Migration and Integration: New Models for Mobility and Coexistence [1 ed.] 9783737004749, 9783847104742, 9783847004745

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Migrations- und Integrationsforschung Multidisziplinäre Perspektiven

Band 8

Herausgegeben von Heinz Fassmann, Richard Potz und Hildegard Weiss

Die Bände dieser Reihe sind peer-reviewed. Advisory Board: Christine Langenfeld (Göttingen), Andreas Pott (Osnabrück), Ludger Pries (Bochum)

Roland Hsu / Christoph Reinprecht (eds.)

Migration and Integration New Models for Mobility and Coexistence

V& R unipress Vienna University Press

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MIX Papier aus verantwortungsvollen Quellen

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Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar. ISSN 2198-5243 ISBN 978-3-8471-0474-2 ISBN 978-3-8470-0474-5 (E-Book) ISBN 978-3-7370-0474-9 (V& R eLibrary) Veröffentlichungen der Vienna University Press erscheinen im Verlag V& R unipress GmbH. Weitere Ausgaben und Online-Angebote sind erhältlich unter: www.v-r.de Ó 2016, V& R unipress GmbH, Robert-Bosch-Breite 6, 37079 Göttingen / www.v-r.de Alle Rechte vorbehalten. Das Werk und seine Teile sind urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung in anderen als den gesetzlich zugelassenen Fällen bedarf der vorherigen schriftlichen Einwilligung des Verlages. Printed in Germany. Titelbild: Paris Graffiti, Ó Hagen411 bei Fotolia Druck und Bindung: CPI buchbuecher.de GmbH, Zum Alten Berg 24, 96158 Birkach Gedruckt auf alterungsbeständigem Papier.

Inhalt

Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Roland Hsu (Stanford University) Settling Peoples: Lessons from Diasporas and Difference . . . . . . . . .

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Part One – Migration: Experiencing New Mobility Zhongshan Yue / Shuzhuo Li (Xi’an Jiaotung University) / Marcus W. Feldman (Stanford University) Social Integration of Rural-Urban Migrants: Policy Challenges for China

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Raimund Haindorfer / Roland Verwiebe / Christoph Reinprecht / Laura Wiesböck (University of Vienna) Economic Outcomes and Life Satisfaction of East-West Commuters in the Central European Region . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Part Two – Integration: Models for Trust Nils Holtug (University of Copenhagen) Multiculturalism and Social Cohesion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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David D. Laitin (Stanford University) Exodus: Reflections on European Migration Policy

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Rennie J. Moon (Yonsei University) / Gi-Wook Shin (Stanford University) Embracing Diversity in Higher Education: Comparing Discourses in the US, Europe, and Asia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Part Three – Resettlement: Responding Effectively Alexander Betts (University of Oxford) / Mariano-Florentino Cu¦llar (Stanford University) / Aparna Surendra (Stanford University) Humanitarian Innovation, Integration, and the Architecture of Refugee Protection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111 Sieglinde Rosenberger / Carla Küffner (University of Vienna) After the Deportation Gap: Non-Removed Persons and their Pathways to Social Rights . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137

Part Four – Land and Labor: Indigenous and Immigrant Rights C. Matthew Snipp / Karina Kloos / Dolly Kikon (Stanford University) Suffering for Territory : Immigrant Claims and Indigenous Rights in the United States and India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153 Peter Cirenza (London School of Economics) Geography and Assimilation: A Case Study of Irish Immigrants in Late Nineteenth Century America . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173

Part Five – Reception and Recognition Paola Mattei (St Antony’s College, University of Oxford) Religious Diversity in French Schools: From the 1989 affaires des foulards to the 2004 Headscarf Ban . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203 Claire L¦vy-Vroelant The “Immigrant” through the Prism of Hospitality “— la franÅaise” . . . . 215 Heinz Fassmann (University of Vienna) Rethinking Migration Policy in Austria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 229 List of Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243 Index

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Acknowledgements

We are delighted to acknowledge those who inspired this volume’s greatest strengths. First thanks go to our contributors, for their intellectual openness to bring their work to the give-and-take of our transnational conference on migration and integration at Stanford University1. We express our enduring appreciation to our contributors, for their patience and openness to our edits and requests for revisions, and for their generosity offering expertise with their essays, and with comments to improve our own. At Stanford University, we give our very special thanks to Amir Eshel, whose leadership of the Europe Center at Stanford’s Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies provided support to conceive and run over the course of multiple years the series of seminars, working groups, visiting fellowships, and workshops on this subject. This series at Stanford gave us the extraordinary privilege of hosting the insightful scholars who ultimately contributed to this book. At Stanford’s Freeman Spogli Institute, our special thanks also go to Mariano-Florentino Cuellar for his continuing support and engagement with this project and the subject. We extend our thanks to Gi-Wook Shin for bringing as a project partner the Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Area Research Center, and to Elizabeth Gardner and Lynn Eden for spearheading our partnership with the Center for International Security and Cooperation. Karen Eggleston and Don Emmerson provided invaluable expertise for us to identify and benefit from our outstanding colleagues who specialize in East Asia. We give our warm thanks to Karen Haley and Suzanne Kierstead for their unflagging dedication and talent to make such a complex project come together. At the University of Vienna, special thanks go to August Reinisch, Head of the Section of International Law and International Relations, indispensable catalyst 1 The international conference “Migration and Integration: Global and Local Dimensions” (September 19–20, 2013) was hosted at Stanford University, and was sponsored by the Europe Center and the University of Vienna, with co-sponsors the Center for International Security and Cooperation, and the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center at Stanford’s Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies.

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Acknowledgements

for obtaining a stable and strong bridge between Stanford and Vienna, to Heinz Fassmann who supported the conference and book project both in his function as vice-rector and co-founder of the research platform for migration and integration research, and to Maximilian Kudler from the team for international cooperation and higher education projects. We also wish to thank Judith Welz and Georg Layr for preparing the manuscript for publishing, and to the scholarly reviewer for valuable feedback, and to the editors at the University of Vienna Press. Finally, to all these colleagues and friends this work owes its strengths; any remaining shortcomings in the text remain our own. This book is dedicated to Jeanne Hsu. Roland Hsu and Christoph Reinprecht, Stanford and Vienna

Roland Hsu (Stanford University)

