.1966.2.4.4 h. FEJ HRM 1.659 i. HRM

j.

Type 3/5 mule a. L.1928.5.14.20 Type 4 a. K.671 1.647 H.294 b. K.672 c. H.295 C.933 d.* e.575

names on coins of Edward the Confessor

BRIHTRIC

BRIHTRIC BRITRIC BRIBRIHTRIC BRIHTRIC BRIHTRIC BRIHTRIC

Type I a. C.945 H.315 b. S.l 1300.229

EDMVND EDMVND

Eadric

Type 1 a. 1.588 Type 2 a. C.946 b. H.316 c. H.318 Z.5 d. K.669 Type 3 a. K.678

EDRICC EDRIC EDRIC EDRICC EDRICC EDREDRICC

I.622

b. 1.621

EDRIC

275

276

Appendix

Type 4 a. Κ.673 1.648 Η.317 Type 9 a. Κ.734 Type 10 a. K.743 b. 1.788

b. EDRIC c. d. EDRIC EDRIC EDRIC

Eadwine

Type 3 a. H.319

EDPINE

GARFIN GARFIN GAFIN GARFIN

Gifu

Type 8 a. K.726 GIFE 1.746 H.320 b. L. 1936.11.17.646 GIFE c. FE J GIVE S.17747.93 1.747 Type 9 a. 1.1961

GIFE

Godric

Type 1 a. C . 9 5 6 - 7 5 7 S.23040.427 H.334 Η.336

g· h. i. jk. 1.

m.

Garfinnr

Type 9 a. K.735 b. 1.772 c. H R M 1.773 d * a.

e. f.

GODRIC

H.335 H.337 C.958 C.959 C.960 H.279a H.279b C.969 C.971 Z.4 S.6620.G3/6 H.343 H.344 H.345a L.E4295 K.696 H.345b 0.16 C.970

Type 2 a. H.321 S. 11300.242 b. S.8214.18 S.l 1619.91 c. S.11661.21 1.607 d.* 0.67/16 e.* 0.66/14 f. C.949 g· C.950 H.324 h. C.951 i. 0.15 j· K.666 K.670 H.326 k. H.340 C.965 1.608 H.322 1. 1.609 m. H.323

GODRIC

GODRIC GODRIC

GODRIIC GODRNC GODRIC GOGODRIIC GODRIIC GODRIIC GODRIC GODRIIC

GODRIC GODRIC GODRIC GODRIC GODRIC GODRIC GODRIC GODRIC GODRIC GODRIC

GODRICC

GODRIC GODRIC

Money ers' names on coins of Edward

Type 3 a. H.331 S.l 6200.270 b. H.332 1.629 S.14091.720 c. H.333 1.630 d. K.682 1.628 c. C.953 H.330 C.954 f. g- C.955 h. G.1003 K.683 1.627 S.23040.415 O.IFA.1973.179 i. S.l 1300.256 k. S.16181.1050 1. S.14376.151 m. K..684 1.624-625 0. n. HRM 0. C.967 1.631 P· C.968 q· H.342 1.626 r. 1.623 s. 1.625a t. 1.632 u. 1.633 Type 4 a. S. 11300.268 S.l 1300.269 b. H.491 H.327 A.800 Stavanger C.952 L.1915.5.7.2376

GODRIC GODRIC

GODRIC GODRIC GODRIC GODRIC GODRIC GODRIC

GODRIC GODRIC GODRIC GODRICC

GODRIC GODRICC GODRICC GODRICC GODRICC GODRIC GODRIC GODRIC GODRIC GODRIC 4 "

c. d. c.

