Money, Markets, and Trade in Early Southeast Asia: The Development of Indigenous Monetary Systems to AD 1400 9781501719479

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Robert S. Wicks

MONEY, MARKETS, AND TRADE IN EARLY SOUTHEAST ASIA THE DEVELOPMENT OF INDIGENOUS MONETARY SYSTEMS TO AD 1400

STUDIES ON SOUTHEAST ASIA

SEAP Southeast Asia Program 180 Uris Hall Cornell University, Ithaca, New York 1992

Editorial Board Benedict Anderson George Kahin Stanley O'Connor Keith Taylor Oliver Wolters Cornell Southeast Asia Program Publications 640 Stewart Avenue, Ithaca, NY 14853-3857 © 1992 Cornell Southeast Asia Program First published 1992. Second printing 1995. All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, no part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or by any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the Cornell Southeast Asia Program. Printed in the United States of America ISBN 0-87727-710-9 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Money, markets, and trade in early Southeast Asia : the development of indigenous monetary systems to AD 1400 / Robert S. Wicks xii, 354 p. : ill., maps ; 26 cm. includes bibliographical references (p. [315] -347). ISBN 0-87727-710-9 1. Money--Asia, Southeastern-History. 2. Indigenous peoplesAsia, Southeastern-History. 3. Asia, Southeastern-CommerceHistory. I. Wicks, Robert Sigfrid, 1954- II. Series. HG1240.8.W53 1992 93-222259

To Ann, Christopher, David, and Elizabeth, for making it all worthwhile.

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CONTENTS

Acknowledgements

xi

Introduction

1

1. Money: Its Character and Origins

6

2. China's Southern Frontier: The Economics of Accommodation and Assimilation

19

3.

Fiscal and Monetary Policy in Southeastern Bengal, Assam, and Arakan

66

4.

Money and Society in Ancient Burma: Mon, Pyu, and Pagan

111

5. Money in Ancient Thailand: From Dvāravatï to the Rise of Ayudhya

157

6.

183

Money and Society in Ancient Cambodia and Champa

7. Money in Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula

219

8.

Money and Society in Java, Bali, and the Eastern Archipelago

243

9.

Valuational Concepts and the Geography of Money Use in Early Southeast Asia

301

Selected References

315

Glossary of Early Southeast Asian Monetary, Numismatic, and Metrological Terminology

348

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LIST OF MAPS, TABLES, AND FIGURES

Frontispiece. Map of Southeast Asia: Modern Political Divisions 2.1

xiv

Map of Northern Southeast Asia in the Qin and Han periods (221 BC-AD 220)

20

2.2

Cast copper cash coins recovered from northern Vietnamese sites

31

2.3

Impression of Chinese cash of wuzhutype on bronze bowl from Ha-khoa, Thanh-hoa

32

2.4

Bronze plaque (M13:67) from Shizhaishan, Yunnan

38

2.5

Detail of design on drum container with market or tribute scene (M13:2) from Shizhaishan, Yunnan

38

Cowrie-shell container with storehouse scene (M12:1) from Shizhaishan, Yunnan

40

2.7

Map of Northern Southeast Asia from the Ninth to Fourteenth Century

43

2.8

Map of Nanzhao

44

2.9

Casting of copper cash in Nineteenth Century Vietnam

56

2.6

2.10 Dinh coin varieties, ca. 970-980

58

2.11 Le coin varieties, ca. 984-989

59

2.12 Varieties of 1360 copper cash issues

60

3.1

Map of Gupta and post-Gupta Bengal, Assam, and Arakan

67

3.2

Land prices in Bengal during the period of Gupta rule

71

3.3

Land prices in Bengal during the post-Gupta period

75

3.4

"Imitation" Gupta gold ornara from Mainamati, Bangladesh

77

3.5

Devacandra (ca. 454-476) silver Conch/Srïvatsa issues

83

3.6

Bull/Trisüla issues of NTticandra (ca. 520-575) and a comparative postCandra issue of Dhammacandra (ca. 703-720)

84

3.7

Candra and Post-Candra rulers of Arakan

87

3.8

Harikela and Akara coin issues of the seventh-ninth centuries

91

3.9

Value of Land Expressed as Yield in Units of Paddy in Eleventh and Twelfth Century Assam

98

viii

Money, Markets, and Trade

3.10 Measures of Land Area and Productive Capacity in Southeastern Bengal under the Senas (12th-13th centuries)

100

3.11 Map of Bengal and Assam in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth centuries

102

3.12 Silver tahka minted by Ghiyâth al-dïn Bahadur Shah, 1310-23, at Sunârgâon

104

4.1

Map of Early Burma (ninth to thirteenth century)

110

4.2

Pegu Conch/SrTvatsa coinage and related issues

113

4.3

Rising Sun coinage from Burma, Thailand, and southern Vietnam

117

4.4

Bhadrapitha/Srïvatsa, Class A coins

119

4.5

Bhadrapitha/Srïvatsa, Class C coins

120

4.6

Bhadrapitha/Srïvatsa, Class D coins

120

4.7

Donations of Silver Given to Religious Establishments during Pagan Times

133

4.8

Building and Restoration coasts at Pagan: 1248

138

4.9

Land Prices in Burma during the First Half of the Thirteenth Century

142

4.10 Kywan ("Slave") Prices at Pagan

143

4.11 Redemption rates (ruy) of Kywan ("Slaves") at Pagan during the Thirteenth Century

144

4.12 Tax Rates in Thirteenth and Fourteenth Century Pagan

145

4.13 A Pagan Land Transaction of 1277

149

5.1

Map of Dvâravatï and Its Neighbors

156

5.2

Sixth-seventh century silver Dvâravatï medals from central Thailand

158

5.3

Coins of seventh-eighth century Dvâravatï

160

5.4

Lavapura coins of the seventh-eighth century

165

5.5

Map of Thailand in the Late Thirteenth Century

169

5.6

Cowrie shells and bullet coins of 17th century Ayudhya

173

5.7

Siamese Tribute Articles Offered to the Chinese 1371-1390

181

6.1

Map of Khmer and Cham Centers

185

6.2 6.3

Land transactions recorded in an inscription (K.41) of the period 578-

677

189

Land transactions recorded in an inscription (K.79) of AD 639

189

6.4-6.7 Transactions recorded in an eighth century inscription (K.726)

192

6.8

Angkorian Inscriptions Recording the Prices Paid for Land and Slaves (knurn)

194

6.9

Representative transactions from K. 693 of AD 1003

196

Maps, Tables, and Figures

ix

6.10 Means of Payment Used in Land Purchases ca. 944-1027

197

6.11 Means of Payment Used in Slave (knurn) Purchases ca. 962-1015

198

6.12 Fine Schedule from Stele of Lolei (AD 889)

203

6.13 Redistribution of Temple Land Production

205

6.14 Articles in Cambodia's China Trade during the Thirteenth Century

208

7.1

Map of Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula to the Fourteenth Century

220

7.2

Gold coins of the first millenium AD from Khlong Thorn, Krabi, Thailand

222

7.3

Sandalwood Flower coins from Sumatra

225

7.4

Samudra-Pase coin issues of Muhammad (d. 1326?)

236

7.5

Articles in the Malay Peninsula-China Trade during the Thirteenth Century

239

7.6

Articles in the Malay Peninsula-China Trade during the Fourteenth Century

240

8.1

Map of Java, Bali, and the Eastern Archipelago

244

8.2

Irregular stamped silver ingots from Java

249

8.3

Sandalwood Flower, Class D coinage from south central Java

249

8.4

Sandalwood Flower, Class E coinage from Java

255

8.5

Ancient Javanese Weights

255

8.6

Prices paid for Land in Late Ninth and Early Tenth Century Java

261

8.7

Narrative relief from terrace of Borobudur, Java, recounting the Vessantara Jàtaka

264

8.8

Geographical Distribution of Coinage in Classical Java

266

8.9

Articles of trade in the Eastern Archipelago during the Thirteenth Century

287

8.10 Piloncito coinage of Java and the Philippines

289

9.1

Map of the Geographical distribution of money in early Southeast Asia (including sources of gold and silver)

300

9.2

Map of the Geographical distribution of coinage by type in early Southeast Asia

302

Sebastian Münster's Map of Southeast Asia, ca. 1550

305

9.3

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

A

number of people are responsible for the successful completion of this endeavor. Chief among them is Stanley J. O'Connor who served as my major advisor during seven years of graduate study at Cornell University. Without his continued enthusiasm and support for my work, both during and after graduate school, it is unlikely that this study would have been completed. I must also thank Professor O.W. Wolters who provided my first formal introduction to early Southeast Asian history and instilled in me the importance of a rigorous method. I would especially like to thank Audrey R. Kahin (who also supplied her editorial skills), Jan Wisseman Christie, Joe Cribb, John Miksic, and Gordon Thomasson for reading this work in an earlier incarnation and offering words of caution, advice, and improvement. Their suggestions and assistance were most valuable. I am particularly indebted to Jan Christie, for her in-depth critique of an early version of Chapter Eight, and to Joe Cribb for his insightful analysis of Chapter One. My only hope is that the result is worthy of their time and considerable effort on my behalf. Any remaining errors of fact and interpretation, are, of course, my own. The following individuals also assisted me in various ways during the preparation of this book—helping to gain access to numismatic and archaeological collections, locate obscure research materials, manage introductions to offices and individuals, arrange visits to archaeological sites, and numerous other courtesies—Djani Abdulkarim; Hasan Muarif Ambary; Teguh Asmar; Michael Aung-Thwin; Athueck Asvanund; Sarah Barr; Phairot Bencharit; Tassanee Bhikul; U Bokay (dec.); Karen Clift; Mary Crawford; James and Virginia M. Di Crocco; M.C. Subhadradis Diskul; Malinee Gumperayarnnont; Don Hein; Lee Shin Song; Victor Lieberman; Liu Zhi; Edmund Edwards McKinnon; Michael Mitchiner; Surapol Natapintu; Preecha Noonsuk; Richard O'Connor; Phuthorn Bhumadhon; Surin Pookajorn; John F. Richards; Michael Robinson; Aurora Roxas-Lim; Scott Semans; Shen Xu; Peter Skilling; Srisakra Vallibhotama; Scott Van Dam; John K. Whitmore; Doris Wibunsin. Without their collective support, this study would have remained only an idea. The maps were executed by Constance McOmber of Miami University's Geographic Information Systems Laboratory. Tom Eff 1er of the Department of Art assisted in the production of the line drawings. Their contributions have added significantly to the effectiveness of this presentation. In addition to the individuals named above, a number of published works proved invaluable during the writing of this book. Five studies stand out as having provided me with the background necessary for the conceptualization of the themes presented here. A volume of essays on economic history, Ancient Civilization and Trade, was read and re-read untold times in an effort to ferret out concepts and ideas necessary for the construction of a transaction^ approach to monetary history.

xii

Money, Markets, and Trade

Frederick L. Pryor's The Origins of the Economy, Paul Einzig's Primitive Money, and John F. Richards' Precious Metals in the Later Medieval and Early Modern Worlds helped me maintain a broader perspective as I searched for models of exchange and transfer that could be applied cross-culturally. And Philip Grierson's The Origins of Money supplied me with moral and conceptual support as I attempted to devise an approach to the problem of monetary origins. In the end, however, it was Joe Cribb, who, through his writings, correspondence, and incisive commentaries on my work, gave me the necessary confidence to study money and the implications of its use unencumbered by a preoccupation with Aristotle. Grants from Miami University's Faculty Research Committee and the School of Fine Arts Development Fund for Academic Excellence provided the necessary funds for travel throughout Southeast Asia in conjunction with my Fulbright appointment at Silpakorn University in Bangkok, Thailand, during 1987. A Luce Junior Faculty Fellowship enabled me to conduct additional library research at Cornell University during the summer of 1989. Miami University's Graduate School and School of Fine Arts also provided funds for the production of camera-ready art. A NOTE ON ROMANIZATION Chinese words are transcribed according to the pinyin system of romanization. In general, the romanization of Southeast Asian languages follows the preferences currently in use within the region. Old Burmese and Old Mon follow Pali equivalencies. The spellings of technical terms, well-known placenames and proper names have been standardized in the main text. In direct quotations from primary sources significant orthographic variants and explanatory notes are supplied in square brackets. Additions to the text, understood from the context, are given in parenthesis, e.g. "1 prañ [1/16 of a basket] of rice (is to be) cooked everyday (as) almsfood for the Law." In a number of instances, especially when a translation is taken from a secondary source, it has been necessary to standardize the romanization or clarify technical terms. In such instances, a note "emended" is added to the citation alerting the reader that this has occurred.

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Southeast Asia: Modern Political Divisions

INTRODUCTION

T

he idea for Money, Markets, and Trade in Early Southeast Asia took shape over the summer of 1985. Two books had just appeared—K.N. Chaudhuri's Trade and Civilisation in the Indian Ocean and Kenneth R. Hall's Maritime Trade and State Development in Early Southeast Asia. These books dealt with the flow of maritime traffic between east and west focusing on the products of that trade and the routes over which they traveled. Almost no attention was paid to the mechanics of exchange and whether or not it was possible to document institutional movement toward monetization as a consequence of involvement in that trade. Kenneth Hall, for instance, was puzzled by references to the use of gold and tin as media of exchange in north Sumatra during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. "... does reference to the exchange of metals at Samudra-Pasai indicate that its inhabitants conducted their trade not in kind, as is widely believed to have been the norm in pre-European Southeast Asia, but in some instances utilized precious metals as a medium of exchange?"1 And K. N. Chaudhuri, contrasting Southeast Asia's monetary experience with that of South Asia noted, "... the failure of South East Asian countries to develop strong national currencies based on gold and silver appears inexplicable."2 Contrary to these observations, Southeast Asia actually possessed a large number of "strong national currencies based upon gold and silver" during the premodern period, including (but by no means limited to) those of Arakan, Pagan, Dvàravatï, Ayudhya, Lan Na, post-Angkorian Cambodia, Aceh, Samudra-Pase, central and eastern Java. With the exception of Pagan, each of these polities issued extensive gold or silver (and in the case of Java, both gold and silver) coinages. A chief reason for the lack of awareness on the part of Hall and Chaudhuri (as well as other economic historians) regarding monetary developments in the region is that much of the literature is relatively inaccessible. This study was written, in part, to acquaint scholars with the richness of Southeast Asia's numismatic heritage. Another impetus for this study was a conviction that the economic life exemplified by Melaka and its successors was qualitatively different from Southeast Asia's economic experience of previous centuries.3 All too often, however, knowledge gained

1 Kenneth R. Hall, Maritime Trade and State Development in Early Southeast Asia (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1985), p. 221. 2 K. N. Chaudhuri, Trade and Civilisation in the Indian Ocean, An Economic History from the Rise of Islam to 1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), p. 215. 3 The view adopted here is echoed in A.H. Johns, "Islam in Southeast Asia: Problems of Perspective," in Southeast Asian History and Historiography, ed. C.D. Cowan and O.W. Wolters (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1976), pp. 307-309. Similarly, A. H. Reid, "An 'Age of Com-

2

Money, Markets, and Trade

from a study of the region during the better-documented fifteenth through seventeenth centuries is projected (intentionally or not) onto earlier times, thereby obscuring both their tenor and uniqueness. As a consequence of this conviction, it was decided to limit the present study to the period before the founding of Melaka in about AD 1400 and to consider only those sources written or compiled prior to that time. Further, I have intentionally neglected ethnographic analogy in the historical discussions, not because the the approach is unfruitful (witness the contributions of Miksic and Christie),4 but simply because its utility is limited to generalized observations and cannot be applied to historically specific circumstances, particularly in matters related to monetary concepts and usage. Money, Markets, and Trade in Early Southeast Asia explores the impact of valuational concepts on the process of monetization in premodern Southeast Asia from the third century BC to the rise of Melaka in the early fifteenth century. Although there was a general trend toward monetization throughout Southeast Asia during the period covered by this study, the process of monetization was neither uniform nor continuous. Not all societies in the region came to be money-using nor did each society that adopted money become monetized in the same way or to the same degree. One of the objectives of this study is to understand what factors contributed to the uneven development of monetary concepts and usage in early Southeast Asia. It attempts to elucidate what Paul Wheatley has called "the fundamental and exigent question of the precise modes of exchange involved and the manner in which they articulated with political, administrative, social, religious, and other institutions."5 A related objective of Money, Markets, and Trade is to begin to explain discontinuities in the numismatic record which contradict the widely held assumption that "material from a different century would tell an identical story" in the economic life of premodern Southeast Asia.6 Why, for example, at the end of the eighth century, did a merce' in Southeast Asian History," Modem Asian Studies 21,1 (1990), identifies the years 1400-1680 as Southeast Asia's "age of commerce," a period which "brought profound and momentous changes to all of Southeast Asia." (p. 2) 4 Jan Wisseman Christie, "Patterns of Trade in Western Indonesia: Ninth through Thirteenth Centuries A.D." (PhD Thesis, University of London, 1982). John N. Miksic, "Traditional Sumatran Trade," Bulletin de l'École Française de'Extrème-Orient 74 (1985): 423-67. 5 Paul Wheatley, "Satyànrta in SuvarnadvTpa: From Reciprocity to Redistribution in Ancient Southeast Asia," in Ancient Civilization and Trade, ed. J.A. Sabloff and C.C. LambergKarlovsky (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1975), p. 230. The context of his statement deserves clarification: Archaeological (as distinct from epigraphical) research designed specifically to elucidate aspects of the institutional basis of any of the functional subsystems of society has been virtually nonexistent in Southeast Asia. So far as ancient commerce is concerned, such studies as exist have been undertaken with the limited aims of indentifying within a more or less static framework the commodities traded, and charting the routes over which they moved. Only nominal attention has been devoted to exchange values, and none at all to the fundamental and exigent question of the precise modes of exchange involved and the manner in which they articulated with political, administrative, social, religious, and other institutions. I have elsewhere referred to studies of this kind, many of high excellence in their way, as black-box models, by which I mean that they have provided a good deal of information as to what happened, but have said little about how it happened, [p. 230.] 6 Tapan Raychaudhuri and Irfan Habib, eds., The Cambridge Economic History of India, Volume l:c. 1200-c. 1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), p. xi. Although taken from an economic history of India, the phrase applies equally to preconceptions regarding cultural developments in early Southeast Asia.

Introduction

3

number of mainland Southeast Asian societies revert to barter after more than three centuries of experience with coinage and monetized transactions? Why is there a shift in late thirteenth century Java from a native gold and silver coinage to the exclusive use of Chinese cash as a medium of exchange? The present study also grew out of a need to establish the geographical bases of Southeast Asia's monetary systems. As has been noted by John F. Richards, "We have some difficulty in defining the limits of discrete monetary systems or in distinguishing levels or enclosures within larger systems of exchange. An especially weak area lies in the determination of ties between various economies and regions."7 Why is it that Assam, for example, never possessed more than a rudimentary monetary system, based upon the cowrie, even though two of its closest neighbors (southeastern Bengal and Arakan) utilized coinage for much of their histories? What does the multiplicity of monetary systems within Southeast Asia reveal about the impact of interregional trade on local economies? A novel theoretical approach and methodology is introduced to allow proper consideration of these and related issues. This study is composed of nine chapters. Chapter One, "Money: Its Character and Origins," introduces a transactional approach to the study of money use. Seven narrative chapters serve as case studies of monetary developments within Southeast Asia's geographical subregions. The geographical division of the study brings into focus the major zones of economic and cultural interaction within early Southeast Asia. China's expansion into northern Southeast Asia (considered in Chapter Two) and the introduction of Indie culture in southeastern Bengal, Assam, and Arakan (in Chapter Three) are presented first. These two geographical subregions represent, respectively, zones of transition between the dominant cultural traditions of China and India and traditional Southeast Asia, thereby providing important clues about what distinguishes early Southeast Asia from its neighbors. Each historical discussion utilizes a horizontal frame of reference, a "snapshot" approach making it possible to identify significant changes in economic action as the frame is moved forward in time. It should be pointed out that, beyond this diachronic emphasis, there has been no attempt to impose a particular structure on the historical presentations. Indeed, the shape of each discussion has depended a great deal upon the nature of available contemporary sources, both literary and numismatic. The story of Chinese involvement in northern Southeast Asia as told in Chapter Two, for example, largely based upon official histories and travel accounts, provides a very different portrait of the area from that in Chapter Three, which examines the impact of Gupta, post-Gupta, and Islamic administration in southeastern Bengal, Assam, and Arakan as reconstructed from epigraphic and numismatic remains. Chapter Two, "China's Southern Frontier: The Economics of Accommodation and Assimilation," documents indigenous responses to Chinese expansion into northern Southeast Asia beginning in the third century BC. Differing attitudes toward money use can be demonstrated by the fact that in the early tenth century the first rulers of independent Vietnam minted a Chinese-style coinage. The people of Yunnan, on the other hand, who had demonstrated a preference for the cowrie from 7

John F. Richards, éd., Precious Metals in the Later Medieval and Early Modem Worlds (Durham, N. C.: Carolina Academic Press, 1983), p. 3. This is similar to the problem of "localization." See, for example, O.W. Wolters, History, Culture and Region in Southeast Asian Perspectives (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1982).

4

Money, Markets, and Trade

very early times, were reluctant to adopt coinage and paper currency even after having been absorbed into the Mongol empire in the thirteenth century. Chapter Three considers the monetary impact of successive Indian and Turkic administrations on southeastern Bengal, Assam, and Arakan. Rulers in southeastern Bengal, for example, continued to mint a Gupta-style gold coinage long after the Gupta's demise in the mid-sixth century. In Arakan, between the fifth and eleventh centuries, Candra kings and their successors struck a Southeast Asian-style silver coinage. The rulers of Assam remained reluctant to adopt a struck currency even after the establishment of Islamic rule in Bengal made the striking of gold and silver coinage one of the essential symbols of sovereignty. Chapter Four examines money and society in ancient Burma. During the first millenium two ethnic groups were dominant, the Pyu and the Mon; each issued its own distinctive silver coinage. By the early ninth century this numismatic tradition was to come to an end, probably as a result of invasions from Nanzhao. Precious metal coinage would not be found again in Burma proper until the late eighteenth century. Under Pagan, however, Burma did experience a considerable degree of monetization, with silver, copper, and rice paddy serving as currencies. Money in ancient Thailand is the subject of Chapter Five. By the fifth or sixth century DváravatT in the central Thai basin was issuing coinage similar to that found in Burma. It too fell into disuse sometime in the ninth century. When the Thai emerged on the political scene during the latter part of the thirteenth century they had no knowledge of the earlier coinage tradition. At first the Thai used the cowrie and uncoined silver in their monetized transactions. By the middle of the fifteenth century Ayudhya succeeded in reintroducing coinage (of unique design) on the mainland. Cambodia and Champa are considered in Chapter Six. Although there are no signs of coin use among the ancient Khmer, at the end of the eighth century a nascent monetary system made its appearance. Following the establishment of Angkor as paramount capital in 802, however, monetized transactions virtually disappeared until the end of the thirteenth century. It is equally surprising that Champa, which stretched along the central Vietnamese coast to the east of Cambodia, with a vast reserve of precious metals, likewise did not adopt a monetary system until late in its history. With Chapter Seven, "Money in Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula," the scene shifts to insular Southeast Asia. It is here, in connection with Sriwijaya in the eleventh century, that we find the first reference to money-changers in the region. Southeast Asia's earliest Islamic gold coinage was struck in north Sumatra early in the fourteenth century. Functioning at first primarily as a token of sovereignty, this coinage would become a major trade currency throughout the archipelago by the middle of the fifteenth century. The monetary history of Java, Bali, and other parts of the eastern archipelago (including the Philippines) is explored in Chapter Eight. Coinage of Southeast Asian design first appeared in south central Java at the end of the eighth century. This coinage would subsequently spread to Sumatra, the Malay Peninsula, Bali, and the Philippines, to be replaced by the end of the thirteenth century with imported Chinese copper cash. A final interpretive chapter explores the relationship between abstract measures of value and money as a physical object, the geography of money use in early Southeast Asia, and how control was maintained over nonmonetized external trade.

Introduction

5

Ideally, one would write an extended essay on monetary developments in the region with a limited bibliographic apparatus. This is not yet possible in the study of Southeast Asian monetary history because the field is still in its infancy. I also believe it is essential, for the present at least, to remain close to the primary sources (both literary and numismatic) in order to appreciate what they reveal about human actions and values, as well as to assist in identifying the many areas of uncertainty which remain. It is probably unnecessary to point out that Money, Markets, and Trade in Early Southeast Asia should not be seen as the last word on a very complex subject. The perspective presented here is but one of a number of possible interpretive strategies; indeed, it is my expectation that this work will provide an impetus for more comprehensive investigations by country specialists. Readers with a general interest in Southeast Asia should first examine Chapters One and Nine as well as the introductory and concluding sections of each historical chapter before attempting to work through the technical discussions. As political events have been suppressed in favor of economic action, this study can be profitably read in conjunction with Coedes' The Indianized States of Southeast Asia which covers nearly the same terrain from a political history perspective.8 8

Georges Coedès, The Indianized States of Southeast Asia (Honolulu: East-West Center Press, 1968).

1 MONEY: ITS CHARACTER AND ORIGINS

B

etween the third century BC and the early fifteenth century a large number of Southeast Asian polities became money-using. While it is possible to discern a general trend toward monetization during these centuries, money use varied considerably throughout the region. Money was not always commercial in orientation nor did it necessarily involve the use of readily identifiable money objects. In some societies money took the form of rice, cowrie shells, or other commodities which also served as measures of value for fiscal or religious payments. In others, indicative perhaps of a greater frequency of monetized transactions, the adoption of money involved the use of coinage or paper currency to facilitate marketized exchange.1 The disparate nature of money use in early Southeast Asia means we must adopt a definition of money capable of encompassing all possible constructions of the monetary experience. One such definition considers money to be a "convention established in relation to payments which dictates that particular objects with agreed measures of value are recognized as the regular means of discharging the obligation to pay."2 The convention of money, established through legal imposition or as the formalization of commonly accepted practice, provides a shared vocabulary of money terms and understanding of those terms among the community in which they operate. The convention also defines a class of physical objects which can serve as money, as well as the contexts in which they are to function. Money, according to this definition, has three main components: a physical money object (or record of that object); an explicit measure of value, which may or may not be identical with the money object; and a time-related element, regular use. In other words, the objectvalue combination forms a routine, and indeed integral, part of monetized transactions with the potential for endless replication. Before proceeding to analyze the chief components of money, it is necessary to stress that the burden of "moneyness" is carried by the form or shape of a transaction and not by the physical stuff utilized to facilitate it. It is not what\s used in a transaction which makes it monetized, but ftotvthe various elements of a transaction are combined. For example, rice or cattle are not usually thought of as physical monies, yet they can become "money" when they serve as such in a transaction. And coins, one of the most readily identifiable money objects, often cease to be used as "money" when they are found outside their intended area of circulation. Because the form of a 1

I am grateful to Victor Lieberman for his comments on this point. I would like thank Joe Cribb of the Department of Coins and Medals at the British Museum for suggesting this definition. 2

Money

7

transaction best reveals the conventions of money use within a society, it constitutes the primary unit of analysis in the present study. Another key point is that the form of a transaction must be viewed, not in isolation, but as a consequence of the monetary conventions adopted by the society and the context in which the transaction operates. The major transactional forms include direct exchange, indirect exchange, and linked transfers. Each of these becomes monetized in a different way, due chiefly to the disparate contexts in which each is carried out, i.e. how the transaction fulfills some social, fiscal-administrative, commercial, or religious obligation. The context of a transaction includes its articulation with transactions which preceded it and those which will follow as a consequence of it, as in the interconnectedness of the links of a chain. Monetization must also be seen as a process: to what degree are payments conventionalized and regularized; what is their impact on the society in which they operate; and how do these conventions change over time? Although the main purpose of a monetary system is to facilitate the exchange of goods and services and the discharge of fiscal and other obligations, the presence of money does more than simply reduce transaction costs. With the advent of money, economic relationships become abstracted and less personal, motivated by values independent of such factors as kinship ties, the status of individuals involved in the transactions, and personal obligation.3 With the advent of money also cash payments tend to replace seasonal labor obligations, further weakening traditional means of maintaining power and influence. While it could be argued that these tendencies are the cause rather than the result of the adoption of money, they nonetheless signal that critical changes are taking place within the society. One of money's distinguishing features is that it provides an explicit statement of value. Value does not exist in and of itself but is inherently comparative. In most monetary systems, a physical quantity of some object becomes the measure whereby transactions are valued. Value may also be expressed as a factor of labor in the sense of a replacement cost. Limiting ourselves for the time being to exchange transactions, if the object to be sold were a blanket, its value might be calculated from the number of days expended to weave it. If the object under consideration were land, its value might be determined on the basis of productivity, such as how many bushels of rice might be expected during a normal growing season. These intrinsic measures of value are directly related to the object being exchanged. If the value of a bull is calculated as worth so many strings of cowrie shells or so many ounces of silver, the measure of value would be extrinsic to the object being exchanged. Once the externalization of the measure of value has taken place, it becomes possible to value and compare dissimilar objects much more easily, the measure of value then having the potential of becoming generalized as a standard of value. (A distinction should be maintained between a measure of value [which might have only one application] and a standard of value, which implies applicability over a wider range of transactional contexts.) In early Southeast Asia, precious metals, such as silver or gold, frequently became measures of value. In some instances, rice, lengths of cloth, or imported cowrie shells performed the same function. Where there is only a money of account (sometimes called a unit of account), the measure exists because the valuational 3

Recent essays on the societal impact of money can be found in J. Parry and N. Bloch, eds., Money and the Morality of Exchange (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989).

8

Money, Markets, and Trade

standard served (or has the potential of serving) as a means of payment. In ancient Egypt, for example, a standard weight of copper, the deben, served as a unit of account for transactions which were conducted without the use of a physical money. In other contexts, copper would have been accepted as payment. Some concept of value is present in virtually every transaction. It is appropriate to begin the discussion of how value is expressed in economic transactions by examining the major components of direct exchange, that is, exchange without the benefit of a physical money stuff. Exchange is usually defined as a balanced transaction in which the goods given and the goods received are deemed to be of roughly equal value.4 The idea of balance in exchange transactions may be fictive, because a transaction generally occurs, not when the exchange is balanced or equal, but when there is a perception of value inequality. In other words, the person purchasing a good or service must desire (value) that good or service more than he values that which is given up in exchange.5 To provide a theoretical example, in which the exchange is completely voluntary, Xis the good being purchased Vis the good being given up in exchange for X care the costs (obligations) associated with the possession of Xor Y b are the benefits associated with the possession of Xor Y res is any residue of obligations or benefits still remaining after the transaction is completed. In order for someone to be willing to purchase a quantity of Xwith a quantity of Yt the following conditions must be met—the perceived value of X, Xb-c, must be greater than the perceived value of Y, Yres + Yb-c. Otherwise there would be no reason for the transaction to take place. And in order for the possessor of Xto be willing to part with Xin exchange for Y, the perceived value of Y, Yb-c, must be greater than the perceived value of X, Xres + Xb-c. This model points up another important aspect of transactions in traditional societies, namely that there are often obligations which remain even after the transaction is completed (res). Unfortunately, it is often difficult to identify the precise nature of these "bundles of rights and obligations" and how they are valued by the individuals involved.6 In many of the examples of exchange documented in this study there are discernable social forces behind the transaction. Their existence is revealed in the fact that price is not merely a certain number of units of an accepted measure of value/medium of exchange, but that obligations in addition to the "exchange price" must be fulfilled before the transaction is considered complete. 4

See Frederick L. Pryor, The Origins of the Economy, A Comparative Study of Distribution in Primitive and Peasant Economies (New York: Academic Press, 1977); Kwang-chih Chang, "Ancient Trade as Economics or as Ecology," in Ancient Civilization and Trade, ed. Jeremy Sabloff and C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1975), p. 215. 5 I do not attempt to distinguish between need as desire versus need as requisite. Likewise, I recognize that the concept of value is culture-based and do not attempt at this point to distinguish between value that is intrinsic to the object or service being transacted and value as an artifact of the market. I wish to thank Gordon Thomasson for his comments on these points. 6 Pryor, Origins of the Economy, p. 107.

Money

9

Reciprocal exchange and most barter transactions are examples of direct exchange in which one good is exchanged for another without the benefit of a formal or explicit measure of value. The valuational component is not directly visible in these transactions as there is no expressed price. In reciprocal exchange the precise quantity of objects tendered is largely determined by social convention or custom; benefits accruing from such transactions are generally outside the strictly economic realm. In barter, the rate of exchange is expressed as an exchange ratio, a crude monetary instrument which, in a sense, is equivalent to price—so many units of one commodity (or service) are held to be equivalent to so many units of another commodity (or service). Except in instances where it is fixed by custom or decree, the exchange ratio must be recreated with each transaction and does not have a life beyond the immediate agreement. With the adoption of an explicit measure of value, we have moved beyond pure barter and into the realm of monetized transactions. As there is still no medium of exchange, payment is made by disparate goods which may be described as money substitutes.7 A good example of the use of money substitutes is found in a contract from ancient Egypt in which a bull was bartered for an array of goods including grain, oil, honey, cloth, and wood. Both parties agreed that the bull and the goods were worth 119 deben weight of copper.8 Because there was no physical money which changed hands, the deben here served as a money of account. Economists point out that barter trade (direct exchange) often proved inconvenient because of the difficulty of fulfilling a condition known as the "double coincidence of wants," where two individuals have precisely the goods wanted by the other.9 The introduction of a medium of exchange enables individuals to sell their disparate goods for a mutually agreed upon money stuff which can then be readily exchanged once again for desired purchases, thus giving rise to the term Indirect exchange."10 White points out several important characteristics of a medium of exchange. In addition to being a vehicle or instrument of exchange, (the medium of exchange) is also a measure of value. When a person takes his commodity to market and sells it, i.e., receives for it a medium of exchange, this medium must indicate the magnitude of value of the commodity sold, and, in turn, the magnitude of value the medium of exchange will again be equated with when an article is purchased with it. Thus a medium of exchange measures the value both of articles sold and of articles purchased. These measurements are expressed numerically, as so many units of something, such as cattle or cowrie shells, or as so many measures, e.g. ounces of some material such as gold.11 7

Philip Grierson, The Origins of Money (London: University of London, The Athlone Press, 1977), p. 17. 8 Joseph Cribb, éd., Money, From Cowrie Shells to Credit Cards (London: British Museum Publications, 1986), p.26, fig. 39. 9 See Paul Einzig, Primitive Money, In /te Ethnobgical, Historical and Economic Aspects, 2nd éd., rev. and enl. (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1966). 10 George Dalton, éd., Primitive, Archaic and Modem Economies, Essays of Karl Polanyi (Boston: Beacon Press, 1971), p. 192. 11 Leslie A. White, The Evolution of Culture, The Development of Civilization to the Fall of Rome (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1959), p. 339. Emended.

10

Money, Markets, and Trade

Some objects would have served as media of exchange better than others and presumably would have been preferred over less suitable rivals. In order for an object to become an effective medium of exchange it must possess certain qualities. According to White, a medium of exchange must first possess value, which "accrues from the expenditure of labor." It should also possess the characteristic of divisibility— "a medium of exchange must be readily divisible, or exist in the form of small units; otherwise variations in magnitude of value cannot be easily expressed." A medium of exchange must be portable as well as durable. And, finally, it must possess value in concentrated form.12 The difficulties inherent in finding a single medium of exchange suitable for virtually all economic transactions, large and small, would explain the presence in many societies of exchange spheres, in which certain goods (such as gold and silver) serve as measures of value and media of exchange for large transactions (the purchase of land, for example), while less valuable goods (cowries for instance) perform identical functions for smaller transactions in the local marketplace.13 Without a doubt the means whereby a monetary system is introduced has an impact on its form and longevity. Up to this point it has been assumed that monetization is a consequence of the internal dynamics of an economy: a gradual, evolutionary process of experimentation and adaptation. But monetary imposition also exists and can be used as a means of promoting change, a classic example being the introduction of Islamic monetary and administrative standards in Bengal during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, discussed in Chapter Three. Having looked, however briefly, at the monetization of direct and indirect exchange, we must now examine the relationship between money and markets. Markets are frequently defined as places where money prices are determined by the forces of supply and demand. The difficulty with this linkage is that it becomes exceedingly difficult to consider the adoption of money within a society without assuming it is in some way associated with market exchange. As Frederick L. Pryor has pointed out, they can be independent of one another. "It is quite possible to have market exchange without money (e.g., in barter transactions) and to have money without market exchange (where money serves a number of noncommercial purposes...)"14 It is necessary, then, first to define market transactions without reference to money. Three aspects are crucial. A primary feature of market exchange is negotiation.^ In markets, exchange values are determined by supply and demand. Thus, a free market situation becomes diminished when the negotiated aspect has either been eliminated (when exchange rates are determined by decree) or minimized (when negotiations must take place within certain boundaries); both are examples of administered markets.^ The second distinguishing feature of markets is voluntariness, meaning that "transactions can be accepted or rejected without widescale social repercussions."17 A third feature of market exchange, related to the first, is profit making; market activity is engaged in because it is seen as an opportunity to 12

Ibid., p. 340.

13

Pryor, Origins of the Economy, pp. 386-406. Pryor also uses exchange matrices to determine the presence of exchange spheres and exchange circuits. 14 Ibid., p. 104. 15 See, for example, Karl Polanyi, "Traders and Trade," in Ancient Civilization and Trade, ed. Sabloff and Lamberg-Karlovsky, pp. 152-53. 16 See, for example, Dalton, Primitive Economies, p. 164. 17 Pryor, Origins of the Economy, p. 105.

Money

11

accumulate surplus.18 When these three features—profit making, negotiated exchanges, and voluntariness—are present, economic transactions are marketized. If it is true that markets can exist without money (and vice versa), how does money come to play a role in market exchange? At least two means can be suggested. Either a money previously used in non-market situations comes to be used in the marketplace, or a new form of money is created specifically for the market.19 The importance of this observation is that it leads us away from the entrenched dogma that money arose out of the needs of marketized exchange, and makes it possible for us to consider that there could well have been other processes whereby money was introduced into the marketplace. Further, what impact does money have on market economies? One widely held view stresses money's impact on profit making, maintaining that money in a market economy provides greater "opportunities for making, preserving and enjoying profit derived from increased productive activities. Beyond doubt, profit can be made also on direct exchanges of goods and services without the intermediary of money, but the scope for earning profit can be widened considerably by the adoption of a monetary system."20 The broadening of profit-making opportunities becomes possible because money in marketized economies has special characteristics, namely that money prices are attached to all goods and services, and these prices are expressed in terms of the same money, greatly simplifying the computation of relative values.21 According to a number of authorities the use of a single money as a medium of exchange, means of payment, and general standard of value only occurs with the rise of a marketized economy.22 Taking this position to its logical conclusion, one could argue that "full monetization" (where all goods and services are provided with money prices) implies "full marketization" (where all prices are determined through the action of market forces). With the adoption of a generalized money, one would also expect the accentuated development of credit instruments. Further, the transition from undifferentiated money goods (such as rice or cloth) to money objects (such as coins or paper currency) can be viewed as a consequence of increased frequency of monetized exchange, often related to the increased marketization of the economy.23 18 Some of the best examples of profit making appear in China. The pre-Qin (221-206 BC) text Guan Zi notes, "It is human nature not to refrain from going after profit or warding off danger when either is in sight. Where profit is anticipated, traders will hurry around day and night, and make light of travelling over a thousand //to get it...So where there is profit, no mountain can remain unclimbed, and no water is immune from penetration even if it is unfathomable..." Hu Jichuang, Chinese Economic Thought Before the Seventeenth Century (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1984), pp. 39-40. A similar passage, dating to 1088, can be found in Shiba Yoshinobu, Commerce and Society in Sung China (Ann Arbor: Michigan Abstracts of Chinese and Japanese Works on Chinese History No. 2, Center for Chinese Studies, The University of Michigan, 1970), p. 48. 19 I would like to thank Joe Cribb for his suggestions on this point. 20 Einzig, Primitive Money, p. 489. 21 George Dalton, "Karl Polanyi's Analysis of Long-Distance Trade and His Wider Paradigm," in Ancient Civilization and Trade, ed. Sabloff and Lamberg-Karlovsky, p. 87. 22 See, for example, Grierson, Origins of Money, pp. 10, 19; and Dalton, "Polanyi's Analysis," p. 88. 23 A recent study exploring the relationship between monetization and marketization in precolonial Southeast Asia is Victor Lieberman, "Secular Trends in Burmese Economic History, c. 1350-1830, and their Implications for State Formation," Modem Asian Studies 25, 1 (1991): 131.

12

Money, Markets, and Trade

A question for this study is whether or not there are fully marketized/monetized economies in early Southeast Asia which might confirm (or disallow) the full marketization = full monetization equation. Marketized exchange within a society can operate within the framework of a single valuational standard. External market trade, on the other hand, involves the coming together of two (or more) mutually exclusive valuational systems. The valuational disjunctions between the local and external economic systems are often resolved by conducting a barter trade, one well-known variant being silent barter: group (A) leaves goods for the other group (B) and disappears. Group B comes, gathers up the goods, and leaves goods of its own in exchange. Group A returns and, if satisfied with what is left, takes it. If not satisfied, Group A departs without taking the goods left and Group B comes back and adds to the pile.24 In silent barter there is no explicit measure of value, each trading partner determining, within their own valuational system, the relative quantities of goods to be offered. External trade (still without a medium of exchange) can also be conducted utilizing an explicit valuational standard, an example of which is presented below. Sometime between 1413 and 1426 an Icelandic chieftain regulated traffic between his people and the English by relating the value of goods in the marketplace to stockfish. Payment was not made in stockfish but was carried on by barter.25 Examples of equivalencies included Goods in the Marketplace 48 alen [ells] of good and full-width trade cloth 3 tender [tons] of wheat 4 fonder of beer 1 tonde of clean and clear butter 1 tonde of wine 1/8 tonde of honey 1 pair of black (leather) shoes 1/8 tonde of salt

Stockfish 120 120 120 120 100 15 4 5

Stockfish thus served as a measure of value/unit of account against which the value of other commodities were regulated. It is likely, although unconfirmed in this instance, that payment could have been made in stockfish if adequate suppies of the other goods were unavailable. The presence of local and long-distance trade presupposes surplus production and can subsequently stimulate further increases in output. This surplus can be achieved through effective control over productive resources, such as manpower and land, through individual initiative on the part of farmers, merchants, and traders as well as the result of technological change, such as improved irrigation. With the addition of money, payment for services rendered and accounting for accumulated surplus become more efficient procedures, as does storing and moving the surplus from one place to another. 24 25

Walter C. Neale, Monies in Societies (San Francisco: Chandler & Sharp, 1976), p. 30. Einzig, Primitive Money, p. 262.

Money

13

The use of physical monies and monetary concepts, however, do not always serve the needs of long-distance trade. This is primarily because trade involves an interest in specific commodities, not just values, and thus does not require an elaborate monetary system to be effective or to attain a large scale. This is, in fact, the general pattern found throughout early Southeast Asia. Although internal trade was often monetized, long-distance trade was usually conducted on a barter basis, occasionally with the addition of a notional accounting standard to simplify the computation of equivalent values. In the regulation of trade, rulers often found it to their distinct advantage to exercise strict control overweights and measures used within the ports and marketplaces of their jurisdiction. Some went so far as to determine the exchange values for commodities over which they had particular interest or monopoly. In economies which already possessed coinage, foreign merchants were often required to exchange their currency for the local money at predetermined (and usually discriminatory) rates. Although the emphasis of the discussion up to this point has been on exchange, the most common form of transaction documented in indigenous Southeast Asian literary and epigraphic sources is that which contributed to status differentiation, the linked transfer.26 In northern Vietnam during the Han period, for instance, as the Chinese were establishing control over the Red River Delta, local lords paid tribute to China in return for recognition of their traditional rights. At the same time, the payment of tribute acknowledged China's role as supreme lord and was thereby statusenhancing for the Chinese emperor. In another setting, and nearly a millenium later, Javanese overlords of the tenth century distributed valuables in order to elevate their own status as well as affirm the relatively lower status of the recipients. Another means commonly utilized to acquire status (both in this world and in the next) was to dedicate valuable posessions, such as land, gold, or silver, to the religion. In seventh-century DvâravatT, dedicatory offerings buried beneath the foundation stones of a temple often took the form of silver medals imprinted with the words "meritorious deed." Less glorified but equally essential to the success of a political enterprise was the day-to-day business of fiscal administration. The farmer who brought his yearly quota of grain to the local storehouse by his very act acknowledged the sovereign as paramount lord. Further, the cardinal principle of traditional Southeast Asian law was status rather than contract. In twelfth-century Cambodia, for instance, a commoner accused of a certain crime was fined 5/8 pala of gold whereas a royal prince (ràjaputra) would have been assessed 20 pala of gold for the same offense. Each of the transactions noted above is a linked transfer. A transferís a transaction in which "...the goods and services flowing from one person or group to another are not 'balanced' by a counterflow of equal value."27 Redistributive and command economies are typically structured around a series of linked transfers which take the form of: A transfers xto 6. As a consequence of that action, A then receives y from C. Because the specific quantities are usually stipulated by decree, the actual values of x and y may be unrelated. In general, linked transfers can be described as payments in 26

The Importance of status relations in early Southeast Asia is dealt with in Welters, History, Culture, and Region and Charles Higham, The Archaeology of Mainland Southeast Asia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989). My views have also been influenced by Pierre-Yves Manguin's paper, "The Merchant and the King, Local Perceptions of Ancient Maritime Trade and the Foundation of Harbour-States in Insular Southeast Asia," presented at the 1989 Association for Asian Studies Conference, Washington, D.C. 27 Pryor, Origins of the Economy, p. 280.

14

Money, Markets, and Trade

response to some social, fiscal, religious, or commercial obligation. In contrast to the majority of exchange transactions, linked transfers generally are not voluntary and not negotiable. The linked nature of many transfers can be illustrated by the donation of land to a religious establishment. The initial transfer of the land would result in the reallocation of tax payments from the state to the new owner (a linked transfer). The donor (and the ruler who approved the request to grant land to the religious order) would also receive religious merit as a result of the generous act (two additional linked transfers). The valuation of such transactions for administrative purposes could well have promoted the development of money. Just as intrinsic and extrinsic measures of value have very different use characteristics, so it is with intrinsic and extrinsic means of payment. An intrinsic means of payment is one which grows naturally out of the obligation, such as a farmer paying taxes in grain. If the farmer is required to pay taxes in silver or gold, an entirely different dynamic has been set up. In order for him to fulfill his tax obligation he must acquire the necessary precious metal, purchasing it (often at discriminatory rates, a form of double taxation) in exchange for the grain from his fields.28 Similarly, when a ruler gives gifts of precious metal to his retainers, it is assumed that they will have the ability (if so desired) to convert that metal into consumables in the marketplace. The movement away from intrinsic means of payment implies a movement away from redistributive economies and toward economies which are market-driven. Thus, even though the act of distributing gifts during a festival or ceremony is clearly redistribuí!ve, the form taken by those gifts can indicate the parallel existence of a marketized component of the economy. One of the most striking features of the monetization of indirect exchange and linked transfers is that the physical form of the money objects used in such transactions are frequently identical. This observation is sufficient to point out the difficulty of assuming specific functions for money objects on the basis of physical characteristics alone. Unfortunately, we are frequently left in just such a position. Physical monies usually fall into one of two categories—they are either money goods—cacao beans, bundles of unthreshed rice, or cattle—which, on the basis of their physical appearance alone, cannot be distinguished from other commodities of the same type used for non-monetary purposes, or, money objects, created specifically for the purpose of fulfilling some monetary function, such as struck coin or paper currency.29 Each category presents its own set of interpretive difficulties. As was noted above, money goods cannot be readily distinguished from nonmoney goods on the basis of their physical characteristics alone; the shape of the transaction together with its context allows one to determine whether or not a good is in fact "money." An exchange transaction from eighth-century Cambodia (discussed 28

This can also be seen as a means of coercing people into economic patterns in which they would not normally be engaged. A Chinese work of the early tenth century further stresses the difficulty of requiring payment in cash when the economy is only partially monetized (not to mention the general denigration of merchants and market exchange among the Chinese elite): "If they are compelled to pay entirely in ready cash [the cast copper coin], or else commute it to gold or silver, it will be impossible for them to come by this money by means of farming. They will have to trade to get it. This is simply teaching the people to abandon what is fundamental for what is peripheral." Mark Elvin, The Pattern of the Chinese Past (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1973), p. 148. Emended. 29 White, Evolution of Culture, p. 340.

Money

15

further in Chapter Six) is illustrative. Paddy commonly served as a non-monetary means of payment in a large number of early inscriptions. In this transaction, however, a quantity of paddy, given over in exchange for a ricefield, is valued in terms of tamlih of silver and yau of double cloth. Due to its association with the two monies of account, and because it serves as a means of payment in a number of other inscriptions, paddy in this transaction is a money good. This type of transaction is to be distinguished from the use of disparate goods for purposes of payment, with no apparent preference, in the Egyptian example presented earlier. Money objects are made specifically for the purpose of facilitating transactions. Coins are a special kind of money object, being "...pieces of metal stamped...with devices which relate them to the monetary units named in verbal and written transactions, so that they represent these for all legal purposes."30 Coins also possess two features, uniformity and duplication, which make them ideally suited to serve as money objects. Coins of a single issue or variety are quite often nearly indistinguishable, having been stamped with a die or cast in moulds, each piece being interchangeable with the next. And, coins are typically made in large quantities, readily becoming an integral part of a shared monetary convention. Coins are frequently recovered in archaeological excavations. Because they are so common, and usually similar in form to what we are accustomed to in our own experience, assumptions are regularly made regarding the significance and use of coinage in historical economies. One commonplace assumption is that the geographical distribution of coinage is to be explained as the end result of commercial (or marketized) exchange.31 A cursory examination of coin circulation reveals the fallacy of such a view. The circulation of coin is a process taking place over time. After a coin is minted by the proper authorities, its circulation might begin when it passes into the hands of bankers or merchants. The coin may be used to purchase foodstuffs by the populace, donated to the local church as a tithe or faith offering, and subsequently paid into the king's treasury for tax purposes. The king, in turn, might pay it out to a soldier as part of his salary, bestow it upon the poor during a procession, include it as part of a tribute payment, or have it reminted into new coin. Each of the transactions involving the coin has a different look; there are religious donations, exchanges with a profit motive, and administrative transfers. Consider as well the many ways coins are removed from circulation. Coins may be lost at the marketplace, in fields or at fairs, buried to provide security for lean years, hidden from bandits and invading armies, or stolen as booty. Coins are used in jewelry or melted down and cast into religious imagery. And, coins are frequently taken out of circulation when the intrinsic value of the metal contained in them is greater than their circulating value (Gresham's Law). It is these coins which years, or even centuries, later are recovered as chance finds or, less often, through archaeological excavation. The geographical distribution of coins, then, represents an accidental and partial view of coin circulation, providing us with limited clues about the day-to-day functioning of coinage as an agent in economic and social transactions.32 30

Grierson, Origins of Money, p. 7. Philip Grierson has repeatedly warned against such an assumption. See his "Commerce in the Dark Ages: A Critique of the Evidence," in The Pirenne Thesis, Analysis, Criticism, and Revision, ed. Alfred F. Havighurst (Lexington, MA: Heath and Company, 1976), pp. 146-59. 32 Coin finds (and especially hoards), however, are particularly useful for determining the relative date and contemporaneous circulation of various coin issues. 31

16

Money, Markets, and Trade

A study of coins from Iron Age Europe by J.R. Collis provides an interesting example of how assumptions about the interpretation of numismatic evidence must be carefully tempered with relevant data from other sources. In his study, Collis concluded that "...gold and silver coinage...had a prestige value, being employed in conditions of reciprocity, and bronze coinage was employed for market exchange."33 Colin Renfrew agreed with this assessment and added that "...the existence of any low-denomination coinage, used within the jurisdiction of the issuing authority, is an indication of market exchange."34 These writers are assuming that a precious metal coinage, because of its relatively high value, would have been utilized in contexts other than market exchange. While this may be true in many instances, especially when the coin type is limited in its geographical distribution, precious metal coins often take on important exchange functions as well. In ancient Java, for example, the primary function of local gold and silver coinage was redistributive; however, a study of inscriptions and external sources reveals that an important secondary role for this coinage was its use in local and interregional trade, indicating at least some market basis. The presence of base metal coinage is viewed by Collis and Renfrew as an indicator of marketized exchange. Again, caution must be exercised. Chinese copper cash in Java, for example, was at first treated by the Javanese as a commodity, to be traded like any other good. It was only later (beginning in the late thirteenth century) that this base metal coinage acquired monetary attributes and ultimately came to be utilized in virtually all transaction^ contexts. It is here that the qualifying phrase adopted by Renfrew ("used within the jurisdiction of the issuing authority") takes on particular force. When a base metal coinage circulates in the area intended for its distribution and use, a market orientation is likely if not assured. Once it no longer becomes pos sible for the issuing authority to exercise jurisdiction, as when Chinese cash is exported to foreign countries, there is no guarantee that the primary function within the recipient society will be to facilitate economic exchange. Indeed, in many societies imported goods become symbols of status and wealth. It cannot be assumed a priori, then, that the presence of base-metal coinage presupposes the presence of markets. This is particularly true when the coinage is imported rather than produced locally. In such instances one must search for signs of non-market usage (a source of metal for tools or utensils, for decoration or ornament), in an effort to determine more accurately the precise role of coinage within that society. This is not to say that an examination of surviving coins cannot provide important keys to their functioning within a society. If nearly all known specimens of a high-value coinage are in pristine condition, for instance, it is likely that the coinage was utilized chiefly for unilateral payments, having a minimal impact on the marketplace. The presence of multiple denominations, especially in base-metal coin series, opens the door to wider usage, allowing for the possibility that the coinage was utilized in marketized transactions. While the physical characteristics of a coin series, as well as its geographical distribution, can provide valuable clues to its function, the precise role of that coinage must be confirmed through a study of literary sources. Consequently, 33

J.R. Collis, "Markets and Money," in The Iron Age and Us Hill-Forts, ed. D. Hill and M. Jesson (Southampton, Eng.: Southampton University Archaeological Society, 1971); cited in Colin Renfrew, "Trade as Action at a Distance: Questions of Integration and Communication," in Ancient Civilization and Trade, ed. Sabloff and Lamberg-Karlovsky, p. 53. 34 Renfrew, "Trade as Action at a Distance," p. 53.

Money

17

although coinage and paper currency can be identified as money objects on the basis of their form alone, the quality of their "moneyness" must be demonstrated and not assumed. The denominational structure of early coinage most often corresponded to a standard weight unit and its subdivisions. Further, the names of coins (attested by their appearance in inscriptional sources) were frequently identical to the weights they represented. This practice, however, often makes it difficult to determine with absolute certainty if a transaction utilized standardized coinage or simply metal by weight. Similarly, in several parts of early Southeast Asia the local term for silver became synonymous with the idea of "money," there being no specialized term for the latter. In other instances, the polyvalent Sanskrit arthawas adopted. Fortunately, a feature of many premodern monetary systems is that the metallic referent was dropped in coin-using situations. In Thailand, for example, the earliest references to exchange in Thai inscriptions specify the metal used, e.g. "gold (of) 1 tamliñ (weight)." Following the introduction of coinage in the fifteenth century references to coin use were conventionalized as "7 baht (in silver coin)."35 In other instances there is no denominational referent, as in a copper-plate charter from Arakan which reported an "income of 3000" or an inscription from Assam which recorded a payment of "900 gold." Both possibly refer to coin. (See Chapter Three.) It is far less common to find direct reference in written sources to either an indigenous word for coinage (usually derived from the Sanskrit karsapana, "a piece weighing one karsa") or minted coins, such as "silver struck [with a die]" or "silver with the imprint of a hantha."36 It goes without saying that, whatever the literary situation prevailing in any particular locality, the presence of coinage must be confirmed by the archaeological record. Exchange values were most often determined by the metallic content of the coinage used for exchange or payment. The evolution of coinage, however, did not stop with the minting of coins possessing full denominated value. As White explains, If the state is to guarantee the value of a metal object used as a medium of exchange, it need not contain within itself the full value that it represents. In other words, a (token) coin may stand for a value or be redeemable by an actual value instead of containing that value itself..The substitution is carried still further in the issuance and use of paper money. Here a piece of paper serves as a medium of exchange without having any value in and of itself at all. It merely stands for a value and is redeemable in real value, i.e., gold.37 The successful introduction of a fiat money requires an administration capable of policing and enforcing price changes in order to support the value of the token currency. It is appropriate to conclude this chapter with a consideration of two theories of the origins of money, serving to highlight the widely divergent viewpoints which still surround this topic. According to Philip Grierson, a prominent medievalist and numismatist, administrative monies appeared before money in the marketplace. He also 35

See Robert S. Wicks, "A Survey of Native Southeast Asia Coinage, Circa 450-1850: Documentation and Typology" (PhD dissertation, Cornell University, 1983), pp. 149 and 153 for representative examples. 36 Ibid., pp. 93 and 98. 37 White, Evolution of Culture, p. 342. Emended.

18

Money, Markets, and Trade

believes that the generalized application of monetary values, i.e. full monetization, would probably not have come about before the appearance of market economies.38 Karl Polanyi, on the other hand, while still linking the widespread use of money to the rise of markets, argues that money as a medium of exchange preceded the administrative use of money.39 Which view is more plausible? From the perspective supplied by this chapter, and amplified in the following pages, it is not impossible that exchange and administrative monies developed nearly simultaneously, requiring as they do a centralized governing body to enforce the standardization and acceptance of money units. The importance of a stable administrative structure is probably critical in monetary systems which rely upon a standardized coinage or currency; it would be less essential where the physical money was a naturally occurring substance, such as grain or cowrie shells. As we have seen, the context of monetization also greatly influences its potential impact, making it necessary to examine the relationship between administrative structure (be it political, religious, or commercial in nature) and the development of particular forms of monetary systems. It is equally important to consider the levels and degree of interaction between the various institutional components to determine their impact on the evolution of money within a society. In short, there are no simple or unequivocal solutions to the problem of monetary origins. 38 39

Grierson, Origins of Money, pp. 10, 19. Dalton, "Polanyi's Analysis," p. 88.

2 CHINA'S SOUTHERN FRONTIER: THE ECONOMICS OF ACCOMMODATION AND ASSIMILATION

MI

onetary developments in northern Southeast Asia between the third century BC and the fourteenth century AD are best considered from the perspective of the Chinese, who, beginning in the Qin and Han periods (221 I BC-AD 220), made a concerted effort to bring regions south of the Yangzi River under their direct control. The northern part of Vietnam, commonly known as Annam or the "pacified south," was a commandery and province under successive Chinese regimes. The first Vietnamese coinage after independence, minted by the Dinh (968-981), is nearly identical in design with Chinese copper cash pieces which had circulated in the region for over a millenium. To the west of Vietnam, in what would become the Mongol province of Yunnan in the middle of the thirteenth century, the imported cowrie served as a measure of value and medium of exchange for much of its history. During the eighth and ninth centuries, under Nanzhao overlordship, a host of money objects and measures of value were in use, from lengths of cloth and musk-deer scent to blocks of salt. Yunnan only reluctantly adopted Chinese-style currency at the very end of the fourteenth century. The first section of this chapter examines the mechanics of China's tributary trade with maritime Southeast Asia. Next comes a consideration of monetary developments in Vietnam, Yunnan, Guangdong, and Guangxi during the Qin and Han periods (221 BC - AD 220). These centuries witnessed China's first major thrust to the south and southwest and the initial development of its overseas tributary trade. The third part of the chapter considers the region during the middle period of China's history, that is, after the disintegration of the Han empire in the first quarter of the third century, to its restoration under the Sui (581-618) and Tang (618-907) dynasties until the latter's demise in the early tenth century. The final section considers monetary developments in the south from the tenth to the fourteenth centuries during the Song (9601279), Yuan (1280-1368), and early Ming (1368-1400) periods. This chapter differs somewhat from others in the volume in that the narration of political events as they relate to economic decisions is much more fully documented than for other areas of Southeast Asia; at the same time, our knowledge of individual transactions remains inadequate. Nonetheless the story presented here provides a valuable background for understanding economic relationships in Southeast Asia prior to the adoption of Indian styles of rulership.

20

Money, Markets, and Trade

Map CH i HA changan ( wan )

Symbolism Political units Names of places in antiquity Alternate or more current names

MINYUE

Ethnonyms

iL?.i.?.?.?

Bodies of water

A

Archaeological sites

2.1. Northern Southeast Asia in the Qin and Han periods (221 BC-AD 220)

China 's Southern Frontier

21

I CHINA'S TRIBUTARY TRADE AND MARITIME SOUTHEAST ASIA The expansion of China's tributary trade from the Han to early Ming periods had a decisive impact on monetary developments in Vietnam and Yunnan as well as other parts of Southeast Asia, supplying both the motivation for participation in international trade and the raw materials for coinage and local currencies. The international ports were strategically located along China's southern coast, first at Panyu (Canton) and Jiaozhi (near modern Hanoi), subsequently joined by Quanzhou in Fujian (the Zaitun of Marco Polo) and lesser centers. The major southern port of the Han (206 BC - AD 220) period was Panyu at the mouth of the Pearl River, former capital of Nan Yue (fig. 2.1). It is described in the Shi Ji(The Records of the Historian, compiled by Sima Qian, 145-86? BC): "Panyu was also a capital and a collecting-center, the center for trade in pearls, round and otherwise, rhinoceros horns, tortoise shells, daimao, fruits (such as the longan and lichi), and textiles woven from vegetable fibers."1 Ban Gu, author of the Han Shu (The History of the Former Han Dynasty, AD 32-62) adds silver and copper to the list of goods found there and notes, "most of the Chinese merchants who go to trade there have become very wealthy."2 Further to the south, and equally important during the Han period, was the port of Jiaozhi on the Red River. The Hou Han Shu ( The History of the Later Han Dynasty, compiled by Fan Ye, 398-446) records that, (As of) old, Jiaozhi has many valuable products like pearls, king-fisher feathers, rhinoceros (horns), elephant (tusks), tortoise-shells, various scented woods and beautiful timbers. Most of the governors, one after another, have been corrupt. While on the one hand they presented gifts to the noble and influential, on the other they accumulated wealth by accepting bribes. (And when) they find their wealth sufficient, they quickly seek to be replaced and transferred elsewhere. For this reason, the junior officials and the people [read 'merchants'?] are very angry and (often) rebel in protest.3 There were also lesser centers which gained or lost a share of the international trade depending upon the fortunes of the market. One of these was Hepu, which participated in the coastal trade with Jiaozhi, exchanging pearls for rice. "The province (of Hepu) did not produce grain or fruit, but the sea gave forth pearls and treasures [or, 'its treasure of pearls']. Its borders were coterminous with Jiaozhi, and there was a 1

ShiJi; Wang Gungwu, "The Nanhai Trade; A Study of the Early History of Chinese Trade in the South China Sea," Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 31,2 (1958): 8; Burton Watson, trans., Records of the Grand Historian of China, Translated from the Shih Chi of Ssu-ma Ch'ien (New York: Columbia University Press, 1971), vol. 2, p. 489. Emended. 2 Han Shu; Wang, "The Nanhai Trade," p. 8. 3 Hou Han Shu; Wang, "The Nanhai Trade," p. 25 (additions by Wang and the present author); cf. Keith W. Taylor, The Birth of Vietnam (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), p. 68.

22

Money, Markets, and Trade

regular communication (with that place) by merchants and peddlers who went there to buy grain."4 Lists of goods available in the ports of Panyu and Jiaozhi during the Han period are quite similar. Pearls were local products from south China—Jiaozhi, Hepu, and Hainan were particularly well known for their pearl fisheries. And, when the Chinese first began to navigate the Southern Seas early in the Han period, they left from the pearl markets of Xuwen and Hepu, which has been interpreted as an early attempt on the part of the Chinese to introduce superior foreign goods into Chinese markets.5 Several other products mentioned in the two lists, such as ivory, tortoise shell, and rhinoceros horn, had a much wider distribution than south China, indicating that Panyu and Jiaozhi served as central market places ("collecting-centers" in the words of the Chinese) for goods produced throughout the region and occasionally beyond, supplementing local goods with those of foreign origin. A passage from the Han Shu explains how this early trade with the Southern Seas countries was accomplished: There are chief interpreters attached to the Yellow Gate [eunuchs serving in the palace] who go to sea with the men who answer their appeal (for a crew) to buy bright pearls, opaque glass [biliuli], rare stones and strange things, taking with them gold and various fine silks to offer in exchange for (the foreign products).6 From this passage, it is clear that the trade was conducted by barter, trading Chinese products (gold and silk) for precious commodities. The particular emphasis of the trade, on high-value luxury items, is due, in part, to the fact that the trade was conducted on behalf of the Chinese Emperor. If we examine this trade from the perspective of differing valuational systems, it is apparent that the Chinese were willing to give up objects that were very precious to them (gold and silk) for something they valued even more, the exotica from the Southern Seas. This trade with the Southern Seas region was not always amicable, as this same source adds, "The barbarians also profit by the trade and by plundering and killing people."7 Xue Zong, writing in the third century, points out that although the people were rebellious and "What can be obtained from field and household taxes is meagre," the south was an important source of "precious rarities from afar: pearls, incense, drugs, elephant tusks, rhinoceros horn, tortoise shell, coral, lapis lazuli So it is not necessary to depend on what is received from taxes in order to profit the Central Kingdom."8 The dependence of Jiaozhou and the other southern provinces upon sea traffic is thus brought clearly into focus; its importance to the Chinese is also made manifest by their continuing efforts to control that trade. Because of the great quantities of valuable goods passing through Jiaozhou and Guangzhou, new officials came to expect elaborate gifts upon their arrival. Often the 4

Hou Han Shu; Yu Ying-shih, Trade and Expansion in Han China: A Study in the Structure of 5 ¡no-Barbarian Economic Relations (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967), p. 181 and note 39. Emended. 5 See O. W. Welters, Early Indonesian Commerce (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1967). 6 Han Shu; Wang, "The Nanhai Trade," p. 19. Emended. 7 Han Shu; Wang, "The Nanhai Trade" p. 20. 8 San Quo Zhi; Taylor, Birth of Vietnam, p. 78.

China's Southern Frontier

23

line between gift giving and extortion (or bribery) became very thin. In the third century, for example, a prefect of Naht-nam "killed local leaders at random when he decided that they had not welcomed him with large enough gifts; he was chased back north by the people." And, with the founding of the Wu dynasty in Nanjing, the Shi family of Jiao, in an effort to maintain their privileged position in the province, sent to the Wu court, "peacocks, rhinoceroses, elephants, drugs," and other exotica.9 Within the port areas, officials often took advantage of their control over international trade for personal gain. In the early fourth century, when Linyi merchants and others brought "valuable goods by sea to trade," the governors of Jiaozhou and the prefect of Riñan were "very covetous and imposed a tax of 20 to 30 percent on their goods," payable with the imported items.10 A slightly different tactic was used by Han Ji, prefect of Riñan in the early fourth century. "He assessed their merchandise at less than half its value, and then (intimidated them) with his ships and war-drums. Because of this, the various countries (from which the traders had come) were furious."11 Repercussions from the oppressive practices of the officials at Jiaozhou were felt in the merchants' countries of origin, including Fuñan and Dunsun. In the late fourth century corruption was so widespread that a popular saying declared: "The governor of Canton [Guangzhou] need only pass through the city gates (of Canton) once, and he will be enriched by thirty million (strings of cash)."12 The trade was still carried on predominantly as barter. Zhang Jingzhen (ca. 479502) "calculated carefully the silks and brocades, which he used to trade with (the merchants of) the 'Kunlun po,'" a phrase referring to traders from the Malay world of Southeast Asia.13 And, a Chinese work of 487 refers to the "merchants and (trading) envoys" who gathered at Jiaozhou to "exchange their goods and (offer) their gifts of tribute."14 The exchanges were not always equal. The Liang Shu (The History of the Liang Dynasty, compiled by Yao Silian, d. 637) for instance, relating events of the period 505-550, records that foreign merchants from the southern seas came to Guangzhou several times a year. The officials went and bought (their goods) at half the (market) price, and having bought (them), immediately sold (them at the market price). Thus they made profits several times more (than the normal margin). This was so frequently done that it became the usual accepted practice.15 What is apparently being referred to in this passage is the practice of purchasing entire cargoes of merchandise from foreign merchants who would then return to their home ports. The port officials would then sell the merchandise in the market, with the profits from the sale deposited in a personal account. That such an unfair practice could exist, and indeed flourish, is an indication of the importance of Canton as a 9

Taylor, Birth of Vietnam, p. 73; Yu Ying-shih, Trade and Expansion in Han China, pp. 177-78.

10

Jin Shu; Wang, "The Nanhai Trade," p. 40. Emended. Jin Shu; Wang, "The Nanhai Trade," p. 40. Emended. 12 Nan Chi Shu; Wang, "The Nanhai Trade," p. 48. Emended. 13 Nan Chi Shu; Wang, "The Nanhai Trade," p. 60. 14 Song Shu; Wang, "The Nanhai Trade," p. 58. Emended. 15 Liang Shu; Wang, "The Nanhai Trade," p. 49. Emended.

11

24

Money, Markets, and Trade

commercial center during the sixth century; there must have been little competition from other centers. By the eighth century, the Chinese were feeling the drain of precious metals from the tribute trade. In 713 it was decreed that "gold and iron should not be bartered with foreigners."16 And in 780 a broader proclamation was issued, prohibiting barter with foreigners using "silver, copper, iron, male and female slaves."17 The copper in the 780 decree would have included Chinese cash. In 785, the Tang decreed that all travelers were forbidden to take "even a piece of cash" with them into western regions such as Tibet (Tufan) and Nanzhao.18 Between 837 and 841 Guangzhou port officials continued to profit from the South Seas trade. One source recounts that they "rushed to sell at very low prices the valuables which they had acquired (as gifts, or goods in excess of the customs dues)."19 The importance of this comment is that, while the trade itself was conducted as a barter trade, officials quickly exchanged ill-gotten goods for more readily convertible (and less readily identifiable) stores of value, such as copper cash, gold, and silver. The hopelessness of China's monetary situation during the Song (960-1279) period can be sensed in a decree of about 965 in which the penalty for taking two strings of cash (nominally 2,000 copper coins) out of China was imprisonment for one year. Those who were caught with more than three strings would be executed, while informers were promised rewards for their cooperation.20 One writer lamented, "Coins were originally treasures of the Middle Kingdom, but now are in common use by the barbarians of the four quarters."21 Extreme measures were taken in an attempt to continue to attract the Southern Seas trade while at the same time eliminating the wholesale exportation of Chinese copper cash. In 987, Taizong " . . . sent eight couriers, who took with them credentials under the Imperial seal as well as gold and silks. They were divided into four parties, each party going to the barbarian countries of the Hainan [South Seas], urging on them to send in tribute and at the same time exchanging gold and silks for the aromatics, rhinocerous horn, ivory, pearls and camphor. Each party brought with them three imperial licences for trading without an address and presented them to countries where they happened to go."22 In 1009 an edict was issued which declared: 16

Tang Hui Yao; Jitsuzo Kuwabara, "On P'u Shou-keng," Mémoire Research Department, Joyo Bunko 2 (1928): 26. Emended. 17 Kuwabara, "P'u Shou-keng," p. 26. 18 Xin Tang Shu; Kuwabara, "P'u Shou-keng," p. 26. 19 Xin Tang Shu; Wang, "The Nanhai Trade," p. 83, note 63. 20 Song Shi; Kuwabara, "P'u Shou-keng," p. 27. For a more recent study, see Grace Wong, "A Comment on the Tributary Trade between China and Southeast Asia, and the Place of Porcelain in this Trade, during the Period of the Song Dynasty in China," in Chinese Celadons and Other Related Wares in Southeast Asia (Singapore: Arts Orientalis, 1979), pp. 73-100; "A Comment on the Tributary Trade between China and Southeast Asia, and the Place of Porcelain in this Trade, during the Period of the Song Dynasty in China," The Southeast Asian Ceramic Society, Transaction No. 7(1979). 21 Song Shi; Kuwabara, "P'u Shou-keng," p. 26. Emended. 22 Song Hui Yao; Kuwabara, "P'u Shou-keng," p. 42. Emended.

China 's Southern Frontier

25

... hereafter brass [toushi\, imported by the foreign traders, would be bought, at the three offices of Hangzhou, Guangzhou and Mingzhou, at the rate of 500 cash [qian] per ¡in. A commentator noted: "This was the first time that the foi/s/7/was made an object of monopoly. Before this time, the toushi had been bought at these three offices, for 200 cash [qian] perjin, but was now raised to the present rate."23 In 1147 all of the ships leaving Fujian and Guangdong were inspected to see if they had cash on board.24 And in 1219, "silks, brocade, porcelain, and lacquered wares were made to pay for foreign goods instead of coins."25 In the same year, an official commented on this state of affairs: Oh that the gold and silver of the land should be flowing out in trade with savages from afar! Trading stations should be established on the borders at which our silks, brocades, gauzes, porcelain-ware, lacquer-ware and the like could be offered in exchange for their goods. If none came to take them, it would be no serious loss.26 Under the Yuan (1280-1368), even stricter controls on the use of precious metals in trading were placed on foreign merchants. Rockhill observed that "As early as 1282 and 1283 measures were adopted to prevent the exchanging of banknotes (chao) for copper cash when offered by foreign traders in the ports; and to restrict the use of cash to the purchase of gold, pearls, and such like valuable commodities. Permission was granted, however, to use iron as a medium of exchange, but gold and silver were prohibited."27 Similar regulations forbidding the exportation of gold and silver were again issued in 1293 and 1296.28 The minting of copper cash under the Yuan became so sporadic as to constitute a numismatic curiosity. Ibn Battüta, writing in the 1340s, could comment (almost incredulously) that, "If anyone goes to the bazar with a silver dirham or a (gold) dinar, intending to buy something, no one will accept it."29 Instead, traders could utilize only "pieces of paper, each the size of the palm of the hand, and stamped with the sultan's seal "30 Balducci Pegolotti, writing in the early fourteenth century, affirms this state of affairs with his advice to merchants traveling to China: "The lord of Cathay takes your silver for his 23

Song Hui Yao; Kuwabara, "P'u Shou-keng," p. 18, note 17. Emended. Kuwabara, "P'u Shou-keng," p. 27. 25 Song Shi; Kuwabara, "P'u Shou-keng," p. 27, note 23. 26 Zhaoye Zazi; W.W. Rockhill, "Notes on the Relations and Trade of China with the Eastern Archipelago and the Coast of the Indian Ocean During the Fourteenth Century," T'oung Pao 15 (1914): 422. Emended. 27 Rockhill, "Notes on the Relations," p. 424. Emended. 28 Ibid., p. 425. 29 Ibn Battüta; H.A.R. Gibb, Travels in Asia and Africa, 1325-1354 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1929), p. 286; Janet Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony: The World System A.D. 1250-1350 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), p. 334. Emended. 30 Ibn Battüta; Gibb, Travels in Asia, p. 286; Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony, p. 334. 24

26

Money, Markets, and Trade

treasury and gives you yellow paper, stamped with the lord's seal... and everyone accepts it when you buy silk, etc."31 By decreeing the use of paper currency in the conduct of foreign trade, the Yuan government found a relatively simple mechanism to insure a continuous flow of precious metals into the treasury, helping to balance the outflow of gold and silver noted in previous centuries. In addition, "the state was able to regulate the foreign exchange rate and thus become the indispensable intermediary between foreign and local merchants."32 To summarize, China's tributary trade was initially conducted on a barter basis, with the Chinese offering gold, silver, and silks in exchange for "precious and strange objects" from the South Sea region and beyond. By the tenth century, the Chinese were also paying out large quantities of copper cash in exchange for these luxury items, draining the country of its money supply and metal reserves. The introduction of paper currency into the international markets by the Yuan and Ming not only increased the dependence of foreign merchants on the Chinese government, but also ensured tighter control of the money supply. II CHINA'S SOUTH AND SOUTHWEST DURING THE QIN AND HAN PERIODS (221 BC-AD 220)

Among other achievements, the Qin and Han periods are notable for their successes in establishing a centralized bureaucracy, the standardization of weights and measures, and the introduction of a uniform coinage. The Qin and Han periods (along with Wang Mang's inter-regnum between AD 8 and 25) were also times of Chinese expansion, with deliberate policies designed to pacify and sinify neighboring peoples. Two areas of northern Southeast Asia were of special interest to the Chinese during the Qin and Han: the southwestern frontier, comprising modern Yunnan province and parts of northern Burma, and the southern coast, from the mouth of the Pearl River to the Gulf of Tonkin (see fig. 2.1). Both areas were considered strategic to Chinese commercial interests. The Yunnan-Burma region was seen as providing a potential alternate route to India (Shendu) and Bactria (Daqin), supplementing the northern road, increasingingly blocked by the Xiongnu. Control of the Pearl and Red River areas would provide the Chinese with an additional source of revenue as they oversaw a burgeoning regional trade, the profits from which had formerly gone to "the travelling traders and resident merchants."33 a. THE ORIGINS OF NAN YUE Qinshihuangdi [the first Qin emperor] was interested in the rhinocerous horn, the elephant tusks, the kingfisher plumes, and the pearls of the land of Yue; he therefore sent Commissioner Tu Sui at the head of five hundred thousand men 31

Sir Henry Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither (London: Hakluyt Society, 1937), vol. 2, p. 294; Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony, p. 334. 32 Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony, p. 335. 33 Han Shu; Wang, "The Nanhai Trade," p. 16 and note 3.

China 's Southern Frontier

27

divided into five armies.... For three years the sword and the crossbow were in constant readiness (Huainanzi, by Liu An, died 123 BC)34 Following the unification of China under the Qin, several regions formerly outside its direct control were invaded by Chinese troops and set up as provinces. In the south, Guilin (Cassia Forest), Nanhai (Southern Sea) and Xiang (Elephant) provinces were established during the time of the first Qin emperor (221-206 BC) (see fig. 2.1). In 214 BC, in order to establish a more permanent presence in the south, "moving bands of condemned Chinese," as well as "inveterate vagabonds, the lazy, and the shopkeepers," were sent to live among the natives and settle the occupied lands.35 Zhao Tuo (2077-137 BC), a Chinese official who had served as Magistrate of the Dragon River in the province of Nanhai under the first Qin emperor, became the military commander of Nanhai following the death of Ren Xiao, his predecessor.36 Shortly before his death Ren Xiao expressed concern that a rebellion against the oppressive Qin regime might spread even to the Nanhai. He therefore wished to "cut off the new road which connects us with China."37 After succeeding Ren Xiao as military commander of Nanhai, Zhao Tuo "circulated a notice to the customs barriers at Hengpu, Yangshan, and Huangqi" with an order to "close the roads as fast as you can."38 By skillfully consolidating his own power, Zhao Tuo gradually rid himself of opposition and set himself up as King Wu of the Nan Yue (Southern Yue), with his capital at Panyu (near modern Canton). The first Han emperor, Gaozu (202-195 BC), recognized Zhao Tuo as the king of Nan Yue in 196 BC, and "enjoined (him) to unite all the people of Yue in peace and not to cause any disturbance along the southern border, which adjoined that of the kingdom of Changsha."39 In the time of Empress Lu (188-180 BC), however, relations between China and Zhao Tuo worsened. Chinese officials had requested that "all trade in iron goods between Southern Yue and China be prohibited."40 Zhao Tuo protested: "Emperor Gaozu set me up as feudal lord and sent his envoy giving me permission to carry on trade. But now Empress Lu ... (is) treating me as one of the barbarians and breaking off our trade in iron vessels and goods."41 In response to the threat of no longer having access to Chinese iron, Zhao Tuo assumed the title of Emperor Wu of Southern Yue and attacked a number of towns along the border with Changsha. Chinese troops sent to punish Nan Yue were unable to cross the mountains into the region and were finally recalled to China following the death of Empress Lu.42 34

Huainanzi; Taylor, Birth of Vietnam, p. 17 (emended); see also Wang, "The Nanhai Trade," p. 8 and Leonard Aurousseau, "La Première Conquête chinoise des pays Annamites," Bulletin de l'École Française d'Extrême-Orient 23 (1923): 169-72 [henceforth "Conquête chinoise"]. 35 Shi Ji; Taylor, Birth of Vietnam, p. 18; Aurousseau, "Conquête chinoise," p. 180; Wang, "The Nanhai Trade," p. 10. 36 A good discussion of China's involvement with Zhao Tuo can be found in Harold Wiens, Han Chinese Expansion in South China (n.p.: The Shoe String Press, 1967), pp. 133-36. 37 ShiJi; Watson, Records of the Grand Historian, vol. 2, p. 239. 38 ShiJi; Watson, Records of the Grand Historian, vol. 2, p. 240. 39 ShiJi] Watson, Records of the Grand Historian, vol. 2, p. 240. Emended. 40 Shi Ji; Watson, Records of the Grand Historian, vol. 2, p. 240. Emended. 41 Shi Ji; Watson, Records of the Grand Historian, vol. 2, p. 240. Emended. 42 Shi Ji; Watson, Records of the Grand Historian, vol. 2, p. 241. Emended.