Settling Peoples: Lessons from Diasporas and Difference1

We live in an age of great numbers of unsettled people, displaced by natural resource deprivation, conflict, poverty, and persecution. Most dramatic are the reports of migrants taking extraordinary risks to cross international borders. All major political economies are affected, and the scope of displacement is reflected in the diversity of populations.2 North Africans seek passage to Europe, some for economic opportunity, others to flee persecution in the wake of the region’s “Arab Spring” (BBC 2014c; Kaunert/L¦onard 2014).3 Those without legal documents may fall prey to smugglers and the perils of passage on the high seas or under truck and train transport (Andersson 2014b; Bommes/Fassmann/Sie1 This essay benefited from reviews and comments on earlier drafts of sections presented to the Stanford Working Group on Responding to Refugees, winter 2014, and the Conference on “Migration and Integration: Global and Local Dimensions”, Stanford University, September 19–20, 2013. Special thanks to James Hathaway for generously sharing his expertise on refugee law and comments on this essay, and to Stephanie Hom for extended discussions during her faculty fellowship at the Stanford Humanities Center. 2 The literature on international migration is rich and growing, notably on three areas of influence: regime change, natural resource deprivation, and asylum protection. Especially strong on detail of migration in the Americas, the Mediterranean basin, and Southeast Asia is: Massey, Arango, Hugo, Kouaouci, Pellegrino, and Taylor 2002. See also: Massey and Taylor 2007. For an analysis of global “cyclical migration” see Saskia Sassen 2010; Sassen 2007; and the large study with historical and contemporary analysis, Castles, de Haas, and Miller 2013. 3 For extended analysis of the influence of the events of the “Arab Spring” and the free movement protocols of the region’s economic and political organization, the “Economic Community of West African States” (ECOWAS), on the flow of migrants between African countries and across the Mediterranean basin, see “Regional Conference on Refugee Protection and International Migration in West Africa (Dakar, Senegal, 13–14 November 2008), at: http://www.unhcr.org/ 4a27be466.html (accessed September 11, 2014); and BBC, “‘Easier from Libya’ – Migrants Return to Tripoli”, http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-24521875 (accessed September 15, 2014); and Nick Cumming-Bruce, “Smugglers Rammed Migrants’ Boat, Sinking it, Group Says”, New York Times, September 15, 2014, http://www.nytimes.com/2014/09/16/world/europe/ smugglers-rammed-migrants-boat-sinking-it-group-says.html?_r=0 (accessed September 17, 2014). On the EU policy regime for surveillance (EUROSUR) of Europe’s southern maritime borders and Europe’s North African “pre-frontier” see: European Union, Europa 2008 (accessed September 29), 2014; and Andersson 2012.

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vers 2014; BBC 2014a; Berman 2003; Cross 2009; Schain 2013; Trauner/Deimel 2013; Courau 2008).4 Undocumented workers, youth, and families from Eurasian republics and the greater Middle East are transiting Europe’s eastern borders and are being held in an expanding constellation of immigrant and refugee camps (Albrecht 2002; Rekacewicz 2013; Bermejo 2009; Schwell 2009; Geddes 2008; Samers 2004; Asale 2003). From East Africa, asylum applicants follow migration and human trafficking routes to Hong Kong, Indonesia, and Australia/Papua New Guinea, and survive without permission to work while the processing of their asylum status outlasts their residency permits.5 Refugees from Gaza, Iraq, Iran, Syria (in 2014 more than three million), Central and South-East Asia (Afghanistan, Myanmar, Thailand, Malaysia), and the Great Lakes and Horn of Africa regions (Congo, South Sudan, Somalia, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Kenya, Uganda, Chad), are fleeing military conflict, political persecution, and devastated health, housing, and education infrastructure, and are overwhelming the capacity of neighboring countries to host U.N. refugee camps (Betts/Orchard 2014; Betts 2011/2013). In each of these cases local governments capitalize on political pressure to segregate migrants, constrain asylum courts, and especially to reinforce borders.6

4 On the EU policy response see, Kanter 2013. On EU and UN analysis and policy response see, Frontex 2014; and the research publication sponsored by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), focused on immigrant refugees, UNHCR 2014b, which includes the multi-national “10-Point Plan of Action on Refugee Protection and Mixed Migration”. 5 Author interview with M. F. Dixon, Organizational Secretary, African Community, Hong Kong, June 5, 2014. See also: Wall Street Journal, “Hong Kong’s Asylum System Under Scrutiny”, http:// blogs.wsj.com/chinarealtime/2013/06/21/hong-kongs-asylum-system-under-scrutiny/ (accessed September 15, 2014); and Mathews 2011. Also, author interview with Gordon Mathews on June 5, 2014; Sassen 2007; Shah 2008. 6 On the creation of modern procedural migration detention, and the tension between national sovereignty and human rights norms, see Wilsher 2012; Ryan and Mitsilegas 2010; and Good 2007. See also: Boubekeur, Amghar, de Wijk, and Malashenko 2006; Amy Taxin, “Overwhelmed Immigration Courts Could Face Further Delays”, Christian Science Monitor, July 12, 2014, http://www.csmonitor.com/USA/Latest-News-Wires/2014/0712/Overwhelmed-immi gration-courts-could-face-further-delays (accessed September 15, 2014); United States Government, U. S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement: Review of the use of segregation for ICE detainees” (September 4, 2013) http://www.ice.gov/doclib/detention-reform/pdf/se gregation_directive.pdf (accessed September 15, 2014); and The John Marshall Law School International Human Rights Clinic, “U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s New Directive on Segregation: Why we need further protections”, (February 2014) http://www. jmls.edu/clinics/international-human-rights/pdfs/customs-segregation-report.pdf (accessed September 15, 2014).

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Resettling: Looking behind the Experience of Integration After displacement, what does it mean to migrants to resettle? In this essay and in the chapters that follow we use the term resettle in particular instances to specify the formal procedure for assigning refugee residency ; but more often we refer to its informal usage pointing to the experience of situating and settling in a new community. We examine the commonly articulated goal of integrating newcomers, and in this volume we will unpack settlement by differentiating between international and domestic displacement, migration and asylum, and statutory or administrative and qualitative experience. This volume combines the research of twenty leading scholars on this subject, all invited in 2013 to engage these issues at Stanford University.7 Each brought perspectives from the areas of migrant settlement in Europe, the United States, North and East Africa, South Asia, and East and South-East Asia. This volume frames a discussion about prevailing models of integration and assimilation. In what follows I describe the way the problem has been framed through four main questions. First, what is the scale of interior or domestic movement? To understand migration in its full impact we must take account of the staggering scale of domestic or internal displacement and resettling. In this opening essay, taking inspiration from the contributing authors’ case studies, I put forward this comparison of scale. In China, the central State Council recently acknowledged what millions experience but few until recently have been able to officially quantify : that massive numbers of its citizens migrate domestically. In 2014, the government put the official number of those who have migrated specifically from rural homes to towns and cities – from agricultural to manufacturing employment, and often to a region with a new language dialect – at 174 million people (cf. Xinhua News Agency 2014). Independent researchers put the number of these rural-to-urban migrants even higher (up to 15 percent of the total population), or up to 202 million people, a total that nearly equals the combined population of neighboring Japan, Taiwan, and South Korea.8 In Europe, by comparison, the official Eurostat figures also indicate extra7 The conference “Migration and Integration: Global and Local Perspectives” (2013), was developed by this author, with the Europe Center at Stanford’s Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies, and with co-sponsorship at Stanford by the Walter H. Shorenstein AsiaPacific Research Center, and the Center for International Security and Cooperation, along with the University of Vienna. The conference program is at: http://fsi.stanford.edu/events/ migration_and_integration_global_and_local_dimensions). 8 In this volume, the essay by Li Shuzhou, Yue Zhongshan, and Marcus Feldman cites the National Bureau of Statistics of China that puts the number much larger at 261 million domestic migrants (report from 2011 of the year 2010). They note that this number includes urban-to-urban migrants. The number that I cite here represents the official claim to isolate solely the number of rural-to-urban migrants within China.

