#MeToo Issues in Religious-Based Institutions and Organizations 9781522591955, 9781522591979

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#MeToo Issues in Religious-Based Institutions and Organizations Blanche J. Glimps Tennessee State University, USA

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Theron N. Ford Independent Scholar, USA

A volume in the Advances in Religious and Cultural Studies (ARCS) Book Series

Published in the United States of America by IGI Global Information Science Reference (an imprint of IGI Global) 701 E. Chocolate Avenue Hershey PA, USA 17033 Tel: 717-533-8845 Fax: 717-533-8661 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://www.igi-global.com Copyright © 2020 by IGI Global. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or distributed in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, without written permission from the publisher. Product or company names used in this set are for identification purposes only. Inclusion of the names of the products or companies does not indicate a claim of ownership by IGI Global of the trademark or registered trademark. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Glimps, Blanche Jackson, 1942- editor. Title: #MeToo issues in religious-based institutions and organizations / Blanche J. Glimps and Theron N. Ford, editors. Other titles: Me Too issues in religious-based institutions and organizations Description: Hershey : Information Science Reference, 2019. Identifiers: LCCN 2018058993| ISBN 9781522591955 (hardcover) | ISBN 9781522591979 (ebook) | ISBN 9781522591962 (softcover) Subjects: LCSH: Religious life. | Marginality, Social--Religious aspects. | Religious institutions. Classification: LCC BL624 .M466 2019 | DDC 201/.76--dc23 LC record available at https://lccn. loc.gov/2018058993

This book is published in the IGI Global book series Advances in Religious and Cultural Studies (ARCS) (ISSN: 2475-675X; eISSN: 2475-6768)

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Advances in Religious and Cultural Studies (ARCS) Book Series ISSN:2475-675X EISSN:2475-6768 Editor-in-Chief: Nancy Erbe, California State University-Dominguez Hills, USA Mission

In the era of globalization, the diversity of the world and various cultures becomes apparent as cross-cultural interactions turn into a daily occurrence for individuals in all professions. Understanding these differences is necessary in order to promote effective partnerships and interactions between those from different religious and cultural backgrounds. The Advances in Religious and Cultural Studies (ARCS) book series brings together a collection of scholarly publications on topics pertaining to religious beliefs, culture, population studies, and sociology. Books published within this series are ideal for professionals, theorists, researchers, and students seeking the latest research on collective human behavior in terms of religion, social structure, and cultural identity and practice.

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Coverage • Human Rights and Ethics • Social Stratifcation and Classes • Cultural Identity • Cults and Religious Movements • Politics and Religion • Cross-Cultural Interaction • Gender • Globalization and Culture • Impact of Religion on Society • Group Behavior

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Intercultural and Interfaith Dialogues for Global Peacebuilding and Stability Samuel Peleg (Fordham University, USA) Information Science Reference • ©2019 • 403pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781522575856) • US $195.00 The Normative Nature of Social Practices and Ethics in Professional Environments Marc J. de Vries (Delft University of Technology, The Netherlands) and Henk Jochemsen (Wageningen University & Research, The Netherlands) Information Science Reference • ©2019 • 336pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781522580065) • US $195.00 Memory, Identity, and Nationalism in European Regions Victor Apryshchenko (Southern Federal University, Russia) and Oxana Karnaukhova (Southern Federal University, Russia) Information Science Reference • ©2019 • 254pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781522583929) • US $195.00 Examining the Social and Economic Impacts of Conflict-Induced Migration Esther Akumbo Nyam (Plateau State University, Nigeria) and Festus Idoko (University of Jos, Nigeria) Information Science Reference • ©2019 • 328pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781522576150) • US $185.00 Handbook of Research on Indigenous Knowledge and Bi-Culturalism in a Global Context Shahul Hameed (Te Wānanga o Aotearoa, New Zealand) Siham El-Kafafi (Arrows Research Consultancy Limited, New Zealand) and Rawiri Waretini-Karena (Te Whare Wānanga o Awanuiārangi, New Zealand) Information Science Reference • ©2019 • 396pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781522560616) • US $265.00 Music and Messaging in the African Political Arena Uche T. Onyebadi (Texas Christian University, USA) Information Science Reference • ©2019 • 321pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781522572954) • US $175.00

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Editorial Advisory Board

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Umme Al-Wazedi, Augustana College, USA Judy Alhamisi, Marygrove College, USA Hani Aljohani, Tennessee State University, USA Nicole Arrigihi, Tennessee State University, USA Fatima Barnes, Howard University, USA Keisha Bryan, Tennessee State University, USA Sarah Iriogbe, Tennessee State University, USA V. Nikki Jones, Middle Tennessee State University, USA Show-Mei Lin, Tennessee State University, USA Chukwunyere Okezie, Marygrove College, USA Judith Presley, Tennessee State University, USA Moses Rumano, Malone University, USA Fortune Sibanda, Great Zimbabwe University, Zimbabwe John David Tiller, Tennessee State University, USA Clara Young, Tennessee State University, USA

Table of Contents

Foreword.............................................................................................................xiii Preface................................................................................................................. xiv Acknowledgment................................................................................................ xix Section 1 United States Perspective Chapter 1 Silenced, Shamed, and Scatted: Black Feminist Perspective on Sexual Trauma and Treatment With African American Female Survivors........................1 V. Nikki Jones, Middle Tennessee State University, USA Donna M. Dopwell, Middle Tennessee State University, USA Lauren C. Curry, Black Lesbian Literary Collective, USA

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Chapter 2 The Promise for African American Male Students in Graduate Studies and Professional Development at Marygrove College.................................................33 Chukwunyere E. Okezie, Marygrove College, USA Judy Alhamisi, Marygrove College (Retired), USA Blanche J. Glimps, Tennessee State University, USA Chapter 3 Men and Women Against the Other......................................................................56 Kalina G. Spencer, John Carroll University, USA Chapter 4 Queering the Marianist Charism: Narratives Ofer Insights for Change..............76 R. Darden Bradshaw, University of Dayton, USA