28

Money, Markets, and Trade

Zhao Tuo continued to marshal his forces, chiefly by presenting "... gifts and bribes to the chiefs of Minyue, Western Ou, and Luoluo, persuading them to submit to his authority, until the region under his control extended over ten thousand //from east to west."43 He even went so far as to follow sumptuary practices and issue edicts in imitation of the imperial Han in order to demonstrate that he was "an equal to the ruler of China." In 180 BC, Emperor Han Wendi, after assuming the Chinese throne, bestowed kindnesses upon members of the Zhao family—Wen "set aside one of the towns in (the district of Zhending) to take care of (the) graves (of Zhao Tuo's parents) and offer sacrifices at certain times each year"—and later sent an envoy to Nan Yue to reprimand Zhao Tuo for setting himself up as emperor.44 In his reply to the Chinese Emperor, Zhao Tuo referred to himself as "Your aged subject Tuo, a barbarian chief," and explained that his main reason for rebelling against the Chinese was because "Empress Lu cut off trade with Southern Yue and began to discriminate against us."45 After relinquishing the use of the words "emperor" and "edict," Zhao Tuo asked to be allowed to continue to serve the emperor as a feudal lord and thereafter called himself a subject of Han. He sent envoys with tribute to the Chinese court "in the spring and fall" until his death in 137 BC. Tribute sent by Zhao Tuo during the first year of his submission to Wen in 179 BC consisted mainly of local products: . . . a pair of white jades, 1,000 kingfishers' feathers, ten rhinoceros horns, 500 purple-striped cowries, a vessel of cinnamon-insects [a delicacy eaten after being soaked in honey], forty pairs of live kingfishers and two pairs of peacocks.46 Wang has noted that the ivory, pearls, and tortoiseshell included in the list are traditional products from the Yue region. The live kingfishers and peacocks probably came from farther south. The 500 purple-striped cowries are an important component of the tribute not mentioned in lists of local products. According to later sources (see below) the cowrie shell served as currency in the south until the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The most that can be said on the basis of this isolated reference is that the cowrie was a valuable object among the Nan Yue and that it was also highly prized by the Chinese who had used the imported shell as a money object since at least Shang (trad. 1523-1028 BC) times.47 The importance of maintaining commercial links with China, through regular merchanting efforts as well as official tribute missions, is further brought out by a story of Zhao Tuo's second successor, Zhao Xing. About 113 BC, Han envoys to Nan Yue were asked by Zhao Xing to "forward a letter to the throne requesting that (Zhao Xing) be treated the same as the feudal lords of China proper and promising to journey to court once every three years to pay his respects. He also asked that the customs barriers on the border between his kingdom and China be removed. The emperor 43

ShiJi; Watson, Records of the Grand Historian, vol. 2, p. 241. Emended. Shi Ji; Watson, Records of the Grand Historian, vol. 2, p. 241. Emended. 45 ShiJi; Watson, Records of the Grand Historian, vol. 2, p. 242. Emended. 46 Han Shu; Wang, "The Nanhai Trade," p. 13. Emended. Addition by Wang. 47 For a discussion of cowrie finds at Anyang, see Shih Chang-ju, "The Marine Elements in the Yin Culture," in Proceedings of the First International Conference of Historians of Asia (Manila: Philippine Historical Association, 1962), pp. 347-51. 44

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granted his requests.... The old punishments of tattooing and cutting off the nose were abolished and the Han laws put into effect, so that the kingdom would be governed the same as those of the other feudal lords."48 After receiving this proclamation, Zhao Xing and the queen dowager arranged their affairs and selected a "number of rare gifts to be presented to the emperor when they made their trip to the capital."49 One key component of China's relationship with southern rulers was that the latter were required to dispatch tribute missions to the Chinese in return for formal recognition of traditional rights.50 Quantities of exotic and rare products were exchanged as gifts on these occasions. By maintaining their status as vassals of China, Zhao Tuo and his successors were able to acquire what they desired from the Chinese in exchange for what to them had less value. The maintenance of open borders in order to guarantee free movement of merchants from one province to another was also considered crucial, particularly from the perspective of Nan Yue. Zhao Tuo needed the Chinese iron vessels and tools because they represented a technology unavailable in the south. He therefore fought very hard to maintain this trade on an equitable basis. Indications are that the inter-regional trade was conducted by barter (see below). Zhao Tuo (and his successors) were also able to maintain their privileged position by their distribution of these imported goods to local chieftains (called "gifts and bribes" by the Chinese) as a guarantee of continued political support. Another aspect, not strictly economic, but illustrating the process of sinification, was that indigenous legal practices were made consonant with those prevalent among the Chinese. This, again, like the relinquishing of the words "edict" and "emperor," was viewed as the only certain way to ensure continued economic prosperity and political survival. b. HAN FISCAL ADMINISTRATION IN THE SOUTH By the end of the second century BC, Nan Yue had been absorbed into the expanding Han empire. Under Han administration a major source of revenue from the south was the regular collection of taxes and tribute, which would become, at times, a tremendous burden upon the local populace. Two commandery seats were established, one at Jiaozhi and the other at Jiuzhen, both for the purpose of collecting taxes from surrounding areas.51 It is useful to consider representative examples of official relations with the southern areas in order to gain an understanding of Chinese administrative practices. Lu Bode, a Han envoy sent to Jiaozhi, was presented with "one hundred head of cattle, one thousand measures of wine, and the population registers of their jurisdictions." Upon receipt of these gifts, the Chinese "recognized the legates and confimed their authority with the title of prefect; the (local) Lac lords continued to rule the people as 48

ShiJi; Watson, Records of the Grand Historian, vol. 2, p. 245. Emended. ShiJi; Watson, Records of the Grand Historian, vol. 2, p. 245. 50 This phrase is borrowed from Keith Taylor. 51 On the establishment of the Han in the south, see Paul Wheatley, Nàgara and Commandery, Origins of the Southeast Asian Urban Traditions (Chicago: The University of Chicago, Department of Geography, Research Paper Nos. 207-208, 1983), Ch. 8 and Stephen O'Harrow, "From Co-loa to the Trung Sisters' Revolt: Vietnam as the Chinese Found it," Asian Perspectives 22, 2 (1979): 140-64. 49

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Money, Markets, and Trade

before."52 Although it is not stated explicitly in this passage, the Lac lords most likely presented the cattle and wine to the Chinese as a sign of submission. In AD 25, during the Wang Mang era, Ren Van was appointed prefect of Jiuzhen. Because Viet society was traditionally matriarchal, and therefore inconsistent with Chinese perceptions and practice, Ren ordered a mass marriage. "The poor being without betrothal gifts, he ordered all (local) officials to put aside a portion of their salaries to help them. Over 2,000 people were married."53 Ren Van also found that, on account of the lack of suitable draft animals and low agricultural productivity in Jiuzhen, there was an inadequate tax base on which to establish a revenue scheme. Over time there was increasing conflict between the Chinese, whose style of fiscal administration was "enforced by legalistic notions," and the Viet peoples (who "preferred the exchange of gifts based on hereditary rights and mutual benefit").54 In AD 40 the Trung sisters led a revolt and reduced or abolished the taxes of Jiaochi and Jiuzhen for two years.55 And later, when Han rule was re-established in Naht-nam in 102, one of the more rebellious districts was exempted from three categories of taxes for two years.56 These taxes, which replaced the earlier "frontier corvée," were a "household tax"—which enabled wealthy landowners to escape the labor requests of the Chinese administration—and two unclear taxes, referred to as a "grass-cutting tax" and a "field tax." These taxes, whatever their precise nature, signal once again the importance to the Chinese of a settled agrarian economy for purposes of fiscal administration and tax collection. c. LOCAL EXCHANGE IN THE SOUTH DURING THE HAN PERIOD The nature of local exchange is more difficult to recover. It has been suggested (not without a great deal of reservation) that shell disks recovered from Duc-thi, and bronze situlae from Dong-so'n, were possibly used as money in the pre- and protohistoric periods in what is today northern Vietnam.57 The first strong evidence for coin use in the Vietnamese area comes from the Han period tombs of Thung-ton and Manthon.58 Although the material has not been fully published, finds there consist of Chinese cash of the long-lived wuzhu type and coins from the Wang Mang era (AD 823) (fig. 2.2). The most important aspect of these finds is not the quantity of coins recovered, numbering in the thousands, but the fact that in the undisturbed graves of 52

ShuijingZhu; Taylor, Birth of Vietnam, p. 28 and note 133. Hou Han Shu; Jennifer Holmgren, Chinese Colonisation of Northern Vietnam, Administrative Geography and Political Development in the Tongking Delta First to Sixth Centuries A.D. (Canberra: Faculty of Asian Studies, Oriental Monograph Series no. 27, Australian National University, 1980), p. 6; Taylor, Birth of Vietnam, p. 34. 54 Taylor, Birth of Vietnam, p. 38. 55 Shuijing Zhu; Taylor, Birth of Vietnam, p. 38. 56 Taylor, Birth of Vietnam, pp. 61, 127. 57 L. Bezacier, Manuel d'archéologie d'Extrême-Orient. Premiere Partie: Asie du sud-est. Vol. 2, Le Vietnam. "Première Fascicule: de la Préhistoire a la fin de l'occupation chinoise."(Pans: A. et J. Picard, 1972), pp. 66, 145. 58 Olov R.T. Janse, Archaeological Research in Indo-China. Volume I, The District of ChiuChen During the Han Dynasty (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard-Yenching Institute Monograph Series, Vol. 7, Harvard University Press, 1947), vol. 1, PI. 76, 77, 168, 169; Archaeological Research in Indo-China. Volume II, The District of Chiu-Chen During the Han Dynasty. Distribution and Comparative Study of the Finds (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard-Yenching Institute Monograph Series, Vol. 9, Harvard University Press, 1951), vol 2, p. 168.

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ACu

Figure 2.2 (a)

BCu

Figure 2.2 (b)

CCu

Figure 2.2 (c)

2.2 Cast copper cash coins of [a] the wuzhu ('five zhif) [RL] type of the first-second century BC; [b] huoquan [RL] 'currency coin' and [c] daquan wushi [TBRL] 'large coin (with a value of) fifty' both of Wang Mang (AD 8-25), recovered from northern Vietnamese sites. Source: Janse (1947), I, fig. 50.

31

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Money, Markets, and Trade

2.3 Impression of Chinese cash of wuzhutype on bronze bowl from Ha-khoa (phu of Oông-scrn), Thanh-hoa. Source: Janse (1951), II, fig. 135.

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Chinese officials the cash coins were still gathered into strings as issued from the mint, indicating that they had most likely served as a means of payment to the Chinese stationed in the south (see fig. 2.9). Outside the Han tombs, Chinese cash are relatively rare; those recovered from Dong-so'n, for example, are generally isolated finds.59 The distinction could be due to a number of factors; however, two possibilities suggest themselves. On the one hand the distinction between the Chinese tomb coin discoveries and those from Dongso'n sites could point up a fundamental economic dichotomy between the Chinese garrisons, which would have been monetized to a degree using Chinese cash as a means of payment and medium of exchange in local market transactions, and the surrounding countryside, where trade would have been conducted by means of barter. A second, and not mutually exclusive possibility, is that Chinese cash was actually quite common among the Dong-so'n peoples but did not serve a monetary function, being instead melted down for use in the production of bronze vessels, weapons, and tools. As a result of this destructive use of the coins, the recovery of Chinese cash in excavations would necessarily be quite meager. Besides the actual coins, impressions of cash pieces are not uncommon on pottery, bronze bowls, and even on some bronze drums of southern manufacture, supporting an interpretation that the imported coinage served a propitiatory function (fig. 2.3).60 d. THE SOUTHWEST: SHU MERCHANTS AND THE ROAD TO SHENDU One of the chief impulses behind China's interest in the far southwest during the Han period was a desire to find a direct overland route to India (Shendu) and Bactria (Daxia), following Zhang Qian's report of having seen there in 122 BC bamboo canes of Qiong and Shu cloth (Shubu).^ This report not only points to the existence of a Sichuan-Yunnan-India trade route in Han times, but also to the importance of Shu merchants in opening up trade with northern Southeast Asia during this period. When Zhang Qian asked how the canes and cloth had reached Bactria he was told, "They came from the land of Shendu [India], which lies several thousand // southwest of here. We buy them in the shops of the Shu merchants Mere."62 The significance of this last line cannot be over-emphasized. It demonstrates that the activities of the Shu merchants of Sichuan in Shendu were well-established, and that the trade was conducted on a regular basis. Further, the Shu cloth reported by Zhang Qian referred not to the place of origin of the cloths, which were known to have been made by the Ailao people (in what would become the Yongchang region of Yunnan), but instead, " . . . the name Shu bu (Shu cloth) therefore most likely may have derived from the Shu traders, through whom the cloth eventually passed into the hands of foreign consumers."63 59

Nguyen Phuc Long, "Les Nouvelles Recherches archéologiques au Vietnam ," Arts asiatiques 31 (1975), pp. 237-38. 60 Janse, Archaeological Research in Indo-China, vol 2, p. 233, fig. 135 [bronze bowl]; vol. 2, PI. 38 [potsherds]; Alexandra Avieropoulou Choo, Archaeology, A Guide to the Collections, National Musuem Singapore (Singapore: National Museum, 1987), PL 59 [Heger type II bronze drum]. 61 Shi Ji; Watson, Records of the Grand Historian, vol. 2, p. 269. 62 Shi Ji; Watson, Records of the Grand Historian, vol. 2, p. 294; cf. also ibid., p. 269. 63 Yu, Trade and Expansion in Han China, p. 113. Emended. Amber has also been found along this route. According to the Hou Han Shu, Yongchang on the Yunnan-Burma frontier (see be-

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Money, Markets, and Trade

An attempt had been made to provide a secure road from Shu into the southwest during the Qin period. This effort, however, was plagued by rebellions and inadequate provisioning. Zhang Qian wanted to redouble efforts to find a secure route to Daxia: "If we could find a new route from Shu via the land of Shendu, however, we would have a short and convenient way to reach Daxia which would avoid the danger of the northern route," at that time blocked by the Xiongnu.64 A secret expedition was sent by the Emperor to find a way to Shendu. "When they got as far as Dian, Zhangqiang, King of Dian, detained them and sent a party of ten or twelve men to the west to find out the way to Shendu for them. The Chinese party waited over a year, but all the roads to the west had been ctosedoff by the inhabitants of Kunming, so that none of the men who had been sent ahead were able to reach Shendu."65 Another version of the expedition records that the Han envoys were murdered by the Kunming, adding, "They did learn, however, that some one thousand or more //to the west (of Shu?) there was a state called Dianyue whose people rode elephants and that the merchants from Shu sometimes went there with their goods on unofficial trading missions."66 Two important points emerge from this discussion of Chinese attempts to find a route to Shendu through the southwest. First, the prominence of the Shu merchants is made clear in nearly every passage. They were central figures in the trade between China, northern Southeast Asia, and India during the Han period. And the phrase "all the roads to the west had been cut off" indicates an awareness of the existence of communication routes from Yunnan to India, as well as an unwillingness on the part of the local Kunming people (who perhaps owed allegiance to the ruler of Dian) to allow the Chinese through their territories, thereby protecting their own commercial interests in the route. Another passage dealing with trade and the southwest during the Han period also comes from the Shi Ji. In 135 BC Tang Meng visited the king of the Southern Yue. While there he was given some Zhu berry sauce to eat. As Shu was the only place which produced this kind of sauce, Tang inquired as to its origins, and was told: "It is brought down the Zangge River from the northwest. The Zangge is several // wide and flows past Panyu, the capital of the Southern Yue."67 Upon his return to Changan, the Han capital, Tang Meng inquired further of a Shu merchant about the Zhu berry sauce. Shu is the only place that makes Zhu berry sauce. Large quantities of it are exported in secret to the markets of Yelang, which is situated on the Zangge. The Zangge at that point is over a hundred paces across, wide enough to allow boats to move up and down it. The king of Yue sends money and goods in an effort to gain control of the Yelang, extending his efforts as far west as Tongshi, but so far he has not succeeded in getting Yelang to acknowledge his sovereignty.68 low) was a producer of amber; excavations at Shizhaishan in Yunnan have yielded quantities of the substance. Yu, Trade and Expansion in Han China, p. 117. 64 ShiJi; Watson, Records of the Grand Historian, vol. 2, p. 294. Emended. 65 ShiJi; Watson, Records of the Grand Historian, vol. 2, p. 294. Emended. 66 ShiJi; Watson, Records of the Grand Historian, vol. 2, p. 270 (emended); cf. also Han Shu; Yu, Trade and Expansion in Han China, p. 114. 67 ShiJi; Watson, Records of the Grand Historian, vol. 2, p. 291. Emended. 68 ShiJi; Watson, Records of the Grand Historian, vol. 2, pp. 291-92. Emended.

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Shu merchants dominated the overland trade across northern Southeast Asia. From their home base in Shu, they purchased cattle, horses, and slaves from the "southern barbarians," offering in exchange iron tools, weapons, and containers. The area of their commercial interests extended from Panyu, on China's southern coast, to Yelang and Dian in the southwest, and on into India. Within China they possessed specialized commercial information not available elsewhere—witness Tang Meng's questioning of a Shu merchant at the Han capital. The trade route outlined above, extending from Shu to Dian and thence to India, perhaps followed the Brahmaputra valley of Assam before descending into the Ganges plain. A comment in the Periplus, written in the first century AD, would appear to confirm such a supposition. There it is recorded that, beyond the area dominated by the Ganges River, "... there lies a very great inland city called Thina, from which raw silk and silk yarn, and Chinese cloth, are brought overland to Barugaza through the Baktrians, and again to Limurike by way of the river Ganges."69 It is appropriate to note that these are the same two major routes mentioned by Zhang Qian in his report of 122 BC. The Periplus goes on to say, in describing the difficulties of the journey, "This Thina is not easy to reach. People seldom come from it, and not many go there."70 Thina is commonly accepted as the equivalent of the Sinai of Ptolemy, referring, of course, to China. But there is less agreement about the identity of the city of Thina referred to in the Periplus. On the basis of geographical and botanical evidence, one authority identifies Thina with Yongchang in southern Yunnan.71 Others would identify it with early centers in Assam, or even the Chinese capital Changan.72 e. THE SOUTHWEST: YELANG, DIAN, AILAO, AND THE YONGCHANG COMMANDERY There are dozens of chiefs ruling among the southwestern barbarians, but the most important is the ruler of Yelang. To the west of Yelang live the chiefs of the Mimo, of which the most important is the ruler of Dian . . . all of the tribes ruled by these chiefs wear their hair in the mallet-shaped fashion, work the fields, and live in settlements. Beyond them to the west, in the region from Tongshi east to Yeyou, are the tribes called Sui and Kunming, whose people all braid their hair and move from place to place with their herds of domestic animals, having no fixed homes and no chieftains. (Shi Ji, by Sima Qian, 145-86? BC)73 Between 111 and 109 BC much of the southwest was brought under direct Chinese control (see fig. 2.1). Dian became the Yizhou commandery, while Yelang was incorporated into the Zangge commandery. The Ailao, however, in upper Burma, did not submit to the Chinese until AD 69, when the Yongchang commandery was set up 69

Periplus; G.W.B. Huntingford, The Periplus of the Eryiheaean Sea (London: The Hakluyt Society, 1980), p. 56. 70 Periplus; Huntingford, The Periplus, p. 56. 71 Gordon H. Luce, "The Tan and the Ngai-lao," Journal of the Burma Research Society 14, 2 (1924); reprinted in Burma Research Society Fiñieth Anniversary Publications, No. 2 (Rangoon: Burma Research Society, 1960), p. 231, note 1. 72 See, for example, P.C. Choudhury, The History of Civilisation of the People of Assam to the Twelfth Century A.D. (Gauhati: Department of Historical and Antiquarian Studies in Assam, 1966), pp. 17; 28-31. 73 Shi Ji; Watson, Records of the Grand Historian, vol. 2, p. 290. Emended.

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between the Mekong and Salween rivers, the southernmost commandery of China's southwestern frontier. During the Han period, Yelang was the most powerful of the southwestern barbarian chiefdoms. Indeed, " . . . of the hundreds of native rulers among the southwestern barbarians, only those of Yelang and Dian were granted the seals of kings" by the Chinese.74 In the late second century BC it was an important marketing center, so much so that the king of Southern Yue, based at Panyu, sent "money and goods in an effort to control Yelang."75 Around 135 BC Tang Meng reported to the Chinese throne that "over a hundred thousand soldiers could be recruited from the region of Yelang," who could then be transported down the Zangge river and deployed against Southern Yue. Tang Meng concluded his plan to overthrow the king of Southern Yue with the words: "With the strength of the Han forces and the wealth of Ba and Shu to support the undertaking, it would be an easy task to open up communications with Yelang and establish officials in the region," referring euphemistically to Chinese desires to take over the area.76 In 111 BC, with the final defeat of the Southern Yue, Yelang became the Zangge commandery. This Yangzi-Zangge route, its westernmost section known as the "Zangge road," would serve in later centuries as an important overland route between China and India. Yijing, for example, writing in the seventh century, relates that during the reign of Sri Gupta in the late third century, "... there were more than twenty monks who left their country (China) by the Zangge Road in the province of Shu, and made their way to the Mahàbodhi Temple (at Bodhgayâ) to do obeisance there."77 And Huilin, the late eighth-early ninth century lexicographer, commented: "The Zangge Road was the shortest route from China to India, but it was very dangerous; it passed the places Yuyao, Yuejue, Puxi and Yongchang... ,"78 This is an indication of the use of the Shu-Yongchang-Assam route after the fall of the Han and lends support to the view that the Thina of the Periplus could well refer to Yongchang. The second most important "barbarian" center of the southwestern frontier was Dian, located to the south and west of Yelang. During the Qin period a live-foot-wide road" was opened up in order to assist in the administration of the "numerous native states" on China's southwestern frontier. By the time of the Han, China's southernmost boundary in the region was the state of Shu. The Shi Ji reports that, even though beyond the reach of Chinese administration, "The people of Ba and Shu often crossed the frontier on unofficial trading expeditions, however, bringing back horses from Zuo and long-haired oxen from Po. These expeditions brought great wealth to the provinces of Ba and Shu."79 Dian was included in this trading (and raiding) circuit, as in the Han Shu we read that, "The Zuo family of Shu ... went to Iron 74

ShiJi; Watson, Records of the Grand Historian, vol. 2, p. 296 (emended); Michèle Pirazzolit'Serstevens, La Civilisation du Royaume de Dian a l'Époque Han d'après le materiel exhumé à Shizhai shan (Yunnan) (Paris: Publications de l'École Française d'Extrême-Orient, volume 44, 1974), pp. 71-73 [henceforth Royaume de Dian]. 75 Shi Ji; Watson, Records of the Grand Historian, vol. 2, p. 292. Emended. 76 Shi Ji; Watson, Records of the Grand Historian, vol. 2, p. 292. Emended. 77 Gordon H. Luce, "Countries Neighboring Burma," Journal of the Burma Research Society 14, 2 (1924); reprinted in Burma Research Society Finieth Anniversary Publications, No. 2 (Rangoon: Burma Research Society, 1960), p. 239. Emended. 78 Luce, "Countries Neighboring Burma," reprint, p. 240. Emended. 79 ShiJi; Watson, Records of the Grand Historian, vol. 2, p. 291. Emended.

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Mountain [Tieshan], where they smelted iron and made coinage. They manipulated vouchers and traded among the peoples of Dian and Shu." Of this passage, the seventh century commentator, Van Shigu (581-645), writes, "This means they conducted trade in the area of Dian and Shu." The Han Sha concludes, 'They grew so rich that they had eight hundred servants."80 The fourth century Huayang Guozhi (History of Huayang, by Chang Qu) further notes that "certain men of Shu owned as many as six hundred slave-children plundered from Dian," emphasizing that the distribution of goods was carried out as much by trade as by plunder.81 As noted previously, the ruler of Dian was one of only two southwestern barbarian chiefs (along with that of Yelang) to have been granted the "seal of a king" by the Han. Dian had assisted (?) the Chinese in their unsuccessful effort to establish a secure overland passage to India during the third century BC. Excavations in the Dian Lake region of Yunnan, particularly at Shizhaishan, have revealed that Dian artisans were consummate craftsmen, creating bronze drums with three-dimensional scenes from everyday life "which can be read rather than interpreted," providing important clues into the workings of the Dian economy.82 The bronzes include depictions of harvesting, cooking, weaving, market scenes (or tribute-bearers), and gift giving. Three artifacts from Shizhaishan deserve special mention for the light they shed on exchange and transfer among the Dian. The first is an unusual bronze plaque, M13:67, which records a list of goods perhaps received as tribute from neighboring tribes (fig. 2.4).83 The way in which the list is laid out would indicate that the Dian possessed an incipient form of writing which was replaced by Chinese when the Dian were conquered by the latter in 109 BC. What is most significant is that cowries form an important part of the tribute list and that there is a definite valuational system at work, based upon both number (seven long-horned cattle, for example) and measure (the containers and perhaps the cowries) identifying acceptable units of payment. The plaque is broken at the bottom, with the four upper registers still remaining. At the top is a hole, apparently for hanging (was it also meant to be viewed publicly?). The uppermost register contains eight stylized depictions of a bird, perhaps a peacock, a woven container of some sort, a long-haired native placed in stocks (a slave?), the head of a long-horned bull, along with heads of a horse, boar (?), and goat. Beneath the figure in stocks is a single open circle, indicating quantity. Seven such circles are placed beneath the bull, two beneath the horse, and two beneath the goat. At the very bottom of the first register is a depiction of three cowries. In the second register is a horn container, a pottery (?) jar, and a single cowrie. The third register contains a profile depiction of a bronze drum, with four faces staring out blankly from a panel underneath, the head of a native, a tiger, and a figure in stocks with a single circle below. The identification of the fourth register is uncertain. 80 Han Shu; The Chinese Bronzes of Yunnan, The Bowater Library of Chinese Civilization, foreword by Jessica Rawson (London: Sidgwick and Jackson Limited, 1983), p. 244 [henceforth Bronzes of Yunnan]. 81 Huayang Guoji; Bronzes of Yunnan, p. 220. See also, Pirazolli-t'Serstevens, Royaume de Dian, passim. 82 This phrase is borrowed from Chang Kwang-chih. 83 Emma Bunker, "The Tien Culture and Some Aspects of Its Relationship to the Dong-son Culture," in Early Chinese Art and Its Possible Influence in the Pacific Basin, Volume Two, Asia, ed. Noel Barnard (New York: Intercultural Arts Press, 1972), p. 296, fig. 3; Pirazzolit'Serstevens, Royaume de Dian, fig. 19.

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2.4 Bronze plaque (M13:67) from Shizhaishan, Yunnan. (See discussion in text.) Source: Bunker (1972), fig. 3.

2.5 Detail of design on drum container with market or tribute scene (M13:2) from Shizhaishan, Yunnan. (See discussion in text.) Source: Bunker (1972), fig. 5.

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A remarkable drum-container (M13:2) contains a scene which has been interpreted either as a market scene or tribute procession (fig. 2.5).84 The latter appears more likely since the figures are lined up in such a way as to record the presentation of selected tribute items. Several different ethnic types are shown, some with long braided hair, others with turbans or with their hair tied up in a mallet fashion. Each group of figures carries a different sort of good—a horse, a calf, and various agricultural produce. Another scene from a cowrie-shell container (M12:1) recovered from Shizhaishan, this time in relief rather than in the round, depicts people bringing goods to a central storehouse (fig. 2.6).85 This is a valuable illustration of the workings of a redistributive economy. The left half of the scene depicts people bringing goods to the store house (below) and leaving with other goods (above?). A figure seated at the entrance of the storehouse receives (and records?) the offered goods. The right half of the scene is similar and apparently involves the harvesting and storage of grain. In addition to the remarkable bronzes, large quantities of imported cowrie shells as well as a number of Chinese cash were recovered from Shizhaishan. The Chinese cash and cowries are restricted to the ruling class burials. Three banliang coins from the time of Han Wendi (179-156 BC) were recovered from tomb 13, and 180 wuzhu coins of Han Wudi (140-87 BC) were recovered from sepulchers 5 and 8 (see fig. 2.2).86 In contrast to the relatively small numbers of Chinese cash from the site, cowries from the royal tombs number in the hundreds of thousands. Usually found filling the drum-like containers of Dian's elite, these imported shells were important as measures of wealth among the Dian. Pirazzoli-t'Serstevens has noted two important aspects of these discoveries. The first is that neither Chinese cash nor cowries were found in the more modest tombs of Shizhaishan, leading to the suggestion that commerce was in the hands of the Dian royal clan. And further, according to Pirazzolit'Serstevens, the abundance of the cowrie and Chinese cash at Shizhaishan would suggest the presence of a monetized market economy alongside an economy of barter ("économie de troc").87 While literary confirmation for the monetary usage of Chinese cash among the Dian is presently lacking, the passage from the Han Shu noted earlier is suggestive. The Ailao were located between the Mekong and Salween rivers in an area that was to become the center of the Yongchang Commandery in AD 69. Following an extensive mythical genealogy of Ailao rulers, the Hou Han Shu records that the Ailao ". .. separated and set up small kings, and from time to time made settlements. They are dispersed in mountain gorges and gullies, in secluded regions and barren places beyond the frontier, blocked by deep mountain-streams. Since the birth of man they had never yet joined communications with the Middle Kingdom."88 The Hou Han Shu goes on to detail the fine qualities of Ailao embroidery, weaving, and cloth dyeing, noting that their products included copper, iron, lead, tin, gold, silver, "bright pearls," 84

Bunker, "Tien Culture," p. 299, fig. 5; Pirazzoli-t'Serstevens, Royaume de Dian, fig. 21. Magdalene von Dewall, "Decorative Concepts and Stylistic Principles in the Bronze Art of Tien," in Early Chinese Art and Its Possible Influence in the Pacific Basin, Volume Two, Asia, ed. Noel Barnard (New York: Intercultural Arts Press, 1972), p. 354, fig. 7; Pirazzolit'Serstevens, Royaume de Dian, fig. 36. 86 Pirazzoli-t'Serstevens, Royaume de Dian, pp. 24-25. 87 Ibid., p. 24. 88 Hou Han Shu; Luce, "The Tan and the Ngai-lao," reprint, p. 213. 85

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2.6. Cowrie-shell container with storehouse scene (M12:1) from Shizhaishan, Yunnan. (See discussion in text.) Source: von Dewall (1972), fig. 7.

amber, rock crystal, beryl, and oyster-pearls. Animals included peacocks, kingfishers, rhinoceros, elephants, a kind of monkey, and tapirs. This very full list of exotic products is followed by another passage which appears to be an interpolation. In this second passage, which follows the Chinese tradition of contrasting good and bad officials, an administrator by the name of Zheng Shun was prefect of Yongchang in AD 76. He was so influential among the local tribes that, Their chieftains ... all made offerings of the precious things of their land Shun made an agreement with the Ailao barbarians that the powerful men of the district should pay a yearly tribute of two suits of clothes such as are passed over the head, and one bushel of salt. This was regarded as the regular tribute, and the barbarian masses were satisfied with it.89 Luce suggests that the Ailao were acting as carriers between India and China, and that many of the products in the first list were imports, thereby accounting for the discrepancies between the two lists.90 The second passage also gives some indication of the administrative structure among the Ailao. There were apparently a large number of "powerful men" (to be equated with Wolters' "men of prowess" perhaps), each of whom was liable for two suits of clothes and a bushel of salt on an annual basis. By the middle of the first century, the Ailao finally submitted to the Han, culminating in the creation of the Yongchang prefecture in AD 69. According to the Hou Han Shu, Yongchang was 7,260 //from the Chinese capital at Changan, and had a population of 1,897,344, organized into 8 districts.91 The distance of the far southwest from 89 90 91

Hou Han Shu; Luce, "The Tan and the Ngai-lao," reprint, p. 223. Emended. Luce, "The Tan and the Ngai-lao," reprint, p. 228. Hou Han Shu; Luce, "The Tan and the Ngai-lao," reprint, p. 208.

China 's Southern Frontier

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China proper is further indicated by the fact that missions to China "from beyond the Yongchang frontier" in AD 97 required the use of "double interpreters." Among those who submitted tribute at Yongchang were the Dan or Shan people of northern Burma who came in AD 97,121, and 132.92 f. MODES OF EXCHANGE IN THE SOUTHWEST The vast bulk of our information on economic transactions in the southwest during the Han period centers on transfer payments, chiefly tribute, consisting of specified quantities of locally produced (or at least locally available) goods. In the absence of additional information on modes of exchange, the most that can be said is that the presence of Chinese cash and cowries at Shizhaishan indicates that they were valued as prestige items and perhaps facilitated the exchange of local products with the Chinese. The use of cowries and cash among the general populace appears to have been negligible. A passage from the Periplus provides an example of how trade might have been conducted by people of northern Southeast Asia with merchants from the west. It is an early example of what has been termed "silent trade," in that the transaction takes place without either party communicating with the other on a verbal level. Each year a tribe of men with short bodies and broad, flat faces, and of a peaceable disposition, gather on the borders of the land of This [China]. They are known as Besatai [var. Sesatai] and are almost wholly uncivilized. With their wives and children, and carrying large packs and plaited baskets of what look like green vine-leaves, they assemble at a place between their own country and the land of This. There they spread out the baskets under themselves as mats and feast for several days, after which they return to their own country in the interior. Then the local inhabitants, who have been watching them, come and collect their mats, and pick out from the fibres the strands which they call petri. They arrange the leaves close together in several layers and roll them into balls, which they transfix with fibres from the mats. There are three sorts . . . of malabathron. It is imported into India by those folk who prepare it.93 Although called "silent barter" or "silent trade" by a number of writers, there is no indication of an exchange actually having taken place. The main importance of this passage is that a fairly large-scale movement of goods could take place without the benefit of a medium of exchange. It is also significant that the transfer of goods took place only once a year in conjunction with a festival. Ill NORTHERN SOUTHEAST ASIA FROM THE FALL OF THE HAN TO THE END OF THE TANG (AD 221-907)

The last century of Han rule was plagued by corruption and revolt. The dynasty finally came to an end in AD 220 with three kingdoms emerging out of the ruin—Wei, Wu, 92

Hou Han Shu; Luce, "The Tan and the Ngai-lao," reprint, pp. 224-25. Periplus; Paul Wheatley, The Golden Khersonese, Studies in the Historical Geography of the Malay Peninsula Before A.D. 1500 (Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1961), p. 131 ; Huntingford, The Periplus, pp. 56-57; and Luce, "The Tan and the Ngai-lao," reprint, p. 230-31.

93

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and Shu. Two of these successors controlled portions of southern China—the state of Wu (and later the Liang) maintained control south of the Yangzi, while the state of Shu was centered on the Sichuan basin. Reunification was again accomplished by the Sui in AD 589. Under the Sui the Grand Canal finally linked south China with the north by 605, providing the north with a source of much needed grain. The Sui were succeeded in 618 by the Tang, who ruled a prosperous and culturally refined China for nearly 300 years. Tang power began to decline after a rebellion in 755 and ended in 907, followed by another period of fragmentation known as the Five Dynasties (907-960) and Ten Kingdoms. a. TRANSFERS AND EXCHANGE IN NORTHERN SOUTHEAST ASIA TO THE EIGHTH CENTURY Exchange in northern Southeast Asia between AD 200 and 800 is poorly documented (fig. 2.7). Barter trade continued to be the most common form of exchange. In 236, for instance, "Wei envoys came (to Wu) with horses to exchange for pearls, kingfisher feathers and tortoise-shells."94 In the fourth century the Wenlang people of Zhuwu and Xianglin prefectures, "make a business of collecting aromatics (from the forests) which they trade in the markets."95 Another source recounts that "In Riñan there is a market for aromatics; it is the place where traders barter all (kinds of) fragrant substances."96 Gift giving, too, remained an important source of income for many officials. During the period of Sui domination, for instance, it is recorded that when Qiu He arrived in Jiaozhi, he "soothed all the local heroes and gained the loyalty of the barbarians . . . all the kingdoms west of Linyi sent Ho gifts of clear pearls, rhinoceros horn, gold, and precious goods worthy of a king."97 Even in the sixth century there was considerable resistance to the introduction of coinage. In 522, and again two decades later, for example, when the Liang court ordered the minting of new copper cash coins, it was reported that the southern provinces of Guang and Jiao would be opposed to a standardized metallic currency.98 The Sui Shu ( The History of the Sui Dynasty, compiled by Wei Zheng, 580-643) remarked: At the beginning of the (southern) Liang dynasty [502-57], it was only in the capital of Nanjing and in the provincial capitals of Wu, Jing, Xiang, Liang and Yi that people used money [read "coinage"]. In the other provincial and commandery capitals, use was made without distinction of grains and fabrics for exchanges. In the territory of the provinces of Tonking [Jiaozhou] and Guangdong, gold and silver were exclusively used as units of currency.99 This is the first textual indication of the geographical basis for monetary preferences in the south. Later sources suggest that, as during earlier centuries, cowries remained 94

Sanguoz/)/; Wang, "The Nanhai Trade," p. 31. Emended. The attempt was unsuccessful. Shuijing zhu; Wheatley, Nagara and Commandery, p. 415, note 160. 96 Shuyiji; in the Han-Wei Congshu; Wheatley, Nàgara and Commandery, p. 415, note 160. 97 Jiu Tang Shu; Taylor, Birth of Vietnam, p. 168. Emended. 98 Zi zhi tong jian; Taylor, Birth of Vietnam, pp. 132-33. 99 Sui Shu; Mark Elvin, The Pattern of the Chinese Past (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1973), p. 147. Emended. 95

China's Southern Frontier

2.7. Northern Southeast Asia from the Ninth to Fourteenth Century.

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2.8. Nanzhao.

China's Southern Frontier

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prevalent in local exchange. In the second half of the eighth century Li Xun reported that, "In Yunnan cowries [beizu] are used very extensively as money [qianhuo] in trade exchange [y/aoy/]."100 The cowrie was probably fairly common throughout the south, as the Tang pharmacologist Su Gong noted: "The purple cowrie comes from within the southeastern sea. Though its shape is like that of the common cowrie [beizu], it is two or three inches long. All are bone white with purple maculations. The southern heathen collect them, and they are used in commodity exchange."101 And, Lu Guimeng went so far as to declare that in the south, "All taxes on treasures must be paid up with purple cowries."102 The cowrie was a versatile and important money good, in addition to functioning as a measure of value for exchange transactions and linked transfers. The fact that it was required for certain tax purposes suggests that it was a significant store of wealth as well. b. FISCAL ADMINISTRATION AND LOCAL EXCHANGE IN THE NANZHAO REALM DURING THE NINTH CENTURY Nanzhao, originally a confederation of six tribes in Yunnan province, by the eighth century had expanded its sphere of influence, conquering the Luoluo (Shiman), parts of Tibet (Tufan), and infringing upon Tang China's southern borders (fig. 2.8).103 Nanzhao rose to the height of its power in the ninth century and declined after 877. The economy of Nanzhao is described by Fan Chuo in his ninth century work, the Man Shu, or Book of Southern Barbarians. Ritual feasting and redistribution played an important role in Nanzhao society. As Fan Chuo reports, "Every year, on the 1st day of the 11 th month, a great festival is held to entertain guests. They make liquor and sweet wine, and kill cattle and sheep. Relatives and clansmen and neighboring villagers take it in turns to feast each other and enjoy themselves."104 Fan Chuo also mentions a number of other festival days, the details concerning which, unfortunately, are not provided. According to Fan Chuo, the Nanzhao polity had a well-organized bureaucracy, modeled on that of Tang China. Among the six Board-Chiefs (caozhang) was one in charge of the Board of Population and Revenue (Hucao), demonstrating that agricultural households (hu) were the basis for revenue collection, paralleling 100

Bencao gangmu; Paul Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo I (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, Librarle Adrien-Maisonneuve, 1959), vol. 1, p. 544; cf. Edward H. Schafer, The Vermillion Bird, Tang Images of the South (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967), p. 208. 101 102

Bencao gangmu; Schafer, Vermillion Bird, p. 208. Emended.

Lu Guimeng, "He song Li ming fu zhi ren Nanhai," in his Fu lixian sheng wenji; cited in Schafer, Vermillion Bird, p. 208. 103 The study of Nanzhao has been complicated by the fact that for many years it was thought to be a Tai state. See Charles Backus, The Nan-chao Kingdom and Tang China's Southwestern Frontier (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981) and Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Thai Studies, 11-13 May 1990, Volume 1 (Kunming, China: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1990), especially the papers by Zhang Xilu, "Prominent Baiman Families of Nanzhao and Dali Kingdoms Living in the Erhai Lake Area Viewed through the Genealogies of Present-day Baizu Families—Refuting in Passing the Theory That 'Nanzhao Was a Kingdom Established by the Thai People'," pp. 1-26 and Hu Hua Sheng, "The Nanzhao's Culture in Architecture and Its Comparison to the Architectural Style of the Dai Nationality," pp. 27-41. 104 Man Shu; Gordon H. Luce and Giok Po Oey, trans, and eds., Man Shu (Book of the Southern Barbarians) (Ithaca: Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University, Data Paper Number 44, 1961), p. 78.

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Chinese practice. The Man Shu goes on to note that "The various Boards [cao] investigate cases of default in payments to the State ..." an indication that each office had a responsibility to enforce fiscal obligations as well.105 Cereals were specified as a means of payment to the state, underlining Nanzhao's dependence upon agriculture as a tax base. In grain-producing areas, such as around Dian Lake and southwards from Zhujingzhou, The local custom is only to cultivate irrigated fields."106 Crops included hemp, beans, millet, barley, nonglutinous rice, and wheat. "When the harvest is over, the Man official gives the advance of grain or rice (for the coming year), according to the number of mouths in the cultivator's family. The rest all goes in taxes to the government."107 The Xin Tang Shu (The New Tang History, compiled by Ouyang Xiu and others, 1007-1072) specifies that "Every year, they have to pay two dou of rice as taxes."108 Although the structure of the Nanzhao bureaucracy points up a dependence upon agricultural productivity for revenue, other sources of income were not insignificant. One of these was gold from the deposits of the Lishui. Peoples subject to Nanzhao were often banished to "wash the gold of the Lishui." In 835, for instance, the Man (under Nanzhao overlordship), conquered the kingdoms of Mino and Michen, both localities in lower Burma, some 60 day-stages southwest of Yongchang. The Man succeeded in looting " . . . their gold and silver. They captured two or three thousand of their clansmen, and banished them to wash the gold of the Lishui."109 The Man Shu also says that, among the Shatan, "men or women who commit crimes are generally sent to wash the gold of the Lishui."110 Further, Fan Chuo mentions an unusual Nanzhao custom that, when a woman was about to be married, all of her former lovers came in secret to say good-bye. If adultery was committed (and discovered) after marriage, both the man and the woman were sentenced to death. If, however, the adulterers came from "powerful families or rich houses," punishment was limited to a "fine of property, and so (thereby) redeeming their lives."111 The offenders were then simply banished to the "malarious land of the Lishui, where they were abandoned forever." This distinction makes clear that law was applied according to the status of the individuals involved. The importance of gold to the Nanzhao rulers is also affirmed in descriptions of two other gold-producing areas, the Changpangchuan River valley and the Gold Mountains (Jinshan). In the area of the Changpang River valley, for example, the "tribesmen all pay their taxes in gold. They have no other duties to pay, no conscription, nor forced labor."112 Clearly, their gold-producing efforts were valued above Nanzhao's need for conscripted labor. The value of these gold-producing areas is also substantiated by the fact that the price of gold nuggets was several times higher than for gold dust. Fan Chuo further stresses that the "rules being strict and steep, 70 105

Man Shu; Luce and Oey, Man Shu, p. 83. Emended. Fan Chuo compares these cao to the /us/?/(recorders) of China. 106 Man Shu; Luce and Oey, Man Shu, p. 67. 107 Man Shu; Luce and Oey, Man Shu, p. 67. Emended. 108 Xin Tang Shu; Lawrence M.G. Sein, "Nan-chao in Yunnan: A.D. 649-808" (M.A. history thesis, Department of History, Arts and Science University, Rangoon, 1973), p. 158. 109 Man Shu; Luce and Oey, Man Shu, p. 90. Emended. 110 Man Shu; Luce and Oey, Man Shu, p. 71. 111 Man Shu; Luce and Oey, Man Shu, p. 78. Emended. 112 Man Shu; Luce and Oey, Man Shu, p. 71.

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or 80 per cent must be paid to the government. The rest they are allowed to take home for their private use."113 Severe penalties were meted out to those who did not properly report their earnings; informers were well rewarded. Gold was valued highly by the Nanzhao rulers and served as a store of wealth and means of payment for fulfilling fiscal obligations. Surprisingly, gold did not serve as a measure of value in exchange transactions. (See below, under discussion of silk.) Less valuable substances, some still quite rare, were preferred as media of exchange, determined in large part by their geographical distribution within the Nanzhao realm. These included raw materials like salt or musk, and manufactured goods, such as silk. Musk-deer perfume (shexiang), found in the mountain regions of Nanzhao, but especially in the Yongchang area, was an important money good. As Fan Chuo reports, "The natives (in the Yongchang region) all use it as a means of exchange."114 In addition to the gold mines mentioned earlier, the Lishui and Changpang mountains "all have salt-wells." Local residents could enjoy this salt and "eat it free, without toll or duty."115 There was a prescribed method of forming the salt into cakes or lumps. "There is a universal rule that they must make it into lumps, each lump of salt (to weigh) about one Hang or two Hang. Whenever business is transacted, they reckon by the lump (of salt)."116 The salt would serve, then, both as a measure of value and as a means of payment. The Xin Tang Shu adds: "The people were allowed to boil (or make the salt) for sale and for their own consumption."117 A similar situation existed in the thirteenth century under the Mongols when Marco Polo would comment, "They have many salt wells also from which they make much salt in this city, and all those of the country live by this salt; I tell you that the king has great revenue and profit . . . from this salt."118 Another medium of exchange/measure of value within Nanzhao was silk. Silk was measured in lengths or mit which served as a dominant measure of value in more valuable exchanges. "The natives of the country do not use coin [qian]. Whenever they trade in silken stuffs, or felt, or hair-rugs [//], or gold, silver, turquoise, or cattle, sheep, etc. they reckon the price as so many lengths [mi] of silken stuffs. 'Such and such a thing,'they say, Is worth so many TO (of silk).'"119 It is unclear just how prevalent was the use of silk as a measure of value; from other references to silk in the Man Shu, production was apparently quite extensive. Silkworms were reared in an area east of Yinsheng city, Zhenan city, Xunchuan, and Qixian. While there were no mulberry trees in Nanzhao, another plant, Cudrania triloba, served as food for the silkworms. A conscious effort was made to improve the quality of silk production. When Nanzhao plundered Xichuan in 829, "they took prisoner skilled artisans and female workers, not a few. So now they all know how to weave damask and silk gauze."120 Silk from Nanzhao looms was probably exported, 113

Man Shu; Luce and Oey, Man Shu, p. 71. Man Shu; Luce and Oey, Man Shu, p. 72. Emended. 115 Man Shu; Luce and Oey, Man Shut p. 69. 116 Man Shu; Luce and Oey, Man Shu, p. 69. Emended. 117 Xin Tang Shu; Sein, "Nan-chao in Yunnan," p. 145. 118 Description of the World; A. C. Moule and Paul Pelliot, trans, and eds., Marco Polo: The Description of the Wbr/d(New York: AMS Press, 1976), vol 1, p. 277. 119 Man Shu; Luce and Oey, Man Shu, p. 79. Emended. 120 Man Shu; Luce and Oey, Man Shu, p. 68. 114

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as Fan Chuo also reported that the people of the "Piao kingdom, Mizhen and Noxino (?), all wear pieces of gauze-silk."121 The words to a Hetan merchant song have been preserved, echoing the frustrations felt by Shu merchants of the Han period: In winter-time we long to come home: But there is snow on the Gaoligong. In autumn and summer we long to come home: But oh! the heat of the Qiongtan! In spring-time we long to come home: But we have lost our money [luolu] (waiting) in the plains.122 As explained by Fan Chuo, this passage describes the plight of the "Hetan itinerant traders, who have to stop behind in Xunchuan and are unable to return" to their homes in Nanzhao, the implication being that no matter what the season it was always difficult to return to one's homeland, giving the passage its melancholy flavor. The song also records their word for money, luolu, which could provide a clue to the ethnic origin of the Hetan. It has no apparent relationship to Tai or Chinese terms. According to references preserved in the Man Shu, the Tan were commonly involved in trading activities. It records, for instance, the arrival of merchants from Tibet, who apparently came irregularly. "Sometimes there are Tibetans who come to the Tan for trade.... There is a road through these mountains which (leads to a point) not far from the yazhang [military outpost?] of the Zanpu."123 Perhaps the single most important passage relating to the external trade of Nanzhao concerns the relationship of Tan merchants with the Pyu (Piao) of Burma: "When there are persons sent to take letters [i.e. go on a diplomatic mission] to the Hetan of the Man [read "Nanzhao"] borders, (the Pyu) take 'river-pigs,1 white die, and glazed jars for barter or trade."124 This passage affirms the nature of early trading relationships in northern Southeast Asia noted from the time of Zhao Tuo—although the main purpose of a mission might be to establish or continue cordial relations, the underlying motivation was usually to foster trade. Further, the passage confirms that much of the early inter-regional trade was carried out through barter, even though the Pyu, for instance, had a silver coinage for internal purposes. The glazed jars probably came from lower Burma, suggesting the existence of an extensive trading network within the Pyu domain as well. Effectively independent, Nanzhao maintained a tributary relationship with Tang China, embassies being sent to Changan on a regular basis. Occasionally, however, it was necessary to make special efforts to ensure the continued movement of goods between the two neighbors. In 793, for example, Yimouxun presented to the Chinese emperor, the duochao and Langchuan swords (famous products of Nanzhao), raw gold, turquoise, cow-bezoar, amber, white die, spun silk, ivory, rhinocerous horn, a 121 122 123 124

Man Shu; Luce and Oey, Man Shu, p. 68. Emended. Man Shu; Luce and Oey, Man Shu, p. 18. Emended. Man Shu; Luce and Oey, Man Shu, p. 18. Emended. Man Shu; Luce and Oey, Man Shu, p. 91. Emended.

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Yuetan horse, a horse wholly furnished with armour, also armour plated (?) with gold. All were the precious things of local regions.125 Even though the last line of the passage asserts that "all were the precious things of local regions," it is known that white die came from the Pyu country further south., making it likely that Nanzhao served as a collecting center for products from the entire region. An incident of 854 demonstrates the regional power of Nanzhao during the ninth century. The Chongmo Man, located 12 day-stages to the east of Linxiyuan, the latter station being within the administration of Annam, had a custom of conducting "bartertrade with the Chinese" on an annual basis.126 The Chongmo Man were well-known breeders of cattle and horses, which they traded for salt from the coasts of Annam. In 854 Li Zhuo decreased the amount of salt that would be offered in exchange for the livestock and "... ordered his men, when they took salt to Linxiyuan for barter, that for one horse or head of cattle they must allow only 1 peck [dou] of salt."127 As a consequence of this punitive measure, the Chongmo Man cut off all trade with Annam and placed themselves under the protection of Nanzhao. C. LlNGNAN AND ANNAM DURING THE NlNTH CENTURY: TAXATION AND TRIBUTE One of the few references to Lingnan during the ninth century has to do with a Tang ruling of 821 that all taxes from that time forward were to be paid in coin. Previously, as we have seen, taxes were paid in kind (see fig. 2.7). Yang Yuling, an official of the central Chinese administration, protested, pointing out that, "This enactment... tends to put value on the currency stored in the treasury rather than on real goods as is proper." Yang was particularly concerned about the south. "The effect of the measure would be especially bad in Lingnan where men are accustomed to use gold and silver, and cinnabar (not to mention ivory) as media of exchange, rather than the official coins."128 Yang was making two main arguments. The first had to do with an ancient debate within Chinese economic circles as to the proper role of coinage within an economy. The second argument, and certainly the more pragmatic, was that the ruling would create havoc in the southern provinces where coinage was not acceptable as a means of payment or medium of exchange. In the protectorate of Annam during the late 820s Han Yue was able to "fill the treasury and to accumulate a personal fortune," until he was chased out of Annam by the local army in 828. Other administrators were less avaricious. Ma Zhi, for instance, stationed in Annam during the 830s, was able to have the "tribal leaders in the mountainous hinterland" submit to him, sending their "sons and younger brothers with tribute, requesting authority to collect taxes and rule their localities," an echo of Chinese administrative practices under the Han.129 In 836, the Protector-General of 125

Man Shu; Luce and Oey, Man Shu, p. 97 (emended); a similar passage is to be found on p. 105. 126 Man Shu; Luce and Oey, Man Shu, p. 45. 127 Man Shu; Luce and Oey, Man Shu, p. 45 (emended); d. also Taylor, Birth of Vietnam, p. 239-44. 128 ZiZhi long Jian; Schafer, Vermillion Bird, p. 153. Emended. 129 Taylor, Birth of Vietnam, p. 236.

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Annam, Tian Zao, was ordered to "gather the people and announce the remission" of taxes, for fear that, unless this was done, the "garrisons would be cut off and starved out."130 An account of Annam from the middle of the ninth century begins by noting the importance of the protectorate, which was to "defend the land routes and prevent the Khmers from coming to buy weapons and horses; in the ravines dwell savage and stubborn people who must be repressed "131 The first part of this statement is indicative of the trade carried on by the Khmers in the western reaches of the Annam protectorate, buying weapons and horses in exchange for salt. The motivation behind the second half of this statement could well have been the 854 incident in which Li Zhuo attempted to decrease the amount of salt bartered for horses and cattle brought by the Chongmo traders from Nanzhao to Linxiyuan, on the western border of the Annam protectorate. For the first six years of Li Zhuo's rule in Annam, "no taxes had been sent from Annam to the Tang capital, and soldiers in the protectorate had not received the bonuses they would have been given according to the usual practice."132 Wang Shi, Li Zhuo's successor, was able, in 858, to achieve both aims. The strength of Nanzhao in the middle of the ninth century has been noted, and the Nanzhao War of 863-865 further documents the regional power of this state.133 Following Nanzhao's invasion of Annam in 863, the Chinese established a supply line reaching into Fujian province, enabling them to feed the massive armies sent to the south to fight against Nanzhao. The war was still very hard on the local populace. Pi Rixiu's poem on the loss of Xu soldiers in 863, contains the following lament: Soldiers fill the empire, Battle leaders accumulate treasure; Exactions reduce the common people to misery, In order to distribute the wages of valiant men.134 In these two instances, then, there is a direct relationship between the goods collected (or "exacted" in the words of Pi Rixiu) from the peasantry and the ability of the Chinese to maintain their military presence in the south. IV

NORTHERN SOUTHEAST ASIA DURING THE SONG, YUAN, AND EARLY M ING PERIODS Unity within China was again achieved under Song Taizu in AD 960. The accomplishments of the Song were many, and included the introduction of early ripening rice (permitting two or three crops a year in the south), and inventions such as gunpowder and the magnetic compass. The Song, however, were vulnerable to attacks from the north by nomads who had taken advantage of Chinese advances in iron working as well as foreign methods of warfare. By 1126, the Jin Tartars had control over northern China, necessitating the move of the Song capital from Kaifeng to Hangzhou on the fertile and prosperous lower Yangzi. The Mongols also improved in their naval 13

^ Ibid. Emended.

131

Le Tac, An-nâm chí lircrc; Taylor, Birth of Vietnam, p. 238. Taylor, Birth of Vietnam, p. 242. 133 Ibid., pp. 239ff. 134 Chuan Tangshi, 608; Taylor, Birth of Vietnam, p. 345. 132

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prowess, eventually defeating the Song fleet, and established the Yuan dynasty at Peking in 1279, becoming China's first foreign rulers. After a series of wide-ranging military expeditions in Burma, Vietnam, and Indonesia, the Yuan were forced from power by rebellions in the 1300s, to be succeeded by a native Chinese dynasty, the Ming, in 1368. a. YUNNAN UNDER DALI, MONGOL, AND MING As noted in an earlier section of this chapter, the kingdom of Nanzhao was in decline after 877. It was only in the eleventh and twelfth centuries that the Yunnan area again attracted the attention of the Chinese (see fig. 2.7). In 1133 and 1136, for example, there were court debates at the Chinese capital as to the advisability of opening formal relations with Dali, the successor to Nanzhao, in order to gain access to muchneeded horses from the region. As Backus has commented, the composition of the trade with Yunnan in the twelfth century was not much different from what it had been in the ninth; however ... the trading arrangement itself seems to have been kept indirect and restricted to the Guangxi border region around Yongzhou. Local peoples in that area acted as middlemen, procuring horses for Dali and exchanging them in regulated markets for Chinese salt, silk, and silver. At its height, something like fifteen hundred Dali horses were delivered to the Southern Song capital each year. That trade seems also to have spurred frontier trade in other items from the Dali kingdom; notably musk, medicinal items, felts, and Yunnanese swords... ,135 By the middle of the thirteenth century there was new Mongol movement to the south. Xinzhu Ri, a Po man of the Duan family (of Dali?), submitted a memorial to the Yuan emperor in 1256. The Yuan Shi records that, "they submitted . . . a map of their land, and requested leave to pacify all the various tribes. At the same time they memorialized, item by item, the methods of governing the people and fixing the taxes."136 And in 1269, one Ailu entered the region of the Gold Teeth and "fixed their rents and land-tax. He pacified twenty-four stockades, including Huobuma. He got seven tame elephants and returned."137 The final military conquest of Yunnan took place in 1252-1254 under Kublai Khan, who then set up a Muslim governor in place of the Dali rulers.138 By the 1380s the last remnants of the Nanzhao kingdom were finally annihilated and the Ming began a massive Han Chinese settlement effort. One of the most interesting aspects of the economy of Yunnan during this period of transition from Nanzhao (Dali) rule to that of the Ming is the persistence of the cowrie as a medium of exchange and as a means of payment. When the first Muslim administrators were sent to Yunnan they noted, "The people of Yunnan used cowries [bei] instead of cash [qian]. At this time the paper-money-system [chaofa] (of the 135

Backus, The Nan-chao Kingdom, p. 163 (emended). Derived chiefly from the Lingwai Daida of ca. 1178. See A. Netolitsky, trans., Das Ling-wai iai-ia von Chou Ch'u-fei: e. Landeskunde sudchinas aus d. 12 Jh. (Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1977). 136 Yuan Shi; Gordon H. Luce, "The Early Syâm in Burma's History, A Supplement," Journal of the Siam Society 47, 1 (1959): 62 [henceforth "Syarh Supplement"]. 137 Yuan Shi; Luce, "Syàm Supplement," p. 65. 138 Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, vol. 1, p. 546.

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Yuan) was introduced, and the people were not pleased with it."139 Permission was granted in 1276 for the people to continue to use "cowries [bazi] of both official and private origin."140 Later that year a debate ensued concerning the appropriateness of allowing privately imported cowries to circulate alongside those officially brought into Yunnan from stockpiles warehoused by the foreign trade officials (shiposi) of the Jiangnan. Pelliot has rightly pointed out that the interest of this debate lies in the fact that "cowries were exported to Yunnan from ports at the mouth of the Yangzi, and that these cowries were not collected off the coasts of China, but came by sea from foreign countries."141 It is likely (see Chapter Five) that the "native cowries" were imports through Thailand or Burma.142 As Marco Polo traveled southward in the late thirteenth century, from Xuzhou (Suifu) on the Yangzi to Sichuan, the ancient state of Shu, he noted important changes in the nature of local media of exchange, supplementing what is recorded in the official record: . . . they have money in this province [of Gaindu = Sichuan]... there is gold in bars, and they weigh it in saggioi gold and it is valued according as it weighs, and this they use for big money, but they have no money with any mark or coined with a die. And the small money They take salt water with which they make salt, and have it boiled in a pan, and then, when it has boiled for an hour, it becomes still like paste, and they cast it into a mold, & it is made into shapes of the amount of a two d/nar loaf, which are flat on the underside and round above, and it is of the size that it can weigh about a half-pound. And when they are made they are put on stones baked very hot near the fire, and they dry and are made hard. And on this sort of money they put the seal of the lord; nor can the money of this kind be made by others than the officers of the lord. And some money is current in half a pound, and some in one pound, and some less and some more according to their size and to the weight weighed in saggi. And fourscore of such salts . . . is worth one saggio of fine gold, that is one weight, and this is the small money which they spend. But the merchants go with this money to those people who live in the mountains in wild and unfrequented places and obtain a saggio of gold for sixty, fifty, and forty of these coins of salt, according as the people are in a place more wild and removed from these cities and civilised people; because they cannot sell their gold and other things, like musk and other things, whenever they wish, because they have no one to whom to sell them, and therefore they sell cheaply; for they find gold in rivers and lakes, as has been said. And these merchants go through mountains and places of Tibet aforesaid, where salt money is used in the same way; and they make vast gain and profit, because those people use the salt in food, and also buy things which they need. But in the cities they use almost nothing but the broken pieces of the said coins in food, and spend the whole coins.143 139

Yuan Shi; Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, vol 1, p. 546. Emended. Yuan Shi; Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, vol. 1, p. 546. Emended. 141 Tongzhi Tiaoge; Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, vol. 1, p. 546. Emended. 142 Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, vol. 1, p. 546. 143 Description of the World; Moule and Pelliot, Marco Polo, vol 1, p. 275. Emended. 140

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This passage is remarkable in several respects. First, Marco Polo distinguished two exchange spheres—media of exchange utilized in large transactions ("big money," gold) and media of exchange utilized in small transactions ("small money," cakes of salt with the seal of the issuing authority). He also noted that the making of the salt cakes was limited to those given the authority to do so, a change from Nanzhao practice. In the second half of Polo's relation above, he remarked on the industry of the Shu merchants in trading salt for gold among the people of Tibet, again echoing the trade of a thousand years earlier. In addition, especially with regard to the salt money, there was a built-in depreciation factor in that the salt would become unsatisfactory for use as currency after a limited number of transactions. At that point, the salt would be consumed. The insistence upon a salt currency, therefore, ensured a regular income for the treasury, a point doubtless not lost on mint officials. When Polo reached Yunnan, he noted an important change in the media of exchange. In Toloman (northeastern Yunnan), "gold enough is found there . . . their money is gold, and the money which they spend in small sums is of cowries from Indie."144 As in Sichuan, Polo identified two levels of exchange media. In Yunnan proper, called lad by Polo, salt was a source of revenue, while " . . . they spend white cowries for money, those which are found in the seas and which are also worn on the neck for ornament and put on the necks of dogs, & of which they make vessels [sic!]; and the eighty cowries are worth one saggio of silver which are of the value of two of our gold Venetian groats . . . which is twenty-four pounds . . . eight saggio\ fine silver are worth one saggio of fine gold."145 Marco Polo also recognized two important aspects of the cowrie: the existence of an equivalency between the cowrie and silver, and the eighty-cowrie string or sao. Polo further established that, at the time his information was collected, the gold to silver ratio in Yunnan was 1:8. A number of thirteenth and fourteenth century references clarify the valuational, transfer, and exchange aspects of this cowrie currency. On October 15,1282, "It was decided (by the Yuan court) that the taxes [shuifu] levied in Yunnan should be on a gold \jin] basis, but payable in cowries [beizi], one qian of gold being valued at 20 suo of cowries."146 The unit of account utilized for determining the local rates of taxation was the gold qian (or cash), equivalent to 1,600 cowries. With an officially approved equivalency, merchants and other individuals of means quickly found ways of circumventing the system by importing cowries into the region illegally. An edict of 1301 addresses the problem of changes in market price of the cowrie in a classic exposition of the Chinese quantity theory of money: the cowry currency [bahuo] of Yunnan works under the same conditions as obtains for other currencies in the rest of China, and that is the official number of existing cowries which determine the price of goods. But of late, officials and private people have vied with one another to smuggle quantities of "private cowries" across the customs barriers of the province, taking advantage of neglect of duty or using bribery, and a final stop has to be put to such an evil practice. All such 144

Description of the World; Moule and Pelliot, Marco Polo, vol 1, p. 298.

145

Description of the World; Moule and Pelliot, Marco Polo, vol 1, p. 277. Emended.

146

Yuan Shi; Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, vol. 1, p. 547. Emended.

54

Money, Markets, and Trade "private cowries" are thenceforth to be confiscated and officials neglectful of their duty to be punished.147

And, in late 1305, "10,000 ding in paper-money were given to the moving Grand Secretariat of Yunnan to be used concurrently with cowries [bei\. As to the cowrie, those which were not native products were to be treated in the same manner as forged paper-money."148 Yuan officials were interested in maintaining a stable price structure so that the value of the taxes derived from Yunnan in the form of cowries would remain predictable from one year to the next. The acceptance of cowries in lieu of gold for tax payments became increasingly problematic under the Ming, and in 1385 a decree was passed which declared that the "autumn taxes" of Yunnan could be paid ain gold, silver, cowries [bei], cloth, lacquer, cinnabar, and quicksilver."149 By the early part of the fifteenth century, local officials found it difficult to acquire sufficient quantities of the imported shells, a great number of which came through the southern ports, and requested a change from payment of taxes in cowries to paper currency and silver. In the ninth year of Yonglo [1411], the head official [changguan] of the the local district of Qichu, Zu'en, came to the Court and offered a tribute of horses and of vessels of gold and silver; he was rewarded in accordance with the statutes. Zu'en then said that his office paid 79,800 suo of cowries [haiba] annually, that these were not a product of the country, and asked to be permitted (to pay instead) with paper money and silver [chaoyin], which would be more convenient. The Board of Revenue objected that the amount (of the tribute) had been fixed in Hongwu [1368-1398] and that it was difficult to change the assessment. (But) the Emperor said: "To (wish to) take what one has not is in truth to oppress the people; these are far away barbarians, and should be shown so much the more compassion." The request was granted.150 b. INDEPENDENT VIETNAM: 900-1400 Vietnam asserted its independence following the downfall of the Tang in 907. The earliest mint activity in independent Vietnam is attested for Dinh Bo-lang, who proclaimed himself king of Dai co Viet ('Great Viet') in 968 (see fig. 2.7).151 Although the coins were smaller and lighter than their northern model, the Vietnamese mint followed manufacturing techniques and design principles learned from the Chinese. 147

Yuan Dianzhang; Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, vol. 1, p. 546. Emended. Yuan Shi; Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, vol. 1, p. 546. Emended. 149 Ming Shi; Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, vol 1, p. 547. Emended. 150 Ming Shi; Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, vol 1, p. 547. Emended. 151 E. Toda, "Annam and Its Minor Currency," Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 17 (1882): 76; J.A. Novak, (comp.), A Working Aid for Collectors ofAnnamese Coins (Longview, Washington, n.d.), no. 5. Also see John Whrtmore, "Vietnam and the Monetary Flow of Eastern Asia, Thirteenth to Eighteenth Centuries," in Precious Metals in the Later Medieval and Early Modem Worlds, ed. John F. Richards (Durham, N. C.: Carolina Academic Press, 1983), pp. 363-93. Other studies of Vietnamese coinage include Miura Gosen, Annan senpu rekidaisennobu (Tokyo, 1966) and his Annan senpu teruisennobu (Tokyo, 1963), and more recently Francois Thierry, Catalogue des monnaies Vietnamiennes (Paris: Bibliothèque Nationale, Département des Monnaies, Médailles et Antiques, 1987). 148

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The coins were cast from a copper alloy (and occasionally zinc) in a two-piece mould (fig. 2.9). The reverse of the first Vietnamese coins (ascribed to the period 970-980) contains the character dinh, the dynastic cognomen. It will be noted that it is found in several different positions and varieties, six of which are shown in (fig. 2.10), referring either to the minting period when the coins were cast or to their place of issue. The dinh varieties most likely refer to mintplaces, as a later source mentions the presence of coin "storehouses" (which perhaps also served as mints) situated in major centers surrounding the capital.152 The ability to distinguish between different mints made it possible to correct problems of improper alloys and to identify unscrupulous mint officials. The earliest literary reference to mint activity in Vietnam records that during the latter part of the tenth century, under the Early Le Dynasty (980-1010), a mint was established in the capital, Hoa Lu, in Ninh Binh province. The first Early Le coins were issued under Le Hoan and are ascribed to 984-989153 with variants of le found on the reverse of the coins (fig. 2.11). Vietnamese cash were next minted under the Ly between about 1010 and 1055, with a cessation of mint activity until the 1120s, reportedly due to the massive importation of lightweight cash minted illegally in Chinese provinces to the north.154 Under the Tran (1225-1400), zinc coinage was issued in 1323, indicating a scarcity of copper that would last through the end of the century. Indeed, the vagaries of Vietnamese metal production probably contributed to the sporadic emissions of coinage prior to 1428. One of the most interesting numismatic developments during the fourteenth century was the differentiation of coin issues on the basis of changes in calligraphic style. Beginning in 1341-1342, issues were distinguished by varieties minted in clerical style, grass or running script, and seal script (fig. 2.12). An issue of 1360 displays no fewer than six distinct calligraphic variants, arguing for their association with specific mint sites, similar to the dinh issues noted earlier. Although coins are recorded for the very earliest independent Vietnamese rulers, it is unlikely that the first coin emissions served a commercial purpose. Rather, they were probably expressions of sovereignty and independence from the Chinese. In 1028 Ly Thai-tong (1028-1054) ordered a general distribution of coins to the populace.155 Because this took place in the first year of his reign, it could be interpreted as an act of legitimation, and thus reveals little about the circulation of coinage in the marketplace. In 1042, however, Thai-tong decreed that all offenses, including the "ten worst crimes," could be redeemed with coin. (The offenses included rebellion, conspiracy against the ruler, treason, patricide, murder, sacrilege, unfilial behavior, 152 Toda, "Annam and Its Minor Currency," p. 71. Toda repeatedly refers to the "Annamese Annals," presumably the An-nam chi luvc by Le Tec, c. 1333. 153 Albert Schroeder, Annam, Études Numismatiques (Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1905), pp. 53; 416-17 [henceforth Études Numismatiques} (This extremely rare work remains the most comprehensive study of Vietnamese coinage in a Western language.); Toda, "Annam and Its Minor Currency," p. 77, nos. 3 and 4. 154 Toda, "Annam and Its Minor Currency," p. 80 155 Schroeder, Etudes Numismatiques, p. 54. An excellent discussion of the Ly period can be found in Keith Taylor, "Authority and Legitimacy in 11th Century Vietnam," in Southeast Asia in the 9th to 14th Centuries, ed. David G. Marr and A.C. Milner (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1986), pp. 139-76.

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A

B

C

2.9. Casting of copper cash in nineteenth century Vietnam, [a] Model cash pieces are first made following the prescribed design and inserted into two-part moulds, [b] After the moulds are prepared, they are opened, the model cash removed, and the moulds once again joined together and placed in stacks in preparation for casting, [c] Molten metal is poured into the prepared mould, [d] After the moulds have cooled, they are taken from the ground, broken apart to remove the cash pieces, many of which are still attached to the casting sprues. Finally, the coins are cleaned, counted and strung [e], weighed and recorded [f]. Source: [a], Schroeder (1905), Plate XXI; [b], Schroeder (1905), Plate XXIV; [c], Schroeder (1905), Plate XXXV; [d], Schroeder (1905), Plate XXXVIII; [e], Schroeder (1905), Plate XL; [f], Schroeder (1905), Plate XLIV.

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E

F

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A

Cu

2.10. -Dinh coin varieties, ca. 970-980. Inscribed da binh hu'ng bao [TBRL]on obverse, da binh being the reign period. Hu'ng bao ('to prosper,' 'to begin' and 'precious') refers to the currency issue. The reverse contains variants of ainh, the dynastic cognomen [a]-[g]. Source: [a] Toda (1882), 1; [b] Novak (n.d.), 5B; [c] Novak (n.d.), 5C; [d] Novak (n.d.), 5D; [e] Novak (n.d.), 5E; [f] Novak (n.d.), 5F; [g] Novak (n.d.), 5G.

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B

D

C

Cu

2.11. Le coin varieties, ca. 984-989. Inscribed Thiên phúc tren bao [TBRL] [a] on obverse. Thiên phúc is the reign period. Tren bao 'to guard' and 'precious' on the obverse refers to the currency issue. La, the dynastic cognomen, appears on the reverse, [c] and [d]. Some specimens have only le on the obverse [bj. The different treatment of thien and bao in [c] and [d] distinguish the issues. Source: [a] Toda (1882), 3; [b] Toda (1882), 4; [c] Novak (n.d.), 39C; [d] Novak (n.d.), 39D.

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A

B

D

C

E

F

G Cu 2.12. Varieties of 1360 copper cash issues. Inscribed dçi tri nguyên béo on the obverse. Dçi tri is the reign period. Nguyen bao means 'initial precious' and refers to the currency issue, [a] [TBRL], in Pattern Script; [b] [TBRL], in Pattern Script; [c] [TRBL], in Clerical Script; [d] [TRBL], in Pattern Script; [e] [TRBL], in Cursive Script; [f] [TRBL], in a combination of Cursive Script [TR] and Pattern Script [LB]; [g] [TRBL], in Small Seal Script. Source: [a] Toda (1882), 23; [b] Novak (n.d.), 14A; [c] Novak (n.d.), 14B; [d] Novak (n.d.), 14C; [e] Novak (n.d.), 14D; [f] Novak (n.d.), 14E; [g] Novak (n.d.), 14F.

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lack of harmony, insubordination, and incest.)156 The imposition of monetary fines is a critical transition in the development of any money economy. It nearly eliminates any social consequences of criminal behavior for individuals with sufficient means to pay even exhorbitant fines, while those of lesser rank would be obligated to serve a prison sentence or suffer corporal punishment in order to absolve their debt. By the latter part of the eleventh century, coinage was coming into more general use among the populace, as in the fourth month of 1076, Ly Nhon-tong ordered the granaries and coin storehouses opened for distribution to those in distress due to drought.157 The distribution of coinage in a time of agricultural shortage is a signal that coin was becoming acceptable as a medium of exchange in the local marketplace. An even more critical monetary transition, the adoption of money prices, occurs almost a century later, in the middle of the twelfth century. The earliest instance of prices calculated in terms of metallic cash pieces, documenting a more widespread acceptance of coinage as a circulating medium and measure of value, is ascribed to the year 1156. At that time famine conditions pushed the price of rice to 70 f i en [cash] per thang[a measure of volume].158 The reference is also important for another reason. The 70 cash in this example represented 1/10 of a string, which, in theory, contained a thousand cash. Over time the practice of accepting fewer than a thousand coins in a string became commonplace, making it possible to decrease real prices simply by decreasing the number of cash in a string. Due to discrepancies between real exchange values (actual number of cash in a string) and nominal prices (when calculated by string), the relative fullness of the strings was often regulated by the government. In 1226 the mach (1/10 string of cash) was fixed at 69 cash in private transactions and 70 cash per mach for administrative payments.159 By 1350, the (official?) rate was 67 cash to 1/10 string.160 In 1290 and 1321, as a result of further shortages, rice was valued at one cvvng [string of cash] per tf?ar?g.161 Assuming that the unit of the thàng remained constant, the nominal price of rice increased ninefold over a period of 150 years. By the middle of the twelfth century, then, prices were commonly quoted in terms of cash, a practice maintained through the end of our period and beyond. At the same time as Vietnam's economy was becoming monetized, traditional means of maintaining influence through redistribution remained strong. The 1285 "Call to the Officers and Soldiers of the Army," issued by Tran Hung Dao in response to an impending Mongol invasion, is one of the best illustrations of the relationship between the distribution of goods and status differentiation in the Vietnamese context. This source also points out the degree to which non-monetized payments still 156 Vietnam's legal history is discussed in Nguyen Ngoc Huy and Ta Van Tai, "The Vietnamese Texts," in Laws of South-East Asia, Volume I, The Pre-Modem Texts, éd. M.B. Hooker (Singapore: Butterworth & Co., 1986), pp. 435-95 and Nguyen Ngoc Huy, Ta Van Tai and Tran Van Liem, trans., The Le Code: Law in Traditional Vietnam: A Comparative Sino-Vietnamese Legal Study with Historical-Juridical Analysis and Annotations (Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 1987). See also Le Thanh Khoi, "A Contribution to the Study of the AMP: The Case of Ancient Vietnam," in The Asiatic Mode of Production: Science and Politics, éd. Anne M. Bailey and Josep R. Llobera (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1981), pp. 281-89. 157 Toda, "Annam and Its Minor Currency," p. 71. 158 Schroeder, Études Numismatiques, p. 54. 159 Ibid.; Whitmore, "Monetary Flows," p. 366. 160 Daoyizhiliu; Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, vol. 1, p. 553. 161 Schroeder, Etudes Numismatiques, p. 55.

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played an important role in the operation of the Vietnamese economy. In the first lines, Hung Dao is critical of the Yuan officials assigned to the Vietnamese capital: What can I now say about you and me who are bom into an age of adversity? We have all grown up in difficult times. We have seen the enemy's ambassadors stroll about in our streets with conceit Simulating the orders of Khubilai, they have demanded precious stones and embroidered silks to satisfy their boundless appetite. Using the title of the Prince of Zhennan, they have extracted silver and gold from our limited treasuries—162 He then turned his attention to the men under his command: You have been in the army's ranks with me for a long time. When you needed clothes, I gave you coats; when you were hungry, I gave you rice. I promoted officers of lower ranks; to those who earned too little, I gave allowances. When you needed to travel by sea, I gave you embarcation; by land, I gave you horses.163 Although written in a literary style, this passage does serve to emphasize the presence of two distinct economic arenas, that of monetized transactions, which would in all likelihood have included the payment of government salaries, and the bestowal of precious stones, silks, gold, and silver as well as rice, clothing, or horses. The Vietnamese issued their first paper money, called sao, in 1396 at the end of the Iran period.164 Ho Quy-ly's decree established the following denominations for the new paper currency: ten cash pieces thirty cash pieces one mach (1/10 string) two mach three mach five mach one man (string)

to the note with the to the note with the to the note with the to the note with the to the note with the to the note with the to the note with the

tao (seaweed) thúy bd (waves) van (clouds) qui (tortoise) Ian (unicorn) phung (male phoenix) long (dragon)

When the notes were printed, the people could exchange one urvng (string) of cash for one man two mach (1.2 strings in value) of the notes. The circulation of copper cash in Thang-long (Hanoi) was prohibited, and all coin in private hands was to be turned in to the treasury, which probably served as a reserve to maintain the value of the paper currency. Counterfeiters of the bills would be condemned to death and their belongings confiscated; those found using copper cash would suffer the same fate.165 Although no examples of these currency notes are known to have survived, 162

Truong Buu Lam, Patterns of Vietnamese Response to Foreign Interventbn: 1858-1900 (New Haven: Southeast Asia Studies, Yale University, Monograph Series No. 11, 1967), p. 50. Emended. 163 Ibid., p. 51. 164

165

Schroeder, Études Numismatiques, p. 56.

Ibid.; John K. Whitmore, Vietnam, Ho Qu'y Ly, and the Ming (1371-1421) (New Haven: Yale Center for International and Area Studies, Council on Southeast Asian Studies, 1985), pp. 4344.

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they remained in circulation through the early part of the fifteenth century, acceptable for commercial as well as fiscal payments; however, their major use was for gifts within the imperial household.166 The Ming had issued notes of 100 to 500 cash and 1 string values in 1374, and notes of 5 to 30 cash values in 1389.167 The introduction of paper currency by the Ming was prompted by purely fiscal considerations, intended to replace the copper cash which was leaving the country in spite of repeated decrees restricting its use in foreign commerce. Whitmore has pointed out that a very different motivation lay behind Ho Quy Ly's action: Perhaps this act marks the moment when Quy Ly began to undercut the autonomy and economic clout of the rich local powers of the Red River Delta. By insisting on the use of paper currency and on the exchange of all metal cash, Quy Ly could gain knowledge of their wealth as well as some measure of control over it.168

V CONCLUSION: VALUATIONAL CONCEPTS AND MONETIZATION IN NORTHERN SOUTHEAST ASIA One of the most striking aspects of valuational concepts in northern Southeast Asia, doubtless reflecting the cultural and geographical diversity of the area, is the lack of a single wide-spread monetary standard. Because of this diversity, inter-regional exchange was generally conducted on a barter basis, without an explicit valuational component save the occasional exchange ratio. Regulated markets, in which the quantity of one good accepted in exchange for another good was determined by regulation rather than by market forces, were a regular feature of the port areas under Chinese control, and only occasionally appeared elsewhere. Officials at Guangzhou (and other international ports) often decreed the quantity of local products that would be offered in exchange for imported goods, with the object of skimming surplus profits from these unequal exchanges for their personal gain. One of the few known examples of the regulation of an interior trade also relates to exchange across cultural and political boundaries. In the ninth century, for instance, the Chongmo Man refused to accept a lesser quantity of salt than was customarily offered for their livestock from the government traders of Annam. Local exchange, on the other hand, was frequently conducted using elaborate valuational systems, pointing up a distinction between local and extra-local trade. As subsequent chapters will demonstate, this dichotomy was maintained throughout much of Southeast Asia. Monétisation in Yunnan. In Yunnan, the cowrie is attested as a measure of value and medium of exchange as early as the third century BC among the Dian. The cowrie is a sea shell originating in the warm coastal waters of the Maldives off of southern India. The first cowries probably reached China via the overland routes of northern Southeast Asia, thereby explaining (at least partially) the historical distribution and use of the cowrie on the mainland (see fig. 9.1). The major areas known to have adopted 166 vvhitmore, Vietnam and the Ming, pp. 70-73 and corresponding notes. 167 Yang Lien-sheng, Money and Credit in China, A Short History (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, Harvard-Yenching Institute Monographs, 12, 1952; 1971), p. 67. 168 vvhitmore, Vietnam and the Ming, p. 44.

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the cowrie as medium of exchange and measure of value are to be found along the Ganges and Brahmaputra valleys of northeastern India and the Chao Phraya Basin of Thailand. One result of this influx was that the cowrie became a subsidiary currency in many societies. Marco Polo, for instance, noted that "gold enough is found ... (in Toloman) [probably northeastern Yunnan] For their (large) money is gold, and the money which they spend in small sums is of cowries from Indie.... And likewise ... Bangala [Bengal] and Caugigu [Jiaozhiguo] and Amu [Annam], spend gold and cowries."169 Curiously, the cowrie was not adopted as a money object in island Southeast Asia. The best documented case of cowrie usage (as well as its ultimate abandonment) concerns Yunnan province during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The imbeddedness of the cowrie in the local valuational system is attested by the fact that although the Yuan court calculated taxes on a gold basis, Yunnan province had spe cial permission to pay these taxes, not in gold, but in cowries. The basic valuational unit was the suo or eighty-cowrie string. By the fourteenth century, these cowries came to Yunnan through the southern ports, substantiated by contemporary records as well as the find of some 1,700 cowries in the cargo of a thirteenth century trading ship wrecked off the coast of Zaitun.170 By the early fifteenth century, because of the difficulty of obtaining the imported cowrie shells, local officials requested that the court accept Ming paper money and silver, "which would be more convenient" in lieu of the traditional cowrie. Although Tang writers of the eighth century mention the use of the cowrie in the south, the shell is not mentioned in Fan Chuo's ninth century description of Nanzhao. A possible explanation for this omission is that references which Fan Chuo may have made to the use of cowries in Nanzhao have simply not survived in the extant versions of his text which are all later reconstructions. Another possibility is that in ninth century Nanzhao other money substances were preferred over the imported cowrie. One common characteristic of the measures of value/media of exchange current in Nanzhao during the ninth century is that they were all objects capable of satisfying a need quite apart from commerce. Salt was used as a measure of value and a medium of exchange for small transactions, while silk performed the same functions in more valuable exchanges, pointing up the presence of at least two distinct exchange spheres. At a slightly later period, similar bi-level valuational systems are known for other parts of the region. In Sichuan during the late thirteenth century the monetary system was based on gold and salt. And in northeastern Yunnan, gold and cowries performed similar complementary functions. Monetization in Vietnam. Monetization had a very different look in the area that was to become Vietnam. The Chinese presence in Vietnam since the third century BC was to have a lasting impact on money use. With the exception of the possible use of bronze situlae and shell disks as money among the indigenous peoples of northern Vietnam and the occasional find of Chinese coins of the Han period, the first 169

Description of the World; Moule and Pelliot, Marco Polo, vol. 1, p. 298. Emended. Claudine Salmon and Denys Lombard, "A 13th Century Vessel Found with Its Cargo in the Anchorage of 'Zaitun,'" in "Trade and Shipping in the Southern Seas, " Selected Readings from Archipel 18 (1979), for SPAFA Consultative Workshop on Research on Maritime Shipping and Trade Networks in Southeast Asia (Bangkok: SPAFA, 1979; 1984), pp. 27-36. 170

China's Southern Frontier

65

explicit records of money-use in Vietnam appear after the establishment of of an independent Dai co Viet in the tenth century. The Vietnamese experience follows the predictions outlined by White in his stage theory of monetization, in which a metallic coinage of full value is subsequently debased until replaced by a paper currency dependent upon the strength of the central administration for its acceptability and value. (See Chapter One.) Local coinage was first issued under the Dinh during the early tenth century and probably performed a legitimizing rather than a purely economic function. This symbolic function of coinage was to continue until the eleventh century, when Ly Thai-tong decreed that all offenses could be redeemed with coin. A clear market orientation is in evidence by the middle of the twelfth century, with the cost of rice calculated in terms of cash, followed by the first mention of short strings in the early thirteenth century. The next major monetary step took place at the end of the fourteenth century, when the Vietnamese issued their first paper currency. The motivation behind monetary changes in Yunnan was to promote conformity with Chinese practice—the movement away from the cowrie as a measure of value and means of payment in the fourteenth century is ample testimony of this. In Vietnam, on the other hand, the adoption of a Chinese-style coinage was meant to provide a symbol of dynastic legitimacy for the newly independent Vietnamese. Similarly, the introduction of a paper currency at the end of the fourteenth century, although modeled on Chinese designs, performed more of a political than economic function. It is difficult to evaluate the impact of these changes on the local populace. A distinct advantage of increased monetization is that, as more sectors of the economy are monetized, it becomes easier to compute exchange values. In Yunnan, local exchange is very poorly documented. On the basis of available evidence it would appear that monetization affected mainly fiscal administration and had little impact on the conduct of day-to-day market exchange. In Vietnam it is possible to document the adoption of money prices and the use of money for exchange purposes in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The most dramatic instance of a radical change from previous practice is the decision by Ly Thai-tong in 1042 to allow major offenses to be redeemed in coin. While it would have increased-monies channeled into the treasury, it would also have meant that those unable to pay in cash would have suffered even more than previously under the new payment structure.