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ordinary movement. While relocating between European countries is technically not domestic migration, Eurostat data treats displacement into and within the EU in analogous terms, and reveals a comparable proportion of displaced and relocated population. Recent figures categorize 84.9 million people, or roughly 16.8 percent of the total EU population, as foreign – that is: non-EU citizen residents, EU citizens residing in a different EU country, foreign (non-EU) born, or born in the EU but residing in a different EU member country (EC, Eurostat 2013/2014). In separate studies this volume examines Asian and European cases, and probes the administrative and social experiences of such large-scale settling. Second, what are the uncharted experiences of immigrant residency? Those who have crossed borders that necessitate residency permits are compelled to demonstrate their economic productivity and potential contribution to the host economy. In Europe, the case of Germany demonstrates what can be termed “preference migration”. Germany, with its comparatively robust economy, has attracted a record number of more than four hundred thousand migrants. Of these migrants who have been granted residency, more than one-third arrive with a post-baccalaureate degree, compared to twenty percent of the general population (Kuhn/Klingholz 2013; Sievert/Slupina/Klingholz 2012; see also Smale 2014). Those who cross borders that are open by treaty, such as within the European Union, face no technical requirement to demonstrate productivity. Such policies of mobility, however, also preclude or at the very least complicate the legal protections against being “repatriated” to a homeland. For indigenous peoples, especially in the experience of the Roma of Western Europe, national governments are implementing policy that targets known immigrant communities. Two successive French administrations admit to, and continue to pursue a policy that targets Roma residents for “return” to presumed homelands in Romania and Bulgaria (Radio France International 2014; Costa-Kostritsky 2012). Such policy puts the European Union in the position of internally “repatriating” indigenous peoples. Roma representatives dispute such policy in national courts, the European Court of Human Rights, and the International Court of Justice. However the combination of multiple national defendants, the technicality that these displaced peoples receive monetary compensation, and the overwhelming caseload, means that legal injunctions are long delayed. Returning to our China-EU comparison, we find in China similar statutory restriction against long-term resettling. In China’s larger cities and centers of employment, the hundreds of millions of rural-to-urban migrant laborers are subject to the official system of hukou or household registration that retains the original rural status, and blocks domestic migrants from accessing urban social services and educational institutions. Without equal access to social benefits or full legal status to press grievances, the millions of migrants in China’s major employment centers who come with their rural hukou residency registration are

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unable to secure minimum standards for housing, labor law protection, education for their children, or health care. Even now that the Chinese Central State Council has announced reforms of the hukou system, and promised changes that would loosen the process to apply to change to urban hukou registration, and thereby give more equitable access to social services, analysts note that the vast majority of internal migrants would still be excluded from the most attractive residency status in the major cities (cf. Melander/Pelikanova 2013; Chan/Zhang 1999; Zhu 2007; Chan/Buckingham 2008; Marshal 2013; Silk 2014). Focusing on the migrant experience, this volume features an essay that offers a particularly revealing survey of China’s rural-to-urban migrants. Third, what are the experiences of social integration? Migrants are subject to the forces of popular politics of exploiting difference, and to social service programs designed to assimilate. In Europe, over the past fifteen years, new and second-generation migrants have witnessed the political gains of the Far Right in national and European Parliament, and electoral campaigns based on anti-immigrant platforms. Europe’s political landscape from North to South, East to West, now includes well-organized parties that attract fifteen to fifty percent of votes in local elections for candidates who scapegoat migrants for the demise of the Eurozone (cf. Alduy 2013; Higgins 2014; The Economist 2014; Liang 2007). In some cases, the relationship between migrants and local neighbors is determined by conflicts and ideologies far beyond the local setting. By way of example, recently we find notable cases of Europe’s Muslim communities in the UK, France, and Germany which originate predominantly in the Asian subcontinent and North Africa, but which also have been compelled by European campaigns to boycott Israeli institutions to take sides on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and to associate their Muslim identity with an elusive, quasi pan-Arab position on the divisive issue (Yacobi/Newman 2008; Israeli 2009; Kikeli/Allouche-Benayoun 2013).9 Such contradictory responses can position those of immigrant family origin as divisive influences in their host communities. The essays in this book reveal these processes that create politicized communitarian identities, and thus help us unfold the layers of ideological criticism of assimilation projects. Fourth, how do we respond to the experience of seeking asylum? The rights of refugees, including those seeking recognition of their protected status, are stipulated in the UN’s Refugee Convention10 ; their legal hearings, however, are 9 See also Huband 2010; Bakker 2010; Marret 2010; Alonso 2010; and Bjorkman 2010. 10 The right to claim asylum is based on international law. Governments are obliged to provide protection to people who meet the criteria for asylum. Asylum seekers petition for refugee status under the protection of three provisions of international law: the 1951 Geneva Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (must demonstrate well-founded fear of future persecution), the 1950 European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) (filing as part of an

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subject to the contradictory tension of national sovereignty and international compliance (Acosta 2009; Hathaway 2011/2013).11 Asylum seekers from East Africa (especially Kenya and Ghana) and the Middle East (especially Syria, Iraq, and Afghanistan) follow known transit routes to arrive in Europe, and to reach in far greater numbers Hong Kong, Indonesia, and Australia. There refugees fall into the repeated pattern of submitting their application for asylum, and waiting for processing by asylum courts that elude effective oversight for due process. Their applications linger beyond the period of their entry visa, and they slip into obscurity in semi-clandestine communities where they must seek work as daylaborers, without legal status for long-term employment.12 In Europe, absent from the official data are the number of migrants who have entered the EU to apply for asylum, and who sit stranded while they await the resolution of their application. These migrants in limbo populate what have become holding zones and borderland communities. In some frontiers the borderland community has developed a culture rich in hybrid identity with semi-sustainable economy of cyclical transit (Levi/Zilnik 2010; Zaiotti 2011; Anderson/O’Dowd/Wilson 2003; University of Oxford and the European Research Council 2013; Bodomo 2007).13 In other zones, the slow asylum processing, and negligent attention to immigrant rights to due process, accommodation, and protection have allowed the emergence of semi-lawless transit camps. For example, near the French North Sea port city of Calais, at the large trucking depots that flank the entry to the underground “Chunnel” crossing to asylum claim under the above Refugee Convention, or as a stand alone “human rights claim”), and/or in the case of Europe, the European Union Asylum Qualification Directive, which is intended to unify the criteria throughout the EU for identifying people in need of international protection. The UN 1967 Protocol removed the 1951 Convention’s temporal and geographic limitation, creating the governing Convention and Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees: http://www.unhcr.org/3b66c2aa10.html (accessed August 18, 2014). 11 For the case of Hong Kong, the People’s Republic of China has ratified the UN Convention on Refugees, but has not operationalized this in the courts of its Special Administrative Region (Hong Kong). In 2014 with Beijing direction the government of Hong Kong created a “unified screening mechanism” to process claims for asylum. Successful petitioners in Hong Kong’s asylum screening courts are granted (infrequently) status as “Protection Claimants” and it is not clear that they possess the full rights of those granted “Asylum” under the UN Refugee Convention. For summary details see: Hong Kong Refugee Advice Centre 2013; and Asylum Access 2014. 12 Author interview with M. F. Dixon, Organizational Secretary, African Community, Hong Kong, June 6, 2014. On the conduit of migrants from the greater Middle East (predominantly from Iran and Afghanistan) transiting East Asia, finally through Indonesia, to reach Australia by boat see Luke Mogelson, “The Dream Boat”, New York Times Magazine, November 15, 2013, http://www.nytimes.com/2013/11/17/magazine/the-impossible-refugee-boat-liftto-christmas-island.html?pagewanted=all (accessed September 17, 2014). 13 Cf. also the conference “The New Immigrant Europe: Languages and borderlands” at the European Union Center, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, http://www.euc.illi nois.edu/events/conferences/immigrantillinois/ (accessed September 12, 2014).