Chapter 5 Gender Relations in the Black Church: Pentecostal Ecclesiology and Women’s Leadership Roles in Transition...........................................................106 Cynthia B. Bragg, Morgan State University, USA Section 2 International Perspective Chapter 6 “Prayers That Preyed”: Critical Refections on Robert Martin Gumbura’s Church Saga in Zimbabwe..................................................................................144 Fortune Sibanda, Great Zimbabwe University, Zimbabwe Bernard Pindukai Humbe, Great Zimbabwe University, Zimbabwe Chapter 7 Beyond the Catholic Church: Child Sexual Abuse in Selected Other Religious Organizations......................................................................................170 Dominica Pradere, Ministry of Education, Jamaica Theron N. Ford, Independent Scholar, USA Blanche J. Glimps, Tennessee State University, USA Chapter 8 Body Image and Emotional Well Being Among Gay and Heterosexual Religious Young Men: Modern Orthodox and Ultra-Orthodox Jews.................195 Shraga Fisherman, Shaanan College, Israel

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Chapter 9 Breaking Silence Through Gender Jihad: Muslim Women and the #MeToo Movement...........................................................................................................225 Umme Al-wazedi, Augustana College, USA Chapter 10 The Sexual Abuse of African Nuns: No Sanctuary for African Women in the Sisterhood...........................................................................................................247 Theron N. Ford, Independent Scholar, USA Blanche J. Glimps, Tennessee State University, USA Compilation of References............................................................................... 269 Related References............................................................................................ 305 About the Contributors.................................................................................... 334 Index................................................................................................................... 339

Detailed Table of Contents

Foreword.............................................................................................................xiii Preface................................................................................................................. xiv Acknowledgment................................................................................................ xix Section 1 United States Perspective Chapter 1 Silenced, Shamed, and Scatted: Black Feminist Perspective on Sexual Trauma and Treatment With African American Female Survivors........................1 V. Nikki Jones, Middle Tennessee State University, USA Donna M. Dopwell, Middle Tennessee State University, USA Lauren C. Curry, Black Lesbian Literary Collective, USA

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The African American experience is grounded in a strong religious tradition that does not adequately address sexual violence against women. This chapter ofers perspective on how religiously-motivated heterocentric-patriarchy marginalizes Black female sexual trauma survivors. Recommendations are informed by Black feminisms in order to support culturally congruent practice. These interventions emphasize Black women’s lived experience, raise awareness of multilevel oppression, and foster the empowerment of Black women. Basic treatment considerations for African American female trauma survivors and their support systems are provided. Chapter 2 The Promise for African American Male Students in Graduate Studies and Professional Development at Marygrove College.................................................33 Chukwunyere E. Okezie, Marygrove College, USA Judy Alhamisi, Marygrove College (Retired), USA Blanche J. Glimps, Tennessee State University, USA



The recruitment of African American males into chosen professions in the United States of America is an increasing challenge at national, state, and local levels. Gender and racial disparities between teachers in this country and the students they teach are present in classrooms. This chapter examines the Marygrove College’s Griot program as an initiative established to address the underrepresentation of African American males in additional designated occupations. The philosophy and heritage from which the Griot Program was developed, along with key events and decisions throughout its life span are discussed. Model African American initiatives that can help shape Griot’s future as it tries to increase the recruitment, retention, and success of African American men in graduate school to assume leadership roles in human resource management, in social justice, as well as in education are also presented. Chapter 3 Men and Women Against the Other......................................................................56 Kalina G. Spencer, John Carroll University, USA The purpose of this chapter is to discern the oppressive and prejudicial treatment inficted on Black students at John Carroll University, a private white institution. This chapter will outline instances of oppression, culturally and racially insensitive behavior, and lack of solidarity that one student of color in particular experienced throughout her four years of attendance. The goal of this chapter is not only to inform others of the treatment of this student, but to encourage students of color to advocate for themselves and pursue their education regardless of the obstacles they may encounter.

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Chapter 4 Queering the Marianist Charism: Narratives Ofer Insights for Change..............76 R. Darden Bradshaw, University of Dayton, USA Experiencing disparities between the philosophical stance of the Marianist charism and its practical implications as they inform equity, inclusion, and diversity on the University of Dayton campus, the researcher engaged in a qualitative study gathering information to foster changes that beneft the greater University of Dayton community. By using the mixed methods, participant narratives contextualize diverse personal and professional experiences on campus. Results indicate that the Marianist charism, while complex in its interpretations, simultaneously draws people to the university and becomes a barrier to full equity; it further marginalizes women, persons of color, and LGBTQ+ identifed people. This chapter concludes with a call to queer the Marianist charism and include the unheard voices of those marginalized to further these eforts.



Chapter 5 Gender Relations in the Black Church: Pentecostal Ecclesiology and Women’s Leadership Roles in Transition...........................................................106 Cynthia B. Bragg, Morgan State University, USA This chapter examines the lived experiences of women in the Church of God in Christ (COGIC) and presents a model for partnership in leadership with clerics and churchwomen. The model is based on the premise of the visionary founder and “Chief Apostle” of this denomination. Histories of churchwomen in this organization portray them as staunch supporters of ministries in the church. Women in leadership roles were defned by the founder as overseers—a term suggesting honorary prestige to women that was equal to clerical positions in the church. Following the death of the founder, however, churchwomen encountered barriers to leadership positions which lowered their status and authority thus impacting their inclusion, agency, and voice in matters of church leadership and governance. Section 2 International Perspective

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Chapter 6 “Prayers That Preyed”: Critical Refections on Robert Martin Gumbura’s Church Saga in Zimbabwe..................................................................................144 Fortune Sibanda, Great Zimbabwe University, Zimbabwe Bernard Pindukai Humbe, Great Zimbabwe University, Zimbabwe This chapter was motivated by the manifestations and consequences of patriarchal theology testifed through the increase in the number of cases in Zimbabwe involving prophets and church leaders accused of sexually abusing their followers after promising to help them out of their problems. The research focuses on the sexual scandals of the founder and leader of Robert Martin Gumbura (RMG) Independent End Time Message Church, Robert Martin Gumbura, who was sentenced to a 40-year prison term in Zimbabwe for sexually abusing four women from his church. The chapter posits that some churches are no longer safe havens for the weak and defenseless women who fall prey to some unscrupulous church leaders such as Robert Martin Gumbura. By using in-depth interviews and documentary analysis and insights from the historical, sociological, and phenomenological approaches, the study established that Robert Martin Gumbura brainwashed some women congregants and threatened to curse them with prayers that would commit them to the devil if they resisted his nefarious demands.