3 FISCAL AND MONETARY POLICY IN SOUTHEASTERN BENGAL, ASSAM, AND ARAKAN

T

his chapter considers monetary developments in southeastern Bengal, Assam, and Arakan, a geographical subregion distinct from India proper at least by the middle of the fourth century. The Allahabad inscription of Samudragupta, for example, dated to about 350, lists "rulers of neighboring states" (pratyanta nrpatis), which included Kámarüpa in Assam, Samatata in the deltaic region of lower Bengal, and Davâka, which has been placed variously in Bengal or Assam.1 The region is important because of its role as a cultural transition zone between India and Southeast Asia; certain features of the local economies adhere to Indian models quite faithfully, while other aspects are distinctive, and relate more closely to Southeast Asian practice. The monetary impact of successive ruling dynasties is most readily apparent in the history of southeastern Bengal. During the period of Gupta domination, the diñara served both as an abstract measure of value and, in the form of a gold coin, a means of payment for large-scale purchases. Smaller transactions were carried out using the imported cowrie. In the twelfth century, under the Senas, an explicit valuational terminology utilizing the kapardaka-purâna—a purâna (anciently a coin, here referring to a measure of value) counted in kapardakas (cowrie-shells)—was used to record land values. In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, following the establishment of Turkic control in the delta, mints were set up which struck Islamic-style coinage from silver acquired through taxation from Bengal and Assam. As in previous centuries, the cowrie remained the preferred subsidiary currency. Monetary developments in Arakan were of a very different character. Although Arakan Candra rulers of the fifth and sixth centuries adopted Gupta administrative practices, their coinage was of Southeast Asian derivation. The Candra numismatic tradition was to remain influential even after the kingdom's demise at the end of the sixth century, being revived under a restored Candra dynasty in the late seventh and early eighth centuries, and adopted by independent rulers of southeastern Bengal in the same period. The last vestiges of Candra coinage persisted until the early eleventh century. 1 Allahabad Stone Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta (c. AD 350); Mukunda Madhava Sharma, Inscriptions of Ancient Assam (Gauhati: Department of Publication, Gauhati University, 1978), p. 0.15; P.C. Choudhury, The History of Civilisation of the People of Assam to the Twelfth Century A.D. (Gauhati: Department of Historical and Antiquarian Studies in Assam, 1966), p. 21 [henceforth Civilisation of Assam].

Southeastern Bengal, Assam, and Arakan

3.1. Gupta and post-Gupta Bengal, Assam and Arakan.

67

68

Money, Markets, and Trade

Assam was relatively unaffected by the monetary developments along its southern borders and did not follow the monetary trends of either Bengal or Arakan. Beyond the occasional notice of cowries and some rare coin finds, there is little evidence for a developed monetary system in Assam prior to the fifteenth century.

I FISCAL AND MONETARY POLICY IN THE BENGAL DELTA UNDER THE IMPERIAL GUPTAS (AD 400-550)

By the end of the fourth century the Guptas had extended their control of northeastern India as far east as the Karatoya River in northern Bengal and established administrative centers at Pundravardhana, Pürnakauáiká, and elsewhere. A large number of surviving copper-plate grants dating to the time of Gupta occupancy make it possible to reconstruct in some detail their fiscal and monetary administration on the northeastern frontier (fig. 3.1). Copper-plate grants recording land purchases and transfers between AD 432 and 543 preserve the successful petitions of individuals who wished to purchase land for purposes of religious endowment. These gifts to the religion normally consisted of a plot of land (though occasionally an entire village) intended to serve as a source of income for the religious establishment to which it was dedicated. Because the land would no longer be on the tax rolls of the state, a special record had to be kept of the transaction. This record was usually written on rectangular copper sheets (which is why they are commonly called copper-plate grants), although copies on perishable materials were also kept for administrative purposes. A grant from the time of Kumaragupta (AD 447) illustrates the complexities involved in establishing a freehold.2 In this instance, three individuals wished to purchase land for the purpose of dedicating it to three religious establishments. Their petition was presented by the executive officer (àyuktaka) of the Board of Administration (adhikarana) at PDrnakauéikâ to the chief householders of Gulmagandhika and Samgohalika, the location of the desired land. After presentation of the petition, the record-keepers (pustapâla) reported that the proposal was in order. A representative of the artisan class on the Board of Administration then collected the money from the applicants, whereupon the land was made a freehold (sTma) and given to them in favor of the three religious establishments. Taxes or produce which had formerly gone to the central government from that time on went to the religious institutions named in the grant. The earthly purpose of the grants was to ensure the establishment and maintenance of religious centers in the Bengal Delta. This was accomplished through the settlement of previously non-productive lands which were granted to the religious orders in perpetuity. (A number of grants even specify that the endowment consist of lands "which have no conflict with your own agricultural work.")3 Equally important was the gaining of religious merit which accrued both to the individual who made the grant as well as the ruler who approved their request. 2

Jagadishpur Plate (GE 128); Dines Chandra Sircar, Epigraphic Discoveries in East Pakistan (Calcutta: Sanskrit College, Research Series No. 80, Studies No. 56, 1973), pp. 8-14. 3 See, for example, the Bâigràm Copper-Plate Inscription (GE 128); Ramaranjan Mukherji and Sachindra Kumar Maity, eds., Corpus of Bengal Inscriptions Bearing on History and Civilization of Bengal (Calcutta: Firma K.L. Mukhopadhyay, 1967), pp. 49-53; p. 53 [henceforth Bengal Inscriptions].

Southeastern Bengal, Assam, andArakan

69

a. ELEMENTS OF EXCHANGE IN THE GUPTA CHARTERS: LAND PURCHASES In order to place the following discussion of land purchases into a larger context it is useful to consider some of the individuals who assisted in the execution of the grants. A grant of AD 444 notes the presence of "Dhrtipala, the chief merchant, Bandhumitra, the chief caravan trader, Dhrtimitra, the chief artisan, and Sàmbapâla, the chief scribe,"4 who acted as witnesses to the transaction; they all appear again in a grant of AD 448.5 The re-appearance of these four individuals is significant, indicating that there was a certain degree of continuity in the offices they held. Later in the century we find a clarification of the role of the leading men of the village" in local administration: . . . the administrator Sandaka, appointed by him (Jayadatta) was administering the affairs of the district with the help of the chief merchant Ribhupàla, the chief caravan trader Vasumitra, and chief artisan Varadatta and the chief scribe Virapâla... .6 It would appear that these individuals assisted in the administration of affairs by providing their particular expertise to local officials. It is also significant that the first two individuals listed were involved in trade, an activity only sparsely documented in the Gupta charters. Indeed, it is entirely possible that the merchants and traders who assisted in the administration of the land grants were also involved in supplying the stipulated necessities to the religious establishments. The Pàhàrpur copper-plate inscription of 479 begins with the words: There is prevalent in this council of yours the custom of sale of fallow and homestead lands, free of rent and for which no compensation is to be paid to the state, according to the principle of perpetual endowment, to be enjoyed for all time to come at the rate of two diñaras tor each kulyavàpa of land.7 The phrase "custom of sale" reveals that prices recorded in petitions were based upon prevailing practice in the regions where such requests were being made, although market forces did come into play in determining the customary price (see below). The price of the land was expressed in terms of an extrinsic measure of value, the diñara, and not an intrinsic measure related to the productive capacity of the land. The rate of sale in this instance was two gold diñaras for one kulyavàpa of land. The diñara was a Gupta gold coin (named after the Roman denarius) commonly found in areas 4

Damodarpur Copper-Plate Inscription (GE 124); Mukherji and Maity, Bengal Inscriptions, pp. 45-47; p. 46. 5 Damodarpur Copper-Plate Inscription (GE 128); Mukherji and Maity, Bengal Inscriptions, pp. 47-49; p. 48. 6 Damodarpur Copper-Plate Inscription of the time of Budhagupta (AD 476-95); Mukherji and Maity, Bengal Inscriptions, pp. 61-64; p. 63. 7 Pàhârpur Copper-Plate Inscription (GE 159); Mukherji and Maity, Bengal Inscriptions, pp. 5358; p. 56. Emended.

70

Money, Markets, and Trade

under Gupta rule. The diñara was also used as a means of payment. The request continues: So it behooves you to make a gift of one and a half kulyavâpa oí land, in accordance with the principle of perpetual endowment... after collecting three dînâras from us 8 Following the deliberations of the Board of Recordkeepers, which found no objection to the request, they collected three diñaras from the petitioners and gave the land to the BrâhmanaNâthaaarman and his wife Ram!. An appointed representative of the Board then delivered the money into the hands of the former owners, thereby completing that part of the linked transaction. The completion of this request consisted of three linked transactions, an exchange and two transfers. More specifically, these were 1. the purchase of the existing land at an agreed-upon price (monetary exchange) 2. the granting of the land to a religious establishment (linked transfer) 3. the transfer of future tax rights from the ruler to the religious establishment (linked transfer) In addition to the two transfers involving the land itself, the ruler and donor would also receive religious merit (another form of linked transfer) for their respective roles in promoting the transaction. (These transfer aspects will be returned to later in this discussion.) A point to be emphasized here is that the king was not simply granting permission for someone to buy a given piece of land, but he ivas granting permission that the land, once purchased, could be given over to a religious establishment, thereby losing its former potential of benefiting the treasury. It is quite normal for transactions of this sort to be carefully regulated. In all probability land sales without a religious motive were quite common; however, due to the fact that they did not have the tax transfer implications (along with the attendant formalities), records of such sales have not come down to us. The price of land was apparently quite stable during the period of Gupta rule, and is consistently recorded as two or three diñaras per kulyavâpa (fig. 3.2). D.C. Sircar has commented that the differences in the price of land were because "one region was more populous and the land was more in demand there."9 Indeed, the price of 3 dînâras per kulyavâpa of land was paid only for land in the Kotïvaréa district (entries with * in fig. 3.2), while 2 dînâras cet kulyavâpa prevailed elsewhere in north Bengal. In at least one instance, a grant in AD 448, payment was made with "six dînâras and eight silver coins," pointing up a distinction between the diñara as a measure of value/unit of account and means of payment/medium of exchange.10 On the basis of 8

Paharpur Copper-Plate Inscription (GE 159); Mukherji and Maity, Bengal Inscriptions, pp. 5358; p. 56. Emended. 9 Mukherji and Maity, Bengal Inscriptions, p. 58, note to line 4. 10 Bàigràm Copper-Plate Inscription (GE 128); Mukherji and Maity, Bengal Inscriptions, pp. 4953; p. 52.

Southeastern Bengal, Assam, and Arakan

71

3.2 Land prices in Bengal during the period of Gupta rule. YEAR 444 447 448

448 479 482 476-95 543

TYPE OF LAND "untilled, unreclaimed jungle land" "fallow land" "shrubless, fallow land" "fallow and homestead lands" "fallow land not previously settled"; "waste land" "homestead lands" "fallow and untilled land"

PRICE 3 dmàras/kulyavàpa* 2 3 2 2 2

dmàras/kulyavàpa dmàras/kulyavàpa* dmàras/kulyavàpa dmàras/kulyavàpa dmàras/kulyavàpa

3 dmàras/kulyavàpa* 3 dmàras/kulyavàpa*

MEANS OF PAYMENT diñaras diñaras diñaras diñaras and silver coins diñaras diñaras diñaras

Source: Compiled from Mukherji and Maity (1967).

this example, it is also possible to establish the gold to silver exchange ratio, which was approximately 1:16. According to commentators, eight dronas made up one kulya." When payment for three kulyavàpas and two dronavâpaswas made with six diñaras and eight silver coins, the gold pieces were to pay for the three kulyavàpas of land and the eight silver coins were to pay for the two dronavâpas of land. If the individual had paid for all of the land in silver coin, assuming the gold and silver coins were of the same weight and purity, he would have given 32 silver coins per kulyavâpa of land, thus establishing a gold to silver ratio of 1:16. An established equivalency between gold and silver, arrived at by custom or decree, is an important element of bi-metallic currency systems, a practice facilitated by the presence of a standardized coinage. This 448 grant further illuminates methods of land measurement under the Guptas. The petitioners made a request for three kulyavàpas and two dronavâpas oí land. The kulyavâpa, used extensively in Gupta charters, was "an area of land requiring one kulya measure of seed grains to be sown."12 A dronavâpawas a smaller unit of land measure, being "an area of land requiring one drona measure of seed grains to be sown."13 The measure of a kulyavâpa and dronavâpa would have varied from locale to locale, as well as among different people of the same village. Indeed, the official surveyor would, in addition to establishing the number of kulyavàpas encompassed by a certain tract of land, record its physical boundaries, thereby overcoming the variability of the kulyavâpa as a measuring device. In summary, the degree of monétisation of the early Bengal economy is indicated by the fact that the diñara was not only an abstract measure of value, but also a gold coin which served as a means of payment. The ability to substitute silver coin for gold (without penalty) in making payments is a further indication of the monetary sophistication of the period. 11

Dines Chandra Sircar, Indian Epigraphical Glossary (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1966), p.

165. 12

lbid. lbid.f p. 101.

13

72

Money, Markets, and Trade

b. OTHER ASPECTS OF EXCHANGE IN THE GUPTA CHARTERS Lands granted to religious establishments were given in perpetuity. This principle of perpetual endowment is expressed either as nMdharma (AD 444),14 a/csya-n/w (AD 447),15 or apradaksayanM(hD 448).16 The principle of nMdharma specified that "the donee should not destroy the principal but should only enjoy the income arising from it."17 Apradàwas equivalent to n/Vf, referring to gift land that was not to become alienated.18 In other words, the beneficiaries of a land-grant could do what they wished with the income from donated land, so long as the use remained within the bounds stipulated by the charter, and so long as the land included in the original bequest remained intact. This provision made it unlikely that religious establishments would sell off portions of the gift land in order to cover accumulated debts. The economic ramifications of a sïma grant made it imperative that the use of the income from the gift land be specified in some detail, thereby preventing the misappropriation of that income. A grant of AD 448 stipulated that the income from the donated lands be utilized "for the purpose of repairs to the temple of the Lord Visnu, when damaged or dilapidated and for the regular supply of perfumery, incense, lamps, and flowers."19 Certain parcels of the gift land were to be used for the construction of a "dwelling site and gardens." Similarly, an inscription of 479 specified that income from the land would be used for the purchase of "sandal, incense, flowers, lamps, etc., and the construction of a resting-place and garden for the worship of Jaina monks in the Vihàra."20 An inscription of 447 is more general, specifying only that the "purpose of the gift being the making of provisions from offerings to creatures [bali], offerings to the spirits of the ancestors [cam] and the reception of guests [sattrajand of repairs at the establishments."21 The most detailed pronouncement is a donation of 507 where land was given "in order that perfume, flower, light, incense, etc. for (the worship of) Lord Buddha thrice a day may be provided perpetually in the abode of the Buddhist monks . . . and garments, food, beds, seats and medicines for diseases, etc. may be supplied to the host of monks, and also in order that breaks and cracks in the monastery may be repaired."22 In each instance, a valuational component is merely implied and not made explicit. One can assume that the produce of the land would have been exchanged for the requisite items stipulated in the charter. It is probable that direct exchange (barter) was employed as the chief means of acquiring needed goods. It is also possible, since 14

Damodarpur Copper-Plate Inscription (GE 124); Mukherji and Maity, Bengal Inscriptions, pp. 45-47. 15 Jagadishpur Plate (GE 128); Sircar, Epigraphic Discoveries, pp. 8-14. 16 Damodarpur Copper-Plate Inscription (GE 128); Mukherji and Maity, Bengal Inscriptions, pp. 47-49. 17 Sircar, Indian Epigraphical Glossary, p. 220. 18 lbid., p. 26. 19 Bàigràm Copper-Plate Inscription (GE 128); Mukherji and Maity, Bengal Inscriptions, pp. 4953; p. 52. 20 Pàhârpur Copper-Plate Inscription (GE 159); Mukherji and Maity, Bengal Inscriptions, pp. 53-58; p. 56. 21 Jagadishpur Plate (GE 128); Sircar, Epigraphic Discoveries, pp. 8-14; p. 11. Emended. 22 Gunaighar Copper-Plate Inscription (GE 188); Mukherji and Maity, Bengal Inscriptions, pp. 65-70; p. 68.

Southeastern Bengal, Assam, and Arakan

73

these exchanges involved much smaller values than those found in land transactions, that a measure of value and medium of exchange other than the dïnàra was used in the market-place, perhaps cowrie-shells, as would be the case in subsequent centuries. In fact, Fa Xian, a Chinese pilgrim who traveled in India between 399 and 414 at the time of Chandragupta II, noted that in Madhyadeéa (to the west of Bengal, in the Gupta heartland) in "buying and selling commodities they use cowries [beichi]"23 c. LINKED TRANSFERS: RELIGIOUS MERIT AND TAX PAYMENTS The establishment of a fund of "symbolic capital," expressed as religious merit in the grants, was a very important motivator for those making a gift of land. Merit accrued in at least two directions—to the king who approved the action, to the person who actually purchased the land and then donated it to a religious establishment, and occasionally to others as well. A grant of 482, for instance, requested permission to make a gift of land to a religious establishment "For the enhancement of the merit of my parents, also of my own self "24 As indicated earlier, the king acquired merit for permitting a particular gift of land to be made. A grant of 479 went so far as to specify that the ruler would gain "a sixth share of the religious merit" accruing from the endowment, an implicit valuational component indicating that, at least in theory, the merit arising out of a specific pious act could be measured.25 The acquisition of religious merit was considered a significant motivator in establishing freeholds; it applied likewise to future administrators, long after the initial transfer had been completed, stressing even more the linked nature of the transfers. At the end of a copper-plate grant issued in AD 448 one reads that "the preservation of land-grants is regarded as more meritorious than the making of a grant."26 Another charter added: "So, in future, this grant must be preserved by the administrators, having regard to religious merits accrued from the gift of land." (AD 482)27 It was also possible to accrue negative merit, one of the chief means of forestalling the confiscation of religious land. The disasters that would result if administrators or others attempted to invalidate the land-grant charter of a religious institution were often spelled out in great detail. Cautionary verses, such as are given below, always appeared at the end of a grant:28 The grantor of land enjoys pleasure in Heaven for sixty thousand years; the confiscator and he who approves of such confiscation resides for so many years in Hell. 23

Fo£fL/q//; B.N. Mukherjee, "Media of Exchange in Early Mediaeval North India," Numismatic Digest 10 (1986): 97; Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, vol. 1, p. 557. 24 Damodarpur Copper-Plate Inscription (GE 163); Mukherji and Maity, Bengal Inscriptions, pp. 58-61; p. 60. 25 Pàhârpur Copper-Plate Inscription (GE 159); Mukherji and Maity, Bengal Inscriptions, pp. 53-58; p. 57. 26 Damodarpur Copper-Plate Inscription (GE 128); Mukherji and Maity, Bengal Inscriptions, pp. 47-49; p. 49. 27 Damodarpur Copper-Plate Inscription (GE 163); Mukherji and Maity, Bengal Inscriptions, pp. 58-61; p. 61. 28 Damodarpur Copper-Plate Inscription (GE 163); Mukherji and Maity, Bengal Inscriptions, pp. 58-61; p. 61.

74

Money, Markets, and Trade Whoever confiscates land, given by himself or by others becomes a worm in ordure and rots with his forefathers.

The frequency with which these verses appear make it probable that the confiscation of gift lands was a fairly common practice. In the Gupta grants occasional mention is made of tax payments which formerly would have gone to the state but which were being diverted for religious purposes. That the ruler could actually gain by such an act of generosity is indicated by the Bàigràm copper-plate of AD 448, wherein the petitioner commented: "... in the matter of such sale of fallow lands, free from taxes, there is no chance of any loss to His Majesty; (rather) there is the possibility of gain >>29 Economic gain would come from payment of the established price, of which at least a portion would flow into the treasury. Indeed, an inscription of 479 stressed that the granting of his request would bring "some revenue into the treasury."30

II MONETARY DEVELOPMENTS IN BENGAL IN THE POST-GUPTA PERIOD a. COINAGE AND EXCHANGE By the second quarter of the sixth century, Gupta control over Bengal was waning. In the delta local rulers, such as Dharmaditya and Gopacandra, emerged during this time and issued copper-plate grants in imitation of Imperial Gupta practice (fig. 3.3). One copper-plate grant contains the phrase: "From such sale one-sixth share of religious merit accrues to His Majesty the Emperor," indicating a motivation identical with Gupta period charters.31 With one exception (discussed below) the measure of value and means of payment were expressed in terms of the gold diñara, again identical with Gupta practice. These later grants also display a number of significant differences. The Gupta Era is no longer used, indicating a break with Gupta tradition; in its place is the regnal year of the issuing monarch. In addition, these non-Imperial charters granted cultivated land; the purchase price increased from 2-3 to 4 diñaras per kulyavâpa, "a custom established in the countries bordering the Eastern Sea."32 In the second Dharmaditya grant, "two diñaras, three silver coins, and six gandakae' were paid for "half kulyavâpa and three dronavâpas of rent-free lands."33 A new term, not appearing in the Gupta charters is gandaka, equivalent to four ^Bàigràm Copper-Plate Inscription (GE 128); Mukherji and Maity, Bengal Inscriptions, pp. 4953; p. 52. ^Pâhàrpur Copper-Plate Inscription (GE 159); Mukherji and Maity, Bengal Inscriptions, pp. 53-58; p. 57. 31 Faridpur Copper-Plate Inscription of Dharmaditya (Regnal Year 3); Mukherji and Marty, Bengal Inscriptions, pp. 74-79; p. 78. 32 Faridpur Copper-Plate Inscription of Dharmaditya (Regnal Year 3); Mukherji and Marty, Bengal Inscriptions, pp. 74-79; p. 77. 33 Faridpur Copper-Plate Inscription of the time of Dharmaditya; Mukherji and Marty, Bengal Inscriptions, pp. 79-83; p. 82.

Southeastern Bengal, Assam, and Arakan

75

3.3 Land prices in Bengal during the post-Gupta period. YEAR ca. 525-40 Gopacandra yearS

ca. 525-40

Gopacandra year 18 ca. 540-60 Dharmàditya yearS ca. 540-60 Dharmàditya year ?

TYPE OF LAND

PRICE

MEANS OF PAYMENT diñaras

"land"

"land"

4 dinàras/kulyavâpa

dïnàras (?)

"cultivated fields, with fixed boundaries"

4 dinâras/kulyavàpa

diñaras

"cultivated lands with portions"

4 dinàras/kulyavâpa

diñaras, silver coins, gandakas

Source: Compiled from Mukherji and Maity (1967). cowries.34 Presumably, the term could refer to either a coin of that value or so many four-cowrie units. The importance of this enumeration is that it makes it possible to gain some insight into the workings of local exchange in ancient Bengal. The gold diñara would have been suitable only for very large purchases, such as in the acquisition of land, while the silver coins, with a value of 1/16 of the gold diñara, would have served for intermediate-sized transactions. Very small transactions would have relied upon the cowrie, perhaps strung into units of four, called gandaka. The earliest definite reference to cowries in the Bengal region is found in the Harsacarita, which states that in the seventh century Bhaskaravarman of Kamarupa (Assam) sent Harsa "heaps of black and white cowries."35 These references confirm speculation that both cowries and the diñara existed side by side in the economy of the delta from at least late Gupta times, confirmed as well by the statement of Xuanzang in the early seventh century, that "in commerce of the country gold and silver coins, cowries and small pearls are the media of exchange."36 By the end of the sixth century, Gupta monetary and land measurement terminology had fallen into disuse. Morrison has aptly pointed out: The money that is mentioned in these plates [through the middle of the sixth century] is the diñara which was the Gupta gold coin . . . the diñara had a limited circulation, apparently confined to the area that was under Gupta administration. The coincidence of the measure of land [kulyavàpa] and money [diñara] both being prevalent in the area known to have been under Gupta control and the disappearance of both units concurrently with the end of the great Gupta empire fur34

Sircar, Indian Epigraphical Glossary, p. 432. /-/a/saca/7Ïa; Choudhury, Civilisation of Assam, p. 361. 36 X/yLf/7; T. Watters, On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India (London, 1904), vol. 1, p. 178; Mukherjee, "Media of Exchange in North India," p. 97.

35

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Money, Markets, and Trade ther suggests that there is a relationship between both units of measure and the Guptas.37

As indicated in the following paragraphs, however, this synchronism should not be taken too literally. One reason for the disappearance of monetary units in inscriptions from the middle of the sixth century onward is due to a fundamental change in the nature of the grants themselves. In grants issued from the sixth to ninth centuries there are few indications of a purchase of land having been made; in fact, beginning in the seventh century the land itself was no longer transferred, only the tax rights related to that land. The change in administrative practice obviated the need to record a purchase price which had earlier been customary. Further, Gupta-style gold coinage continued to be issued after the middle of the sixth century; the latest post-Gupta gold coins from southeastern Bengal date to the eighth century. It remains true, nonetheless, that, following the demise of the imperial Guptas in the middje of the sixth century, coin production dropped off sharply in northeastern India.38 Sasàhka (ca. 600-620) and his contemporaries succeeded in carrying on the tradition of fine quality gold coinage established by the Guptas well into the seventh century (fig. 3.4).39 Unfortunately only two fragmentary copper-plate grants of Sasàhka are known, recovered from the region of Midnapore, to the west of the Bengal Delta. While these grants tell us little about fiscal administration in our area of interest, it is significant that the term diñara does not appear there. Further, like other postGupta grants, Sasanka's inscriptions do not use the Gupta era, and are dated instead to his regnal years 8 and 19. The acquisition of merit remained the motivator behind both grants. The second promised that "the gift of even a go-carma measure of land leads to the attainment of heaven,"40 while the first mentioned only that "... having purchased from us [Sasanka], according to the rules, the learned Subhakïrtti gave 40 dronas (of land) and one dronavàpa of homestead . . . to Damyasvami... for increasing the religious merit of his parents."41 Thus the Gupta tradition was maintained, but 37

Barrie M. Morrison, Political Centers and Culture Regions in Early Bengal (Tucson: The University of Arizona Press, 1970), p. 90. Emended. This is an extremely valuable study of the formulae used on copper-plate grants and administration in pre-Muslim Bengal. 38 See, for example, Gourisankar De, "A 'Samatata Type' Gold Coin Found in 24-Parganas," Journal of the Numismatic Society of India 47 (1985): 43-44; Sushil Malti Devi, "Paucity of Coinage in North-eastern India after the Fall of the Imperial Guptas," Indian Numismatic Chronicle 9 (1971 ): 25-36; B.N. Mukherjee, "Media of Exchange in Trade of Mid-Eastern India (c. AD 750-1200)," Journal of the Numismatic Society of India 45 (1983): 159-65; B.N. Mukherjee, "Media of Exchange in North India," pp. 91-105; O.N. Singh, "On Paucity of Coins in Early Medieval Period," Journal of the Numismatic Society of India 49 (1987): 135-41 ; John F. Richards, "Outflows of Precious Metals from Early Islamic India," in Precious Metals in the Later Medieval and Early Modern Worlds, ed. John F. Richards (Durham, N. C.: Carolina Academic Press, 1983), pp. 183-205; Dines Chandra Sircar, "Problem of Ancient Coins from Assam," Journal of the Numismatic Society of India 38 (1976): 74-80. 39 P.K. Bhattacharyya, "Two Interesting Coins of Sasanka," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (London) 2 (1979): 153-55; B.N. Mukherjee, "So-Called Silver Coinage of Sasanka," Journal of the Numismatic Society of India 46 (1984): 98-100. 40 Midnapore Copper-Plate of Sasanka (Regnal Year 19); Ramesa Chandra Majumdar, "Two Copper-Plates of Sasanka from Midnapore," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Letters 11 (1945), pp. 7-8, p. 8. 41 Midnapore Copper-Plate of Sasanka (Regnal Year 8); Majumdar, "Two Copper-Plates of Saéànka," p. 9.

Southeastern Bengal, Assam, and Arakan

3.4 [a]

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3.4 [b]

3.4 'Imitation' Gupta gold d/riárafrom Mainamati, Bangladesh. Probably seventh century, [a] Obverse: Standing male figure facing left. Reverse: Standing female figure in tríbhañga pose with trace of inscription to right. Detail of reverse [b]. This coin is similar to 'imitation' Gupta gold from Paglatek, Assam. (See discussion in text.) Source: Khan (1963).

without the former detail of the administrative process, making it possible, though not certain, that Saaahka's coinage could have assisted in such transactions. Subsequent to the eclipse of Saaahka and his contemporaries, coinage in the northeast is represented only by a series of "imitation" Gupta gold coins, dated to the early and middle seventh century and found almost exclusively in southeastern Bengal (Bangladesh) (see fig. 3.4),42 Recent discoveries at Mainamati (near Comilla, Bangladesh) have unearthed three gold coins of Balabhata of the Khadga dynasty dating to the third quarter of the seventh century and an early eighth century gold coin belonging to the Deva dynasty, thereby extending the chronology of Imitation" Gupta gold much longer than usually thought.43 Not all of the "imitation" Gupta gold coins have been recovered in lower Bengal. Some 31 "imitation" Gupta gold coins were found at Paglatek, Assam (see fig. 3.4), near some ruins on the south bank of the Brahmaputra River.44 Typical of late issues, 42

See Robert S. Wicks, "The Numismatic Geography of Post-Gupta Gold and Pre-lslamic Silver from Bengal, Bangladesh, Assam and Arakan," in 2nd International Colloquium, Numismatics and Archaeology, January 8th-10th, 1987, ed. Parmeshwari Lai Gupta and Amal Kumar Jha (Nasik, India: Indian Institute of Research in Numismatic Studies, 1987), pp. 54-65 for relevant bibliography and listing of major finds. 43 lbid. 44 R.D. Choudhury, Archaeology of the Brahmaputra Valley of Assam (Pre-Ahom Period) (Delhi: Agam Kala Prakashan, 1985), pp. 200-201 ; P.C. Chowdhury and M.C. Das, "Gold Coins from Paglatek," Journal of the Assam Research Society 20 (1972): 56-61 ; P.C. Chowdhury and M.C. Das, "A Find of Gold Coins from Assam," Journal of the Numismatic Society of India 35 (1973): 171-74; idem., "Gold Coins from Paglatek," in A Sourcebook of the Numismatic Studies in North East India, comp. R.D. Choudhury (Guwahati: Directorate of Museums, Assam, 1986), pp. 120-24 (reprint of 1972 article); Sircar, "Problem of Ancient Coins from Assam." The type is usually ascribed to the seventh century. See: A Source Book of the

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the coins were struck from impure gold and do not possess legible inscriptions. The weights are somewhat irregular, although well within the normal range for the "imitation" coins: WEIGHT IN GRAMS: NUMBER O F SPECIMENS:

5.2 0

5.3 1

5.4 0

5.5 4

5.6 2

5.7 6

5.8 1

5.9 0

b. FISCAL ADMINISTRATION IN THE BENGAL DELTA IN THE IMMEDIATE POST-GUPTA PERIOD A copper-plate grant issued by Gopacandra (ca. 525-540) displays marked differences from Gupta administrative practice. This grant, issued during year three of his reign, records the donation of one Maharaja Vijayasena. One important change from Gupta practice, and a tendency that will become even more pronounced in later centuries, is the enumeration of all the "honourable royal officials, serving at the present time and present on the spot."45 The inscription also records the manner in which the money paid by Vijayasena was distributed within the vïthï, a detail lacking in Gupta charters. And, again in contrast with Gupta practice, Vijayasena retained certain tax obligations with regard to the land even after the transfer was effected: The diñaras, paid by him were divided proportionately in the vïthïtiy persons appointed for the occasion, and eight kulyavâpas of land, being measured out in the village of Vetragarta were granted to His Highness Vijayasena, on condition that the dues (on this account) are to be honestly paid (in future) to the treasury of the vïîhï. At this time these lands were also bestowed upon the Vastasvámin.46 It is unclear if the dues paid to the w~tf?/~were to be derived from income from the gift land itself or were to come from another source. The officials present at the time of the land transfer included: 1. the superintendent of state affairs, 2. the minister in charge of the princes, 3. the viceroy, 4. the officer in charge of the collection of taxes on permanent tenants, 5. the officer superintending the gift lands or villages made over to the Brahmanasorgods, 6. the superintending officer of wool-producing centers, 7. the officer in charge of stables, 8. the ruler of a district, 9. the magistrate appointed by the ruler of a district, 10. the head of the royal treasury, 11. the ruler of a territorial division called Paítala, Archaeology of Assam and Other States of North-Eastern India (Guwahati: Kamrupa Anusandhana Samiti, 1984), p. 96. 45 Mallasarul Copper-Plate Inscription of Vijayasena of the time of Gopacandra (Regnal Year 3); Mukherji and Maity, Bengal Inscriptions, pp. 87-95; p. 91. 46 Mallasarul Copper-Plate Inscription of Vijayasena of the time of Gopacandra (Regnal Year 3); Mukherji and Maity, Bengal Inscriptions, pp. 87-95; p. 93. Emended.

Southeastern Bengal, Assam, and Arakan 12. 13.

79

the superintendent of rest houses and the officers superintending temples and temple properties, and the board of administrators of the territorial divisions, called vîthl

The chief reason for the presence of these officials (those with identifiable fiscal responsibilities are in italics) was doubtless to ensure the proper recording, acknowledgement, and support of the donation by local officials. The listing of officials also provides a check on the structure of government in early Bengal, as well as those revenue-generating activities which furnished a steady income for the government. Particularly noteworthy is the inclusion of a wool industry official. The seventh-century Vyavahàramayukhaoi Nïlakantha clarifies the nature of sima grants in post-Gupta times: The ownership in the several villages and fields on the entire earth or in a province belongs to the holders of the land alone, while kings are entitled only to collect taxes. Therefore when kings now (in contrast to earlier times) make what are technically called gifts of fields, no gift of land [soil] is effected thereby, but only provision is made for the maintenance of the donee (from the taxes which are alienated by the king). Where however houses and fields are purchased from the holders thereof (by the king) he has also ownership (over the fields, etc.) in those cases and he in such cases secures the full merit of the gift of land (if he makes a gift of such fields).47 This is a distinct change from earlier practice where the ruler theoretically possessed all of the land in his realm and had the power to dispose of it at will. The tax referred to is that portion of any increase due to the king for having protected his subjects: "The king being hired for the sixth part (that he takes as tax) should protect the subjects."48 Further, "a king who protects . . . receives the sixth part of the merit [punyajot the (acts performed by his) subjects."49 According to Nïlakantha, then, in post-Gupta times so-called land grants no longer affected the ownership (title) to the land in question, but merely effected the transfer of tax rights from the ruler to the donee, most often a religious order. If the ruler wished to grant the land itself, and not merely the tax rights, it was necessary for him first to purchase the property from its current owners. Ill THE VARMANS OF ASSAM (CA. 500-650) AND THE CANORAS OF ARAKAN (CA. 450-600)

In Assam, the earliest copper-plate grants are those of Bhaskaravarman (late sixth to mid-seventh century)—one issued from Karnasuvarna in the Bengal delta, a former Gupta administrative center, the other from Prágjyotisa in central Assam. These are, moreover, re-issues of earlier charters of Bhutivarman, dating to the first quarter or so 47

lsíílakantha, Vyavaharamayúkha;D. Devahuti, Marsha, A Political Study (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970), p. 166. Emended. 48 Baudhàyana, Dharmasùtra; Devahuti, Marsha, p. 123, note 3. 49 Yajnavalkya, Dharmasastra; Devahuti, Marsha, p. 123, note 3.

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of the sixth century, which subsequently became worn or lost. In Arakan, the earliest inscribed coins can be dated to the middle of the fifth century; the first surviving copper-plate inscription belongs to Bhdticandra of the early sixth century. While both Assam and Arakan drew heavily from Gupta administrative practice, they were conscious of their separate identities. This consciousness emerges most clearly from the fact that neither the Varman rulers of Assam nor the Candras of Arakan utilized the Gupta era in their inscriptions, and that both Bhutivarman and Bhütfcandra adopted the title of mahàràjadhirâja, indicating independent status. One consequence of this drive for independence was that both Assamese and Arakanese rulers felt a need to demonstrate their legitimacy by prefacing their copper-plate grants with long, elaborate genealogies, a practice not followed by the Guptas. Bhutivarman also performed the aavamedha, or horse sacrifice, which, like the title of mahârâjadhirâja, established his position as an independent monarch.

a. ASSAM (CA. 500-650) Two seventh-century copper-plate grants of Bhaskaravarman (ca. 620-643) have survived. His Dubi copper plates, executed in the first quarter of the seventh century, were a re-issuance of an earlier charter, perhaps a grant of Bhutivarman, "after once again brightening up the text" which had "become worn out on all sides."50 That it was possible to re-issue a defaced charter is an indication of the degree of centralization of land administration and taxation within the Kámarüpa realm. In the first place, it points up the necessity of carefully preserving the grants. Lands without confirmation of tax-free status would become liable to taxation. And second, the fact that it was possible to issue the grant a second time indicates that a system of record keeping was in place which maintained copies of the essential features of each land grant. These points are made clear by a passage in another charter of Bhaskaravarman, also a reissue of a previous Bhutivarman charter, which this time was lost, not merely effaced. As a result, "... the copper-plate charter by king Bhutivarman has become liable to revenue on account of the loss of the copper plates."51 Unfortunately, as the final plate is missing, the specific details of this last Bhaskaravarman grant are not known. There are, however, several,aspects of the grant worth noting. Verse 49 records that the "... illustrious (king) Sri Stiravarma after spending some days in the old city built up a new city on the bank of the holy river [i.e. Brahmaputra] along with the citizens, the servants and also the relatives."52 It is thought that the older city was Prâgjyotisapura, described in a late ninth-century inscription as having been a place of areca-nut trees, "... covered by encircling betel leaf creepers, and the trunks of the black sandal trees ... encircled by the cardamum trees," some of which would have found a place in international markets.53 The grant also describes a coronation ceremony: 50

Dubi Copper-Plates of Bhaskaravarman; Sharma, Inscriptions of Ancient Assam, pp. 10-32; p. 28. 51 Nidhanpur Copper-Plates of Bhaskaravarman; Sharma, Inscriptions of Ancient Assam, pp. 38-81 ; p. 53. 52 Dubi Copper-Plates of Bhaskaravarman; Sharma, Inscriptions of Ancient Assam, pp. 10-32; p. 24. Emended. 53 Uttarbarbil Copper-Plate of Balavarman III; Sharma, Inscriptions of Ancient Assam, pp. 12741; p. 133.

Southeastern Bengal, Assam, and Arakan

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(v. 39) And the son, who now became the master (in his own turn) after duly paying oblations to the father who had become a god, and after giving consolations to the citizens, duly ascended the throne like a lion, in the all auspicious timejuncture marked by Dhruva. (v. 40) Then the brahmins performed (the) sacerdotal deed in flawless manner and performed the unfailing [dhruva]coronation ceremony and also peace-gaining auspicious deeds, along with the sound of the conch-shell and the dunaubhidrum and the king enjoyed it all like the lord of the gods (i.e. Indra).54 Several acts are noted here—the offerings presented to the godly image of his father, the distribution of gifts among the populace, as well as "peace-gaining auspicious deeds," all of which served to establish his position as supreme lord. Most important was the dhruvabhisekam, during which time the king became entitled to his fixed share of agricultural produce.55 Bháskaravarman also ordered the making of a new copper-plate grant because the Brahmanas, have been already enjoying the grant, in the manner of bhumi-chidra, so that no tax is levied on it as long as the sun, moon and earth will endure.56 The term bhümichidra, akin to nMdharma discussed earlier, referred to "land unfit for cultivation, which is exempt from any tax demand."57 The principle involved was that anyone who brought such fallow land under cultivation for the first time would not be liable to taxation. The grant further stipulated how the produce of the land would be divided: Seven shares [améâhjare (allotted) for the purpose of worship [ball], oblation [caru] and hospitality [satraj. The produce of the land . . . shall be equally shared by the Brahmanas as recorded.58 As with the Gupta charters, the understanding was that the produce of the land would be exchanged for the goods and offerings stipulated in the charter. The gaining of "symbolic capital" of course looms large in this as in other grants. Indeed, in a section detailing the virtues of earlier rulers, it mentions that one Ganapati, "was incessantly raining gifts [dànavarsana]... for the extermination of the Kali 54

Dubi Copper-Plates of Bháskaravarman; Sharma, Inscriptions of Ancient Assam, pp. 10-32; pp. 23-24. Emended. 55 Dubi Copper-Plates of Bháskaravarman; Sharma, Inscriptions of Ancient Assam, pp. 10-32; p. 24, note p. 30 (on V. 40). 56 Nidhanpur Copper-Plates of Bháskaravarman; Sharma, Inscriptions of Ancient Assam, pp. 38-81; p. 53. 57 Sircar, Indian Epigraphical Glossary, p. 58. 58 Nidhanpur Copper-Plates of Bháskaravarman; Sharma, Inscriptions of Ancient Assam, pp. 38-81 ; p. 53. Emended.

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age (i.e. strife)."59 The verses of warning for those who disturb gift lands are also present. A significant portion of the grant is given over to an elaborate genealogy, a practice noted earlier among post-Gupta rulers in the Bengal Delta. The officials involved in the re-issuance are also listed, demonstrating that the Varmans possessed a less elaborate administrative bureaucracy than contemporary rulers in the delta: The officers who mark the boundaries are the headmen of the Candrapurï (named) SrT Ksikunda, the dispute-settler [nyâyakaranika]Janàrdananasvâmin, the controlling officer /Vyavafta/v/Haradatta and the clerk [kâyastha] Dundhunâtha, and others. The composer and writer of this grant is Vasuvarnna. The Master of the Treasury is the Mahàsâmanta Divâkaraprabha. The Tax Collector is Dattakârapurna. The copper-smith [i.e. the maker of the plates] is Káliyá.60 b. ARAKAN (CA. 450-650) To the east of ancient Bengal, along the central Arakan coast, a coin series of Southeast Asian derivation, struck in silver on a thin flan, was issued by the Arakan Candras and their successors (somewhat intermittently) from the middle of the fifth until the end of the tenth centuries.61 The Arakan Candra dynasty was founded sometime toward the end of the fourth century. The fourth ruler in that line, Devacandra (ca. 454-476), issued its first inscribed coinage, and introduced the basic Bull/Trisüla type, consisting of a recumbent Brahmany bull on the obverse with the name of the ruler above, and a tripartite motif on the reverse (figs. 3.5, 3.6). Given the dominance of the Arakan Yoma, which limited contact with inland areas, Arakan maintained a seaward orientation for much of its history. Coin finds of the main Candra dynasty (ca. 454-600) are limited to the coastal areas around Vesàli on the Rann Chaung, Dinnyawadi on the Thare Chaung, both tributaries of the Kaladan River, and Myohaung on the Aungdat Chaung, a tributary of the Lemro River slightly to the south. Each site afforded easy access to the sea.62 Only one copper-plate grant belonging to this period, unfortunately fragmentary, has been recovered from Arakan. The inscription, dated to the early sixth century on palaeographic grounds, has been ascribed to Bhüticandra (ca. 496-520), who essentially copied the Gupta formula as found in Bengal but with some important 59

Nidhanpur Copper-Plates of Bhaskaravarman; Sharma, Inscriptions of Ancient Assam, pp. 38-81; p. 51. 60 Nidhanpur Copper-Plates of Bhaskaravarman; Sharma, Inscriptions of Ancient Assam, pp. 38-81 ; p. 54. 61 See Pamela Gutman, "Ancient Arakan: With Special Reference to Its Cultural History between the 5th and 11th Centuries," (Ph.D. thesis, Australian National University, Canberra, 1976); San Tha Aung, Arakanese Coins, trans. Aye Set (Manchester, England: Michael Robinson, 1982); Joe Cribb, "The Date of the Symbolical Coins of Burma and Thailand—A Reexamination of the Evidence," Seaby's Coin and Medal Bulletin 756 (1981 ): 224-26 and his "Dating South East Asia's Earliest Coins," in Sraddhanjali, Studies in Ancient Indian History, éd. R.D. Chouwhury, et al (New Delhi, 1987); Robert S. Wicks, "Bull/Triáüla Coin Issues of the Fifth to Eighth Century from Arakan, Assam and Bengal: A Revised Typology and Chronology," American Numismatic Society Museum Notes 25 (1980): 109-31 ; idem., "The Ancient Coinage of Mainland Southeast Asia," Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 16.2 (1985): 195-225 and "Numismatic Geography," for current views. 62 Daw Thin Kyi, "Arakanese Capitals: A Preliminary Survey of the Geographical Siting," Journal of the Burma Research Society 53.2 (1970): 1 -13.

Southeastern Bengal, Assam, and Arakan

83

A

B

3.5 Devacandra (ca. 454-476) silver Conch/Srïvatsa issues, [a] Conch/Srïvatsa, Class E. A full-unit 28mm coin weighing 7.11gm (holed at 5:00 on obverse). Obverse: Conventionalized conch with opening away from viewer, surrounded by crescents and beads, filling entire surface. The elongated nepk of the conch (facing downward) hooks to the left. Solid line and beaded border. Reverse: Snvatsa composed of two opposing S-forms an a vertical central member. Also surrounded by crescents and beads. Traces of solid line border around. This particular specimen appears to be uninscribed, however other specimens reading deva (for Devacandra) are known, [b] Conch/Srïvatsa, Class E. A 1/4-unit (15mm, 2.22gm) silver coin struck on a flat flan, punched to create a cup-shaped coin. Inscription below on obverse, perhaps reading deva, to either side of conch's hook. One specimen of the type, in the British Museum [Wicks, 1992 (5)E.3] weighs 5.04gm, perhaps corresponding to a 1/2 unit coin. Known only from the Arakan coast. Source: [a] Wicks, 1992 (5)E.1, British Museum, London; [b] Wicks, 1992 (5)E.4, American Numismatic Society, New York.

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A

B

C

3.6 Bull/Trisüla issues of Niticandra (ca. 520-575) and a comparative post-Candra issue of Dhammacandra (ca. 703-720). [a] Full unit Bull/Trisüla coin of Niticandra. (32mm, 7.39gm) NJticandra above bull on obverse. Typical Candra characteristics include the relaxed pose of the bull and naturalistic depiction, usually shown with a garland. The reverse érïvaîsa is merging into the form of a trident. The rounded ends on the base and side members of the trident are typical Candra features, [b] 1/4 unit (18mm, 1.82gm) Bull/Trisüla issue of Nïticandra. NTti above bull. By far the most common Candra dynasty coins are 1/4-unit specimens, usually weighing between 1.7 and 1.9gm. Coins of the main Candra dynasty are known only from the Arakan coast, [c] Post-Candra Bull/Trisüla issue of Dhammacandra (ca. 703-720). (31 mm, 7.62gm) Post-Candra issues from Arakan are found only in the large module 7.3-7.6gm denomination. Typical post-Candra characteristics (initiated by Süriyacandra in the second quarter of the seventh century) include a tendency to depict a very unrealistic bull, with a hooked or elongated hump and a tail with an upward twist. The garland (here missing) is occasionally present. The comma-shaped details on the trident, a hallmark of Candra style, have been replaced by sickle-like forms, the rounded base of the trident also being reduced. Source: [a] British Museum, London; [b] American Numismatic Society, New York; [c] British Museum, London.

Southeastern Bengal, Assam, and Arakan

85

differences. In the first verses, the king includes his royal genealogy—he names seven of his ancestral monarchs and their queens. He then addressed the rulers of his own family and other dynasties with respect to the grant. The charter records that "a village called Dehgutta was granted by Kimmajudevi in favor of a vihâra built by herself."63 (Sircar notes that she must have had permission from the king to make the grant, as well as compensate the state for the loss of revenue, although these actions are not explicitly stated in the charter.) Further, "The income derived from the gift village was meant to be utilized on behalf of the ratna-traya [Three Jewels—Buddha, Dharma, Sahgha], the chatush-prayaya [Four necessities of a Buddhist priestclothing, food, bedding, medicine] and for the repair of the monastery."64 Significantly, the gift village is described as "yielding 3000" [Dèngutta-nàmâ ttrisahasrikó gramo], which Sircar takes to mean revenue income in standard coin. The charter goes on to declare that the gift should be protected out of a desire for religious merit (dharmm-àbhilàshât) and out of consideration for the gift (asmadbahumânât).65 This is followed by the usual imprecatory stanzas. Although following the Gupta formula, the grant is dated according to Bhdticandra's regnal year, similar to the charters of Gopacandra and Dharmâditya reviewed earlier. In addition, the individuals involved in the grant-making process indicate a much less elaborate administrative hierarchy; the only official mentioned in the grant was its executor, the Great Minister (mahamantrin) Rèhgàdityadàsa. Bhüticandra also enjoyed the title of mahârâjadhirâja, which, like Bhutivarman of Assam, declared his independent status. That Arakan at this time was looking to Bengal for models of kingship and administration is supported by the appearance of several Bengali words in Bhuticandra's inscription, including jôlâ (a channel) and khalla (khâl, a canal). Indeed, the grant as a whole can be compared with the AD 507 Gunaighar copper-plate inscription of Vainya Gupta.66 An inscription of Vïracandra (last quarter of the sixth century), further elaborates royal gift giving in ancient Arakan. It reads: A hundred Buddha-stupas, which are the armament of the earth, are made owing to his love for the true faith (and) with his own money [arthajby the illustrious king VTracandradeva who has his heart fully set on exertions for effecting good to others (and) who obtained (the) kingdom [or, sovereignty, mándala] through righteousness.67 These two inscriptions are critical for understanding the role of coinage in ancient Arakan. If Sircar's interpretation is correct, revenue was calculated in terms of an abstract standard (as yet unidentified) which took the physical form of a silver coin. Further, the context of Vïracandra's endowments would point to a dual purpose—first, 63

Fragmentary Copper-Plate Grant from Arakan; Dines Chandra Sircar, "Fragmentary CopperPlate Grant from Arakan," Epigraphia Indica 37 (1967): 63. Emended. 64 Fragmentary Copper-Plate Grant from Arakan; Sircar, "Fragmentary Copper-plate Grant," p. 63. 65 Fragmentary Copper-Plate Grant from Arakan; Sircar, "Fragmentary Copper-plate Grant," p. 64. ^Gunaighar Copper-Plate (GE 188); Mukherji and Maity, Bengal Inscriptions, pp. 65-70. 67 Viracandra Stone Inscription; Dines Chandra Sircar, "Inscriptions of Chandras of Arakan," Epigraphia Indica32 (1957): 109. Emended.

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that the coins used to pay for the work were minted during his reign and contained his superscription, thereby affirming his kingship, and, second, the act of distributing the coins as payment was in itself a meritorious deed. In contrast to their copper-plate charters which demonstrated a good deal of Gupta influence, Candra coinage was of Southeast Asian derivation, struck in silver on a thin hammered flan. The fourth ruler in the Candra line, Devacandra fca. 454476), issued Southeast Asia's first inscribed coinage. This was a Conch/SrJvatsa coin based upon the widespread Mon and Pyu traditions (see fig. 3.S).68 The conch was a sign of independent rule, and one early writer refers to a king of Kamarupa who "... took away the conch-shells of the lords of the armies, not their jewels f>69 On the reverse is a érîvatsa, symbol of prosperity and good fortune, which has begun to merge into the form of a trident. Devacandra issued a second coinage of the Bull/Tried la type, which became the Candra's dynastic standard. This early Bull/Triéüta coin was clearly experimental, with Devacandra's name squeezed in between the recumbent Brahmany bull and the border of the coin.70 Standardization of coin design and metrology took place during or just prior to the 55-year reign of Nïticandra (ça. 520-575) (see figs. 3.6,3.7). Nlticandra's coinage is not only the most common of the dynasty, but he is also the only ruler known to have issued three denominations of coins. The importance of Nïticandra's standardization can be brought more clearly into focus when compared with earlier issues, which show a 1:2:3 denominational structure. Beginning with Nïticandra, a 1:4 ratio was established, with quarter-unit coins predominating, bringing the coinage of the Candras into conformity with the denominational structure of coins issued by the Pyu and Mon in central and lower Burma. The coinage of Nïticandra and his successor, VTracandra, is also extremely pure, averaging better than 99 percent silver.71 The coinage of Prïticandra (ça. 578-590) and Dhrticandra (ca. 597-600) exhibit a slight debasement, dropping to 96-98 percent silver content. In a comparative light, Rising Sun coins, Pyu issues, and Mon coins from lower Burma and Thailand also maintained 98 or 99 percent silver content in their early issues while later varieties became increasingly debased. The palaeography of the coin inscriptions also demonstrate close affinities with Gupta inscriptions from Bengal; influence from south Indian scripts is to be noted for coins issued by the last three rulers of the dynasty—Prïticandra (ça. 578-590), Prthvïcandra (ça. 590-597), and Dhrticandra (ca. 597-600).72 The significance of this change is uncertain, although it does point to closer ties with southern India, a movement confirmed by Ànandacandra's inscription recording an Arakanese mission to Srî Lanka in the 720s. 68

Wicks, "Ancient Coinage," l,3 = A.P. Phayre, Coins ofArakan, of Pegu, and of Burma (London: International Numismata Orientalia, 1882), II, 11. A smaller coin of the same type is published in Wicks, "Bull/Trisüla," XIV, 1 = Michael Robinson and Lewis A. Shaw, The Coins and Banknotes of Burma (privately printed, 1980), 3.18. 69 HaAsacar/Ya; Devahuti, Harsha, p. 153, note 7. 70 Only one specimen of this coin is known. See Wicks, "Ancient Coinage," l,4 = Phayre, Coins of Arakan, 11,7. 71 Michael Robinson and M.J. Pollard, "Analysis of Burmese coins by X-ray Florescence," Numismatic Circular (October 1983), pp. 263-66; 293-96. 72 Gutman, "Ancient Arakan," pp. 123-24.

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3.7 Candra and Post-Candra rulers of Arakan (Note: Rulers known to have issued coinage are underlined)

LENGTH OF REIGN

RULER 1. Dveñcandra 2. Ràjacandra 3. Kàlacandra 4. Devacandra 5. Yajñacandra 6. Candrabandhu 7. Bhümicandra 8. Bhuticandra

55 years 20 years 9 years 22 years 7 years 6 years 7 years 24 years

SIRCAR'S DATES ca. 370-425 ca. 425-45 ca. 445-54 ca. 454-76 ca. 476-83 ca. 483-89 ca. 489-96 ca. 496-520

9. Niticandra 10. Vïracandra

55 years 3 years

ca. 520-75 ca. 575-78

11. Pnticandra 12. Prthvicandra 13. Dhrticandra

12 years 7 years 3 years

ca. 578-90 ca. 590-97 ca. 597-600

14. MahàvTra 15. Vrayajap 16. Seviñreñ 17. Dharmasüra 18. Vajrasakti 19. Dharmavijaya

20. Narendravijaya 21 . Dharmacandra 22. Ànandacandra

OTHER INFORMATION

C = sixth century C = fifth-sixth century C = late fifth century C = late fifth-early sixth centuries I = early sixth century S = form of grant is nearly identical with Gupta charter from Bengal of Vainya Gupta, AD 507 C = sixth century C = sixth-early seventh century I = last quarter sixth century C = sixth-seventh century

[Inter-regnal period.] 12 years ca. 600-12 12 years ca. 612-24 ca. 624-36 1 2 years 13 years ca. 636-49 1 6 years ca. 649-65 [Re-establishment of dynastic line.] C = late seventh century 36 years ca. 665-701 A = found at Mainamati in seventh-eighth century levels 2 yrs. 9 mo. ca. 701-703 16 years ca. 703-20 I = second quarter of the eighth 9+ years ca. 720-29+ century S = mention of King Silamegha (Aggabodhi IV) of Ceylon (fl. ca. 727-66)

Key: C = palaeographic dating of coin inscriptions I = palaeography of stone or copper-plate inscriptions S = synchronisms from internal evidence A = archaeological context of coin finds Source: Wicks, 1992.

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Following the introduction of coinage into Arakan by Devacandra (ca. 450), Bull/Triáüla pieces containing the name of the ruling monarch were issued by every Candra king until the fall of the dynasty around 600.73 Some time after the rule of Dhrticandra (ca. 597-600), Arakan was invaded from the north by Mahâvïra of Purep pura, a locality perhaps to be identified with the Naaf estuary in the Bengal Delta.74 With the invasion by Mahâvïra, coinage was effectively halted (with one exception, noted below) until the time of Dharmavijaya (ca. 665-701), indicating a very close re lationship between sovereignty and the act of issuing coinage. The confused interregnal period, when Arakan was controlled by Mahâvïra and his successors, saw no mint activity. An exception to the general lack of mint activity in post-Candra Arakan is coinage issued by a ruler, Suriyacandra, who does not appear in the dynastic lists of Candra rulers drawn up by Ànandacandra around 729.75 Palaeographically, Süriyacandra's coins can be dated to the second quarter of the seventh century, prompting the sug gestion that Suriyacandra regained the Candra throne for a short while following Mahâvïra's invasion.76 Because Süriyacandra's line would have had strong claims to the kingdom, Ànandacandra chose to ignore him when drawing up a genealogy of Candra kings. In this light, it is significant that Süriyacandra's coinage was also the first to exhibit typical post-Candra characteristics, including a preference for large module coins, distinguishing his issues from those struck by the main Candra rulers.

IV

ARAKAN, ASSAM, AND SOUTHEASTERN BENGAL BETWEEN THE SEVENTH AND NlNTH CENTURIES a. POST-CANDRA ARAKAN (CA. 650-729) The main Candra dynasty ended with the death of Dhrticandra about 600, whereupon ensued a difficult inter-regnal period (see fig. 3.7). A foreigner from Pureppura (northern Arakan, perhaps the Naaf estuary) by the name of Mahâvïra reigned for some twelve years (ca. 600-612), followed by at least four other rulers who reigned through mid-century, two of whom possessed non-sanskritic names. No coinage has survived from Mahâvïra or his successsors (those recorded in the Ànandacandra prasasti at any rate), an indication of the political and economic instability of the period. Toward the end of the seventh century a dynastic line was established under Dharmavijaya (ca. 665-701), who reintroduced a silver coinage, maintaining (like Suriyacandra before him) the large module 7.3-7.6 gram Bull/Trisüla type (see fig. 3.6 [c]). Coins of Dharmavijaya have been recovered both in central Arakan (from Akyab) and in the Bengal Delta region (Mainamati), an indication of his international connections.77 Indeed, the Ànandacandra prasasti of ca. 729 records that Dharmavijaya was, 73

See table in Wicks, "Ancient Coinage" or fig. 3.7 Gutman, "Ancient Arakan," pp. 44-45. 75 lbid., XL, 13 and p. 172. 76 lbid., p. 172. 77 Wicks, "Ancient Coinage," l,8 =* Phayre, Coins of Arakan, ll,3. For a discussion of Dharmavijaya's coinage, see Wicks, "Ancient Coinage," p. 203, Gutman, "Ancient Arakan," p. 174. For the Mainamati finds, see F.A. Khan, Mainamati: A Preliminary Report on the Recent Archaeological Excavations in East Pakistan (Dacca: Department of Archaeology, 1963) and M. Harunur Rashid, "The Mainamati Gold Coins," Bangladesh Lalit Kala 1 (1968): 41-58. 74

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" . . . a brave king,... attended by fortune, religion and victory ..." implying success both as a warrior and follower of the Buddha.78 Further, the fact that no coins have been found in the area of the Chittagong hill tracts would indicate that the chief communication links between the Bengal Delta and central Arakan were by way of the Bay of Bengal and not overland. At least two of Dharmavijaya's successors, Dhammacandra (ca. 703-720) and Ànandacandra (ca. 720-729+), also struck large module Bull/Triáüla coins (see fig. 3.6).79 At approximately the same time, that is during the late seventh century, at least two other groups began issuing Candra-derived coinages—an Àkara dynasty and Harikela, both located considerably to the north of Arakan proper. All three groups continued to issue silver coinage based on the Candra dynasty model well into the eighth century. (See below.) The single most important source for reconstructing the chronology of Candra rulers is Ànandacandra's Shitthaung Pillar Inscription, composed and erected during the early eighth century.80 In addition to providing a very complete genealogy of early Arakanese rulers, it also records that in the early eighth century Ànandacandra constructed a large number of monasteries named Ànandodaya, "provided with men and women slaves, together with fields, kine and buffaloes." (v. 46) He also "caused to be built four monasteries, lodging 50 brahmins, provided with fields and servants, furnished with musical instruments and musicians." Besides commissioning innumerable Buddha images and the writing of the "books of the Holy Law," Ànandacandra promoted spiritual growth through the study of the true religion by bestowing "day after day many shares" and "out of reverence (he has) given many robes and copper bowls to monks coming from divers places."81 Under Ànandacandra it is possible to identify a significant change in the nature of religious donations. In previous examples, land was given into the care of a religious establishment; any income derived from that gift would be to the benefit of the religion and not be subject to taxation by the state. Here, however, the donor has bestowed not only land, but also the means to ensure the continued productivity of agricultural enterprises on that estate. This change is probably related in some way to the shift noted earlier in non-Gupta inscriptions of the sixth century which granted, not wastelands or fallow land, but the income of cultivated areas to monasteries and religious leaders. The change could also be due to Ànandacandra's association with monks from Srî Lanka, having made gifts to the "noble congregation of monks in the land of king Silamegha," who can be identified with Aggabodhi IV (fl. 727-766). 78

Anandacandra Shitthaung Pillar Inscription, V. 39; E.H. Johnston, "Some Sanskrit Inscriptions of Arakan," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 11 (2) (1943-45): 381 ; Gutman, "Ancient Arakan," p. 65. 79 Dhammacandra coins: Phayre, Coins of Arakan, 11,1 = Wicks, "Ancient Coinage," 1,7. Ànandacandra coins: Gutman, "Ancient Arakan," XLI.2 and p. 175. Gutman also mentions, although does not illustrate, a half-unit coin. ^Ànandacandra Shitthaung Pillar Inscription. The most important studies include Johnston, "Some Sanskrit Inscriptions"; Sircar, "Inscriptions of Chandras of Arakan" and "Fragmentary Copper-plate Grant"; and Gutman, "Ancient Arakan," Chapter 2. 81 Anandacandra Shitthaung Pillar Inscription; Johnston, "Some Sanskrit Inscriptions," p. 381; Gutman, "Ancient Arakan," p. 66. Emended.

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These gifts included a cow elephant and brilliant robes for the monks, indicating perhaps both religious and commercial motives.82 b. HARIKELA: CA. LATE TTH-LATE 10TH CENTURY The Chinese Buddhist pilgrim Yijing, writing at the end of the seventh century, noted that Harikela was on the eastern-most boundary of India.83 An examination of later epigraphic and literary references to the polity has led to the suggestion that Harikela is to be located in the Sylhet region, or at least to the east of the Brahmaputra.84 Harikela coinage probably first appeared in southeastern Bengal or northern Arakan sometime in the late seventh century. Findspots for Harikela coins range from Sandoway in southern Arakan to Sylhet in present-day Bangladesh (fig. 3.8).K As in the case of Dharmavijaya, the discontinuous nature of the Harikela findspots along the Arakan coast would indicate a maritime relationship between southern Arakan (Sandoway) and the Bengal Delta region. The vast majority of Harikela finds, several hundred specimens in one instance, have been located in southeastern Bengal, providing some confirmation for the literary evidence regarding the location of that polity. The cointype adopted by Harikela is clearly derived from Candra coinage; but a placename (Harikela) takes the place of the ruler on the obverse. The earliest Harikela coins, of the late seventh century, follow closely the main Candra tradition, although they also show typical post-Candra characteristics. Coins of this group adhere to the same metrological standard as Dharmavijaya (ca. 665-701) and Dhammacandra (ca. 703-720) issues, weighing between 7.3 and 7.6 grams. Later Harikela coins gradually become lighter, decreasing to 6.1-7.0 grams for typical specimens in the Sylhet hoard.86 While a single denomination is recorded for most Harikela coins, an undetermined number of fractional specimens have been recovered at Mainamati and elsewhere.87 A number of distinctive fabrics for seemingly contemporaneous coins 82

Anandacandra Shitthaung Pillar Inscription; Johnston, "Some Sanskrit Inscriptions," p. 382; Gutman, "Ancient Arakan," p. 67. 83 B. N. Mukherjee, "The Original Territory of Harikela," Bangladesh Lalit Kala 1 (1975): 115-19; "The Coin-Legend Harikela," Journal of the Asiatic Society 18 (1976): 99-101. 84 Mukherjee, "The Coin-legend Harikela" and "The Original Territory of Harikela." 85 For a discussion of Harikela finds, see Wicks, "Bull/Trisüla," "Ancient Coinage," and "Numismatic Geography," in conjunction with Gutman, "Ancient Arakan." Other Harikelarelated literature (some to be used with caution—the coins were initially thought to read Pattikera) includes David W. MacDowall, "Eight Coins of Arakan from Sylhet," The Numismatic Chronicle (London), 6th ser. 20 (1960): 229-34; A.H. Dani, "Coins of the Chandra Kings of East Bengal," Journal of the Numismatic Society of India 24 (1962): 141-42; and the following studies by B.N. Mukherjee: "The Coin-legend Harikela"; "The Original Territory of Harikela"; "Harikela and Related Coinages," Journal of Ancient Indian History 10 (1976-1977): 166-71 ; "Series IA of Harikela Coinage," Journal of the Numismatic Society of India 47 (1985): 133-34; "Communications (ii), Half Unit Pieces of the First Series of the Coinage of Harikela," Journal of the Asiatic Society 27, 3 (1985): 135-39 [henceforth "Half Unit Pieces"]; "Bearing of the Excavations at Mainamati (Bangladesh) on the Local Silver Coinage," in 2nd International Colloquium, Numismatics and Archaeology, January 8th-10th, 1987, ed. P. L. Gupta and A. K. Jha pp. 66-69. 86 The Sylhet Hoard, most of which is presently in the British Museum, was published by MacDowall, "Eight Coins of Arakan from Sylhet." 87 Specimens weighing 3.2 to 4.2 grams have been dated to the seventh or eighth centuries. See, Mukherjee, "Half Unit Pieces."

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A

B

C

D

3.8 Harikela and Àkara coin issues of the seventh-ninth centuries, [a] Harikela Bull/Trisüla . (30mm, 7.47gm) This specimen retains the naturalistic treatment of the bull, suggesting an emission date sometime in the seventh century. While at least one early Harikela issue has been reported from Sandoway (in southern Arakan), large quantities of the main Harikela issue [b] (29mm, 5.12gm) have been recovered from Sylhet and Mainamati. Although the full-unit coin predominates, a number of 1/4-unit pieces are also known. Coins of an obscure Àkara dynasty [c] (30mm, 7.59gm) and [d] (30mm, 7.75gm) likewise maintain typical post-Candra characteristics. (See discussion in text.) Source: [a] American Numismatic Society, New York; [b] Robert Wicks; [c] American Numismatic Society, New York; [d] American Numismatic Society, New York.

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are known, most likely indicating that the Harikela rulers struck their coins at several mint sites.88 By the ninth or tenth century, Harikela coinage had evolved into a broadly struck bracteate some 48-58mm in diameter, weighing between 2.7 and 4.4 grams.89 Smaller bracteates weigh 0.6 to 1.5 grams. Although clearly based upon the postCandra Bull/Triáüla standard, these bracteates are extremely diverse, with nearly every coin displaying a variant inscription of either two, three, or four graphs. Some specimens are a true bi-faced coinage, but more often only the obverse bull and legend are impressed through the foil-like flan. A find of several hundred specimens is reported from Belonia, South Tripura.90 Significantly, these bracteates have not been recovered together with other post-Candra coins nor with standard Harikela issues, indicative of a separate origin and later date of issue, perhaps extending into the twelfth or thirteenth centuries.91 The gradual reduction in the weight standard for Harikela coins noted above was doubtless related to a change in the function of the coins. The bracteates would not have been suitable for exchange purposes, as they were simply too large and fragile. It is possible that as time went on the coins took on a more symbolic than exchange function, similar perhaps to the post-Gupta gold coinage of southeastern Bengal and the later coinage of Dvàravatï in central Thailand. (See Chapter Five.) c. ÀKARA KINGS OF SOUTHEASTERN BENGAL: EIGHTH OR NINTH CENTURY Another group of Bull/Triáüla coins appearing in the confused post-Candra period of Arakan belong to an otherwise unknown Àkara dynasty, first reported in 1920 (see fig. 3.8).92 Subsequently, a number of coins reading Lalitâkara were recovered from an eighth-century level at Mainamati, along with coins of Dharmavijaya (ca. 665-701) and Harikela.93 Typical of post-Candra issues, Àkara coins are not well made. They are of a single denomination with recorded weights of 7.6 and 7.8 grams, similar to postCandra issues from Arakan. Coins of at least four rulers are known, dated palaeographically to the eighth or ninth century: Lalitâkara, Ramyâkara, Pradyumnàkara, and Antâkara or Annákara. 88

The British Museum, Department of Coins and Medals, possesses Harikela coins displaying at least three distinctive fabrics. See also Mukherjee, "Series IA of Harikela Coinage." 89 Bracteates were first noted by Mukherjee, "The Original Territory of Harikela," and "The Coin Legend Harikela"; Michael Mitchiner, "A Group of Broad Repoussee Silver Coins Struck by the Candra Kings of East Bengal circa A.D. 1000," Spink's Numismatic Circular 86,1 (1978): 8-9 and his Oriental Coins and Their Values: The Ancient and Classical World 600 B.C.-A.D. 650 (London: Hawkins Publications, 1978), pp. 659-60; Alex G. Malloy, "New Discovery of the Candra Kingdom of East Bengal," Medieval Coins XV(fixed price list) 1978, pp. 2, 9-10; V. Choudhury and P. Ray, "Broad Repoussee Silver Coins Struck by the Candra Kings of East Bengal, a Response," Spink's Numismatic Circular (1978), pp. 186-87. 90 Mukherjee, "Harikela and Related Coinages," p. 167. 91 Mukherjee, "Bearing of the Excavations at Mainamati," p. 69; Mukherjee, "Harikela and Related Coinages," p. 170, first noted this division. 92 R.D. Banerji, "Unrecorded Kings of Arakan," Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (Numismatic Supplement 33), n.s. 16, 3 (1920): 85. 93 Khan, Preliminary Report, p. 25; Wicks, "Bull/Triáüla" and "Ancient Coinage."

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d. ASSAM IN THE NINTH CENTURY The mid-ninth century Hàyuhthal copper plates of Harjaravarman contain the only reference to merchants in early Assam: That illustrious Harjaravarman ascended the throne being surrounded by the vassal rulers as Indra is surrounded by the gods. He was sprinkled, at the time of coronation, with the water of all (the) sacred places, contained in a silver pitcher, by the merchants and princes of royal birth.94 The role played by merchants in the coronation ceremony and in the support of the ruler is doubtless significant, appearing as they do even before the "princes of noble birth." Merchants would have provided a source of revenue (through taxes and profits) beyond that extracted from the agricultural sector, and were a means of acquiring luxury goods. It is likely that Kamanupa merchants were involved in the Nanzhao trade (discussed above in Chapter Two). Indeed, the ninth century itinerary of Jia Dan from China to India extended through Nanzhao to Kàmarûpa (see fig. 3.1 ).95 Additional insight into local exchange as well as fiscal administration can be gained through an examination of the Tezpur inscription of AD 829-830, inscribed on a large rock situated on the northern bank of the Brahmaputra River. The first section of this edict records an interesting feature of early Assamese administration, which is that a single individual, in this case a feudatory king, could hold simultaneously the position of chief of the army staff, and also (presumably on a cyclical basis) judge in civil disputes. The decree stipulates that persons found rowing outside the designated areas would be fined. "Five buttikâs should be realized (as the fine or as the tax) from him who would make any movement (i.e. would row the boat) outside this water-area specified for rowing (of the civilians)."96 According to commentators, a buttikâwasa five-cowrie unit, revealing the existence of a slightly different valuational system from that in use in the Bengal Delta during post-Gupta times where the four-cowrie gandaka was prevalent.97 These two isolated references to merchants and cowries take on additional significance in conjunction with a hoard of ninth-century copper coins from the Dhlapadung Tea Estate, north of Tezpur, discovered in 1977.98 The coins, thirty-three of which have been recovered, are uniface with a single-letter inscription reading ha or va and two or three additional varieties which have not yet been deciphered. An eighth-century literary tradition refers to rulers by the initial letters of their names, a practice also followed by Manipuri kings of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries who issued uniface coins with a single letter corresponding to the first letter of the ruler's name.99 R.D. Choudhury has suggested that a similar principle was at work in early Assam and 94

Háyuñthal Copper-Plates of Harjaravarman; Sharma, Inscriptions of Ancient Assam, pp. 8894; p. 92. Emended. 95 Paul Pelliot, "Deux itinéraires de Chine en Inde à la fin du VIII siècle," Bulletin du l'École Française de l'Extrême-Orient 4 (1904): 178-83. 96 Tezpur Rock Inscription of Harjaravarman (GE 510); Sharma, Inscriptions of Ancient Assam, pp. 82-88; p. 84. 97 Sharma, Inscriptions of Ancient Assam, pp. 84, 85. 98 Choudhury, Archaeology of the Brahmaputra, pp. 200-207. "Choudhury, Archaeology of the Brahmaputra, p. 205.

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ascribes the coins reading va to Vanâmalavarman or Balavarman, while those reading ha may be issues of Harjaravarman. Because the coins were struck in copper and are of irregular weight, if they were utilized in the market-place for daily provisioning they most likely would have been weighed at each transaction. In addition, if the coins were impressed with the first letter of the ruler's name, it is likely that they were distributed as largesse on auspicious occasions. The monarch was at the ritual center and as such was the major source of benefit for all his people. This concept underlies a ninth-century description of the city of Harüppeávara on the banks of the Lauhitya River, where "the broad royal roads remain crowded with kings who come to pay homage to the monarch and go back seated on colourful elephants and horses This prosperous city of Hárüppeávara is blessed with the presence of the Lord Lauhity [the spirit of the river]."100 Feudatory rulers are depicted as anxious to pay homage to the monarch of Kámarüpa, realizing that, as they made presentations to their supreme lord (who was under the divine protection not only of Indra but also the spirit of the river), he would bless them, both spiritually and materially. They did not go back to their kingdoms empty-handed, but were presented with elephants and horses, a custom found also in Arakan during the eighth century and Pagan in the twelfth. Other aspects of administration are also dealt with in the ninth-century grants. The majority settle prominent religious adepts, with the objective of gaining religious merit. One inscription reads: The king of commendable nature has been pleased to donate the village named Haposa to the Brahmin, who was the eldest (of the aforesaid four brothers) with great care on an auspicious day. (The gift has been made) for the increase of the merit and fame of his parents and also of himself, and hence this (act) should be approved by all Every one has enjoyed appropriate merit for the respective pieces of land donated.101 An additional feature of ninth-century (and later) grants from Assam is that they were commonly made on auspicious days or following a ceremonial event, further securing their effectiveness in garnering merit and establishing the sacredness of the donation. The copper-plate grant of Vanâmalafrom Parbatïyà rendered the village Haposagràma "free from visits of policemen and the armymen and also from (the obligation to pay) the taxes payable by temporary tenants [uparikara] as far as the eight boundaries. .. ."102 The term used in the inscription, uparikara, is usually interpreted to mean taxes paid by temporary tenants; it could, however, well refer to "an extra revenue derived from all classes of cultivators, both permanent and temporary," given the context of the term here and in the Nowgong grant of Balavarman.103 100

Tezpur Copper-Plate of Vanamâla; Sharma, Inscriptions of Ancient Assam, pp. 95-113; p. 103-104. Emended. 101 Parbatïyà Copper-Plate of Vanâmalavarmadeva; Sharma, Inscriptions of Ancient Assam, pp. 114-26, p. 124. 102 Parbatïyà Copper-Plate of Vanâmalavarmadeva; Sharma, Inscriptions of Ancient Assam, pp. 114-26, p. 124. Emended. 103 See Sharma, Inscriptions of Ancient Assam, pp. 125-26, note to line 51.

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By the last quarter of the ninth century there is a distinct change in the royal grants from Assam. Fiscal exemptions are specified for the first time, probably because of influence from Pala India.104 In the Uttarbarbil copper plate of Balavarman III, a tract of land granted to a Brahmana scholar was "rendered free from all troubles on account of the fastening of elephants [hastibandha], searching for thieves [cauroddharana], inflicting of punishment, tenants' taxes [upakarika], duties due to different courses and grazing of the animals such as elephants, horses, camels, cows, buffaloes, goats and sheep."105 The precise meaning of these fiscal terms is not always clear. Hastibandha may be a tax on the keeping of elephants. Cauroddharana could refer to the recovery of stolen property. Upakarika has been interpreted by Hoernle and Sircar as a "tax paid by temporary tenants," and is considered by P.C. Choudhury to be an "extra or irregular levy."106 Another new feature of the late ninth-century grants is that the yield of gift lands is calculated in terms of paddy, a feature not known elsewhere in the region. Although not stated explicitly in the Uttarbarbil charter (it simply says that the land was given "in full conformity to the rules"), the income from the land, estimated at 2,000 units of paddy, would have gone to the support and maintenance of the donee.107 In comparison with Gupta and post-Gupta charters, it is significant that the exact dimensions of the land are not given. In their place is an indication of the expected harvest, expressed as so many units of paddy (unthreshed rice), a characteristic of Assamese charters maintained through the twelfth century. Another copper-plate inscription of Balavarman III, belonging to the last quarter of the ninth century, records a similar donation in which the land yielded 4,000 units of paddy.108 V SOUTHEASTERN BENGAL, ASSAM, AND ARAKAN IN THE ELEVENTH AND TWELFTH CENTURIES

a. SOUTHEAST BENGAL IN THE ELEVENTH CENTURY: THE CANORA RULERS Candra grants of the eleventh century from southeastern Bengal (like those from Assam) also follow Pala administrative practice. The Rámpála copper plate of Srïcandra, issued from the victory camp at Vikramapura, is representative. It records the making over of certain land to a priest in charge of propitiatory rites. The grant consisted of 104 For a discussion of administration under the Palas, see Benoychandra Sen, Some Historical Aspects of the Inscriptions of Bengal [Pre-Muhammadan Epochs] (Calcutta: University of Calcutta, 1942), pp. 523ff; P.L. Paul, The Early History of Bengal (From the Earliest Times to the Muslim Conquest), Vol. 1. (Calcutta: The Indian Research Institute, 1939), pp. 130-38, as well as representative inscriptions in Mukherji and Maity, Bengal Inscriptions. 105 Uttarbarbil Copper-Plate of Balavarman III; Sharma, Inscriptions of Ancient Assam, pp. 127-41; p. 135. Emended. 106 Sharma, Inscriptions of Ancient Assam, p. 140, note to line 42. 107 Uttarbarbil Copper-Plate of Balavarman III; Sharma, Inscriptions of Ancient Assam, pp. 127-41; p. 135. 108 Nowgong Copper-Plate of Balavarman III; Sharma, Inscriptions of Ancient Assam, pp. 14251; 147.

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Money, Markets, and Trade one pàtaka of land situated in the village of Nehakasthi... circumscribed with its own boundaries, along with grass, pastures, mango, and jackfruit trees, betelnut and cocoanut trees, salt, and water, pits and barren tracts,—inclusive of the taxes levied for prevention of ten crimes and theft—immune from all kinds of forced labor,—not to be entered by Catas and Bhàtas, free from all dues, with all income, such as taxes and gold enjoyed by the king is made over by us by means of a copper-plate charter and affixing the illustrious Dharmachakra in the name of the Lord Buddha for the increase of merit and reputation of ourselves and our parents—for ever and rent-free 109 Our command in this respect should be heard and obeyed by the cultivators who dwell upon the land, and all proper dues should be made over to the donee.110

The last sentence serves to emphasize that the position of the cultivators remained unchanged; what was in fact enacted was not a change in title to the land itself but a transfer of the tax rights, that is, a change in the direction of the flow of revenue from the ruler to the religious order. Similar phrases are found in other charters, including a grant of Ladahacandra, where the "cultivators residing in the gift land were advised to be obedient to the donee and offer him his dues."111 One distinctive feature of Candra grants is that, while the dimensions of each plot of land are carefully delineated, there is no indication of annual income or the value of the gift land. Many of the Candra grants are exceedingly detailed and include long lists of officials present during the establishment of a sïma, providing insight into the structure of administration in southeastern Bengal during the eleventh century. A grant of Ladahacandra, belonging to the sixth year of his reign, is typical.112 At the time of announcing the grant, nineteen officials or high-ranking individuals were addressed in turn, beginning with the Ràjapurusa (royal agent or officer), Ràjnï(queen), and Ranaka (feudatory ruler), as well as the Mahaksapafalika (record-keeper and accountant) and the Saulkika (toll-collector or customs officer). Other royal officers not specifically mentioned were also addressed. The land along with the two villages were granted in accordance with the principle of perpetual endowment (bhumi-cchidra-nyaya) in favor of the deity Ladahamadhavabhattaraka installed at Pattikeraka, lor the increase of the religious merit and fame" of himself and his parents. The privileges of the donee were enumerated, among them: sa-daa-àparàdha:—together with the right to punish and realize fines for the ten offenses; sa-caur-oddharana:—together with the right to punish thieves and recover stolen property or fines; 109

Rampala Copper-Plate of Srïchandra; Mukherji and Maity, Bengal Inscriptions, pp. 221-29; pp. 228-29. 110 Ràmpàla Copper-Plate of Srïchandra; Mukherji and Marty, Bengal Inscriptions, pp. 221-29; p. 229. 111 Mainamati Copper-Plate of Ladahacandra no. 1 (Regnal Year 6); Sircar, Epigraphic Discoveries, p. 48; A.M. Dani, "Mainamati Plates of the Chandras," Pakistan Archaeology 3 (1966): 37-46; p. 46. 112 Mainamati Copper-Plate of Ladahacandra no. 1 (Regnal Year 6); Dani, "Mainamati Plates of the Chandras," pp. 37-46; no. 2, pp. 47-49.