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the UK, large camps have grown up around the truck and rail yards (Longhi 2013; Chebel d’Appollonia 2012; Howarth/Ibrahim 2012; Penketh 2014).14 Migrants with and without legal documentation come to the transportation yards with the hope to find transit to the UK and gain access to its economy and labor market. The French Interior Ministry under successive administrations (both center-right and Socialist left), has ordered in the national police and public works clean-up crews to dismantle the makeshift camps and disperse those without legal documents to temporary holding centers (Hepburn/Simon 2013; Scattle 2012, especially “Europe’s Inward Turn: the Retrenchment of Public Space”, 101–134; BBC 2014b; Press Association 2014; Willsher 2014). But the camps have remained in clandestine form, and recent reports note that Albanian criminal gangs are running the camps and extorting payments for protection and transit from migrants in the most desperate economic and political straits, especially those of East African and Sudanese origin (Gov.UK, Home Office 2014; The Independent 2014). In Greece, migrants are transiting via the Turkey-Greece border to gain entry into the EU. Increasing numbers come from Iran, Afghanistan, Sudan, and Syria and face aggressive police raids and hostility in local communities with high unemployment. The goal for many is to gain access to the ferries connecting with Italy and the Adriatic coast. In the interim, migrants are targeted by the resurgent political far Right, exploited as day laborers, and forced by police back to the Turkish border, and into detention centers with harsh conditions (FRA 2013; Alderman 2012; Smith 2012). Reports quote a Turkish police commander as saying that the practice is to make the lives of undocumented migrants “unbearable” so as to coerce self-imposed repatriation and to deter new arrivals (Daley 2014). Apart from such urban immigrant cultures, growing numbers of migrants are sheltered in U.N. refugee camps. U.N. global figures currently list more than fifty-one million people forcibly displaced. Of these, more than thirty-three million are internally displaced within their country’s borders – and at risk of needing to flee, and hence becoming refugees. Nearly seventeen million are “refugees of concern” registered in U.N. refugee camps and urban settlements (UNHCR 2014a). More than three million Syrians have been forced to flee their homes to take shelter as refugees (UNHCR 2014f); and more than five million Palestinian refugees are registered in sixty U.N. refugee camps in the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, Lebanon, Jordan, and Syria (UNRWA 2014). In the face of regional conflict a growing number of these refugees are fleeing multiple times to new camps across second and third borders (Barnard 2014). There are more than 14 The specter of the Calais immigrant “camp” has become sufficiently iconic to be the subject of narrative film representation, interpreted in Rascaroli 2013.

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three hundred forty-one thousand refugees within and immediately outside the border of South Sudan (UNHCR 2014e). In the East and Horn of Africa the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) lists more than six million people of concern, including more than 4.8 million internally displaced and refugees (UNHCR 2014c). These figures represent those who have officially registered with the UNHCR, and the total number of unsettled and at-risk persons, including those internally displaced, is acknowledged by NGOs and the U.N. itself to surpass the official U.N. refugee total. In this book, and based on insights from a working group at Stanford, we seek to better respond to the refugee experience.15 By the U.N.’s own analysis twothirds of refugees (ten million) live in “protracted refugee status”, applying for asylum for five consecutive years or more. These displaced peoples live in limbo predominantly in either U.N. refugee camps or urban settings (U.S. Department of State 2014b).16 All refugees face four possible outcomes: repatriation (return required by the host state), re-establishment (return by choice), local integration, and resettlement. Refugees are responsible for pursuing their interests, but they are not entirely the masters of their own fate. If residing in U.N. camps, refugees press their interests from the position of long-term insecurity, while their hosts and aid agencies face their own exigencies. The UNHCR must broker with governments to continue hosting the camps, and international agencies must navigate the camps’ political exigencies and regulatory regimes to deliver aid.17 This book brings to the table leading scholars on governance and refugee protocol reform to question how to more effectively respond to the

15 The greater insights and the contributions on refugee experience and response in this volume are the result of the originating conference and editorial production, and in addition an extraordinary group of faculty and visiting interlocutors convened at Stanford University. Over the course of ten weeks and six workshops, we convened thirteen scholars from the social sciences, humanities, law, business, engineering, and medicine, to engage six highranking officials from the UNHCR and instrumental NGOs. We steered the discussions to raise questions, review practice, and refine protocols for refugee determination, protection, and assistance. Details and the “Working Group Overview” are at: http://cisac.fsi.stanford. edu/research/unhcr_project_on_rethinking_refugee_communities (accessed September 17, 2014). Credit for the insights developed in this workshop are owed to the participants, and in particular to Mariano-Florentino Cu¦llar (Stanford University), James Hathaway (University of Michigan), Emily Arnold-Fern‚ndez and Diana Essex (Asylum Access), and Elisabeth Gardner (Stanford University). 16 See as well the graphic representation: U.S. Department of State, Humanitarian Information Unit, Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration (PRM), “Protracted Refugee Situations”, http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/157337.pdf (accessed September 17, 2014). 17 In the large body of literature on refugee law and administration, Agier 2010, Autesserre 2013, and Betts 2013 have especially influenced my thinking on the transformation of norms of refugee policy and governance.

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growing forces that displace, that harden resistance to host, and that widen the gap between refugee aspirations and institutional capacity to respond.

Essays in this Volume These thirteen essays seek to answer these questions of the experience of settlement from humanities, social science, and policy perspectives. The authors seek to reveal the myriad policy and social forces that shape whether and to what extent displaced peoples – migrants, migrants, and asylum-seekers – settle and integrate, or simply coexist. In part one we compare experiences of internal migration. The co-authors Zhongshan Yue, Shuzhuo Li (Xi’an Jiaotung University), and Marcus Feldman (Stanford) study the Chinese model of hukou residency registration as an example of centrally planned migrant segregation. They survey the experience of rural-to-urban migrants with urban reception and modernity, and also the extent to which China’s hukou registration enables government demographic engineering or perpetuates two worlds of rural migrant labor and urban host neighborhoods. For comparison, the team of Raimund Haindorfer, Roland Verwiebe, Christoph Reinprecht, and Laura Wiesbock (University of Vienna) consider the labor migration across the Central European internal “border” between “old Europe” and the countries newly admitted to the EU. Together these essays illuminate the ingenuity and vulnerability of internal migrants who move within borders yet across languages, life-style expectations, and levels of welfare benefits. In part two we test three theoretical frameworks for social integration. Research by Nils Holtug (University of Copenhagen), David Laitin (Stanford), as well as that of Gi-Wook Shin (Stanford University) with Rennie Moon (Yonsei University, Korea), unfold the philosophical, historical, and trans-cultural meanings of multiculturalism, diversity, and competitive assimilation. The essay by Holtug reconsiders “multiculturalism” from the priority of building models of social cohesion or what Holtug articulates as “trust”. Laitin takes to task the prevailing assumption in much of the post-industrial West – and especially in Europe – that mass migration from so called underdeveloped societies undermines the host economy’s social fabric and social welfare model. The work of Shin and Moon traces the history in the East and West of “diversity” as immigration policy. They demonstrate the origin of East Asian global education policy, and the challenge of importing a goal of “diversity” to institutions of advanced study while at the same time insulating the university community – and by extension Korean society – from foreign and diverse social interaction. In part three we rethink what are effective responses to migration and in-