Chapter 7 Beyond the Catholic Church: Child Sexual Abuse in Selected Other Religious Organizations......................................................................................170 Dominica Pradere, Ministry of Education, Jamaica Theron N. Ford, Independent Scholar, USA Blanche J. Glimps, Tennessee State University, USA Since the early 1980s, allegations of the sexual abuse of children by members of the clergy and other representatives of religious organizations have been reported in the media with alarming frequency. In North America, the majority of reports highlight the Catholic Church. Many of these allegations refer to incidents, which took place many years previously. This chapter explores three specifc examples of other religious groups, that are not the Catholic Church, involved with the sexual abuse of children. These include the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (Mormons), Moravians, and Orthodox Judaism (Haredi). Chapter 8 Body Image and Emotional Well Being Among Gay and Heterosexual Religious Young Men: Modern Orthodox and Ultra-Orthodox Jews.................195 Shraga Fisherman, Shaanan College, Israel

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This chapter attempts to create a close-up picture of the society of Orthodox Jewish men in regard to their levels of religiosity and sexual identity. The author examines BI, emotional wellbeing, and the connection between them, among three groups of religious Israeli young men: Modern Orthodox (MO) heterosexual men, Modern Orthodox gay men (MOG), and ultra-Orthodox heterosexual men (UO). The fndings pose an extremely important challenge to educators in Israel. The young men answered two questionnaires: SWLS and the Body Image Questionnaire. The BI and wellbeing scores for the MOGs were signifcantly lower than for the MOs and UO. The correlations between BI and wellbeing were diferent in each group: there was no signifcant correlation among the MO, among the MOGs there was a negative, medium, and signifcant correlation, and among the UO there was a positive, high, and signifcant correlation. These diferences were explained by social and educational trends. Chapter 9 Breaking Silence Through Gender Jihad: Muslim Women and the #MeToo Movement...........................................................................................................225 Umme Al-wazedi, Augustana College, USA With the advent of the #MeToo movement many Muslim women are naming their abusers now—both in the US and internationally. First, it has opened the door for re-studying the orientalist approach to portraying Muslim women’s bodies, and to



challenge and critique the idea that Muslim women’s complaints against Muslim men complicate race relations in the aftermath of the war on terror in the US and France. Second, this movement has created such movements as the #MosqueMeToo movement and has given birth to a very needed phase of Public Feminism that criticizes Muslim patriarchy. This chapter critically analyzes several documentaries and fctions written and directed by Muslim women and argues that this movement gives an opportunity to Muslim women to speak out against their abusers; it has given freedom to councilors in faith-based institutions and other not-for-proft organizations to talk about sexual assaults—a much needed community service that was previously unavailable. Chapter 10 The Sexual Abuse of African Nuns: No Sanctuary for African Women in the Sisterhood...........................................................................................................247 Theron N. Ford, Independent Scholar, USA Blanche J. Glimps, Tennessee State University, USA Special circumstances seem to engender the practice of sexual abuse of African nuns by African priests. The priesthood is grounded in male dominance, as is the Catholic Church. Followers of the Catholic faith are trained from an early age to be obedient and unquestioning of the priest. That stance is compatible with many sub-Saharan cultures that position males at the society’s apex. The role of females in such cultures is to be obedient to males. For African females, daring to become nuns is still a relatively novel decision in some communities. The decision is fraught with incentives and consequences. Among those incentives is gaining access to education. For sub-Saharan African women access to education maybe a steppingstone to becoming a nun. There is an examination of the impact of education gained through the embrace of Catholicism, joining the sisterhood of nuns, juxtaposed to the silent epidemic of sexual violence perpetrated by priests and bishops and the realization that for many African nuns the sisterhood does not provide sanctuary from priest sexual abuse.

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Compilation of References............................................................................... 269 Related References............................................................................................ 305 About the Contributors.................................................................................... 334 Index................................................................................................................... 339

xiii

Foreword

I am pleased to be asked to write the foreword in support of women and men who have stories to tell. Their voices are essential to the discourse that must take place in our communities. This book will serve as an additional springboard to continue the conversation on the topic of #MeToo and bring more awareness to this very timely matter. The #MeToo movement should not be pigeonholed into just being a workplace offense, but a powerhouse that heals survivors and ends sexual violence wherever it may occur. I also believe profoundly that the subject matter of #MeToo should be an encapsulating voice that brings forth growth minded change in our culture and modifications to our laws. Between each of the pages of this book will be an opportunity for educators to learn how incidents of sexual harassment can plague religious-based institutions and organizations. May the reader find healing in these chapters!

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Renee Middleton Ohio University, USA

xiv

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Preface

African American women have had a long history of being victimized by sexual violence starting from their entrance into this country. The middle passage was often a time when enslaved African women were stripped of their dignity through sexual trauma. Morgan (n.d.) asserts that “women in particular were subjected to brutal rapes and sexual abuse during their journey; many women arrived at the shores of the New World carrying the children of their abusers” (para. 2). This sexual abuse continued upon arrival on the shores of the United States. On plantations and in other venues, slave masters exercised their sexual control over the lives of African American women and girls. During slavery times, protests and resistance against sexual violence took place directly and indirectly. As an example, in 1855 Celia an enslaved woman was tried and executed for killing her owner after years of rape (Celia, a Slave Trial, n.d.). Celia stopped her sexual abuse at the personal cost of her life. In recent times, this has led to the “Me Too Movement” which was founded in 2006 by Tarana Burke. At that time, the movement was intended to assist African American women and girls, “from low wealth communities, find pathways to healing” (Metoomovement, n.d., History & Vision, para.1) after their experience of sexual violence. However, “actress Alyssa Milano posted the now viral #MeToo tweet that spread like wildfire across social media” (Lafeunte, n.d., para. 2) around the world. The movement has precipitated an examination of sexual violence in the workplace and those in power who are responsible. Unfortunately, sexual violence is not confined to workplace situations. The issue of sexual violence within the Catholic Church has received national and international attention with consequent prosecution of responsible parties (Winfield, 2019). However, the examination of such violence is not confined to just Catholic traditions. When sexual violations occur in religious institutions and organizations, Bruinius (2018) defines the situation as a “violation of a special trust” (para. 1) particularly when the location is in a place of worship. The Center for Religion and Civic Culture (2018) hosted a panel to explore the relationship between the MeToo Movement and faith communities. The organization

Preface

summarized the relationship, in both national and international settings, in the following manner:

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The #MeToo movement has upended long-standing power dynamics that support the tacit acceptance of sexual misconduct against women in the worlds of politics, entertainment and technology. A similar culture of suppression and misogyny often exists in communities across the spectrum of religious practice and belief–from Zen Buddhism and evangelical Christianity to Islam and Judaism. (para. 2) Our book, #Me Too Issues in Religious-Based Institutions and Organizations, continues that conversation with peer-reviewed essays and research reports contributed by an array of scholars and practitioners from a range of fields. The objective of this book is to examine the human experience that occurred within the context of religious institutions and organizations. If educators, and other readers, truly hold a commitment to a marketplace of free ideas, they must embrace the opportunity to be exposed to information and ideas that may create cognitive dissonance. Readers of this book will gain insights and tools for improving social conditions in their personal lives, in places of worship, in workplaces, and in academic environments. The book is divided into two sections. In Section One, several chapters discuss issues of sexual violations and violence within the borders of the United States that are illustrative of gender and racial oppression. In Section Two, chapters are assembled to illustrate how sexual violence and violations transcends our national border. Jones, Donwell, and Curry, in Chapter 1, describe how the African American experience is grounded in a strong religious tradition that does not adequately address sexual violence against women. This chapter offers perspective on how religiously motivated heterocentric-patriarchy marginalizes Black female sexual trauma survivors. Recommendations are informed by Black feminisms in order to support culturally congruent practice. These interventions emphasize Black women’s lived experience, raise awareness of multilevel oppression, and foster the empowerment of Black women. Basic treatment considerations for African American female trauma survivors and their support systems are provided. In Chapter 2, Okezie, Alhamisi, and Glimps discuss how the recruitment of African American males into chosen professions in the United States has been an increasing challenge at national, state, and local levels. Gender and racial disparities between teachers in this country and the students they teach are present in classrooms. This chapter examines the Marygrove College’s Griot program as an initiative established to address the underrepresentation of African American xv

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Preface

males in designated occupations. The philosophy and heritage from which the Griot Program was developed, along with key events and decisions throughout its life span are discussed. Model African American initiatives that can help shape Griot’s future as it tries to increase the recruitment, retention, and success of African American men in graduate school to assume leadership roles in Human Resource Management, in Social Justice, as well as in Education are also presented. Spencer’s purpose of Chapter 3 is to present an intimate overview of the oppression and prejudice inflicted on black students at John Carroll University, a private white Catholic institution. At the same time the chapter highlights the majority of the oppressive behavior emanated from female students. This chapter will outline instances of oppression, culturally and racially insensitive behaviors, and lack of solidarity that one student of color in particular experienced throughout her four years of attendance. The goal of this chapter is not only to inform others of the treatment of this student, but to encourage students of color to advocate for themselves and pursue their education regardless of the obstacles they may encounter. Bradshaw, in Chapter 4, experiencing disparities between the philosophical stance of the Marianist charism and its practical implications as they inform equity, inclusion, and diversity on the University of Dayton campus, engaged in a qualitative study gathering information to foster changes that benefit the greater University of Dayton community. By using the mixed methods, participant narratives, contextualize diverse personal and professional experiences on campus, the author explored the issue. This chapter concludes with a call to queer the Marianist charism and include the unheard voices of those marginalized to further these efforts. Chapter 5 provides an opportunity for Bragg to examine the lived experiences of women in the Church of God in Christ (COGIC) and presents a model for partnership in leadership with clerics and churchwomen. The model is based on the premise of the visionary founder and “Chief Apostle” of this denomination. Histories of churchwomen in this organization portray them as staunch supporters of ministries in the church. Women in leadership roles were defined by the founder as overseers--a term suggesting honorary prestige to women that was equal to clerical positions in the church. Following the death of the founder, however, churchwomen encountered barriers to leadership positions which lowered their status and authority thus impacting their inclusion, agency, and voice in matters of church leadership and governance. Fortune and Humbe, in Chapter 6, presents a study motivated by the manifestations and consequences of patriarchal theology testified through the increase in the number of cases in Zimbabwe involving prophets and church leaders accused of sexually abusing their followers after promising to help them with the difficulties they encountered in their daily lives. The research focuses on the sexual scandals of the founder and leader of RGM Independent End Time Message Church, Robert Martin Gumbura, who was sentenced to a 40-year prison term in Zimbabwe for xvi

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Preface

sexually abusing four women from his church. The chapter posits that some churches are no longer safe havens for the trusting and needy women who fall prey to some unscrupulous church leaders. In Chapter 7, Pradere, Ford, and Glimps asserts that since the early 1980s, allegations of the sexual abuse of children by members of the clergy and other representatives of religious organizations have been reported in the media with alarming frequency. In North America, the majority of reports highlight the Catholic Church. This chapter explores three specific examples of other religious groups that are not the Catholic Church, involved with the sexual abuse of children. These include the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (Mormons), Moravians, and Orthodox Judaism (Haredi). Highlighted are the means by which the predators are able to control their victims and the silence that often accompanies these abuses. Fisherman, in Chapter 8, attempts to create a close-up picture of the society of Orthodox Jewish men, in regard to their levels of religiosity and sexual identity. The author examines body image, emotional wellbeing, and the connection between them, among three groups of religious Israeli young men: Modern Orthodox (MO) heterosexual men, Modern Orthodox gay men (MOG), and ultra-Orthodox heterosexual men (UO). The findings pose an extremely important challenge to educators in Israel. The young men answered two questionnaires: SWLS and the Body Image Questionnaire. The Body Image and wellbeing scores for the MOGs were significantly lower than for the MOs and UO. These differences were explained by social and educational trends Al-wazedi argue, in Chapter 9, that the #Me Too Movement, has opened the door for re-studying the orientalist approach to portraying Muslim women’s bodies, and to challenge and critique the idea that Muslim women’s complaints against Muslim men complicate race relations in the aftermath of the war on terror in the U.S. and France. The #Me Too movement has created such movements as the #MosqueMeToo movement and has given birth to a very needed phase of Public Feminism that criticizes Muslim patriarchy. This chapter critically analyzes several documentaries and fictions written and directed by Muslim women and argues that this movement gives an opportunity to Muslim women to speak out against their abusers. In Chapter 10, Ford and Glimps examine special circumstances that seem to engender the practice of sexual abuse of African nuns by African priests. The priesthood is grounded in male dominance, as is the Catholic Church. Followers of the Catholic faith are trained from an early age to be obedient and unquestioning of the priest. The role of females in many African cultures is to be obedient to males. For sub-Saharan African women, access to education may be a steppingstone to becoming a nun. The chapter examines the impact of education gained through the embrace of Catholicism, joining the sisterhood of nuns, juxtaposed to the silent epidemic of sexual violence perpetrated by priests and bishops and the realization xvii

Preface

that for many African nuns, the sisterhood does not provide sanctuary from priest sexual abuse. As editors and authors, it is our hope that each of these scholarly manuscripts will help illustrate the many aspects of sexual violence and violations in religious-based institutions and organizations. The elimination of oppressive power relationships in religious-based institutions and organization, the start of community healing, the continuance of the purposeful conversation concerning sexual aggression, and the empowering of the most marginalized to fight oppressions, is the intent of this book. We hope that you will be enlightened by each chapter!!!