K.674 K.675 H.328 HRM 1.650 f. H.329 Vatican g· C.996 H.341 1.649 h. 1.651 Type 5 a. K.702 P.I 193 1.676-677 C.961 - 9 6 2 b. K.701 HRM 1.679-681 c. C.961 L. 1876.2.4.133 d. Stavanger C.964 1.672-673 e. Stavanger f. H.338 C.963 g- H.339 h. H.883 i. G.1046 j- G.1047 Stavanger(24) k. 0.26 1. JWFH Lincoln m. 1.674-675 n. 1.678 0. 1.682 P- C.962 —964 q· Stavanger(17) Stavanger(26)

the

Confessor

GODRIC GODRIC GODRIC

GODRIC GODRICC

GODRIC GODRIC

GODRIC

GODRIC GODRIC

GODRIC GODRIC GODRIC GODRIC GODRIC GODRIC GODRIC GODRIC GODRIC GODRIC GODRIC GODRIC

Appendix

278

r. 1.683 s.* e.594

GODRIC GODRIC

Type 6 a. b.

D.775 G.1070 1.712 H.346 c. C.972 I.714 d. U.641 e. A.869 K.709 1.716 f. 1.711 1.713 L.1935.11.17.644 g. K.708 h. g.289 i. 1.715 j. 1.710 Type 7 a. K.718 JWFH b. L.1915.5.7.2409 c.

JWFH

GODRICC GODRICC

GODRIC GODRIC GODRIC

Type 1 a. H.314 C.973 S.6620.F6/7 b. 1.587 c. S. 17747.90 d.* b.

GVDFERD 47

GVDFERD GVDFERD GVDFERD

Type 2 a.

S.17747.89

GO-EFRD

Hildulfr

Type 2 GODRIC

a.

S.21026.67

HILDV

Kolgrimr

GODRIC GODRIC GODRICC GODRIC

GODRIC

GODRIC GODRIC

Type 8 a. L.1915.5.7.2405 b. K.727 HRM 1.750 L.E4296 c. 1.748 d. 1.751 Spalding e/ FEJ HRM 1.749 f. 1.752

Guthfrithr

GODRIC GODRC

GODRIC GODRIC GODRIC

GODRIC

Type 2 a. H.305 b. H.306 c. H.307a H.307b I.606 C.939 d. 0.12 H.304 C.937 K.665 Stavanger(23) e. 0.65/13 f. L.1915.5.7.2390 g.

C.938

Type 3 a. K.680 b. K.681 H.311 1.619 C.941 G.1001 c. KAJ d. 1.620 e. G.1002 f. H.310

COLGRIM COLGRIM COLGRIM

COLGRIM

COLGRIM COLGRIM COLGRIM COLGRIM COLGRIM

COLGRIM COLGRIM COLGRIM COLGRIM

Moneyers'

Type 4 a. A.799 L.1915.5.7.2393 C.940 H.308 I.1958 b. H.309

Leofwine COLGRIM

COLGRIM

Type 5 a. Stavanger(13) b. Z. Lincoln HRM (2 coins) 1.666-669 c. 1.671 d. 1.665 e. S.14091.731 f. N.212 g. S.7219.79 h. C.942 1.670 i. C.943 j. K.700 FEJ HRM 1.664 k. b. 1 * e.593 Type 6 a. K.706 H.312 G.1069 b. C.944

COLGRIM COLGRIM

COLGRIM COLGRIM COLGRIM COLGRIM COLGRIM COLGRIM COLGRIM COLGRM

COLGRIM COLGRIM

COLGRIM

COLGRIM

Leofnoth Type 2 a. C.981 I.613 Type 4 a. S.l 1300.267

names on coins of Edward the Confessor

LEOFNOD

LEOFNOD

Type 1 a. 1.592 b. H.350a H.350b c. H.351 Stavanger d. H.352 e. S.6620.G10/8 S.-28830.78 1.590 f. S.16504.289 g· C.980 h. C.985 1.591 i. C.986 Type 2 a. C.982 b. C.983 c. U.642 L.1928.5.7.75 C.978 d. 0.17 1.612 e.* 0.18 f. 0.19 g- 0.20 1.611 h. H.348 i. C.979 1.610 j- C.975 k. C.976 1. W.898 S.21026.64 C.984 m. H.283 Type 3 a. S.8583.6 b. S.7219.64 H.355