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ternational refugees. Essays by Mariano-Florentino Cuellar (Stanford) with Alexander Betts (Oxford), and by Sieglinde Rosenberger with Carla Kuffner (University of Vienna) posit models for sustainable settlement. Cuellar and Betts profoundly rethink a practical and theoretical basis for innovation in response to refugees. Especially focused on intractable settings of refugee camps, they expose the gaps between administrative requirement and actual experience of refugees. They also underline the distance between the aspirations of institutional actors (i. e. UNHCR, International Rescue Committee, etc.) and their capacity to marshal limited resources and counter political resistance. Rosenberger and Kuffner focus on central Europe, and uncover the status of “nonremoved” persons. They rightly call for sensitivity with their findings because these migrants and asylum-seekers do not yet have a determination of legal residency, but are not yet deported either. These “non-removed” or “non-deported” linger in a bureaucratic “gap” between national administration and local authorities. This essay posits an important potential way forward: while the status of the “non-removed” leaves them vulnerable, understanding why they are in this “gap” could help point towards appealing to the bureaucrat who is most likely to give a favorable resolution. In part four we counterpose indigenous and immigrant rights. Essays by Peter Cirenza (Oxford), and by Matt Snipp with Karina Kloss and Dolly Kikon (Stanford), interpret the history of labor migration into and within the United States to test models of economic and social assimilation. Cirenza tests the assumptions about the impact of immigration on labor markets. He subjects large data sets to quantitative analysis to determine the consequence of migration and diaspora settlement (ethnic enclaves) on housing and labor markets. This research deploys methodology applicable to international and internal migration studies: it models a way to test whether ethnic enclaves accelerate or delay the assimilation of migrants into their new society. Snipp, Kloos, and Kikon reveal the tensions between immigrant and indigenous rights and claims to resources and opportunity. This research offers a way to move beyond traditional doctrine of conquest and dispossession, and underlines the need to reinforce United Nations’ Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples to provide the legal framework for adjudication. In part five we explore the value of recognition. Three essays by Paola Mattei (Oxford), Claire L¦vy-Vroelant (University of Paris 8), and Heinz Fassmann (University of Vienna) combined offer a comparison of ways of recognizing difference in religion and culture and how these can impact the reception of migrants in the liberal West. L¦vy-Vroelant unlocks the subtle process by which the French notion of ‘hospitality’ casts the immigrant as perpetual outsider. Mattei reconstructs the noted French legislative response to the wearing of the headscarf in public, and shows how the legislative debate exposes the bias

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against communitarian identity, or identity politics, within the liberal republican ideology of citizenship and the state. Fassmann demonstrates how one state (Austria) that perceives its role as traditionally on the “edge” of Europe may be illustrating the way that migration and integration reform in the West is being driven by a neoliberal ideology of economic competitiveness. For scholars and policy leaders, the urgency of global migration, human trafficking, and political response commands attention: in this volume, the authors look behind the policies of segregation and security, to support more innovative response based on a better understanding of the experiences of settlement.

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– (ed.) 2013: “Human Rights and Refugee Law”, Human Rights Law Series, Cheltenham. Henri, Courau 2008: “Tomorrow Inch Allah, Chance!’ People Smuggler Networks in Sangatte”, in Ahmed Al-Shahi, and Richard Lawless (eds.): Middle East and North African Immigrants in Europe, London. Hepburn, Stephanie/Simon, Rita J. 2013: Human Trafficking Around the World: Hidden in Plain Sight, New York. Higgens, Andrew 2014: “Far-Right Fever for a Europe Tied to Russia”, New York Times, 20 May. Retrieved September 12, 2014 from http://www.nytimes.com/2014/05/21/world/ europe/europes-far-right-looks-to-russia-as-a-guiding-force.html. Hong Kong Refugee Advice Centre 2013: Submission to the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights: Complementing the Third Report of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) of the People’s Republic of China, Hong Kong. Howarth, Anita/Ibrahim, Yasmin 2012: ‘Threat and Suffering: the Liminal space of ‘The Jungle’’, in Hazel Andrews, and Les Roberts (eds.) Liminal Landscapes: Travel, Experience, and Spaces In-Between, London. Hsu, Roland/Hathaway, James 2014: “Stanford Working Group on Responding to Refugees”. Retrieved September 17, 2014 from http://cisac.fsi.stanford.edu/research/ unhcr_project_on_rethinking_refugee_communities Huband, Mark 2010: “Radicalisation and Recruitment in Europe: the UK Case”, in Magnus Ranstorp (ed.): Europe’s Muslims and the Israeli Palestinian Conflict, London, 117–143. The Independent 2014: “Ethnic Riots in Calais as Albanian Gangs Charge African Migrants for Access to Port Area”, August 5, 2014. Retrieved September 17, 2014 from http://www. independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/ethnic-riots-in-calais-as-albanian-gangs-charge-af rican-migrants-for-access-to-port-area-9650338.html. Israeli, Raphael 2009: The Islamic Challenge in Europe. Piscataway, NJ. Jawad, Rana 2013: ‘‘Easier from Libya’ – Migrants Return to Tripoli’, BBC, 15 October. Retrieved September 15, 2014 from http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-24521875. John Marshall Law School International Human Rights Clinic 2014: “U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s New Directive on Segregation: Why we need further protections”, Retrieved September 15, 2014 from http://www.jmls.edu/clinics/interna tional-human-rights/pdfs/customs-segregation-report.pdf. Kanter, James 2013: “Europe Turns Its Eye to Migration Policies, Amid Another Sea Rescue”, New York Times, 25 October. Retrieved September 17, 2014 from http://www. nytimes.com/2013/10/26/world/europe/europe-turns-its-eye-to-migration-policiesamid-another-sea-rescue.html?_r=0. Kaunert, Christian/L¦onard, Sarah (eds.) 2014: “Special Symposium of Comparative Migration Studies. After the Arab Spring: EU Asylum and Migration Policy in Flux”, Comparative Migration Studies, vol. 2, no. 2, 123–126. Kikeli, Gunther/Allouche-Benayoun, Joelle (eds.) 2013: Perceptions of the Holocaust in Europe and Muslim Communities: Sources, Comparisons and Educational Challenges, Berlin. Kuhn, Eva/Klingholz, Reiner 2013: Allowing Diversity : What population decline means for public service provision in rural regions, Berlin. Levi, Pavle/Zilnik, Zelimir 2010: “Europe’s Internal Exiles: Sound, Image, and Performance of Identity in Zelimir Zilnik’s films”, in Roland Hsu (ed.): Ethnic Europe: mobility, identity, and conflict in a globalized world, Stanford, 104–126.