REFERENCES Bruinius, H. (2018). Churches struggle with their #Me Too moment. Christian Monitor. Retrieved from https://www.csmonitor.com/USA/Politics/2018/0420/ Churches-struggle-with-their-MeToo-moment Celia, a Slave Trial Website. (n.d.). Retrieved from http://law2.umkc.edu/faculty/ projects/ftrials/celia/celiaaccount.html Center for Religion and Civic Culture. (2018). Faith and the #MeToo Movement. Retrieved from https://crcc.usc.edu/faith-and-the-metoo-movement/ Lafeunte, C. (n.d.). Who is the woman behind the #MeToo movement? The List. Retrieved from https://www.thelist.com/110186/woman-behind-metoo-movement/ Me too Movement. (n.d.). History & Vision. Retrieved from https://metoomvmt. org/about/ Morgan, M. (n.d.). Women’s Resistance in the Middle Passage: A Story Lost at Sea. Retrieved from https://www.albany.edu/faculty/jhobson/wss308/middlepassage.html

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Winfield, N. (2019). A global look at the Catholic Church’s sex abuse problem. APA News. Retrieved from https://www.apnews.com/8cb4daf509464bad8c13ef35 d44a0fc5

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xix

Acknowledgment

We continue to be eternally appreciative for the continued love and support of our family and friends. Without that support, we doubt we would have made the successful journey that has brought us to where we now stand. We are keenly aware that many of our sisters and brothers, nationally and internationally, may not have had such sustaining love and understanding, and recognize they have confronted and continue to confront gender discrimination and abuse. If they are lucky, they will not be among the thousands who lose their lives because of the hate and bigotry associated with centuries old perceptions related to gender and sexuality.

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For those brave heroes, and sheroes, who found the courage and strength of will to publicly break the silence that has too long protected gender abusers and prevented the much-needed critical examination of gender abuse, we acknowledge you. We especially acknowledge Tarana Burke for founding the Me Too movement that raised awareness of the insidious gender abuse within our society. Ms. Burke’s effort has spread worldwide and is encouraging people to report their abuse, for others to support those who are abused, and for all of us to fight to bring perpetrators to justice. Further, acknowledgements are due to the Editorial Advisory Board members and especially the authors who have advanced the conversation with their contributions. Finally, we acknowledge the support of the IGI Development team and thank them for inviting us to create this book. This book is dedicated to all people who have suffered the long-standing social intolerance associated with gender and sexuality norms. Most importantly, we want to honor our parents, John and Agnes Jackson and Julius and Orema Ford, who instilled in us the ability to be accepting of humanity in all its diversity.

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Section 1

United States Perspective

1

Chapter 1

Silenced, Shamed, and Scatted: Black Feminist Perspective on Sexual Trauma and Treatment With African American Female Survivors V. Nikki Jones Middle Tennessee State University, USA Donna M. Dopwell Middle Tennessee State University, USA Lauren C. Curry Black Lesbian Literary Collective, USA

ABSTRACT

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The African American experience is grounded in a strong religious tradition that does not adequately address sexual violence against women. This chapter ofers perspective on how religiously-motivated heterocentric-patriarchy marginalizes Black female sexual trauma survivors. Recommendations are informed by Black feminisms in order to support culturally congruent practice. These interventions emphasize Black women’s lived experience, raise awareness of multilevel oppression, and foster the empowerment of Black women. Basic treatment considerations for African American female trauma survivors and their support systems are provided.

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-9195-5.ch001 Copyright © 2020, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

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INTRODUCTION Sexual violence impacts approximately one in three women and one in six men; roughly 1.2 per 1,000 persons are raped or sexually assaulted (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), 2016; Morgan & Kena, 2017). Scholarship on sexual violence against African American women remains scarce relative to the considerable research on sexual trauma experienced by European American women. However, there are noteworthy studies that have contributed to understanding Black women’s experiences with sexual abuse (e.g., Basile, Smith, Fowler, Walters, & Hamburger, 2016; Bryant-Davis et al., 2015; Jones et al., 2015; Kruger, 2013; Perry-Burney, Thomas, & McDonald, 2014; Wadsworth & Records, 2013). According to Bryant-Davis et al. (2015), between 18% and 36% of African American women report sexual assault, but survivors may not disclose the abuse or seek services due to personal, societal, and cultural barriers. Religion is a cultural factor impacting disclosure of abuse. African Americans traditionally rely on religion for meaning and support in facing trauma, and religious institutions are credited for providing effective coping spaces (Bryant-Davis et al., 2015). However, these institutions can also conceal Black pain and sexual trauma and function as a cultural barrier to reporting sex crimes. Additional religion-related barriers include the power of religion/religious leaders; use of religion to justify abuse; belief that religious leaders will not act in the best interest of participants; fear of harm from abuser, particularly when the perpetrator is a religious leader; and fear of backlash from the religious community following disclosure (PerryBurney et al., 2014). Patriarchal ideology has significant implications in the suppression or censure of sexual violence because patriarchy is embedded in religious texts that sanction social patterns and subjugate women (Ruether, 1982). Patriarchy is a sociopolitical structure that justifies and promotes male domination of women’s bodies. Patriarchy silences women, including those who have survived sexual traumas. Silencing sexual trauma also fuels victim-blaming ideology including myths about harassment and violence that favor the perpetrator and foster poor coping among survivors. Black female trauma survivors, in particular, are routinely shamed and disempowered from sharing their trauma narratives.