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parihrta-sarva-pïda:—iree from all troubles; a-cata-bhata-pravesa:—freedom from entry of Cata and Bhata; a-kincit-praghaha:—freedom from payment of taxes and the obligation of supplying articles to the king or landlord on special occasions to the touring officers on their visit; samasta-râjabhoga-kara-hiranya-pratyàya-sahiîa:-^oge\her with all income including the king's grain share, the periodical offerings to be made to the king or landlord and to the touring officers, taxes in grains, taxes in cash, and so forth. At this point the royal officers were requested to approve the donor's request, and future rulers were enjoined to protect the grant as well. The usual imprecatory verses are followed by the date (expressed as a regnal year) and record of the examination and registration of the document by the Minister of Peace and War and by the Record-keeper and Accountant, both of whom were addressed at the beginning of the grant. b. ASSAM IN THE ELEVENTH AND TWELFTH CENTURIES A number of royal grants pertaining to the eleventh and twelfth centuries in Assam have survived. The motivation behind these tax transfers is primarily religious, as virtually all of the complete grants express a desire to accrue merit, either for the grantors themselves or for their parents. The 1185 Assam plates of Vallabhadeva record that he " . . . gave an alms-house for the hungry ones, at the instance of his father, for his mother's obtaining heaven forever."113 There were additional motivations behind these grants, one of which was the obligation of the ruler to be an active bestower of gifts. The Gachtal copper-plate of Gopalavarman (ca. 1080) describes the ruler as "... a wish-yielding tree [kalpavrksa] for the supplicants, a repository of virtues and an embellishment of the world."114 And, the Kamauli copper plate of Vaidyadeva (ca. 1142) describes a younger brother, Budhadeva, who " . . . had a shining fame resulting from the prowess of his arms, and had the celebrity of being similar to the wish-yielding tree [kalpavrksa] because of his gifts "115 Copper-plate grants from Assam of the eleventh and twelfth centuries are remarkably similar to those of the late ninth, recording the officials present, repeating the standard of enumeration of benefits, establishing the grant at an auspicious moment, "for the fame of my parents and my own merit."116 The value of the land is likewise calculated in terms of its productive capacity, expressed as a quantity of paddy. An intriguing aspect of these grants is that the units are consistently expressed in multiples of two thousand—two, four, six, eight, and ten (fig. 3.9). 113

Assam Copper-Plate of Vallabhadeva (AD 1185); Sharma, Inscriptions of Ancient Assam, pp. 291-301; p. 298. 114 Gachial Copper-Plate of Gopalavarman (c. AD 1080); Sharma, Inscriptions of Ancient Assam, pp. 207-24; p. 216. Emended. 115 Kamauli Copper-Plate of Vaidyadeva (c. AD 1142); Sharma, Inscriptions of Ancient Assam, pp. 273-90; p. 285. 116 Bargaon Copper-Plate of Ratnapâla (c. AD 1035); Sharma, Inscriptions of Ancient Assam, pp. 152-72; p. 164.

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Money, Markets, and Trade 3.9 Value of Land Expressed as Yield in Units of Paddy in Eleventh and Twelfth Century Assam. RULER Ratnapàla Ratnapâla Gopâladeva Dharmapala Dharmapala Dharmapala Dharmapala

APPROXIMATE DATE ca. 1035 ca. 1030s mid-11th cent, ca. 1100-50 ca. 1100-50 ca. 1100-50 ca. 1100-50

YIELD two thousand units of paddy four thousand units of paddy eight thousand units of paddy two thousand (units of) paddy six thousand units of paddy two thousand units of paddy ten thousand units of paddy

Source: Compiled from Sharma (1978).

In at least one twelfth century inscription (of Jayapâladeva) a gold unit is alluded to in connection with a tülapurusa gift (the weighing of a king against precious metals and distributing the same to religious establishments)—hemam navâni aatâni, interpreted as "nine hundred (pieces of) gold [hemas]," perhaps referring to gold coin.117 c. ARAKAN IN THE ELEVENTH CENTURY: THE NORTH FACE OF THE SHITTHAUNG PILLAR INSCRIPTION The north face of the Shitthaung Pillar Inscription (SPI) gives some indication of the range of Arakan's international connections during the eleventh century and introduces a new line of kings, whose names began with Simgha- and ended with -ái/racandra.118 A coin of one of these rulers has survived; it is from a hoard near Kywede and dates to the late tenth or early eleventh century.1!9 The inscription on the coin is Sri Simghagandacandra and is to be identified with Sri Sirtighandapatiáuracandra of the SPI. The script used on the coin is related to proto-Bengali, pointing up connections with Bengal at this time. The palaeography of the SPI itself suggests that "most forms derive from the Gaudiya or proto-Bengali style prevalent in Bengal"; the closest comparisons are to be found with the copper-plate grants of Govindacandra (ca. 1020-1055) of southeastern Bengal.120 This Bengal connection 117

Silimpur (Bogra district) inscription of Jayapâladeva; Mukherjee, "Media of Exchange in North India," p. 101 ; idem., "Media of Exchange in Trade," p. 162; Choudhury, Civilisation of Assam, p. 361. 118 This is the same pillar which contains the Ànandacandra inscription of the early eighth cen tury. The inscriptions on the north face, because of its relatively poor state of preservation, have received less study than those on the other faces. The best discussion is to be found in Gutman, "Ancient Arakan," pp. 68-74 although reference should also be made to the earlier study of Johnston (1943-1945), pp. 372-73. On Simghandapatisuracandra, see line 9 [Gutman, "Ancient Arakan," p. 70]. 119 On the Kywede hoard, see Gutman, "Ancient Arakan," p. 70 and 176. The Simghagandacandra coin is illustrated in Gutman, "Ancient Arakan," XLI.3 « Wicks, "Ancient Coinage," I,'10. 120 Gutman, "Ancient Arakan," pp. 68-69. A grant of Govindacandra from Mainamati can be found in Dani, "Mainamati Plates of the Chandras," pp. 50-55 and Sircar, Epigraphic Discoveries, pp. 49-51.

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is further confirmed by the occurrence of the name Srï Govindacandra in line 23 of the north face of the SPI.121 The appearance of a coinage struck by Srî Siríighagandacandra is significant, the Kywede hoard consisting of 38 silver Bull/Tri eu la coins of a single denomination reading Srî Siríighagandacandra along with a silver coin of Dharmavijaya (ca. 665701) and a specimen tentatively read as [Ânandajcandrah (ça. 720-729+).122 The composition of the hoard and the appropriation of a design used some 300 years earlier by post-Candra rulers appears to indicate that, by imitating post-Candra coinage of the eighth century, the eleventh-century rulers of Arakan were attempting to establish dynastic connections with the post-Candra rulers. The relatively large number of specimens suggests that, in addition to a ceremonial/legitimizing role, this imitative coinage could have performed an exchange function. And finally, the appearance of the phrase yâksapura—râjâ in the SPI, a reference to the Mon capital at Thaton, suggests some connection between Arakan and lower Burma during this period.123 According to later sources, Thaton was captured by Aniruddha of Pagan in 1057 as part of his efforts to secure a unified Burma. Arakan was also brought under Pagan rule during his reign and almost nothing more is heard of Arakan until the fifteenth century.124 d. SOUTHEAST BENGAL UNDER THE SENAS: THE TWELFTH AND EARLY THIRTEENTH CENTURIES The dronavàpa measure (the area of land requiring one drona measure of grain to be sown) used under the Guptas was revived during the Sena period (fig. 3.10).125 The arbitrariness of this system of land measurement was a critical weakness. The subjective nature of the measure is brought out by the fact that there are at least four different measurement standards (nala) recorded in twelfth-century charters. This point is made even stronger with the realization that virtually all of the grants were issued from Vikramapura, the former Candra stronghold. Thus, the Senas were aware of (and made allowance for) variation in the matter of land measurement. This is true until about 1180, after which date there is no mention of local units, apparently indicating a standardization of land measures throughout Sena domains. The solution adopted by the Senas was to utilize the cowrie as a standard of value, as it had performed as a measure of value and medium of exchange in the 121

Gutman, "Ancient Arakan,"p. 71. The Ànandacandra coin is illustrated in Gutman, "Ancient Arakan," XLI.2. See above for discussion of Arakan in the eighth century. 123 Gutman, "Ancient Arakan," p. 71. 124 See Gordon H. Luce, "Aspects of Pagan History—Later Period," in In Memoriam Phya Anuman Rajadhon, ed. Tej Bunnag and Michael Smithies (Bangkok: The Siam Society, 1970), p. 139 and his Phases of Pre-Pagan Burma, Languages and History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985), p. 17; G.E. Harvey, History of Burma (London: Frank Cass & Co., 1925), pp. 326-27. 125 For a general discussion of Sena fiscal policies, see P.L. Paul, The Early History of Bengal (From the Earliest Times to the Muslim Conquest), Vol. 1. (Calcutta: The Indian Research Inst tute, 1939), pp. 130-39. 122

100 Money, Markets, and Trade

3.10 Measures of Land Area and Productive Capacity in Southeastern Bengal under the Senas (12th-13th Centuries). APPROX. DATE 1. 12th cent. 2. 12th cent. 3. ca. 1180 4. ca. 1180 5. ca. 1180 6. ca. 1181 7. ca. 1204

AMOUNT OF LAND GRANTED 4 pàtakas 7 bhû-pàtakas, 7 dronas, 1 àdhaka, 34 umànas, 3 kàkas 3 bhü-dronas, 1 khàdikà, 23 umànas, 21/2/cá/c/nfs 60 bhü-dronas, 1 7 umànas 120 àdhàvàpas, 5 umànas 1 pâtaka, 9 dronas, 1 àdhàvàpa, 37 umànas and 1 kàkimka WQbhûkhàdis, 91 khàdikàs

MEASURE nala of Samatata Sri Vrsabhasankas nala

YIELD 200 kapardaka-purànas 500 kapardaka-purànas

pillar of Ugramadhava 50 purànas nala prevalent in that region —

900 purànas, at the rate of 1 5 purànas per drona 150 kapardaka-purànas

—

100 kapardaka-purànas

—

1 00 purànas, 68 kapardâkas

— 627 purànas 8. ca. 1206-20 — — 500 purànas 9. ca. 1205-20 336 1/2 umànas 10. ca. 1225-28 "The value of the land bounded on four sides is 200 (drammas)."

Source: Compiled from Mukherji and Maity (1967). region since at least Gupta times. This extrinsic measure of value was called a kapardaka-puràna, literally "a purâna (anciently a coin, here a measure of value) computed in kapardâkas (cowrie-shells)."126 The importance of the cowrie in monetary transactions in the Bengal Delta is brought out by the Tabaqât-i-Nàsirl a Persian work relating events that took place toward the end of the reign of Laksmanasena (r. 1179-1206). "It is said by trustworthy persons that no one, great or small, ever suffered injustice at his hands. He used to give a lac (of cowries) to every person that asked him for charity... and the smallest present he made was a /acof cowries [kaudas].'*27 It also notes that "... the current money is cowries [kaudas] instead of struck coins [chitáis]."™ A1204 grant separates kapardaka f rom pu ran a, indicating a distinction between the two terms, perhaps signalling the usage of both cowries and silver as measures of value.129 Gradually, the cowrie ceased to be used as a measure of value—grants of 1206-1220 leave out kapardaka and refer only to purâna. And, finally, the last charter 126

cf. Naihàtï Copper-Plate of Vallàsena; Mukherji and Maity, Bengal Inscriptions, pp. 258-71; p. 268. ^7Tabaqàt-i-Nàsin; H. M. Elliot and John Dowson, eds., The History of India, as told by its own historians. Vol. II, The Muhammadan Perbd (London: Trubner and Co.; reprinted by AMS Press, New York, 1966), pp. 307-308. Emended. 128 7abagaf-/-A/as/r/~; Elliot and Dowson, History of India, Vol. II, p. 308. Emended. 129 cf. Mukherjee, "Media of Exchange in North India," p. 100.

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listed in the table specified that the "value of the land" was 200. The editor of the inscription inserted drammas, referring to "a silver coin," derived from the Greek drachma.**30 Mukherjee has pointed out that silver dust, referred to as chumnï, was also in use under the Senas.131 The ascendancy of silver as a measure of value and means of payment in southeastern Bengal was hastened by the introduction of a silver coinage by Turkic rulers during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.

VI SOUTHEASTERN BENGAL AND ASSAM IN THE THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH CENTURIES a. BENGAL IN THE THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH CENTURIES The early thirteenth century was marked by the arrival of Muslim rulers on the northeastern frontier (fig. 3.11). The conquerors followed a distinctive pattern of monetary and administrative domination in order to solidify and maintain their authority. The first Turkic ruler in the northeast was Muhammad Bakhtyâr Kbaljï, who invaded Sena domains and established his capital at LakhnautT in 1204. As part of a deliberate political and fiscal policy, mints were set up. When Muhammad Bctfshtyar had taken possession of the Rai's territory, he destroyed the city of Nadia [Laksmanasena's residence] and established the seat of his government at LakhnautT. He brought the surrounding places into his possession, and caused his name to be read in the khutba and struck on the coins. Mosques, colleges, and monasteries were raised everywhere by the generous efforts of him and his officers, and he sent a great portion of the spoil to Sultan Qutbal-dïn.132 There were several components to the Muslim conquest of southeastern Bengal: destruction of the former Sena capital, thereby ensuring the dynasty's literal demise; the reading of the new ruler's name in the khutba (the Friday prayers); and, having his ligature stamped on the coin of the realm, thereby affirming his legitimacy. One authority has pointed out that for Muslim rulers, " . . . the inscription of a ruler's name on his coins was regarded as one of the essential symbols of his sovereignty."133 Baktltyar's tendering of spoils to his supreme ruler was another measure of his success as conqueror and absolute ruler over Bengal. Once the pattern was established it was copied by successive rulers. We read, for instance, that Malik Husam-ud-din 'Iwad Khaljî joined Muhammad Baktltyár; and his fortune reached such a degree of success that his name was read in the khutba and struck upon the coin through-out the territory of LakhnautT. To him the title of Sultan £tliyâth al-dîn was given. He made 130

Sircar, Indian Epigraphical Glossary, p. 78. Mukherjee, "Media of Exchange in Trade," p. 161 and 162, note 3; idem., "Media of Exchange in North India," p. 101. 132 Tabaqât-i-Nàsin; Elliot and Dowson, History of India, Vol. II, p. 309. Emended. 133 Michael Bates, "Money in the Islamic World," Encyclopedia of Asian History (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1988), vol. 3, pp. 21-22. 131

102 Money, Markets, and Trade

3.11 Bengal and Assam in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries

Southeastern Bengal, Assam, and Arakan 103

the city of Lakhnautï the seat of his government, and built a fort for his residence. People flocked to him from all quarters... .134 The first of the Bengal silver tañkas were struck in the early thirteenth century.135 A number of the issues from mints in the delta region provide insight into fiscal administration. One such coin is a silver /a/Vcafrom Lakhnautï. The inscription on the coin reads, "struck a t . . . Lakhnautï from the land tax /¿fiara/yof Banga in the year 690 [AD 1291]."136 In the late thirteenth century, Banga referred to the deltaic region of the Ganges along with southeastern Bengal. This coin documents a major shift in the nature of taxation in the Bengal Delta, representing a radical departure from customary practice in a region where taxes were traditionally paid in kind. The necessity of providing precious metals to fulfill fiscal obligations would impose an additional burden upon the populace as they exchanged their goods for the needed hard currency. Mints in the Bengal region prior to 1400 included Lakhnautï (active ca. 1236-ca. 1334), renamed Fïruzâbâd (ca. 1342-1400s); Sunargaon (active ca. 1305-ca. 1362); and Satgáon (active ca. 1329-ca. 1396) (fig. 3.12).137 These mint-towns functioned as both administrative centers and markets.138 Minhàj remarked that at Karampatan, which traded with Lakhnautï, "Every day, at daybreak, in the cattle-market of that city about one thousand five hundred horses are sold; and all the tangahan horses which reach Lakhnautï country they bring from that place. The route by which they come . . . is well known."139 Although less specific than Minhaj, Marco Polo's comments on the horse trade of Anin (Yunnan?) affirms the continued use of the Yunnan-Assam trade route: "They have plenty of horses which they sell in great numbers to the Indians, making a great profit thereby."140 It is not certain precisely how this trade was conducted, but the comments of Wang Dayuan, writing in the middle of the fourteenth century, would indicate that most of Bengal's inter-regional trade was in the form of barter. Wang furnishes a list of goods used by the Chinese in trading with Bengal. These included "Chinese silks, taffetas, satins, cloves, nutmegs, blue and white china-ware, white tassels, and the like."141 Further on he noted that a shipload of cowries from the Maldives could be sold in Bengal for an equivalent amount of rice. 134

Tabaqât-i-Nàsirï; Elliot and Dowson, History of India, Vol. II, pp. 317-18. Emended. See John Deyell, "The China Connection: Problems of Silver Supply in Medieval Bengal," in Precious Metals, ed. Richards, pp. 207-27; and Abdul Karim, Corpus of the Muslim Coins of Bengal (down to AD. 1538) (Dacca: Asiatic Society of Pakistan, Publications No. 6, 1960). Deyell's interpretation of Chinese sources and the forms taken by currencies in the Yunnan/ Burma region can be accepted only with severe reservations. For a corrective, see the relevant portions of Chapters Two and Four of this study. 136 Deyell, "The China Connection," p. 214; Karim, Corpus, p. 25. Emended. 137 Karim, Corpus; see also Nisar Ahmad, "Assam-Bengal Trade in the Medieval Period: A Numismatic Perspective," Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 33, 2 (June, 1990): 169-98. 138 See discussion in Richards, "Outflows of Precious Metals," pp. 198-201. 139 Minhàj, Tabaqât-i-Nàsin; Richards "Outflows of Precious Metals," p. 200. 140 r/7e Description of the World; Richards, "Outflows of Precious Metals," p. 200. 141 Daoy/z/7///u;cf. W. W. Rockhill, "Notes on the Relations and Trade of China with the Eastern Archipelago and the Coast of the Indian Ocean During the Fourteenth Century," T'oung Pao 16 (1915): 435-36. Emended. 135

104 Money, Markets, and Trade

3.12 Silver 11 gm tahka minted by Sfriyàth al-dïn Bahadur Shah, 1310-23, at Sunârgàon under the authority of Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlaq of Dehli. Source: Omar Hamidi, List 25, no. 583.

Exchanges at the middle level of distribution were assisted by a convenient silver and gold coinage. As described by Wang Dayuan, "The government (of Bengal) casts (sic) a silver coin called tangjia [tañka] every one of which weighs 2 qian 8 fen; they are regularly used in trade."142 Ibn Battüta's fourteenth-century account provides an indication of the impact this mint activity had on the Bengal economy: Nowhere in the universe have I seen a country where the commodities sell cheaper than here I have seen rice selling at the markets of this place at the rate of 25 raf/of Dehli for a silver dinar I have seen milch cows in Bengal selling for 3 silver dinars . . . the pigeons cost one dirham tor 15 ... a piece of fine cotton of excellent quality, and measuring thirty cubits, was sold in my presence tor 2 dinars 143 Values were computed in terms of the imported Islamic gold and silver coin units, the dirham (a silver coin weighing 2.50-3.0gm) and the dinar (a gold coin of 4.004.50gm).144 The cowrie, however, remained important for small-scale transactions just as it had in the past. Wang concludes with a note that the silver tahka was "... exchanged for 11,520 odd cowries [bazi], which are a substitute for small cash; this is convenient for the people and truly advantageous."145 142

Daoy/z/M//i/;cf. Rockhill, "Notes on the Relations," pp. 435-36. Emended. lbn Battuta; cf. also Sir Henry Yule, trans., Cathay and the Way Thither (London: Hakluyt Society, 1916), vol 4, pp. 80-82; and N.K. Bhattasali, Coins and Chronology of the Early Independent Sultans of Bengal (Cambridge: Heffer & Sons, 1922), pp. 135-36. Emended. 144 See Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither, vol 4, pp. 54-62 for a discussion of coins mentioned by Ibn Battüta. 145 Daoy/ zhiliu] cf. Rockhill, "Notes on the Relations," p. 436. Emended. 143

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105

b. ASSAM IN THE THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH CENTURIES: THE MONETARY IMPACT OF THE MUSLIM INVASIONS The thirteenth and fourteenth centuries were a time of transition for Assam (see fig. 3.11). The kingdom of Kámarüpa disintegrated into a host of localized principalities by the end of the first quarter of the thirteenth century; it is at this time that the Tai Ahom first appear on the scene.146 Land grants following previous styles were issued through the end of the fourteenth century and occasionally beyond. (See below.) Political continuity was more difficult to maintain, as Muslim armies from Bengal (Gauda) invaded Assam at least seven times between 1205/6 and 1389.147 Occasional finds of thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Islamic coinage from Bengal have been reported at various locations throughout central Assam.148 Several of these incursions are of interest from the point of view of monetary developments. Malik Yuzbak Tüflural Khan of Laknautï invaded Assam (Kâmatâ) in 12561257.149 The Raja of Kàmatà made an overture to the Gauda ruler, offering to pay a tribute of gold and elephants every year, and to follow the custom of the khutba and have his overlord's name struck on the coin of the realm. In return, the Raja asked to be re-instated as the ruler of Kàmatà.150 After his offer was rejected, the Raja determined to dislodge the Gauda forces by starving them into submission and proceeded to "buy up all the grains procurable . . . at whatever price."151 Although we are not told how the rice was purchased, this incident does provide some indication that the Raja of Kàmatà had access to a local source of gold (most likely alluvial) which he could promise to the Laknautï sultan as tribute. What the Raja of Kàmatà only promised (to set up a mint in Assam proper), the Bengal Sultán fíuiyáth al-dïn Bahadur Sùàh actually accomplished in 1321. His coins, dated to AH 721 and 722, were struck at Ghiyaspur in the central valley of Assam, and have been used as evidence to show that Sultanfítliyath al-dïn Bahadur Sùàh gained at least temporary control of the area in the first quarter of the fourteenth century.152 And, finally, the initial coinage of the Bengal Sultan SikandarSuah, struck in 1358 (AH 759), includes an issue minted in silver from "the land of rice, alias the province of Kámarüpa [Kamrü],'^53 an indication the Assam was in a tributary relationship with the Bengal sultanate at that time. 146

See Luce, Phases of Pro-Pagan Burma, pp. 81 and 87, note 28, for a discussion of the appearance of the Tai in Assam. For a more traditional view see, N. N. Acharyya, The History of Medieval Assam (From the Thirteenth to the Seventeenth Century) (Gauhati: Dutta Baruah, 1966). 147 See Bhattasali, Coins and Chronology, pp. 149-54. 148 S.N. Bhattacharyya, A History of Mughal North-East Frontier Policy (Calcutta: Chuckervertty, Chatterjee & Co., 1929) [henceforth Mughal North-East Frontier Policy] and M.K. Saikia, Assam-Muslim Relatbn and Its Cultural Significance (Golaghat: Luit Printers, Naharani, 1978), passim. Ahmad, "Assam-Bengal Trade," pp. 188-98, lists major Islamic coin finds in Assam. 149 Saikia, Assam-Muslim Relation, pp. 57-59. ^Tabaqàt-i-Nàsirï', Saikia, Assam-Muslim Relation, p. 58. 151 ¡bid. 152 Saikia, Assam-Muslim Relation, pp. 66-68; Bhattacharyya, Mughal North-East Frontier Policy, pp. 59ff. 153 Deyell, "The China Connection," p. 215; Karim, Corpus, pp. 160-61. Emended.

106 Money, Markets, and Trade One of the most interesting survivals of Hindu administration in Assam is a copper-plate inscription of an unknown Kamarupa king found near Gauhati, dating perhaps to the early fifteenth century.154 The grant is unusual, in part because of its extensive use of abbreviations, two of which are of particular interest here. The first is sahi, sâ-hi, or sam-hi, rendered by Sircar as samvat-sarika-hiranyaot samvatsarahiranya—"annual revenue income in cash or coin." A second abbreviation is pra-vrgamor prati-vrksa-gamdakani— "annual income per tree in gandas of cowries."155 It is useful to review the passages in which they occur. Line 23 of the Nïlâcal plate reads as follows: la-gu-vr 32 pra-vr-gam 10 sa-hi 1 Sircar would reconstruct the text as lamba-guváka-vrksa 32 prati-vrksa-gamdakáni 10 sámvatsara-hiranya 1. In translation, the line would be rendered thus: "32 tall or big (i.e. mature and fruit-producing) areca nut palms, with an annual income per tree of 10 gandakas or gandas of cowrie-shells, (equivalent to an) annual revenue income in cash (or coin) of 1 (kârsàpana)" The importance of this passage is that the income derived from the areca palms was calculated in terms of an extrinsic measure of value, the 4 cowrie-unit gandaka, first noted in Bengal during the sixth century. This cowrie-related term replaced the Assamese buttikâ. A second valuational component is also provided, likewise extrinsic to the obligation, rendered in the text as 1 unidentified unit, reconstructed by Sircar as kârsàpana. The kârsàpana (or its equivalent) is likely because the 32 palms, at the rate of 10 gandakas per palm, furnished an income of 320 ganda/cas.156 Since we know from other sources that one gandaka was equivalent to 4 cowrie-shells, the total income from the areca palms was of the value of 1,280 cowries. One kârsàpana was equivalent to 1,280 cowries, providing a strong indication that sâ-hi 1 refers to a silver coin of the weight of one kârsàpana. In this same inscription one silver coin was also regarded as the annual revenue income from two putakasoi land.157 VII CONCLUSION: VALUATIONAL CONCEPTS AND MONETIZATION IN SOUTHEASTERN BENGAL, ASSAM, AND ARAKAN

Southeastern Bengal came under the successive control of the Imperial Guptas in the fifth century, the Candras and Senas during the eighth through twelfth centuries, and 154 Nïlàcal Copper-Plate; Maheshar Neog, "The Nïlâcala Grant of an Unknown Kamarupa King," Journal of the University of Gauhati. Arts. 16-17, pp. 209-14; Dines Chandra Sircar, "Nïlâcal Copper-plate Inscription oí Mádhava," in his Soma Epigraphical Records of the Medieval Period from Eastern India (New Delhi: Abhinav, 1978), pp. 6-22. 155 Sircar, "NTIacal Copper-plate Inscription," pp. 8-9. 156 lbid., pp. 12-13. 157 lbid., p. 13.

Southeastern Bengal, Assam, and Arakan 107

finally Turkic rule in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Bengal's economy was dramatically influenced by the monetary systems imposed by these dynasties. Arakan, on the other hand, affected more by monetary developments in central and southern Burma, particularly the Pyu of Sri Ksetra and the Mon of Pegu, adopted a Southeast Asian style of coinage from the middle of the fifth century. Assam was relatively unaffected by monetary developments on its southern borders and did not follow the monetary trends of either Bengal or Arakan. Beyond the use of cowries, there is little evidence for a developed monetary system in Assam during our period. In Bengal during the Gupta period, the diñara served both as an abstract measure of value and, in the form of a gold coin, a medium of exchange. Although values of land purchases were commonly recorded in terms of diñara, examples of actual payment in silver coin are known, indicating the presence of an accepted equivalency between silver and gold. Copper-plate grants recording donations of land to religious orders occasionally specified that the ruler would gain "a sixth share of the religious merit" resulting from such a religious foundation. It is generally assumed, with some justification from contemporary literary texts, that tax payments were commonly paid in kind. This was usually one-sixth of the yearly produce, the same proportion of the merit accrued to the ruler who approved the donation of land to a religious establishment. Gupta monetary nomenclature continued for a time following the fall of the Imperial Guptas in the first quarter of the sixth century, and gold coinage based upon a Gupta model was issued intermittently by local rulers well into the seventh century. The exchange function of this later coinage is unattested, which perhaps served as a store of wealth and a means of legitimizing political rule rather than performing an exchange function in the marketplace. The first direct evidence of the use of cowries as a medium of exchange and means of payment in Bengal appears in the immediate post-Gupta period, although cowries probably performed a similar role in earlier centuries. The introduction of a Southeast Asian style of coinage (from Arakan) into southeastern Bengal in the seventh and eighth centuries occurred nearly simultaneously with the demise of Gupta-style gold coinage in the region. The type would continue, with several modifications of metrology and manufacture, until the tenth century. Along with the alteration in physical appearance came a more purely symbolic rather than economic role for these pieces. The twelfth century Sena rulers, with their capital at Vikramapura, the former Candra center, re-introduced an explicit valuational terminology in their descriptions of land yield. The yield (sometimes called "annual profit") was described in terms of kapardaka-purànas, a purâna (a coin) counted in kapardakas (cowrie-shells). Finally, in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, Turkic rulers established mints in the Bengal region and struck an Islamic-style coinage from silver acquired through taxation from Bengal and surrounding areas, signaling a radical change in fiscal policy from previous centuries when obligations were commonly paid in kind. With the introduction of a gold and silver coinage under the Turkic rulers in the thirteenth century, the monetary system returned to a level of complexity the region had not seen since the Gupta period, with the cowrie-shell utilized for everyday market transactions, and silver and gold coins serving for larger transactions, such as land purchases and the like. As far as can be determined, large-scale external trade was generally conducted on a barter basis.

108 Money, Markets, and Trade The monetary history of early Arakan is less well documented than that of Bengal. As was demonstrated in the preceeding pages, the Arakan monarchs of the fifth and sixth centuries were influenced by Gupta administrative practices. It is surprising, therefore, that its rulers chose to adopt a Southeast Asian cointype rather than follow the Gupta lead in that area as well. Candra coins, typically one-quarter and full-unit silver pieces, were to be issued through the end of the sixth century. The Candra type was later adopted by successive rulers in Arakan and southeastern Bengal during the second half of the seventh and early eighth centuries. As noted above, the Bull/Triéula type was also adopted by independent rulers of southeastern Bengal in the later seventh and eighth centuries and continued until the tenth century. This locally struck coinage performed an exchange function in the marketplace and also fulfilled the important symbolic role of legitimizing Candra monarchs. The wider geographical distribution of post-Candra coinage (appearing at Sandoway in southern Arakan and Mainamati in Bangladesh) would indicate a probable commercial function for later coinage as well. Although the monetary history of Arakan is notable for its longevity and continuities, coin use virtually ceased in times of political instability—such as during the interregnal period between ca. 600-665, or after the second quarter of the eighth century. Perhaps more important is the fact that the Bull/Triáüla cointype initiated by the Candras in the fifth century was viewed by later rulers as such a potent political symbol that it was adopted by a significant number of later dynasties in Arakan and southeastern Bengal. Other than occasional discoveries of imitation Gupta gold and Muslim silver, evidence for money use in early Assam is enigmatic. Inscriptions of the ninth to twelfth centuries recorded the agricultural yield of gift land in units of paddy or unhusked rice, a dramatic contrast to Bengal during this same period where the yield was given a monetary value, expressed in kapardaka-puranas. Even so, a cowrie standard was in use in Assam from very early times. In the seventh century Bhàskaravarman of Kâmarùpa sent "heaps of black and white cowries" as tribute to Harsa. A ninth-century inscription from Tezpur declared that boatmen crossing a certain zone of the Brahmaputra River would be fined five buttikas, a unit of five cowries, indicating a different cowrie unit from that used in the delta. The four-cowrie gandaka appeared in an Assamese record of the early fifteenth century, indicating the adoption of the Bengali monetary nomenclature, perhaps a consequence of the Muslim invasions of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. It is appropriate to consider the motivation behind the changes documented in this chapter. In the case of Bengal, a shift in valuational concepts with each new administration transmitted a clear political message. The use of coinage and imposed valuational concepts as part of a deliberate propaganda move was made most explicit by Turkic rulers of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. In Assam, there was no developed money consciousness prior to the fifteenth century, explaining the adherence to a cowrie unit for much its history. In Arakan it is possible to sense a slightly different motivation behind the adoption of a particular monetary system. It is apparent from what little information is currently available that the first coinage of the Arakan Candras was predominantly propagandists, although it certainly assisted with largescale purchases. This coinage, or at least the type, continued to exert an influence well into the eleventh century, maintaining its function as a statement of political legitimacy for rulers only remotely (if at all) connected with the main Candra dynasty.

Southeastern Bengal, Assam, and Arakan 109 This study supports the prevalent view that, following the fall of the imperial Guptas in the middle of the sixth century, there was a decrease (both quantitatively and qualitatively) in coin production throughout northern India and mainland Southeast Asia. Coinage produced after the middle of the seventh century is of a lower fineness, limited in typological variation, and more restricted in geographical distribution than previously. It is also appropriate to consider the impact of these changes on the local populace. There is little evidence for a high degree of monetization of the Assamese or Arakanese economies during our period. Candra coinage would have been limited in use to large-scale purchases and the furthering of political legitimacy on the part of Arakan's rulers. In Assam, the availability of the cowrie (about which we know almost nothing) certainly would have had an impact on the prices of goods, but barter probably dominated the local marketplace, further diminishing the impact of a cowrie currency. The case of Assam strengthens the view, put forward in Chapter Two, that access to and involvement in international commerce does not necessarily promote the adoption of a monetary system to facilitate that trade. In Bengal, however, the impact of successive monetary systems would have been far-reaching. This is particularly true in instances where means of payment were extrinsic to the obligation, such as when the tax obligations on the part of agriculturalists were to be paid in precious metal.

110 Money, Markets, and Trade

4.1 Early Burma (ninth to thirteenth century)

4 MONEY AND SOCIETY IN ANCIENT BURMA: MON, PYU, AND PAGAN

T

he history of Burma before the rise of Pagan, capital of the Burmese kingdom of Arimaddanapdra from the eleventh to thirteenth centuries, was dominated by two ethnic groups, the Pyu, concentrated in the central region, and the Mon in lower Burma. These two peoples contributed in significant ways to the language, literature, and architecture of later Pagan (fig. 4.1). Both the Mon and the Pyu issued extensive coinages, specimens of which have been found as far afield as Bengal and southern Vietnam. Pyu coinage came to an end with the sack of the Pyu capital by Nanzhao troops in 832. It is likely that political instability also led to the demise of the Mon coinage tradition at about the same time. Mon and Pyu cultural influence, however, continued to be felt in later centuries. The Burmese capital of Pagan, near the confluence of the Irrawaddy and Chindwin rivers in northern Burma, was traditionally founded in 849. The earliest authentic records of Pagan, in the form of religious dedicatory inscriptions dating to the eleventh century, reveal a highly developed ^distributive economy. By the end of the twelfth century, perhaps as a consequence of the discovery of a major source of local silver, the Pagan economy shows the first signs of monetization. From the middle of the thirteenth century, silver Wyap, copper khwak, and paddy were used extensively to fulfill fiscal and other obligations. Although gold, silver, and copper frequently appear in the inscriptions of later Pagan, the metals were not minted into coin but remained in ingot form, being "weighed and given" at the conclusion of each transaction.

I BEFORE PAGAN a. THE MON OF THATON AND PEGU Excavations in Pegu and at Thaton in lower Burma have revealed Buddhist artistic remains, ascribed to the first millennium AD, similar to those of Dvâravatï, a Mon principality based on the Chao Phraya basin in central Thailand.1 In addition to sculpture 1

J.A. Stewart, "Excavations and Exploration in Pegu," Journal of the Burma Research Society 7, 1 (1917): 13-26; Gordon H. Luce, Phases of Pre-Pagan Burma, Languages and History, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985).

112

Money, Markets, and Trade

and traces of architecture, a distinctive coin type has also been reported from Pegu, leading to the supposition that it was a Mon issue (see fig. 4.2[a]). The Chinese referred to a possible Mon outpost on Burma's southern coast as Dunsun (see fig. 7.1). During the second and third centuries AD Dunsun was the second port of Fuñan after Douzhuli, the latter also situated on the Malay Peninsula. (See Chapter Six.) A passage from the Liang Shu (History of the Liang Dynasty, compiled by Yao Silian [d. 637] and others) describes conditions in Dunsun during the first half of the third century: More than 3,000 //from the southern frontier of Fuñan is the kingdom of Dunsun, which is situated on an ocean-stepping stone. The land is 1,000 //in extent; the city is 10 //from the sea. There are five kings who all acknowledge themselves as vassals of Fuñan. The eastern frontier of Dunsun is in communication with Jiaozhou [Tonking], the western with Tianzhu [India] and Anxi [Parthia]. All the countries beyond the frontier come and go in pursuit of trade [jiaoshi] t because Dunsun curves round and projects into the sea for more than 1,000 //'. The Zhanghai [Gulf of Siam] is of great extent and ocean-going junks have not yet crossed it direct. At this mart [shi] East and West meet together so that daily there are innumerable people there. Precious goods and rare merchandise—there is nothing which is not there.2 It has been proposed that the name Dunsun was the Chinese equivalent for proto-Mon dun sun or "five cities," providing support for the view that the Mon played a major role in sea-borne commerce from early times.3 Certainly the importance of the Mon region of southern Burma in terms of Southeast Asia's numismatic history is paramount, providing the model for virtually all mainland coinage during the first millennium. After Fan Shiman brought Dunsun under his control in the early third century, he turned his attention to Jinlin, the Frontier of Gold, in lower Burma. Before he was able to complete his conquest, however, he fell ill and died.4 A seventhcentury commentator, writing in the Taiping yulan (compiled by Li Fang and others, 977-83) remarked that, "Beyond Fuñan there is the country of the Frontier of Gold, which is about 2,000 //or more from Fuñan. The country produces silver."5 It was perhaps the silver that attracted Fan Shiman to Jinlin. Indeed, nearly all coinage from mainland Southeast Asia during the first millennium (with the exception of Vietnam) was struck in silver. The earliest version of what would become a widespread Southeast Asian coinage tradition is a coin with a conch and arivatsa design (symbols of sovereignty and prosperity) from lower Burma (fig. 4.2). The first major discovery of these coins, 2

Liang Shu; Paul Wheatley, The Golden Khersonese, Studies in the Historical Geography of the Malay Peninsula Before A.D. 1500 (Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1961), p. 16. Emended. 3 H.L. Shorto, "The 32 Myos in the Medieval Mon Kingdom," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 26, 3 (1963): 583. 4 Gordon H. Luce, "Countries Neighboring Burma," Journal of the Burma Research Society 14, 2 (1924): 138-205; reprinted in Fiftieth Anniversary Publications No. 2 (Rangoon: Burma Research Society, 1960), pp. 239-306; reprint p. 243. 5 Taiping yulan; Wheatley, Golden Khersonese, p. 116; Paul Pelliot, "Le Fou-nan," Bulletin de l'École Française d'Extrême-Orient 3 (1903): 266, n. 5; see also Gordon H. Luce, "Countries Neighboring Burma," reprint pp. 252-54, for a discussion of additional sources on Jinlin.

Ancient Burma

113

A

B

C

D

4.2 Pegu Conch/Srïvatsa coinage and related issues, [a] Conch/Srïvatsa, Class A. The major finds of these coins are reported from Pegu, although additional specimens are known from near Saigon (Ho Chi Minh City, the coin illustrated) and Bengal. Typical specimens weigh 9.410.1gm, struck on a 24mm slightly cup-shaped flan. This silver coinage provided the model for nearly all coinage on the mainland during the first millenium AD and can perhaps be dated as early as the fifth century, [b] Bhadraprtha/SrTvatsa, Class G (9mm, 0.25gm) reported from Tavoy, Burma, struck on a thin, foil-like flan. (See discussion in text.) [c] Conch/Srïvatsa, Class F. (28-30mm, 8.9gm) Full arid 1/4-unrt coins (19mm, 2.24gm) of this class have been reported from U Thong, Thailand, SrT Ksetra (Hmawza) and Syriam in Burma. Obverse: Conventionalized conch with solid bead at base and one or two concentric lines on body. Incuse on conch and solid line border become prominent features. Reverse: Simplified linear érïvalsa (derived from Rising Sun series, see fig. 4.3) Ancillary symbols (swastika to left and bhadrapithqto right) likewise simplified. Class F coins demonstrate a critical linkage between the Conch/Srïvatsa series of Pegu and the unattributed Rising Sun Series, [d] Conch/Srïvatsa, Class K. (29mm, 9.0gm) Balloon-like conch on obver.se derived from Class F ([c] above). Reverse érïvatsa has strong affinities with Pegu Conch/Srïvatsa series ([a] above) with the addition of typical Dvàravatï ancillary symbols (see fig. 5.3). This specimen was found in Thailand. Source: [a] Wicks, 1992 (1)A.6, Cappon (1886), p. 296 (bottom); [b] Wicks, 1992 (26)G.2, private collection, Bangkok; [c] Wicks, 1992 (6)F.4, private collection, Bangkok; [d] Wicks, 1992 (11)K.1, private collection, Bangkok.

114 Money, Markets, and Trade

known as Conch/Srivatsa Class A, was made near Sittang in Pegu during the nineteenth century.6 More recently, a find of some 36 specimens was reported from the Pegu area.7 Two specimens of the type (Class B) were recovered from the Fuñan port of Oc Eo; another Class A coin was discovered near Saigon (Ho Chi Minh City) in the 1880s as part of a precious metal hoard.8 An additional specimen was reportedly obtained in Bengal.9 Virtually all specimens have been reported from coastal areas well integrated into the pattern of regional maritime trade. No specimens are known from inland sites.

Only one metallurgical analysis is available for Conch/Sñvatsa Class A coins. Like

other early Southeast Asian coins, the coin tested proved to be nearly pure silver (99.7 percent), containing only a trace of copper (0.27 percent).10 In terms of metrology, Class A coins 24mm in diameter with a Pegu provenance typically weigh between 9.4 and 10.1 grams; the two Class B coins from Oc Eo (20mm in diameter) weigh 8.3 and 8.6 grams. The latest Pegu find confirms these general observations. With the exception of three specimens weighing 8.9 grams and an extremely heavy 10.7 gram coin, 29 out of the 36 coins in the hoard cluster between 9.4 and 10.0 grams. The 0.6 gram spread is well within the typical range for early Southeast Asian coinage. What is unusual, in contrast to other early coin series from the mainland, is that early Pegu coins are found in a single denomination only, whereas the main Pyu and Mon coinages of central Burma and Thailand typically display a 1:4 denominational structure. A group of unusually thin 9-1 Omm silver coins weighing between 0.09 and 0.14 grams have been reported from Tavoy and southern Thailand (see fig. 4.2[b]).11 The coins have an early form of the snvatsa on the obverse and an hour-glass-like bhadrapitha (throne) on the reverse Jeading some writers to suggest that they corresponded to 1/100 of Conch/Srïvatsa Class A coins.12 Because of differences in manufacturing technique and geographical distribution, the precise relationship between the two series remains uncertain. b. THE PYU OF CENTRAL AND UPPER BURMA At least three major and a host of minor Pyu sites are presently recognized—Hmawza (Old Prome), Hanlin, and Beikthano are those which have received the greatest 6

Rajendra Lala Mitra, "Silver Coins from Burmah," Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (1878), pp. 102-103; Arthur P. Phayre, Coins ofArakan, of Pegu, and of Burma (London: International NumismataOrientalia, 1882), p. 33. 7 Michael Mitchiner, "Four More Hoards of Early South-east Asian Symbolic Coins," Numismatic Chronicle 148 (1988): 181-91. 8 Oc Eo find—Louis Malleret, "Analyses chemique de monnaies d'argent," in L'Archéologie du Delta du Mékong (Publ. de l'École Française d'Extrême-Orient no. 43, vol. 3, 1962), nos. 94849; Saigon find—Cappon, "Trouvaille de monnaies en Cochin Chine," Revue Numismatique, 3rd séries, 4 (1886): 295-97. 9 R.D. Banerji, "Unrecorded Kings of Arakan," Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (Numismatic Supplement 33), n.s. 16, 3 (1920): 85. 10 Michael Robinson and MJ. Pollard, "Analysis of Burmese coins by X-ray Fluorescence," Numismatic Circular (October 1983), pp. 263-66; 293-96. 11 Michael Robinson and Lewis A. Shaw, The Coins and Banknotes of Burma (privately printed, 1980), p. 10, fig. 3.3 [henceforth Coins of Burma]. One specimen in a Thai collection is struck in gold. 12 lbid., p. 10.

Ancient Burma 115 amount of attention from Burmese and Western scholars (see fig. 4.1). On the basis of characteristic artifacts from these sites, it has been possible to piece together typical Pyu associations. Unfortunately, early Pyu inscriptions are quite rare, ranging from burial urns recording names of rulers belonging to a Vikrama dynasty from Hmawza, to a solitary inscription from the Arakan coast situated on one of the trade routes between central Burma and Arakan.13 The most famous of these sites, and the first to have been excavated, is Hmawza (Old Prome), also known as Srïksetra (Field of Glory), located on Burma's central plain.14 Inscriptions recovered from the site have been dated to the sixth^and seventh centuries and two Chinese pilgrims, Xuanzang and Yijing, mentioned SrTksetra in the seventh century.15 Hanlin (Halin), which is located far to the north, and perhaps served as an outpost and intermediary with Nanzhao, is held to be a slightly later city, and could well have been the capital of the Pyu when overrun by the Man barbarians under Nanzhao overlordship in 832.16 Beikthano, or Visnu City, is a third site to have received attention from archaeologists, chiefly because of its prominence in Burmese chronicles.17 Although there are indications of settlement at Beikthano as early as the first century BC, the main occupation phase was probably well into the first centuries AD. Recently, a number of additional sites with apparent Pyu associations have been explored, including Mongmao, south of Kyaukse, Kyaikkatha in the Mon state, and Binnaka, south of Pagan.18 The chief linkages among these centers are seals and seal impressions, pottery, and, most important for our purposes, the distinctive Pyu coinage recovered from each site. A well-known passage from the Man Shu, compiled in the middle of the ninth century, records that the "[Piao] country uses silver coinage."19 An expanded version survives in the eleventh-century Xin Tang Shu (The New Tang History, compiled by Ouyang Xiu and others, 1007-1072): "(They) take gold and silver to make it into coin. 13

See Luce, Phases of Pre-Pagan Burma. See U Aung Thaw, Historical Sites in Burma (Rangoon: The Ministry of Union Culture/Sarpay Beikman Press, 1972); Charles Duroiselle, "Excavations at Hmawza," Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report (1926-7), pp. 171-83; Gordon H. Luce, "The Ancient Pyu," Journal of the Burma Research Society 27, 3 (1937): 239-53; reprinted in Fiftieth Anniversary Publications No. 2 (Rangoon: Burma Research Society, 1960), pp. 307-21 and his Phases of PrePagan Burma; Taw Sein Ko, "Excavations at Hmawza, Prome District," Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report (1910-11), pp. 89-93. 15 See Luce, Phases of Pre-Pagan Burma, and Paul Wheatley, Nàgara and Commandery, Ch. 4, for a discussion of sources. 16 There remains some uncertainty regarding the identity of the Pyu capital conquered by Nanzhao. Halin is the most likely site from the point of view of archaeological remains [Myint Aung, "The Excavations at Halin," Journal of the Burma Research Society 53, 3 (1970): 5564], although other possibilities remain. For a recent discussion of the problem, see Wheatley, Nàgara and Commandery, Ch. 4. 17 U Aung Thaw, Report on the Excavations at Beikthano. (Rangoon: Ministry of Union Culture, 1968); Luce, "The Ancient Pyu," reprint p. 312, note 1. 18 U Than Tun, "A Forgotten town of Burma," Shiroku 12 (1979): 51-56; U Myint Aung, "The Capital of Suvannabhumi Unearthed?" Shiroku 10 (1977): 41-54; Michael Aung-Thwin, "Burma Before Pagan: The Status of Archaeology Today," Asian Perspectives 25, 2 (1982): 1-21 and his Pagan: The Origins of Modem Burma (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1985). ^Man Shu; Luce and Oey, trans, and éd., Man Shu, p. 90. 14

116 Money, Markets, and Trade It is like a half moon in appearance, called dengqietuo and zudantuo"20 The Chinese transcriptions apparently refer to the Indian weight (and coin) known as the fa/ika21 It is uncertain why there would be two Pyu terms for a single monetary unit, unless one term referred to the full-unit coin and the other to the quarter-unit denomination. One difficulty with the tañka interpretation is that, with reference to the Bengal/Assam/ Arakan region, at least, (the most likely source for Indian terminology) the term does not appear in contemporary sources until the fourteenth century. (See Chapter Three.) Additionally, the fact that the New Tang History mentions a gold Pyu coinage raises further problems of interpretation, particularly since no gold Pyu coins are known. Quite possibly the reference to gold is a copyist addition to the text. The Chinese account mentions that Pyu coinage was in the shape of a half moon (banyue). A Sung writer interprets the phrase to mean "crescent-like," not unlike the cup-shaped flan of later Pyu coinage.22 Whatever the proper interpretation of these passages, no surviving account describes the Pyu at their height in the sixth and seventh centuries, when both Xuanzang and Yijing considered the country worthy of notice. Before describing the coins associated with the Pyu, it is useful to point out that the Pyu had trading connections in two directions. To the north were the Chinese, who viewed the Pyu through the intermediary of Nanzhao. In their view the Pyu were welcome trading partners, supplying "river pigs" and pottery vessels.23 In this regard it is significant that the Guangzhioi ca. 400 AD, listed the imported cowrie (zhubei) "among the products of the kingdom of Piao," the presence of which among the Pyu is confirmed by finds of cowries at Beikthano.24 The Arabs came to trade with the Pyu from a southerly direction; their accounts refer to the Pyu as tircul, preserving more nearly the name the Pyu chose for themselves.25 The most widespread of all ancient coinage from mainland Southeast Asia is the silver Rising Sun type (fig. 4.3).26 Specimens found in Burma have been ascribed to the Pyu as well as the Mon.27 Examples from Thailand are often thought to be Dvâravatï issues, while Rising Sun coins from Cambodia and southern Vietnam are 20

X/n Tang Shu; Luce, "The Ancient Ryu," reprint p. 319; G.E. Harvey, History of Burma (London: Frank Cass and Co., 1925), p. 13. Emended. 21 Henry Yule and A.C. Burnell, Hobson-Jobson: A Glossary of Colbquial Anglo-Indian Words and Phrases, 2nd ed. (Delhi: Munshiram Manorharial, 1968), p. 896; Pamela Gutman, "The Ancient Coinage of Southeast Asia," Journal of the Siam Society 66,1 (1978): 9. ZZQuanzhr, the illustration (based upon the textual description and not taken from an actual specimen of Pyu coinage) appears as a crescent moon. 23 Man Shu\ Luce and Oey, Man Shu, p. 91. 2 *Guangzhi\ Paul Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, /(Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, Librarie AdrienMaisonneuve, 1959), p. 555 (emended); on the discovery of cowries at Beikthano, see U Aung Thaw, Report on the Excavations at Beikthano. 25 Wheatley, Nàgara and Commandery, p. 167; Luce, Phases ofPre-Pagan Burma and "The Ancient Ryu." 26 For a general discussion of the series, see Robert S. Wicks, 'The Ancient Coinage of Mainland Southeast Asia," Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 16, 2 (1985): 195-225 and his "Ancient Coinage from Thailand and Burma: Its Geographical Distribution and Typological Development," in D. W. MacDowall, Savitra Sharma, and Sanjay Garg, eds., Indian Numismatics, History, Art and Culture: Essays in Honour of Dr. P. L Gupta (Delhi, 1992). 27 U Aung Thaw, Preliminary Report on the Excavations at Beikthano; Joe Cribb, "Dating South East Asia's Earliest Coins," Sraddhanjali, Studies in Ancient Indian History, éd. R.D. Choudhury, et al. (New Delhi: Sundeep Prakashan, 1988).

Ancient Burma 117

A

B

C

4.3 Rising Sun coinage from Burma, Thailand and southern Vietnam. Rising,Sun/ Srïvatsa, Class A [a] recovered near Sajgon (Ho Chi Minh City) together with Conch/ SrTvatsa, Class A (fig. 4.2[a]) and Bhadrapitha/Srïvatsa, Class A (fig. 4.4) and [b] an unusually broad specimen found in Thailand (34mm, 9.0gm). Rising Sun/Class A coins are identifiable by their regular execution and predictable characteristics. Obverse: Rising Sun motif with beads between its rays, enclosed by a solid circular lige, beads in the perimeter (26, 27 or 28) and a raised outer rim. A horizontal line divides the planchet roughtly in half. Six rays (seven beads) above and below the horizon line. Reverse: Linear srïvatsa. Swastika with beaded endings to left; bhadrapithawtih three beads above to right. Annulet moon above left; radiate sun above right. Struck (in contrast to other mainland coinages) on a flat medium-thickness 28-30mm flan. Most Class A coins weigh 9.2-9.4gm. Confirmed finds of Class A coins include Halin (Hanlin) and Binnaka (and doubtless elsewhere) in Burma, U Thong and Nakhon Si Thammarat in Thailand, near Saigon (Ho Chi Minh City) and probably Oc Eo in southern Vietnam. (See discussion in text.) [c] Rising Sun/ Srïvatsa, Class B (31 mm, 7.1gm) found at U Thong, Thailand. This coin displays typical features of specimens recovered in Thailand, most notably the degeneration of the design, wavy flan and reduction in weight from the 9.2-9.4gm standard. This coin has also been cut; a number of Rising Sun segments have been reported from Thailand and southern Vietnam. Class B coins are reported most frequently in Thailand (confirmed finds include Prommatin, Chaînât and U Thong, for example) with additional specimens recovered from Oc Eo in southern Vietnam. (See discussion in text.) Source: [a] Cappon (1886), p. 296 (top); [b] Wicks, 1992 (28)A.1, private collection, Bangkok; [c] unpublished, private collection, Bangkok.

118 Money, Markets, and Trade commonly attributed to Fuñan.28 Perhaps the only thing known for certain about Rising Sun coins is that the series more than likely originated in Burma. Rising Sun Class A coins are typically struck to a weight of approximately 9.2-9.4 grams on a flat 30-33mm flan. On the obverse is a Rising Sun motif with beads between the rays enclosed by a solid circular line. The reverse consists of a stylized linear snvatsa with a bhadrapitha (throne) and swastika to either side. Above the snvatsa is an open-bead moon and a rayed sun or star. A number of small Rising Sun coins weighing between 2.2 and 2.3 grams are known, and probably represented the one-quarter unit companion to the larger Class A coins. Even smaller specimens, perhaps a fractional one-eighth unit, have also been reported. Class A coins typically have a Burmese provenience. Rising Sun Class B coins, on the other hand, weighing between 5.4 and 8.9 grams, are concentrated in central Thailand and Cambodia, offering a possible geographical division of Rising Sun coins. Further, very few small diameter Rising Sun coins are reported from Thailand, Cambodia, or southern Vietnam. In their place are wedge-shaped pieces cut from larger Rising Sun coins, perhaps corresponding to the subdivisions of a monetary unit. These segments have not been reported in Burma. These distinctions, although broad (Class B coins are also fairly common in Burma, for example), suggest quite strongly that the Rising Sun series originated in Burma and later spread to neighboring areas. Even within Burma, the geographical distribution of Rising Sun coins is selective. Most finds have been made in the Shan States region, suggesting that the silver used in their manufacture (and perhaps the series itself) originated in the area. Rising Sun specimens are also reported from at least three Pyu sites: Halin, Beikthano, and Mongmao. Surprisingly, and this argues against a Pyu attribution for the series, no finds of Rising Sun coins have been reported from Hmawza (Old Prome), the major Pyu center. Recently, some 90-100 specimens of a ca. 2.25gm, 17-19mm coin were recovered near Syriam in lower Burma (see fig. 4.2[c]).29 The obverse conch is similar to Conch/SrTvatsa Class A, while the reverse snvatsa has affinities with Rising Sun series, providing a linkage between the Rising Sun series and the Conch/Srïvatsa coinage of Pegu. Additional specimens of this hybrid type have been reported from Hmawza (Old Prome) and from various sites in central Thailand.30 The presence of this and other related coinages suggests that the Rising Sun type has closer affinities with the Mon tradition than with the Pyu. At the same time, the absolute lack of Rising Sun specimens in southern Burma must be taken into account. (Surprisingly, the largest find of Rising Sun coins, several hundred specimens, was made on the east coast of the Malay Peninsula near Nakhon Si Thammarat in southern Thailand.)31 The question of attribution must remain uncertain, pending further studies of this important coin series. 28

Louis Malleret, "Monnaies et bijoux d'argent," in L'Archéologie du Delta du Mekong (Publ. de l'École Française d'Extrême-Orient no. 43, vol 3 [1962], pp. 129-40; Phutorn Bhumadhon, "Silver Coins of the Dvàravatî Period found in Lopburi Province," [in Thai] Silpakara 28.4 (1984), pp. 55-63 and his Archaeology of Muang Dongkhon [in Thai] (1987). ^U Bokay, personal interview; Scott Semans fixed price list. 30 Wicks, "Ancient Coinage from Thailand and Burma." 31 This find is discussed in Chapter Seven.

Ancient Burma 119 A coin series which can be attributed to the Pyu with some degree of confidence is the Bhadrapitha/SrTvatsa type (see figs. 4.4, 4.5, 4.6). This coinage can be divided into five major classes, each displaying a distinctive^geographical distribution. As noted earlier, Hmawza (Old Prome), also known as Snksetra, is usually considered to have been the major Pyu center during the first millennium. Specimens of the earliest Pyu coinage (Bhadrapitha/SrTvatsa Class A), the main Pyu series (Class C), as well as the latest variant of the type (Class D), have all been found there. It is here, too, that relations outside the central region are indicated by the presence of coins typically found only in southern Burma. Specimens of Bhadrapitha/Snvatsa coins at sites other than Hmawza tend to be more selective. Excavations at Beikthano have recovered specimens of Bhadrapitha/SrTvatsa Classes C and D (along with an unusual variant, Class,E). Halin has produced only specimens of Class C. The paucity of Bhadrapitha/SrTvatsa issues at Halin is made up for by the appearance there of three classes of Rising Sun coins, and a type related to the Rising Sun series, "Wheel"/ Snvatsa Class A.

4.4 Bhadrapitha/SrTvatsa, Class A. The reverse énvatsa has affinities with the Pegu Conch/Srïvatsa series (see fig. 4.2[a]). Coins of this class (the banner-like projection on the conch being the distinguishing feature) have been reported from Hmawza (Old Prome) and Saigon (Ho Chi Mirjh City), the latter in conjunction with a precious metals hoard, which included a Conch/Srïvatsa, Class A coin (fig. 4.2[a]) and a Rising Sun/Srïvatsa, Class A,coin (fig. 4.3[a]), arguing for the contemporaneity of the three classes. Bhadrapitha/Snvatsa, Class A coins occur in 1/4-unit (17-18mm, 1.92.1gm), 1/2-unit (23-34mm, 4.7-5.5gm) and full-unit (26-27mm, 10.1-11.3gm) denominations. Source: Wicks, 1992 (20JA.1; Cappon (1886), p. 296 (middle).

120 Money, Markets, and Trade

4.5 Bhadrapitha/Srïvatsa, Class C (34mm, 10.62gm) In this class, the interior conch has been replaced by nine beads or rectangular forms arranged in three vertical rows, the central top unit placed slightly higher than the rest. Above the ánvatsa is an open-bead moon (left) and radiate sun (right). To the left is an elaborate vajra; to the right a simplified conch. Class C coins, the main Pyu series, are found in three denominations: 1.4-unit (17-18mm, 2.0-2.8gm), 1/2-unrt (20-22mm, 4.1-5.0gm), and a full-unit (30-34mm, 9.9-10.6gm) coin. A large number of Class C coins were excavated at Hmawza (Old Prome) during 1910-11 and 1926-27, chiefly from the Khinba pagoda, as well as from Beikthano, Halin (Hanlin), Prommatin, and U Thong in Thailand. Source: Wicks, 1992 (22)C.1, British Museum, London.

4.6 Bhadrapitha/Srïvatsa, Class D (35mm, 10.1gm) Obverse: Hourglass form of symbol with four-petaled rosette in center. Rounded lower portion of symbol. Flared angular segments below. Reverse: Simplified temple-like érívatsa with obelisk in center flanked by eight angular or beaded droplets. Elaborate trident to left, wavy conch to right. Solid disk moon above left; sun with disconnected rays above right. Class D coins are found in two denominations: 1 Alunit (19-20mm, 2.5-2.8gm) and full-unit (33-35mm, 8.1-10.1gm) sizes. They are reported only from Burmese sites—Hmawza (Old Prome), the Shan States region, Beikthano and Binnaka. Source: Wicks, 1992 (23)0.1, Michael Mitchiner.

Ancient Burma 121

The Bhadrapitha/Srïvatsa type was modeled on the fifth century Conch/Srïvatsa coinage of Pegu. A worn and holed ca. 18mm specimen of Class A was discovered in the 6-7th century Khinba mound relic chamber at Srîksetra during 1926-1927 (fig. 4.4). Several specimens of Class C were also reported, all in good condition, vouching for the relative chronology of the three groups of coins.32 A large diameter Class B specimen was found near Saigon in the 1880s.33 More recently a few coins with a " . . . Srïvatsa and Sankha [conch] on the obverse and Bhaddapita on the reverse ..." were discovered at Mongmao, south of Kyaukse.34 At least three denominations of Classes A and B are reported, displaying a 1/4-, 1/2-, 1-unit denominational system. Class C coins represent the main Pyu series (fig. 4.5). The interior conch of the ¿rJvatsa has been replaced by nine beads or rectangular forms arranged in three vertical columns. Most specimens of Class C come from Hmawza (Old Prome), excavated in 1910-1911 and 1926-1927.35 Other examples are known from Halin and Beikthano as well as western Thailand.36 The coins are struck in at least three sizes, indicating a 1/4-, 1/2-, 1-unit denominational structure. At least one specimen contains a large percentage of copper, exceptional for the Pyu series. In Class D the center of the bhadrapitha appears as a four-petalled rosette; the coins are struck on a thin, slightly wavy scyphate flan (fig. 4.6). Weights are less regular than in Class C. Two denominations are known—large specimens 33 to 35mm in diameter weigh between 8.1 and 10.1 grams, small coins weigh 2.5 to 2.8 grams, displaying a 1/4-, full-unit denominational relationship. Coins of this class have been found during a road project near Beikthano and in Chiala, Karenni, preserved by the Padaung tribespeople " . . . as the most ancient work of their fathers."37 A terracotta sealing with identical designs, but having the reverse side elements transposed, was discovered at the Bawbawgyi pagoda, south of Hmawza, in 1910-1911.38 Judging from findspots and known associations, Bhadrapitha/Srïvatsa Classes A, B, and C are more than likely Pyu issues struck between the sixth and eighth centuries. The attribution of Class D is less certain, as specimens have an unusual geographical distribution and irregular metallic composition. Although typologically Pyu, they could have been issued by another ethnic group, or perhaps by the Pyu themselves after the kingdom's demise in the ninth century.

II THE KINGDOM OF ARIMADDANAPURA (PAGAN) According to tradition, in 1057, Aniruddha (Anawrahta), ruler of Pagan from 1044 to 1077, conquered the southern Mon center of Thaton and brought back with him the Pali scriptures of Theravada Buddhism, a large number of Buddhist monks, and 32

Duroiselle, "Excavations at Hmawza." Cappon, "Trouvaille de monnaies." 34 Than Tun, "A Forgotten Town of Burma." 35 Duroiselle, "Excavations at Hmawza"; Taw Sein Ko, "Excavations at Hmawza, Prome District." 36 Wicks, "Ancient Coinage from Thailand and Burma." 37 U Mya, "Some hitherto unknown Burmese coins," Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report 1930-34, pt. 2, pp. 331-35. 38 Taw Sein Ko, "Excavations at Hmawza, Prome District," p. 90, Plate XLXXII, 9-10; Luce, Phases of Pre-Pagan Burma. 33

122 Money, Markets, and Trade scores of artists and craftsmen, thereby initiating more than two centuries of building activity at Pagan (see fig. 4.1). The Burmese made the Mon alphabet their own and composed large numbers of dedicatory inscriptions using the Mon language. The vitality of the Pyu and Mon traditions at Pagan is indicated by the Myazedi Inscription, written in Mon, Pyu, Pali, and Burmese, erected to commemorate the death of Kyanzittha in 1111. By the fourth quarter of the twelfth century, with the advent of Narapatisithu (Cansu II), dedicatory inscriptions came to be written exclusively in the Burmese language, an administrative hierarchy was firmly in place, and weights and measures were standardized, preparing the way for the monetization of the Burmese economy in the thirteenth century. a. THE ELEVENTH CENTURY: THE RULER, REVENUE, AND REDISTRIBUTION Descriptions of wealth provide telling clues to the core values of a society. We are fortunate in having two such descriptions from eleventh-century Pagan, both referring to Kyanzittha (1084-1111). The first is contained in the Pali Shwesandaw Pagoda inscription, where Kyanzittha is described as "... possessed of immense wealth (and) of storehouses not a f e w . . . ,"39 The emphasis on physical objects, referring no doubt to treasure as well as land, is significant. The fact that storehouses appear as a part of the description could possibly reflect a largely redistributive focus of Pagan's economy in the eleventh century. A second inscription of the eleventh century, this time written in Mon, also refers to Kyanzittha. In this example there is an explicit valuational component, lacking in the previous verse. "... this King of the Law [Dhammarâjajwas a wealthy man who had property amounting to eighty /cotf's."40 A King of the Law, if he were righteous, would naturally possess immense wealth. The valuational term, koti, referred, in Indian contexts, to 10,000,000 units, however in Later Mon the term (=kuif) meant 100,000.41 The precise unit referred to is not mentioned; it is entirely possible that the phrase "eighty kotfs" was simply meant to imply a great quantity. In addition to the fact that the inscription was written in Mon and not an imported literary language such as Pali, the mere presence of a valuational component in the second inscription (albeit itself an importation) marks an important conceptual advance—the idea that values could be computed as well as expressed in abstract terms. The Shwesandaw Pagoda Inscription of Kyanzittha (1084-1111) noted earlier also contains a list of monthly tribute offerings to the king, "by people of the towns, the country and the jungle, each according to his means."42 The offerings consisted mainly of items useful to the Buddhist monkhood or sangha, and included "golden umbrellas, canopies, fans, couches, cushions, sandals, greaves; models of datepalms [sihdi], iron-wood trees [kanju], lions, wish-fulfilling trees ... pavilions; figures of 39

EB I, part II, no. VIII; p. 167. Inscriptions are cited following their appearance in The Archaeological Survey of Burma's Epigraphia Birmantca, abbreviated as EB, and the facsimiles published by Pe Maung Tin and Gordon H. Luce, Inscriptions of Burma (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1931, 1939, 1956), abbreviated as IB followed by a Plate number. Other sources are mentioned when appropriate. 40 EB I, part II, no. Ill, p. 138. 41 EBI, part II, p. 138, note 17. 42 EB I, part II, no. VIII, p. 165; Gordon H. Luce, Old Burma-Early Pagan (Locust Valley, New York: J.J. Augustin, 1969-70), vol. 1, p. 64. Emended.

Ancient Burma 123

elephants, of men, of devas and clan-spirits [kindok]; lights for altars, golden flowers by the thousand, flower-umbrellas and cloth umbrellas by the hundred."43 There is a festive and indeed mystical air about the entire tributary process: On such occasions [of presenting tribute] the full-grown male elephant would pick up ... flowers and come dancing and make their offerings to the king. The horses would dance. And the people, in the guise of all manner of creatures, clan-spirits and devas, would act as spirit-mediums [don]... and enter singing and dancing and make their offerings to the king. After the manner of singing and dancing of all the towns, countries, villages and jungle fowl... they would come singing and dancing every time, and make their offerings to the king.44 In all likelihood, Kyanzittha would not have consumed such goods as were offered to him, but rather would have redistributed them, at the appropriate time and with the proper ceremony, to religious establishments throughout the realm of Arimaddanapûra. We can thus envision a redistributive system at work, providing both a structure for promoting allegiance to the Dhammaraja, a means of collecting the necessities for the religious orders, as well as a way of acquiring religious merit. This same inscription records Kyanzittha's efforts at rebuilding Bodhgayâ (a Buddhist pilgrimage site in northeastern India) which had been badly damaged by Hindu rulers. Kyanzittha got together all sorts of precious things, and sent a ship with the intent to (re)build the Holy SriBajras: to buy [land?], dig a reservoir, make irrigated ricefields, make dams, cause candles to be lit which should never be quenched; and give drums, frog-drums, stringed and percussion instruments, and singing and dancing better than ever before — In that, too, no other king is like him.45 In accumulating funds for the rebuilding of Bodhgayâ, Kyanzittha simply "got together all sorts of precious things," such as gold, silver, and precious stones. There is no reference to a measure of value or a medium of exchange, although it is certainly understood that those goods were to be used to purchase whatever was necessary for the repair of the monastic complex at Bodhgayâ. The motivation behind rebuilding one of the holiest places of Buddhism would have been to build up for Kyanzittha a vast store of merit. The repairs and donations were intended to last for an eternity; indeed, Kyanzittha infused the monastery with additional magic energy—to ward off future calamities, perhaps—by including in his donation frog-drums and other musical instruments, which by their very nature and when played emanated a spiritual force. The centrality of the figure of the king as an agent of redistribution is critical in each of these passages. As we have seen in early Assam, the reference to the wishgiving tree alludes to the role of the ruler as benefactor for all of his people. The 43

EB I, part II, no. VIII, p. 165; summary from Luce, Old Burma-Early Pagan, vol. 1, p. 64 Emended. 44 EB I, part II, no. VIII, p. 166; Luce, Old Burma-Early Pagan, vol. 1, p. 64. Emended. 45 EB I, part II, no. VIII, p. 164; Luce, Old Burma-Early Pagan, vol. 1, p. 62. Emended.

124 Money, Markets, and Trade Dhammaraja (King of the Law) preserved social harmony through the proper fulfillment of his duty, which included the promotion of religion.46 A late Mon inscription from Pegu referring to the time of Kyanzittha in the early eleventh century, provides some insight into exchange transactions within Burma proper at that time. It mentions a monastery and its associated market on the west bank of the Hlaing or Rangoon River: Near the Gapuih river-mouth in Lakkhiyapura province, called Bakâsa because of its teeming with fish, which served as food for paddy-birds, near the monastery was a market, and not very far from the latter was a settlement where a great number of krom [Khmer] prisoners-of-war were located. On account of this fact, the market was called the Cambojan bazaar [psâ krom].47 Religion and trade here came together in a way common to many parts of Southeast Asia. The river was an avenue for communication and commerce. The monastery, as a central place for worship and learning, teemed with visitors on religious holidays. The association of the market with the temple was a natural one, the former a source of food and offerings for the visiting laity, as well as souvenirs of the pilgrimage, the latter a convenient and safe place for merchants to set up their stalls. The story of the origins of the market, named after Cambodian (or at least ethnic Khmer) prisoners-ofwar, points up not only the common experience of displacement resulting from war, but also the importance of manpower to the success of early Southeast Asian polities. The market was located in the far south of Pagan's domains, on one of the main rivers connecting Burma with the Bay of Bengal. The reference to the market as a psâ gives some indication of the impact of Arab trade in the region. An indigenous Mon word was not used to describe the market; we find instead a term derived from the Persian word bazar. The precise significance of this fact for the Mon remains problematic. It could mean that the very concept of a market was foreign to the Mon and thus required the adoption of a foreign term, which is unlikely given their commercial orientation since early times. Or, as in the case of the Thai in the late thirteenth century, it could simply mean that the idea of a permanent covered marketplace (the original meaning of bàzât) was new and required a term not available in the native language to describe the nature and extent of the activities taking place there. b. PAGAN: THE EARLY TWELFTH CENTURY Continuing with the theme of the relationship between the benevolent ruler and his subjects, it is appropriate to begin the discussion of early twelfth-century Pagan with an excerpt from a Mon inscription of 1102: When raiding enemies come up to destroy Pagan, and all four castes of people living there are borne off captive downstream and go to other countries, by the strength, lift and energy of the king, swiftly shall they ascend upstream and take their solace in Pagan again . . . with his right hand rice and bread, with his left hand 46

Michael Aung-Thwin, Pagan: The Origins of Modern Burma (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1985), p. 60. 47 EB, III, part II, no. XII, pp. 196-99; Luce, Old Burma-Early Pagan, vol. 1, p. 23. Emended.

Ancient Burma 125 ornaments and apparel, he shall give to all his people. Like children resting in their mother's bosom, so shall the king keep watch over them and help them.46 The monarch was like a loving mother to whom her children must return for solace and comfort after they had been scattered to different parts due to warfare and other disruptions. The ideal ruler provided to his people "rice and bread," "ornaments and apparel"—the necessities of life as well as the luxuries-Hn order to attract the manpower base critical to economic and political survival. The inscription also contains an idyllic description of everyday life in twelfthcentury Pagan: During his reign mushrooms, bamboo shoots, flowers and fruit of trees shall abound. Poor people who find it hard to get rice and clothing shall wear gold ornaments and fine apparel. Throughout the king's realm, a hundred and twenty times a year the rain shall fall. Always the paddy shall be full in the ear. There shall be plenty of elephants, horses, water-buffaloes, cattle, pigs, goats and fowls. His majesty shall enrich everyone Poor old women who sell pots and potlids, shall get high prices and become rich. Those who lack slaves, shall have plenty of slaves. Those who lack cattle, shall have plenty of cattle. Farmers who excel in planting and harrowing, shall fill their barns and granaries with paddy, millet and all manner of grain.49 All of this glory and beauty, "are because he did works of merit in the past."50 It is apparent from this description that market exchange with a profit motive existed at Pagan in the early twelfth century. Old women, who normally would have had a difficult time selling their wares at prices sufficient even to sustain life, "shall get high prices and become rich." There is as yet no direct evidence for a medium of exchange or a measure of value. Even in the middle of the century, more than fifty years later, reference is made only to a barter trade. In an inscription of 1164, for example, six Indian slaves (kywan) were exchanged for one elephant, and forty slaves were exchanged for a horse.51 It remains problematic how the goods exchanged were valued and how the smaller transactions of the marketplace were conducted. c. DISPOSITION OF LAND AND ITS PRODUCE IN RELIGIOUS TRANSFERS TO THE END OF THE TWELFTH CENTURY The motivation underlying many of the gifts and donations to religious establishments was to secure some supernatural assistance on the earthly plane. Indeed, the Wagaru Dhammathat, a thirteenth-century civil code commissioned by the ruler of Martaban based upon that of Pagan, stipulated that, "If men give gifts, they ought to give them 48

EB, I, part II, no. I, pp. 116-17; Luce, Old Burma-Early Pagan, vol. 1, p. 48. Emended. EB, I, part II, no. I, pp. 122-23; Luce, Old Burma-Early Pagan, vol. 1, pp. 53-54. Emended. 50 EB, I, part II, no. I, pp. 122-23; Luce, Old Burma-Early Pagan, vol. 1, p. 53. 51 IB, PI. 94b; Than Tun, "History of Buddhism in Burma A.D. 1000-1300," Journal of the Burma Research Society 61, 1-2 (1978): 151. 49

126 Money, Markets, and Trade as charity [daña] or offering [pujita]. The gain derived by so giving is the attainment of one's wishes."52 Some donors immortalized in Pagan inscriptions desired only that religious merit be the outcome of the holy act. An inscription of 1131 stipulated, "By this my gift, whatever boon ensues, be it the best of boons, to profit all!"53 Others were very specific. When Kyanzittha (1084-1111) was taken seriously ill, one of his sons, Rajakumar, remembering the many and great favours with which the king had nourished him, made a beautiful gold image of the Buddha, and entering with ceremony presented it to the king, saying: This golden Buddha I have made to help my lord. The three villages of slaves you gave me, I give to this Buddha. May my tord approve!'54 Rajakumar had the image enshrined and built the Kubyauk-gyi of Myinkaba along with the quatrilingual Myazedi Inscription. Many early twelfth-century Burmese votive tablets record offerings made to the king of Pagan, and emphasize the acquisition of religious merit as a consequence of the donation:55 "This is for His Majesty the king—longpepper." "These many offerings are for His Majesty—Citrus blossom." "This is soap Acacia. When His Majesty the King of the Law becomes a Buddha, may he have everything pure!" "Cardamom. It is for the righteous king, the King of the Law. When he becomes a Buddha, may all be perfect!" The offerings were not always acquired from local sources. Some goods, such as cardamoms and sandalwood, would have come from the south. Musk, long-pepper, and black mustard, originated in the far north, while other offerings came from India and Iran, demonstrating the presence of local and regional trade within Pagan and contacts beyond Southeast Asia during the eleventh and twelfth centuries.56 In the early part of the twelfth century the Dhammaraja (King of the Law) remained at the center of the giving, with the material benefit of such gifts still serving the sahgha. Lands and slaves were often included among the properties dedicated to the religious order, thereby decreasing the amount of revenue available to the state. This drain on the resources of the state necessitated the introduction of an administrative hierarchy to regulate and oversee such donations. The following 52

Wagaru Dhammathat; Emil Forchhammer, King Wagaru's Manu Dhammasattham. Text, Translation, and Notes (Rangoon: Superintendent, Government Printing, 1892), p. 12. Emended. 53 Luce, Old Burma-Early Pagan, vol. 1, p. 87. 54 lbid., p. 74. 55 lbid., p. 103. 56 lbid.,pp. 102-103.

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inscription gives some idea of the rudimentary administrative hierarchy which existed in the early twelfth century, comprised of the king and the mahathera, head of the sangha: Thus I, the mahathera... Ion, when I came to live here at Kbk Sayón [Kyaukse, north of Pagan], I informed the mahathera oí Bukâm [Pagan], and I informed the king. In the building of this baddhasïma [permanent "them" or chapter-house], the persons who do the work in my stead at this holy place, are the ordained monk mahâdev, his father; his mother; his grandfather ( ? ) . . . [four more pagodaslaves] I dedicate these to do the work in my stead at this holy pace. Seven bnah of rice-field, royal gift [mahâdàn], which the child of Sambeh Da/en gave to me, I give to this holy place.57 The merit from this act was to be distributed to all living beings.58 Cautionary verses placed at the end of many inscriptions were intended to ward of evil-doers, an indication that land and slaves (kwyan) intended for the benefit of the sañgha were often used (or rather, mis-used) by others. Equivalent in intent to the imprecatory verses from Bengal and Assam, the Burmese examples are much earthier and less stylized: Should even the sankrfs grandmothers or the Mahâthera's great-grandfathers or their children or grandchildren—whoever injures these pagoda-slaves, may the axe burst his breast! May he fall off a ladder!59 By the end of the twelfth century, the disposition of the produce from gift land was much more carefully regulated: In order that there may be food-alms and oil lights without a break, the following rice fields are dedicated to Uim Mwan San's daughter's ceti: 50 (pa/of) rice-fields at Clan [Salin] 3 pa/ at Kampruiw. 80 at Putak, and 70 slaves. To be 'eaten' by the thera of Tonthawn [Taungdwingyi]... [list]... to be 'eaten' by the monks ... [list]... the king joined in dedicating . . . [list]... the son of the tuik sükri... dedicated . . . [list]..." [imprecation].60 At least some of the goods specified in the grant, such as the oil, would have been purchased, signalling once again the presence of exchange relationships. The use of the phrase "to be eaten" (ca) points up the close relationship between revenues and the land. Other inscriptions, such as this one dated to 1198, stipulated that beneficiaries were to "eat" (ca) the produce from a specific plot of land as payment for services rendered: 57

EB, III, part I, no. XI, pp. 70-73; Luce, Old Burma-Early Pagan, vol. 1, p. 106. Emended.

58

Luce, Old Burma-Early Pagan, vol. 1, p. 106.

59

IB, PI. 22, 23; Luce, Old Burma-Early Pagan, vol. 1, p. 109 IB, PI. 12; Pe Maung Tin and Gordon H. Luce, "Inscriptions of Burma," Bulletin of the Burma Historical Commission 3 (1963): 94-95. Emended.

60

128 Money, Markets, and Trade

. . . 5 pa/of dry field [rya]tor the splitter of firewood to eat. 5 pa/of dry field for the granary-guardian to e a t . . . 5 pa/for the singer-dancer [pantya]\o eat. 3 pa/for the drummers 61 There is an implicit valuational component in these transactions, that being the productive capacity of each plot of land. Because the amount of rice which could be harvested from a given area varied from season to season, there is no stipulation that a specific quantity of paddy was to be produced from each plot of land, only that the produce from a particular plot of land was to go to maintain a certain individual, here identified by his profession. That the amount of rice (or other crop) was extremely variable is confirmed by an inscription which states: "As for this estimate of mine [of rice allotted to the sahgha], if there is pad/in excess [large supply], let these (shares) remain as I said. But if there is less [smaller supply], let the proportion be calculated before dividing it out."62 Very little information is available regarding the collection of revenue or tax assessment prior to the end of the twelfth century, although there is evidence for a rudimentary administrative hierarchy. By the middle of the century references can be found to the head of a hamlet (tuik sukri),*3 the village-president (sangrih),64 and the tax-assessor (kamkun),65eac\} of whom would have been involved in the proper collection of the king's due. d. CONFLICT WITH SRI" LANKA IN THE TWELFTH CENTURY Other than exchanges of a religious nature, there are few notices of foreign relations in Pagan inscriptions. Two Ceylonese works, a medieval chronicle, the Cülavamsa, and the Devanágara Rock Inscription of 1165, contain parallel accounts of a dispute between Srî Lanka and the king of Ramaftfia.66 The Ramafifia country is held by some scholars to be a euphemism for the entire country of Arimaddanapura, and these accounts would therefore provide evidence that Pagan was invaded by the Ceylonese, precipitating an inter-regnal period not recorded in Pagan inscriptions. Others have argued that the Ceylonese never reached Pagan and limited their activities to the Mon country of Lower Burma. Because Pagan is never mentioned by name in either of the two accounts, and because of the uncertainty of the rendering of the name of a Southeast Asian king mentioned in the chronicle, I am inclined to think that the accounts refer to events which took place in southern Burma. 61

IB, PI. 19; Pe Maung Tin and Luce, "Inscriptions of Burma," pp. 137-38. Emended. Aung-Thwin, Pagan, pp. 111-12. Emended. 63 Luce, Old Burma-Early Pagan, vol. 1, p. 107. 64 lbid.,pp. 107-108. 65 lbid., pp. 111-12 and 117; Pe Maung Tin and Luce, "Inscriptions of Burma," pp. 239-55. 66 See Gordon H. Luce, "Some Old References to the South of Burma and Ceylon," in FeHdtalion Volumes of Southeast-Asian Studies Presented to His Highness Prince Dhaninivat... (Bangkok: The Siam Society, 1965), Vol. 2, pp. 269-82 and idem., Old Burma-Early Pagan; Lu Pe Win, "Review: G.H. Luce, Old Burma-Early Pagan,11 Journal of the Burma Research Society 54, 1-2 (1971 ): 20-25 [henceforth "Review of Old Burma-Early Pagan"\', Michael Aung-Thwin, "The Problem of Ceylonese-Burmese Relations in the 12th Century and the Question of an Interregnum in Ragan: 1165-1174 A.D.," Journal of the Siam Society 64, 1 (1976): 53-74; and W.M. Sirisena, Sri Lanka and South-East Asia (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1978) for a discussion of relevant sources and divergent points of view. 62

Ancient Burma 129 Amicable relations between southern Burma and Sri Lanka existed since at least the eleventh century. The Cûlavamsa recounts that on one occasion Vijayabâhu I, an eleventh-century king of Ceylon, was in dire need of support for his troops in his wars against the Colas. 'The king of the Rámañña country" [lower Burma] responded to his appeal by sending ". . . many ships laden with various stuffs, camphor, sandalwood and other goods. .. ."67 The ships, camphor, and sandalwood are all products originating from southern Burma and the Malay Peninsula. The Cûlavamsa goes on to recount that in the twelfth century, King Parakramabáhu I (1153-1186), and "the Monarch of Rámañña kept up friendly relations even as former rulers" had done in order to promote trade. On one occasion, however, the Rámañña king: deprived the envoys of the Sovereign of Lanka who came into his own country, of the maintenance formerly granted. Furthermore he issued the order that elephants which had hitherto been sold by many (traders) to foreign countries were no longer to be sold. Further with evil intent he made the restriction that elephants which had formerly been sold there for a hundred or a thousand silver nikkhalas must (henceforth) be sold for two or three thousand. He also did away with the age-old custom of presenting an elephant to every vessel in which gifts were conveyed.68 From this passage it is possible to identify two main forms of trade between lower Burma and Ceylon—commercial traffic with merchants as intermediaries, and a gift trade in which goods were exchanged between rulers. The tradition of presenting elephants to visiting dignitaries was noted in Chapter Three. It is significant that, prior to new regulations enacted by the ruler of Rámañña, the trade in elephants was apparently unrestricted and market-driven, with prices ranging from 100-1,000 silver nikkhalas per elephant. With the trade in elephants placed under administrative control, prices rose artificially to 2,000-3,000 silver nikkhalas per elephant, outraging the Ceylonese. One editor of the Cûlavamsa has noted that the nikkhala referred to above was "an unknown coin," possibly related to the Pali nikkha or nekkha and Sanskrit niska, both a weight and a coin.69 It is equally likely that the term referred instead to the Mon tical, appearing in thirteenth-century inscriptions as dihkel, dinkel, and diñkely.70 It cannot be assumed from the context of the passage that nikkhalas refers to coin; the term could instead refer, like dinkel, to a weight of precious metal. It is of interest to note that in 1164, according to a Pagan inscription, sixty-six Indian slaves were given in exchange for an elephant.71 In the thirteenth century, slaves typically sold for 25-30 klyap (equivalent to the dinkel) of silver, arriving at a possible price of 1,500-1,800 klyap of silver per elephant. Assuming that the dinkel was indeed the unit referred to in the Cûlavamsa, the 1,500-1,800 klyap price was 67

Cúlavamsa; Luce, "Some Old References," p. 271. ^Cûlavamsa; W. Geiger, trans, and éd.,Cûlavamsa (Colombo: The Ceylon Government Information Department, 1953), part 2, p. 65. 69 Geiger, Cûlavamsa, part 2, p. 65. 70 As noted in Chapter Five, the terms only appear in Mon inscriptions from northern Thailand. 71

IB, PI. 94b; Than Tun, "History of Buddhism," p. 151.