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Part One – Migration: Experiencing New Mobility

Zhongshan Yue / Shuzhuo Li (Xi’an Jiaotung University) / Marcus W. Feldman (Stanford University)

Social Integration of Rural-Urban Migrants: Policy Challenges for China1

Introduction Rural-urban migrants are far from being integrated into the mainstream of urban communities in China. Using data from two surveys of rural-urban migrants, this chapter investigates the role of institutional and non institutional factors in migrant integration. Migrant integration is assessed with respect to three dimensions: acculturation, socio-economic integration, and psychological integration. We find that institutional factors are not necessarily related to migrants’ acculturation. However, hukou status plays an important role in their socio-economic integration. Non-institutional factors, both individual factors and migration characteristics, have significant effects on social integration. The roles of non-kin resident ties in migrant integration are more consequential. They have positive effects on all three dimensions of social integration. We discuss migration-related institutional and non-institutional challenges facing China. In this chapter we investigate the experience of the large and expanding number of rural-to-urban migrants in China. While much scholarship on migration explores the movement of peoples across national boundaries, we call attention to the challenge of intra-national displacement. In the case of China, such rural-urban migrants are far from being integrated into the mainstream of urban communities. We reveal patterns not only of institutional discrimination, but also trends in stigmatization in host urban settings. The chapter presents the findings of our aggregation of major data sets, seen first in the context of the background of rural-urban migration. We then con1 This work is jointly supported by the National Social Science Fund of China (Grant No. 13CRK015), the Fundamental Research Funds for the Central Universities, 985–3 Project of Xi’an Jiaotong University, and the Start-up Grant for New Faculty at Xi’an Jiaotong University (Grant No. 08142006). We thank participants for their valuable comments and suggestions on the earlier version of this paper presented at the conference of “Migration and Integration: Global and Local Dimensions” at Stanford University, 2013.

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ceptualize the social integration of rural-urban migrants, and use the data to describe the status of their social integration or lack thereof. We use these data to investigate empirically how institutional and non-institutional factors affect migrant integration, and ultimately to discuss relevant policy challenges facing the Chinese government.

Background Under China’s planned economy from the late 1950s to the early 1980s, the government tightly controlled rural-urban migration through the system of household registration (hukou). Under the hukou system, the Chinese population was divided into two “castes,” one with non-agricultural hukou, which was economically and socially superior to the other, namely agricultural hukou (Chan/Zhang 1999; Cheng/Selden 1994). Different hukou status was associated with different labor-market entry processes, and different access to high-level occupations, housing, medical care, and pension benefits. The practice of the hukou system contributed to the formation of two societies, rural and urban, within a single country (Chan 1994). Since the economic reform initiated in the late 1970s, China has been experiencing a transition from the redistributive economy to a market-oriented economy. Significant changes have also taken place in the hukou system, which make rural-urban migration somewhat easier, resulting in a large “floating population” (another term that refers to ruralurban migrants) who move across the rural-urban boundary, without official change in hukou status, in search of improved income opportunities and enhanced social status. However, the essential features of the hukou system remain basically unchanged (Chan/Zhang 1999; Li/Zhang/Feldman 2010). Offspring still inherit hukou status from either their mother or father2, and the conversion of hukou status, especially from agricultural to non-agricultural (nongzhuanfei) remains under tight government control (Chan/Zhang 1999; Cheng/Selden 1994; Li/Zhang/Feldman 2010). The result is that it is still difficult for ruralurban migrants to obtain legal permanent resident status in cities. Massive rural-urban migration has occurred over more than 20 years. However, due to both a lack of consensus on the definition of “migrant” and the absence of an authoritative national survey, we do not know the exact number of rural-urban migrants. But they undoubtedly comprise “history’s largest labor 2 Before 1998, children could only inherit hukou from their mothers. Since 1998, children have been able to inherit hukou status from either their mother or their father. See Cheng and Selden (1994), Chan and Zhang (1999), and Li et al. (2010) for detailed information about the household registration system and its role in rural-urban migration.

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31

flow” (Wang/Zuo 1999; Zhang/Song 2003). According to the Sixth National Population Census of the People’s Republic of China (National Bureau of Statistics of China 2011), there were 261 million migrants (including urban-tourban migrants) in 2010, of whom the majority are rural–urban migrants. Because of their great number and important economic and social impacts on Chinese society and beyond, increasing scholarly attention has been paid to rural-urban migrants, even to the extent of considering rural-urban migrants to be “the lifeblood of China’s economic boom” (Kuhn/Kaye 1994, 28). As a group, they have made major contributions to Chinese manufacturing; and rural-urban immigrants have built the brand “made in China”, the so-called “world factory”. They are also the major source of labor for Chinese service industries. Some scholars even link rural-urban migration to the prospect of social reintegration between rural society and urban society in China (Wang/Zuo/Ruan 2002). However, under the hukou system, rural-urban migrants are generally excluded from city societies, including access to institutes of higher education, city-wide social welfare programs and many types of jobs. Most rural-urban migrants participate in the secondary rather than the primary labor market, which leads them to work in low-paid “3-D” (dirty, demanding, and dangerous) jobs that urban residents eschew. They are still segregated both economically and socially from urban residents, and are far from being integrated into the mainstream of city societies. In cities, they are often discriminated against by urban residents and portrayed as peasants, criminals and scapegoats for urban society’s various problems (Wang 2006). Although a few measures have been taken regarding migrants’ labor protection and social security, for various reasons these have not been as successful as expected (Wang/Sheng 2008). In sum, most current ruralurban migrants comprise a marginalized and vulnerable group in cities (Wang/ Zuo 1999; Wang/Zuo/Ruan 2002; Wong/Li/Song 2007). Rural-urban migrants have generally been regarded as target earners, and have been expected to return to rural areas once their earning targets had been met. To some extent, this is why they are referred to as the “floating population”. However, recent research shows that an increasing proportion of young migrants, who are more educated, more ambitious, more skilled and know less about farming, are not willing to be only temporary city dwellers. They like city life and want eventually to settle down in cities (Wang 2001; Yue et al. 2010). They may not be as tolerant of abuses and injustice as their parents used to be, and are readier to defend their interests when badly treated (Harney 2009) Moreover, family migration has become increasingly common. Using data from the Migrant Population Dynamic Monitoring Survey in 2013, recently released by the National Health and Family Planning Commission of the People’s Republic of China, we find that the vast majority (90.9 %) of rural-urban migrants who were married migrated with their spouses. Nearly two-thirds (65.1 %) who

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had at least one child took at least one child with them. These changes challenge urban policies that have not taken the needs and interests of rural-urban migrants with families into account. Migrant integration into city societies is an urgent problem facing Chinese policy makers and “facilitating the integration of rural-urban migrants into city lives” has been placed on the government’s agenda (The Central Committee of C. P. C. and State Council of P. R. C. 2006).