-PINE LEFPINE LEFPINE LEFPNE LEFPIILEFPIIC LEOFPINEE LEFPNE LEOFPINE LEOFPINNE LEOFPINE LEOFPINE LEFPINE

LEFPINE LEFPNE LEOFPI-IE LE-ILEOFPINE LEFPIN LEFPNE LEFPIN LEFPINE LEOFPINE

LEOFPINE

LEOFPINE LEOFPINE

279

280

c. d. c. f. g. h.

Appendix

S.23228.222 Z.7 C.977 H.349 H.353 H.354 K..685 G.1004 1.636

LEOFPINE LEFPINE LEFPINE LEOFFPINE LEOFFPINE LEFPINE

i.

K.686

LEOFPINE

j.

1.634 1.635

LEOFPINE

Type 9 a. b. c.

L.1915.5.7.2391 1.774 — 775 1.776

LEOFPINE LEFPINE LEFPINE

Manna Type 4 a.

H.357 I.652

ΜΑΝΑ

b. c. d. e.

H.358 Stavanger S.7219.80 C.987 1.685 L.1915.5.7.2396 1.684

Type 6 a. A.870 b. K.710 1.718 c. 1.717 d. 1.719

MANNA MANNA ΜΑΝΑ

MANNA MANNA

K.719 1.732 L.1915.5.7.2410 Leningrad (22)

MANNA MANNA

Sumarlithr Type 1 a. C.998 S.7219.73 H.375a H.375b

SVMERLVDA

Svafi Type I a. C.999 SPAFA H.376 b. C.1000 SPAFA C. C.1001 SPAFA L.1955.7.8.114.809 I.594-595 Svart See Svartkollr, York Type 10: G.1172 (Pagan 1985)

Type 1 a. H.54 b. H.377 c. H.378a H.378b I.596

SPARTINC SPARTINC SPERTINC

Type 2 a.

1.614

SPERTINC

Thorgrimr MANNA MANNA MANNA MANNA

Type 1 a. 1.597-598 b. S.6620.G7/31

MANNA MANNA

DVRGRIM DVRGR-

Type 1/2 mule a.

Type 7 a. b.

1.733 1.734

Svertingr

Type 5 a.

c. d.

C.1004

DVRGRIM

Type 2 a. b.

0.22 U.643 H.379a

DVRGRIM DVRGRIM

Moneyers'

c.

H.379b S.4637 C.1003 S.8214.19

Type 3 a. S.14091.722 b. K.692 c. K.693 d. 1.664 e. Stavanger f. 1.642 g. 1.643

DVRGRIDVRGRIM

DVRIGRIM DVRGRIM DVRIGRIM DVRGRIM DVRIGRIM DVRIGRIM DVRGRIM

Thorketill Type 7 a. L.1955.7.7.2 b. G.1099 c. 1.768

DORCTEL DORCTEL PVRCIL

Udee Type 2 a. C.1003 H.380 1.615 b. S.14376.145

VDFE

VDEC 48

Ulfr Type 1 a. K.698 P.1123 H.383a H.383b b. C.1006 1.599-600 c. S.6620.G10/9 d. H.382 Type 2 a. C.1011 A.772 1.616 b. H.392 —393 c. K.668 d. H.389

VLF

VLF VLC VLF PVLF

PVLFVLF VLFF PVLF

names on coins of Edward the

Type 3 a. G.1005 b. S. 11300.257 c. K.688 d. K.689 HRM H.390 e. K.690 1.646 f. 1.645 Type 4 a. H.381 1.654 b. U.644

Confessor

VLFE VLFE VLFF PVLF

PVLF PVLF VLF PVLF

lype J a. K.704 H.384 H R M (2 coins) 1.704-706 b. C.1007

VLF

Type 7 a. 1.735

VLF

Type