130 Money, Markets, and Trade still considerably lower than the 2,000-3,000 nikkhalas insisted upon by the ruler of Rámafifia. Another passage from the Cûlavarfisa adds to our understanding of the trade in elephants between lower Burma and Ceylon: (the king of Ramaftfta) took from the hands of the messengers the gifts and goods which the Ruler of Lanka had sent in order to buy elephants, with the promise that he would give them fourteen elephants and silver money, but he told merely lies and gave them nothing.72 This passage points out once again the administered nature of the trade in elephants. The fact that the Srï Lankan envoys would receive "elephants and silver money" indicates the use of silver as a currency in the region. Upon hearing of the "many insults" committed by the ruler of Rámañña (at one point the Ceylonese envoys were "thrown into a fortress in the Malaya country"), King Parakramabahu (1153-1186) dispatched a naval force to southern Burma, landing at the port of Kusumi (Bassein). Following a resounding defeat, the Rámaftñas pleaded with the Ceylonese representatives: Henceforward yearly we will send as tribute any number of elephants. Ye must be merciful and pity us, and move the Sovereign of Lanka not to lay on us burdens we cannot bear.73 An abbreviated account of the conflict appears in the Devanagara Rock Inscription of AD 1165, declaring simply that, following defeat at the hands of the Srï Lahkans, the "Aramanas sent envoys saying 'We shall contract a treaty."'74 The earliest recorded example of administered trade in Burma proved unworkable from the outset. The Srï Lahkans clearly preferred the older system of gift exchange between rulers and the purchase of elephants in the marketplace, where prices were negotiated and everyone earned their fair share of the profits. e. PAGAN IN THE LATER TWELFTH CENTURY The Burmese Glass Palace Chronicle (GPC) records that Alaungsithu (11131169/70), probably toward the end of his reign, introduced major administrative changes at Pagan.75 Although this source was compiled in the nineteenth century, it probably refers to an actual series of administrative actions, the significance of which is enhanced by the fact that there are no similar accounts of large-scale reforms in the GPC. The GPC account clarifies several aspects of Pagan administration in the second half of the twelfth century. The administrative hierarchy consisted of queens, concubines, and ministers who accompanied Alaungsithu as he consolidated his base of power. He engaged in a massive building campaign throughout the country, which included colonies, forts, and outposts at strategic locations to strengthen the frontiers, ordination halls and pagodas for the support of religion, as well as canals, 7

^Cúlavamsa; Geiger, Cúlavamsa, p. 67. Culavamsa; Luce, Old Burma-Early Pagan, vol. 1, p. 123. 74 Devanagara Rock Inscription; Luce, Old Burma-Early Pagan, vol. 1, p. 123. 75 G/ass Palace Chronicle; Pe Maung Tin and Gordon H. Luce, The Glass Palace Chronicle (Rangoon: Rangoon University Press, 1960), p. 113. 73

Ancient Burma 131

reservoirs, dams, and other land improvements to assist the farmers. Alaungsithu also introduced standardized weights and measures "throughout the country" to assist administration as well as trade. The most significant of the changes undertaken by Alaungsithu, for our purposes, was the standardization of weights and measures, as it doubtless provided an impetus for the monetization of Pagan's economy, the full impact of which, however, would not be felt until the very end of the century. It is probably not coincidental that the first foreign and indigenous geographical descriptions of the country appear at the very time Pagan is building an efficient administrative hierarchy, standardizing weights and measures, and establishing Burmese as the language of donative inscriptions. Zhou Qufei, writing in 1178, provides the earliest Chinese notice of Pagan: The kingdom of Pugan is five day's journey from the kingdom of Dali, from Wali it is sixty days thither. Its boundary line is the "Black-water muddy River," where begin the kingdoms of the West "76 The value of this account rests in the fact that the location of Pagan is described with reference to an overland route through Dali, the former Nanzhao, and not an overseas passage. While at least one major port in the south (Kusuma/Bassein) has been identified, the Chinese description affirms the view that Pagan did not have extensive overseas commercial interests. It is also apparent that the five-day journey from Dali to Pugan referred not to the distance between capital cities, but to territory under their respective control. The territorial basis of Pagan's domains is also found in an inscription of 1196 recounting the conquests of Narapatisithu (Jeyyasura; Cansu II r. 1173-1210) earlier in the century: The ruler of the kingdom and capital called Arimaddanapura, who in the breadth of his conquests — his conquests toward the East: along the east bank of his Salwan river; to the South: Taway [Tavoy], Canhat[?], Sahthut[7], Tanahsare [Tenasserim], 7a/ova[Takuapa?], Salankre PaccL/far/[Junk Ceylon, i.e. Phuket?], Twavari[7],... u..nakuiw[... nagara]; to the West: Macchakiri[Arakan Yoma], Bahuvanna[?] hills, Patikkarâ [Pattikera], Tikka... [?]; to the North: Takoh [Tagaung], Ña Choñ Khyam, Ucho..., A/a Ha [?] Yañplañ and the Banyan Tree. . . . 7 7 The description concludes with the words: "by conquering and treading underfoot all these lands of conquest, by virtue and might (Narapatisithu) has been able to diffuse his name and fame through country after country all over Jambudïpa"7Q The use of 7Q

Lingwai Daida; Frederick Hirth and W.W. Rockhill, Chao Ju-kua: His Work on the Chinese and Arab Trade in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries, Entitled "Chu-fan-chi" (S\. Petersburg, 1911), p. 59, note 1. Emended. 77 IB, PI. 19; Pe Maung Tin and Luce, "Inscriptions of Burma," p. 136; Luce, "Some Old References," pp. 276ff ; Gordon H. Luce, "Aspects of Pagan History-Later Period," in In Memoriam Phya Anuman Rajadhon, ed. Tej Bunnag and Michael Smithies (Bangkok: The Siam Society, 1970), p. 139. Emended. 78 IB, PI. 19; Pe Maung Tin and Luce, "Inscriptions of Burma," p. 137.

132 Money, Markets, and Trade

Jambudïpa, Burma's Camelot in the words of one historian, signals the intention of Pagan's rulers to be identified as a part of the Indian world.79 Following his conquests of 1196, Narapatisithu searched for an appropriate site ("with auspicious marks") to build his royal cetiya (stupa) as a memorial to his greatness and 1o serve as a field of merit."80 After receiving permission from the "Mahathera lords dwelling nearby" he then "... royally dedicated, by pouring of pure water, 44,027 klyap of silver as wages [lakkha]..." for the construction of the cef/ya.81 With Narapatisithu's 1196 dedication it is possible to identify an important new feature of the Pagan economy not apparent earlier, namely the appearance of the silver klyap as a measure of value and as a medium of exchange, the full significance of which will be explored in the section on thirteenth-century Pagan. In Pagan inscriptions of the thirteenth century, klyap refers to a silver (and occasionally gold) unit used as a measure of value or to determine equivalencies, as a medium of exchange to make purchases, and as a means of payment to settle debts and pay taxes. One term occasionally found in Pagan inscriptions is huypyanor "bar silver," suggesting that the form of the metal was most often in bars or ingots.82 That Pagan did not possess true coins is indicated as well by the phrase khin piy e, "weighed and given," commonly used in inscriptions relating to payments of silver and copper. Remaining for the moment with examples dating to the late twelfth century, the importance of the silver klyap as a measure of value is made clear in an inscription of 1198 in which klyap is merely assumed by the writer and not stated explicitly: For building this monastery, building the enclosure-wall, building the temple, building the Holy Lord [image of the Buddha], painting it, making the ornaments, smearing the stucco, setting the crown on the temple, building the sammruiwC!)—the total treasure [ucea] spent was 10,000 (klyap) of silver. That is the treasure [ucea] expended on the new monastery.83 The 10,000 klyap of silver would have been used to purchase supplies and pay the wages of those involved in constructing the monastery. The fact that the unit of measure (klyap) is understood and not explicitly given, is additional confirmation that the klyap was widely accepted as a measure of value by the end of the twelfth century. And further, The Hon'ble (phun san) Jeyyasin declared:- "If in the power of the most excellent Holy Lord (my) life is bng, I will come and do (the repairs). If my life is not long, my wife, (my) lord, A/á Koñ Rhañ San's brd, A/a Thwak San, the lord Nohthoh — these many persons will certainly do (the repairs). As for the money [nuy, lit. 'silver'], 100 big belts, 1 ruby finger-ring, 1 gold finger-ring pierced through the 'ear1 and Nâ 79

M¡chael Aung-Thwin, "Jambudipa: Classical Burma's Camelot," Contributions to Asian Studies 16 (1981): 38-61. 80 IB, PI. 19; Pe Maung Tin and Luce, "Inscriptions of Burma," p. 137. 81 IB, PI. 19; Pe Maung Tin and Luce, Inscriptions of Burma," p. 137. Emended. 82 Gordon H. Luce, "Economic Life of the Early Burman," Journal of the Burma Research Society 30, 1 (1940): 283-335; reprinted in Fiftieth Anniversary Publications No. 2 (Rangoon: Burma Research Society, 1960), pp. 323-75; reprint p. 337. 83 IB, PI. 18; Pe Maung Tin and Luce, "Inscriptions of Burma," p. 117. Emended.

Ancient Burma 133

Mrhay father and son one family also, I give for the purpose of doing (the repairs) to the new temple (?) 84 The precious objects provided for repairs to the monastery included jewelry of gold and precious stones, yet the word used to describe the class of objects to which they belong is huy, originally meaning silver. This illustrates a process of abstraction—from huy, meaning silver as a metal, to huy representing money in general and as a classifier for valuable objects—indicative once again of the central role played by silver as a measure of value within later Pagan society. Prior to the end of the thirteenth century, silver is only rarely mentioned in Pagan inscriptions. One quantitative indicator of the importance of silver in later Pagan, as well as the rapidity with which it emerged as a potent economic and fiscal force at the end of the thirteenth century, is the quantity of silver donated to religious establishments during the Pagan period (fig. 4.7). The vast majority of donations in the form of silver, amounting to more than 114,000 klyap, were given over a seventy-five year period, between about 1200 and 1275. Donations of silver prior to 1200 amounted to only 2,000 klyap in the period 1050-1075. These figures support the conclusion that it was at the end of the twelfth century that silver emerged as an integral part of Pagan's economy.

4.7 Donations of Silver Given to Religious Establishments During Pagan Times (in Twenty-five-Year Periods) PERIOD Before 1050

KLYAP —

1050-1075 2,000.00 1075-1100 — 1100-1125 — 1125-1150 — 1150-1175 — 1175-1200 — 1200-1225 54,127.00 1225-1250 37,176.50 1250-1275 22,834.00 1275-1300 2,130.75 [Mongol invasion of Burma 1288-89] Source: Aung-Thwin (1985), p. 187.

The adoption of silver as a currency and measure of value could well have been related to the administrative changes initiated under Alaungsithu; however the key factor which would have contributed to the emergence of silver as a powerful economic tool in thirteenth-century Pagan was its availability. Indeed, the near overnight appearance of silver as a currency in the thirteenth century points to a new source of the precious metal having been located. It is unlikely that such a large quantity of silver would have been supplied through tribute or plunder. Pagan's silver most likely came from the Great Silver Mines 84

IB, PI. 18; Pe Mating Tin and Luce, "Inscriptions of Burma," p. 117. Emended.

134 Money, Markets, and Trade

(Bawdwingyi) located in the Mongmao region of the Shan states, which could perhaps also explain (at least partially) why Alaungsithu established an outpost in the vicinity of Inle Lake during the twelfth century. The Bawdwin mines are reputed to have been worked since the tenth century; in addition to the refuse of mining operations there are ruins of roads, stone bridges, settlements, fortifications, and burial sites. It is equally significant that silver Shan shell-money, used as currency throughout northern Burma, Thailand, and Laos until the late nineteenth century, originated from Bawdwingyi.85 f. THE MONETIZATION OF PAGAN'S ECONOMY IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY If washermen wash clothes after receiving hire, and instead of beating the clothes on a smooth piece of wood beat them on a rough plank and thereby the clothes get torn, the said washerman shall replace the torn clothes, and if they wear the clothes after washing them, their hire shall be forfeited.86 (Wagaru Dhammathat, 13th century) The Wagaru Dhammathat mentions a number of occupations, including washermen, boatmen, soldiers, and herdsmen, all of whom could be hired for wages. People with similar occupations tended to reside in the same village. Pagan inscriptions mention villages of masons, silversmiths, goatherds, construction workers, potters, musicians, painters, woodcarvers, blacksmiths, hunters, salt-producers, boat and raft makers.87 Merchants are mentioned only incidentally in Pagan inscriptions. One possible reason for this omission is that profit-making activities were generally frowned upon or, more likely, that merchants did not have a privileged position within Pagan society. Toward the end of the thirteenth century a money lender (pohca) assisted in a land transaction, providing an indication of the elevated status of at least some of those involved in profit-making activities.88 MEASURES OF VALUE AND MEDIA OF EXCHANGE One unusual feature of hiring for wages in the later Pagan period is that, in addition to the wage price itself, there were often a number of obligations which had to be fulfilled before the transaction was considered complete. Within this system of exchange and obligation at Pagan, there remained elements of redistribution such as were noted for the eleventh and twelfth centuries. In ^distributive systems, goods are provided to individuals on the basis of their status or position within the society. The obligation to provide food and clothing to those one has hired was maintained into the thirteenth century and beyond. This comes out quite clearly in an inscription of 1272, where one Ràmaftfia San had commissioned a sculptor to make an image of the Buddha for purposes of religious endowment. In order to cover the debt he was compelled to sell a slave. "I sell [ron] Iw Lat in order to give food and drink and wages 85

John Deyell, "The China Connection: Problems of Silver Supply in Medieval Bengal," in Precious Metals in the Later Medieval and Early Modem Worlds, ed. John F. Richards (Durham, North Carolina: Carolina Academic Press, 1983), pp. 207-27. 86 Wagaru Dhammathat; Forchhammer, King Wagaru, p. 20. 87 Aung-Thwin, Pagan, pp. 91-92. ^On ponca see Luce, "Economic Life," reprint pp. 339 and 365, note 96. He notes, "Cash debts seem often to have been settled by transfers of land."

Ancient Burma 135 [lakkha] \o this image maker."89 Thus, a distinction was made between "food and drink" and "wages," the point being that in commissioning the sculptor, Rámañña Sah was obligated not only to cover his wages, but also to provide food and drink to the artist during the period his services were required. A later inscription, of 1389, makes this distinction and obligation even more emphatic, with a remark that "the builders were bounteously supplied with provision and were rewarded abundantly for their labor."90 The Old Burmese term for wages is lakkha, appearing sometimes as lakkha huy, the latter indicating its association with payments in silver. Indeed, in the three instances where wages (lakkha) are specifically mentioned in an inscription of 1236, the word appears in conjunction with a quantity of silver. The /c/yapunit is assumed. makers of the spire adzers masons

10 (klyap) of silver as wages [lakkha] 10 (klyap) of silver as wages [lakkha] 3 1/2 (klyap) of silver as wages [lakkhaf^

This inscription records the construction of a ku (hollow-pagoda, lit. cave) as an act of piety by the wife of a former minister, and contains the most explicit record of payments to workers available for the Pagan period.92 In four of the occupations listed in the inscription—painter, woodcarver, imagemaker, and mason—we find that the workers were paid not only in silver but also in goods. A likely explanation for the payment of goods to these workers, in addition to the cash salary, is that the rice and clothing fulfilled the obligation of providing maintenance for individuals under one's hire. Painters 7 (klyap) 54 baskets (?) of store-paddy 1 lower garment 1 waist band

Woodcarvers

Image-Makers

30 (klyap) 20 baskets (?) of store-paddy (30) lower garments 30 waist bands

20 (klyap) — 1 waist band

Masons 3 1/2 (klyap) silver 140 baskets (?) of store-paddy 4 pieces of cloth 4 waist bands

1 horse Cart-hire is mentioned four times in the 1236 inscription. All payments were made in silver or copper, with no indication that the hirer of the cart sustained any obligation to provide food and clothing to the owner during the period of cart-hire. This fact becomes significant in light of a passage in the Wagaru Dhammathat 89

IB, PI. 238; Than Tun, "History of Buddhism," p. 151. Emil Forchhammer, Inscriptions of Pagan, Pinya and Ava. Translation, with Notes (Rangoon: Superintendent, Government Printing, Burma, 1899), p. 1. 91 IB, PI. 97; Than Tun, "History of Buddhism," pp. 135-37; Aung-Thwin, Pagan, pp. 173-74; Luce, "Economic Life," reprint, pp. 367-68. 92 IB, PI. 97; Than Tun, "History of Buddhism," pp. 135-37; Aung-Thwin, Pagan, pp. 173-74; Luce, "Economic Life," reprint, pp. 367-68. 90

136 Money, Markets, and Trade If a man hires a boat or cart from another and if it is returned after a long time, the hire shall be reckoned at a monthly rate (previously agreed to). If the hirer sells it, he shall pay the proceeds together with the hire to its owner. While the said boat or cart is being used by the hirer, royal taxes and black-mail (literally "whatever is taken by thieves, beginning with the king') shall be borne by him.93 Because we have an instance where an object was hired and not an individual, the "additional obligations" accruing to the hirer centered on the amount of time the cart was hired for, the agreed upon price, and if the cart was sold by the hirer before being returned to its owner. It is equally evident that the calculation and assessment of the various values would have been made much more efficient and equitable by the presence of the silver klyap as a measure of value, a means of payment and medium of exchange. How goods are valued, bought, and sold provides an indication of the extent to which an economy is monetized. The 1236 inscription noted above lists a large number of purchases of supplies for the construction of the ku. Twenty of the purchases were made with klyap of silver, and only two with paddy. Consideration will first be made of the klyap as a measure of value and medium of exchange. We will then consider paddy. Purchases of Supplies in 1236 Article Purchased

Medium of Exchange

rafters wood stone plaster 5 cattle powder trays honey mill var. wood var. supplies images bricks from 2 kilns stone 4 baskets paddy

7 klyap (of silver) 1 0 klyap (of silver) 31/2/c/yap(ofsilver) 13 (klyap) of silver 20 (klyap) of silver 5 klyap (of silver) 5 klyap of silver 77 klyap (of silver) 25 klyap (of silver) 20 (klyap) silver 50 (klyap) silver 1 0 (klyap) silver 60 (klyap) silver 1 M4 (klyap) silver 1 (klyap) silver

cloth copper gold quicksilver iron

1 (klyap) silver 1 1/2 viss at 3 klyap (of silver) 1 1/2 (klyap) gold for 12 klyap silver 3 klyap for 2 klyap silver 10 (klyap)

mortar bricks

320 baskets (?) of paddy 30 baskets (?) of store-paddy

Source: IB, PI. 97; Than Tun, "History of Buddhism," pp. 135-37; AungThwin, Pagan, pp. 173-74; Luce, "Economic Life," reprint, pp. 367-68. ^Wagaru Dhammathat] Forchhammer, King Wagaru, p. 21.

Ancient Burma 137 Klyap is a "true Burmese word" and means "something pressed between two flat surfaces."94 A difficulty with this definition (as has been pointed out on several occasions) is that no coins dated to the Pagan period have ever been found at Pagan.95 A possible solution to the difficulty is to realize, first, that klyap was equivalent to the Mon diñkel, the latter appearing in Mon inscriptions from northern Thailand. The Mon had their own distinctive coinage since at least the fifth century. Mon influence at Pagan was considerable, exemplified by the proliferation through the twelfth century of inscriptions written in the Mon language and by Mon architectural styles. It is quite possible that the Burmese preserved the Mon idea of coinage in the term klyap which functioned as an abstract measure of value applied to silver and gold. With this background of exchange and social obligation it is now possible to consider an inscription of 1248 which provides only the total costs involved in various building and restoration enterprises (fig. 4.S).96 What becomes immediately apparent is that the donor did not provide the actual materials necessary for the construction of the religious structures in question or even the writing materials for the copying of the Pitaka. What we have is simply a list of the amount of money (expressed as klyap of silver and khwak of copper) given for the purchase of the necessary supplies. Bricks, lime, paint, and mortar are never mentioned. Items unrelated to the actual construction—areca nuts, loincloths, salt, pepper—fulfill the obligation noted earlier to clothe and feed the workers under hire. In virtually every instance silver klyap and copper khwak appear together at the top of the list of expenses for each enterprise, supporting the view that Pagan possessed two metallic currencies, a silver currency expressed as a klyap ("something pressed between two surfaces") and a copper one of khwak ("a cup"). In addition, it would appear that the relative price of copper and silver was controlled. Although the silver to gold ratio varies considerably in Pagan inscriptions, the silver to copper ratio appears consistently as 1:50.97 The variability of the ratio of silver to gold would seem to indicate that the relative prices of the two metals were determined by supply and demand and not by decree. This is not the case with silver and copper, suggesting that the ratio was fixed administratively, a feature which also serves to support the understanding that copper and silver were used as currencies in Pagan. An examination of the silver totals reveals that they were often given in fractions: 1747 (klyap) 3 pay lum 758 1/4 klyap 4 turn 432 3/4 (klyap) 44 3/4 (klyap) From these examples it is possible to establish that the klyap were divided into four smaller units (called mat m other contexts).98 The mai was also divided into four 94

Luce, "Economic Life," reprint p. 337. Pyu coins have occasionally been reported from the Pagan area, including at least one find in a reliquary deposit dating to the Pagan period. U Bokay, interview, September 21, 1987, Pagan, Burma. 96 IB, PI. 64; Than Tun, "History of Buddhism," pp. 133-35; Luce, "Economic Life," reprint, pp. 369-70. 97 See Luce, "Economic Life," reprint, pp. 337 and 364, notes 86-87. 95

98

See Luce, "Economic Life," reprint, p. 364, note 88.

138 Money, Markets, and Trade 4.8 Building and Restoration costs at Pagan: 1248. On the construction of the hollow-pagoda: Grand total of silver 1 747 (klyap) 3 pay lum Grand total of khwak 74 viss [bisa] Grand total of loincloths 113 pieces Grand total of gold (for spire of hollow-pagoda) 23 klyap Grand total of quicksilver 92 klyap Grand total of paddy 1 867 1 12 (baskets) Grand total of areca nuts 2 kadun + 1 1 60 Grand total of black pepper 7/32 units Grand total of salt 71/2 units On the copying of the Pitaka: Grand total of silver Grand total of paddy Grand total of salt Grand total of black pepper Grand total of areca nuts

2037 klyap 504 9/1 6 (baskets) 110 (viss) 23/32 (viss) 10 kadun + 4870

On the repairing of the old monastery: Grand total of silver Grand total of khwak Grand total of loincloths Grand total of paddy Grand total of areca nuts

758 1/4 klyap 4 lum 8 viss [bisa] 68 pieces 504 baskets 2200

On the building of the library: Grand total of silver

215 klyap

On the building of the big brick monastery: Grand total of khwak Grand total of silver Grand total of loincloths

06 viss [bisa] 392 3/4 (klyap) 45 pieces

On the erection of an enclosure wall: Grand total of silver Grand total of khwak Grand total of khwak on cart hire Grand total of loincloths Grand total of paddy

432 3/4 (klyap) 20 viss [bisa] 53 viss 12 pieces 1 82 baskets

On the construction of the Culamani (pagoda): Grand total of silver Grand total of gold Grand total of khwak Grand total of copper

44 3/4 (klyap) 3 lum khra 13 viss [bisa] 30 viss

On the building of the Tanmhwan brick monastery: Grand total of silver Grand total of khwak

215 klyap 9 viss [bisa]

Source: IB, PL. 64; Than Thun (1978), pp. 133-35.

Ancient Burma 139 smaller fractions, the ¡urn (pill) or pay (bean), the latter being its Mon equivalent." It is to be noticed that pay is clarified by lum in the first example. The last cart-hire payment in the 1236 inscription is of interest as well because it too contains the khwak. lhan kha khwak I khlap so huy 2 k/yap100 There are several possible interpretations of this passage. Luce renders it as "Cart-hire 1 khlap of khwak, i.e. 2 ticals of silver," implying that 1 khlap of khwak is equivalent in value to 2 k/yapof silver.101 Than Tun's interpretation is similar: "Cart hire—khlap of khwak at 2 ticals of silver." Aung-Thwin's rendering of the passage, as "2 klyap of silver for 1 klyap of khwak [each?] cartage charges," would indicate that an undetermined quantity of 1 khlap of khwak charges totalled 2 klyap of silver. What appears to be taking place in this transaction is that there was an equivalency of some sort between the khlap of khwak and the silver klyap, even though the precise relative values remain unclear. It is possible that the 2 klyap of silver was meant to be interpreted as a measure of value (equivalent to price), while the actual payment would have been made in copper khwak. To sum up, the klyap/mat/pay-lum nomenclature was based upon a 4-part division of the klyap and its subsidiary denominations. The Wyap was also integrated with the Mon viss, this last (apparently) equivalent to 100 Wyap, indicating a mixture of Mon and Burmese in both nomenclature and weight units. The 1/4, full-unit denominational system at Pagan matches the denominational relationship of Pyu and Mon coinages of the first millennium, providing evidence for a continuity of tradition in measurement systems. What cannot be satisfactorily explained is why coinage fell into disuse by the end of the eighth century, as well as why it took until the second half of the twelfth century to re-introduce a valuational system into central Burma. Having considered the two major metallic currencies during the late twelfth and thirteenth centuries, it remains to examine monetary usage of paddy (unthreshed rice) during this same period. In the 1236 inscription discussed earlier paddy was used to purchase mortar and bricks. It is interesting to note that the inscription records two purchases of bricks—one in exchange for paddy, the other in exchange for silver. In the first instance it could be argued (since paddy would have been difficult to transport over long distances) that the bricks and mortar would have come from a local source. In the second instance, 60 klyap of silver was paid for "bricks from two kilns," "ibid. 100 IB, PI. 97; Luce, "Economic Life," reprint, p. 368; Than Tun, "History of Buddhism," p. 137; Aung-Thwin, Pagan, p. 174. 101 See also, Luce, "Economic Life," reprint p. 364, note 90.

140 Money, Markets, and Trade most likely for materials which had to be brought into Pagan from a production area located some distance away. Inscribed bricks found at Pagan reveal that they were often produced in outlying districts.102 In the 1236 inscription paddy was used as a medium of exchange, but there was no indication of the valuational unit—was it paddy or was it klyap? At least two inscriptions use paddy as a measure of value to express the price of goods (curry and betel) which must be purchased with paddy. These examples are particularly significant because they also establish an explicit linkage between redistribution and exchange. The first dates to the late twelfth century: As for the worshipful monk who looks after the big monastery, 1 prañ of rice and 2 prañ of paddy as the cost [phuiwjrt curry are allowed to be consumed daily. (Each of) the remaining 108 worshipful monks may consume 1 tumol rice and 1 prañ of paddy as the cost [phuiwjot curry daily.103 A second belongs to 1241: As for the daily cooked-food offering, three prañ of rice are cooked daily. Paddy is to be taken out of stores enough to get 3 prañ of rice. The cost [phuiwjtor curry and the cost for betel, all complete, in a day is 10 prañ of paddy. The monthly (total) is 18 3/4 baskets of paddy. Yearly it is 225 baskets.104 What emerges from this discussion is that there existed in Pagan an extensive monetized exchange network—with paddy as a measure of value and medium of exchange for small transactions, copper and silver for larger purchases. What has not been established is if there is any evidence for negotiated prices in Pagan, or if all prices were established by legislative decree. This issue will be considered in the following discussion of land and slave purchases. LAND PURCHASES If a person, on account of his poverty, wishes to sell his house, (ancestral?) land, &c, he should first ask his co-heirs to buy them; if they fail therein on account of their own poverty, he should offer them for sale to those whose house, field, or tank are contiguous to his own. If the occupants of the adjoining lands do not buy (his house or fields), let him sell them to persons who are living far from the place.105 Wagaru Dhammathat, 13th century. Many of the land purchases recorded in Pagan inscriptions were for the purpose of dedicating that land to the sahgha in return for religious merit. Records of private land purchases between individuals such as discussed in the Wagaru Dhammathat are difficult to recover from the inscriptions, although the matter of land and credit will be discussed later in this chapter. It is known too that on occasion the sahgha itself 102 Several examples of inscribed bricks, some revealing their place of origin, are to be found in the Pagan and Rangoon museums. U Bokay interview. 103 IB, PI. 393; Than Tun, "History of Buddhism," p. 102. Emended. 104 IB, PI. 138; Than Tun, "History of Buddhism," pp. 101-102. Emended. 105 Wagaru Dhammathat; Forchhammer, King Wagaru, p. 17.

Ancient Burma 141 would purchase lands, as in 1244 a monastery purchased land at the rate of 15 klyap of silver per pay, paid for out of the sahghika ucea (treasury or fund of the monks).106 The classic description of land prices in Pagan remains that of Gordon H. Luce in "Economic Life of the Early Burman." His comments refer to irrigated paddy-land: The price (for irrigated paddy-land) varied widely according as the land lay in the kharuin or tuik areas. At Tayabin (Thipe'syah) in Shwebo district, for example, where we often find the Burmans purchasing land from the Sâauw Kantù, the older inhabitants, the price was several times as low as 1 klyap or 1/5 viss of khwak per pay (1 3/4 acres?), and once as low as 1/2 a Wyap. Paddy-land was also cheap at other outlying parts, including Amyin and Anein [Kramtú] and the west bank of the Chindwin [PahklT]. It appreciated considerably in the kharuin areas, rising to as much as 20 Wyap and 8 viss per pay. The average was about 8-10 Wyap, or 2-3 viss of khwak. Garden-land appears to have been far more valuable, but the evidence is meagre: we read of a garden at Tagaung selling at as much as 176 Wyap per pay.107 Lands situated in the core areas (kharuin) consistently sold for more than land in outlying (tuik) zones, suggesting, as in the case of early Bengal, that the forces of supply and demand had an impact on the price of land. Although this point requires further study and elaboration than is possible here, I am not aware of any evidence that land prices were administered or controlled by a central authority. Some representative prices of land during the first half of the thirteenth century are given in figure 4.9. A significant feature of these prices is that they are nearly all calculated in terms of silver Wyap. While in most instances it is possible to arrive at a round number of Wyap per pay, the 1242 sale of 330 pay of land for 700 Wyap of silver, or 2.12 Wyap per pay, suggests that, more than likely, the price for the entire parcel was negotiated rather than based upon a regulated price of so many Wyap per pay. The mid-thirteenth century marks the proliferation of feasts at the conclusion of a land transaction or legal suit, a practice maintained well into the fifteenth century.108 The tradition was apparently strongest in outlying regions of upper Burma. When two monks purchased fifty pay of land they spent 5 1/2 w'ssof copper for the "price of liquor and the price of meat" (siyphuiw sa phuiw).™9 Precisely what the liquor and meat was to be for is indicated in an inscription of 1269: "When Pyamkla and party were given the price of land, all the hearing and seeing [i.e. witnessing] sampyañ and kalan (were given a feast) by the side of the brick trough of the reservoir where a gelded bull and ten pots of liquor were eaten and drunk. . . ."11° An inscription of 1277 records that, when 1,000 pay of land were dedicated to a monastery, the 106

IB, PI. 162; Than Tun, "History of Buddhism,"p. 98. Luce, "Economic Life," reprint, p. 338; notes 91, 92, and p. 364 for a list of inscriptions; Than Tun, "History of Buddhism," p. 121, note 2 affirms Luce's views. Even though AungThwin, Pagan, pp. 104 and 111 seems to believe that land prices in Pagan were "fixed," that is regulated by the government, no examples of such legislation from the Pagan period are known. U Bokay interview. 108 Than Tun, "History of Buddhism," p. 45; Than Tun, "The Legal System in Burma, A.D. 1000 1300," The Burma Law Institute Journal 1, 2 (1959): 175; Luce, "Economic Life," reprint, p. 364, note 94. 109 IB, PI. 224; Than Tun, "Legal System," p. 175. 110 IB, PI. 395; Than Tun, "Legal System,"p. 176; and idem., "History of Buddhism,"p. 121. 107

142 Money, Markets, and Trade 4.9 Land Prices in Burma during the First Half of the Thirteenth Century. DATE

PRICE (PHL//W)

1235

1242

20 klyap gold, 200 nuy pyan 700 klyap silver for 330 pay

1244a

1 5 klyap silver per pay

1244b

1 5 klyap silver per pay

1246a

1 klyap of silver per pay

1246b

1 klyap of silver per pay

1248

2 klyap silver per pay

LOCATION — Riruinruin (Tabayin) Santon (Kyaukse) Mlacsa (Kyaukse) Thipesyan (Shwebo) Thipesyan (Shwebo) Plonpla

Source: Compiled from Than Thun (1978).

expenses incurred as "the price of cooked rice, the price of liquor, the price of meat" (tharnan phuiw siy phuiw sa phuiw) were 54 klyap of silver.111 KYWAN ("SLAVE") PURCHASES AND REDEMPTION IN THE THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH CENTURIES . . . a slave who has been bought may redeem himself by paying the original purchase-money if he does not like his being enslaved. The child of a female house slave shall give twice his own worth for his redemption.... The price of emancipation of a female slave given by another is 25 ticals and that of a male slave is 30 ticals of silver. One who has become a slave for having incumbent danger warded off shall pay a sum becoming his rank for his redemption. The price of redemption of one who has become a slave on account of his being poverty-stricken shall be 15 ticals of silver, this being the price of his maintenance [literally "rice-value"].112 Wagaru Dhammathat, 13th century Although the legally established price for a male kywan ("slave") was 30 klyap ("ticals") of silver, kywan prices recorded in Pagan inscriptions range from 20 to 35 klyap per kywan. There are several reasons why the price of a kywan might diverge from the 30 klyap norm, including differences of status and rank prior to becoming a kywan and the circumstances of their kywan-sh\p (fig. 4.10). By and large, prices were paid in silver klyap and copper khwak. Occasionally, however, payment was not made in silver, indications that barter trade still remained strong in the thirteenth century. The accounting of kywan purchases further affirms our understanding of the currency system in later Pagan, namely that the chief currencies were silver and copper, most likely in the form of ingots and bars, which had to be cut and weighed at each 111

IB, PI. 268; Than Tun, "Legal System," p. 166; and idem., "History of Buddhism," p. 45; Luce, "Economic Life," reprint, pp. 338-40, note 93. 112 Wagaru Dhammathat; Forchhammer, King Wagaru, p. 23.

Ancient Burma 143 4.10 Kywan ("Slave") Prices at Pagan. DATE n.d.

No. OF KYWAN ACQUIRED 1

1

n.d. early 13th 1214 1223 1223 1226

4 1 20

1249 1301 1301

potter gardener

7 11

1

PRICE (PHI//W) 20 baskets of paddy, 3 viss of copper boat 140 klyap silver 330 klyap silver 120 klyap silver 35 klyap silver 300 of na kran white copper, 200 of pure silver 10 areca palms/kywan 30 klyap silver 20 khwak (copper)

RATE

—

boat 20 klyap 30 klyap 30 klyap 35 klyap

—

30 klyap 20 khwak

Source: Compiled from Than Thun (1978). transaction. This is spelled out even more clearly in transactions using the phrase "weighed and given." 1200s

The whole group of [seven] brothers and sons of the goldsmith living at Tonplun at the price [aphuiwjof 140 silver (was given /p/y/).113

1214

(For the price of) seven adult male slaves (and) four young male slaves altogether 11 slaves three hundred and thirty of silver are weighed and given [khin piy e/114

1226

(For the) price [aphuiw]of twenty slaves 300 of na kran white copper and 200 of pure silver, together 500 are weighed and given [khin piy e/115

The Wagaru Dhammathat also mentions that individuals could be redeemed (i.e. become free of the obligation of servitude into which they had entered) upon payment of an amount becoming to one's rank and the circumstances of the kywan-sh\p, actual examples of which are given in figure 4.11. The 1243 case is particularly telling as it involved the redemption of a female kywan by a concubine from Marhak who had earlier dedicated the slave to a monastery and later wished to free the woman from her bondage. The 100 klyap redemption price, while not typical, serves to point out that the costs of redemption varied considerably and were most likely negotiable. 113

IB, PI. 75a; Than Tun, "History of Buddhism," p. 150. Emended. IB, PI. 75a; Than Tun, "History of Buddhism," p. 150; Luce , "Economic Life," reprint, p. 363, note 81. Emended. 115 IB, PI. 77; Than Tun, "History of Buddhism," p. 151 Emended. 114

144 Money, Markets, and Trade 4.11 Redemption Rates (ruy) of Kywan ("Slaves") at Pagan during the Thirteenth Century. [Cansu II] 1243 1253

3 children 1 1

30 pay of dedicated land 100 klyap silver 5 viss of copper (khwak?)

Source: Compiled from Than Thun (1978).

REVENUE ADMINISTRATION DURING THE THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH CENTURIES A decree of 1368 stipulated that officials in charge of towns and villages should "keep the taxes and revenue in the minimum."116 Further, the decree continued: "Provincial chiefs must bring customary tributes to the king on the First Day of the Ninth Month (Nadaw) and failing to do so would be taken as an act of rebellion."117 Other income included, according to one later authority, "the usual court fees, harbour dues, cart tolls, stall rents, and petty taxes."118 It is appropriate to consider both the individuals involved in revenue collection and the means of assessment and payment. The revenue officer was a local official responsible for collecting the king's due. The importance of this individual, and the fact that he frequently became well-to-do as a result of his tax-collecting efforts, is indicated by the 1302-1304 Myinzaing Inscription (east of Kyaukse), which records that "... a royal minister, the Flaw headman and revenue-officer... [Man mat Flaw sùkrikamkay}' built a monastery and dedicated ricefields to it.119 As we will see in a subsequent example, the village headman and the revenue officer were often one and the same person. Another revenue officer kamkun cakhi (tax-assessor [?] and secretary) is also mentioned in a case of infringement upon a religious dedication early in the thirteenth century.120 The 'lees of the assessor" varied according to the type of activity that was being taxed. Tax rates assessed on agricultural land and a fishery are instructive (fig. 4.12). What is most surprising about these examples is that in only one instance, the case of land being in paddy, was the rate of taxation related to actual production. In every other case, the tax rate was calculated as so much copper, lead, or pieces of cloth. By the middle of the fourteenth century the annual revenue from villages was commonly expressed as Wyapof silver. When land or villages were dedicated to the sahgha, the "rent from the land" which would have formerly gone to the king was redirected to serve the needs of the religious establishment. An inscription of 1278 specified that the income from the fields was to be distributed as alms. Note, in particular, the three-fold division of the income, for the Lord, the Law, and the monks (sahgha): 116

Than Tun, Royal Orders of Burma (Kyoto: Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University, 1983), vol. 1, p. 3. 117 lbid., p. 4. 118 See Aung-Thwin, Pagan, pp. 110-13, for a discussion of revenue. 119 Luce, Old Burma-Early Pagan, vol. 1, p. 116. 120 IB, PI. 60 a,b; Luce, Old Burma-Early Pagan, vol. 1, p. 117.

Ancient Burma 145 4.12 Tax Rates in Thirteenth and Fourteenth Century Pagan.

(2)

TAXED ENTITY 1 00 pay of land 3000 pay of land

(3)

orif in paddy field

(4)

or in the case of muryan paddy-lands fishery

0)

TAX RAIE 100 pieces of loincloth 1 1 viss of copper 1 00 pieces of cloth 1 basket of paddy per pay 1 piece of cloth and 25 pieces of lead in the case of a field having a sowing capacity of half a basket 50 pieces of lead 1 0 viss of copper

Source: Compiled from Than Thun (1978). The total of 3230 (pay) of land and 160 kywan (are dedicated). Out of the paddy received as rent from these lands, 1/9 basket of rice (is to be ) cooked everyday (as) almsfood for the Lord, 1 prañ [1/16 of a basket] of rice (is to be) cooked everyday (as) almsfood for the Law, 30 (baskets) of paddy are (to be set apart) every month for the chief monk of the monastery to eat and 20 prañ of rice at 1 prafi for each monk are (to be cooked) daily for 20 monks.121 The privileged status of the sahgha is also apparent in records of disputes which arose over the tax-exempt status of gift lands. In the Thetso Hill inscription of 1211, for example, an inquest was instituted to determine if a parcel of land was indeed free from royal interference during the reigns of several Pagan kings.122 Another case, reported in an inscription of 1260, provides further insight into the mechanics of the revenue process. A village headman (who was also the revenue officer) had improperly assessed some lands dedicated to the sahgha. The incident was reported to the Mahathera, who informed the king of the illegal assessment. The king ordered his chief minister to inform the headman that the land was exempted from taxation. The proclamation was inscribed upon a pillar and erected in the village with a curse (composed by the Mahàthera) that "if any government official in future attemped to collect revenue from the said land may he be swallowed by the earth and cooked in the X\ we/hell."123 The intervention of the king can also be explained by reference to a passage regarding gifts in the Wagaru Dhammathat: 121 IB, PI. 289; Than Tun, "History of Buddhism," p. 84. Emended. See also Aye Chan, "Review Article: The Nature of Land and Labour Endowments to Sasana in Medieval Burmese History: Review of the Theory of "Merit-path-to-salvation (A Review of Michael Aung-Thwin's Pagan: The Origins of Modem Burma)" Southeast Asian Studies (Japan) 26, 1 (1988): 86-95. 122 Lu Pe Win, "Review of Old Burma-Early Pagan" 123 IB, PI. 196; Than Tun, "History of Buddhism," p. 47.

146 Money, Markets, and Trade . . . if anything be given with a view to enjoy its profits during one's transmigration, and then asked back, the giver shall be liable to suffer punishment from the king, because he has already reaped the fruits of his charity.124 Tax-exempt status was obviously extremely desirable. In one instance, reported in an inscription of 1277, land was purchased for dedication to the sahgha, yet it was several years before the property came into its possession. In the interim, the former owners and local officials apparently enjoyed the tax-exempt status of the property. They refused to turn over the land to the sañgha until a considerable sum of money (well beyond the initial purchase price) was paid to them. This particular incident is explored more fully later in this chapter.125 The private ownership of land is touched on only incidentally in the inscriptions. A decree of 1368 stipulated that "Boundary demarkations are always to be respected and all chiefs of administrative units must have records of the extent of the areas under their control."126 The importance of record keeping, particularly in matters of the demarcation of land boundaries, is also brought out in the Wagaru Dhammathat: In a suit regarding the ownership of land and water, the parties shall be required to produce witnesses and stone-inscription or other written records in support of their respective claims; judgement shall be given in favor of the party who can do so. If both the parties can produce such witnesses and inscriptions, then the party who has been found in continual possession of the property in dispute shall get it. A man shall distinctly mark the boundaries of his lands by the following means: Trees, bamboo bushes, holes, ponds, rivers, ditches, lakes, paths (roads), hills, tree-stumps, boulders, sand, pieces of broken pots, charcoal, the skulls of cows, cow-bones, signposts, and stakes. If no such marks have been placed, then the headman of the village, the priests, and the brahmans shall settle the limits of such land. Any land whose boundaries are not fixed by the abovementioned marks shall not be deemed to possess any boundary marks.127 If a man destroys the boundary marks of land belonging to another, the owner of such land shall have a right to sell such an offender. Any man who commits any of the following offenses shall pay a compensation of 35 ticals of silver: digging up the ridge of a field, filling up a ditch, destroying (altering the course of?) a river, removing signposts, cutting down such posts, cutting a rope (which marks the boundary of a field.)128 ^24Wagaru Dhammathat; Forchhammer, King Wagaru, p. 12. 125 See below, Exchange, Transfer and Administration in the Late Thirteenth Century, pp. 15862. 126

Than Tun, Royal Orders of Burma, vol. 1, p. 4.

127

Wagaru Dhammathat; Forchhammer, King Wagaru, p. 34.

128

Wagaru Dhammathat; Forchhammer, King Wagaru, p. 35.

Ancient Burma 147

Actual compensation for destroying boundary stones was often much greater than simply the "right to sell an offender." An inscription of 1226 records that Tanluih Ña Rae was fined 100 klyap of huy pyan (bar silver) for destroying boundary stones.1 ^ What emerges from this discussion of revenue administration is that, by and large, the revenue income from land was assessed either as a quantity of produce from that land (when in production), or as a quantity of goods unrelated to production, such as pieces of cloth, copper, and lead. Assessed fees and fines, on the other hand, were most likely computed, as in the above example, on the basis of klyap oí silver. MERCHANTS AND MARKETS IN UPPER BURMA There is little direct evidence in Pagan inscriptions regarding merchants. It is probable that at least some commercial activities were administered by the state. We read, for example, that in 1285 the "king of Mian [Burma] sent his superintendent of salt wells Abilixiang, to Taigong city [Tagaung]," indicating that salt production was at least under nominal government control.130 Gold from Tagaung is mentioned by both the Chinese and Marco Polo as an important product of Upper Burma. The Tagaung region, also known to the Chinese as Jiandu (=Kantu), was of special interest to them because the region produced "an abundance of gold. A foundry may be set up, and the people ordered to refine gold for payment to the government. The Emperor approved."131 The comments of Marco Poto regarding cowries, silver, and gold in Caragian (=L)pper Burma?) are particularly relevant, as he was travelling in Yunnan only a few years after the Mongol invasion of 1287. They have so much gold . . . that they give one saggio (by weight) of gold for six of silver. And in this province they also spend the cowries . . . for money . . . these cowries are not found in that province, but they come there carried by merchants from Indie.132 He goes on to discuss Cardanan (=Jiandu, Tagaung) in a similar light: Their money is gold which they spend by weight, and cowries are also spent there for their small money . . . they give one ounce of gold for five ounces of silver and a saggio of gold for five of silver. And this happens because they have much gold, but no silver mine nearer than five months of days journeys. And therefore that merchants come there with much silver and change it with those people & and give five fine sagrg/for it, and much less, for one of fine gold. And from this their merchants make great profit and derive great gain from this province by this exchange.133 129

IB, PI. 574; Than Tun, "History of Buddhism," p. 44. Vuan Shi; Gordon H. Luce, "The Early Syamm Burma's History, A Supplement" Journal of the Slam Society 47, 1 (1959): 86 [Henceforth "SyaA7?Supplemenr|. Emended. Aung-Thwin, Pagan, pp. 113-14, goes so far as to assert that all trade was administered by the state. 131 Yuan Shi; Luce, Phases of Pre-Pagan Burma, p. 41. 132 Description of the World; A.C. Moule and Paul Pelliot, Marco Polo The Description of the World (New York: AMS Press, 1976), vol. 1, p. 278. 133 Description of the World; Moule and Pelliot, Marco Polo, vol. 1, pp. 282-83. 130

148

Money, Markets, and Trade

The importance of Marco Polo's account derives from the fact that he identified a critical component of pre-modern commercial exchange, namely the different exchange ratios of gold to silver in various provinces (as he called them) in order to derive greater profit from the trading enterprise. Polo also provides a description of a "great descent," apparently into the north Burma plain dominated by Pagan: When one leaves this province of Cardanan... one finds and begins to go down by a very great descent... one goes riding quite two days marches and a half on the decline. And in all these two days marches and a half descent there is no dwelling and nothing ... except... that in one place there is a great and broad plain open space where a great fair and market is held. For all the men from the great mountains of that country round about on every side come down to that open space on so many stated days and find there their market, that is three days a week; and they used to change gold with silver, for they have much of it, and give one saggio of gold for five of silver, & therefore the merchants who bring gold and silver come here from other very distant parts and change their silver with the gold of these people and much merchandise, and it is a very great fair;... they make great profit from it and great gain. And the inhabitants are not allowed to carry the gold out of the country, but they wish the merchants to come there with silver to take it, bringing the goods which they make for their needs. And the people of that country who bring their gold to this market... none can go to their houses where they live to do them harm except those of the country; for they five in such very high & strong and strange and wild places and out of the way for fear of people. And therefore they hold these markets in the said plain.... And when one has gone riding down these two days journeys and a half, then one finds a great province which is toward midday and is on the borders of Indie. And this province is called Mien.134 g. EXCHANGE, TRANSFER, AND ADMINISTRATION IN THE LATE THIRTEENTH CENTURY In order to gain a clearer picture of the extent to which the economy of Pagan was monetized by the second half of the thirteenth century, it is appropriate to consider the transactional impact of a single land purchase. As mentioned earlier, this 1277 inscription is exceptional in that it records that a tract of land purchased for the sahgha was not placed in its possession until several years later. Because of this administrative difficulty, the inscription is exceedingly detailed, providing the most complete record of the mechanics of land transactions during the second half of the thirteenth century (fig. 4.13).135 Land purchases with the intent of dedicating the property to the sahgha would have normally encompassed transactions 1 through 9. These transactions included gifts of "royal silver" (is this to be distinguished from the regular silver mentioned in Pagan inscriptions, akin perhaps to the "flowered silver of later times?) to the former owners of the land, as well as sufficient money for the purchase of rice and liquor for the feasting to celebrate the completion of a land transaction. ^Description of the World; Moule and Pelliot, Marco Polo, vol. 1, p. 292. 135 IB, PI. 268; Luce, "Economic Life," reprint, pp. 338-40; see also Forchhammer, Inscriptions of Pagan, pp. 130-31.

Ancient Burma

149

4.13 A Pagan Land Transaction of 1277 TRANSACTION TYPE OR ADMIN. ACTION 1. Exchange

2. Linked Transfer (3. Exchange 4. Linked Transfer (5. Exchange (6. Linked Transfer 7. Administrative Action 8. Administrative Request 9. Exchange 10. Administrative Action 11. Administrative Action; Accounting Device 12. Administrative Request 13. Exchange 14. Accounting Device 15. Administrative Action 16. Administrative Request 17. Exchange 18. Linked Transfer 19. Administrative Action; Accounting Device

20. Administrative Request 21. Linked transfer 22. Administrative Action

DESCRIPTION Nine landowners given purchase price of 1000 klyap silver for 100 pay of land by six individuals (including secretaries of ministers and treasurers of the king's fisc.) Sâauw landowners given royal silver for clothing. Purchase of new clothing for feast. 54 klyap silver for rice, 2 1/4 klyap silver; given to no specific individual; intended for purchase of food for feast. Purchase of food for feast. Feasting at conclusion of land purchase. Responsibility for transfer of land given to Ña Warn Can San of the Sàauw, under minister Caturangabuil. King's treasurers attempt to obtain delivery of land; not successful. Expenses incurred on journey amounted to 30 klyap silver. Suit brought against Ña Warn Can San. Ña Warn Can San offers surety: "If this year you fail to get the land, you can claim interest of 3000 klyap of royal silver." Secretaries of the ministers go upstream to take delivery of the land; not successful. Expenses incurred on journey of 10 klyap. Interest of 3000 klyap on surety, fell due. Four asan of the Sàauw, including a moneylender, go down to Pagan and promise transfer of the land together with its crops. Four asan of the Sàauw request something for their expenses. Unspecified expenses of four asan on journey to Pagan. A minister gives them 1 00 klyap in front of the monastery. Four asan give surety: "If, by the month of Pyatho of this year, you fail to get the 1000 pay of land together with the crops, for the 3000 klyap of royal silver, claim 6000; and for every klyap in this 100, claim 10 apiece. Nor may our sons or grandsons resile from this agreement." Contract is sealed. Four asan request "something to eat." Gift (or tip) of 30 klyap given to the four. Persons with sealed contract went upstream to claim land.

CHIEF LINKAGES

EX1

LT2) EX1 LT4) EX1;LT4) EX1

EX1 AR8

AA 7; AR 8 AA10 EX 1 ; AA 1 1 AR12 AD 11; AR 12 EX 1 ; AA 1 1 ; AD11;AR12 AA15

AR 16; EX 17

EX1;AA15; AD 14; LT 18

AA19 AR20 AD 19

150 Money, Markets, and Trade 23. Administrative Request 24. Linked Transfer; Accounting Device 25. Administrative Action; Accounting Device 26. Linked Transfer 27. Administrative Request 28. Administrative Action; Accounting Device 29. Administrative Request 30. Linked Transfer

31. Exchange 32. Accounting Device (33. Linked Transfer 34. Accounting Device

New headman and khetrà of the Sàauw complained: "We have not yet eaten (our share in the tip)." Gifts of 180 klyap silver and 40 viss of khwak given to new headman and khetrà of the Sàauw; land found to measure less than 1000 pay. Caya, agent of Caturangabuil, sent up to join Ña Warn Can San, to establish boundary posts; not successful. Caya given 40 klyap and 111/2 viss of khwak in recognition of his (unsuccessful) efforts. King issues royal order to Sàauw headman, khetrà, kalan, and sampyañ to complete transfer of 1 000 pay. Caturangabuil and the Sàauws meet in front of the palace; in presence of Mahàthera surrender additional plot of land to complete the 1000 pay. The Sàauw plea: "Year after year continuously we have been deprived of our authority." Sàauw headman, khetrà, and other asan, the headman's servants, compensated with gifts totalling 239 klyap and 2 viss of khwak, by king's agents, headed by the phanta, in front of the royal monastery. 74 1/2 klyap expended on nightly recital of charms to avert evil in connection with the 1000 pay of land. Total spent on the 1000 pay of land was 1830 3/4 /c/yapof royal silver, plus 53 1/2 viss of khwak. Land dedicated to monastery.) Record of land transaction inscribed in stone.

Source: IB, PI. 268: Luce (1940), reprint, pp. 338-40.

LT21

AR23

LT7;AD24 AA25 EX 1; AD 24

EX1;AR27

AR29

EX1

EX1-EX31

Ancient Burma 151 Transaction 32 indicates that these additional charges were considered a normal part of the land exchange process. Silver klyap and copper khwak are valuational standards throughout the inscription. Even the travel expenses of the king's treasurers in their attempts to transfer the land to the sañgha (transactions 9 and 13) were computed in silver klyap. A large number of linked transfers are also recorded, generally as the result of a request for reimbursement for expenses incurred on travel between Pagan and Tabayin or for "something to eat" (i.e. a tip or gift); in each instance payment was made in silver klyap. Both silver klyap and copper khwak appear as compensation to agents of the king, apparently as part of their salary (no. 26), as a "sweetener" (no. 24) to assure the successful completion of the transaction, or as compensation to the Sáauw for the revenue lost as a result of the land transfer (no. 30). The fact that silver /c/yapwas a unit of account in the surety agreements, in addition to being a medium of exchange and means of payment, is further indication of the degree to which the Pagan economy was monetized by the latter part of the thirteenth century. The relationship between the king, his ministers, and local officials comes out very clearly in this inscription as well. Of particular interest is the authority given by Caturahgabuil to Ña Warti Can Sah of the Sâauw to oversee the transfer of the property to the sahgha. When the land was not made over as planned, Ña Warti Can Sah retained personal responsibility for seeing that the transaction was completed successfully. This was not an uncommon problem for the Pagan administration. An inscription of 1272, for example, records an investigation into tax-exempted lands because "the judges did not believe that the property was actually donated to the Buddha."136 The inscription too shows the importance of credit agreements at Pagan. In his efforts to keep the central administration at bay while negotiating with the local parties for the transfer of the land, Ña Warti Can Sah executed several credit agreements— transaction numbers 11, 14,15, and 19. Ña Warti Cah Sah first offered 3,000 klyap on a 1,000 klyap transaction as a surety that the land would be properly transferred to the sahgha. When this proved impossible, the amount was increased to 3,000 klyap plus the crops on the land in question. When Ña Warn Cah Sah was once again unable to effect the transfer of the lands to the sahgha, he finally offered 1,000 percent interest on the reimbursed expenses of the four asan, 6,000 klyap (double the amount Ña Warti Cah Sah originally offered), and the crops on the land in question. The doubling of the debt is in accord with the Wagaru Dhammathat, which states: If a person has incurred a debt on which he has to pay no interest, he shall pay double the amount of the original debt if he has allowed the debt to remain unpaid for one year.137 Security agreements were also made for much smaller purchases. The chapter on the Law of Purchase and Sale of the Wagaru Dhammalhat explains the nature of the security agreement and attendant obligations of the buyer and seller: Men should buy or sell in the presence of witnesses. If persons state that they shall purchase (goods), they should give security for taking delivery of the said 136

Aung-Thwin, Pagan, p. 233, note 14. 'Wagaru Dhammathat; Forchhammer, King Wagaru, p. 4.

137

152 Money, Markets, and Trade goods on such and such a day or month. If the intending purchaser fails to take [buy] the goods, upon which the earnest-money has been paid, on the date appointed, the earnest-money [security] shall be forfeited. If, before the appointed time has come, a seller sells the said goods to a man other than the one from whom he has received some earnest-money, double the amount of the earnestmoney received shall be returned to the intending purchaser.138 The Wagaru Dhammathat also makes a distinction between monies lent for purposes of trading and those lent for the purposes of maintaining a household: If either a husband or his wife contract a debt for the purpose of using it as principal in trading, the husband and wife shall not plead ignorance of the debt. When the creditor has proved the validity of his claim and that the money lent was used for trading purposes, they shall repay the debt with monthly interest thereon. If either husband or wife have contracted a debt to provide for the maintenance of themselves Let the creditor prove the debt, and if he has done so, let him have the capital but without any interest thereon.139 The implication of this passage is that, in instances where one borrowed money for the purpose of making gain, interest could be charged due to the expectation of profits resulting from the enterprise. If, on the other hand, the money was required for one's maintenance only and not for trade, then no interest should be charged, because of the lack of a profit motive or indeed the possibility of profit. h. BURMA'S TRIBUTARY RELATIONS WITH CHINA AFTER 1279 As was discussed in Chapter Two, the Mongols began to expand once again to the southwest during the 1270s. Nusulading, made commander of Dali in 1279, invaded the northern territories of Pagan. . . . he reached the Gold Teeth, the Pu and Piao, Chula and Mian [Pagan] kingdoms. He summoned and pacified 300 barbarian stockades, registered 120,200 households, fixed rents and land-tax, set up post-houses and courier-service, and stationed garrison-troops. On his return he brought 12 tame elephants and submitted them at Court.140 In 1287, the governor of Yunnan M ... advanced and invaded as far as Pugan [Pagan], losing over 7,000 men of his army. Mian began to be pacified; and there was fixed a yearly tribute of local products."141 In 1297 Mian's yearly tribute to China was established as: 2,500 Hang of silver 1,000 pieces of silk 138 Wagaru Dhammathat; Forchhammer, King Wagaru, p. 17. ^Wagaru Dhammathat; Forchhammer, King Wagaru, p. 3. 140 Vuan Shi; Luce, "Byam Supplement," p. 67; Gordon H. Luce, "The Early Syarnin Burma's History," Journal of the Siam Society 46, 2 (1958): 138 [henceforth "Syamln Burma"]. Emended. 141 Yuan Shi; Luce, "Syarn in Burma," p. 139.

Ancient Burma 153 20 tame elephants and 10,000 p/ci/feof grain.142 In 1299, however, the Burmese heir-apparent appealed to the Yuan, because "his tribespeople were being killed and plundered by the Gold Teeth, and that this has caused general poverty and want, thus making it impossible for them to pay the gold and silks offered as tribute at the appointed time."143 Upon hearing this request, the Emperor ruled that, from that time on, tribute of elephants was to be offered only every other year. Nine tame elephants were sent as tribute in 1301, followed by additional elephants in 1303 and 1308. The last two tribute payments, of 1315 and 1319, consisted of unspecified local products.144 Ill CONCLUSION: VALUATIONAL CONCEPTS AND MONETIZATION IN EARLY BURMA

The Mon and Pyu issued extensive silver coinages from the middle of the fifth through the end of the eighth centuries. Unfortunately, the indigenous nomenclature for this coinage has not been preserved, although some authors suggest a possible affinity with the Indian tanka. The cowrie (imported from the Maldives) was commonly used in smaller transactions. Each coin series of the first millennium was struck to a specific weight standard using highly refined silver, indicating that they were most likely issued by rulers strong enough to exercise control over their manufacture. There is no evidence for a single metrological standard used throughout the region; what is to be noted instead is the presence of several localized coinages of limited geographical distribution. The exception to this general observation is the widespread Rising Sun coinage, which quite possibly began as a trade currency. An as yet unexplained aspect of numismatic developments on the mainland is the disappearance of coinage after the ninth or tenth century. One possible explanation has to do with the close relationship between effective political control and the issuance of coinage. It is curious, however, that Pagan chose not to follow the pattern of earlier centuries and issue its own coinage. The Mon presence in southern Burma was to have important consequences for the development of Pagan's economy. During the twelfth century the Mon king

attemped to establish, unsuccessfully as it turned out, an administered trade with Sri

Lanka. The accounts which have come down to us point up the survival of a silver currency among the Mon, based upon the dihkel, which would become equated with the Burmese klyap. It could well be argued that the introduction of the silver klyap as a measure of value in late twelfth century Pagan was due to an awareness of the Mon experience. Markets make their first appearance in Pagan's epigraphic record during the eleventh and early twelfth centuries. The first monetized transactions appear at the very end of the twelfth century in the context of religious transfers. In those same inscriptions silver was used as payment for wages, indicating that silver was also 142

VL/an Shi; Luce, "Syàm Supplement," p. 88; Luce, "Syàm m Burma," p. 155. Yuan Shi; Luce, "Syàm Supplement," p. 89. 144 Vi/artS/?/;Luce, "Syáráin Burma," p. 163. 143

154 Money, Markets, and Trade becoming an acceptable medium of exchange at that time. This movement toward monetization took place after Burmese had become the language of dedicatory inscriptions, replacing the earlier Mon, and after the restructuring of the Pagan economy (which included the standardization of weights and measures) under Alaungsithu. The late twelfth century also witnessed the exploitation of a new source of silver, most likely from mines located at Bawdwingyi in the Shan States region. By the early thirteenth century, silver had become an important measure of value under the guise of the klyap, meaning "something pressed between two surfaces." The khwakor "cup" of copper was also an important currency. Although the meaning of klyap suggests the idea of coinage, there is no evidence for coinage at Pagan. Instead, silver and copper (and occasionally gold) normally took the form of ingots which were "weighed and given" at each transaction. Unhusked rice supplemented the metallic currencies. Monetized transactions at Pagan were typically those in which the measure of value was identical with the medium of exchange. For small transactions (purchases of foodstuffs, for example), a non-metallic currency consisting of unhusked rice (paddy) was commonly used as a measure of value and medium of exchange. For payment of wages and purchases of building supplies, a silver or copper currency was utilized. For purchases involving silver or copper currency as a medium of exchange, the measure of value was commonly the klyap of silver or the khwak of copper, although there is some evidence to suggest that the silver klyap was a preferred measure of value even when actual payment was made in copper khwak. Further indication of the extensive use of the silver klyap is its appearance as the unit of account in surety agreements. There is little evidence for administered prices at Pagan. The ratio of silver to copper was probably fixed at 1:50, supporting the view that silver and copper were the chief currencies. By way of contrast, the ratio of gold to silver was variable, ranging from 1:10 to 1:12. A study of slave prices reveals that while 30 klyap of silver was the official "accounting price" for slaves, the actual amount one could expect to pay for a slave varied considerably, typically ranging from 20 to 35 klyap per kywan. An even greater range is found in the "redemption price" for kywan, the amount of money one was obligated to pay to obtain freedom from indenture. Payments to free /cyivanfrom further obligation range from 5 viss of copper to 100 Wyapof silver. These examples indicate that kywan prices, as well as the price of redemption, varied considerably and were most likely negotiable. A similar argument can be made concerning land prices. Land in outlying areas (tuik) generally cost less than land in core areas (kharuin), suggesting that market forces helped to establish land values. By the thirteenth century, then, exchange transactions were often monetized, although barter doubtless continued to play an important role. This is true as well for a number of linked transfers, in which goods given to the sahgha were valued in terms of klyap of silver. More common, however, was the simple assignment of produce from a specified plot of land to benefit the monks or those who performed specific functions for the religious order, such as wood cutters or musicians. By the middle of the fourteenth century, revenue from villages came to be computed in Wyapof silver. Land-taxes were usually assessed in extrinsic means of payment, particularly when the land was not in production. In such instances taxes were assessed in terms of pieces of cloth, lead, or copper. Even fisheries were assessed in viss oí copper. When rice land was in paddy the rate of taxation was related to actual production, calculated as so many baskets per pay of cultivated land. This distinction points to a

Ancient Burma 155 system of taxation in which the land owners could well have been forced to purchase the acceptable form of payment (cloth or metal) in order to fulfill their fiscal obligations during periods when the land was not producing grain. Although the practice is not documented for Pagan, it is possible that the tax rate was intended as a standard against which payment in other commodities would be accepted.

156 Money, Markets, and Trade

5.1 Dvâravatïand Its Neighbors

5 MONEY IN ANCIENT THAILAND: FROM DVARAVATI TO THE RlSE OF AYUDHYA

F

rom the sixth to eighth centuries AD the Mon of Dvàravatï and Lavapura in central Thailand issued the most extensive and varied coinage of ancient Southeast Asia. By the ninth century, however, this tradition was in abeyance, perhaps explaining why Mon Haripunjaya, a Dvàravatï satellite in northern Thailand, did not issue its own coinage. During the first century of their prominence, beginning in the latter part of the thirteenth century, the Thai showed a preference for the cowrie as a measure of value and medium of exchange. They also maintained the region's predilection for silver and drew upon Mon and Khmer metrological terminology for their monetary system, reintroducing coinage into the mainland by the middle of the fifteenth century.

I THAILAND BEFORE THE THAI: DVARAVATI, HARIPUNJAYA, LAVAPURA AND ZHENLIFU a. MON DVARAVATI 1

The Chinese Buddhist pilgrim Xuanzang mentioned Dvàravatï, rendered as Touheluopodi, in his 648 itinerary of Southeast Asian kingdoms (fig. 5.1).2 In 638 and 649 the ruler of Dvàravatï sent tribute to the Tang Chinese court. Even though 1

H.G. Quaritch-Wales, Dvàravatï: The Earliest Kingdom ofSiam (London: Bernard Quaritch, 1957) remains the standard work in English. David K. Wyatt, Thailand: A Short History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984), pp. 21-30, and C. Higham, The Archaeology of Mainland Southeast Asia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989) are useful for the most recent views. See also Dhida Saraya, (Sri) Dvàravatï, The Initial Phase ofSiam's History[\n Thai] (Bangkok: Muang Boran, 1989) and Srisakra Vallibhotama, "Political and Cultural Continuities at Dvàravatï Sites," in Southeast Asia in the 9th to 14th Centuries, ed. David G. Marr and A.C. Milner (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1986), pp. 229-38. T. Supanjanya, "Remote Sensing in Archaeological Application in Thailand," paper presented to the Symposium on Remote Sensing for Resources Development and Environmental Management, Enchede, August 1986, has begun the important task of determining Dvàravatï's ancient coastline. 2 Gordon H. Luce, "Countries Neighboring Burma," Journal of the Burma Research Society 14, 2 (1924): 138-205; reprinted in Fiftieth Anniversary Publications, No. 2 (Burma Research Society, 1960), pp. 239-306; reprint, pp. 279-83, discusses the Chinese sources. See also Wheatley, Nàgara and Commander/, Chapter Five.

158

Money, Markets, and Trade

Buddhist sculptural remains from central Thailand executed in an archaistic Guptaderived style were labeled "Dvâravatï" as early as 1924, the precise location of Dvâravatï was in doubt until the discovery of a number of silver medals reading "Meritorious Deed of the Ruler of Dvaravatr (arïdvâravatîsvarapunya) at Nakhon Pathom in 1943.3 Other examples have since been found, including several from Chaînât, one specimen from Inburi, and another from U Thong, thereby effectively defining the geographical core of the Dvâravatï polity (fig. 5.2).

A

B

5.2 Sixth-seventh century silver DvàravatT medals from central Thailand with [a] cow and calf obverse and [b] flowing vase obverse. Common reverse reads éridvâravatïsvarapunya ("meritorious deed of the ruler of Dvaravatr). Although these medals are quite rare today, an examination of a half dozen specimens by the writer revealed only one duplicated reverse die and no shared obverse dies, indicative of a relatively large issue. Examples of the cow and calf variant have been reported from Nakhon Pathom, U Thong, Inburi, and Chainat. The flowing vase variant is known only from Nakhon Pathom. Specimens are typically 17-20mm in diameter and weight 1.72.4gm. Source: [a] Wicks (1992) (46)A.1, National Museum, Bangkok; [b] Wicks (1992) (48)C.1, National Museum, Bangkok.

Almost nothing is known about the political and economic organization of Dvâravatï; current interpretations support the notion that Dvâravatï consisted of a series of small semi-independent political units sharing a common cultural heritage scattered throughout the central Thai plain and extending into the northeast. Even less can be said about Dvâravatï's history. By the twelfth century Dvâravatï was incorporated into the expanding Angkorian empire, and later Khmer inscriptions occasionally make mention of Dvâravatï. In recent years it has been suggested that a country known to the Tang Chinese as Touhe (presumably a shortened form of the more common Touheluopodi) referred 3

These pieces were first discussed by Georges Coedès, "Découverte numismatique au Siam intéressant le royaume de Dvâravatï," Académie des inscriptions e,t belle-lettres, Comptes Rendus (Jul/Dec 1963), pp. 285-92 and J. J. Boeles, "The King of Sri Dvâravatï and His Regalia," Journal of the Siam Society 52, 1 (1964): 99-114. Specimens in the National Museum, Bangkok are reportedly missing although a number of specimens remain in private hands. See Robert S. Wicks, "Ancient Coinage from Thailand and Burma."

Ancient Thailand 159 to Dvâravatï.4 A description of Touhe appears in a ninth-century Chinese encyclopedia, the Tongdian, and includes the following passage about coinage and markets: those who privately mint [lit. "cast"] silver coins have their hands cut o f f . . . . There are six market-cities in Touhe. For commercial transactions they always use silver coins, small like an elmseed in appearance.5 The later Xin Tang Shu ( The New Tang History, compiled by Ouyang Xiu and others, 1007-1072) presents a much abbreviated version of this same passage: "Silver is made into coinage, like elmseeds in shape."6 If it is accepted that Touhe is indeed Dvâravatï, the Tongdian passage provides the first documented instance (within the Southeast Asian context) of coinage as a state monopoly. It also attests to the use of coinage for commercial purposes. The fact that the only coinage mentioned is silver with a shape similar to the elm-seed, both characteristics of later Dvâravatï coinage, tends to support the Dvâravatï identification of Touhe. Coinage recovered from Dvâravatï-period sites in central Thailand are usually struck in silver, although recent excavations have revealed that a subsidiary tin or lead alloy coinage was probably quite widepread.7 Coin moulds used to cast these basemetal pieces have been reported as well.8 As noted in Chapter Four, silver Rising Sun/SrTvatsa coinage is widely distributed throughout mainland Southeast Asia, ranging from central and upper Burma to Thailand, Cambodia, and southern Vietnam (see fig. 4.3). Early coins in the Rising Sun series are struck on a flat 33mm flan with a weight of approximately 9.2-9.4 grams. A 1/4 unit Rising Sun coin is associated with the larger pieces. At least eight areas in Thailand have produced specimens including the major centers of the Dvâravatï period—Nakhon Pathom, U Thong, Lopburi, and Chaînât.9 With few exceptions, coins found in Thailand are of the larger denomination. The specimens from Thailand, however, differ from similar coins from Burma in that they 4

Tatsuro Yamamoto, "East Asian Historical Sources for Dvâravatï Studies," in Proceedings Seventh Annual IAHA Conference 22-26 August 1977, Bangkok (Bangkok: Chulalongkorn University Press, 1979), vol. 2, pp. 1137-50, followed by Pamela Gutman, "The Ancient Coinage of Southeast Asia," Journal of the Siam Society 66, 1 (1978): 9. ^Tongdian; Robert S. Wicks, "The Ancient Coinage of Mainland Southeast Asia," Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 16, 2 (1985): 210; Gutman, "Ancient Coinage," p. 9; Tatsuro Yamamoto, "East Asian Historical Sources," p. 1140. Q Xin Tang Shu; Wicks, "Mainland Coinage," p. 210. 7 The Treasury Department Exhibit in Bangkok, the National Museum, Lopburi, and a number of private collections in Thailand possess several base-metal coins of Dvâravatï type, including bi-valve moulds for casting these pieces. Nearly all of Dvâravatï's silver coinage was struck between dies and not cast. See Wicks, "Ancient Coinage from Thailand and Burma." 8 One half of a two-part stone mould (now in the National Museum, Lopburi) was found at Chansen. See Bennet Branson, "Excavations at Chansen and the Cultural Chronology of Protohistoric Central Thailand," (PhD dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1976) and Phuthorn Bhumadhon, "Silver Coins of the Dvâravatï Period found in Lopburi Province," [in Thai] Silpakara2Q, 4 (1984): 55-63. The mould is not included in Bronson and George F. Dales' report of 1972, "Excavations at Chansen, Thailand, 1968 and 1969: A Preliminary Report," Asian Perspectives 15, 1 (1972): 15-46. 9 For a discussion of Rising Sun coinage in Thailand, see Gutman, "Ancient Coinage"; Phuthorn Bhumadhon, "Silver Coins"; Wicks, "Mainland Coinage" and "Ancient Coinage from Thailand and Burma."

160 Money, Markets, and Trade

A

B

C

D

E

F

Ancient Thailand 161

5.3 Coins of seventh-eighth century Dvàravatï. [a] Conch/Temple with Vajra, Class A. (24mm, 8.6gm) The indistinct design, in contrast to other Dvaravati issues, is due to the fact that the coins were cast as not struck. Class A specimens are reported only from Nakhon Pathom and are found in a single 24mm 8.1-8.8gm denomination. Note the slightly scyphate flan, derived from the Pegu series. See fig. 4.2 [a], [b] Animal/ Temple with Vajra, Class A. These struck ca. 8.5gm 22-24mm coins are reported only from Nakhon Pathom, likewise in a single denomination, [c] Conch/ Temple with Vajra Type, Class C. The conch has become almost balloon-like, with an incuse opening. Reverse vajra is much more elaborate. Fish below with ancillary fly whisk to left and elephant goad to right more readily visible. Sun and moon above. Reported in at least two denominations, a one quarter-unit 2.0gm 18-20mm coin and the full-unit 27-30mm 8.4-8.7gm coin (illustrated) from Nakhon Pathom, U Thong and Chaînât, [d] Cut specimen of a full-unit Conch/Temple with Vajra, Class B. Class B coins, which are otherwise similar to Class C, display a concentric row of beads on the body of the conch. The wedge-shaped cut is typical, although a rectangular cut is not unknown. See the reverse of fig. 4.3 [c]. Class B coins are reported from Nakhon Pathom and U Thong, [e] Conch/Temple with Vajra, Class D. Coins of this class are reported only from U Thong and include the 26-29mm 2.3--4.5gm full-unit coin (illustrated) and a 17mm 0.4-1.14gm subsidiary denomination, It is to be noted that Class D coins no longer adhere to a strict weight standard, [f] Uniface Conch, Class B. These thin foil-like silver or silver-alloy coins with an incuse conch design have been found in association with Conch/Temple with Vajra, Class D coins at U Thong. Specimens are generally 14-18mm in diameter and weigh 0.07-0.86gm. Source: [a], Wicks (1992) (35).A.1, private collection, Bangkok; [b], Wicks (1992) (43)A.1, private collection, Bangkok; [c], Wicks (1992) (37)C.2f private collection, Bangkok; [d], Wicks (1992) (36)B.2, private collection, Bangkok; [e], Wicks (1992) (38)D. 3, private collection, Bangkok; [f], Wicks (1992) (39)6.1, Scott Semans.

162 Money, Markets, and Trade

show an irregular execution of the main motifs and are struck on a smaller, slightly wavy flan. Many of these coins have deep cuts in them, and a number of pie-shaped wedges cut from larger Rising Sun coins have been reported. (One of the few Pyu Bhadrapitha/Srïvatsa coins found in Thailand has been cut in half.) Coedès was of the opinion that the wedge-shaped pieces cut from large Rising Sun coins, often 1/4 or 1/2 units, corresponded to monetary subdivisions.10 This interpretation, in which cut portions would serve as a fractional coinage, would explain the general lack of one-quarter unit coins in Thailand, Cambodia and southern Vietnam. As segments of Rising Sun coins are not known in Burma, and the vast majority of recorded Rising Sun Class A specimens have a Burmese provenance, it is likely that the series originated in Burma. Furthermore, given the fact that the wavy Rising Sun coins are extremely common, it is likely that they were minted in Thailand and not imported. The most important of the coinages which can be ascribed to Dvàravatï is the Conch/Temple with Vajra type, issued between the sixth and eighth centuries (fig. 5.3).11 This silver coinage exhibits a distinctive geographical distribution, which at present must be based upon limited finds from Nakhon Pathom, U Thong, Lopburi (including Prommatin), and Chaînât. Conch/Temple with Vajra Class A specimens (along with Deer and Rabbit variants) are found exclusively at Nakhon Pathom, an indication that the series probably began there. Classes B and C of the type are found at both Nakhon Pathom and U Thong, while Class D specimens (along with associated Uniface Conch coins) are reported only from U Thong, suggesting that the rise of U Thong as a politico-religious center took place after Nakhon Pathom was already issuing its own coinage. In the region of Chaînât only Conch/Temple with Vajra Class C coins have been recovered; the type does not appear at all in the Lopburi area. This tapering off of Conch/Temple with Vajra coins as one moves eastward suggests that the coinage was identified with the DvâravatT polity, traditionally centered at Nakhon Pathom. Indeed, it could be argued that Lopburi, the ancient Lavapura (see below), was already asserting its political independence during the seventh and eighth centuries, a supposition supported by the appearance of the Lavapura toponym on a rare eighthcentury coin from U Thong, and by the fact that medals issued by the ruler of DvâravatT have not been reported from the Lopburi area. The earliest of DvaravatT's coins—Conch/Temple with Vajra, Class A and Animal/ Temple with Vajra types—are struck in a single 8.1-8.8 gram denomination. Later coins—Conch/Temple with Vajra, Classes B-D—introduce subsidiary denominations, apparently based upon the full-unit, one-quarter unit scheme noted for Burma and Arakan. It is equally apparent that later classes are struck to a different weight standard from the earliest coins, while Class D coins adhere only minimally to a weight standard. If used for commercial purposes it would have been necessary to weigh the coins at each transaction. 10

A letter expressing this view was sent to Ulrich Guehler from George Coedès and published as an addendum to Ulrich Guehler, "Essay on the Symbols and Marks of Old Siamese Coins," Journal of the Siam Society 37, 2 (1949): 124-43; reprinted in Studies of Old Siamese Coins, Volume X (Bangkok: The Siam Society, 1961), pp. 124-48. 11 The distribution and dating of Conch/Temple with Vajra coinage is discussed in Wicks, "Mainland Coinage," to be supplemented (and in many ways replaced) by Wicks, "Ancient Coinage from Thailand and Burma."

Ancient Thailand

163

Combined with archaeological and metrological data, the denominational structure of Dvâravatï coinage provides clues as to their intended function. Conch/Temple with Vajra Class A coins are limited in geographical distribution. In all likelihood they served as part of a foundation deposit; all recorded specimens were found in a jar near the site of ancient ruins. Later classes have a wider distribution and display at least two denominations, a full- and a quarter-unit coin indicative of a probable exchange orientation. Class D coins are also associated with a very small subsidiary coin (Uniface Conch Class B) recovered by the hundreds at U Thong, the latter corresponding to the ninth century Chinese description of Touhe coinage used for trading purposes. There is no evidence for coinage in Dvâravatï after the ninth century. b. HARIPUÑJAYA (LAMPHim)12 Beginning perhaps as early as the eighth century, the center of Mon civilization in Thailand gravitated northward, to a city called Haripunjaya, traditionally colonized by a princess from Dvâravatï (see fig. 5.1). By the end of the thirteenth century, Haripunjaya was under the control of the Thai principality of Lan Na. The story of Lan Na's domination of Haripuftjaya illuminates, however slightly, the commercial interests of the Mon. When Mangrai, the founder of Lan Na, was living in Fang in the 1270s, he was visited by a party of Mon traders. Their extravagant description of the wealth and prosperity of Haripunjaya led Mangrai to desire the Mon principality as his own, and he gained it through conquest in 1281. The Mons of Haripunjaya did not issue extensive coinage as did Dvâravatï to the south, although a number of inscriptions from Lamphun provide insight into monetized transactions among the northern Mon. The language, palaeography, and content of religious donations recorded in the inscriptions of Haripuftjaya are quite similar to Mon inscriptions from Pagan, arguing for close connections between the two centers during the eleventh and subsequent centuries.13 A Haripuftjaya donative record from Wat Don, dated to the period 1213-1219, records the construction of a monastery and three cetiya to house 110 novices and 24 monks. Agricultural lands (measured in bnah), a number of male and female slaves, along with betel groves were also provided to service the religious establishment.14 An inscription from Wat Kukut, also dated to the early thirteenth century, lists the goods dedicated to a monastery in Haripuftjaya: gold, two thousand three hundred . . . (forty) dihkel silver, fourteen dihkel copper (?), six hundred and ten dihkel land: located in Sulun Târ Saprip, twenty bnah located in (May?) Broft, thirty-four bnah... slaves—sixteen men, twenty-six women 12

The most recent discussion in English is to be found in Wyatt, Thailand, pp. 32-33 and 4649. Georges Coedès, The Indianized States of South East Asia (Honolulu: East-West Center Press, 1968), passim, remains useful. The majority of early Haripunjaya inscriptions are to be found in R. Halliday, "Les Inscriptions Mon du Siam," Bulletin du l'École Française de l'Extrême-Orient 30 (1930): 81-105. See also, Wheatley, Nàgara and Commande/y, p. 210, note 55 and corresponding references. 13 See Halliday, "Inscriptions Mon," for the palaeography and Wyatt, Thailand, pp. 32-33 on thé political and cultural connections between Pagan and Haripunjaya. 1 1nscription from Wat Don; Halliday, "Inscriptions Mon," p. 90.