Social Integration of Rural-Urban Migrants Concepts such as assimilation, incorporation, and adaptation offer ways to understand and describe the process of entry into the mainstream that many migrant individuals and ethnic groups may experience. The term “integration” is also often used in studies of migration, and we will use it here. However, we will not alter other researchers’ original wording in reviewing their work. Assimilation has been most important in research on migrants to America. Obviously, the socio-cultural context for rural-urban migrants in China is very different from that for international immigrants. However, both groups are usually disadvantaged, vulnerable, and have similar difficulties in integrating into the host society. Thus, assimilation theory can provide insights for our study. Gordon (1964) offers a systematic dissection of assimilation to capture the complexity of the process, ranging from cultural, structural, marital, “identificational”, “attitude-receptional”, and “behavior-receptional”, to civic assimilation. By dividing migrant integration into acculturation and economic adaptation, Portes and Zhou (1993) propose a segmented assimilation theory, postulating three possible patterns (upward assimilation, downward assimilation, and selective acculturation) of immigrant integration in the United States that are most likely to take place for contemporary immigrants and their offspring. The processes of migrant integration are, however, highly variable, depending not only on social and personal variables in the sending and receiving societies, but also on other factors that exist prior to, and arise during, the course of integration (e. g., Berry 1997). The combined effects of these factors might lead to variation among different migrant groups in how the different dimensions of integration operate (Portes/Zhou 1993). Thus, identification of the dimensions of migrant integration, as researchers such as Gordon, Portes, and Zhou have done, is crucial in delineating the trajectories of this process. The main difficulties in integration faced by rural-urban migrants lie in how to adapt to modern industrial society, achieve upward socioeconomic mobility, and complete the transformation from country people to city people. In the absence of racial and color barriers, and almost no religious barriers to their integration into the mainstream of society, Gordon’s framework for migrant

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33

integration seems overly complex for application to rural-urban migrants. In our view, for rural-urban migrants in China, upward socioeconomic mobility is a key precondition for what Gordon defines to be structural assimilation. We believe that structural assimilation is just the manifestation at the group level of migrants’ realization of cultural, socioeconomic, and identificational assimilation at the individual level. For Chinese rural-urban migrants, we argue that Gordon’s assimilation dimensions, such as marital, “attitude-receptional”, “behavior-receptional”, and civic assimilation are byproducts of migrants’ acculturation, upward socioeconomic mobility, and identificational assimilation; once rural-urban migrants are integrated on these three dimensions, the other dimensions should pose no problems. As many others (e. g. Portes/Zhou 1993) have done, we focus on a few dimensions that are essential for the integration of Chinese rural-urban migrants, namely acculturation, socioeconomic integration, and psychological integration. Adapted from Alba and Nee (2005) and Ma and Tong (2008), we define social integration as the decline of an intergroup distinction between urban residents and rural-urban migrants in terms of the significant sociocultural dimensions that are specific to China, i. e., acculturation, socioeconomic integration, and psychological integration. Acculturation refers to culture change resulting from continuous contact between urban residents and rural migrants, and is measured by “dialect proficiency” and “modernity”. Socioeconomic integration is equated with attainment of average or above average socioeconomic standing, as measured by occupational status, home ownership, and income. By psychological integration, we mean the extent to which immigrants feel emotionally bonded to the host society. To measure the level of emotional bonding we use a metric of a sense of belonging.

Data and Methods Data for this study come from two surveys, the 2013 National Migrant Population Dynamic Monitoring Survey and a so-called “2009 X City survey” of rural-urban migrants. We cross reference the two data sets to compile the most recent, representative, and authoritative sample. The 2013 National Migrant Population Dynamic Monitoring Survey was conducted by the National Health and Family Planning Commission of PRC in late May and early June in 31 provinces, autonomous regions, and municipalities in China. A multi-staged stratified PPS (probability proportional to size) sampling method was used. The survey covered both migrants and urban residents in only eight cities: Suzhou, Wuxi, Changsha, Wuhan, Quanzhou, Xi’an, Xianyang, and Songjiang District in Shanghai. Migrant respondents in these eight

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cities totalled 16,878, of whom 14,929 were rural-urban migrants and 1,949 were urban-urban migrants. Urban resident respondents totaled 7,500. The 2009 X City survey was conducted by the Institute for Population and Development Studies at Xi’an Jiaotong University in early November 2009 in X City, Fujian. Migrant respondents totalled 1,507 of whom 60 % were male, 35 % aged 16 to 24, 43 % aged 25 to 34, 22 % aged 35 and above, and 46 % were married (see Table 1). We also conducted street-intercept interviews with urban residents about their individual characteristics and socioeconomic status. In all, 489 resident interviews were successfully completed.3 Our non-probability sampling method produces bias in our data, which restricts our ability to generalize our findings. However, given the relatively large size and diversity of our sample, our data are still useful for association analyses, although at the cost of detailed accuracy.

Measures With respect to our three dimensions: acculturation, socioeconomic integration, and psychological integration, we use dialect (Southern Fujian) proficiency and modernity to measure acculturation.4 We assess migrants’ modernity using the following qualities (Inkeles/Smith 1974): – Keeping informed about the world – Granting more autonomy and rights to those with less status and power, such as minority groups and women – Manifesting a sense of personal efficacy and a general abandonment of passivity and fatalism – Seeing the virtues of planning and showing an interest in carefully planning their affairs in advance – Liking people to be on time. We selected only one item from Inkeles and Smith’s scale of modernity to reflect each quality, with minor modifications made to fit the Chinese context. Com-

3 For detailed information about the survey, please see Yue et al. (2013). 4 Dialect proficiency is operationalized as a two-category variable; it equals 1 if the respondent can speak the southern Fujian dialect (see Table 1). According to Inkeles and Smith (1974), for people who grew up in the countryside, late socialization experiences such as factory work, migration, and later life in the city can all help people become modern. We argue that realizing both the transformation from “farmers” into “workers” and from “traditional men” into “modern men” is a crucial step in the process of acculturation. Thus, modernity is a useful indicator of migrants’ acculturation status.

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Social Integration of Rural-Urban Migrants: Policy Challenges for China

pared with their study on modernity, our measure is admittedly crude. Our final index of modernity includes the following five qualitative aspects: 1. do you often get news and information through a newspaper or the internet? (1=never, 2=sometimes, 3=often) 2. do you agree with the statement that parents should let boys rather than girls receive a higher level of education? (1=agree, 2=indifferent, 3=disagree) 3. what do you think one’s success depends on? (1=mainly luck, 2=half luck and half personal efforts, 3=mainly personal efforts) 4. to what extent are you willing to arrange your work and affairs in advance? (1=I just play it by ear, 2=only a few things, 3=most of my things) 5. suppose that you make an appointment with your friend to meet at a specific time, but he/she does not show up on time, how many minutes late would you view as being late? (1=more than half an hour, 2=five minutes to half an hour, 3=no more than five minutes). Our index of modernity is calculated as the average of the above five scores (see Table 1). We use monthly income, hourly income, home ownership, and occupational status to measure socioeconomic integration.5 We use sense of belonging to measure psychological integration. Sense of belonging is measured with three observed variables adapted from Bollen and Hoyle’s (1990) scale: I feel a sense of belonging to cities; I feel that I am a member of cities; and I see myself as part of cities.6 We use the average score as a measure of rural-urban migrants’ psychological integration.

Table 1: Description of Variables Variable Migrant Integration Acculturation Dialect proficiency Individual modernity

Definition

Equals 1 if respondent can speak the southern Fujian dialect The mean of five qualitative aspects selected and adapted from Inkeles and Smith (1974)

N

Range

Mean

SD

1,506

0, 1

0.29

/

1,458

1–3

2.41

0.31

5 Both monthly income and hourly income are operationalized as continuous variables, while both home ownership and occupational status are operationalized as two-category variables (see Table 1). 6 All three items were scored on a 5-point Likert scale (1=strongly disagree to 5=strongly agree). Cronbach reliability alpha is 0.788.