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While this chapter does not intend to imply that sexual trauma is exclusive to women, African Americans, or religious contexts, this focus is African American female survivors within Abrahamic religions. According to the Pew Research Center (2018b), 79% of African Americans self-identify as Christian thus more attention is shown to this religion. Black women are often simultaneously alienated by religious institutions and erased from mainstream conversations about sexual violence such as #MeToo, which began as the grassroots ‘me too.’ movement. The ‘me too.’ movement was initiated by Tarana Burke, an African American woman, and later appropriated into mainstream discussion by American celebrities via social media. This chapter considers how Black religious institutions minimize sexual violence to preserve Black heterocentric-patriarchy. The chapter also explores how systemic oppression facilitates the need for treatment strategies that support Black women’s health and coping processes. In fact, Black feminisms offers a culturally congruent approach to working with Black female sexual trauma survivors. Lastly, this chapter describes how group context, professional cultural awareness, and treatment strategies align with Black feminisms. Note, the terms “African American women” and “Black women” represent women self-identified as Black, of African descent, and of American nationality.

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THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF HETEROCENTRIC-PATRIARCHY Patriarchy is a system in which males and masculine persons dominate women and persons perceived as feminine; however, female and feminine allies can also adopt patriarchal values and practices. For example, Townes (2003) argued that ‘patriarchy’ is a misnomer because White women were so intricately complicit in racial oppression. The intersection of patriarchy and heterosexism exert control over labor politics, sex-gender binaries, sexgender identities, sexual behavior, and relationships (Mies, 2014; Valdes, 1996). Patriarchy is associated with capitalism, colonization, exploitation, and violence against women (Mies, 2014). White heterocentric-patriarchy is a prevailing system of oppression in the United States. For African Americans, the historical significance of White diasporic heterocentric-patriarchy is evident in institutionalized rape

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and lynching. When this system predominately lynched Black men and predominately raped Black women, these acts were different expressions of the same racialized social control that centered on labor and profit (Collins, 2004). In order to justify these violent acts, European Americans created and reinforced social constructs of African Americans as aggressive, deficient, lazy, immoral, unhealthy and contagious, sexually promiscuous, and untamed. Lynching was one of the most brutal ways White heterocentric-patriarchy practiced racialized social control. Most often, the lynching of Black men was a vigilante response to the alleged rape and disrespect of White women. Ida B. Wells-Barnett, an antilynching activist and journalist, hypothesized that a vast majority of sexual relationships between Black men and White women were indeed consensual, if existing at all, and lynching was solely about social control (Giddings, 2008). Lynching served several important tasks such as policing man-woman relationships, controlling economic and political systems during urbanization and industrialization, and intimidating and dissuading Black men from voting (Pfeifer, 1999). Like lynching, rape was also about labor, profits, and restricting African American self-determination. Research and personal narratives have revealed a high prevalence of rape and sexual violence against African American women by White men (Collins, 2004; King, 2014; Sommerville, 2004). Black women’s history is littered with stories of rape, survival, and resilience. For example, in the State of Missouri v. Celia (1855), Celia, an enslaved Black woman, protected and defended herself while being raped by Robert Newsom. After standing her ground, Celia was convicted of first-degree murder by a jury of all White men. Another well-known case involved Recy Taylor, a 24-year-old African American woman. On September 3, 1944 in Abbeville, Alabama, six White men abducted Taylor as she walked home from church and then raped her at gunpoint. None of the men were convicted, and following the trial, Taylor and her family were harassed. The stories of Celia and Recy Taylor are two of many examples of White men’s dominance and disregard for Black women’s inherent right to protect and control their own bodies. While White men and women primarily lynched Black men for the alleged rapes of White women, White men were free to rape, harass, and exploit Black women with impunity.

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Setting the Agenda: African American Women’s Overlooked History of Sexual Assault African Americans have historically placed lynching at the top of the collective social justice agenda. Lynching was prioritized because it garnered public spectacle and resulted in death. Lynchings were graphically violent and cruel events where mobs of predominately White men would hunt, terrorize, torture, and then hang alleged perpetrators. In Without Sanctuary: Lynching Photography, James Allen provided photographic records of over 3,000 lynchings of Black men, women, and children from 1882 to 1950. Allen’s documentary captures entire White families and communities attending the festive lynching events. There are many lynching narratives; however, the story of Laura Nelson and her teenage son, L. D. Nelson— (sometimes recorded as L. W.)— is especially revealing (Allen, 2000; National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), 1911). Police arrived at the Nelson’s cabin in Okemah, Oklahoma to investigate a reported theft of meat. During the visit, L. D. allegedly shot and killed a sheriff. Laura feared for her son’s life and disputed that L. D. had murdered the officer. Instead, Laura confessed to the crime. A mob of White men rode into the town and kidnapped Laura and L. D. from their jail cells before they could face a jury. On May 26, 1911, mother and son were hauled approximately six miles outside of town, gagged and hung from a steel bridge across the Canadian River. Laura Nelson’s murder was preceded by rape and she became the first woman lynched in Oklahoma (NAACP, 1911). Not one person was ever convicted of Laura’s rape or the lynchings. There are postcards and pictures documenting the Nelson lynchings with White adult, child, and infant attendees (Allen, 2000). Spectators memorialized lynching events with both photographs and collected souvenirs, such as the alleged perpetrator(s) dismembered corpse. Attendees frequently castrated Black men, which was motivated by stereotypes about them as “overly libidinous and aggressive, prone to a racially specific sexual perversion that drove them to rape white women” (Stein, 2015, p. 218). This belief was particularly heinous given that White men raped Black women without such a social construct leveled against them. Because lynching was purportedly about protecting White women, castration symbolized Black male

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disempowerment and/or White male empowerment. For instance, although L. D. Nelson was not charged with a sex crime, photograph No. 2894 shows that L. D.’s pants had been removed and his genital area was visible (Allen, 2000). The practice of lynching was social and economic. European Americans conveniently utilized lynching during an opportune historical moment for African Americans. Lynching became more prevalent during Reconstruction and continued beyond the civil rights era when African Americans were seeking upward social and economic mobility (Collins, 2004). The murder of an able-bodied Black male or female laborer could change a family’s social, emotional, and financial trajectory. Losing a Black man who could vote, and emotionally and financially support his family was deleterious to his loved ones and community. While lynching was clearly an issue in need of collective attention and action, a narrow focus on the lynching of Black men overshadowed the sexual violence directed at Black women. Although lynching and rape were equally pervasive, sexual violence— and other forms of gender-specific violence— against Black women rarely received collective examination. Overall, Black women’s history with lynching and rape is a nearly invisible and suppressed aspect of African Americans’ collective activism. The rationale for suppressing the experiences of Black women must be explored. Sexual violence has historically received little attention for several reasons. Unlike lynching, rape may be viewed as a gender-specific private shame. Rape could be handled internally by the family or ignored altogether as an individual problem. It is also conceivable that family discord contributed to passive responses to rape. Like lynching, rape could create serious family adjustment issues; however, the rape victim often physically survived the crime and was therefore considered in a better state relative to the lynching victim. While many sexual assault survivors do not experience death, they frequently relive the triggering event. Sexual violence can interfere with mental health and emotional regulation, difficulties with sexual intimacy and pleasure, and self-care (Basile et al., 2016; van Berlo & Ensink, 2000). Such interference can contribute to long-term dysfunction within family life, but also within communities as a whole given the pervasiveness of sexual violence against Black women. This historical issue of rape also raises the question of whether Black women could be protected. From a heterocentric-patriarchal perspective, men are responsible for protecting women. But, stories about mobs of Black men