164 Money, Markets, and Trade

five hundred baskets of (unhusked) rice and two diamonds (?), of which each (?) has a value of four laks [/a/csa].15 As was pointed out in Chapter Four, although the Mon weight unit called d/n/ce/was apparently used quite extensively by Mon speakers in Burma and Thailand, it appears only in Mon inscriptions from northern Thailand. Another inscription of the thirteenth century, from Wat Mahâvan, offers several variant spellings for d/n/ce/—besides the typical dihkel, one also finds d/ri/ce//and dinkely. This second inscription introduces a subsidiary unit to the diñkel, the (b)ay or vày, possibly equivalent to the modern Thai bay, 1/16 of a toa/tf.16 That relationship between the two units is supported by the fact that the Pagan pay was 1/16 of a klyap. The Burmese klyap, found extensively in Pagan inscriptions, is accepted by scholars as equivalent to the Mon dihkel. In later centuries the dihkel became known throughout Burma and Thailand as tfca/.17 Editors of Thai inscriptions commonly translate baht (a weight term borrowed from the Khmer) as f/ca/.18 (It is also possible, however, that the term was identical with the ancient Thai pay, equivalent to 1/32 of a baht.) The last line of the Wat Kukut inscription is of particular interest. Two precious stones (possibly diamonds) were donated to the monastic complex. Each had a value of four /a/csa. Halliday has noted that a /a/csa was equivalent to 10,000 pieces of "quelque menue monnaie," possibly referring to a quantity of cowries.19 c. LAVAPURA (LAVO, LopBum)20 The history of Lavapura during the first millennium, like that of Dvâravatï, is by no means clear (see fig. 5.1). Remains of sculpture and architecture from Lopburi executed in "DváravatT" style have been ascribed to the period between the seventh and ninth centuries. In 1966, an ancient jar filled with silver coins was recovered near U Thong, several of which were inscribed with the words lava on the obverse and pura on the reverse in a Pallava-derived script of the seventh or eighth century (fig. 5.4).21 1

1nscription from Wat Kukut (I); Halliday, "Inscriptions Mon," p. 94-95. Emended. lnscriptbn from Wat Mahavan; Halliday, "Inscriptions Mon," p. 100 and p. 98, note 2. 17 Nicholas Gervaise, writing in 1688, commented that, "The first [coin] is...called in Siamese, Baht and in the common tongue, T/ca/." Nicholas Gervaise, The Natural and Political History of the Kingdom ofSiam (Bangkok, 1928), p. 61. See also Halliday, "Inscriptions Mon," p. 98, note 2 and J. Campos, "The Origin of the Tical," Journal of the Siam Society 23, 2 (1941 ): 119-35; reprinted in The Siam Society Fiftieth Anniversary Commemorative Publication, Volume II 1929-1953 (Bangkok: The Siam Society, 1954), pp. 95-111. 18 For example, Alexander B. Griswold and Prasert Na Nagara, "Epigraphic and Historical Studies No. 15, The Inscription of Vàt Kherna," Journal of the Siam Society 63,1 (1975): 13438, consistently render baht as tical. 19 Halliday, "Inscriptions Mon," p. 95, note 2. 20 See Wyatt, Thailand, pp. 63-65 and 69-72; Georges Coedès, Recueil des Inscriptions du Siam, Deuxième Partie: Inscriptions de DváravatT, de Çrivijaya et de Làvo (Bangkok: Fine Arts Department, 1962 [Originally published in 1929]), pp. 10-11; Dhida Saraya, "Lavo—a Coastal State in thé 11th Century" [Thai and English], Muang Botan 11, 2 (1985): 33-51 for a discussion of Lopburi. Sachchidanand Sahai, "Territorial Administration in Ancient Cambodia," The South East Asian Review 2, 1 (1977): 35-50, is also useful. 21 The coins were first reproduced in J.J. Boeles, "A Note on the Ancient City called Lavapura," Journal of the Siam Society 55, 1 (1967): 113-14 and are discussed in Wicks, "Mainland Coinage," pp. 212-13 and in "Ancient Coinage from Thailand and Burma." 16

Ancient Thailand

165

5.4 Lavapura coin of the seventh-eighth century. Struck on a thin silver 0.60gm 18mm cup-shaped flan, inscribed lava pura. Similar fabric to Conch/Temple with Vajra Class D coins. A number of specimens are reported from U Thong. Source: Wicks (1992) (51)A.1, National Museum, Bangkok.

This is the earliest confirmed occurrence of the toponym Lavapura, later to become vocalized in Thai as Lopburi. One inscription from Lopburi, in the Mon language and dated to the sixth or seventh century, records the gifts of two donors: Here are the offerings [punyajot Prajñávanta. The slaves offered to the temple were Vudradâ... Sïlapâla, Grêla, Sîlakumàra (and) Ne' Kbah. Robes were given to the temple as well... and pair of buffalo and a wagon . . . the offerings [punya] of Cap Sumbah. The slaves offered to the temple were Vuddha . . . Sâsnapâla, a .. . one pair of buffalo, a wagon.22 The two donations are nearly identical in content, suggesting that during the seventh century donations to religion were carefully prescribed. The gifts are economic in nature—the slaves, buffalo, and cart or wagon, would have assisted with the agricultural production from lands under the control of the temple administration. Recent discoveries from Prommatin to the north and east of Lopburi proper have revealed a regional trading center of major importance.23 Besides coins of local manufacture—including a unique inscribed Conch/SrTvatsa coin dated to the sixth or seventh century—two Bhadrapitha/SrTvatsa coins from Burma and several Rising Sun coins were recovered. These finds, along with others from the site, suggest that by the seventh century the Lopburi region was involved in an extensive inter-regional trading network, perhaps with connections into the Indonesian world as well. Lavapura existed as an independent political entity until 1001, at which time it was annexed to the the Khmer empire. By 1011 the area was a Khmer praman, when it is referred to as sruk Lavo (the country of Lavo) in a donative inscription.24 During the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, Lavo periodically attempted to free itself of Angkorian overlordship, with varying success. 22

lnscription of San Sung; Halliday, "Inscriptions Mon," pp. 83-84 (emended); cf. Coedès, Inscriptions du Siam, vol. 2, pp. 17-19. 23 Phuthorn Bhumadhon, "Silver Coins," and Dhida Saraya, "Lavo." 24 Sahai, "Territorial Administration," p. 44, note 82.

166 Money, Markets, and Trade The 1011 Lopburi donation (written in Old Khmer) parallels those found in Cambodia proper and included gifts of rice and paddy, thatch for the repair of structures within the religious compound, 2 vodi, a number of slaves, and four buffaloes (krapi) as well as various items of silver—a flask, accessories, and containers. The most interesting donation was "1 measure of silver" (mâtrà rùpya 1), perhaps referring to a standardized unit.25 At the end of the thirteenth century Marco Polo referred to a kingdom called Lochac (= Lavapura?) which had "gold in very great abundance And from this kingdom go all the cowries which are spent in all the other provinces of the world. .. ,"26 No mention was made of a local coinage or money, although it is significant that Marco Polo recorded that cowries, imported from the Maldives, went from Lochac to "all the other provinces of the world," supporting the interpretation of Lavapura/ Prommatin as an important inter-regional trading center from an early period. Wang Dayuan, writing in the middle of the fourteenth century, mentioned cowries in connection with Luohu (=Lavo, Lavapura) as well: It is the rule to conduct their trade with cowries [bazi] instead of coins. Ten thousand of them are equal in value to twenty-four Hang in Zhongtong paper money. It is extremely convenient for the people.27 Cowries played an important monetary role in Thailand until the latter part of the nineteenth century when they were replaced by a base metal coinage. The fact that Wang Dayuan was able to provide the exchange ratio between cowries and Chinese paper currency shows a familiarity with local exchange lacking in Polo's account, evidence as well for the prominence of Lavapura in the China trade during the mid-fourteenth century.28 Lavapura appears as Luohu in the Ming Shi (History of the Ming Dynasty), described as a "a fine, level plain and most of the plantations yield good crops."29 The Ming Shi further points out that Sukhothai (Xian) "depended upon Lopburi [Luohu] for supplies."30 The importance of Lavapura as a provisioning source for Sukhothai will be returned to in the discussion of Sukhothai in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. 25

lnscription of San Chao; Coedès, Inscriptions du Siam, vol. 2, pp. 29-31. The Description of the World; Moule and Pelliot, Marco Polo, 1, pp. 369-70. On the identification of Lochac, see Paul Pelliot, Notes on Marco Fob, //(Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, Librarte Adrien-Maisonneuve, 1963), pp. 766-70 [henceforth Notes ll\. 27 DaoyiZhiliu; Paul Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, /(Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, Librarle Adrien-Maisonneuve, 1959), p. 552 [henceforth Notes l\. Emended. 28 Pelliot, Notes /, p. 553, however, has noted the difficulty of accurately establishing the equivalency between the cowrie and Chinese paper currency. 29 /tf/n>35 The goods in question consisted of: three gobhïksa weighing all together one pàda; one bowl of silver weighing ten tin; three vaudi weighing altogether five/yan; two spittoons weighing altogether five yyan/four vases weighing altogether four ¡yah; one elephant; two dopasdü; eight thnaptf?p/ir;two yau of knee-cloths; two yau of rar?gara/;two yau of tap hat; forty arrival; three lih of lead; seven lih, two avárof cardamom.36 Following a delineation of the lands to be purchased, a list is given of at least thirteen people of Thkval and the people of Pralay Sla living in Thkval who sold this land and received these goods (in exchange)... all these people have accepted all of these goods as the price . . . of the land and they have distributed i t . . . and have given each individual their share (of the goods).37 35

1C, III, p. 19(K.207).

36

1C, III, pp. 19-20. (K.207). /C, III, p. 21 (K.207).

37

6.10 Means of Payment Used in Land Purchases ca. 944-1027.

(n = 73*) CLOTH

VAUDI (?)

CATTLE/ BUFFALO

SILVER

PADDY

UNCERTAIN (CHIEFLY METAL)

SPITTOONS

GOLD

ELEPHANTS

29 39.7%

22 30.1%

21 28.7%

20 27.3%

19 26%

19 26%

17 23.2%

12 16.4%

9 12.3%

*A listing of the inscriptions consulted to compile this table can be found in fig. 6.8. Note: Limited to means of payment utilized in at least 10 percent of transactions studied. Other means of payment (utilized fewer than five times), include slaves, copper, oil, and salt, and horses. Source: Compiled from 1C.

I

6.11 Means of Payment Used in Slave (kñum) Purchases ca. 952-1015. (n = 27*)

CLOTH

METAL

VAUDI (?)

PADDY

7 25.9%

7 25.9%

7 25.9%

22.2%

6

CATTLE/ BUFFALO

5 18.5%

SILVER

4 14.8%

SLAVES 3 11.1%

SPITTOONS 2 7.4%

WAX 2 7.4%

*A listing of the inscriptions consulted to compile this table can be found in fig. 6.8. Note: Limited to means of payment utilized at least twice in transactions studied. Other means of payment (utilized only once) include copper and a boat. Source: Compiled from 1C.

CO

Ancient Cambodia 199 The unwieldy nature of this transaction serves to emphasize the fact that Cambodia during the tenth and eleventh centuries did not possess a common currency. There were certainly valuable objects, especially those made of silver and gold; however, there is no evidence for a measure of value such as was present (at least briefly) during the eighth century. b. FISCAL ADMINISTRATION

Khmer rulers upheld their right to "eat the kingdom" (svey vrahrajya), an affirmation, first, that the economic base was agriculture, and, second, that taxes were usually collected in kind.38 The ruler maintained a royal treasury, the Sanskrit ràjakosa, called a glah or storehouse in Old Khmer. Inscriptions of the tenth century occasionally mention khloñ glah, individuals responsible for the management of storehouses of the royal treasury.39 The royal treasury stored not only gold and precious stones . . . but collected diverse commodities: honey, wax, clarified butter, sugar, spices, camphor, oil of banana trees, medicines, food grains and cloth.40 Râjyakârya was the "king's due" and usually referred to the payment of taxes, although the term was also used for corvée.41 An inscription of the tenth century tells of one Vap Rau of Vijayapattana who borrowed a buffalo on interest to discharge his obligation of fulfilling the royal service (ràjyakârya) to the chief of paddy (khloñ sru), demonstrating that it was possible to fulfill one's obligation through an appropriate alternate payment.42 (The appearance of interest is also significant, suggesting the possibility of calculating one's indebtedness.)43 An inscription ascribed to the reign of Suryavarman I (1001-1011) mentions a dignitary who offered a piece of land in compensation for rice that he was required to give as tax to the administration (vrah ràjyakàrya).44 In other instances individuals were forced to sell their land in order to pay the ràjyakârya.45 At times it was possible for local chiefs (muía) to obtain a reduction of their tax burden due to unusual circumstances. An inscription making such a request maintains the symbolism of "eating the kingdom" noted above: 38

Sahai, "Fiscal Administration," p. 131, note 75. The actual phrase in Khmer inscriptions is svey vrah dharmaràjya or svey vrah râjyadharma. 39 lbid., p. 124. 40 lbid. 41

lbid., p. 125. Yoshiaki Ishizawa, "Remarks on the Epigraphy," pp. 218-20 discusses this important inscription (K.233) at length. Similarly, in K.158, of AD 1003, "Vap Sah offered four spitoons, hundred axes, hundred levers and one goat to the Khloñ Vríha and the tamvrac in lieu of tax to free his men from the liability of paying vriha." [1C, II, p. 113 (K.158); Sahai, "Fiscal Administration," p. 125, note 18.] 43 lnterest (pul) is also found in another inscription (Sachchidanand Sahai, "The Judicial System in Ancient Cambodia," The South East Asian Review 1, 1 (1976): 98-99), again without an explicit valuational component. 44 1C, IV, p. 162 (K.420); Sahai, "Fiscal Administration," p. 125. 45 Sahai, "Fiscal Administration," p. 125; K.814 and K.257. 42

200

Money, Markets, and Trade The register of (these lands) having been incorporated into the country [sruk, "village"] of Vrah Vryah, the revenue [phley, lit. "fruit'] of the chiefs [mulajwas becoming insufficient [kheya, lit. "green"], V.K.A. Srï Gunapativarman in respectfully informing the king, that he desired to inscribe in the register that henceforth (there would be) a reduction (of the taxes payable to the king) by half in favour of all those chiefs [muía], solely in consideration that they had manifested a desire to cede their lands.46

Several aspects of this passage are worth noting. First, it stresses the importance of the official register in ascertaining the proper amount of taxes due to the paramount lord. It also indicates that the muía were responsible for tax collecting in their jurisidiction and received a portion of the proceeds as salary. The last line could be interpreted to mean that the ruler reduced their tax burden by one half so that he would not lose any more revenue by having the mula's land donated to religion. Two major types of taxes in Angkorian Cambodia were /cara, meaning taxes in general as well as tribute paid by vassal states, and akara, tax on agricultural produce.47 It would appear that, while every individual was subject to imposition, instances of collective taxation are known, sometimes applying to an entire village. Some taxes were collected once a year, while others were paid on a daily or fortnightly basis.48 Taxes were collected through the provincial and village authorities, as indicated above, or collected directly from producers, particularly in the case of highly prized goods such as honey and wax.49 Tax rates are generally unrecorded. Sahai suggests that "the quantity payable by each land owner was determined in advance in the Khmer system."50 Some of the major categories of taxes and tax collectors are discussed below. bhumyakara, land tax Lands were assessed on the basis of productive capacity. A distinction was made between low land (karom), river-side paddy fields (sre trey) and dry-season paddy fields (sreprári).51 An inscription of 921 records the "donation of paddy fields and pieces of land with their revenue [bhumyakara] to Vrah Kamrateh An."52 Another inscription (of AD 941) records that the "local officers were not allowed to levy tax on 46

1C, III, p. 8 (K.205); Sahai, "Fiscal Administration," p. 126. Emended. Sahai, "Fiscal Administration," p. 124, note 12. 48 lbid., p. 129, notes 56-58. 49 lbid., p. 131, note 71, writes: "The chief of wax, who was authorized to collect these materials, directly contacted the central authorities without passing through the intermediary channel of the chief of the district." See also ibid., pp. 127-28. 50 lbid., p. 130. He writes: "A Khmer inscription says...that the king received 1/6 or 1/4 of spiritual gains of his subjects, but the texts are silent about the ratio of agricultural produce levied as tax. It seems that, instead of fixing the ratio, the quantity payable by each land owner was determined in advance in the Khmer system. The following considerations lead us to this conclusion. In the first place, the inscriptions, which record the sale of paddy fields, indicate their capacity of production. This implies the practice of determining the capacity of production of a paddy field in advance. Secondly, in almost every case of imposition, the quantity to be levied is determined." 51 Ibid., p. 130, note 62. 52 /C, V, p. 105; Sahai, "Fiscal Administration," p. 125, note 14. 47

Ancient Cambodia 201 the land of a temple [vamm ác tí dar bhùmyàkara] which was not within their jurisdiction."53 paddy-tax and vrïha-tax collectors Vrïha appears to relate to food grains in general, while the khlofi sru collected tax on paddy. A separate body (râjakârya vrïha) with its own chiefs (khloñ) and inspectors (tamrvac) was instituted. Like the khloñ sru, w/ha-tax collectors were often requested to ignore paddy fields assigned to religious establishments.54 bhütasa-tax collectors The khloñ bhütasa was usually present at the establishment of boundary markers, and was occasionally entrusted with establishing new villages. He is usually mentioned in lists of local officials whose jurisdictions excluded religious establishments.55 The precise meaning of bhùtâaa has not been established; however, it is usually thought to be associated with fiscal matters or legal inquiries. wax and honey-tax collectors The tax on wax and honey was collected by representatives from the center. During the reign of Udayadityavarman II, for example, the collection of honey and wax in the Plain of Jars area was the responsibility of the Chief of Wax (khbñ kalmvan), outside the jurisdiction of the chief of the district (khloñ visaya). "The khloñ jnvalalone could ask these villages to deliver honey and wax."56 The importance of wax and honey can be gauged as well by the fact that large quantities of the two items were disbursed by the royal treasury (râjakostha) to various temples in the time of Jayavarman VII.57 oil and clarified-butter-tax collectors Oil and clarified butter (paryyah), important items for religious ceremonies, were also collected by representatives of the ruler or district, called khloñ paryyah, and paryyah visaya, the latter indicating a tax payable to the district chief.58 salt-tax collectors An inspector of salt (kamsteñ trvàc ampyal) is mentioned in an inscription of AD 1042, which suggests that salt was a taxable item, or at least under state control. The inspector is absent from the lists of fiscal immunities granted to temples.59 market-tax collectors Whether the market tax was levied on the goods sold, on the vendors themselves, or on the stalls they rented, is not known for certain. The list of goods 53

Sahai, "Fiscal Administration," p. 125, note 14. lbid., p. 126, note 25; pp. 126-27, notes 27-28; p. 134, note 91 55 lbid., p. 127, notes 33-34 56 lbid., pp. 127-28, note 39. 57 lbid.,p. 128, note 41 58 lbid.f note 42. 59 1C, III, p. 113; Sahai, "Fiscal Administration," p. 12 54

202 Money, Markets, and Trade received from the market by the temple of Ta Prohm during the reign of Jayavarman VII consisted of: 17 bhâra, 18 tula, 5 katti and 9 pana of honey 51 bhâra, 13 tulà and 1 kattikaoi lead 2 female slaves and 2 elephants.60 In another instance, the temple of Prah Khan collected 7,848 khârikàoi rice from the markets.61 Sandals and garments were also collected as tax from sandal-makers and weavers. The fact that no single item predominated would support the observation made earlier that Cambodia in the tenth and eleventh centuries did not possess a currency, nor a common measure of value, and that the payment of taxes was based upon the availability of local products.62 Administrative expenditures are much less well documented. As noted earlier it became a common practice during the tenth and eleventh centuries to exempt religious lands from taxation, a form of disbursement. Further, the ruler also granted lands to religious orders, officials, and other worthy individuals. The use of corvée labor could be considered another type of expenditure and would have assisted in the massive construction projects undertaken by many rulers. The royal treasury also provided supplies to temples and public institutions, such as rest houses and hospitals, and furnished the tribute paid to neighboring rulers. Another area of expenditure would have been luxury items. Ibn Rusta (ca. AD 900), for example, wrote that when an Arab merchant presented a gift, "the king gives him a hundred times its value."63 c. LEGAL ADMINISTRATION: FINES

Fines are occasionally mentioned in Angkorian inscriptions but do not appear to have been a significant source of revenue. It is not clear if the ruler received the fine directly or if it was typically disbursed at tower levels of the administration. The latter would appear to be the case in matters of restitution. An edict of the tenth century records that individuals responsible for providing clarified butter to the temple were fined (vinaya) two oxen, and that the oxen were to be under the care of the temple, suggesting that fines were commonly given as recompense to the injured party.64 Similarly, according to an inscription of AD 994, when a guard who had killed an 60

Georges Coedès, "La Stèle de Ta-Prohm," Bulletin du l'École Française de l'Extrême-Orient § (1906): 76; Sahai, "Fiscal Administration," p. 128, note 46. 61 Georges Coedès, "La Stèle du Prah Khan d'Angkor," Bulletin du l'École Française de l'Extrême-Orient 41 (1941): 297, 299, note 1 ; Sahai, "Fiscal Administration," p. 128, note 47. 62 In K.211, of the time of Süryavarman I, the revenue of a village was offered to some religious foundations. The annual tax consisted of 4 thlvan of white rice, 1 mas of oil, 1 white parasol, and 1 banner. 1C, III, p. 27 (K.211); Sahai, "Fiscal Administration," p. 129, note 56. 63 lbn Rusta; G.R. Tibbetts, A Study of the Arabic Texts Containing Material on South-East Asia (Leiden: Brill, 1979), p. 32. 64 1C, II, pp. 55-56 (K.71); Sahai, "Judicial System," pp. 87, 90; Sahai, "Fiscal Administration," p. 138, note 109; Yoshiaki Ishizawa, "Remarks on the Epigraphy," p. 227, note 86.

Ancient Cambodia 203 elephant which had eaten a quantity of paddy was unable to supply an elephant to replace the one he had killed, he offered instead a parcel of land.65 In another instance, a fine of gold was imposed upon Mratàfi Kuruh the chief of Vïrapura for removing boundary markers and stealing grain. This inscription distinguishes the two major forms of fines in ancient Cambodia, corporal punishment, and the fine of property, in this case gold. The imposed fines were based upon the status of the individuals as well as upon the seriousness of the crime. Mratáñ Kuruh was fined 10 //rtof gold, while his younger brother Váp Sri, who had ordered the reaping of the crop, was condemned to 102 stripes on the back (prsthadanda). Vàp Pit, who had led the men into the fields, was fined 1 yya/r66 The stele of Lolei, dated to AD 889, issued during the first year of Yaeovarman's reign, set forth an elaborate schedule of fines assessed for various offenses, arranged according to social status, from royalty to peasants (fig. 6.12) 67 One particularly important aspect of this inscription is that it stipulated that, if the individual assessed did not have gold or silver to offer in payment of the fine, other goods could be substituted. In other words, it established legally acceptable equivalencies, the very basis of any monetary system. The fines assessed, however, provide no indication of relative value, making it impossible to ascertain how the equivalencies were established, particularly since there is no indication, as was the case in Burma and elsewhere on the mainland, of a common standard of value. 6.12 Fine Schedule from Stele of Lolei (AD 889). STATUS OF THE OFFENDER Prince (ràjaputra) Relatives of the king (nrpatijñati) Counsellors of the king (mantrin) Dignitaries entitled to a parasol with golden stick (hemadandatapatrinah) Principal merchant? (¿resthïmukhya) Votaries of Visnu, Siva, etc. Common people

FINE IN PALA OF GOLD 20 10 10 5 2 1/2 1 1/4 5/8 or one hundred strokes with bamboo on back.

Source: Sahai (1976), p. 87. d. TEMPLE ADMINISTRATION AND FISCAL IMMUNITIES Fiscal immunities granted to religious bodies are only mentioned in inscriptions from the tenth century onward, another aspect of economic change in the "zone of imprecision" between the reigns of Rájendravarman and Jayavarman VII.68 During the 65

1C, IV, p. 147; Yoshiaki Ishizawa, "Remarks on the Epigraphy," pp. 235-36. 1C, VI, pp. 140-42; M.K. Sharan, Studies in Sanskrit Inscriptions of Ancient Cambodia (New Delhi: Abhinav, 1974), p. 166, note 5; Sahai, "Judicial System," p. 87. 67 /SCC, pp. 410-11 (no. LV); Yoshiaki Ishizawa, "Remarks on the Epigraphy," p. 227; Sahai, "Judicial System," pp. 86-87. 68 Sahai, "Fiscal Administration," p. 133. 66

204 Money, Markets, and Trade eleventh century, a correlation has been established between the granting of fiscal immunities and the settlement of wastelands, suggesting a deliberate use of the former to expand the domains under Khmer control.69 The act of declaring the founding of a religious complex a royal deed (rajadharma) and making that land into royal property (rajadravya) effectively exempted the establishment from taxation. The ruler, because of his generosity, received a share of the spiritual benefit derived from such pious acts, commonly one-sixth but occasionally one-fourth.70 The fiscal advantages applied not only to the founder, who framed the regulations governing the establishment later confirmed by royal decree, but also to his family members and heirs, some of whom were typically involved in the administration of the temple. The different categories of merit arising from the establishment of a religious complex are detailed in an inscription of AD 968: Of all the merits of these foundations, may the king receive either one-fourth or one-sixth, may the king, who will protect them, receive half of the spiritual merits, may a person favourite to the king, who will protect them, receive one-fourth of the merit. If any misfortune befalls the temple, may the Sivaite priest who is the chief, Râjakulamahâmantrin and the good people, who shall inform the king seven times, receive half of the spiritual merits.71 It is interesting to note, however, that the ruler rarely requested that pious acts be performed in order to benefit his store of merit.72 Even though religious establishments were exempt from royal interference and were not required to pay taxes to the central treasury, the lands held by the temple had to fulfill certain obligations, including the maintenance of the gift lands under their control, and the forwarding of offerings to specified central temples (discussed below). Indeed, the network of temples situated throughout the realm paralleled, and in many ways complemented, the fiscal machinery of the court, emphasizing once again the redistributive emphasis of Angkor's economy. One important aspect of temple administration during the Angkorian period is mierabhoga, the requirement that local temples forward a portion of their income to a central temple. By and large, the obligation was not burdensome. During the time of Sdryavarman I, for example, a temple with an annual income of 25,000 kilograms of hulled rice was required to direct 90 kilograms of it to a central temple.73 One particularly lucid example of temple administration is found in the inscription of Trapaeng Don On. The founder of the temple was a Brahman who had served several Angkorian rulers: (These kings) have favored me by placing various kinds of duties upon me. On the riches that they deigned to present to me, and for the treasures that have been amassed by the labor of my people, I have built a temple, I have purchased 69

lbid.,p. 134, note 92. lbid., p. 133, note 89 and p. 130. 71 1C, I, p. 156; Sahai, "Fiscal Administration," p. 133, note 85. 72 Ricklefs, "Land and the Law," p. 415. 73 1C, VI, pp. 228-33; Hall, Maritime Trade, p. 164.

70

Ancient Cambodia 205 "slaves," I have bought lands, I have purchased pawned lands, established boundaries, built fences, built walls, dug ditches and reservoirs.74 The income derived from the lands held by the temple were to help support its activities. There were four classes of land assigned to the temple—the "common fields of the cult," the "field of the servants of the cult," the "field of the chief priest," and the "sustenance fields" of the kñum (bondsmen or slaves). The produce of the fields were to be distributed among members of the temple community (fig. 6.13). 6.13 Redistribution of Temple Land Production. (X = redistributed shares of land's production) Lands held by temple Temple staff and temple residents fed from temple lands

"common fields of the cult"

"fields of the servants of the cult"

"fields of the chief priests"

X X X X

X X X

X

Temple priests Temple officiants Temple assistants Hermits (residents of asrama) Temple laborers

"fields of sustenance"

X

Source: Hall (1985), p. 163. One significant feature of this religious foundation, in common with many others, is that the persons in charge of the temple were related to the founder. This did not mean, however, that the administration of the religious complex was without restriction, for, like the inscriptions of Pagan, the dedicatory record also stipulated that the purohita in charge must not " . . . sell or give away the slaves and the lands of these slaves," setting forth the limitations under which tax-free status was granted to the religious order. Ill CAMBODIA IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY

While references to merchants and markets can occasionally be found in Angkorian inscriptions, their appearance is fleeting, without details of their activities.75 Due to the sparseness of the native record, a description of Zhenla (the Chinese name for 74

1C, III, pp. 180-92 (K.254); Hall, Maritime Trade, p. 162.

75

ln K.221 [1C, III, p. 60] of AD 1071, mention is made of khloñ vanik. 1C, III, p. 56, mentions khloñjnval vanik. Both terms derive from the Sanskrit vànija and apparently refer to merchants. An inscription of the tenth century refers to a merchants quarter (travàn vanik) [1C, IV, pp. 108-39]. Although Hall considers khloñ jnvàlto be "resident vendors" [Maritime Trade, p. 171], Coedès [1C, III, p. 14, note 1] notes that, failing a text with its Sanskrit equivalent, the exact sense of the term cannot be determined. In this study I have adopted the noncontroversial translation of khloñ jnvàl as "headman." (See above, Land and Slave [kñum] Purchases.)

206 Money, Markets, and Trade

Cambodia) by the Yuan envoy Zhou Daguan who visited Angkor in 1297 is exceedingly valuable. In Cambodia it is the women who take charge of trade. For this reason a Chinese, arriving in the country, loses no time in getting himself a mate, for he will find her commercial instincts a great asset. Market is held every day from six o'clock until noon. There are no shops in which the merchants live (as is the practice in China); instead, they display their goods on matting spread upon the ground. Each has his allotted place. I have heard it said that the authorities collect rental for each space.76 The market was held in the same place every day as In the marketplace groups of ten or more catamites [boys kept by pederasts] are to be seen every day, making efforts to catch the attention of the Chinese in the hope of rich presents." The Chinese presence must have been considerable, as Zhou later observed that, "... since rice is easily had, women easily persuaded . . . and trade easily carried on, a great many (Chinese) sailors desert to take up permanent residence."77 For purposes of conducting internal trade, Zhou noted that the Khmer had three distinct exchange spheres: For small transactions they use rice, grain, and Chinese coins [Tanghuo]; and for somewhat larger ones they use hemp cloth. For large transactions they use gold and silver.78 The size of the transaction determined which medium of exchange was acceptable. For small transactions, perhaps most commonly encountered in daily provisioning at the local marketplace, the Cambodians used cereals (similar to Pagan) and Chinese coins. Zhao Rugua did not mention Chinese cash as a Cambodian import earlier in the century. It is possible that at that time the Khmer were not importing Chinese cash in any quantity. Zhao Rugua did note, however, that purchases of rice and grain could be effected with lead, "Rice and cereals are cheap; for every Hang oí lead one can buy two bushels of rice."79 By the latter part of the century, large numbers of Chinese coins found their way to Southeast Asia, which could account for their use as a medium of exchange by the Cambodians by the time of Zhou Daguan's visit. The second exchange sphere identified by Zhou Daguan utilized hemp cloth as a medium of exchange. In another section of his work, Zhou records that, "Wild men from the hills can be bought to serve as slaves If young and strong, slaves may be worth a hundred pieces of cloth; when old and feeble, they can be had for thirty or 76

Zhen/a Fengtuji; Chou Ta-kuan, Customs of Cambodia, p. 34. Zhenla Fengtuji; Chou Ta-kuan, Customs of Cambodia, p. 40. 78 Zhenla Fengtuji; Shiba Yoshinobu, Commerce and Society in Sung China (Ann Arbor: Michigan Abstracts of Chinese and Japanese Works on Chinese History No. 2, Center for Chinese Studies, The University of Michigan, 1970), p. 153. Just as Hanz/for "Chinese characters" ultimately refers to the Han period, so here Tanghuo makes reference to the Tang (618-907). The interpretation of Tanghuo as "Chinese coins" is also adopted by Yoshiaki Ishizawa, "Remarks on the Epigraphy," p. 227. 79 Zhufanzhi; F. Hirth and W.W. Rockhill, Chao Ju-kua: His Work on the Chinese and Arab Trade in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries, Entitled 'Chu-fan-chi' (St. Petersburg, 1911), p. 53. Emended. 77

Ancient Cambodia 207 forty pieces." It could well be that the hemp cloth used in such transactions was not a local product. "Although certain fabrics are woven in Cambodia, many are imported from Siam and Champa, preference being given to the Indian weaving for its skill and delicacy."80 In the deflowering ceremony of young girls it was "customary to buy the girl back from the priest with presents of silk and other fabrics." Many gifts consisted of textiles, possibly the same as those used for exchange purposes in the marketplace. "When it comes to weddings it is the custom to make presents of textiles "81 And further, " . . . in the King's palace use is made of double-woven silks spangled with gold, all of which are gifts of foreign merchants."82 The third exchange sphere involved large transactions which relied on gold and silver as a medium of exchange, a practice noted as early as the seventh and eighth centuries for land transactions. Chinese merchants carried gold and silver to trade for Cambodian agricultural products. Indeed, Zhou remarked that since "no gold or silver is found in this country, to my knowledge; (goods) most in demand are Chinese gold and silver " The import of gold and silver would also help explain the vast quantities of those metals donated to religious establishments and stored in their treasuries. While other imports were not insignificant, the prominence of gold and silver is to be noted in the Ta Prohm inscription, recording the possessions of a single Khmer temple, including a set of gold dishes weighing 500 kilograms, a silver service of equal size; 35 diamonds; 40,620 pearls; 4,540 gems; 523 parasols; 512 sets of silk bedding; 876 Chinese veils, as well as large quantities of native products, including rice, molasses, oil, seeds, wax, sandalwood, and camphor.83 Zhou Daguan mentions exchange transactions in a number of contexts beyond the land and slave exchanges of the epigraphic record. During holiday celebrations, for instance, rockets and firecrackers were purchased "at great expense to the provinces and the noble families.... [In addition]... Mandarins and nobles are put to considerable expense to provide torches and areca-nuts."84 Zhao Rugua supplements Zhou's account and provides details about Cambodia's external commerce in the early thirteenth century. It was conducted as a barter trade, with Chinese goods exchanged for local products (fig. 6.14). The native products sought by the Chinese came from diverse places within Kambujadesa's domain—rare woods from the highlands, elephant tusks brought out by the "dwellers in the remote fastness of the mountains." Yellow wax, under state control in the eleventh century, "made by bees with a thorax as slender as an ant's is found in hollow trees near the villages." The natives know how to gather it. Every river boat may be loaded with two or three thousand combs, the largest weighing as much as thirty or forty pounds [jin], the smaller ones eighteen or twenty.85 Kingfisher feathers, greatly prized for jewelry in China, were not so easy to procure. 80

Zhenla Fengtuji; Chou Ta-kuan, Customs of Cambodia, p. 23. ^Zhenla Fengtuji; Chou Ta-kuan, Customs of Cambodia, p. 27. ^Zhenla Fengtuji; Chou Ta-kuan, Customs of Cambodia, p. 37. 83 Hall, Maritime Trade, p. 165. The calculation of gram equivalents was worked out by P. Cordier on pp. 82-85 of Coedès, Ta Stèle de Ta-Prohm." Q *Zhenla Fengtuji; Chou Ta-kuan, Customs of Cambodia, p. 29. 85 Zhenla Fengtuji; Chou Ta-kuan, Customs of Cambodia, p. 33.

208

Money, Markets, and Trade

6.14 Articles in Cambodia's China Trade during the Thirteenth Century. NATIVE PRODUCTS elephants' tusks gharu-wood yellow wax kingfisher's feathers dammar resin gourd dammar foreign oils ginger peel gold coloured incense sapan-wood raw silk cotton fabrics

CHINESE GOODS GIVEN IN EXCHANGE gold silver porcelain-ware satinets kittysols skin (covered) drums samshu sugar preserves vinegar

Source: Hirth and Rockhill (1911), p. 53.

The kingfisher is difficult to catch. Deep in the forests are ponds, and in the ponds are fish in search of which the kingfisher hovers over the forest. Hidden under the leaves, the native crouches at the water's edge. In a cage he carries a female kingfisher as lure, and in his hand he holds a little net. Motionless he waits for the bird till it is in reach of his net. Some days he catches three or five; other days none at all.86 The most unusual custom detailed by Zhou was the practice of engaging a priest to deflower young girls: Concerning the deflowering ceremony of young girls. The services of the higher class of priests are all engaged in advance by the families of wealth or social prominence, while the poor have no time for making distinctions. The former load the priests with presents of wine, rice, fabrics, silk, areca-nuts, silver plate, in value often reaching one hundred piculs, or two or three hundred ounces in Chinese money. Presents from people of lesser station may be worth thirty or fourty [sic] piculs, according to the size of the family fortunes. If poor girls find themselves approaching their eleventh birthday without getting together sufficient money to pay the priest, it often happens that generous people of means help with a contribution, which they call "acquiring merit." A priest is not allowed to perform the ceremony for more than one girl a year, and once he has accepted his fee he cannot pledge himself to initiate a second one. At daybreak (after the night of the deflowering) the priest is escorted back home with palanquins, parasols, and music, after which it is customary to buy the girl back from the priest with presents of silk and other fabrics; otherwise she becomes his property forever and cannot marry.87 QQ

Zhenla Fengtuji; Chou Ta-kuan, Customs of Cambodia, p. 33. Zhenla Fengtuji; Chou Ta-kuan, Customs of Cambodia, p. 27. Emended.

Q7

Ancient Cambodia 209

In the first paragraph, Zhou makes a distinction between the Cambodian valuational system and the Chinese, an important point considering that there is no epigraphic evidence for a valuational system among the Khmer later than the eighth century. In the second passage, following the deflowering ceremony, the young girl became legally bound to the monk and had to be bought back by her family with "silk and other fabrics."

IV LlNYl AND CHAMPA88

Linyi owes its origins to Qulian, a native official, who around AD 192 established his own domain out of the sub-prefecture of Xianglin. (See Chapter Two.) Between 220 and 230, Linyi, along with Fuñan and an unidentified Tangming, first sent tribute to the Chinese court. In later centuries the Linyi of the Chinese became known as Champa in indigenous as well as foreign sources. Having established religious centers at Mi-so'n, Tra-kieu (Indrapura), Dinh-binh (Vijaya) and Nha-trang (Kauthára) and Phan-rang (Pándurañga), Champa would struggle with the Vietnamese and the Khmer for control of the southeastern coast of the Indochinese peninsula until its demise in the fifteenth century. a. TRIBUTE AND TRADE A Cham fortress was established at Qusu early in Linyi's history.89 The Shuijingzhu (by Li Daoyuan, d. 527) records that it is " . . . from this estuary that one sets sail for Fuñan and the other kingdoms (of the south)"90 (see fig. 6.1). Although very little has survived to enable a reconstruction of the fortress, one phrase from a description of the citadel can be interpreted either that "markets were established round the outskirts of the city" or that "markets and habitations surrounded the city." In his discussion of the passage, Wheatley preferred the former reading, "where the dwellers within the walls transacted business with the peasants of the surrounding countryside, rather than foci of exchange for an extramural agricultural population."91 Barter predominated in Linyi's international trade. During the latter part of the sixth century, Linyi merchants traded "gold, kingfishers, pearls, shell, precious gems, and unusual goods" with Jiaochi.92 An undated passage states that "the countries beyond the frontier" came to Linyi "to offer precious objects in barter for other merchandise brought over the sea-lanes."93 88

One of the most useful works on the Cham economy in ancient times is David Griffiths Sox, "Resource-Use Systems of Ancient Champa," (MA thesis, University of Hawaii, 1972), supplemented by the more recent studies of Jacques, "Economic Activities"; D. Lombard, "Le Campa vu du sud," Bulletin du l'École Française de l'Extrême-Orient 76 (1987): 311-18; lan Mabbett, "Buddhism in Champa," in Southeast Asia in the 9th to 14th Centuries, ed. Marr and Milner, pp. 289-313; Wheatley, Nâgara and Commandery, pp. 383-92; and Hall, Maritime Trade, pp. 178-93. 89 Coedes, Indianized States, p. 57. 90 Shuijingzhu; Wheatley, Nâgara and Commandery, p. 385. 91 Wheatley, Nâgara and Commandery, pp. 387-88. 92 Wang, "Nanhai Trade," p. 52. g3 Jin Shu; Wheatley, Nâgara and Commandery, p. 385; Keith W. Taylor, The Birth of Vietnam (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), p. 107.

210 Money, Markets, and Trade Precious metals were an important tribute item. Following Cham raids along the coasts of Riñan in the 430s and 440s, the Chinese finally laid seige and sacked Qusu. They then advanced to the Cham capital in the region of Hue, taking as plunder 100,000 jin of pure gold.94 In 445 Linyi offered 10,000 ¡in of gold, 100,000 ¡in of silver, and 300,000 jin of copper as tribute to China.95 The fact that Linyi/Champa possessed sufficiently large quantities of precious metals to offer as tribute to China implies that it must have had access to local sources; in later centuries Champa would remain an important source of gold. Linyi's last tribute mission to China, in 749, was significantly different and consisted solely of exotic products, including "a hundred strings of pearls, thirty jin of gharuwood, fresh baidi (cotton?) and twenty tame elephants."96 b. LOCAL EXCHANGE AND LINKED TRANSFERS TO THE ELEVENTH CENTURY Inscriptions from Champa during the ninth and tenth centuries typically record dedications of land, goods, and servants to the religion. Cham monarchs dedicated their foundations " . . . for the sake of unique prosperity, as sacrificial ceremonies beget both material prosperity and supernatural power."97 The degree of emphasis on the linkages between material prosperity in this life and merit for the next, appears to be unique to Champa; this concept, as far as I am aware, is not stated as emphatically elsewhere in early Southeast Asian epigraphy. The inscriptions also make a critical distinction between the wealth of the Cham monarch (and by extension the kingdom as a whole) and that of religion, pointing up the existence of two distinct though parallel hierarchies—a fiscal administration and a religious administration, each ultimately converging on the ruler. One inscription recounts that the "enemy had entered into the kingdom of Champa and installed themselves as masters; having taken possession of all the royal property and the wealth of the gods... ,"98 Similarly, following another invasion, "... half of the people 94

Coedes, Indianized States, p. 57. A/art Qi Shu; Wang Gungwu, "The Nanhai Trade, A Study of the Early History of Chinese Trade in the South China Sea," Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 31, 2 (1958): 52. Emended. ^Tanghuiyao; Wang, "Nanhai Trade," p. 91. Emended. 97 My-scrn Stele Inscription of Prakàsadharma (579S); Ramesa Chandra Majumdar, Ancient Indian Colonies in the Far East. Vol. I. Champa. Punjab Oriental Series, No. 15 (Lahore: Punjab Sanskrit, 1927), p. 24 (no. 12); Louis Finot, "Les Inscriptions de Mi-san," Bulletin de lÉcole Française d'Extrême-Orient4 (1904): 91,8 (no. Ill) [henceforth "Mi-san"]. The Dong Dtrang Stele Inscription of Indravarman II (797S) expresses similar sentiments. Majumdar, Champa, p. 84 (no. 31 ); Louis Finot, "Inscriptions du Quang Nam," Bulletin de l'École Française d'Extrême-Orient 4 (1904): 84 [henceforth "Quang Nam"]. 98 My-san Pillar Inscription of Harivarman II; Majumdar, Champa, pp. 159-60 (no. 61); Finot, "Mi-san," p. 941 (no. XIV). Jacques, "Economie Activities," would argue that there is no distinction between secular fiscal administration and religious administration in Cambodia and Champa. A more elaborate description of the wealth of the Cham ruler is found in the Yang Tikuh Stele Inscription of Indravarman I (721S), where the temple of Bhadradhipatisvara was rebuilt, following its burning in 709 by Javanese forces, with the donation of "treasures, grainstores, silver, gold crowns, jewels, necklaces and other objects of enjoyment, together with women of the harem, male and female slaves, oxen, buffaloes, fields and other articles..." He also established, in 721, "two treasures for the God, the one composed of moveable and immoveable property, and the other moveable and with a mouth (i.e. priests? or perhaps caretakers)." (Majumdar, Champa, p. 50 [no. 23]); Abel Bergaigne, Inscriptions Sanscrites de 95

Ancient Cambodia 211

. .. [the king] ordered to dwell there in order to re-establish the city. The other half he gave to temples, monasteries, religious buildings, salas, and hermitages for the sake of his own merit."99 Other descriptions of Champa's riches appear to maintain the religion-ruler dichotomy. . . . the riches of (the god) Sri Amarendrapuresvara... fields, oxen, male and female slaves, buffaloes, rice, both husked and unhusked, clothes, silver, gold, bell-metal, iron, copper, etc... .10° Whatever silver, gold, movable and immovable property and stores (of grain?) that I [the Cham ruler] possess... ,101 The Cham king received revenue from his subjects chiefly in the form of agricultural produce. The inscriptions also mention "the multitude of royal ambassadors coming from different countries"102 and M . . . riches . . . exacted by him from hosts of kings . .." implying that income derived from tributary missions probably included precious metals, such as gold and silver.103 When land or property was made over to the religion the tax rights were transferred as well, providing a limited view of fiscal administration in ancient Champa. The (royal share of the) revenue consisting of a sixth of the produce, but reduced through the favour of the Lord to one-tenth, is given to the God.104 In this instance the 1/6 share which would have formerly gone to the ruler was both redirected to the temple and reduced to 1/10 of the total income from the land. Campa (Paris: Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-lettres, Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits, Tome vingt-septième (1re partie), 1893), p. 207 (no. XXII). A similar description of kingly wealth can be found in the Glai Lamov Stele Inscription of Indravarman I (723S); Majumdar, Champa, p. 60 (no. 24b). Sox, "Resource-Use," p. 182, notes this dichotomy and asks: "Does this mean that there was a dichotomy between the ownership of land and rights to shares in the land's production? Or is wealth meant to be gold and jewels? The inscription associates horses, elephants, oxen, buffaloes and crops with the religious institutions that were pillaged. These are real material things but are they wealth?" "Pô Klauñ Garai Rock Inscription of Paramesvaravarman I (972S); Majumdar, Champa, p. 149 (no. 53). Emended; Louis Finot, "Panduranga," Bulletin de l'Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient 3 (1903): 634, 643 (no. VI). 100 Lai-trung Stele Inscription of Indravarman III (?) [843S?]; Majumdar, Champa, p. 142 (no. 46). Emended. 101 Vo-Chanh Rock Inscription; Majumdar, Champa, pp. 2-3 (no. 1). Emended; Bergaigne, Inscriptions Sanscrites, p. 191 (no. XX). 102 Bang-An Stele Inscription of Bhadravarman III; Majumdar, Champa, p. 128 (no. 42); M. Edouard Huber, "L'Epigraphie de la Dynastie de Dong-dircrng," Bulletin de l'École Française d'Extrême-Orient 11 (1911): 259-99 [henceforth "Dong-du'o'ng"]. 103 My-scrn Stele Inscription of Jaya Harivarman I (1079S); Majumdar, Champa, p. 190 (no. 74). In another inscription, it is recorded that a yuvaràja went to Cambodia where the Cambodian king "welcomed him and gave him all kinds of goods..." [My-san Stele Inscription (1003S); Majumdar, Champa, p. 167 (no. 62); Finot, "Mi-scrn," p. 933 (no. XII).] 104 My-so'n Stele Inscription of Bhadravarman; Majumdar, Champa, p. 7 (no. 4); Louis Finot, "Deux Nouvelles Inscriptions de Bhadravarman 1er, Roi de Champa," Bulletin de l'École Française d'Extrême-Orient 2 (1902): 187; Sahai, "Fiscal Administration," p. 130. See also Sox, "Resource-Use," p. 181.

212 Money, Markets, and Trade

Similarly, in a fragmentary inscription a "... tenth part is to be given by the people who live in the land... ."105 The "lord's due" in each of the above examples (which formerly was collected by the royal administrators) was redirected to the service of the religion. In other inscriptions the religious order was specifically exempted from taxation: For the sake of Dharma, and not for revenue, a monastery has been founded for the community of monks (?). I have placed all necessaries in the monastery for the enjoyment of the community of monks as well as other creatures. This monastery has been founded for the perpetual enjoyment of the community of monks, and not for the enjoyment of the king, nor as a permanent source of revenue.106 The parallelisms in this passage suggest that the ruler had formerly established temples which would benefit the king, both in terms of merit and revenue.107 In another inscription, a temple was exempted from taxation: I exempt the (temple of) god Sri Bhâgya-kànteavara from all taxes. I employ four priests who would serve as sacrificers at his service, and give (the taxes) to them for defraying their own expenses and those of the worship.108 The objective of these exemptions was to redirect the revenues from the ruler to the temple complex. "He has given a monastery to Sri Indralokeávara in the district [vijaya] of Tranul; he has given all the revenues to the god."109 While spiritual and temporal prosperity was the ultimate motivation behind a gift of land or property to a religious complex, the inscriptions say little about the immediate reason for many of these transfers. During the late ninth and early tenth centuries, gifts of gold and silver objects were presented to worthy servants of the king. Po Klufi Sudanavasa, upon his return from Java, was granted the land of the villages Sudan and Kumuvel as reward for his services. "From that time he obtained wealth and riches."110 According to another inscription the maternal aunt of King Jayasirtnhavarman I used "her wealth according to religious precepts and her inborn qualities; she constantly makes gifts to Brahmanas, ascetics /yatf/and virtuous people in the world "111 And, finally, "The minister called Àjftâ Mahàsàmanta, owner of various 105

My-san Stele Inscription of Sambhuvarman; Majumdar, Champa, p. 13 (no. 7); Louis Finot, "Stele de Çambuvarman a Mi-san," Bulletin de l'École Française d'Extrême-Orient^ (1903): 206. 106 Dong Dirang Stèle Inscription of Indravarman II (797S); Majumdar, Champa, p. 87, (no. 31); Finot, "Quang Nam," p. 84. See also Sox, "Resource-Use," p. 185. 107 Sox, "Resource-Use," p. 185. 108 Phu Thuan Stele Inscription of Indravarman II (?); Majumdar, Champa, p. 92 (no. 33); Huber, "Dong Direrng," p. 10. 109 My-scrn Stone Slab Inscription of Jaya Indravarman II (101 OS); Majumdar, Champa, p. 172 (no. 65); Finot, "Mi-scrn," p. 946 (no. XVI). 110 Nhan-Bieu Stele Inscription of Indravarman III (833S); Majumdar, Champa, p. 134 (no. 43); Huber, "Dong Duong," pp. 299-311 ; p. 309. For recent discussions of this inscription see Sox, "Resource-Use," p. 161; Mabbett, "Buddhism in Champa," p. 302. 111 Dong Duong Stele Inscription of Jayasimhavarman I; Majumdar, Champa, p. 103 (no. 36); Finot, "Quang nam," p. 105. A similar passage is found in the Glai Lamov Stele Inscription of Indravarman I (723S); Majumdar, Champa, p. 58 (no. 24a).

Ancient Cambodia 213 riches, obtained wealth and riches by the favour of his king."112 These are tantalizing glimpses into the nature of redistribution in ancient Champa, indicating, as in other parts of Southeast Asia at this time, that the granting of precious goods and tax-free "gift villages" was a common non-monetary means of compensating worthy individuals. Other inscriptions of the ninth and tenth centuries written in the Cham language record donations of land to religious complexes. The productive capacity of the land in nearly every instance was calculated in jak, or measures of rice. . . . the total of the lands belonging to the temple of Develingeávara: the ricefield Bhauk Purak with an area of 37 galauk, producing 10ya/cof rice ... (another ricefield with an area of) 60 galauk, producing 30 yak of rice. The land which belongs to the temple [sïmajon both sides of the Great Sea, which is bordered by the field Krain and the field Talavar: 310 galauk, producing 80 jak of rice.113 This inscription is significant because it gives not only the area of the fields, but also their capacity to produce rice; in this instance between two and just under fourya/cof rice per galauk were harvested. Implicit in this is a valuational component based upon the productive capacity of the land which could be related to the amount of merit derived from a given foundation.114 In other inscriptions "slaves, fields where there are betelnut trees" were also given to benefit the religious order.115 In the eleventh century a triumphant military officer donated his spoils to the god Somesvara, including gold and silver, along with "servants, servers, to the number of one hundred, oxen, buffalo, elephants and the various things (required for ritual)... ."116 In another example, All these fields the king gives to Lokesvara. And more: King Indravarman has given these fields with their profits/harvest, the slaves of both sexes, silver, gold, brass, copper and other treasures, to Srï Laksmïndralokeavara, for use by the community of the religious, to bring to pass the propagation of the Dharma. So that—kings, warriors, brahmins, ministers, merchants [vanijo]—\ake, destroy, (or in any way bother this foundation) that they will all go to Maháraurava (hell).117 It is significant that merchants (who do not appear elsewhere in Cham inscriptions) are included in the list of those who might disturb the foundation, along with government officers, military men, and religious adepts. A more positive declaration is to be found in an inscription of Jaya Sirtihavarman (AD 898): "the people of the temples which guard the belongings of the god Srï Rudramaddhyesvara and the god Sivalihgeavara, 112 Hoa-Que Stele Inscription of Bhadravarman III (831S); Majumdar, Champa, p. 118 (no. 39); Huber, "Dong Dtrcrng," p. 285. 11 inscription of Bhadravarman (830S, 833S); Huber, "Dong Duong," pp. 299-311 ; p. 310. 114 There were several different categories of land, each presumably with its own productive capacity. See Sahai, "Fiscal Administration," p. 130, note 67 and Finot, "Mi-so'n," p. 962. 115 Stele of Bo-mirng; Huber, "Dong Dircrng," pp. 269-77. 116 Mi-scrn Inscription of Srisanabhadresvara (1002S); Finot, "Mi-san," p. 939. Emended. 117 Dong Dinrng Stele Inscription of Indravarman II (797S); Majumdar, Champa, p. 88 (no. 31); Finot, "Quang nam," p. 95; Sox, "Resource-Use," pp. 185-86.

214 Money, Markets, and Trade slaves, oxen, cattle, fields, gold, silver... these people will go to heaven along with their mother and father, eternally."118 Local exchange is very poorly documented in Cham inscriptions. There are indications, somewhat equivocal since actual specimens of native coinage have not been found, that by the ninth or tenth century, the Cham possessed a metallic currency. A Sanskrit inscription from Po Nagar records the donation of "... a vessel in three pieces (?), silver coins [rupyamjand three silver vessels 119 The Sanskrit term rùpya generally referred to a silver coin.120 In this donative context, it is impossible to determine if the coins were produced locally. Indeed, further on in this record is a donation of "a silver vessel of Cambodia," showing that at least some goods came from elsewhere in the region. Another Sanskrit inscription, from Mi-san, records the donation of "232 golden panas, 82 precious stones, 67 groups of pearls, and 200 panas of silver... given for the koáa [treasury of the religious complex]."121 In Indian contexts pana referred to a gold, silver, or copper coin, taxes, or money in general.122 Here pana most likely meant a weight of precious metal, supported by its appearance in the Mi-san inscription noted above in which the weights of gold and silver vessels donated to the religion were recorded in kattikâsand panas.123 Inscriptions in the Cham language typically used the weight units of thil (approximately 15 grams), thai, and dram, this last equal to 1/10 of a f/?/7.124 There is no indication that Cham metrological terms were also used to express monetary values. c. CHAMPA'S FOREIGN TRADE IN THE ELEVENTH AND TWELFTH CENTURIES Pandurahga, in southern Champa, was the site of a Muslim community during the early eleventh century from which there survives an Arabic notice of the period 102935.125 Notwithstanding the fact that the record is fragmentary, it provides valuable information about commerce among the foreign community at the time it was inscribed. Although each line is missing its beginning and ending sections, enough remains of the central portion of the inscription to make some general observations about its content and significance. A word in the first line has been reconstructed as bàzâr-rok. Bazar, of course, is the Persian word for market, from where is derived the word for merchant (bâzàrgan). 118

Stele of Ban-lanh (820S); Finot, "Quang nam," p. 103. Po-Nagar Temple Inscription of Rudravarman III (972S); Majumdar, Champa, p. 159 (no. 60); Bergaigne, Inscriptions Sanscrites, p. 275 (no. XXX). 120 Dines Chandra Sircar, Indian Epigraphical Glossary (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1966), pp. 282, 439. 121 My-scrn Temple Inscription of Jaya Indravarman IV (1085S); Majumdar, Champa, p. 198 (no. 79); Finot, "Mi-scrn," p. 969 (no. XXIII). 122 Sircar, Indian Epigraphical Glossary, p. 437. 123 Another Po Nagar inscription records the donation of money for the making of a religious image. (Po-Nagar Temple Inscription of Princess Suryyadevi; Majumdar, Champa, p. 214 [no. 98]). 124 Finot, "Mi-san," p. 914 discusses weight and measurement terminology in Cham inscriptions. A typical example is the My-scrn Stele Inscription of Jaya Indravarman IV (1092S); Majumdar, Champa, pp. 198-200 (no. 81); Finot, "Mi-san," p. 970 (no. XXIV). 125 Paul Ravaise, "Deux inscriptions coufiques du Campa," Journal Asiatique 20, 2 (1922): 267-89. 119

Ancient Cambodia 215 Bâzâr-rok referred to a base metal coinage utilized in the marketplace, usually a billon piece made up of an alloy of copper, tin, and lead. Although other interpretations are possible, including "300 merchants" or even "300 merchant ships," the context of the passage best supports the reading of "300 denominated pieces (of coin)."126 In line two the phrase "20 karâmà...," refers to a measure of capacity used in medicine, and two uncertain words, one possibly including a weight or measure term, and the other (zubala) with monetary connotations, possibly referring to small ingots of gold or silver. In line three, mention is made of the "... naqïb 'Amr." The naqJb was a merchant or an artisan in charge of the affairs of the community of which he was a member; each occupation had its own head. Line 4 contains masraf, a word meaning to change money or to pay, as part of an exchange. Line 7 contains a reference to the quintal, a weight term. In lines 6 and 8 are found some indication of the organization of foreigners in eleventh-century Champa. The first refers to the collection of rent from the Muslim community—"The settler and the collector of fees (dues, rent)." In line 8, a reference is made to a "Sultan Mahmud," which has generated a great deal of discussion—does it refer to the Cham ruler of Pândurahga or to an independent sultan of the Muslim community? At this juncture, it is not possible to hazard a guess. Taken together, these fragments present a tantalizing picture of the Muslim merchant community at Pândurahga, suggesting that monetized transactions were probably commonplace. One can only speculate about their impact on, and integration with, the local Cham economy. An account of a Chinese merchant who went to Champa in the second half of the twelfth century is even more remarkable. The story provides a basis for understanding the relationship which must have existed between many native Southeast Asian rulers and the foreign merchants on whom they relied for success in international trade. Wang Yuanmao was a Quanzhou man. In his youth he worked as a mere handyman in a Buddhist monastery. His masters taught him how to read the books of the southern barbarian lands, with all of which he was able to become closely acquainted; and he accompanied sea-going junks to Champa. The king of that country admired his ability to read both barbarian and Chinese books, invited him to become a member of his staff, and gave him one of his daughters in marriage. Wang lingered for ten years before returning (to China), with a bridal trousseau worth a million strings of cash. His lust for gain became still fiercer, and he next went trading as the master of a sea-going junk. His wealth became limitless and both Prime Minister Liu Cheng and Vice-Minister Juge Tingrui formed marriage connections with him (through their children). In 1178 he dispached his borrower [xingqianJWu Da to act as head merchant [gangshoujm a ship setting out to sea with a total crew of thirty-eight men under a chief mate. They were away for ten years, returning in the seventh moon of 1188, anchoring south of Luofu Mountain in Huizhou. They had obtained profits of several thousand percent.127 126

lbid., p. 275. Hong Mai, Yi J/anZ/7/;Shiba Yoshinobu, Commerce and Society, pp. 192-93.

127

216 Money, Markets, and Trade Wang Yuanmao must have been in a very advantageous position to amass a fortune worth a million strings of cash in only ten years and to have been given a daughter of the Cham ruler in marriage. These facts also signal the privileged role of the Chinese merchant in Champa's foreign trade. If Wang's personal share of profits was equivalent to one million strings of cash, the benefit to the Cham king must have been considerably greater. d. CHINESE ACCOUNTS OF CHAMPA'S ECONOMY IN THE TWELFTH AND THIRTEENTH CENTURIES Chinese accounts of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries mention two major Cham centers, Phan-rang (Bintonglong) and Champa (Zhancheng). Zhao Rugua (writing in the early thirteenth century) noted that Bintonglong submited yearly, "products of the country as tribute to Zhancheng," reflecting of the former's subsidiary status.128 Wang Dayuan's Lingwai Daida of 1178 contains an intriguing passage about Champa: The native products of the country (of Zhancheng) are famous aromatics, rhinoceros (horns) and elephant (tusks). The soil is of white sand but with very little arable land, and there are no sheep, swine nor vegetables. The people gain their livelihood by gathering scented woods. They do not hold markets.129 By the early thirteenth century, however, Zhao Rugua would note that, "The capital (of Zhancheng) is called Xinzhou. They use the designations 'district city' /x/an/and 'market town' /zften/."130 He continues, The cutting of scented wood in the mountains is conducted under government control; the tax paid the government is known as the "scented wood poll-tax," just like the Chinese "salt poll tax." Once the full amount due has been paid, the people then trade in it on their private account. Coinage [qian] is not used in trade; they barter with wine, rice and other food substances; with these they settle their accounts yearly. They buy people to make slaves of them; a boy is priced at 3 Hang of gold, or the equivalent in scented wood.131 Zhao Rugua's account makes it clear that, although markets were present in Champa (the administrative designation "market-town" is similar to Chinese practice), coinage was not used for commercial purposes. (Note, however, that a Cham mission to the 128

Z/iL/fanz/)/; Hirth and Rockhill, Chao Ju-kua, p. 51. Emended. Zhao's source is the Lingwaidaida of 1178. This last text also mentions a number of missions sent to China, in 961, 962, and 1086; in the last year the mission received 2,600 strings of cash from the Chinese. Pelliot has shown that these missions were from Zhancheng generally and not specifically from Bintonglong. Hirth and Rockhill, Chao Ju-kua, p. 52, note 3. 129} Lingwaidaida;Hirth and Rockhill, Chao Ju-kua, p. 50, note 6. Emended. 130 Zbu/aA7Z/7/; Hirth and Rockhill, Chao Ju-kua, p. 47. Emended. 131 Z/7U/anz/?/; Hirth and Rockhill, Chao Ju-kua, p. 48. Emended.

Ancient Cambodia 217 Chinese court was rewarded with strings of copper cash.)132 If the second paragraph reproduced above can be taken literally, articles of food and forest products, such as aromatic woods, served as means of payment and possibly as units of account. The fact that a young boy was priced at "three liangot gold, or the equivalent in scented wood" would point to gold as a measure of value among the Cham in the thirteenth century. Significantly, the Cho-dinh Temple Inscription of Jaya Parameavaravarman II, dated to AD 1233, engraved at Phan-rang's marketplace, records the donation of slaves to the temple, including 7 Khmer, 11 Siamese, and one from Pagan (Pukam), signs that a vigorous trade in slaves took place there, confirming to some extent the Chinese accounts.133

V CONCLUSION: VALUATIONAL CONCEPTS AND MONETIZATION IN CAMBODIA AND CHAMPA Direct evidence for valuational standards in early Cambodia is elusive. Chinese sources reported that during Funan's hegemony, gold and silver, along with valuable objects, such as pearls and perfumes, were used for exchange purposes as well as for payment of fiscal obligations. Inscriptions of the seventh century attest to largescale exchanges having been made; however, there is no indication of an explicit measure of value until the eighth century. At that time land values were often expressed in terms of a quantity of silver and cloth. These same two items were also used as a means of payment for land purchases. In cases where the land was exchanged for paddy, the quantity of paddy tendered was not indicated. Instead, the paddy was valued as so much silver and cloth. Under Angkor, there is no evidence for a valuational system such as had appeared briefly in the eighth century. The only inscriptions of the Angkorian epoch which record the actual prices paid for land date between 944 and 1027. In place of the relatively simple payment of silver and cloth found earlier, inscriptions of the tenth and eleventh centuries append long lists of objects given up in exchange for land. Although there was an implicit valuational component, it was never expressed. By the end of the thirteenth century we again find signs of monetization. According to Zhou Daguan, there were three distinct exchange spheres in operation—rice, grain, and Chinese coins were used in small purchases, cloth for larger exchanges, and gold and silver for major transactions. If the account of Cambodia by Zhou Daguan is to be taken at its face value, these media of exchange also served as measures of value. He wrote, for example, that wild men from the hills suitable as slaves could be "worth a hundred pieces of cloth." Taking the long view, from preAngkorian times through the thirteenth century, it may be significant that paddy, lengths of cloth, gold, and silver featured prominently in donations and exchanges of 132

See Hirth and Rockhill, ChaoJu-kua, p. 51, note 1; Wang, "Maritime Trade"; and Grace Wong—"A Comment on the Tributary Trade between China and Southeast Asia, and the Place of Porcelain in this Trade, during the Period of the Song Dynasty in China," in Chinese Celadons and Other Related Wares in Southeast Asia (Singapore: Arts Orientalis, 1979) pp. 73100; "A Comment on the Tributary Trade between China and Southeast Asia, and the Place of Porcelain in this Trade, during the Period of the Song Dynasty in China," The Southeast Asian Ceramic Society, Transaction No. 7. (1979)—for a discussion of Southeast Asia's tribute trade with China. 133 Cho-dinh Temple Inscription of Jaya Parameavaravarman II (1155S); Majumdar, Champa, p. 207-208 (no. 89).

218 Money, Markets, and Trade each period. Because Zhou Daguan was writing from the perspective of a Chinese accustomed to monetized exchanges, it is possible that he was able to see a structure to economic transactions not visible from an examination of the inscriptions alone. Was Zhou Daguan witnessing a long-lived tradition of monetized transactions which does not appear clearly in the epigraphic record? It should be noted that he refers to at least one specific measure of value (lengths of cloth) which is the same that prevailed in the unique eighth-century inscription (K.726). Arguing against a lengthy tradition of monetary concepts under Angkor is the fact that documented transactions of the ninth through the twelfth centuries (even without an explicit measure of value) were simply too cumbersome to have been monetized. The question which arises is why, after experimenting with measures of value in the eighth century, did their use not continue to assist the complex Angkorian bureaucracy? It may be significant that the only time a valuational component was indicated (in a single inscription of the eighth century) a Sanskrit term, rnulya, was used, and not one of Khmer origin. Related to this is the fact that when Khmer metrological units—pâda, tamliñ, and jiñ—were adopted by the Thai, they were quickly converted into measures of value, with a silver coinage based upon this weight system appearing by the middle of the fifteenth century. Both uses were unknown in Cambodia proper at the time. A further impediment to the adoption of a metallic currency among the Khmer could well have been that Cambodia possessed no precious metal reserves of its own. A partial explanation (offered by Claude Jacques) as to why the Khmer economy did not possess a monetary system is that money was unnecessary because trade was underdeveloped.134 While a distinct possibility, this argument does not have much to recommend it, as interregional exchanges and the distribution of goods reached a considerable scale under Angkor.135 It should be stressed, moreover, that interregional trade, as in other parts of mainland Southeast Asia, was typically conducted on a barter basis. An alternative explanation could be that limiting the payment of taxes and fines to goods rather than money objects was a conscious decision on the part of the Khmer elite (following the example of Fuñan, perhaps) designed to control the flow of precious commodities throughout the Khmer realm. It is even more difficult to identify standards of value in early Champa. Although no actual specimens of coinage have been reported, there are equivocal signs, in indigenous and foreign sources, for their presence in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. By the thirteenth century, according to the Chinese, preferred media of exchange included wine, rice, and other food goods, suggesting that these could have served as measures of value as well. Slaves were apparently valued in gold or scented wood. Again, as in the case of late thirteenth century Cambodia, there remains the problem of how to interpret the Chinese accounts. To conclude, it is problematic as to why, prior to the thirteenth century at least, Cambodia and Champa were distinct from other economies on the mainland in that they showed few signs of monetization. This is all the more surprising given the importance of precious metals in the history of Champa, the massive bureaucracy that was Angkor, and how both economies could have benefitted from a monetary system. 134

Jacques, "Economic Activities," p. 332. ^Although not always reliable in detail, Kenneth R. Hall, Maritime Trade, pp. 136-93, discusses distribution in the Khmer and Cham lands. 1

7

MONEY IN SUMATRAAND THE MALAY PENINSULA

T

he monetary history of the Malay Peninsula and Sumatra prior to the fifteenth century is far from clear. During the first few centuries AD the Malay Peninsula, as an appendage of continental Southeast Asia, showed influence from mainland numismatic traditions. Local issues were struck in gold rather than silver, displaying a metallic preference maintained throughout much of the archipelago. By the eleventh century, Sandalwood Flower coins (derivative of a type which originated in Java) struck in gold, electrum, and silver appeared on Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula. The coins have been ascribed to Sriwijaya, a Malay confederation of trading ports prominent in the commerce of the region from the seventh through the thirteenth centuries traditionally centered at Palembang in southeastern Sumatra. In the first quarter of the fourteenth century the earliest Islamic coinage in Southeast Asia was struck by Sultan Muhammad (d. 1326) of Samudra-Pase in northern Sumatra, reflecting a shift in the locus of trade in the region. By the early fifteenth century this coinage would become the commercial and accounting standard throughout island Southeast Asia, a position it maintained for more than two hundred years.

I THE MALAY PENINSULA TO THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY During the first centuries of the Christian era, the Chinese reported that Fuñan had two ports on the Malay Peninsula, Touzhuli and Dunsun (see figs. 4.1 and 7.1). Touzhuli is thought to be identical with the Tak[k]ola of Rolemy and the Milindapanha, the latter often identified with the site of present-day Takuapa.1 Ptolemy labeled Takola an emporion (one of six situated within Southeast Asia), "an authorized sea-coast (not inland) mart in the Orient where non-Roman dues were 1 Coedes, Indianized States, p. 39, writes: ".. . it is generally agreed that this town [Takola] was located at Takuapa on the west coast of the Isthmus of Kra or perhaps farther south." Wheatley has argued against the identification of Touzhuli with Takkola. See Wang, "The Nanhai Trade," p. 41, note 53. A more recent discussion of the problem is Preecha Noonsuk, "The Study of Local Placenames on the Thai Peninsula Takuapa, Jaiya and Nagara Sri Dharmaraja," in Final Report, Consultative Workshop on Archaeological and Environmental Studies on Srivijaya, Bangkok and South Thailand, 1983 (Bangkok: SPAFA, 1983), pp. 14851 [henceforth "Local Placenames"].

220 Money, Markets, and Trade

7.1 Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula to the Fourteenth Century

Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula 2 21 levied by non-Roman authorities."2 An important point about Takola, on which most authorities agree, is that this port of Fuñan was situated on the west coast of the Malay Peninsula, far from Funan's central core. Another major port of the early first millennium was Dunsun, probably a Mon center, which, by the fourth century, was also a dependency of Fuñan. (Dunsuh is considered in Chapter Four.) Both Takola and Dunsun would have served as trans-shipment points for goods moving east or west along the trade routes. The liveliness and intensity of trading activities which took place on the peninsula during the first centuries AD find their reflection in the variety of numismatic remains recovered there, including coins from South India and the Roman world.3 Indigenous coin finds of the first millennium (the focus of this discussion) are of two basic sortscoins from the mainland and local issues based upon mainland types. The most important mainland coinage discovery to date comes from a site on the eastern coast of the peninsula—Ban Moklaan, Nakhon Si Thammarat in southern Thailand. The find was made while local villagers were digging a well in the mid-1970s, and consisted of several hundred full-unit silver Rising Sun coins as well as a large number of segments (consistently 1/2- or 1/4-unit) cut from the larger coins (see fig. 4.3).4 The find is significant for two reasons. First, it is the largest recorded find of Rising Sun coins in Southeast Asia. And, second, it is located far from the core areas in which the coins are normally reported, i.e. central Burma and Thailand. The recovery of such a large quantity of Rising Sun coins in southern Thailand would point to the existence of a trading center similar to those mentioned in Chinese texts. On the west coast of the peninsula at a site called Khlong Thorn, Krabi (also in southern Thailand), a large number of local gold issues based upon the Pegu Conch/SrTvatsa prototype have been recovered.5 The coins are found in association 2

E. H. Warmington, The Commerce between the Roman Empire and India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1928), p. 50; Paul Wheatley, The Golden Khersonese, Studies in the Historical Geography of the Malay Peninsula Before A.D. 1500 (Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1961), p. 151, note 1; and his Nàgara and Commandery, p. 443. 3 Occasional finds have been reported in the Thai journals Muang Boran and Silpakara. Nonnative coin issues recovered in Thailand (some of which date to the period before 1400) can be seen in various provincial museums. I know of no detailed excavation reports of South Indian or Roman materials. A bronze coin with the design of a sailing ship from Kuan Lukpat, Krabi (see below) has been identified by Pierre-Yves Manguin as a South Indian Satavahana issue of the first few centuries AD (personal communication). 4 A representative selection of these Rising Sun coins was on display in the National Museum, Nakhon Si Thammarat during 1987. Details of the find were kindly provided by Preecha Noonsuk. Janice Stargardt, "Southern Thai Waterways," Man 8, 1 (1973): 11, refers to this find as "two golden coins from Fuñan." 5 The site is known locally as Kuan Lukpat ("Bead Mounds"). The coins have been recovered by the hundreds and have been sold by dealers in Bangkok and the United States. The only adequate description of these pieces is to be found in Michael Mitchiner, "Four More Hoards of Early South-east Asian Symbolic Coins," Numismatic Chronicle'llB (1988): 181-91 and Wicks, "Ancient Coinage from Thailand and Burma." On the site generally, see Mayuree Veraprasert, "Khlong Thorn: An Ancient Bead-Manufacturing Location and An Ancient Entrepot," in Research Conference on Early Southeast Asia, Bangkok and Nakhon Fathom, 1985 (Bangkok: British Insitute in South-East Asia and Silpakorn University, 1985), pp. 168-69; Tarapong Srisuchart, "The Early Historic Sites and the Remains in Southern Thailand, " in Final Report, Consultative Workshop on Archaeological and Environmental Studies on Snvijaya, Jakarta and Sumatra, 1985, (Bangkok: SPAFA, 1985), p. 127; and Preecha Noonsuk, "Local Placenames," p. 150.

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A

B 7.2 Gold coins of the first half of the first millenium AD from Khtong Thorn, Krabi, Thailand, [a] Conch/Srïvatsa, Class L, struck in gold in an irregular 9mm flan. Specimens weigh 0.39-0.50gm. Reverse conch is similar to Conch/Srïvatsa, Class A of Pegu. See fig. 4.2[a]. [b] Uniface Conch, Class A, struck on an irregular 9mm flan, apparently cut from sheet gold. Specimens weigh between 0.45 and 0.52gm. The conch has become much less distinct, with the reverse érivatsa replaced by irregular striations. Source: [a] Wicks (1992) (12)L2, Michael Mitchiner; [b] Wicks (1992) (14)A.3, Michael Mitchiner.

with glass slag, beads, fragments of glass vessels, and engraved seals, all dating to the first half of the first millennium AD, and are presumed to be contemporary with similar materials from U Thong and Oc Eo. The coins are quite small, usually no larger than 9mm in diameter, and weigh approximately 0.5gm (fig. 7.2). They appear in three basic varieties, a Conch/Srïvatsa coin similar to the silver coins attributed to Pegu, an unusual variant with a swastika on the reverse in place of the érrvatsa, and a uniface series with a conventionalized conch. The appearance of these progressively simplified varieties suggests that the coinage had a relatively long development in the Krabi area. Although the coins have not been reported in controlled excavations, the pieces do not have strong ritual connections such as have been noted for Pyu and Dvaravatï issues. While the precise function of these gold coins cannot at present be determined, the available evidence suggests that they performed an exchange function—the coins adhere to a specific weight standard and are known only from a trading site. They also provide the earliest evidence of the insular preference for gold in coinage. The first detailed descriptions of peninsular ports appear in seventh century Chinese accounts of the region. Chitu, the "Red-earth land," identified as "another part of Fuñan," was situated on the Malay Peninsula, perhaps near Songkhla.6 A description of a Chinese embassy to Chitu has survived, serving to emphasize that early trade on the peninsula was often preceded by elaborate feasts and consisted chiefly of gift exchange. In AD 607 the Chinese emperor sent "5,000 different sorts of gifts 6

Wheatley, Nàgara and Commandery, p. 234, considers Chitu's capital to have been "situated somewhere on the Siamo-Malaysian isthmus, probably in the neighborhood of Songkhla." He reviews the evidence for this siting in note 24, pp. 251-52.

Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula 223 to the king of Chitu." Changjun and Wang Junzheng were greeted by the nâyaka (Skt. guide), a son of the king of Chitu. After several days of feasting . . . the king requested Changjun to mount the divan, while his retinue sat on bare ground. Each took a golden goblet containing wine while maidens played music in rotation, and valuable presents were given. Subsequently the Nayajia [= nâyaka] was sent to accompany Changjun to offer up local products as tribute (to China), to present gold, a crown ornamented with hibiscus design and Bams camphor, to take a gold cast of a duoluo leaf on which was an inscription in relief, and to seal it in a golden casket 7 Luoyue, usually sited at Malaya's southern tip, was another seventh-century central place on the peninsula, a "meeting-place for the merchants who come and go,"8 demonstrating a much stronger market orientation than found in Chitu. Its customs were said to be similar to those of Dvàravatï. Another important peninsular toponym is that known as Keluo to the Chinese and Kalàh to Arab authors. Wheatley suggested that it is to be located on the Tenasserim coast of lower Burma, probably near Mergui.9 Chinese authors pointed out that the customs of Geluo were the same as those of Dvàravatï, a reference to the Mon cultural axis linking lower Burma with central Thailand, and some writers consider Geluo to be a contraction of Kalaáapüra ("City of Pots") found in an early inscription from Burma.10 It is also possible that Geluo/Kalâh is to be identified with Kedah on the western Malay coast.11 A brief notice of Geluo, ascribed to the eighth century, appears in the Xin Tang S/7u:"Tax is levied at the rate of two silver s/?i/."12 Although some commentators have rendered shu (also pronounced zhu) as "coin," the term most likely referred to a standard weight of precious metal.13 The importance of this passage lies in the fact that silver, and not gold or other produce, was stipulated as the form in which tax payments were to be made, complementing what was noted earlier concerning Jinlin. (See Chapter Four.) Abu Dulaf, an Arab geographer of the tenth century, wrote in a similar manner concerning Kalàh, apparently located in the tin-mining region of southern Burma or northern Malaysia: In the entire world there does not exist such a tin mine as the one in this Kalàh— The people have a form of justice, prison and fines. They live on wheat, dates, vegetables, which are sold by weight, and flat cakes of bread, sold by quantity 7

Sui Shu; Wheatley, Golden Khersonese, p. 30. Emended. X/D Tang Shu; Luce, "Countries Neighbouring Burma," reprint, p. 287-89; Wang, "Nanhai Trade," p. 95; Wheatley, Golden Khersonese, p. 58. 9 Wheatley, Nagara and Commandery, p. 254, note 28. 10 See Wicks, "Ancient Coinage of Mainland Southeast Asia," pp. 198-99, where the Geluo/Kalah toponym is discussed (probably erroneously) in connection with the Pegu Conch/Srïvatsa series. 11 Jan Wisseman Christie (personal communication). 12 X/A7 Tang Shu; Wheatley, Golden Khersonese, p. 56. 13 Wheatley, Golden Khersonese, p. 56, note 1 ; R.H. Mathews, Mathews' Chinese-English Dictionary (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1969), p. 191, no. 1354. 8

224 Money, Markets, and Trade Their dirham [silver coin] weighs two-thirds of an ordinary dirham, which is called a fâhrï. They have smaller coins [fulüs], which they use for normal trade.... 1 4 Although there were regional variations in the weight of the dirham, a standard of 2.92 grams was prevalent in the Middle East during the early eighth century.15 Using this figure as a very rough guide, the Kalàh dirham probably weighed approximately 1.95 grams. The term lulus usually referred to copper subsidiary coinage, although it is possible that the term here meant cowrie shells. In the middle of the ninth century, for example, Sulaiman remarked that in Rahma (lower Burma), "among the inhabitants barter is conducted by means of cowries; it is the currency of the country, i.e. its wealth."16 For Abu Zaid, writing in the first quarter of the tenth century, "Kalàh is the center of commerce for aloeswood, camphor, sandalwood, ivory, tin, ebony . . . spices of all kinds, and a host of objects too numerous to count. It is thither that the trading expeditions which start from Oman make their way... ,"17 A somewhat fanciful story in the 'Ajà'ib al-Hindot ca. AD 1000 recounts the experience of an Arab merchant who was given some worthless salt to invest. The account nonetheless provides important clues about the way in which trade was conducted at Kaláh. A sai tor friend of his (Sa'ïd al-Faqïr) was equipping a ship for Kaláh, and as he was departing, he came to him and said to him, "Would you please give me a commission?" So Sa'ïd brought a green jar worth half a dirham and a dàniq of coarse salt which he put into the jar and stopped it up, and said to him, "Here is some merchandise." "And what shall I bring you?" asked the merchant. "Bring me a blessing, as men say." The ship departed, arrived at Kalàh, sold its cargo, but the captain forgot about the jar. Then when the boat had reloaded and was about to depart, the captain saw in the market of Kalàh a man holding a fish on the end of a string crying, "Who wishes to buy a baraka?" This word reminded him of the jar of Sa'Td. So he called the man and asked him about it. And the owner of the fish said, "This is a species of fish which fishermen call baraka" So he said to himself, "It must be this fish that the man wanted." So he bought it giving him the price of two ùqlya of salt. Then he made the man sit down and sent one of his friends to the ship to fetch the jar and its contents. Then he gave the man the right weight of salt and ordered the fish to be sent back to the house where he was staying, and prepared the fish for salting in the rest of the salt. They extracted from the inside an oyster, which they opened and found a large pearl. The man said, "This must be the present which God has sent to Sa'ïd." Then he salted the fish with the rest of the salt, and took out the pearl and sailed safely from Kalàh to Aden. The man then took the pearl to Sa'ïd.18 14 Abü Dulaf; G.R. Tibbetts, A Study of the Arabic Texts Containing Material on South-East Asia (Leiden: Brill, 1979), pp. 39-40 [henceforth Arabic Texts]. Emended. 15 Dr. Michael Bates of the American Numismatic Society has pointed out that the weight of the dirham varied considerably from century to century. 16 Sulaiman; Pelliot, Notes I, p. 555. 17 Abu Zaid; Wheatley, Nâgara and Commandery, p. 236; Tibbetts, Arabic Texts, p. 33. Emended. 18 >4/a'/6 al-Hind; Tibbetts, Arabic Texts, pp. 47-48.

Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula 225 Even though Kalah possessed a silver currency and may have had cowries which served as a measure of value and subsidiary currency in the marketplace, this last passage serves to emphasize that much of the foreign trade with Kaláh was carried on by barter. Other references to Kaláh/Geluo are known, often opposite Zábaj or Fo-shih, each serving to point up the importance of this trading center. Mas'udï (d.956), noted: "Around the countries of Kalâh and Sribuza (=Sriwijaya) are mines of gold and silver."19 Further, Kaláh is the only first millennium port on the Malay Peninsula specifically mentioned in literary sources as the possessor of a monetary system.

A

B

C

D

7.3 Sandalwood Flower coins from Sumatra, [a] Finely executed design typical of gold and electrum Sandalwood flower issues from Sumatra. On issues from the Malay Peninsula (not illustrated), due to the broader flan size, there is a larger area left blank between the design and the edge of the coin. Silver specimens of Sandalwood Flower, Class A coins (ca. 12mm in diameter) are reported from Nakhon Si Thammarat, Suratthani, and Songkhla, while specimens in gold and electrum (8.7-10.9mm) are known from those sites as well as Satingphra. [b, c] Sandalwood Flower, Class B. Struck in gold or electrum on a regular flan 8.5-9.Omm in diameter, weighing 0.72-0.91gm. The indistinct reverse inscription possibly reads pa. Reported chiefly from Barus and Bengkulu (and possibly Muara Jambi) on the island of Sumatra. At least one silver 0.15gm specimen from Barus is known, [d] Sandalwood Flower, Class C. One small gold coin of this class, about 7mm in diameter weighing 0.26gm, was recovered near Barus in the nineteenth century. The inscription apparently reads ma. Source: [a] Millies (1871), 6; [b] Millies (1871), 128; [c] Millies (1871), 129; [d] Millies (1871), 130.

Later coinage on the peninsula, introduced by the eleventh century, shows very close affinities with emissions from Sumatra and Java. It is of the Sandalwood Flower type (fig. 7.3), the earliest specimens of which come from south central Java and date to the late eighth century. It is likely that that type originated there and subsequently spread throughout the region. The Sandalwood Flower tradition was maintained through the thirteenth century until replaced by imported Chinese cash and an Islamic gold coinage first issued in northern Sumatra. 19

Mas'udT; Wheatley, Golden Khersonese, p. 218. Emended. Tibbetts, Arabic Texts, p. 37.

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Finds of gold and silver Sandalwood Flower issues on the peninsula are concentrated in four nearly contiguous Thai provinces: Krabi, Nakhon Si Thammarat, Suratthani, and Songkhla. The coins recovered from these sites are very finely made and closely resemble similar coins found in Sumatra. The obverse contains the character ma (apparently with a long vowel) executed in regular rounded strokes in a script style common between the tenth and twelfth centuries. On the reverse, the die engraver has drawn an incuse square which fills only about half of the available space. A small square in relief remains in the center of the coin. Four lozenge-shaped petals are drawn from the center to each corner of the incuse square. Javanese examples of the Sandalwood Flower type, besides being struck exclusively in silver, are almost always slightly irregular in execution and display a different script style (see figs. 8.3 and 8.4). Small hoards of silver Sandalwood Flower coins from Nakhon Si Thammarat were reported as early as the 1930s.20 Specimens are also said to originate from Suratthani and Songkhla. At least one specimen of the type has been recovered during archaeological excavations at Fustât, Egypt, perhaps carried back by a merchant as a souvenir of his voyage to Southeast Asia. The silver coin weighs 2.09gm. While struck to a standard significantly lower than the 2.4gm Sandalwood Flower coins from Java, it is only marginally higher than the theoretical 1.95gm weight of Kalàh's coinage mentioned above.21 The coin can be assigned to the twelfth century. Gold and electrum Sandalwood Flower specimens are quite common and come most notably from Satingphra.22 They are also reported from Nakhon Si Thammarat, Suratthani, and Songkhla. Two recorded coins are 10.9 and 8.7mm in diameter, slightly larger than the Sumatra gold/electrum Sandalwood Flower series. (No weights are currently available.) Zhao Rugua's thirteenth-century account of trade in the southern seas mentions two of Sriwijaya's tributaries on the Malay Peninsula, Langyasi (Lengasuka) and Dan20

A coinage type from southern Thailand, related to the bullet coinage of Ayudhya and Bangkok, is known as the Ñamo series, found in silver and gold. Although at one time considered genuine, specimens are now thought to be modern fantasies. See Wicks, "Survey of Coinage," pp. 226-29. 21 George T. Scanlon, "Fustát Expedition: Preliminary Report 1978," Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 21 (1984): 7, note 8: "From within the part of this latter impass, at E in XXVh-22, there appeared a true novelty in the numismatic history of Fustât: a silver coin with a countersunk quatrefoil or 'sandalwood flower' (fig. 9-a) and the Sanskrit-derived letter Ma on the reverse (fig. 9-b). This has been identified by Dr. Michael Bates as coming from Sumatra or Java and is probably of the 12th century. This is the first time that an East Indian coin has been found this far west and in an archaeological context, and goes far towards proving how far-flung were the trade connections of Fatimid Egypt." Michael Bates, in "Islamic and South Asian," American Numismatic Society Annual Report 1979, has written about this coin: "One exceptional piece, returned to the U.S. only as a 'mystery' for identification, has turned out to be extraordinarily interesting. A small silver coin (2.085 g, 12 mm; fig. 17), it has been identified by Robert Wicks, one of our 1979-80 Graduate Fellows, as an unusually fine example of a series ... of uncertain attribution, but beyond doubt from Java or Sumatra, most probably of the eleventh-thirteenth centuries A.D. The provenance of this specimen at the foundation level in Fustàt strongly suggests a terminus ante quern for the series in the last quarter of the twelfth century. Although the mediaeval trade between Egypt and India is well documented, as is that of India with Southeast Asia and China, this little coin is the first tangible evidence from Cairo of a mercantile connection between Egypt and the Indonesian archipelago." 22 Jean Boisselier, "Recherches archéologiques en Thailand, " Arts Asiatiques 20 (1969): 69 and fig. 41.

Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula 227 maling (Tambralihga). Each passage contains telling references to exchange relationships. Danmaling . . . collects together such gold and silver vessels as it receives, while Riluoting and the other countries make assorted collections, and these they offer to Sanfoce [Sriwijaya] as tribute.23 Tribute offered by Danmaing and Langyasi to Sriwijaya consisted of gold and silver, the same metals used to mint Sandalwood Flower coinage on the peninsula. The coincidence is probably not fortuitous; it may be significant that other tributaries offered only "assorted collections," possibly providing a clue as to which peninsular centers issued the Sandalwood Flower coinage. An even more illuminating passage in the Zhufanzhi relates to Langyasi: They calculate first the value of their articles according to their equivalents in gold or silver, and then engage in barter of these articles at fixed rates. As for examples, one deng [=tola] of samshu is equal to one Hang of silver or two qian of gold, two deng of rice are equal to one liangoi silver, ten deng being equal to one Hang of gold, and so forth. Annual tribute is offered to Sanfoqi [Sriwijaya].24 The key to the operation of the market is found in the first line, where the value of the articles offered for sale was first calculated in terms of gold or silver, after which time the merchants were allowed to trade at those fixed rates. This is the earliest example, within island Southeast Asia at least, of an extrinsic measure of value being applied to a barter trade. It is also an early instance of administered trade, in which the negotiated aspects of exchanges were severely limited by port authorities. This passage also establishes the exchange ratio between gold and silver in insular Southeast Asia as being 1:5, compared to 1:5 or 1:6 for northern Southeast Asia and 1:10 to 1:12 for Pagan. (A qian was 1/10 of a Hang.)25 In contrast to the relative wealth of foreign literary documentation, only one indigenous source can be used to elucidate monetary developments on the peninsula prior to the fifteenth century. An eleventh or twelfth-century Khmer inscription on the Grahi Buddha, originally from Chaiya in southern Thailand, records the weight and value of metal used to cast the ¡mage. "The weight of the samritis 1 bhara 2 tula [tul] and the value of the gold (used for gilding) is 10 tamlih [tanlih]"26 Weights are expressed in Indian terms and the value is given in Khmer nomenclature. Note, however, that the forms used are irregular. The fact that the inscription mentions the mahâsenâpati of the country (sruk) of Grahi demonstrates that the area was well within the Khmer orbit of administration in the latter part of the twelfth century, the same period that Dvâravatï came under Khmer control. It is not known how widespread was 23

Zhufanzhi; Hirth and Rockhill, Chao Ju-kua, p. 67; Wheatley, Golden Khersonese, p. 67. Emended. 2 *Zhufanzhi; Hirth and Rockhill, Chao Ju-kua, p. 69. Emended. See also ibid., p. 69, note 2 for a discussion of tola as a dry measure or weight. Wheatley, Golden Khersonese, p. 68. 25 Yang Lien-sheng, Money and Credit in China, p. 25. 26 Grahi Buddha Inscription; Georges Coedès, Recueil des Inscriptions du Siam (Bangkok: Vajranana Library, 1929), vol. II, p. 47. Emended.

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the use of Khmer units on the peninsula nor the precise value of the tamlin during this period.

II SUMATRA TO THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY The early history of Sumatra, like that of the Malay Peninsula, is poorly understood. A number of seventh-century inscriptions written in Old Malay, found in various locations around Palembang and elsewhere in southeastern Sumatra and on the island of Bangka, were inscribed by the rulers of Sriwijaya (see fig. 7.1 ).27 The Chinese pilgrim Yijing came to study esoteric Buddhism in the seventh century at a place he called Foshi, presumably the locality known as Shilifoshi and Sanfoqi in later Chinese sources. Arab authors of the tenth and eleventh centuries mention the kingdom of Zâbaj or Sribuza. Each, it is thought, refers to the kingdom known in native records as Sriwijaya. Although there is still considerable controversy over the precise location, nature, and extent of Sriwijaya's power and influence between the seventh and thirteenth centuries, there is a common thread to many of the Chinese and Arab accounts of this kingdom, most specifically a close relationship between status and redistribution. Zhao Rugua, writing early in the thirteenth century, recorded a peculiar custom of Sanfoqi: "When any one in this country is dangerously ill he distributes his weight in silver among the poor of the land, and this is held to be a means of delaying death."28 In a slightly different form, referring to gold rather than silver, the practice of distributing precious metals is detailed by Arab authors. The story is recounted as a custom of the ruler of Zâbaj. The identification of Zábaj with the island of Sumatra is not secure; Tibbetts, for instance, argues that early notices of Zâbaj (to 860) refer to the Sailendras of Central Java, while later notices relate to Sumatran Sriwijaya.29 However the debate may ultimately be settled, there is a certain unity to the Arabic texts which warrants discussing them as a group. The first excerpt is from Ibn Khurdádhbih (ca. 850): 27

Sriwijaya was first conclusively identified by George Coedès in 1918; see "Le Royaume de Çrivïjaya," Bulletin du l'École Française de l'Extrême-Orient! 8 (1918): 1-36 and his "Les Inscriptions Malaises de Çrivijaya," Bulletin du l'École Française de l'Extrême-Orient 3$ (1930): 29-80. The SPAFA reports for 1979 [Final Report, Workshop on Research on Srivij'aya, Jakarta 1979 (Bangkok: SPAFA, 1979)], 1982 [Final Report, Consultative Workshop on Archaeological and Environmental Studies on Snvijaya, Jakarta, Palembang and Jambi, 1982 (Bangkok: SPAFA, 1982)], 1983 [Final Report, Consultative Workshop on Archaeological and Environmental Studies on Snvijaya, Bangkok and South Thailand, 1983 (Bangkok: SPAFA, 1983)], and 1985 [Final Report, Consultative Workshop on Archaeological and Environmental Studies on Snvijaya, Jakarta and Sumatra, 19,85 (Bangkok: SPAFA, 1985)], supplemented by several articles by O.W. Wolters—"Studying Srïvijaya," Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 52, 2 (1979): 1-32; "A Few and Miscellaneous pi-chi Jottings on Early Indonesia," Indonesia 36 (1983): 49-65 [henceforth "Miscellaneous Jottings"]; "Restudying Some Chinese Writings on Srïwijaya," Indonesia^ (1986): 1-41—and PierreYves Manguin, "Études Sumatranaises I. Palembang et Sriwijaya: anciennes hypotheses et recherches nouvelles (Palembang Ouest)," Bulletin du l'École Française de l'Extrême-Orient 76 (1987): 337-402 are extremely helpful for understanding the current status of the Sriwijaya problem. 28 Zhufanzhi; Hirth and Rockhill, Chao Ju-kua, p. 61. 29 Tibbetts, Arabic Texts, p. 28; Jan Wisseman Christie (personal communication).

Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula 229 (T)he Maharaja (of Zâbaj) receives everyday the revenue of two hundred mann of gold. He melts down this money into the form of a brick and throws it into the water saying, "There is my treasure." Part of this money to the amount of fifty mann comes to him from cockfights. One of the legs of the winning cock belongs by right to the king and the winner buys it back by gold.30 Abu Zaid (ca. 916) added illuminating detail to the earlier account: One of the most singular things that we have been told about the island of Zábaj, is that which concerns one of its former kings. This king was called the Maharaja. His palace faced onto a thalaj [estuary] which emanates from the sea This water formed a small lagoon adjoining the palace of the king. Every morning the steward brought before the king a certain number of mannf the amount of which is not known to me. Next, in the presence of the king, the steward throws this brick into the lagoon. At high tide, the water covers this brick and all the other bricks which are placed there, so that they cannot be seen, and when the water goes down, the bricks appear and shine in the sun. When the king gives an audience he sits in a room which overlooks the lake with his face turned toward the water. This custom must never be interrupted; everyday a golden brick is thrown into this lake and as long as the king lives, the bricks are not to be touched. At his death, however, his successor extracts the bricks without leaving any. They are counted and melted down, and the gold is distributed to the princes of the royal family, both men and women, to their children, their officers and their eunuchs, in proportion to their rank and the prerogatives attached to their various functions. Any which remains is given to the poor and the sick. They take care to make a record of the golden bricks and their total weight. It is written down that so and so, the king, had reigned for so many years, and they had thrown so many bricks into the royal lake, and weighing so much; and that after his death these bricks had been divided up amongst the court and the royal family. It was a great honour for the king who had reigned to greatest number of years and had amassed the greatest number of golden bricks.31 Abu Zaid notably referred to the collection of gold bricks as a practice relating, not to the present (that is, the early tenth century) but belonging only to the past. This affectation is usually discounted, as the location of Zàbaj easily suits Palembang as the capital of Sriwijaya. Ibn Sa'ïd (d. 1274) repeated the story with fanciful and confused additions—the estuary became a canal lined with silver, and instead of taking all of the bricks away upon the death of the ruler, one was left to mark his reign.32 In such a way one could count the number of rulers belonging to the dynasty. The fact that stamped gold (as well as silver) ingots are known from central Java but do not appear in Sumatra renders the identification of Zàbaj with Sumatra somewhat problematic.33 Nonetheless, it is possible to identify a number of customs common to both Sumatra and Java, demonstrating a very close cultural (and political) 30

lbn Khurdàdhbih; Tibbetts, Arabic Texts, p. 29. Emended. Abu Zaid; Tibbetts, Arabic Texts, pp. 33-34. Emended. 32 Tibbetts, Arabic Texts, p. 58. 33 Robert S. Wicks, "Monetary Developments in Java between the Ninth and Sixteenth Centuries: A Numismatic Perspective," Indonesia 42 (1986): 42-77. 31

230 Money, Markets, and Trade relationship between the two regions in earlier times. According to an inscription from east Java dated to 1037, for example, the king earned revenue from the cockfight and collected his due in gold, signaling parallel administrative practices in Sriwijaya and later Java.34 In this regard, a comment by de Casparis on the phrase danclakudanda (rendered as "are fined by me with fine") in the Sumatran Telaga Batu inscription becomes even more significant. He noted that the term occurs later only in east Javanese inscriptions of the tenth century. "The occurrence of exactly the same expression in a Sriwijaya text dated some three centuries before the oldest Old Javanese example ... makes it very probable that the whole phrase was borrowed from the administrative system of Sriwijaya."35 The Telaga Batu inscription also provides a possible Sumatran source for the gold bricks story. An oblique reference to a royal treasury is found in verses 8-9. "Besides—if... you induce my harem women to get knowledge about the interior of my palace and get into contact with those who transport gold and property . . . you will be killed by the curse."36 One aspect emphasized by Abu Zaid was that the glow of the gold would have emanated from the face of the Maharaja during audiences. A fragmentary inscription, also from Tëlaga Batu, refers to the glory of a victorious ruler: "The rays of the sun are obscured (lit. "put aside") by the essence (sâra) of something which is illegible,... the next word candra suggests a simile in which the poet's task of praising the king is compared to somebody trying to glorify the sun during an eclipse."37 This fulfills the same objective as Zábaj's ruler facing the lake filled with golden bricks during audiences—the wealth and status of the ruler was associated with accumulation of precious metal which in a very literal sense glorified him. The earliest dated inscription in Java (AD 732) also equates the splendor of the ruler with the color of gold which has been through the refiner's fire. Sanjaya, who ruled on the island of Java, the latter "abundantly supplied with rice-grains and other seeds and goldmines . . . (while he) has the splendour of the bright colour of the gold that has been smotten in the flaming fire... ,"38 The degree of continuity between Sriwijayan and later Javanese administrative practices is also found in the names of officials recorded in the Telaga Batu inscription, such as nâyaka and pratyaya, which, unlike Indian practice, often occur together in Old Javanese inscriptions.39 Nâyaka was earlier encountered in the seventhcentury Chinese account of Chitu where the son of the ruler served in this capacity as the chief liaison with Chinese emissaries. De Casparis considers naya/cato have been "administrators of the properties of the king and of other members of the royal family," perhaps entailing some revenue collection functions.40 Waniyâga (merchants) also ^Kelagen stone inscription (959S); OJO, LXI; N.C. van Setten van der Meer, Sawah Cultivation in Ancient Java: Aspects of Development during the Indo-Javanese Period, 5th to 15th Century (Canberra: Australian National University Press, Oriental Monograph Series 22, 1979), p. 127. 36 J.G. de Casparis, Prasasti Indonesia II. Selected Inscriptions from the 7th to the 9th Century A.D. (Bandung: Masa Baru, 1956), p. 27 [henceforth Selected Inscriptions]. ^Telaga Batu Inscription; de Casparis, Selected Inscriptions, p. 39. 37 Fragmentary Telaga Batu Inscription (c); de Casparis, Selected Inscriptions, p. 10. 38 Stone Inscription of Sañjaya (654S); Himansu Bhusan Sarkar, Corpus of the Inscriptions of Java (Calcutta: Mukhopadhyay, 1972), vol. 1, p. 20 [henceforth Inscriptions of Java]. 39 de Casparis, Selected Inscriptions, p. 19. 40 lbid.,p. 19 and p. 37, note 5.

Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula 2 31 appear. De Casparis has pointed out that although this is a mis-spelling for wanyàga, the same error occurs later in an Old Javanese inscription.41 The redistribution of precious metals by the rulers of Sriwijaya provides a clue that other aspects of the economy were monetized using a metallic currency. The earliest certain indication of this trend is an eleventh-century description of money-changers at Sriwijaya (Zâbaj): Yunus ibn Mahrân al-Sïràfï, the merchant, who had been to Zábaj, said to me, 'in the city where the Maharaja, the king of Zábaj resides, I have counted up to eight hundred money-changers, without taking into account those who live in other streets.'42 In all likelihood, visiting merchants were required to change their foreign monies into local currency, a practice that would be followed by a number of Southeast Asian kingdoms in later centuries. The requirement that foreign merchants use only local currency permitted strict control over the money supply and allowed the Sriwijayan ruler to profit from the minting of coin, a tariff on its conversion, and a favorable rate of exchange, similar to what we have already witnessed at Langyasi. This same author gives some indication of "official" piracy on the part of Sriwijaya's governors, one of whom demanded "a levy of twenty thousand dinars as right of passage, before he would allow [the ship's captain] to continue his voyage to China."43 A further indication of the amount of control exercised by Sriwijaya over the sale and export of goods is found in the Chinese work Pingzhou ketan of the latter part of the eleventh century: In recent years Sanfoqi has established (its own) monopoly in sandalwood. The ruler orders merchants to sell it to him. The cost of the product (therefore) increases several times. Foreign merchants do not dare to purchase it privately. This is a clever system.44 Sriwijaya was possibly copying the Javanese and Balinese practice of compulsory purchases (called pamli), first documented in Old Javanese and Old Balinese inscriptions of the tenth and eleventh centuries. (See Chapter Eight.) From the perspective of both Arab traders and Chinese merchants, the eleventh century was a time of administrative consolidation for Sriwijaya. According to O.W. Wolters, beginning in the latter part of the eleventh century, Sriwijaya's ruler most likely lived at Muara Jambi on the Batang Hari, having moved his residence from Palembangby 1079.45 41 42

Ibid., p. 20.

'Aja'ib al-Hind;T\bbetts, Arabic Texts, p. 46. 43 >4yaV/?a/-H/Du(;Tibbetts, Arabic Texts, p. 44. Emended. 44 Pingzhou ketan; Wolters, "Miscellaneous Jottings," p. 62. 45 O.W. Wolters, "A Note on the Capital of SrTvijaya during the Eleventh Century," in Essays Offered to G.H. Luce by his Colleagues and Friends in Honour of his Seventy-Fifth Birthday, Volume I, Papers on Asian History, Religion, Languages, Literature, Music Folklore, and Anthropology, ed. Ba Shin, Jean Boisselier, and A.B. Griswold (Ascona, Switzerland: Artibus Asiae, 1966), pp. 225-39.

232 Money, Markets, and Trade

It is likely that Sriwijaya began issuing its own coinage sometime in the eleventh century following the shift of the capital to Jambi (see fig. 7.3). Support for this argument derives from the fact, that while no specimens of native coinage have been reported from the vicinity of Palembang, three gold Sandalwood Flower coins have been recovered from Candi Gumpung at Muara Jambi, the first recorded find of native Sandalwood Flower coinage on the east coast of Sumatra. Boechari has concluded that "originally Candi Gumpung was built in the middle of the 9th to the beginning of the 10th century, and was enlarged—at least once—in the 11th-12th centuries AD. This conclusion is colloborated [sic] by the find of Chinese ceramics in the Gumpung compound which mostly dated from the Sung period."46 The reliquary deposit (which is of Tantric orientation) would have been made during the second temple enlargement of the eleventh or twelfth century, a dating confirmed by a study of inscriptions from the site.47 It is likely (although not certain) that the enlargement of Candi Gumpung would have taken place following the move of the Sriwijayan capital in 1079. The 6mm coins are of an undetermined variety, but display the finely executed four-petaled flower on the obverse, characteristic of Sumatran and peninsular issues. In this light it could well be significant that it was in 1079 that the Sriwijayan ruler completed the purchase of rice fields to endow a temple in Canton, a project first initiated in 1070, for a total cost of 600,000 gold cash (jinqian)*8 The question which arises, but must remain unanswered for the present, is whether jinqian referred to the square-holed cash piece minted in gold (such as were occasionally issued under the Tang), or if it referred instead to an Indonesian gold coinage such as the Sandalwood Flower pieces recovered from Muara Jambi. Zhao Rugua's account of Sriwijaya-Jambi during the early thirteenth century provides additional insight into Sriwijaya's economy.49 Zhao noted that people living "scattered about outside the city, on the water on rafts of boards covered over with reeds" were exempt from taxation.50 He does not tell us how the taxes were assessed nor in what form they were collected. Zhao does, however, describe Sriwijaya's currency at that time: They have no stringed copper cash, but use chopped off lumps of silver in their business transactions.51 It appears that Zhao was attempting to distinguish Chinese cash coins, which were cast, from the thicker and slightly less regular coinage struck between dies found in Sriwijaya. It is necessary to point out, however, that because Zhao does not furnish a complete description, we cannot be certain if he is referring to an actual coinage, such 46

Boechari, "Ritual Deposits of Candi Gumpung (Muara Jamty)," in Final Report, Consultative Workshop on Archaeological and Environmental Studies on Snvijaya, Jakarta and Sumatra, 1985 (Bangkok: SPAFA, 1985), p. 238. 47 Machi Suhadi, "Inscriptions from Muara Jamty," in Final Report, Consultative Workshop on Archaeological and Environmental Studies on Snvijaya, Jakarta and Sumatra, 1985 (Bangkok: SPAFA, 1985), pp. 257-62. 48 Tan Yeok Seong, "The Sri Vijayan Inscription of Canton (A.D. 1079)," Journal of South East Asian History 5, 2 (1964): 17-24. 49 See Wheatley, Nàgara and Commandery, p. 246. He writes, "In 1225 ... the capital of Sanfo-ch'i (usually believed at this time to have been in the vicinity of Jambi). . . ." 5 ®Zhufanzhi; Hirth and Rockhill, Chao Ju-kua, p. 61. 5 ^Zhufanzhi; Hirth and Rockhill, Chao Ju-kua, p. 60.

Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula 233

as the Sandalwood Flower series, or to unmarked lumps of silver. The mention of silver rather than gold parallels the statement of his with which we began this section. Silver coinage, however, is relatively rare in Sumatra. The only significant find has been some 79 silver pieces of undetermined description found in 1904 on the southwestern coast at Kru, Bengkulu.52 It is also of interest to note in this connection that the 1079 Sriwijayan mission to China was rewarded with gifts of 30,000 strings of Chinese copper cash and 10,500 liangol silver.53 The final passage of Zhao Rugua's early thirteenth-century account of Sriwijaya (Sanfoqi) concerns large-scale export trade: The foreign traders who gather together in this country give in exchange gold, silver, porcelain-ware, silk brocades, skeins of silk, silk gauzes, sugar, iron, samshu, rice, dried galangal, rhubarb and camphor.54 The first two items on Zhao's list of imports into Sriwijaya are silver and gold, providing a clue to the extent to which the internal economy of Sriwijaya was dependent upon the accumulation and redistribution of precious metals from external sources in order to maintain political and economic control of a diverse population. It is equally significant that this large-scale international commerce, in contrast to internal exchange, was a barter trade. Turning now to coinfinds in Sumatra outside Sriwijaya's southern centers of Palembang and Muara Jambi, we find that indigenous issues concentrate on the western coast facing the Indian Ocean—Barus and Bengkulu—while imported coins are most common in the northeast, at Kota Ciña. The major finds of gold Sandalwood Flower coins have been made near Barus on the west coast, long regarded as a source of camphor of the highest grade. By the middle of the eighth century, Barus (known at the time as Langpolustto the Chinese) formed the northern administrative center of Sriwijaya, which was at that time "a double kingdom" with two separate administrations.55 (It is uncertain how long this situation was maintained.) Traces of a single-letter inscription (pa) is visible on these pieces which could well be a reference to the QQlusi/Emsur/Qarus toponym (fig. 7.3 [b,c]). The coins are struck on a regular 8.5 to 9.0mm flan with a finely executed Sandalwood Flower design similar to specimens from Muara Jambi and the Malay Peninsula.56 Weights of the gold coins range from 0.72 to 0.91 gm, while a silver specimen of the variety weighs 0.15gm. At least one small gold coin, about 7mm in diameter and weighing 0.26gm, was also recovered near Barus (fig. 7.3 [d]). The inscription (ma) is remarkably clear and nearly the same as Class A coins dated to the early ninth century from Java. (This singular find could indicate that the Sandalwood Flower coinage was adopted in some parts of 52

Wicks, "Ancient Coinage of Mainland Southeast Asia," p. 219. Edmund Edwards McKinnon, "Kota Ciña: Its Context and Meaning in the Trade of Southeast Asia in the Twelfth to Fourteenth Centuries" (PhD dissertation, Cornell University, 1984), vol. 1, p. 107; Hirth and Rockhill, ChaoJu-kua, p. 81, note 16. 53

54

Zhufanzhi; Hirth and Rockhill, Chao Ju-kua, p. 61.

55

X/n Tang S/7L//O.W. Wolters, Early Indonesian Commerce (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1967), pp. 17 and 191; John N. Miksic, "Classical Archaeology in Sumatra," Indonesia^ (1980): 59. 56 Sandalwood Flower coin finds on Sumatra are discussed in Wicks, "Survey of Coinage," pp. 219-20.

234

Money, Markets, and Trade

Sumatra prior to the eleventh century.) The denomination represented by the Barus coins is uncertain, however, and is to be distinguished from the 0.60gm kupang unit commonly found in contemporary issues from Java. Bengkulu, in the southwest, has also produced gold Sandalwood Flower specimens similar to the first group of gold coins from Barus, an indication, perhaps, that the two centers were involved in the same trading circuit.57 As was noted earlier, an uncertain number of silver coins, most likely of the Sandalwood Flower type, have also been reported from Bengkulu. Excavated specimens of Chinese cash in Sumatran sites are quite scarce.58 The notable exception is Kota Ciña on the northeastern coast of Sumatra where more than a thousand cash, primarily of the Northern Sung period (960-1176), have been recovered. The international character of Kota Ciña is further affirmed by the appearance at Kota Ciña (as surface finds) of copper coins of late twelfth and early thirteenth century from Srï Lanka, seven ascribed to Sahasa Malla (1200-1202) and one of Queen Lîlâvatï (1197-1200).59 No native Southeast Asian coin issues have been recovered from the site. The precise function of the Chinese cash is as yet undetermined, although Ed McKinnon, excavator of the site, believes that, "The significant quantity of copper cash recovered at Kota Ciña thus appears as a reflection of their use as a medium of exchange rather than a source of metal for industrial purposes."60 Arab authors described how trade in other parts of the western archipelago was carried out. Ibn Khurdádhbih, of the ninth century, noted that, "In this sea are also found a race of white people who ... barter ambergris for iron which they carry in their mouths >l61 And at Langabálüs, according to the Akhbâral-Sïn wa'1-Hind (ca. AD 850), the people engaged in silent barter: ... (the people) do not speak Arabic or any other language spoken by the merchants . . . the men come out to meet ships in their canoes made from a single tog of wood and bring coconuts, sugar-cane, bananas and toddy . . . from the coconut palm.... The inhabitants exchange these things for iron. Their exchanges are carried out with signs, since they understand no language. These men are 57

One or two gold specimens of the pa and ma varieties of Sandalwood Flower coins have been reported in Java. On a pa coin, see E. Netscher and J.A. van der Chijs, De Munten van Nederlandsch Indie (Batavia: Lange, 1863), Plate 12, no. 120 and Henricus C. Millies, Recherches sur les monnaies des indigenes de l'archipel Indien et de la péninsule Malaie (The Hague: M. Nijhoff, 1871), Plate 1, no. 6. On thé ma variety, see John Miksic, Old Javanese Gold (Singapore: Ideation, 1990), p. 105. 58 McKinnon, "Kota Ciña," vol. 1, pp. 108 and 111. The paucity of Chinese cash finds from Indonesian archaeological sites may be misleading, as coin dealers have salvaged ancient Chinese coins by the ton from Indonesian and Thai waters. Werner Burger, Ch'ing Cash until 1735 (Taipei: Mei Ya Publications, 1976), for example, was able to complete his study of early Ch'ing cash, "Only [with] the generous friendship of Mr. Lau Chi Man of Hong Kong ... who imported cash as scrap metal from Indonesia.... During the last years I have sorted out a total of 70 sacks of 1000 kg each, which makes approx. 7 tons ... about 2 million cash." (p. 16) Whether this abundance of cash applies to earlier centuries as well needs to be investigated. For a listing of Chinese cash finds from Java, see Wicks, "Monetary Developments." 59 McKinnon , "Kota Ciña," vol. 1, p. 111. 60 lbid., p. 109. 61 Ibn Khurdadbih; Tibbetts, Arabic Texts, p. 28.

Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula 235 very clever swimmers, and sometimes rob merchants of their iron without giving anything in exchange.62 An early eleventh-century source, the 'Aja'ib al-Hind, recorded that in Nias, "They buy ingots of copper at a very high price and use them instead of gold, for this is as durable among them as gold is among us. But gold has no value among them and they treat it no better than we do copper." And in some islands beyond Nias, called Barâwa, "They keep skulls and use them as articles of exchange."63

Ill THE RISE OF ISLAM: NORTH SUMATRA IN THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY Gold was often used as a medium of exchange in northern Sumatra. Marco Polo, for instance, at the end of the thirteenth century, noted that Fansur camphor, "the best which can be found in the world," was "sold by weight for the same amount of fine gold."64 (See fig. 7.1) Odoric of Pordenone, in the early fourteenth century, remarked that in northern Sumatra, "there is great abundance of produce; it is a great market [mercatojior pigs and fowls and for butter and rice, and ... here also gold and tin are found in great abundance."65 A similar comment was made by Ibn Battüta towards the middle of the century, who noted that in trading at Samudra-Pase they used, "pieces of tin and native gold, unsmelted."66 By the early fourteenth century, that is, contemporary with Odoric but some decades before Ibn Battüta, we find the first Islamic gold coinage at Samudra-Pase (see fig. 7.4). This event marks the end of the Classical Period in Indonesia and the rise of northern Sumatra as a major economic force in the region. Why did Ibn Battüta not mention the presence of coinage in north Sumatra during his visit? First, it should be noted that the preference for gold and tin was remarked by Odoric some decades before Ibn Battüta, and that the rulers of Samudra-Pase were issuing tin as well as gold coinage by the early 1400s, only half a century after Ibn Battüta's visit. These facts lend authenticity to Ibn Battüta's report which might otherwise be dismissed as hearsay. A likely reason Ibn Battüta did not mention the presence of a gold coinage at Samudra-Pase is that, during the fourteenth century, coinage was issued primarily as a means of declaring the sultan's right to rule and would not have entered the marketplace frequented by foreign traders, being distributed instead as largesse among the populace. Some basis for this assumption is to be found in the Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasa/, completed about 1390, which provides valuable descriptions of gift giving in the Q2

Akhbaral-Sm wa'l-Hind;T\bbens, Arabic Texts, p. 26.

^Ajâ'ib al'HindT\bbe\\s, Arabic Texts, p. 45. Tibbetts further notes that in recent times skulls were used as part of the "marriage price" in central Nias. ^Description of the World; Moule and Pelliot, Marco Polo, p. 376. See Pelliot, Notes II, pp. 661—70 for a discussion of the toponym. 65 Odoric of Pordenone; Sir Henry Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither, vol. 2 (London: Hakluy Society, 1913), p. 150. Emended. 66 lbn Battüta; H.A.R. Gibb, Travels in Asia and Africa, 1325-1354 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1929), p. 273; Hall, Maritime Trade, p. 221.

236 Money, Markets, and Trade

A

B

7.4 Samudra-Pase coin issue of Muhammad (d. 1326?). [a]-[b] Obverse: Muhammad malik al-zahir. Reverse: al-sultàn al-adil. "Muhammad the Victorious King, thé Just Sultan." the 9.5-11 mm gold coins are struck to the 0.60gm kupang standard. The inscriptions are generally abbreviated, making it difficult to make out the name of the ruler. Perhaps intended to promote immediate recognition, the reverse design has an almost heraldic quality. Source: Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge.

archipelago.67 One feature of the text is that gold and silver frequently appear together. (Recall the passage provided earlier about gold and silver mines in the vicinity of Zábaj.) One story relates that traps placed in a river teeming with fish were found filled with galley-worms. Merah Silu was not discouraged by their appearance and pronounced them a blessing from God: " . . . the galley-worms turned into gold lemas] and their spume into silver [perak]. So great wealth came to Merah Silu."68 Later Merah Silu gave those who had assisted him "pieces of gold and silver [emas dan perak]... .>>69 Following his conversion to Islam, Merah Silu became known as Maliku'l-Saleh (alMalikal-Salih, "The Pious King") of Samudra. He died in 1297. In a description of Merah Silu's wedding to Princess Genggang of Perlak, gold and silver again occur together: After the wedding the king gave presents [anugerahjoi fine clothing to his chiefs. To the poor and needy of the city he distributed alms, pieces of gold and silver [emas dan perak]. To Tun Perpateh Pandak he gave robes of the finest Q7

Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasa/; A.M. Hill, trans.,Hikayat Raja-raja Pasa/, Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 33, 2 (1960): 40. The final episode, recounting the fortunes of Majapahit, was written sometime later. A noted anachronism is the use of rial, referring to the eight real pieces current in the archipelago from the seventeenth century. See Hill, Hikayat Raja-raja Pasa/; pp. 161 and 205, note 206. 68 Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasa/; Hill, Hikayat Raja-raja Pasa/, p. 113. 69 Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasa/; Hill, Hikayat Raja-raja Pasa/, p. 114. Hill's translation reads, "paid the people (for their services) with pieces of gold and silver" even though there is no word with the connotation of "pay," only "give."

Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula 237 material, and all the people who came with Tun Perpateh Pandak he rewarded [anugerahi] with gold and silver [emas dan perak]70 At least twice in this account, the term used to describe Maliku'l-Saleh's gifts is anugerah, from the Sanskrit anugraha, meaning "gift" or "favor," a term applied to the distribution of agricultural produce in other sources.71 Here it is used with reference to gifts of precious metals. Sumatra had a number of alluvial deposits which provided the metal necessary for Samudra-Pase's coinage. The Hikayat Raja-raja Pasa/ relates that a man from the Kalinga region of South India proclaimed to Maliku'l-Saleh that he had the ability to smell gold. After rewarding the man "with a full set of clothing as was customary," the party set off to a location where, "They found gold in great quantities, the product of some five mines. It was brought before the Sultan, who was very pleased to become the possessor of so much gold."72 Given the fact that the striking of coin was one of the prerogatives of Islamic rulers, it is surprising that coinage is not specifically mentioned in the Hikayat Raja-raja Pasa/. At least some gold used to mint Samudra-Pase's coinage came from abroad. In the fourteenth century north Sumatra's chief exports to the Chinese were laka-wood, cranes' nests, and cotton. The imports ("goods used in trading") by the Chinese were, cotton stuffs, porcelain-ware, and gold, followed by iron-ware, iron in bars, and silver.73 The earliest gold coinage from Samudra-Pase is ascribed to Sultan Muhammad (d. 1326) of Pase, the first ruler to use the title malik al-zahir— The Victorious King, which appears both on his gravestone and on surviving coins (fig. 7.4). His coinage established a type that was to last until after the fall of Pase to the Portuguese in 1521,74 Malik al-zahir also appears on the coins of Ahmad (1326-45) and Zain al'Abidin (d. 1403 or 1405?). The international thrust of Samudra-Pasai's activities is vouched for by the recovery of two coins of Zain al-'Abidin in pristine condition from a ca. 1424 reliquary deposit at Ayudhya, Thailand. The early fourteenth and fifteenth-century coins of Samudra-Pase were struck in relatively pure gold and have a flan 9.5-11 mm in diameter with beaded borders on the obverse and reverse. Occasional specimens, such as coins of Zain al-'Abidin (ca. 1403/5) and Ahmad (uncertain dates) were struck on a thinner 12.5-14mm planchet, presumably due to their longer legends. Coin weights, while slightly irregular, ranging 70

Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasa/; Hill, Hikayat Raja-raja Pasa/, p. 123. Emended. See, for example, Th. Pigeaud, Java in the Fourteenth Century, vol. 3 (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1960), p. 34; Hill, Hikayat Raja-raja Pasa/, p. 62. 72 Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasa/; Hill, Hikayat Raja-raja Pasa/, p. 123-24. 73 See W.W. Rockhill, "Notes on the Relations and Trade of China with the Eastern Archipelago and the Coast of the Indian Ocean During the Fourteenth Century," T'oung Pao 16 (1915): 129ff. 74 On the Islamic gold coinage of northern Sumatra see J. Hulsoff Pol, "De Gouden Munten (Mas) van Noord-Sumatra," Jaarboek voor Munt- en Penningkunde 16 (1929): 1-32; H.J.K. Cowan, "Bijdrage tot de kennis der gescheidenis van het Rijk Samoedra-Pase," Tijdschrift voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 78 (1938): 204-14; C. Scholten, "De gouden munten (mas) van noord-Sumatra (Addenda)," Jaarboek voor muni- en penningkunde36t 2 (1949): 176—79; T. Ibrahim Alfian, Mata Uang Emas Karajaan-Karajaan di Aceh (Aceh: Seri Penerbitan Muséum Negeri Aceh, nomor 3, Projek Réhabilitas!' dan Perluasan Muséum Daerah Istimewa Aceh, 1979), and Wicks, "Survey of Coinage," Chapter Seven. 71

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Money, Markets, and Trade

from 0.51 to 0.68gm, are equivalent to 1 kupang, a 0.60gm unit borrowed from the Javanese. By the early fifteenth century this gold coinage would become one of the staples of Southeast Asian commerce. IV

THE MALAY PENINSULA AND THE CHINA TRADE OF THE THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH CENTURIES At Qaqulla, a locality on the Malay Peninsula, Ibn Battüta (ca. 1345-46) found administrative practices echoing those of Sriwijaya nearly three hundred years previously: . . . a number of junks (were) preparing to make piratical raids, and also to deal with any junks that might attempt to resist their exactions, for they impose a tribute on each junk. We went ashore to Qaqulla, which is a fine town with a wall of hewn stone, broad enough for three elephants to walk abreast on it. The first thing I saw outside the town was elephants bearing loads of Indian aloes, which they burn in their houses and which fetch the same price as firewood with us or even less. That is when they are selling amongst themselves; to the merchants on the other hand they sell a load of it for a roll of cotton cloth, which is dearer in their land than silk... .75 The large-scale commercial trade between China and the Malay Peninsula in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, as in previous centuries, was carried on through barter. Zhao Rugua during the thirteenth century, and Wang Dayuan in the fourteenth, provided elaborate lists of the goods used by the Chinese as they bartered for local aromatics, drugs, and other goods (fig.7.5). In the thirteenth century the chief exports from the Malay Peninsula were varieties of gharuwood, lakawood, and ivory. During the fourteenth century the exports consisted mainly of lakawood, varieties of gharuwood, hornbill casques, and tin (fig. 7.6). Changes of imports into the Malay Peninsula are more significant. In the thirteenth century, the chief imports were porcelain vessels, rice, and alcoholic spirits. By the fourteenth century these imports had shifted dramatically to cotton cloth of all descriptions from Champa, Java, Hainan, and elsewhere, porcelain bowls, iron and copper vessels, and pongees. A possible explanation for the dramatic increase in the demand for cottons can perhaps be explained by their use for exchange purposes, as noted by Ibn Battüta, as well as for marriage payments in the fourteenth century. In Danmaling (Tambralihga), for example, "In their marriage arrangements they use satins, brocades or a measure of tin."76 The fact that rice and spirits were no longer listed could indicate alternative sources for these items, influenced perhaps by the growing importance of Majapahit as a regional trading center, effectively eliminating the Chinese from markets under Javanese control. 75

lbn Battüta; Wheatley, Golden Khersonese, p. 226; Tibbetts, Arabic Texts, p. 65. Emended. DaoyiZhiliu; Wheatley, Golden Khersonese, p. 77.

7Q

Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula 239

7.5 Articles in the Malay Peninsula-China Trade during the Thirteenth Century. Dengliumei

Danmaling

Lingyasijia

Foluoan

X

X

X

X

ivory

X

X

X

lakawood

X

Pengfeng

Exports from the Malay Peninsula "native products" Varieties of gharuwood

Bee's-wax

X

X

X

camphor

X

X

rhinoceros horn

X

X

cardamom

X

X

ebony lac

X X

sandalwood red kino gum

X

Imports into the Malay Peninsula "Foreign traders barter for them with . . ." porcelain vessels

X

X

X

rice

X

X

X

spirits

X

X

X

gold and silver

X

Hechi silk

X

sugar

X

earthenware bowls

X

parasols and umbrellas

X

salt

X

X X X

wheat

X

iron

X

lacquer-ware

X

Source: Wheatley (1961), p. 74.

X

240

Money, Markets, and Trade

7.6 Articles in the Malay Peninsula-China trade during the Fourteenth Century. Danmaling

Xialaiwu

Pengkeng

Jilan- Ding- Longdan jialu yaxijiao

Longyamen

Ban zu

**X

X

Exports from the Malay Peninsula "Indigenous products" lakawood Varieties of Gharuwood hornbill tin camphor Bee's-wax betel-nut cotton tortoise shell turtle carapaces honey sapanwood daibai perfume

X X X X X X

X

X

X

X X X

X X X X X

X

X X X

X **X

X X X X X X

X

X X X

Imports into the Malay Peninsula "The goods used in trading . . ." cottons porcelain bowls iron and copper cauldrons pongees gold musical instruments beads earthenware bowls wooden combs drums lacquer-ware blue satin spirits tin iron wire chijin (coins)

X X

X X X

X X

X

X X

X X

X X

X X

X X X

X X X

X

X

X X X

X X X

X X X X X X

** "Neither fine products nor rare objects come from here (Longyamen). All are obtained from intercourse with Quanzhou traders. . . ."

Source: Wheatley (1961), p. 87.

Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula 2 41

V CONCLUSION: VALUATIONAL CONCEPTS AND MONETIZATION IN SUMATRA AND THE MALAY PENINSULA The earliest native coinage on the peninsula, influenced by mainland types of Burma and Thailand, appeared on both sides of the isthmus, at Nakhon Si Thammarat and Krabi in southern Thailand. These sites (along with a number of others) served as intermediate staging points for the flow of commercial traffic between East and West in the first few centuries AD. Silver (and possibly cowries) was used at Geluo/Kaláh during the seventh century, following trends observed for the mainland. The only valuational term preserved in a native record is the Khmer tamlih, again originating from a mainland source. By the eleventh century the coinage of Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula followed an insular model, the Sandalwood Flower series found in Java since the eighth century. The adoption of this coinage probably coincided with the shift of Sriwijaya's capital from Palembang to Muara Jambi in 1079. Beginning in the latter part of the eleventh century Sriwijaya also exercised greater control over trade through the regulation of currency exchange and state monopolies on selected exports. The focus of power on Sumatra had shifted to the northern coast by the early fourteenth century. The Islamic center of Samudra-Pase formed a community not only of religion but also of commerce, issuing Southeast Asia's first Islamic coinage by the 1320s. This new coinage was struck to a standard in common use throughout the archipelago, the 0.60 gram kupang. Lengths of cloth were used as media of exchange, measures of value, and means of payment in portions of the Malay Peninsula. Other goods (such as copper and human skulls, the last a "special purpose" money?) were used as exchange media in other parts of the western archipelago, particularly those areas relatively unaffected by developments in the major commercial centers. There is no simple explanation for the intermittent and discontinuous nature of monetary developments on the Malay Peninsula and Sumatra, a monetary history for insular Southeast Asia as anomalous as that of Cambodia and Champa for the mainland. One particularly vexing issue has to do with the fact that the coin metrology adopted on the Malay Peninsula and Sumatra prior to the fourteenth century remained distinctive from either Javanese or mainland practice, even though the cointypes followed previously established design conventions. A recent description by Stanley J. O'Connor of Sriwijaya as a "confederation of harbor principalities" goes far, I think, to help explain the highly localized and discontinuous (both geographically and chronologically) nature of monetary developments on the Malay Peninsula and Sumatra.77 As international commerce ebbed and flowed, so would have the power of regional centers, not to mention their ability to strike a standardized coinage. The lack of a continuous centralized political administration would therefore explain, at least partially, the paucity of coinage on Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula. A related concern has to do with why surviving coin series did not adhere to weight standards in use elsewhere in Southeast Asia until the emergence of Samudra-Pase. The early Sandalwood Flower coinage, like that from Java, was most likely intended to facilitate religious and administrative transfers and did not 77

Stanley J. O'Connor (personal communication).

242 Money, Markets, and Trade

necessarily find a place in international commerce. As Michael Bates has commented: "Coins are not minted because they are needed for commerce, they are minted because there is enough bullion or foreign coin to make it profitable to open a mint."78 Consequently, if these coins were intended only for local consumption, there would have been little incentive to follow the metrological standards of Java or the mainland. Even the gold coinage of Samudra-Pase, struck to the 0.60gm kupang standard of Java, was at first a localized issue intended to serve as a symbol of sovereignty. It took nearly a century for this coinage to become accepted as an international trading currency throughout the archipelago. 78

Michael Bates (personal communication).

8

MONEY AND SOCIETY IN JAVA, BALI, AND THE EASTERN ARCHIPELAGO

he appearance of a silver Sandalwood Flower coinage in south central Java at the end of the eighth century provides the earliest indication of monetized transactions in insular Southeast Asia. Subsequent indigenous coinage on the island (struck in silver and gold) issued between the ninth and thirteenth centuries is much more widespread, found in central and east Java as well as Bali. This early coinage was primarily intended to facilitate administrative and religious transfers and was limited to high-value transactions. There were periodic attempts to introduce low-value base-metal coins on the part of the Javanese; however these efforts met with little success until the wholesale adoption by Maj'apahit of Chinese copper cash in the latter part of the thirteenth century. The transition to the use of Chinese cash as a measure of value, means of payment, medium of exchange, and even as a unit of weight, was to have a profound impact on the Javanese economy. Elsewhere in the eastern archipelago we find little evidence for the monetization of economic transactions. In the thirteenth century, elaborate procedures were developed to promote inter-cultural trade, each involving some degree of explicit valuation. The only area known to have adopted a coinage outside of Java and Bali prior to 1400 is the Philippines, where a gold Piloncito coinage (similar to that found on Java) was current between the tenth and twelfth centuries.

T

I JAVA (AND OTHER PARTS OF INDONESIA) BEFORE AD 800: DÀNADHARMA, THE LAW OF THE GIFT The yùpa (or sacrificial post) inscriptions of king Mulavarman from East Kalimantan and the Tugu Rock inscription of western Java are ascribed on palaeographic grounds to the first half of the fifth century (fig. 8.1). These are isolated records, followed only by the appearance of donative inscriptions from central Java in the seventh and eighth centuries. Although distant from one another in terms of geographical space, the fifth century inscriptions share a common motivation, namely the "law of the gift." The yùpa inscriptions of Mulavarman, as has been pointed out on a number of occasions, are significant in that they combine the megalithic tradition of erecting stone monuments at sacred sites with the ritual action of Brahmanism in order to promote Mulavarman as paramount chief. At the same time these inscriptions provide us with the earliest examples of gift giving in the archipelago.

244

Money, Markets, and Trade

8.1 Java, Bali, and the Eastern Archipelago.

Java, Bali, and the Eastern Archipelago 245 The first yûpa inscription of Mülavarman was erected to commemorate a bahusuvarnaka sacrifice, "that on which gold is spent in profusion."1 If the inscription can be taken literally, it points up the value of gold in the Southeast Asian world of the fifth century.2 Another records that Mülavarman "had given a gift [dânam]ot a thousand kine and a score the twice-born (i.e. the brahmanas)... (consequently) for that deed of merit [punyasya]\h\s sacrificial post [yupojhas been made "3 A third inscription is similar: Let the foremost amongst the priests and whatsoever other pious men (there be) hear of the meritorious deed [punyamjot Mülavarman the king of illustrious and resplendent fame—(let them hear) of his great gift [bahudâna], his gift of cattte (?) [¡ivadana], his gift of a wonder-tree [kalpavrksam], his gift of land [bhùmidâna]. For these multitudes of pious deeds [punyaganamjlhis sacrificial post has been set up by the priests.4 It is the duty of men of prowess to give liberally of their substance so as to acquire greater wealth and status, thereby initiating an endless cycle of giving at all levels of society. It is also imperative that these meritorious deeds be property recorded. In the second and third inscriptions, there is an expressed linkage between the giving of gifts (daña) and the acquisition of merit (punya). To record these pious acts a sacrificial post (yûpa) was erected. What we have, then, is action on the temporal plane that was meant to have eternal impact in the sense that Mülavarman was building his field of merit. Viewed in terms of the transaction types identified in Chapter One, we are dealing with linked transfers within the context of an economic theology. Value in such instances is generally not stated explicitly, although it is clear that there is a perception that ultimately the benefits will be greater than the sacrifice. And, as van Naerssen has pointed out, although the religious gift is at the forefront when we consider only the surface meaning of the inscriptions themselves, "for king Mülavarman the sacrifice 1

Mulavarman's First Yupa Inscription; F.H. van Naerssen, and R.C. longh, The Economic and Administrative History of Early Indonesia (Leiden: Brill, 1977), p. 20; J. Ph. Vogel, "The Yupa Inscriptions of King Mülavarman from Koetei (East Borneo)," Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 79 (1918): 213. 2 Jan Wisseman Christie, "Patterns of Trade in Western Indonesia: Ninth through Thirteenth Centuries A.D.," (PhD dissertation, University of London, 1982) points up a number of discrepancies between the literary descriptions and the reality of Kalimantan. "The case of the yûpa inscriptions of Mülavarman in East Kalimantan is particularly striking, since the contents are so out of keeping with the context in which the inscriptions must have been written. They speak of the characteristically Indian gifts to Brahmins of land, ghee, sesame seeds and cattle in a context in which they must have been virtually meaningless. Judging from Mülavarman's genealogy, he was apparently a ruler of indigenous ancestry and culture, as were his subjects. In this forested region, the major wealth of which probably derived then as later from the gold trade, land in itself was not valued in the same way that it was in parts of India ... the gift of twenty thousand head of cattle listed in one inscription, and a possible seventy thousand more in another are so improbable, in a thinly populated region without traditions of cattle herding, as to indicate that the gifts actually presented were probably the ritual equivalents of these items of value in the Indian system.... The indigenous political elite for whom these inscriptions were engraved cannot either have been able to read the script or have understood the language in which they were written...." (pp. 26-27) 3 Mulavarman's Second Yupa Inscription; Vogel, "Yupa Inscriptions," p. 214; with additions. 4 Mulavarman's Third Yupa Inscription; Vogel, "Yupa Inscriptions," p. 215; with additions.

246

Money, Markets, and Trade

performed by the priests was a means of raising his status and tor the priests to gain substantial material recompenses: cattle and land/*5 A slightly different message is presented by the fifth century Tugu Rock Inscription of Purnavarman, ruler of Tarumá in west Java, recording the digging of a canal or river. Following twenty-one days of labor, the water began to flow "... after having been endowed by the Brahmanas with the gift [daksina] ot a thousand cows/16 It is to be noted, first, that daña (gift) is not used in this inscription. In its place is daksina, referring to an "honorary gift" made to a temple or religious leader.7 Although van Naerssen interprets this passage to mean that "On that occasion the brahmins were presented with 1000 cows,"8 it is clear that, while the cows may ultimately have come into the possession of the religion, doubtlessly they were, at least symbolically, dedicated to the river (perhaps some were sacrificed and eaten during ritual feasting) as an offering to the gods in order to ensure the success of the canal-building project. The offering was made before the water began to flow. With the exception of the Tuk Mas stone inscription (assigned to between the sixth and seventh century), the epigraphic record is silent until the time of Safijaya, who, in AD 732, issued the earliest surviving dated inscription from the island of Java. The language of his inscription, like those of Mulavarman and Purnavarman before him, is Sanskrit. Concerning Sanna, the father of Saftjaya, the record emphasizes that "... by means of conciliation and gift [daña], (Sanna) ruled the subjects in a proper way, out of attachment, just like a father (taking care of) the child from his very birth and who with his enemies subdued, protected the world for a long time with justice like Manu."9 This passage introduces three key concepts: first, that Sanna achieved his status as a ruler through meritorious deeds; second, that the ruler has a responsibility to look after the physical welfare of his subjects (thereby justifying his share of agricultural revenue),10 and, third, that his legitimacy is ensured through reference to Indian authority, specifically Manu. The description of Sañjaya in this inscription expresses similar ideas about kingship: While he is ruling the earth . . . people can sleep on the road-side without being startled by the thieves or by other fears. And men, rich in fame, always earned in 5

van Naerssen, Economic History, p. 19; emphasis added. Tugu Rock Inscription; van Naerssen, Economic History, pp. 23-24; Himansu Bhusan Sarkar, Corpus of the Inscriptions of Java, 2 vols. (Calcutta: Mukhopadhyay, 1972), 1: 6; Paul Wheatley, Nàgara and Commandery, p. 87. 7 Daksina is often found in Khmer inscriptions of the tenth and eleventh centuries, e.g. K.258, K.42Ó, K.89 and K.349. See, J.C. Heesterman, "Reflections on the significance of the Daksina," Indo-lranian Journal, 3 (1959): 241-58; M. Monier-Williams, A Sanskrit-English Dictionary, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1899), p. 465. 8 van Naerssen, Economic History, p. 23. 9 Canggal Stone Inscription of Sañjaya (654S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol., p. 20. Emended. 10 Sachchidanand Sahai, "Fiscal Administration in Ancient Cambodia," The South East Asian Review 1, 2 (1977): 131-32, discusses different theories of taxation in the Indian literature. He notes: "The Khmers did not favour the theory of the dharmasastras which regards tax as the remuneration of the king for the protection of his subjects On the other hand, another school of the dharmasastra that considers the collection of taxes as a right of the king since he is master of all, appears to have been in vogue in the Khmer kingdom." (p. 131 ) 6

Java, Bali, and the Eastern Archipelago

247

plenty (the three aims of life, viz.,) religion, worldly prosperity and the objects of desire.11 This material prosperity, however, was not due to man's earthly efforts alone, but through the good graces of Brahma "who has fixed the regulations of the world to the post of the Vedas; who is the source of religion, worldly prosperity and desire;... may he... reward you with success!"12 Just as the supreme ruler received assistance from the gods in promoting his affairs upon this earth, so did lesser rulers (the rakarayân in later records) make offerings to the king in order to gain favors from him. In one record of the late eighth century from Candi Plaosan in south central Java, "... the subordinate chiefs bearing fruits and lotuses, restless to be given to him, surround him as their dearest person."13 What we find, then, is an endless cycle of giving, initiated at the top, but which was to permeate all levels of society with a common goal, the preservation and continued prosperity of the kingdom. The earliest recorded examples of the establishment of religious endowments appear in south central Java at the end of the eighth century, setting a pattern that would be maintained throughout the Hindu-Javanese period. Such religious endowments would be referred to as sTma in Old Javanese-language inscriptions of a slightly later period, a word often translated as "free hold," implying a tax-free status, but which actually involved the transfer of tax rights from the ruler to the religion. On an auspicious day in AD 760, an image of Kumbhayoni was installed in a temple. At that time Land, well-fed cows, together with herds of buffaloes, with male and female servants at the front—(all these) were given by the king to provide for the caru and ftaws-offerings, oblutions and worship of the foremost of the great seers as well as a big rest-house for the guests of the twice-born class.... At the end of the record the king stressed that if his relatives and ministers "[had] a revolting attitude towards the king's gifts" (i.e. would like to appropriate them for their personal benefit), they would go to hell. If, on the other hand, they saw fit to "augment the gifts" and performed "meritorious acts like the making of gifts, performances of sacred rites and the study (of the sacred lore),—may they protect the kingdom just like the (present) king."14 It is here, at the very end of the record, that we gain insight into the real motivation behind the installation of the image of the goddess and the donation of property to the religion—to ensure the continued prosperity and success of the realm. A second record from south central Java, dated to AD 778, begins with the words, "... may she, Tana, the only guiding-star of the world, grant you (your) desire 11

Canggal Stone Inscription of Sañjaya (654S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, p. 21. Canggal Stone Inscription of Sañjaya (654S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, pp. 19-20. Emended. An identical motivation is found in the Këlurak inscription of AD 782, which records that "This (¡mage of) Manjusrï, expressive of the glory of the incomparable Sugata ... was established by guru (i.e. preceptor) of the king for the welfare of the world." (p. 45) 13 The Stone of Candi Plaosan; Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, p. 48 (xii). Emphasis added. 14 Dinaya Stone of Kañjuruha (682S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, pp. 28-29. Emended. 12

248

Money, Markets, and Trade

(consisting of) the best part of the wealth [vibhüti, 'great abundance,' 'superior power'] of the celestial and the mundane worlds." It then goes on to detail the activités of the Sailendra kings to assure Tárá's continued favors: the making of an image of the goddess as well as the building of a temple for her, and a dwelling-place for monks of the Mahayana persuasion. In order to support the assembly of monks, The village named Kâlasa was bestowed on the congregation, after calling as witnesses the notable persons such as pangkur, tawan, tirip and the headmen of villages. By the lion of kings was also bestowed on the congregation this incomparable gift in ample measure [bhuridaksinâ] which is to be protected by kings of the Sailendra-dynasty, by the nobility, by pangkur and his followers, tawan and his followers, tJrip and his followers, pati's and all religious persons (for all ages).15 Bhuridaksinà occurs in the same place as pasèk-pasëk in later Old Javanese inscriptions. Both terms carry the meaning of "gifts in ample measure," referring to the distribution of gifts to witnesses following the demarcation of a sfma.16 "Through the merit [punya] accruing from (the construction of) the vihâra, may all people who are subject to the three forms of existence .. . obtain a true insight... ."17 The inscription ends with a final plea for future kings to "maintain the vihâra in a proper way." Several elements of this dedication are found in later s/Tna-grants, including: 1) the transfer of tax obligations of a specific corporate entity (here the village of Kalasa) to the religious order; 2) the calling of witnesses, chiefly consisting of ranking officials, to ensure their approval and support of the grant, and to compensate them for any loss of revenue; 3) the distribution (here unspecified) of gifts to those involved in the proceedings; and 4) a request to maintain the grant as originally intended. A number of irregular silver (rarely gold) ingots and the earliest variety of silver Sandalwood Flower coins (ascribed on palaeographic grounds to the late eighth century) have been recovered from south central Java (figs. 8.2 and 8.3). The 2.40 gram (masa) silver coins are inscribed in a script known as Early NágarT.18 Only four stone inscriptions are written in this style; all are from south central Java and date to the third quarter of the eighth century. Two dated inscriptions in this group from 15

The Stone oí Kalasan (700S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, pp. 37-38. Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, p. 40, n. 41. 17 The Stone of Kalasan (700S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, pp. 37-38. 18 J.G. de Casparis, Indonesian Palaeography (Leiden: Brill, 1975), pp. 35-37. On the coinage, see Wicks, "Survey of Coinage," pp. 237-38. Because a script style promoted by Pàla rulers of northeastern India was used on Java's earliest coinage (of the late eighth century), it is tempting to look to the Palas as a possible conceptual source for Javanese coin designs as well. The Pâla kings, however, are not known to have issued their own coinage. (See Chapter Three.) 16

Java, Bali, and the Eastern Archipelago

249

A

B 8.2 Irregular stamped silver ingots from Java, [a] (39x27mm, 28.25gm) Flowing vase design on obverse, Sandalwood flower reverse, [b] (23x18mm, 17.58gm) Sesame seed-like beads with central member on obverse, similar to gold Piloncito coinage (see fig. 8.20[a]). The majority of these pieces, of irregular weight, have been found in central Java. (See discussion in text.). Source: [a] Millies (1871), 1,9, Museum voor Land- en Volkenkunde, Rotterdam; [b] Millies (1871), 1,11, Museum voor Land- en Volkenkunde, Rotterdam.

A

B

C

D

8.3 Sandalwood Flower, Class D coinage from south central Java. [a]-[d] On the obverse a four-petaled flower with irregularly executed petals is placed in an incuse square. The reverse reads ma, written in Early Nâgarï. A notable feature of this writing style is the use of triangular headmarks and exaggerated vertical strokes, giving a heightened effect to the letters. The lower ends of the vertical strokes taper to a point and curve slightly to the right. Weights are extremely regular, from 2.3 to 2.5 grams, with a majority of specimens weighing 2.4gm or 1 màsa. The 9-1 Omm flan is thick and slightly dumpy in appearance. The silver appears to be relatively pure. The precise geographical distribution of this class is unclear. Source: [a] Millies (1871), 1,13; [b] Millies (1871), 1,14; [c] Millies (1871), 1,15; [d] Millies (1871), 1,16.

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Money, Markets, and Trade

Kalasan (AD 778) and Kâurak (AD 782) belong to the Sailendra dynasty, making it likely that they were also responsible for the Sandalwood Flower coinage discovered in the region. The precise function of this coinage remains uncertain, although it is likely that it was distributed as alms or gifts following the establishment of a slma. An exchange function is unattested. II NINTH AND TENTH CENTURY JAVA

a. THE EARLY NINTH CENTURY One of the most significant changes in copper-plate grants issued during the first half of the ninth century is that they were no longer written in an imported literary language (Sanskrit), but were inscribed in Old Javanese.19 A representative example is a grant of AD 824, at which time the rakarayânoi Patapân, Pu Palar, along with his wife, established a slma. The yield (winihnya) of the land contained within the sïma was calculated as measures of grain expressed in hamatand wha. Witnesses to the transaction each received, according to his/her status within the community, takurang cloth, rings (simsim), and a digging stick (suhan-suhan). These gifts were occasionally supplemented (again according to status) by various other goods, including, in one instance, a curved chopper (lukai), axe (wadung), dagger (kris), and a pick-axe (patuk).w A similar procedure is mentioned in the Stone of Trui Tepussan II, of AD 842. The yield (winihnya) of the slma fields was again measured in hamatrt grain. Witnesses to the establishment of the slma, more than thirty in all, each received various goods, including a set of hamarawuor éiwakidang cloth, and various implements, such as hatchets and /cr/s.21 It is apparent from the content of the lists of goods distributed that they were practical items, meant to serve the personal needs of the recipients. The cloth and implements, some of which no doubt were imported, would have been welcome additions to the material inventory of the community. As was noted earlier, the major consequence of the establishment of a slma was that the ruler no longer maintained his former tax rights. Tax collectors (manguala drabya haji), first recorded in the early ninth century, were specifically prohibited from entering the precincts of a slma. In a grant of AD 819, from central Java, "... the rakarayànoi Garung communicated his orders to sang pamgai (of) Amrati (viz.) Pu Managgungi, that the duty of each of the subordinate ones of the collectors of royal taxes [manguala drabya haji]\s (that they) shall not meet (certain individuals)... in their village. (They) shall never meet them for the collection (?) of royal dues... ,"22 Following the establishment of the s/mathe manguala drabya haji were to refrain from entering the free-hold. The following dues were no longer to be collected: 19

The oldest dated Old Javanese record from central Java is the Copper Plate Munduan, from Temanggung, dated 728S, not yet fully published, followed by the Stone of Dieng of 731S. [Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, p. 49-52]. 20 The Stone of Kayumwungan (746S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, pp. 71-73. 21 Stoneof Trui Tepussan II (764S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, pp. 105-107. 22 Copper-plate of Garung (741 S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, p. 54.

Java, Ball, and the Eastern Archipelago 251 (a) dues collected from ramas—village elders.23 (b) dues collected from rumwan—possibly a tax collector connected in some way with precious stones.24 (c) dues collected from banyàgâ bantal—"a class of (foreign?) merchants with p/7o//-freights."25 (d) dues collected from hunjamman—possibly a "collector of royal taxes from foreigners."26 (e) dues from manghuri—"a court officer charged with the reading (and) writing of letters."27 (f) dues from senamukha—unclear function, possibly having to do with the army.28 (g) dues from tuha dagang—"hawkers."29 (h) dues from mapakkan—"a market superintendent."30 The precise nature of the dues remains unspecified, a perplexing characteristic of Old Javanese charters. It is likely that, during this period, taxes were collected in kind, although the presence of a silver coinage as noted above renders the precise form of tax payments somewhat problematic. It is also notable (even though appearing at the bottom of the list) that market exchange was considered significant enough to require regulation. b. MONETIZING TRENDS DURING THE LATE NINTH AND EARLY TENTH CENTURIES The end of the ninth century marks a time of transition in Java's administrative and political structure. As van Naerssen has pointed out: When we read the pras'aste-^which were deeds of land grants written on stone or bronze—it strikes us that the main characteristics in their contents differ but little from the reign of king Balitung onwards until the end of the Hindu-Javanese period. Before that time however, they were more heterogenous. . . . So beyond any doubt, the inscriptions issued before and those issued from king Balitung's 23

Copper-plate of Garung (741 S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, p. 54; see F.H. van Naerssen, "Tribute to the God and Tribute to the King," in Southeast Asian History and Historiography, ed. C.D. Cowan and O.W. Wolters (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1976) and Jan Wisseman Christie, "Raja and Rama: The Classical State in Early Java," in Centers, Symbols, and Hierarchies: Essays on the Classical States of Southeast Asia, ed. Lorraine Gesick (New Haven: Yale University Southeast Asia Studies, Monograph Series No. 26, 1983), pp. 9-44 for discussions of rama. 24 Copper-plate of Garung (741 S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, p. 54, n. 5. Jan Wisseman Christie (personal communication). 25 Copper-plate of Garung (741 S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, p. 54, n. 6. 26 Copper-plate of Garung (741 S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, p. 54, n. 7. 27 Copper-plate of Garung (741 S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, p. 55, n. 8. 28 Copper-plate of Garung (741 S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, p. 55, n. 9. 29 Copper-plate of Garung (741 S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, p. 55, n. 10. 30 Copper-plate of Garung (741 S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, p. 55, n. 11.

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Money, Markets, and Trade

reign onwards (end ninth century) reflect... a different character in the administrative system.31 One of the major changes which took place in the late ninth century was that the position of the maharaja or paramount ruler ceased to be tentative, as it had been in earlier times, and took on an institutional character, allowing for both continuity and greater control over economic resources. "Just as several wanuas co-operating under a raka could accomplish a great deal more than if they had. each acted on an individual basis, so the supervision of a maharaja could lead to much greater achievements. Hence the possibility of building more temples and constructing large-scale public works."32 As will be demonstrated below, however, there are indications that significant changes in the way economic transactions were carried out took place even before Balitung. THE STANDARDIZATION OF WEIGHTS AND MEASURES It is during the second half of the ninth century that we first find evidence in Javanese inscriptions for the adoption of standardized money units to value land purchases and assess administrative payments.33 The system of weights and measures used in Java and Bali from the ninth through thirteenth centuries (and in some isolated cases even beyond), while basically Indian in form, reveals a number of indigenous elements. The major units of weight included the following: 1 kati= 16(?) suwarna 1 suwarna = 16 mâsa = 64 kupang 1 màsa = 4 kupang 1 atak = 2 kupang 1 kupang = ? saga This weight system was a combination of Indian and Indonesian components—kâti, kupang, atak, and saga were indigenous terms, while suwarna and mâsa had Indian origins. Another weight unit was the Indian dhârana, probably equivalent to the suwarna, used exclusively to express quantities of silver. In Javanese inscriptions (and in later records from Bali as well) the weight units referring to quantities of silver or gold were expressed in abbreviated form. Was was 31

van Naerssen, Economic History, pp. 40-41. lbid, p. 41. Compare, however, the view of Jan Wisseman Christie, "Negara, Mándala, and Despotic State: Images of Early Java," in Southeast Asia in the 9th to 14th Centuries, ed. Marr and Milner, pp. 65-93 [henceforth "Despotic State"]. 33 Two of the earliest inscriptions showing influence of the Old Javanese monetary nomenclature, are the AD 840 copper-plate grant of Kuti and the AD 860 Kañcana charter from East Java. These are unfortunately known only from later reissues. The Kuti charter, with its wealth of anachronisms, is not considered in this study. The earliest original charter with evidence of Old Javanese monetary units is the fragmentary Bulai inscription of AD 860 from Central Java. Jan Wisseman Christie (personal communication). 34 Jan Wisseman Christie has proposed that the atak was equal to two kupang. (personal communication) Sandalwood Flower coins weighing 1.1-1.2gm., or two kupang, were recovered near Yogyakarta in the 1920s. It is interesting to note that atak also means "200" and possibly refers to an equal quantity of Chinese cash. (See below.) 32

Java, Bali, and the Eastern Archipelago 253 the Indonesian term for "gold," "golden," and "wealth."35 Pirak meant "silver" and it, along with mas, often presented the idea of "money" in transactions. In the following examples (and throughout the remainder of this section) weight units are underlined, with commas placed between the units in order to make it easier to mark the divisions: masks 2, su7,wâ3, pirakrnâ 1 "2 kati, 7 suwarna, 3 mâsa of gold (and) 1 mâsa of silver" Some inscriptions, particularly those inscribed after the first quarter of the tenth century, abbreviated más to ma, resulting in what, at first glance, appears to be an impossible sequence:

makaJ,sLL 12, ma 10 "7 kàti, 12 suwarna, 10 masa of gold" Kâ is thought to refer to kati, sixteen (or possibly twenty) times the weight of the suwarna; the former equivalency is followed in this study. Some writers have interpreted kàas kârsa, a unit equivalent to the suwarna, which appears unlikely when kà and su occur together (as in the preceding example). Further, the full form of kati does appear in some Old Javanese charters. I am not aware of kârsa in any records from Java or Bali.36 Gram equivalencies can be assigned to the suwarna, mâsa, and kupang units, making it easier to comprehend the quantities of precious metals involved in economic transactions: suwarna = 38.601 gm masa= 2.412 gm kupang = 0.603 gm Although these figures were originally based upon an analysis of weights prevalent during the time of the Dutch East India Company (VOC), it can be demonstrated that these equivalencies apply equally to the ancient period. Evidence for their longevity is based upon a study of two sources: actual examples of ancient Javanese and Balinese coinage, and surviving weights. The most common unit mentioned in the early inscriptions of Java and Bali is the ma or mâsa (see fig. 8.3). The recorded weights of silver Sandalwood Flower coins from south central Java dating to the late eighth or early ninth century support the reconstructed 2.4 gram figure for the mâsa?7 WEIGHT (in grams) NUMBER OF SPECIMENS 35

2.2 0

2.3 2

2.4 10

2.5 1

2.6 0

PJ. Zoetmulder, Old Javanese-English Dictionary, (The Hague: Nijhoff, KITLV, 1982), p. 1124. 36 W. Stutterheim, "Transcriptie van een Detecte Oorkonde op Bronzen Platen uit het Malangsche," Oudheidkundig Verslag (1928), p. 107. For the translation of kà as kârsa, se,e Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, 2:110 [Inscription of Kinewu on an Image of Ganesa (829S)]. 37 Wicks, "Survey of Coinage," pp. 232-33.

254 Money, Markets, and Trade In addition to weighing approximately 2.4 grams, these silver coins also contain an inscription reading ma (they are called ma-muntjes by Dutch writers), confirming the fact that on the island of Java in the ninth century the mâça was equivalent to approximately 2.4 grams. (These coins are particularly significant as they pre-date the appearance of monetized transactions in Old Javanese inscriptions by at least sixty years.) A find of 126 gold coins of the Piloncito type (see fig. 8.10) from Gianyar on the island of Bali further supports the 2.4 gram valuation for the masa, stressing the metrotogical unity of Java and Bali:38 WEIGHT (in grams) NUMBER OF SPECIMENS

2.0 0

2.1 1

2.2 6

2.3 10

2.4 64

2.5 45

2.6 0

Beginning in the late ninth or early tenth century, the Javanese issued silver and gold coins in multiple denominations. Sandalwood Flower Class F coins, for example, were struck in three denominations: 13-14mm coins of this class weigh 2.2-2.4 grams (mâsa), while smaller 11-12mm specimens weigh 1.1-1.2gm (half a masa, 2 kupang, or 1 ate/c), with 10-11 mm coins struck to the standard of 1 kupang (0.4O.Ggm) (fig. 8.4),39 As each denomination contains the same inscription, it is apparent that, over time, the ma imprint came to signify any officially issued coin. The weight unit kupang first appeared in Javanese inscriptions from port areas, suggesting that the introduction of minor coin denominations into the Javanese economy was at least partially due to the impact of international trade.40 A number of stone and metal weights have also been recovered, principally from central Java, offering additional evidence that the ancient Javanese standardized their weights and measures (fig. 8.5).41 The weights, which are flat circular disks with a trapezoidal cross-section, often show signs of having been drilled following their manufacture, indicating that it was necessary to bring the weight within the official standard. Surviving weights can be divided into eight groups on the basis of the clustering of their gram equivalencies: GROUP WEIGHT (in grams) EXAMPLES

a 4 1

b 9 3

c 16 1

d 36-42 7

e f 68-79 180-195 6 2

g 365 1

h 1150 1

Groups a, b, and c are multiples of the basic mâsa unit, representing 2 ,4, and 6 mâsa respectively. Group d weights apparently represent the suwarna (confirming the 38

"Gewicht der in Gianjar (Bali) gevonden gouden Hindoe-munten," Oudheidkundig Verslag (1929), Bijlage B, pp. 18 and 72. 39 Wicks, "Survey of Coinage," p. 239. 40 Jan Wisseman Christie (personal communication). 41 A.N.J. a Th. van der Hoop, "Oude gewichten in het Museum," Tijdschriïi voorlndische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 76 (1936): 463. Representative examples are to be found in the Museum Pusat, Jakarta.

Java, Bali, and the Eastern Archipelago 255

A

B

C

8.4 Sandalwood Flower, Class E coinage. [a]-[c]. Class E coins constitute the main goup of Sandalwood Flower coins from Java. The coins are considerably larger than Class D, with specimens 13-14mm in diameter, struck on an irregular cup-shaped flan. Weights are also variable, ranging from 2.1 to 2.4gm. The calligraphic style of these coins differs considerably from the first group. Headmarks are no longer present. The strokes are all of roughly equal thickness with no tapering. The geographical distribution of Class E coins includes central and eastern Java. (See discussion in text.) Class F coins (not illustrated) are similar to Class E with the addition of a bubbly obverse surface texture. The silver appears to be heavily alloyed with copper. A notable development within Class F is the adoption of three denominations: the13-14mm, 2.2-2.4gm masa, 11-12mmf 1.1-1.2gm atakor2 kupangp\ece, and a 1011 mm, 0.4-0.6gm kupang coin. Class F coins are reported from central and eastern Java as well as the island of Bali (rnasa unit only). Source: [a] Millies (1871), I, 20; [b] Millies (1871), I, 22; [c] Millies (1871), I, 23.

8.5 Ancient Javanese weights. (See discussion in text.) Source: van der Hoop (1936), p. 463.

256

Money, Markets, and Trade

reconstructed value of 38.6 grams noted earlier), while groups e, f, and g are 2, 4, and 8 multiples of the suwarna unit.42 The extent to which the early rulers of Java and Bali standardized the weights and measures within their territories is further indicated by inscriptions of the tenth and eleventh centuries. The first is from east Java and probably dates to the reign of Airlangga in the early eleventh century. The decree specified that All former htu [measures?] used by them [the merchants] will now be forbidden. In the case of pepper, one kulak measure must henceforth weigh one kâti. One kulakoi pepper will always be measured in this manner. As for fennel, one kulak must also weigh one kâti. As for the coriander, jamuju, wungkudu, beans, and salt cakes, for each of these, as of old, a kulak weighing one sukat will be used as the basis of the salaran levy.43 The kulak was a measure of volume. In the early fifteenth century, Ma Huan reported the the Javanese "cut off a bamboo to make a s/rang; this is one gula [kulak]; (and) it equals one sheng eight ge (in terms of) the official shengof China [zhongguo]"*4 Two inscriptions from Bali are also relevant. The Sembiran inscription of AD 922 specified that sesame cakes paid to the storehouse were to be equated at "20 guñja per kupang according to the weights of the inspector of weights and measures."45 A second inscription, of AD 975, is a royal order by the Balinese ruler Srî Janasâdhu Warmadewa, where he specified that the rice levy was to amount to "... 6 guñja in accordance with the guñja of the inspector of weights and measures... .'l46 The gunjat like the kulak, was a measure of volume. It is not known if, prior to the tenth century, Javanese and Balinese rulers enforced standardization of weights and measures through the promulgation of official edicts such as those just noted. No earlier examples have survived. It is unlikely, however, that officially established equivalencies between measures of volume and measures of weight (note especially the one-to-one correspondences in the first passage) would have been imperative prior to the extensive use of gold and silver as expressions of monetary value, a transition which took place in the second half of the ninth century. THE MONETIZATION OF EXCHANGE The copper-plate inscription of Kaficana (found near Surabaya in east Java) of AD 860 records the command of the maharaja Lokapala to the rakryàn Kanuru and Pu Dharm42

The Javanese apparently preferred multiples of 2, a tendency which is also noted in the amounts of gold distributed to ranking individuals following the dedication of a sima. During the early tenth century when multiple units of gold or silver were distributed, the amount was almost always in multiples of 2—2,4, 6, or 8 ma of gold, for instance, or 2, 4, or 8 ma of silver. [A.M.B. Jones, Early Tenth Century Java from the Inscriptions (Dordrecht: Foris Publications, 1984), p. 34.] 43 Copper-Plate of Manañjung; Christie, "Patterns of Trade," pp. 506-7. *4YingyaiShenglan;J.\/.G. Mills, Ma Huan, Ying-Yai Sheng-Lan 'The Overall Survey of the Ocean's Shores'[1433] (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), p. 96 (emended); Christie, "Patterns of Trade," p. 511, n. 18. 45 Copper-Plate of Sembiran AI (844S); Christie, "Patterns of Trade," p. 537. 46 Copper-Plate of Sembiran All (897S); Christie, "Patterns of Trade," p. 543.