36 (Continued) Variable Socioeconomic Integration Monthly pay Hourly pay Home ownership Non-manual labor Psychological Integration Sense of belonging Individual Factors Male Ageb 16–24 25–34 Married Educational attainment Junior high Senior high and above Minority ethnicity Social Networks Non-kin resident ties Kin resident ties Non-resident ties

Zhongshan Yue et al.

Definition

N

Range

Mean

SD

The amount of monthly pay 1,452a 250–50000 2089.19 2420.75 (Yuan) The amount of hourly pay 1,445 0.69–204.08 9.84 12.93 (Yuan) Equals 1 if respondent reported owning a house or an 1,507 0, 1 0.02 / apartment in X City Respondent is an administrator, a manager, a professional or technical 1,485 0, 1 0.02 / employee, a clerk or an owner of a private enterprise The average score of the first three items from PCS of Bollen and Hoyle (1990)

1,504

1–5

3.54

0.71

Respondent is male

1,507

0, 1

0.60

/

Equals 1 if respondent aged 16 to 24 Equals 1 if respondent aged 25 to 34 Respondent is married

1,503

0, 1

1,503

0, 1

1,505

0, 1

0.46

/

1,504

0, 1

0.50

/

1,504

0, 1

0.42

/

1,505

0, 1

0.03

/

1,484

0–25

1.40

2.77

1,486

0–30

1.26

2.98

1,478

0–180

20.07

18.93

Respondent attended junior high school Respondent finished senior high school, technical secondary school, college, or university Respondent is a member of a minority ethnic group rather than Han Chinese The number of respondent’s non-kin resident ties The number of respondent’s kin resident ties The number of respondent’s non-resident network members

0.35 0.43

/ /

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Social Integration of Rural-Urban Migrants: Policy Challenges for China

(Continued) Variable

Definition

N

Range

Mean

SD

Migration Factors Intraprovincial Equals 1 if respondent comes 1,507 0, 1 0.56 / migration from Fujian The common logarithm of Duration of years of migration plus 1 since 1,488 0.00–1.56 0.72 0.37 stay respondent began to work in X City, i. e., log(years+1) Number of The number of respondent’s 58.05 19.30 0–119 1,499 working hours weekly working hours c Occupation SelfEquals 1 if respondent is self0.16 / 0, 1 1507 employed employed Equals 1 if respondent is an administrator, a manager, a Non-manual professional or technical 0.02 / 0, 1 1,485 labor employee, a clerk or an owner of a private enterprise Frequency of Equals 1 if respondent returning annually returns home four 1,501 0, 1 0.20 / home times or more Note: a Those migrants who have no pay, such as the unemployed, are excluded from our analysis; b 16–24 and 25–34 are dummy variables of age, and respondents aged 35 or over form the reference group: c manual and semi-manual labor forms the reference group. Source: Data from the 2009 X City Survey of rural-urban migrants.

We divide predictor variables that might affect the status of migrant integration into two categories: institutional factors and non-institutional factors. The noninstitutional factors include individual factors and migration factors. Table 1 lists all the variables. Since rural-urban migrants are generally excluded from city societies by the hukou system, we use hukou status as the agent variable to measure institutional conditions. Individual factors include gender, age, marital status, educational attainment, ethnicity, and social networks. Previous research on both international and internal migrants has shown that social networks play an important role in their integration into host societies, especially if the destination is unfriendly to immigrants (Mouw 2002; Zhao 2003). We find that migrant-resident ties are significantly associated with integration of rural-urban migrants (Yue et al. 2013) where we divided migrant networks into kin resident ties, non-kin resident ties and non-resident ties. We use five variables, namely, intra-provincial migration, duration of stay, number of working hours, occupation, and frequency of returning home, to reflect respondents’ migration characteristics (see Table 1).

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Analytical Strategy Using the 2013 National Migrant Population Dynamic Monitoring Survey data, we first present a description of the status of social integration or lack thereof by comparing migrants with urban residents. We then investigate the role of institutional arrangements in migrant integration, and incorporate both ruralurban migrant and urban resident respondents into a sample using the data from 2009 X City survey of rural-urban migrants. By doing this, we created the variable of hukou status. Rural-urban migrants’ hukou status is agricultural and urban residents’ is non-agricultural. We ran OLS models or logistic regressions, depending on whether the corresponding dependent variable was continuous or binary, to examine the role of hukou status in migrant integration by controlling for gender, age, education, and marital status. Finally, to examine the effects of non-institutional factors on migrant integration, we use only the sample of rural-urban migrants to run OLS models or logistic regressions.

Determinants of Social Integration Both institutional and non-institutional factors have significant associations with migrant integration. Hukou continues to divide urban and rural populations, and is the strongest institutional barrier to migrant integration, especially socioeconomic integration. In addition, non-institutional factors, such as gender, age, education, marital status, intra-provincial migration, duration of stay, and social network, have significant effects on migrants’ integration into the mainstream of the host society. Table 2 presents our results on the social integration of rural-urban migrants. In comparison with urban residents, integration of rural-urban migrants in terms of socio-economic dimensions remains at a low level and few have integrated into city societies. For rural-urban migrants, monthly income is higher than that of urban residents, although, hourly income of rural-urban migrants is lower. There are still large gaps between urban residents and rural-urban migrants in terms of home ownership and occupational status. Rural-urban migrants are still segregated economically from urban residents, and are far from being integrated into the mainstream of city societies. We do not have data about urban residents’ dialect proficiency and sense of belonging, so the acculturation and psychological integration of rural-urban migrants is not compared with urban residents. We find that one third of rural-urban migrants can speak the local dialect but about 90 % of them agree that they belong to city societies. Nevertheless they comprise a marginalized and vulnerable group in cities.

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Social Integration of Rural-Urban Migrants: Policy Challenges for China

Table 2: Social integration of rural-urban migrants Rural-urban Migrants Acculturation Dialect Proficiency Can speak Can not speak Socio-economic Integration Monthly salary (yuan) Hourly salary (yuan) Owning an apartment Yes No Occupational Status Manual or semi-manual labor Non-manual labor Psychological Integration I belong to city societies? Strongly agree Agree Disagree Strongly disagree N

Urban residents

Mean

SD

Mean

SD

33.3 66.7

/ /

3363.7 13.9

2154.1 11.2

3138.0 16.8

3093.8 18.2

7.4 92.6

/ /

52.2 47.8

80.9 19.1

/ /

59.4 40.6

41.5 48.9 8.2 1.4 14,929

/ / / /

7,500

Source: Data from 2013 National Migrant Population Dynamic Monitoring Survey.

Institutional Determinants Testing for the effect of institutions and cultural integration, we find that hukou status has no significant effect on migrants’ dialect proficiency. We also find that age and duration of living in the city are significantly associated with acculturation. Table 3: Coefficients from regressions predicting cultural integration Variables Male Age Married Education Junior High School Senior High School College and above

Acculturation: Dialect Proficiency Odds Ratio 0.875 0.942*** 0.772

SE 0.108 0.011 0.115

0.853 0.771 0.838

0.193 0.183 0.231

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(Continued) Acculturation: Dialect Proficiency

Variables Duration living in X City Agricultural hukou Income Social networks Interaction of hukou and social networks Constant -2LL Pseudo R2 N

Odds Ratio 1.127*** 1.020 1.027 1.001 1.065**

SE 0.014 0.333 0.122 0.006 0.023

1891.93*** 0.166 1706

Note: ***p