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raiding White towns in pursuit of alleged White male rapists are few and far between, if any exist. As a whole, Black men were systematically disempowered to protect Black women from interracial rape. With that said, Black men also raped Black women. Given the historical stigma attached to Black men and rape, many African Americans viewed disclosing rape perpetrated by Black men against Black women as racial disloyalty. This predicament left Black women with little recourse; they could not report rape and receive justice whether a White or Black man committed the crime. History and African American Studies professor Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham coined the concept politics of respectability to denote religious Black women’s insistence on cleanliness, politeness, frugality, sexual virtue, and abstention from alcohol (Harris, 2003). In the years following emancipation, politics of respectability were adopted and encouraged to counter stereotypes against African Americans. Wealthy and socially climbing African Americans modeled respectability as a way to emulate European Americans and separate themselves from poor and working-class African Americans. The lack of respectability may also be hypothesized as justification for deemphasizing the rape of Black women. Alternatively, some may have subscribed to the notion that only loose or unrespectable women were raped. The act of rape reflected dirtiness, impropriety, promiscuity, aggression, and many other sexually stereotypical concepts imposed on African Americans. According to Harris (2003), African American women were most likely to utilize and be judged through the respectability lens in both public and private spaces. Therefore, respectability constitutes a significant reason to suppress rape. And while African Americans acknowledged the rape of Black women by White men during slavery and afterword, the rape of Black women by Black men was rarely discussed (Collins, 2000). On some level, it could also be argued that rape of Black women was normalized among African Americans and Europeans Americans alike. The system was never designed to protect Black women from rape. For one, Black sexuality was viewed as sexually aggressive and promiscuous, which promoted doubts about whether Black women could even be raped. From enslavement through the civil rights era, African American women were largely employed in industries where sexual harassment and aggressive behavior went unrestricted. Black agriculture, domestic, and service workers experienced harassment, molestation, and rape by their employers; and there

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were generations of Black women—and their foremothers— who could recall childhood stories of rape (Collins, 2004). Rape liaisons were responsible for the births of generations of African Americans and deprived Black women from claiming their own sexual identity (Collins, 2000). When considering the children born of such trauma, an ideological stance of ‘don’t ask, don’t tell’ also contributed to collective silence surrounding rape. Intraracial power structure was another reason sexual violence committed against Black women persisted without appropriate social action. One component of African American progress was a consensus view to elevate Black men and masculinity to protect Black women and children. Perhaps, in retrospect, this reasoning may be understandable, but history and existing statistics on rape have revealed that men and masculinity do not create protective factors for Black women. For example, most sex crimes occur in intraracial contexts. Black women are more likely to be raped in their lifetime (21.2%), in comparison to women of other races aged 18 and older (19.3%), by paramours (45.4%) or acquaintances (46.7%) (DuMonthier, Childers, & Milli, 2017). Yet, passionate advocacy against sexual violence remains hardly visible in many Black social justice spaces. Instead of shifting the Black agenda to collective empowerment, the community approach has expunged issues largely impacted by African American women, girls, and lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals. As noted by Collins (2004), some of these groups are deemed to be an embarrassment to the community or flaw upon its progress. From the respectability perspective, rape cannot be spoken of because Black male associates now most often rape Black women. The LGBT experience also cannot be spoken about because gay and transgender people are viewed as unclean and perverted, and most importantly, have the potential to displace heterocentric-patriarchy altogether. This suppression approach is problematic because it does not afford African American women the appropriate concern for their health and wellbeing. Black women aged 18 years and older have reported increased symptoms of depression and stress-related deaths compared to non-Hispanic White women (CDC, 2010; CDC, 2013). Sexual violence can contribute to depression, posttraumatic stress symptoms, and a sequela of maladaptive responses, including increased risky sexual behavior, substance abuse, suicidal ideation, and other self-harming behaviors (Alim et al., 2006; Basile et al., 2016; DuMonthier et al., 2017; Iverson et al., 2013; Jones et al., 2015). Silencing Black survivors can exacerbate the manifestation and severity of these issues. 8

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Intersecting oppression from White men, White women, and to a lesser degree, Black men is complicit in Black women’s invisibility (Townes, 2003). Even today in the midst of #MeToo, narratives about and advocacy against rape appear most socially acceptable when received from White women. Tarana Burke, an African American woman activist, originated the ‘me too.’ movement in 2006 to target Black women sexual assault survivors, as well as other young women of color from lower income communities, through community-led activism (Hill, 2017; Me Too, 2018). Burke explained that the ‘me too.’ movement was not created for “a viral campaign or hashtag,” rather it is a “catchphrase to be used from survivor to survivor to let folks know that they were not alone and that a movement for radical healing was happening and possible” (Hill, 2017, para. 5). Unfortunately, the appropriated #MeToo focuses more on celebrity perpetrators rather than survivors. Black women are largely missing from #MeToo discourse. African American advocacy against sexual violence remains the province of Black women.