Java, Bali, and the Eastern Archipelago 257 masakti to establish a sJma in favor of a Buddhist gentleman at Bodhimimba. The foundation, to be inherited by his children, received the taxes which would have formerly gone to the maharaja. "The foundation alone is the authority over all of its royal charges.... The foundation and the community are the (sole) authority over all."47 The collectors of the king's due were not allowed into the foundation. Further, an allowance was made for artisans and merchants to be present within the confines of the sima, without fear of taxation outside of any obligation to the sïma itself. If, however, they exceeded a certain number they would then be subject to payment of the drwya haji. bronze-(smiths), wire-makers, weapon-maker/metal-casters, shield-makers, one smith each (is free from charges); bananten-cloth dealers, vegetable dealers, akata(t), merchants, lakhawood dye dealers, two each is the number. Above that limit, taxes [drwya haji]w\\\ be collected [pupwanajby those who have authority over enclosed territories [sang makekeran]... ** In order to establish the sïma, the "Reverend gentleman at Bodhimimba" . . . obtained lands against the payment of 7 kàti 12 suwarna (and) 10 mâsa in gold [ma¿a 7, su 12, nia 10] to the parawargga-s of Bungur South. Each of the parawargga-s who sold [dumoU their lands: the atuha of Vuswan (viz.) Bañak trang; the pamajâtuha (viz.) Bañak Kancing; the pamajanwam (viz.) sang Intip; the Kabayan (of) Umbil (viz.) Ananggung; the winkas (viz.) (s)ang Kwek; above all, the chief buyut(v\z.) Kaki hadyan Lalawun. Such is the number of the parawargga-s who sold [dumwal\ their lands. The measurement of their sawah-fields is 20 tëmpah, including gardens, compounds, low and high places, all!49 A second land purchase was also made: Moreover, there is the ground of (the village of) Kuryyak, to the northern side of (the place) called Asana. (This) was taken possession of by the Rev. gentleman for 2 kàti 10 màsa of gold [ma kâ2,mâ 10]. The measurement of its sawaMield is 2 tempah 1 jông, including gardens (and) compounds.50 Although preserved in a fourteenth-century copy of a ninth-century charter, these examples constitute the earliest documented exchange transactions from Java. Previously, the existence of exchange (in contrast to linked transfers) could only be inferred from notices of markets and market personnel in inscriptions of the early ninth century. The word for "sale," found in the first passage, is dwalor dol, here 47

Copper-plate of Kañcana (782S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, p. 149. Copper-plate of Kañcana (782S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, p. 149. Emended by Jan Wisseman Christie. Zoetmulder, Old Javanese-English Dictionary, p. 839, prefers to render makekeran as "enclosed territories," rather than "forbidden goods" as suggested by Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, I, p. 162, n. 70. 49 Copper-plate of Kañcana (782S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, p. 143. Emended. 50 Copper-plate of Kañcana (782S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, pp. 143-44. Emended. 48

258 Money, Markets, and Trade rendered as dumo/and dumwalm its active transitive verbal form. It is the same word used to describe sales in the local marketplace.51 Another transaction, recorded in the AD 878 copper-plate inscription of Mamali, introduces the Old Javanese term for purchase, wli, here rendered as winli'm its passive verbal form: land of the garden belonging to the united body of the ramas of Mamali under Mamali was purchased [winli] by Rakarayan i Sirikan for 1 kâti of gold [mâskâ 1] (for) the freehold of the temple of Gunung hyang... ,52 In some instances land was exchanged for land: "A sawah-tietí was also marked out by him . . . against the exchange [panghli, from hli, "exchange, replacement"] of lands (acquired) for his funerary temple."53 At least two terms with money-like connotations appear in the 870s. The fact that they apparently occur no more than once is an indication that the decades following AD 860 were a time of transition in the development of Old Javanese monetary concepts. The copper-plate grant of Waharu of AD 873, for example, utilizes a phrase not known to occur elsewhere in Javanese inscriptions, namely pirak panumbas, or "money as sale-price." Such is the number of the famous ramanta-s of Vaharu who personally took in their own hands and received the money as sale-price [pirak panumbas] (from) sang hadyan Kuluptiru (for) the lands (of the free-hold), the grand total [mahapinda] (of the sum being) 38 kâti of gold [mala 3B/.54 Pirak panumbas combines the word for "silver" (pirak) with "that with which one buys" (panumbas, from tumbas, "to buy"), even though the payment was in gold, i.e. ma kà 38, or 38 kâti of gold. This is a clear signal that by the third quarter of the ninth century, if not earlier, the Old Javanese word for "silver" (pirak) was synonymous with "money." 51

Jan Wisseman Christie (personal communication) notes that "Bodhinimba didn't buy the land freehold; he obtained it through a transaction known as dwal/dol waruk, which was some sort of conditional sale, the nature of which is not clear. Early Javanese charters speak of three kinds of land transaction: freehold sale (dwal Ipas), land-pawning (dwalsanda) and this third, dwal waruk, so it does seem that land was viewed as a commodity with which one could raise funds in cash by more than one means—which in turn, I think, argues for a,fairly sophisticated approach to money." On dwal, see also the Ferry Charter of AD 1358 (1280S), where sales by bearers of pikul-loads (pikulpikulanya) is rendered dwal. [Th. Pigeaud, Java in the Fourteenth Century, 5 vols. (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1960-63), 1:111.] Other inscriptions dating from AD 860 onward are also monetized. The Taragal inscripton, for example, records the sale of "the sawah land at Taragal measuring 1 lamwft and 2 tampah, as well as the waste land (Imah sukèt)—all the land of Ruhuntan in the watèk of Trub which is to be converted into houseland (pomahan) for those caring for the sawah and the rice produced. The size of the piece of wasteland is. ... The purchase price of 1 kati and 1 suwarna in gold asked by the anak wanua (village members) at Ruhuntan for the sawah and waste land was paid." [Christie, "Patterns of Trade," p. 140; transcription not available.] 52 Copper-Plate of Mamali (800S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, p. 216. Emended. 53 Pillarof Srï Mángala (Candi Asu) [796S]; Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, p. 195. Emended. 54 Copper-plate of Waharu (795S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, pp. 190-91 (emended); Sarkar translates kà as kàrsa.

Java, Bali, and the Eastern Archipelago

259

Another term with connotations of a physical money, found only in a single inscription dated to the 870s, is ekapinda wyaya or "lump sum for expenses." The copper-plate of Mulak I of AD 878 notes that "... the father of Kayï (offered) a lumpsum for the expenses [ekapinda wyaya] ot marking out the free-hold "55 Pinda, found also in the inscription of AD 870 immediately above, is Sanskrit and refers to "sum" or "total," while wyaya (byaya) is a Sanskrit term meaning "expenses" or "cost."56 In the early tenth century we also find terms apparently describing physical monies. The copper-plates of Sangsang (AD 907), for example, specified that "... the gold of the united body of the wahuta-s shall be 2 suwamas\o be lavishly spent [hinawuha, uncertain translation] in amusement."57 In another instance, a jayapattrat or legal decision, of AD 922, was "... written on copper, against the payment of money [arthahetohjby the dang acaryya of Grih."58 This is one of the few times the Sanskrit word for money, artha, appears in Old Javanese inscriptions. (It is possible, however, that artha here refers to "for the benefit of" or "at the direction of" the dang acaryya of Grih, having nothing to do with artha as money.)59 And, in the east Javanese inscription of Kinevu, on the back of an image of Ganesa, "costs disbursed in 'confirmation gold' [mas pagehjwere 3 kàti 1 suwarna," reminiscient of the pasekpageh ("confirmation gift") in the second half of the ninth century.60 The Old Javanese word for "to purchase" or "to buy" (tumbas or tebus) is found in grants of the late ninth century.61 Panumbas (or tumbasan) meaning "that with which one buys" has been noted in connection with a record of AD 873.62 During the tenth century the term appears in the copper-plate of Taji issued by Balitung in AD 901 : "... (the giving of) 2 kupangot gold [mas ku 2] as money to buy [panumwasa] incense [hasap] destined for the god at Raja >l63 The presence of coinage would have greatly facilitated the aforementioned transactions. Silver coinage, it will be recalled, first appeared at the end of the eighth century. An indigenous gold coinage became widespread by the second half of the ninth century when an understanding of money-as-object came to be expressed in local charters. The precise role of coinage in facilitating these transactions remains unclear. Similarly, we have no details as to precisely how small-scale provisioning transactions were carried out. It has been suggested that rice served as a medium of 55

Copper-plate of Mulak I (800S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, p. 213. Emended. Zoetmulder, Old Javanese-English Dictionary, p. 285. 57 Copper-plates of Sangsang (829S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 2, p. 92. Emended. 58 Jayapattra of Wurudu Kidul (844S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 2, p. 204. Emended. 59 Jan Wisseman Christie (personal communication) further points out that "artha in the sense of money doesn't seem to appear in Javanese inscriptions until the late 13th century (in the form of arthakàrana 'for the sake of money/profit') (Sukamrta, AD 1296.11 a); the term wasn't used to denote money in most charters—pirak was used for that." 60 lnscription of Kinewu on Image of Ganesa (829S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 2, p. 109. The translation of pasèkpagèh as "confirmation gift" was suggested by Jan Wisseman Christie. 61 Zoetmulder, Old Javanese-English Dictionary, p. 2060; Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 2, glossary. 62 Zoetmulder, Old Javanese-English Dictonary, p. 2060. 63 Copper-plates of Taji (823S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, II, p. 12. Sarkar's translation differs slightly from my own. There is disagreement as to whether raja refers to the ruler or to a placename. 56

260 Money, Markets, and Trade exchange in the local marketplace and that ikët wsi (bundles of iron), often mentioned as a component of the sa//-offering at the establishment of a s/7na, may have served as currency in early times.64 The Panggumulan copper-plate inscription of AD 902 , for example, relates a particularly vivid scene: "(While) going to sell [madwal] rice, the people of Tunggalangan were seen to pass by at that time, going towards the market /p/can/of Sindingan (All seven of them) received [winaih, as pasëk-pasëk] 1 kupang of silver [pirak &/1], each in particular."65 Elsewhere, we read that business transactions took place, "... within the whole length of the shadow (cast by) the (temple-)wall of the goddess, outside and inside >>66 There would thus appear to be a very close connection between religion and the development of regional market exchange similar to what was noted for eleventh-century Burma. (See Chapter Four.) The only exchanges adequately represented in Javanese charters are land transactions (fig. 8.6). In virtually every instance land was purchased from the elders (rama) of the village with the intention of establishing a sima. Payment was most often in gold, possibly in the form of coin. In four of the inscriptions, all from central Java, the purchase price included silver. An inscription dating to AD 902/3 provides a good example of the mechanics of a land transaction during the early tenth century. The rakryan of Wantil, his wife, and their three sons "... purchased [tumbus]\he lands of the ramantas of Panggumulan: that which is to be pawned //casanofa/;the garden named Siddhayoga and the sawahfields at Panilman were purchased [tinumbasjiot 3 kàtioi silver [pirakfà 3/from the dapunta Prabhu and the dapunta Kaca. This silver was received by the tuha kalangot Panggumulan [followed by a long list] >>67 The importance of this passage rests in the fact that the land at Panggumulan was pawned [sandâ], making it clear that land was accepted as collateral in raising money, pointing up the monetary sophistication of the period. THE MONETIZATION OF LINKED TRANSFERS It is in the Kañcana copper-plate grant of AD 860 that the impact of monetization is first to be noted in the distribution of gifts at the marking out of a slma. While the distribution of gifts echoes those documented earlier, there is a distinct difference. A new phrase, pasëk-pagëh or "confirmation gift" (an alternative to pasëk-pasëk), is used to describe the quantities of gold distributed.68 It is likely that the phrase is a shorthand form of pasëk-pasëk yatanyan mapaçëha ("... gifts [pasëk-pasëk] in order to confirm 64

Christie, "Patterns of Trade." Copper-plates of Panggumulan (824S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 2, p. 37. 66 The Stone of Timbanan Wungkal (196 Sañjaya); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 2, p. 141. 67 Copper-plates of Panggumulan (824S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 2, p. 38. Emended. See p. 41, n. 98 for a different interpretation by Bosch. Sarkar translates sanda as "mortgage." The term refers to a pledge, security, or pawn and occurs in at least two other inscriptions, one of the tenth century. [Zoetmulder, Old Javanese-English Dictionary, p. 1647] I would like to thank Jan Wisseman Christie for her translation and comments on this passage. 68 It must also be kept in mind that the Kañcana charter is a Majapahit re-issue and contains some anachronisms, pasèk-pagéh possibly being one of them. I would like to thank Jan Wisseman Christie for her comments on this point. 65

Java, Bali, and the Eastern Archipelago

261

8.6 Prices Paid for Land in Late Ninth and Early Tenth Century Java. Location

Date

Name of Inscription

Price Paid

East Java

860

Kañcana (late copy)

(1 ) ma ¿a 7, sji 12, ma 10 (2) maté 2, m 10

East Java

873

Waharu I (late copy)

ma ¿1 38

Central Java

878

Mamali (Polengan V)

mas ¿a 2

Central Java

881

Taragal (Polengan VI)

mas kà 1. su 1

Central Java before 878

Supit

(1 ) mas ¿J 2, sj¿ 10, pirak kl 1, dhà 10 (2) mas ¿1 1 (3)maskà1

Central Java

885

Kurungan (Randusari II) pirak ¿J 1, plus gins of pirak dhà 3

Central Java

903

Siddhayoga

pirak ¿J 3

Central Java

919

Lintakan

pirak ¿a 1, dhà 13, ma 6

East Java

923

Paradah II

(1)masM2 (2) mas k£1,sj¿10

East Java

934

Héning

(1) ma!&5,sj¿9 (2) ma ¿1 1,£L¿ 13, ma 1

East Java

939

Alas Antan

ka 12

Source: Jones (1984), p. 150.

(or) establish [mapageha].. .").69 Further, the nature of the gifts has changed, limited now to gold, silver, and different qualities of textiles or garments. (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9)

pasëk page h ma su 5 oasëk paae'h ma su 1 oasëk paoeh ma 5 wdihan sahlai pirak ma 5 oasèk paoeh ma 5 pasèk page h ma 4 wdihan sahlai [.. .¡pirak ma 3 pasèk ma 1, ky 1 wdihan sahlai pasëk mQ 1, ky 1 sowang muang wdihan sahleh™

Those phrases describing only precious metal distributions are fully underlined. It will be noted that pasëk-pagëh is not used when the gift included man's cloth (wdihan), perhaps indicating that the phrase pasek-pageh was associated with specific amounts 69

Kwak I (801S); J.L.A. Brandes and N.J. Krom, "Oud-Javaansche Oorkonden. Nagelaten Trans script i es," Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen 40, 1 (1913): 12 [henceforth OJO]; translation provided by Jan Wisseman Christie. 70 Copper-plate of Kañcana (782S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, pp. 139-40.

262 Money, Markets, and Trade

of precious metal and not other commodities, giving it the sense of "metallic currency" or "coin."71 Pasèk-pagèh is seldom used in later inscriptions. In the Humanding copper-plate of AD 875 we find that persons of rank within their communities "received different objects [pasak-pasak, variation of pasëk-pasëk] according to the custom of marking out free-holds."72 A grant of AD 879 underlines the purpose of pasëk-pasëk: "The royal command was dispatched to the rakarayan (of) Wka to present gifts in ample measure [pasëk-pasëk] so that (the gift of the king) may be confirmed up to the remotest future."73 The order of distribution differs little from grant to grant, with those individuals holding the most important positions presented first with objects of the greatest value. The inscription of Kwak I (AD 879), is representative. In place of inangséan (passive form of asó, "to present with," "to give"), we find wineh ("to receive," passive form of weh, "to give"). Kalyâga, birâ, and ragi refer to different sorts of cloths, some undoubtedly valued more highly than others. (1 ) (2) (3) (4) (5)

wineh mas su 1 wdihan kalyaga yu 1 wineh mas ma 8 wdihan birâ yu 1 wineh mas ma 5 wdihan ragi yu 1 wineh maswa2 wdihan ragiyu 1 wineh mas wa 1 wdihan ragiyu 174

There are instances in which quantities of cloth are provided with monetary valuations through reference to a specific amount of gold. An inscription of 876, for instance, records the distribution of "woman's cloth //ca/n/with a gold value [inmasjoi 4 ma."75 Even more significant is the fact that in the early tenth century the term for "weight" (wrat/brat), used in descriptions of gold rings called simsimt took on a connotation equivalent to "monetary value" when applied to cloth, such as "man's /ca/yagra-cloth worth [brat]5 masa (of gold)."76 Argha (Sanskrit for "worth," "value," "price") is likewise found with reference to cloth in the early tenth century. The two instances known to the writer, both from central Javanese charters dating to AD 902, 71

Jan Wisseman Christie (personal communication) has pointed out that in at least two tenthcentury inscriptions (Dhimanasrama, OJO 112 and Karnban, OJO 56), pasèk-pagèh is also used to refer to the distribution of cloth. 72 Copper-plate of Humanding (797S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, p. 199. 73 Copper-plate of Kwak I (801S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, p. 220. 74 Copper-plate of Kwak I (801 S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, pp. 220-23. 75 lnmas, in the form of 'menas, is also used to describe the total outlay or cost of a sfma ceremony in the early tenth century. Jan Wisseman Christie (personal communication). 76 I am indebted to Jan Wisseman Christie (personal communication) for bringing this point to my attention. On simsim generally, see Th. Pigeaud, "Javanese Gold," Bijdragen tot do Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 114 (1958): 194; Jones, Tenth Century Java; John N. Miksic, Old Javanese Gold (Singapore: Ideation, 1990). A large number of these gold rings are on display in the gold room at the Museum Pusat in Jakarta and have been catalogued by Buchari, Prasasti Koleksi Museum Nasional, Jilid I (Jakarta: Proyek Pengembangan Museum Nasional, 1985/1986), pp. 196-243.

Java, Bali, and the Eastern Archipelago 263 appear with an implicit valuational referent, as in "pasilih galuh [a type of cloth] 1 argha (ma) 5."77 In both instances the valuational unit (here restored as rnasa) is implicit. The gold rings referred to above are frequently called simsim prasada, the latter term signifying "purity," "faith," "auspiciousness," "propiatory gift." It is significant that they appear in a relief carving at Borobudur, constructed during the late eighth and early ninth centuries (fig. 8.7).78 The scene has been identified as an episode from the Vessantara Jàtaka, where, following the Prince's return from exile, he was blessed with "a shower of precious gold [jatarupaj' from the gods. Jàtarùpa refers to "pure metal," "gold," or "money," depicted in the relief as golden rings (simsim) and Sandalwood Flower coins, the triangular incuse design being clearly visible on a number of the flat circular disks. The coincidence of coins and simsimm the relief would appear to confirm the view that the Javanese viewed the gold rings as true money objects. In contrast to early Bengal or Cambodia, there are few records of temple requisites in Old Javanese inscriptions. Some idea of their nature can be gained from the offerings made on religious festival days, although it is apparent that these are not typical of daily or even seasonal offerings to temple complexes. During the second half of the ninth century, at least two such examples are known, one dating to AD 860 from a Buddhist temple near Surabaya in east Java: . . . and there are (to be) 5 masa of s¡lver/p/ra/c¿nJ 5]for the holy water place [or: panatakan purification rites held at the hold water place] together with one pikulmeasure of rice wine to be offered for the worship in the month of Kárttika ™ There should also be brought 6 masa of silver [pirak ma 6] for the place of purification rites, as well as water in a water pitcher covered with bananfën-cloth, to be offered at the full moon of Asadha. (This is the) direction to the samasanakcommunity for the worship at the religious foundation.80 A second example is found in the copper-plate inscription of Pintang Mas, dated to AD 878, a sïma established in the Dieng region of central Java. The record specifies how Dyah Putu was to provide for the worship of Haricandana. (Dyah Putu) must pay respects to the god, the auspicious Haricandana who has to be looked after by him as well as his descendants up to the remotest future. They must not sit idly with the arrival (of the time of) worshipping god Haricandana once in three years and so forth. They must keep their doors [or, the doors of the temple] open (and) shall present as offering 1 tahiloi unbolstered rice [bras tahilan], and different kinds of fruits, to the god. Moreover, with the arrival of the deity's worship-time (called) buat hyang once in each year, he (or, they) must show respects (and) make rice-cone [anna-lihgga]1or\he worship of god Brahma. 77

Copper-plates of Panggumulan I and II (Kembang Arum) (824S; 825S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, p. 28. I would like to thank Jan Wisseman Christie for bringing this material to my attention. 78 lnformation on this relief and its interpretation kindly provided by Jan Wisseman Christie. 79 Copper-plate of Kañcana (782S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, 147; emended by Jan Wisseman Christie (personal communication). 80 Copper-plate of Kañcana (782S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, p. 147.

264

Money, Markets, and Trade

8.7 Narrative relief from terrace of Borobudur, Java, recounting the Vessantara Jàtaka. Late eighth-early ninth century. (See discussion in text.) Source: Jan Wisseman Christie.

Java, Bali, and the Eastern Archipelago 265 Moreover, the month of Márgaáira is the festal period when have to be placed 1 tahil unbolstered rice and different kinds of fruits as offerings to god Haricandana.81 Christie has suggested that because teA?//was not a large weight, bras tahilant "must refer to the cost of the rice, and should more properly read: 'rice 1 fa/7/Aworth.'"82 Further, it is to be noted that the Dieng inscription has much more in common with the distribution of gifts during the eighth century than with the near-contemporary Kaftcana inscription which is clearly monetized. Even allowing for the fact that the Kañcana plate is a Majapahit re-issue, these differences suggest that the process of monetization progressed at different rates in central and eastern Java, a situation confirmed by the geographical distribution and relative size of native coin finds throughout the island (fig. S.8).83 Core Area I, corresponding roughly to central Java, was the largest coin-using region and has produced the most varieties of early Javanese coinage. Far fewer finds are reported from eastern Java (Core Area II). For example, silver finds average 109 coins per find in Core Area I as compared to only 60 coins per find in Core Area II. Similarly, gold finds in Core Area I average 62 coins per find, while Core Area II averages only 36 coins per find. This points up a much more intensive use of precious metal coinage in Core Area I as compared to Core Area II. Indeed, it is in Core Area II that Chinese copper cash came to dominate and replace the earlier gold and silver coinage in the late thirteenth century. Another feature of coin finds from early Java is that gold and silver are generally not recovered together. The exceptions—from Core Area I, in Semarang/Japara, and to the east in Kedu—suggest that, even within the two core areas, the circulation of gold differed considerably from that of silver, a notion supported as well by the geographical distribution of the various coin types. Stamped silver ingots of irregular shape and weight have been recovered in the eastern part of Core Area I—Cirebon, Banyumas, and Pekalongan. (See fig. 8.2.) Silver Sandalwood Flower coins, widely distributed throughout both core areas, are concentrated in Core Area I. The two largest finds are from Madiun (1,512 specimens) and Kedu (490 specimens). Additional finds of 296 silver Sandalwood Flower coins and 383 unspecified silver coins were also made in Kedu. The only major silver coin find of Core Area II is some 353 specimens from Pasuruan. In contrast to silver discoveries, gold Piloncito coins have been reported primarily to the west of Core Area I (see fig. 8.10). The two largest finds, of 300 and 700 specimens of Piloncito Class A coins, were discovered in Priangan. The largest gold find in Core Area II consisted of 135 Piloncito-type coins from Malang. The coin evidence suggests that there were geographical preferences for either gold or silver, and that they did not always function in the same contexts. This interpretation is supported by the early thirteenth century Chinese description of Java which distinguished a silver coinage for internal purposes and a gold trade coinage. (See below, pp. 283-85.) 81

Copper-plate of Pintang Mas (800S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, p. 204. Emended. Jan Wisseman Christie (personal communication). 83 Robert S. Wicks, "Monetary Developments in Java between the Ninth and Sixteenth Centuries: A Numismatic Perspective," Indonesia 42 (1986): 42-77. 82

266

Money, Markets, and Trade

8.8 Geographical Distribution of Coinage in Classical Java. Silver Coin Finds (Central Java) Core Area I and Eastern Periphery

(Eastern Java) Core Area II and Eastern Periphery

Number of Finds: 51 Number of Coins in a Single Find: High: 151 2 coins Low: single specimen Average find: 109 coins Total Specimens Reported: 5583

Number of Finds: 8 Number of Coins in a Single Find: High: 353 coins Low: single specimen Average find: 60 coins Total Specimens Reported: 537

Relative Size of Silver Coin Finds Core Area I and Eastern Periphery Number of Specimens per Find Number of Finds

1-10 19

11-100 19

101-200 6

201 + 7

1-10 6

11-100 0

101-200 1

201 + 1

Core Area II and Eastern Periphery Number of Specimens per Find Number of Finds

Gold Coin Finds (Central Java) Core Area I and Western Periphery

(Eastern Java) Core Area II and Eastern Periphery

Number of Finds: 17 Number of Coins in a Single Find: High: 700 coins Low: single specimen Average find: 62 coins Total Specimens Reported: 1058

Number of Finds: 4 Number of Coins in a Single Find: High: 135 coins Low: single specimen Average find: 36 coins Total Specimens Reported: 145

Relative Size of Gold Coin Finds Core Area I and Western Periphery Number of Specimens per Find Number of Finds

1-10 14

11-100 1

101-200 0

201 + 2

1-10 3

11-100 0

101-200 1

201 + 0

Core Area II and Eastern Periphery Number of Specimens per Find Number of Finds

Source: Wicks (1986), p. 48

Java, Bali, and the Eastern Archipelago 267 Turning now to tax payments, there are few indications in the Old Javanese charters as to precisely how tax obligations were paid and the channels through which payments went before reaching the paramount ruler. The critical role of the collectors of the lord's due has been noted before. During the second half of the ninth century the list of collectors grows exceedingly long and detailed. At the same time, however, there is still no indication of the form taken by the taxes, i.e. were they collected in kind or in cash? If the distribution of pasëk-pasëk is any indication, one would have to assume that at least a portion of the drwya haji was payable in gold or silver. This is supported as well by the AD 882 copper-plate of Ramwi from the Kedu plain in central Java. . . . Moreover, the humble petition of the ramas of Ramwi to the rakarayàn was a request that their gaivaApayment be reduced. Their gaiva/'-payment was originally two más [domas]; now it is one más [samas]. To accompany this, there is also a reduction in their labor duty connected with pounding rice [tulung tutu] oí three persons [pranajand their wadahuma [guarding of rice fields?]-duty of 2 persons. 84

Gawai—"action," "work," "labor," "task to be performed," "use," "purpose"—here refers to a labor duty, the obligation being expressed in terms of gold of unspecified units—samas (one gold) and domas (two gold). Part of their obligation also consisted of labor. In this regard, it is useful to consider a dispute over payments by some rama to their nayaka, as found the the copper-plate of Pal^angan dating to AD 906, from the vicinity of Borobudur in south central Java. . . . the reason for it was that the rama-s did not agree with the sang nâyaka bhagawanta Jyotisa that their sawah-\\e\ds amounted to 4 lamwit (in extent). They had been ordered to pay tax [modhara] (a\ the rate of) 6 dhàrana of silver per tampah. However, because of the smallness (of their field area) they were unable to pay [modhara] (the amount assessed) . . . The result (of the remeasurement of the fields was that they were) 1 lamwit 7 tampah 1 blah. As before, they were ordered to pay tax [modhara] 6 dhàrana of silver per tampah. Therefore the rama-s paid (their) dues (or 'táft/Atax') [matahiljol 6 dhàrana of silver per tampa-, the total amount of silver as dues (or 'faft/V-tax') [pirak patahil]against the rama-s on the saivaft-fields (measuring) 1 lamwit? tampah 1 blah was 5 kâti 5 dhàrana oí silver. In addition (to these stipulations, they shall give) the pilih mâs-levy and the service/labor levy of 8 persons—4 persons to the god and 4 persons to the sang nayaka. The total sawah field (area) subject to the service levy was 1 lamwit 1 tampah 1 suku.85 In both of the examples presented above, tax obligations consisted of precious metals (silver, and possibly gold in the first instance) as well as labor. It is significant 84

Copper-plate of Ramwi (804S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, pp. 284-85; emended translation provided by Jan Wisseman Christie. 85 Copper-plate of Palêpangan (828S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 2, p. 57; Jan Wisseman Christie (personal communication). Emended.

268

Money, Markets, and Trade

that even though these tax obligations related to agricultural activities, the ramas were required to pay the assessment in silver or gold. We are not told how they were to acquire the necessary precious metal. The earliest reference to debts in Old Javanese inscriptions appears in the AD 860 copper-plate grant of Kañcana discussed earlier. The grant contains the following clause about harboring debtors who had left their home village to find refuge in the sïma: Those insolvent (?) debtors [ahutangjwbo take refuge (in the village) will be subject to (repayment) installments [tatal] of 1 masa per tahil per year [ma i ing satahil angkèn tahun].*6 One of the most remarkable features of this passage is that the sïma could take on the role of protecting those who were heavily in debt while still arranging for the obligation to be paid off. (A similar practice will be found in Bali during the ninth and tenth centuries.) It is also an indication that the accumulation of debt could become a heavy burden, and that debtors sometimes required special protection from their overzealous creditors. The copper-plate of Waharu (a fourteenth-century reissue of a charter originally dating to AD 873), for example, points out that the s/"ma was not to be interfered with: " . . . I will punish harm and evil, etc. (committed by) those travelling far and near... [reading uncertain]... (taking) even one handful [sagemjor one ra/cuf-measure, one kupang or one atak (in money). .. ,"87 The reference to kupang and atak, two of the smallest Old Javanese monetary units, emphasizes the great lengths to which creditors would go to collect even miniscule sums from their debtors. A fragmentary éuddhapattra or "a receipt of discharge of a debt" from the regency of Dëmak in central Java, also from AD 860, enables us to understand more fully the statement in the Kañcana copper-plate grant: ... 2 kâti 7 suwarna and 8 masa of gold and 1 masa of silver, kept by the village elders... again considered an order to acquit the amount of gold all at the same time (The amount of gold) would remain on deposit with the village elders. . . . Dapunta Angada spoke, expressing his intention of acquitting himself of the debt all at once . . . this act of acquitment engraved in a copper plate... .œ Another inscription, of AD 885, records that when dang acaryya Munindra purchased an irrigated ricefield, property of the elders (sawah karaman) of Parhyangan, ... The purchase price (of the land) was 1 kâtiof silver [welyannya piraktuft 1]. Gifts to the râmanta (amounted to) 3 dhârana in silver [pasak-pasak i râmanta pirak dhârana 3\. There was the interest [panganak] (owed by) the râmanta on their debt [si hutang nira], (amounting to) 7 dhârana, which was included with the gifts, along with 1 goat worth 4 masa in silver [wiwi 1 pada pirak wâ 4\- Total expenditure 86

Copper-plates of Kañcana (782S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, p. 150. Emended translation by Jan Wisseman Christie. 87 Copper-plate of Waharu I (795S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 1, p. 190. Emended translation by Jan Wisseman Christie. ^Suddhapattra of Dernak; J.G. de Casparis, Selected Inscriptions from the 7th to the 9th Century A.D. (Bandung: Masa Baru, 1956), pp. 335-37.

Java, Bali, and the Eastern Archipelago 269 in silver: 1 kàti 10 dhàrana 4 mâsa. The silver was to be used to repay the debt of the village of Parhyangan.89 One of the most interesting aspects of this inscription is that pada (from the Sanskrit meaning "equal to" or "the equivalent of") here specifies the value of the goat; in at least one other late ninth-century inscription pada is also used to express the value of buffalo (kwo), an indication that its use was perhaps limited to the valuation of animals.90 Similarly, although without the payment of a goat, the copper-plate inscription of Wuru Tunggal, dated to AD 912, records that, "... Banavi paid back the debts [hutang] of (his) father to Mpu Gurudhaya. His repayment was: gold 16 suwarna 10 masa 2 kupang (and) 5 (h)atak [massu 16f ma 10, ¿u 2, tía 5]. This gold was received by Pu Lati Cleared off is the debt [hutang] of Banavi to Mpu Gurudhaya."91 And finally, a tenth-century legal decision (jayapattra), as a result of a lawsuit brought to recover unpaid debts, reveals that, while sons were liable for the debts of their fathers, husbands were not obligated to repay debts incurred by their wives without their knowledge. The occasion for the law-suit (ajudicated in AD 907) was that a certain sang Dharma . . . had reminded Pt/Tabwël about the claim of 1 suwarna of gold. But, it was not the debt [hutang]of Pu Tabwël: the debt [hutang] was of his wife named Si Campa and the blood-relations of sang Dharma. Si Campa was now dead; accordingly, Pu Tabwël was reminded (of the debt) by (the said) sang Dharma. But there was no issue of Pu Tabwa and Si Campa, and that (he was not) aware of the debt [hutang]... but sang Dharma did not arrive at the appointed time (for trial). In consequence of this fact he was acquitted by the samègat Pinapan. Moreover, the burden of such debt [hutang] can never accrue to the man, (because) this was not known to the man and there was no issue (from the marriage).92 Debts, interest, and fines (such as for disturbing a sima) were frequently calculated in gold or silver, indicating the degree to which transactions in ninth and tenth-century Java were monetized. A single instance in which goods were requested as partial compensation for a debt relates, not surprisingly, to pasëk-pasëk. VALUE, SURPLUS, AND PROFIT IN TENTH-CENTURY JAVA In contrast to Bali (see below), the Sanskrit term for "value" (rnulya) appears only once in a Javanese record, the Lintakan copper-plate from the Kedu region of central Java 89

Copper-plate of Randoesari II (807S); W. Stutterheim, "Oorkonde van Dang Àcàrya Munïndra uit 885 A.D. (Randoesari II)," Inscripties van Nederlandsch-lndie 1 (1940): 29-32; J.G. de Casparis, "The Evolution of the Socio-economic Status of the East-Javanese Village and its Inhabitants," in Papers of the Fourth Indonesian-Dutch History Conference, Yogjakarta, 24-29 July 1983, Volume One, Agrarian History, ed. Sartono Kartodirdjo (Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press, 1986), p. 22 [henceforth "East-Javanese Village"]. Emended translation by Jan Wisseman Christie. 90 Jan Wisseman Christie (personal communication). 91 Copper-plate of Wuru Tunggal (833S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 2, p. 136. It is possible that ¿a is here a mislection for ¿a, referring instead to saga. Jan Wisseman Christie (personal communication). 92 Jayapattra Diedukman (829S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 2, p. 100. Emended.

270 Money, Markets, and Trade dated to AD 919 issued by the maharaja Tulodong. Like many Old Javanese inscriptions, it records the establishment of a slma. Following the distribution of pasëkpasëk, the completion of the sa/7-offerings, and the marking out of the sïma, witnesses repaired to a site for ritual eating and drinking. At that point in the feasting a gift was made of 'lour buffaloes valued at 5 dháranaS masa of silver each [mamulya pirakçjliâ 5mà8 ing sawiji], (and) three tJksukat (?j. These were sent by the great king (and) everyone desired them."93 Although limited to this single occurrence, it is clear that the use of the term mülya in Java differed considerably from its use Bali. In Balinese inscriptions the term was utiized only when a legal standard of payment was being established, whereas in Java the single documented use of mülya in a charter is purely descriptive, emphasizing the value and desirability of the great beasts provided by the maharaja, thereby enhancing his status. At least two Old Javanese inscriptions substitute the term mâsuya for the Sanskrit mülya. Since gold (mas) was commonly used as an implicit valuational standard in early Indonesia, the substitution is hardly surprising. The first example comes from east Java, dated to AD 907, relating to the request of certain rama to increase their sawahfields in order to make it possible for them to pay their royal dues (drabya haji). The section of the inscription relating to the payment of the expenses for marking out the additional sawaMands has been variously interpreted. . . . They had presented the payment [wyaya] of the 'confirmation gold' [más pagèh] of 3 kâti 1 suwarna [fa 3 sM ] ( . . . ? ) 1 buffalo with the gold value of 1 suwarna [mâsuya su. 1], with 2 suwarna going to sangjuru (officials). Then the rakryàn of Randaman died and was buried at Tambla, (before) the sawah fields of the ramas were extended (lit. 'doubled') to the west. So they presented 5 kâti m gold [manamâkanya más ¿J 5] to the king and the rakryàn mahâmantri and to the 5 rakryàn... ?* Sarkar provisionally translated mâsuya as "the value of" or "valued at," corresponding to the equivalent use of mùlya in inscriptions from Bali. Jones preferred to leave mâsuya untranslated.95 Each occurrence of mâsuya parallels the corresponding placement and context of mülya, supporting an interpretation that mâsuya was an Old Javanese equivalent for mülya. Two different terms are used to describe transfer payments. The initial payment (wyaya), as noted earlier, is a Sanskrit term meaning "cost," "expenses," "payment," as in sacrifice or that which is given up. The second transfer took place when the people went to the king and gave him 5 kàtiot gold. In Sarkar's interpretation he was "presented" with the gold, while Jones rendered the act as "payment." The term used in the inscription is manamâkanya, from fama, meaning "to bring forth, present, offer," here presumably referring to a kind of obligatory payment of a very different character, almost an offering. Christie has pointed out that "The term tema is not one which is specific to commercial payments, but rather a polite euphemism for payment 93

Copper-plates of Lintakan (841S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 2, p. 177. Emended. lnscription of Kinewu on an Image of Ganesa (829S); Compare the translations of Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 2, p. 110 and Jones, Tenth Century Java, p. 158. The translation used here was kindly supplied by Jan Wisseman Christie. 95 Jones, Tenth Century Java, p. 110, n. 2. 94

Java, Bali, and the Eastern Archipelago 2 71 used in contexts where the financial nature of the transaction was perhaps being played down somewhat."96 The first known occurrences of the Old Javanese terms for "profit" and "surplus" (pangguhanya, parmasan) are found in charters of the early tenth century. A very interesting grant details the amount of income expected from a ferry service at Paparahuan in central Java. The individual in charge of the ferry service would collect his dues at a tkan pasak ("a place for making payments").97 Prior to the establishment of the service an estimate was made as to how much income could be expected in a year's time: ... for the care of the kamulan-shrme and the boats, from ferrying across the water travellers on the road daily, an income [pangguhanya] in gold of 7 masa (plus) 2 mâsa (from ferrying) kalang-traders; carts, (that is) a total [pindajot 9 mâsa per year (they) will be subject to (payment of) ^ Pangguhanya means "income," "profit," or "yield."99 The root of the word, pangguh, refers to being united, as in coming together in marriage.100 Pangguh also contains within it the idea of increase, and, in the case of the income from the ferry service, surplus. Pinda refers to the "sum," "total," "whole number" of the amount of income expected in a years' time. The total is surprisingly small—only 9 masa of gold per year, probably the amount they would be expected to pay as taxes, and not their total income from the ferry service. Given the relatively small quantity of profit expected on the venture as contrasted with the large initial investment, not to mention the scale of anticipated traffic across the river, it could well be that the figure of 9 mâsa of gold was intended to serve as an accounting standard. Actual payment of fares was probably made in commodities rather than coin. Payment in silver coin, however, cannot be ruled out entirely, as specimens of exceedingly small silver Sandalwood Flower coins are known.101 Whatever the actual form of payment, probably it was not in gold.102 Parmasan or parmasanya. containing as its root mas (gold, golden, wealth), is also relevant to our discussion of monetary concepts in early Java. It has been translated as "monetary share," "monetary profit," and "monetary value." These translations stress the notion of mas (gold) either as an expression of value or as payments (such as taxes) in money rather than goods. Like mülya, parmasan appears in relatively restricted contexts, found both in Java and Bali during the early tenth century. Zoetmulder was uncertain what to make of the term and asked, "(Is it the) name of a tax (pay?) and the person who collects it? Is it from más, gold, or más as a measure or a 96

Jan Wisseman Christie (personal communication). Copper-plates of Telang II (825S); Christie, "Patterns of Trade," p. 522. 98 Copper-plates of Telang M (825S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 2, p. 46; emended translation from Jan Wisseman Christie. "Zoetmulder, Old Javanese-English Dictionary, p. 1260. 100 lbid., p. 1259. 101 The British Museum recently (ca. 1989) acquired a number of specimens. 102 Zoetmulder, Old Javanese-English Dictionary, p. 1260, records an additional example of pangguhan from AD 902. 97

272 Money, Markets, and Trade quantity?"103 We will first examine its occurrence in Java in the early tenth century. Balinese examples will be considered in a subsequent section. They shall give half of their 'monetary share' [parmasan] to the group of tandaofficials."104 "The portion of their 'monetary share' [parmasan] goes to the god of the wMraat Hujung Galug: they shall give half of their 'monetary share' [parmasanjto the group of fanda-officials."105 "... all sorts of sa//-offerings for the sang makudurot the mancfa/a:the total value in gold [inmas pinda] (given) is of the 'monetary value' [parmasan] is (to be) su 2 Ara(1)/cu4."106 Parmasan occurs here in two distinct contexts, each altering slightly its meaning. When it appears without specific reference to weight units, the term can be translated as "monetary value"; when it is found independent of them, it should be translated as "monetary share." Several observations about the use of gold to define value in monetary payments should be reviewed here. As we have seen, until the third decade of the tenth century, money values were determined by gold, even though payments were frequently made in silver. Christie has noted, About half the inscriptions of the 9th century that mention payments or gifts mention silver, either on its own or with gold. During the reign of Balitung, covering roughly the first decade of the 10th century, this proportion rose to about twothirds. The proportion dropped to about a half in the next two decades, and following the accession of Sindok to the throne and the shift of the capital from the interior of central Java to the East Javanese Brantas region in AD 929, mentions of silver currency units largely disappear. Only the silver kupang survives in scattered references (AD 943 and 1023), and then only for another century.... By the middle of the 10th century, efforts to tie value to gold had ceased, and more neutral terms had achieved currency.107 103

lbid., pp. 1124. Copper-plates of Telang II (825S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 2, p. 48; see p. 50, n. 46 and 47. Emended translation from Jan Wisseman Christie. 105 Copper-plates of Sangsang (829S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 2, p. 91. Emended translation from Jan Wisseman Christie. 106 Copper-plates of Mantyasih I (829S); Sarkar, Inscriptions of Java, vol. 2, p. 74. The final sum can be interpreted in two different ways: "... depending upon whether one takes the mato represent màsa (in which case one assumes that the number—probably in this case 1—has been left out by mistake) or to represent más (in which case the writer was emphasizing that the kupang in question were gold rather than silver.) The fact that 4 kupang = 1 màsa, probably indicates the latter meaning is preferred, since otherwise the sum would have been stated in su and ma alone. The fact that 4 kupang are mentioned rather than 1 màsa is curious. It could be the work of rather sloppy thinking on the part of the clerk who wrote the inscription; if so, then he probably had kupang coins in mind, and merely forgot to translate the 4 kupang coins into the sum of 1 masa." Jan Wisseman Christie (personal communication). 107 Jan Wisseman Christie (personal communication). 104

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III BALI ("THE LAND OF OFFERING"): NINTH THROUGH FOURTEENTH CENTURIES

By the middle of the fourteenth century, after having been conquered by Gajah Mada in 1343, "... Bali was in all its customs in conformity with Java "108 This passage from the Nâgarakrtâgama is indicative of the degree of influence the Hindu culture of Java had upon Bali (see fig. 8.1). It needs to be emphasized, however, that Balinese receptivity to Hindu-Javanese culture was selective, and that the process of monetization in Bali was not simply a wholesale copying of the Javanese experience. The first dated records from Bali (from AD 882) were all written in Old Balinese or Sanskrit. It was only after 989 that Old Javanese appeared in Balinese charters. Further, in contrast to the situation on the island of Java, the Balinese monetary system appeared in full flower in even the earliest of the Balinese inscriptions. a. EXPRESSIONS OF VALUE: MÙLYA It is appropriate to begin consideration of money-use in Bali with an overview of one of the key terms used to express value in epigraphic sources, rnulya. As was noted earlier in this chapter, rnulya is a Sanskrit word meaning "worth," "value," or "price."109 Old Balinese inscriptions using the word rnulya fall into two groups—those issued between 882 and 935, and those issued between 966 and 1065. Group One: 882-935 882 mulyan ma/saka 4 [Goris 001 ]110 896(1) mulyan mâsaka 4 [Goris 002]111 911 rnulya mâsaka 4 [Goris 003]112 -mulyan mas/ma 4 [Goris 005]113 91 4 mulyan mâsaka 4 [Goris 006]114 935 mulyan masaka 4 [Goris 107]115 The six inscriptions in this group are similar in many respects. All relate to the law of inheritance as it applied to those who died single and without issue. In such cases, goods to the value (rnulya, mulyan) of 4 mâsaka of gold were to be set aside to cover the funeral expenses. With the exception of the 935 inscription, which left out copper kitchen-ware, the goods to be set aside for the funeral included gold, silver, bronze kitchen-ware, copper kitchen-ware, house-slaves, buffalo, and cattle. While it is apparent that mâsaka referred to a gold unit, it is stated explicitly in only two out of the six inscriptions, once in an unclear context. (See below.) In five out of the six inheritance ^Nâgarakrtâgama; van Naerssen, Economic History, p. 68. 109 R. Goris, Prasasti Bali. Inscripties voorAnak Wungçu, 2 vols. (Bandung: Masa Baru, 1954), 2: 277. 110 Sukawana AI (804S); Goris 001 ; Goris, Prasasti Bali 1: 53. 111 Bebetin AI (818S); Goris 002; Goris, Prasasti Bali 1: 55. 112 Trunjan AI (833S); Goris 003; Goris, Prasasti Bali 1: 57. 113 Bangli, Pura Kehen A; Goris 005; Goris, Prasasti Bali 1: 60. 114 Gobleg, Pura Desa I (836S); Goris 006; Goris, Prasasti Bali 1:61. 115 Dausa, Pura Bukit Indrakila AI (857S); Goris 107; Goris, Prasasti Bali 1: 69.

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passages, then, rnasaka appears without a metallic referrent. The undated inscription includes más (gold) as well as the abbreviation for másaka (ma); due, perhaps, to the fact that mas was the only word which would comfortably fit at the end of the line, although in other instances this certainly did not stop the engraver from splitting a word in two (e.g. 882). Any property which remained (pariëken, panekan, panaikan) after the necessary goods were set aside for the funeral went to the Fire Temple as wrddhi (acquisition), to the deity (sang hyang), to the Fire Temple as atithi (guestofferings), to the hospitium of the Fire Temple for the benefit of the guests (wrddhi atithi), or to the deity (hyang) as caw-offerings. Wrddhi comes from the Sanskrit vrddhi, meaning Increase," "prosperity," and in legal contexts, Interest on a toan, profit." Mulyan is also used in another section of the 896 inscription: 896(2) mas mulyan palbur ma2 [Goris 002]116 Although associated in some way with an obligatory contribution to worship at a sanctuary (sambar), the precise meaning of mulyan, in conjunction with palbur, remains unclear. It is likely that palbur refers to goods of some kind.117 A similar passage, however, does appear in an inscription of 1016, discussed below. Perhaps the most significant observation about the occurrence of mulya/mulyan in the Balinese inscriptions of the late ninth and early tenth centuries is that, by and large, its use was restricted to a legal context. This restrictiveness, as we shall see, changed somewhat during the second half of the tenth century. Group Two: 966-1065 966 mulyan ma 4 [Goris 108]118 994 pamuíyanyañña ku 2, [Goris 302]119 1011 mülya ku 2 [Goris 305]12° 1016 rnulya palbur ma 1 [Goris 352]121 This second group of inscriptions from Bali using the Sanskrit term mulyator "value," "worth," or "price" are much more heterogenous. Kupang appears here for the first time. One common characteristic is the consistent use of the abbreviated forms for the weight units (ma and ku), as well as the complete disappearance of a specific reference to gold as the valuational standard.122 This demonstrates, as did the Group One inscriptions, that the units of mâsaka and kupangwere conceived of 116

Bebetin AI (818S); Goris 002; Goris, Prasasti Bali 1: 55. Jan Wisseman Christie (personal communication). 118 Serai AI (888S); Goris 108; Goris, Prasasti Bali 1: 71. 119 Serai All (915S); Goris 302; Goris, Prasasti Bali 1: 81. 120 Batur Pura Abang A (933S); Goris 305; Goris, Prasasti Bali 1: 90. 121 Batuan (944S); Goris 352; Goris, Prasasti Bali 1: 97. 122 MJ/ya is at least twice replaced,by rnasna, meaning "gold value" in Balinese records: (1) 896 màsna ma 5 [Bebetin Al (818S); Goris 002; Goris, Prasasti Bali 1: 55; Jan Wisscman Christie (personal communication)]; (2) 1016 màsnamà2kù3 saga3 [Batuan (954S); Goris 352; Goris, Prasasti Bali 1: 99]. These occurrences would appear to confirm the notion that mülya referred to valuations based upon gold. 117

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as monetary units independent of any particular quantity of precious metal. It is likely that the kupang unit, along with the tendency to abbreviate monetary terms, came to Bali from Java in the tenth century when Old Javanese first appeared in the inscriptions of Bali. At the same time it should be pointed out that this further abstraction of rnasaka and kupang into monetary values independent of a metallic referrent did not occur in Javanese inscriptions of the ninth and tenth centuries. Although the phrasing of the 966 inscription differs somewhat from Group One, the context was virtually identical—a quantity of household goods (the list given earlier is repeated) was to be reserved for the funeral of the deceased. Because the subsequent passage is fragmentary, it is difficult to ascertain the disposition of the goods remaining after the funeral expenses had been met. The language of the 994 inscription is exceedingly complex; the passage in which rnulya appears is unclear. However, it is apparent that it refers not to the disposition of an estate but to the various taxes due the nâyaka. The third inscription of this group, of 1011, refers to an obligation to provide one pig with a value of 2 kupang for the temple festival (sambar) of Turunan. We find a complex valuational passage in the 1016 inscription, which includes palburas in the 896 passage noted earlier. After detailing a long list of taxes the villages no longer had to pay, the decree specifies that "They are, however, to be subject to the sambar (temple tax) to the value of 1 main offerings."123 The final Group Two inscription which uses the term mülya deals with one of Bali's early ports, the settlement at Julah. The document assesses responsibility for rebuilding the settlement if it were to be destroyed. Specifically, if a "... new thatching should be necessary, the karâman may ask for help in buying [iv/yanna]124 thatching to the value [mulyajot one masa."125 The application of the valuational term mulya/mulyan thus widens during the late tenth and eleventh centuries; however, the term always appears within a legal context—that of assessing proper duties or fees. It should be noted that traditionally obligations to temples would have been assessed in kind, obviating the need for a valuational assessment. A similar monetary requirement is found in a record from Sembilan dating to AD 975: "Moreover, that which concerns (besides?) the Saiwadharmman of the Holy Place there: the cost [parbyayanya] oi bringing up stone must be paid in full by the village of Julah."126 (Parbyayanya comes from the Sanskrit vyaya, meaning "expense" or "cost.") It is significant that an extrinsic monetary value was placed on the work of repairing thatch and bringing up stone, underlining the presence of occupational specialization and the degree to which the early Balinese economy was monetized. 123

Batuan (944S); Goris 352; Goris, Prasasti Bali 1: 97; Christie, "Patterns of Trade," p. 563. One term which appears repeatedly in Old Balinese inscriptions is blindarah, commonly translated as "blood price." The exact significance of the term in uncertain, although it probably refers to a ritual blood offering made to the temple. [Goris, Prasasti Bali 2: 226) In the copper-plate of Asahduren, dating to the second half of the twelfth century, a certain individual was prohibited from buying (blin) rice as a ritual offering. [Sukarto K. Atmodjo, "Preliminary Report on the Copper-plate Inscription of Asahduren," Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 126, 2 (1970): 219.] 125 Sembiran AIV (987S); Goris 409; Christie, "Patterns of Trade," p. 550. 126 Sembiran All (897S); Goris 209; Goris, Prasasti Bali 1: 78; Christie, "Patterns of Trade," p. 544. 124

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b. SURPLUS AND PROFIT: PAMASAN Examples of parmasan/pamasanya in Java during the tenth century make it apparent that the term was used to mean "cash payments" or "payment in money." Pamâsan appears in at least two Balinese inscriptions of the eleventh century, in connection with the disposition of payments made to musicians. Performers were required to give half of their wages to the nàyaka: "They need not make tukuban for the samgat registrar of hermitages, but the singers [agënding], angklung-players ? [aboñjing], mallet-players [amukul\, fluteplayers [masuling] must give half [manngahana] of their pamásan to their náya/ca."127 The Balinese usage does not contradict our interpretation of the use of the term in Javanese inscriptions; nor, however, does it confirm that the term always referred to payments made in precious metals. The passage does elucidate the way in which tax obligations were structured. In the first half, there is a statement regarding obligations for which the singers were not liable, and in the second are given the payments the singers must make in place of the exempted taxes. By the eleventh century, required payments would be listed first, followed by exemptions.

c. COMPULSORY PURCHASES: PAMLI In the first quarter of the tenth century the village of Julah, an important trading town noted earlier, was destroyed. Because of the destruction, the villagers requested a reduction in taxes so that they could marshal the resources necessary to rebuild. Their request was granted in AD 922. The villagers were exempted from more than twenty taxes. Those taxes they were still required to pay included a number specified as pa/r?//.128 the pamli for the king in the month of Mâgha amounting toi ma; the pamli tor the nayaka in Magha amounting to 1 ma; the pamli on merchandise 4 mâsaka. In Balinese inscriptions pamli referred to a compulsory purchase. Christie notes, "Inscriptions from Julah and other areas frequently mention compulsory purchase (pamli) of goods, spices and safflower by the king and nàyaka officals. This pamS practice is mentioned occasionally in Javanese tax charters as well, but rarely in connection with exportable goods."129 The rulers of Sriwijaya in the eleventh century followed a similar practice. All of these examples of pamli are expressed as so many ma or mâsaka. The metallic referrent is assumed and not specified. If pan?//was a compulsory purchase as has been suggested, it must have been possible to make payment in goods rather than silver or gold in order the fulfill the objectives of acquiring sufficient quantities of selected items for redistribution or export. 127

Batuan (954S); Goris 352 ; Goris, Prasasti Bali 1: 97; Christie, "Patterns of Trade," p. 564. Sembiran AI (844S); Goris 104; Goris, Prasasti Bali 1: 65-67; Christie, "Patterns of Trade," pp. 536-41. 129 Christie, "Patterns of Trade," p. 535. 128

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In later inscriptions specified payments in kind with a monetary valuation attached to them are nearly always pamli. Two examples from an inscription of 1016 are representative:130 pamli dañur fcu 2 árghaña 100 lambar di hakupang "the tribute of coconut leaves to 2 ku, at the rate (or 'price') of 100 leaves per kupangf' pamli twak ku 2 árghaña hakadung di hakupang "the tribute of tuaklo 2 ku, at the rate (or 'price') of 1 vat per kupançf' It could well be that the Balinese rulers specified particular rates so that they would then be in a better position to estimate the quantity of produce contributed through the pa/77//-tribute process. It might also be expected (otherwise there would be little reason for maintaining a monetary valuation) that, if a village was unable to come up with a sufficient amount of a given pamli good, it would have the option of selecting another good/produce of equivalent value or fulfilling its obligation through a cash payment. Indeed, it is probable that argha as "price" was imposed by the ruler, in contrast with the more neutral mu/ya.131 d. OTHER TAX ASSESSMENTS Old Javanese inscriptions from the ninth and tenth centuries never mention the precise amounts of taxes levied, although a regular feature of those same records is an elaborate listing of specific quantities of gold, silver, tools, cloth, and other temple requisites distributed as pasèk-pasek during the establishment of a sima. Old Balinese inscriptions, by way of contrast, typically detail fiscal obligations in very specific terms. As noted above, the village of Julah was destroyed in the first quarter of the tenth century. The villagers were exempted from at least twenty different taxes. Four of the exemptions record the payments which the villagers had formerly been required to make—each expressed in mâsa or kupang without an indication of the preferred form of payment, whether gold, silver, or goods of equivalent value.132 The villagers of Julah were exempted from a number of taxes, including those on the manufacture of planks and beams for sheds, boats, and prahu; on lime-burning and charcoal-burning; on goats and cattle. Four of the exemptions were given a monetary value, three of which implied payment in coin. The last was a proportional tax with a monetary value attached: 1. the tribute on ¡eran amounting to 1 ma 2. that on fighting cocks of 1 ku 3. taxes to the poultry master of 1 ku 4. the ca/csi/-tribute on their income of 3 mata per kupang 130

Sembiran Allí (938S); Goris 351 ; Goris, Prasasti Bali 1: 95; Christie, "Patterns of Trade," p. 547. 131 Jan Wisseman Christie (personal communication). She has assembled a number of other inscriptions to support this view. 132 Sembiran AI (844S); Goris 104; Goris, Prasasti Bali 1: 65-67; Christie, "Patterns of Trade," pp. 536-^1 .

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The villagers were still responsible for paying more than a dozen taxes and various other payments. From the perspective of the present study, these payments were of two main kinds: payments in kind without a monetary value attached, and payments in kind with a monetary value indicated. Payments in kind without a monetary value are of particular interest because they included specific requirements to be paid to the sanctuary, the maharaja, and the nâyaka. In each instance they consisted of consumables or materials suitable for making clothes, building houses, or constructing boats. The villagers were to provide 2 tula of cotton, 2 guñja of thread, and 20 guñja of kacang ijo for the sanctuary. Payments to the ruler in the month of Mágha were assessed as 1 goat, 1 basket of kacang ijo, and 1 rimpi of dried fish. A yearly payment to the nâyaka, also in the month of Mágha, consisted of 10 pieces of tarhman, 10 thole-(or sail) pins, 1 plank, and 1 hide. Payments in kind with a monetary value included (surpisingly) a monetary payment of 4 p/for light corvée labor; 3 coconut shell measures of hulled rice; the value of palbur (?), 1 ma 2 pi per bag (?) ; and a quantity of sesame cake, "20 guñja per kupang according to the weights of the inspector of weights and measures."133 The last payment demonstrates the use of administered weights and measures and prescribed rates of equivalency such as were noted for Java during the same period. e. DEBTS AND STANDARDS OP PAYMENT Although seldom mentioned in the inscriptions of Bali, two records, of 896 and 923, stipulate, similar to that found on Java during the eleventh century (see below), that debtors could be protected if they agreed to pay the principal of their debt: Should debtors take refuge (and) live there, the principal of their debt [hutangña] must be paid, but not the interest [kakadugan].™4 Upon arrival in the village, those who are held (in servitude), if they wish to pay their debts [hutanñya], need pay only the principal of their debt, without the interest [kadugan].™5 According to an inscription of 1077, if an individual could not pay his debts [hutangña], "a young slave must be offered to the creditor."136 Still, gold was the preferred standard of payment in early Bali. The 896 inscription of Bebetin stipulated that those who herded buffalo, cattle, or goats were required to pay "1 cotton seed (weight) in gold [más batun kapas 1] as sa/acf-tax per person." If the tax official hulu kayu were to make an appearance "they must give him 2 ma in gold each year [mas ma 4]." As was observed in the discussion of rnulya, mâ/màsaka 133

Semb¡ran Al (844S); Goris 104; Christie, "Patterns of Trade," p. 537. Bebetin AI (818S); Goris 002; Goris, Prasasti Balil: 54-55; Christie, "Patterns of Trade," pp. 557. 135 Sembiran AI (844S); Goris 104; Goris, Prasasti Bali 1: 65-67; Christie, "Patterns of Trade," p. 540. 136 Sukarto K. Atmodjo, "Some Short Notes on Agricultural Data from Ancient Balinese Inscriptions," in Papers of the Fourth Indonesian-Dutch History Conference, ed. Kartodirdjo, p. 55. 134

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gradually acquired a monetary connotation independent of a metallic referent. In this same inscription, buildings, for example, were taxed at a rate (or value) of "5 rnasaka (gold) [masfta ma 5] per workshed."137 The most interesting passages from the Bebetin inscription deal with the law of inheritance (mentioned earlier with regard to rnulya, here provided in full): If those people who take refuge (and) live there should die, the division of the estate will be in accordance with the inheritance portions of the children (if there are any) ; for the single childless persons, 4 ma in gold [mas ma 4] per person will be set aside (for the funeral); if there is a surviving widowed spouse who is childless, then the property must be divided according to the "headloadshoulderload" rule: a man receives two thirds, a woman one third; if a single childless person is concerned, then out of all of the property: gold, silver, bronze kitchen-ware, copper kitchen-ware, slaves, house-slaves (?), buffalo, cattle, to the value of 4 mâçaka in gold [mulyan màsaka 4] will be set aside for the funeral; the remainder after what is taken for the funeral must be given to the Fire Temple as Wfutí/7/.138

The Sembiran inscription of AD 923 further illustrates the monetary transition within Bali during the early tenth century from the use of ma as a specific weight or value of gold to ma as a measure of value in its own right. "The amount of 4 ma [mulyan ma 4] (must be retained) for the funeral. The rest: gold, silver, bronze kitchenutensils, slaves, house-slaves, buffalo, cattle, wet rice fields, dry rice fields, pastureland, (fruit) gardens, must be given to the naya/ca."139 Similarly, the 1072 AD inscription of Bañurara I reads, If there is someone who wishes to enlarge the rice-field, the pi/n/safcara-(tax collector) must know the size of the enlargement; (the person who makes the enlargement) must pay 2 mâsas [ma 2] as in the past, and shall not be charged with rice [skuljby the fine-collector.140 A number of gold coins have been recovered from the island. They are of the Piloncito type which originated in central Java some time in the late ninth or early tenth century and subsequently spread to eastern Java, Bali, and the Philippines. Only one find has been reported in any detail, a 1929 discovery of 126 specimens of 1 masa weight from Gianyar. (See above, p. 254.)141 When silver was specified as a means of payment it was sometimes treated as simply another commodity rather than a measure of value in its own right. The best example is in the AD 1022 inscription of Batuan: "They must bring (?) burnished silver 137

Bebetin AI (818S); Goris 002; Goris, Prasasti Bali Î : 54-55; Christie, "Patterns of Trade," pp. 556; 557. This inscription contains other examples of payments specified in gold as well. 138 Bebetin AI (818S); Goris 002; Goris, PrasastiBali 1: 55; Christie, "Patterns of Trade," p. 558. 139 Sembiran AI (844S); Goris 104; Goris, Prasasti Bali 1: 6; Christie, "Patterns of Trade," p. 539. 140 Klunggung A (944S); Goris 439; Sukarto, "Short Notes," p. 47. 141 "Gewichte de in Gianjar (Bali) gevonden gouden Hindoe-munten," Oudheidkundig Verslag (1929), Bijlage B, pp. 18 and 72.

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and pile up shiny silver for the kàlântara feast at Er Taga to the value of 2 ma."142 Although payment was clearly intended to be made in silver, gold remained the standard of value. In all likelihood the silver was in the form of coin which could then be exchanged for the requisites of the feast. Another passage required that payments were to be made in silver if fields were farmed without permission: If there is parlak ram [dry ricefields of the ram-elders?] in the thâni, they are allowed to care for it [tumahaywa-amahaywa] without the permission of the owner, but they must pay 1 ku in silver [pirak ¿u 1]. (i.e. If there is any unused field in the thâni anyone of the thâni may farm it without asking permission of the owner if they pay 1 ku of silver.)143 The 1016 inscription of Sembiran presents a number of interpretive difficulties, marking as it does the transition from pirak as "silver" to pirak as a general descriptor of "money." All those people of the village must pay their great and small ctoca-fines and /i/dan-fines, and these will be divided into three portions: only one portion (of which) need be paid. Further, the limits of their liability to /udan-fines is up to a payment of 2 mâsaka (in gold); (as for) the bahuta, if seven are paid, in pirak[\.e. money], three atak [i.e. 600 units], one mas [400 units], one kupang [100 units], one atak [200 units], not (to be subject to?) the /i/dan-fine and they are not to • have taken away their cattle, haturan [buffalo?], besara, goats, pigs, dogs, chickens, birds—the various livestock that they raise.144 There are two possible interpretations of this passage. One interpretation would be that while the ludan-ïïne was to be paid in gold, the bahuta assessment was payable in silver, either as bullion or coin. Another interpretation is possible, indicated by translations in square brackets [ ]. It could be argued that atak, mas, and /a/pang were meant to represent quantities of Chinese cash (as they would during the fourteenth century), making pirak serve as a generic term for "money" and not simply a payment in silver.145 The Dayankayu inscription (1050-1178) treats pirak similarly, making it uncertain if the passage referred to silver as coin or silver as a term for any sort of money. It is stipulated that in accordance with the old custom concerning all kinds of sailing, the village of Dayankayu shall be given a tanda suwarâtulus [a kind of receipt?] of the pinta142

Batuan (944S); Goris 352; Goris, Prasasti Bali 1: 99; Christie, "Patterns of Trade," pp. 570. Batuan (944S); Goris 352; Goris, Prasasti Bali 1: 98; Christie, "Patterns of Trade," p. 570. 144 Sembiran Allí (938S); Goris 351 ; Goris, Prasasti Bali 1: 96; Christie, "Patterns of Trade," p. 548. Emended translation from Jan Wisseman Christie (personal communication). 145 P/ra/c is also used elsewhere in the generic sense of money or coin although less often than gold. Pirak walanda is possibly one such compound. Sukarto believes walanda comes from barandi meaning "a fine" or "a salary." The phrase pirak walanda possibly means Ma salary of silver coin." (Sukarto, "Short Notes," p. 38, n. 34). Jan Wisseman Christie, on the other hand, feels that walanda most likely comes from walantên, as in pirak lumaku walantén, "silver produced as an offering" (personal communication). 143

Java, Ball, and the Eastern Archipelago 281

panumbas [purchase] by the Rakryan Prince and Princess, and shall not be charged with piraks 146 A final example of pirak as "money" appears in the Charter of Kapal (1133-1150), where certain individuals shall not be charged with piraks... (however they) shall be charged with pirak ["silver" or "money'] of one kupangiot every two semi-precious stones they have, but not be charged with the dunung sumuren (?).147 Finds of silver coins on Bali are more enigmatic than those of gold. No discovery has been properly reported, although one group of coins known to the author is similar to Javanese Sandalwood Flower coins of the eleventh or twelfth centuries. The coins, like the Gianyar gold find, are of a single denomination, the 2.40 gram masa. Given the fact that inscriptions of the eleventh and twelfth centuries specifying payment in silver require one kupang (the 0.60 gram coin) and not the 2.40 gram masa, coins of the lesser denomination undoubtedly remain to be discovered. By the fourteenth century, pirak was replaced by hartha as the preferred term to describe monetary payments. A charter dated to the latter part of the fourteenth century mentions an extremely large payment, "the equivalent in great royal currency [hartha] Is 100,000 each."148 Hartha is derived from the Sanskrit artha ("property," "wealth," "money"). Significantly, this Balinese inscription was written in Javanese of the Majapahit period, making it possible (and even likely) that the 100,000 referred to Chinese cash, demonstrating, as in Java of the same period, a greater reliance upon small denomination coins than in previous centuries.

IV EAST JAVA IN THE EARLY ELEVENTH CENTURY: THE BALINESE HERITAGE OF AIRLANGGA This dam was built in order to bring about benefits for the world and the revival of all of the holy religious foundations.... This was brought about through the command of His Majesty [Airlangga], who has his capital at Kahuripan, because he visibly showers upon the world the elixir of life that is his affection, causing a rain of merit. By this construction he will serve to perfect all of the holy dharmma foundations for the benefit of all of his subjects, old and young, who dwell in the mándala of the island of Java. His reason for causing the source of devotion to spread is to provide a shining example for all of the world, and also to add to the splendor (of the realm). This is his reason for conducting himself as a cakravartin, as he has in undertaking this construction which will bring about daily well-being for the world, this providing a sign to the world that His Majesty is not interested solely in his own advantage. (AD 1037)149 146

Dayankayu; Sukarto K. Atmodjo, "The Charter of Dayankayu," Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land en Volkenkunde 128, 2-3 (1972): 268. 147 Kapal; Sukarto K. Atmodjo, "The Charter of Kapal," Aspek-aspek Arkeologi Indonesia [Aspects of Indonesian Archaeology] 2 (1977): 7. 148 I would like to thank Jan Wisseman Christie for bringing this material to my attention. 149 Kamalagyan [Kèlagen] (959S); OJO LXI; Christie, "Patterns of Trade," pp. 499-500.

282 Money, Markets, and Trade Not since the lofty Sanskrit verses of Sañjaya and other Sailendra monarchs in the eighth century had Java witnessed such an outpouring of religious fervor. How to account for this new-found religiousity on the part of Airlangga in what had become a secularized role within Javanese society?150 A partial explanation is that Airlangga came from Bali. Indeed, several Balinese characteristics are to be noted in Airiangga's administrative style. Although unusual for Java, the Kamalagyan stone inscription of AD 1037 follows the Balinese practice of specifying in monetary terms the taxes due the king. In this instance, the taxes were being reduced as a consequence of the construction of a dam or dike. ... the royal taxes on the dry rice fields, orchards, sirih gardens, etc. (belonging to the village), including all of the various kinds of land—river, marsh, margins, grasslands—the sum total of which is [pinda samudaya] 17 suwarna, 14 masa, 4 kupang and 4 saga in gold [ma su 17 ma 14 ku 4 sá 4], will be reduced to a payment of 10 suwarna in gold [ma su 10] each month of Asuji to His Majesty on circuit... ,151 . . . Also, the kalagyan sandangan levy of 2 suwarna and 10 masa in gold [ma su 2 ma 10] is to be reduced to a payment of 2 suwarna in gold. The kakalangan tax of 1 masa and 2 kupang [ma 1 ku 2] is to be reduced to a payment of 1 masa [ma 1]. The hermitage clothing levy to be received from the dam at Waringin Sapta is also to be reduced to a royal tax payment of 2 suwarna in gold [ma sa 2]. One of the most interesting passages is the last, in which a clothing levy was to be paid in gold. There can be little doubt that the clothing would then have been purchased, a telling indicator of the degree to which the Javanese economy was marketized in the eleventh century. This differs little from what was noted for Bali during the same century. . . . Further, they are not to be subject to requesters and collectors, royal corvee, turunturun of 1 kupang [i.e. 100], one atak[\.e. 200] [sakupang sátak] 152 This passage is similar to the Balinese Sembiran inscription of 1016 reviewed earlier in its use of sakupang and sâtak, again possibly referring to payment in Chinese copper coin. Notably, there is no metallic or valuational referent. The Kamalagyan inscription also introduces an element confirming what was suspected in Bali, namely the possible presence of multiple exchange spheres. "The payment [kapanggihajio the religious officials [wargga hatur] received from the dam each month of Asuji by the kakalangan [religious community] is to be reduced to 1 150

Christie, "Despotic State," p. 85. Kamalagyan [Kêlagen] (959S); OJO LXI; Christie, "Patterns of Trade," pp. 496-97. 152 Kama!agyan [Kêlagen] (959S); OJO LXI; Christie, "Patterns of Trade," p. 497. Emended translation from Jan Wisseman Christie (personal communication). 151

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mâsa. [ma 1]."153 Within the context, it can be assumed that the payment was in gold. Immediately following this statement, the decree goes on to specify that, "The money [pirak] all coming from their districts for fa/7/Ataxes [patahilanya] will not (be received on?) their roads and their fields which have been (affected by) His Majesty's damming operation "154 The source of income in each instance was connected in some way with the dam. This inscription suggests that religious payments, because of their ritual importance, were calculated in gold, while secular payments were valued in silver. An alternative interpretation of pirak (given its use during the late ninth century) would hold that pirak had taken on the generic meaning of "money," in whatever form, and was no longer restricted to its original meaning of "silver." Another inscription of the early eleventh century, probably issued by Airlangga, is unique in that it details the responsibilities of warehouse officials who served as representatives of the merchant community. It provides a rare glimpse into the control of trade during the early eleventh century. From the perspective of monetary developments, the most important section of this inscription deals with the standardization of weights and measures (noted earlier in this chapter) and the regulation of exchange. Inspection officials [jasun] attended to "the regulation of all the prices [katyakna tum[a]tana sârgghanya], (but they) may not transport (by road) any of these /o//a/c-/caf/s."155 The kulak-kàti measure, which established an equivalency between volume and weight, was apparently carefully guarded. This inscription also provides the first clear indication that rice was used as a medium of exchange in ancient Java. Although the particular context indicates that this occurred within the confines of regulated trade, the use of rice for exchange purposes clearly built upon accepted practice that was merely alluded to in inscriptions of the ninth and tenth centuries. Now, those at the rice granary must report to their warehouses. They may not use kulak measures of less than one kâti in weight nor may they accept kulaks of less than one kâti. Also, the rice, once gathered, should be exchanged for (the trader's) goods in half kulaks. Furthermore, (the traders) will be limited to 10 Anásas-(worth) (of rice in exchange for their goods)."156

V JAVA IN THE TWELFTH AND THIRTEENTH CENTURIES: THE VIEW FROM QUANZHOU There are a number of indications from indigenous sources that officials received payments both in kind and in precious metal (silver and gold). Zhao Rugua, an overseer of trade at the other end of the trade route, Quanzhou, in the 1220s, noted that in Shepo (eastern Java), the highest government officials 153

Kamalagyan [Kêlagen] (959S); OJO LXI; Christie, "Patterns of Trade," p. 499. Kamalagyan [Kêlagen] (959S); OJO LXI; Christie, "Patterns of Trade," p. 499. Emended translation from Jan Wisseman Christie (personal communication). 155 Mananjung [Malang]; Stutterheim, "Transcriptie van een Detecte Oorkonde op Bronzen Platen uit het Malangsche," Oudheidkundig Verslag (1928), p. 107; Christie, "Patterns of Trade," p. 507. 156 Mananjung [Malang]; Stutterheim, "Transcriptie van een Detecte Oorkonde," p. 107; Christie, "Patterns of Trade," p. 507. Emended. 154

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have no monthly salaries, but at intervals they are given a liberal supply of native produce. Inferior to them are three hundred and more civil servants, who divide among themselves the government of the cities, the treasury and the government granaries.... The commanders of the troops receive an annual salary of twenty Hang of gold, and the soldiers of the army, 30,000 in number, also receive fixed annual pay in gold in various amounts.157 Gold performed several important functions as a means of payment. When a man wanted to marry he made "presents of gold to the woman's family."158 Criminals were 'lined an amount in gold varying according to the gravity of their crime."159 Zhao was most interested in describing Javanese trade. "Traders going there are put up in visitors' lodges, where food and drink both plentiful and good (are supplied them)."160 "Traders are treated generously; they are not charged expenses for either harborage or board."161 He also provided a long list of goods used in trading: gold and silver of various degrees of fineness, vessels made of gold and silver, silk stuffs, black damasks, (silks?), orris-root, cinnabar, copper, alum, borax, arsenic, lacquer-ware, iron tripods and green and white porcelain-ware.162 Further, There is a vast store of pepper in this foreign country and the merchant ships, in view of the profit they derive from that trade, are in the habit of smuggling (out of China) copper cash for bartering purposes.163 This statement tells us two things. First, the international trade of Java was predominantly conducted on a barter basis, although, as we have seen, exchange rates were clearly regulated in favor of the government. The second observation is that the Chinese cash (found in abundance in eastern Java) was primarily viewed by the Javanese, not as coin, but as a commodity. We have seen, however, that the use of kupang and atak could possibly refer to Chinese cash, arguing for an early acceptance by the Javanese of the imported coin for monetary purposes. The earliest secure notice of Chinese cash in a Javanese inscription appeared in the fourteenth century where it was referred to as pisis. (See below, p. 291.) Zhao provides some useful information regarding local exchange as well. In particular, he mentions the presence of silver and gold coinage at Sugidan (Sukadana, in central Java): The people use as a medium of trade pieces of alloyed silver cut into bits like dice and bearing the seal of the Fanguan ["foreign official," here doubtless referring to the Javanese] stamped upon it. Six of these counters are worth one liangot trade 157

Z/?i/fanz/7/; Hirth and Rockhill, ChaoJu-kua, p. 76. Emended. Z/7ufanzh/; Hirth and Rockhill, Chao Ju-kua, p. 76. ^59Zhufanzhi; Hirth and Rockhill, Chao Ju-kua, p. 77. 160 Z/?L/fanz/7/; Hirth and Rockhill, Chao Ju-kua, p. 77. 161 Zhufanzhi; Hirth and Rockhill, Chao Ju-kua, p. 83. ™2Zhufanzhi; Hirth and Rockhill, Chao Ju-kua, p. 78. 163 Z/7ufanz/7/; Hirth and Rockhill, Chao Ju-kua, p. 78. 158

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gold [huojin], and each one may be exchanged for from thirty or forty up to a hundred sheng [pints] of rice.164 The Song Shi notes, (At Shepo) they cut up leaves of silver to make coins for business purposes; one coin of which is exchanged by government for 1 hu 2 dou [approximately 12 bushels] of rice.165 Both Zhao and the Song Shi emphasize the fact that Javanese coinage was struck, unlike Chinese coinage which was cast in moulds. In addition, both accounts calculate the value of the coinage in terms of rice, corresponding to the meagre data regarding the importance of rice in exchange transactions available from Javanese inscriptions. The Song Shi also points out the rice-silver exchange rate was administered (i.e. controlled) by the government. The variability in the price of pepper in Sugidan, however, demonstrates that exchange rates were not immune to the pressures of supply and demand: At the right season and in good years, twenty-five Hang of trade money [huoyin, "trade silver"] will buy from ten to twenty packages of pepper, each package holding fifty sheng [pecks]. In years of dearth, or in times of disturbance, the same sum will buy only half that amount.166 For all their other trading they use (this money) which is called Shepojin ["Java gold"], from which it may be seen that this country is (identical with) Shepo.167 Writing nearly a half century earlier, in 1178, Zhou Zhufei noted the presence in Java of cast coins made from an alloy of copper, silver, white copper, and tin. They were worth one tenth the silver coins described by Zhao Rugua: "Sixty of these (alloyed) coins are equal to one Hang of gold; thirty two are equal to a half a Hang of gold."168 Although not totally consistent, all of these accounts agree that the predominant coinage on Java during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries was silver, presumably referring to the Sandalwood Flower series. This coinage was supplemented by "trade gold" of undetermined character (most likely the Piloncito) and a cast subsidiary coinage, as yet unidentified.169 164

Z/7i7/anz/7/;Hirth and Rockhill, ChaoJu-kua, p. 82. Emended. Song Shr, Hirth and Rockhill, ChaoJu-kua, p. 81, note 14. Emended. 166 Z/7i//anz/7/; Hirth and Rockhill, ChaoJu-kua, p. 83. Emended. 167 Z/7u/a/7Z/7/; Hirth and Rockhill, ChaoJu-kua, pp. 82-83. Emended. 168 L/ncjiYa/ Da/da; Hirth and Rockhill, Chao Ju-kua, p. 78. Emended. 169 lt is possible that the cast subsidiary coinage consisted of local copies of Chinese cash which have been reported across the island. See T.D. Yih, "Some Peculiar Leaden Cash from Indonesia," Oriental Numismatic Society Newsletter, forthcoming; Michael Mitchiner, "Early Javanese Cash Coins," Oriental Numismatic Society Newsletter 101(1986). 165

286 Money, Markets, and Trade

VI THE EASTERN ARCHIPELAGO AND THE PHILIPPINES IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY

Because Zhao Rugua's account was intended as a guidebook for merchants, he included essential details about the mechanics of inter-cultural trade. His information for the eastern archipelago and the Philippines during the early thirteenth century, a period for which there are almost no indigenous written records, is particularly valuable. Zhao demonstrates how large-scale (and not so large-scale) trade could be carried on with peoples of widely divergent cultural backgrounds, without a common measure of value and without the use of a physical money. In two out of the three examples given below an exchange ratio is present. Zhao points out, in fact, that, in going to Borneo, traders engaging in barter prior to the setting of the official rate of exchange would be punished. And in each instance, Zhao provides a convenient list of the goods produced by each trading center and those items most likely to be accepted in exchange (fig. 8.9). Two types of transactions, gifts and exchanges, can be identified in the following passages from the Zhufanzhi. In order to make it easier to recognize their presence and interrelationship, sections preceded by an A are passages in which gifts were presented, usually at the initiation and conclusion of a trading mission. Passages describing exchanges are prefaced by a B. Significantly, in each of the examples presented below, both gift-giving and exchange were crucial to the success of the commerical venture. a. MECHANICS OF TRADE: PONÍ (BORNEO, KALIMANTAN) A1 The ship's people cover the gang-plank with silk brocades, receive them reverently, treat them to all kinds of wine, and distribute among them, according to rank, presents of gold and silver vessels, mats with cloth borders and umbrellas. When the ship's people have moored and gone on shore, it is customary, before they touch upon the question of bartering, for the traders to offer the king daily gifts of Chinese food and liquors: it is for this reason that when vessels go to Poni, they must take with them one or two good cooks. On the full moon and new moon days they must also attend the king's levee, and all this for about a month or so, after which they request the king and grandees of his suite B1 to fix with them the prices of their goods; this being done, drums are beaten, in order to announce to all the people near and far that permission to trade with them has been granted. B2 Clandestine trading previous to the prices being fixed is punishable. It is customary to treat the traders with great regard; for, if any of them commits a capital offense, he is let off with a fine and is not killed. A2 On the day when the vessel is about to sail for home, the king also gives out wine and has a buffafo killed by way of a farewell feast, and makes return gifts of camphor and foreign cotton cloth, corresponding to the value of the presents received from the ship's peop/e.170 170

Z/7ufeA7Z/7/;Hirth and Rockhill, ChaoJu-kua, pp. 156-57. Emended.

Java, Bali, and the Eastern Archipelago 287 8.9 Articles of trade in the Eastern Archipelago during the Thirteenth Century. Poni

Mayi

Sansu

Exports from the Eastern Archipelago camphor yellow wax laka-wood tortoise-shell cotton pearls betel nuts

X X X X

X X X X X

Imports into the Eastern Archipelago 11 . . . foreign traders barter for these . . ." trade-gold trade-silver brocades/damask glass beads/bottles tin/lead lacquer bowls/plates porcelain ironware

X X X X X X X

X

X X

X X

X X

X

Source: Compiled from Hirth and Rockhill (1911), pp. 155-62. Trading at Poni was secure and had a definite structure, probably not too different from what would have been accomplished at some of the lesser centers on Java, Sumatra, or the Malay Peninsula. The trade (similar to what was noted for Burma a century earlier) had two chief components, a gift-trade and a barter trade. Gifts were exchanged according to rank, at the outset (A1) and at the conclusion of a trading mission (A2). Visiting merchants were not allowed to engage in barter trade until a favorable exchange ratio had been agreed upon by both parties (B1 and B2). b. MECHANICS OF TRADE: MAYI (PHILIPPINES) When trading ships enter the anchorage, they stop in front of the officials place, for that is the place for bartering of the country. A After a ship/has been boarded, the natives mix freely with the ship's fold. The chiefs are in the habit of using white umbrellas, for which reason the traders offer them as gifts. B The custom of the trade is for the savage traders to assemble in crowds and carry the goods away with them in baskets; and, even if one cannot at first know them, and can but slowly distinguish the men who remove the goods, there will yet be no loss. The savage traders after this carry these goods on to other islands for barter, and, as a rule, it takes them as much as eight or nine months until they return, then they repay the traders on shipboard with what they have obtained

288

Money, Markets, and Trade (for the goods). Some, however, do not return within the proper term, for which reason vessels trading with Mayi are the latest in reaching home.171

In Mayi the entire procedure was streamlined, although the gift component at the outset of negotiations was maintained (A). And, instead of engaging in direct barter, the custom was for the local traders to take the foreign goods and exchange them for local produce, returning to the trading ships after a period of eight or nine months or even longer (B). This situation serves to point out that, although the rewards to successful merchants were high (witness Wang Yuanmao in twelfth century Champa), the risks were also considerable. c. MECHANICS OF TRADE: SANSU (PHILIPPINES) Whenever foreign traders arrive at any of the settlements, they live on board ship before venturing to go on shore, then ships being moored in mid-stream, announcing their presence to the natives by beating drums. B1 Upon this the savage traders race for the ship in small boats, carrying cotton, yellow wax, native cloth, cocoa-nut heart mats, which they offer for barter. B2 If the prices (of goods they may wish to purchase) cannot be agreed upon, the chief of the (local) traders must go in person, in order to come to an understanding, A which being reached the natives are offered presents of silk umbrellas, porcelain, and rattan baskets; but the foreigners still retain on board one or two (natives) as hostages. After that they go on shore to traffic, which being ended they return the hostages. A ship will not remain at anchor longer than three or four days, after which it proceeds to another place; for the savage settlements along the coast of San-su are not connected by a common jurisdiction.172 At Sansu, the procedure was almost completely unorganized (B1). If, however, it was found that the local trader and visiting merchant were not able to agree upon a satisfactory exchange, then the local chief would intervene (B2). Upon successful conclusion of the negotiations, gifts would be distributed (A). d. COINAGE IN THE PHILIPPINES Although the general pattern of trade with the eastern archipelago and the Philippines as reported by Zhao Rugua precluded the use of coinage, an important native coinage tradition did exist in the region (fig. 8.10). It could well be significant that one of the trade-goods used in Mayi was huojin, meaning "trade gold." This differs from the term Zhao used to describe the currency of Shepo and Sugidan on Java, where he referred to huoyin, or "trade silver" (silver being a generic term for "money" as well among the Chinese). Lacking a verbal description such as was provided for Java, there is no assurance that Zhao Rugua was indeed referring to the native coinage of the Philippines known today as the Piloncito. A Chinese description, thought to refer to the island of Panay in the Philippines, however, contains a passage that the people of Doubuo "made gold into coin [g/an]."173 171

Z/7i//aflz/7/;Hirth and Rockhill, ChaoJu-kua, pp. 159-60. Emended. Zhi/fanz/?/;Hirth and Rockhill, ChaoJu-kua, pp. 161-62. Emended. 173 7bnc7