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Contours of Heterocentric-Patriarchy in Black Religious Institutions Few studies have explored the impact of Black heterocentric-patriarchy on sexual trauma and harassment within a religious context. If the system of Black heterocentric-patriarchy is the vehicle for which African American sexual survivors are marginalized, then the religious institution is the driver. Abrahamic religion, mainly Christianity, is dominate in African American communities and impacts culture, politics, education, and economics (Weisenfeld, 2015; Pew Research Center, 2018b). Abrahamic religions, such as Christianity, Judaism, and Islam, obtain mobility directly from heterocentric-patriarchy. The multiform oppression experienced by African Americans makes it difficult, if not impossible, to acknowledge the occurrence of Black heterocentric-patriarchy. Yet, Black feminist discourse has demonstrated that not only does Black heterocentric-patriarchy exist, it is associated with homophobia, sexism, and misogyny (Collins, 2000; Collins, 2004; Neal, 2011). White heterocentric-patriarchy was a harbinger of Black patriarchy and affirms that “Black men [can] be just like White men” within their communities

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(Collins, 2004, p. 73). Given the omnipresence of White patriarchy, Black male dominance is reasonably difficult to perceive and critique. Black feminist scholarship has shown that Black heterocentric-patriarchy mainly distresses Black women, girls, and the LGBT community (Collins, 2004; Neal, 2011; Smith, 2008; Townes, 2003). Black heterocentric-patriarchy functions similarly to other systems of male domination by denying women equal access to social, political, and economic capital (e.g., religious institutions and organizations); as well as focusing on the ascendancy of males and supporting a worldview that men/masculinity are inherently superior to women/femininity (Jennings, 2017; Jones & Guy-Sheftall, 2015; Neal, 2011; Turner & Maschi, 2015). A key factor of Black heterocentric-patriarchy is prioritizing race over sex and gender. Positioning racial inequality over all other forms of oppression is often favorable to the gender-specific needs of only African American men. The women’s agenda has focused on White women, like the African American agenda has often equated Black men (Hull, Scott, & Smith, 1982). As opposed to sex-only or race-only considerations, Black feminisms advance intersectionality theory. Intersectionality denotes how race, sex, and other social identities cannot be understood in isolation of one other because oppression is an intersecting system (Essed, 1991; Collins, 2000; Crenshaw, 1989). Intersectionality shifts discourse away from race-invisible or gender-neutral agendas that silence Black women. Much of Black women’s experience with rape, sexual violence, and other forms of trauma are informed by race, age, occupation, geographic location, sexual orientation, and gender identity and expression. Black heterocentric-patriarchy has served as a major challenge to organizing collective social action against sexual violence within African American communities. This system, which is advanced by religion-based institutions, controls Black sexual politics, including awareness of and advocacy against sexual violence. Religion and faith are cornerstones in African American communities. In comparison to the general U.S. population, African Americans are significantly more religious (Pew Research Center, 2018a, Pew Research Center, 2018b). African American women have the highest level of religious commitment and observance (Pew Research Center, 2018a). Although these numbers indicate that African American women are a disproportionate majority of religious participants, with respect to power and control, Black women have historically represented a minority in religion-affiliated leadership

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roles. African American women often encounter gender discrimination as female clergy; face barriers in assuming leadership roles; and obtain limited preparatory training, mentors in ministry, acceptance, or access to needed resources (Yeary, 2011). The African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church and Church Of God In Christ, Inc. (COGIC) are two examples of predominately African American denominations that demonstrate gender inequity. It was only after 213 years that the AME church elected Vashti McKenzie as the first female bishop in 2000, followed by the election of Anne E. Henning-Byfield in 2016. Men continue to represent a vast majority of bishops in the AME church. In the COGIC denomination, the presiding bishop, general board, and board of bishops remains male-dominated (Church Of God In Christ, Inc., 2018). While the majority constitutes female congregants, women remain a large minority in the upper echelons of leadership. Efforts to confront Black heterocentric-patriarchy are complicated by a few issues. The first issue is that Black heterocentric-patriarchy is a typical oppressive system where the majority population lacks awareness. Black heterocentricpatriarchy is minimized within most African American communities. And, to quote Pauline Terrelonge, “many black women [fail] to recognize the patterns of sexism that directly impinge on their everyday lives” (Collins, 2000, p. 86). The lack of consciousness about unequal power distributions creates vulnerability for Black women. In turn, Black female experiences, issues, and trauma become diminished, silenced, and unreal. A second issue is the need for Black solidarity to counter White supremacy, similar to the need for female solidarity to oppose heterocentric-patriarchy. Black women, men, and children have a shared interest in confronting racial terrorism and White hegemony. America’s ubiquitous racial caste system has facilitated collective struggle among Black women and men of all ages. Historically, White feminisms are criticized for misandry and have often not acknowledged the inextricable connection between racism and sexism experienced by Black women (Smith, 2008). However, Black feminisms, including womanism, have addressed this limitation and continues to critique White feminisms for racism and class erasure. Unfortunately, detractors in Black communities have inhibited the adoption of Black feminisms, although Black feminist values are widespread among African Americans (Simien, 2004).

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Still, a common value that remains characteristic of African Americans is collective identification. Throughout American history, individuals and systems that have attempted to separate and isolate African Americans have been met with staunch opposition. Unfortunately, advocacy against sexual violence can create division and therefore has not garnered mass support because rape is most common within intraracial contexts. As Charlotte Pierce-Baker (1998) wrote:

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I felt responsible for upholding the image of the strong black man for our young son, and for the white world with whom I had contact…I didn’t want to confirm the white belief that all Black men rape. Better not to talk about it. And so, I’d kept silent about what had happened to me. (p. 64) African Americans instinctively protect Black men from racialized stereotypes because acknowledging intraracial sexual violence can sound and feel like abandoning Black men in support of White notions of Black sexual depravity. Additionally, socialization and limited sex education compounds these issues. Similar to other communities, African Americans receive inappropriate sexuality socialization and information on sexual abuse (Tillman, Bryant-Davis, Smith, & Marks, 2010). When content is received, it is often dictated by religious institutions that adhere to patriarchal ideology. Even existing sex education in primary and secondary schools is influenced by religious ideology. All of this contributes to limited awareness and stifled conversations about sexual and domestic violence. The dangers of blind loyalty and poor sex education support maintenance of heterocentric-patriarchy, which very often penalizes African American female survivors. Moreover, women who disclose rape and name their rapists may risk alienation and become shamed into silence by family, friends, and the community— all while the alleged perpetrators receive little, if any, public or community penalties (Collins, 2004). Additional barriers to disclosure include false beliefs about rape; myths justifying male sexual aggression; self-blame; revictimization within legal, medical, and social services; and distrust of legal, medical, and social services (Tillman et al., 2010). A final issue is power. Power inequity creates major status differences. Within religious institutions, men occupy power to transmit orders downward to women, with little expectation of accountability upward (Perry-Burney

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et al., 2014). These power inequities offer a bevy of privileges; for example, “Black male ministers whose congregations are usually 70 percent Black female can…enjoy the Sunday dinners, presents, and other benefits that can accrue to men in such situations…” (Collins, 2004, p. 9). Religious institutions legitimize and protect male power structures when rape and sexual violence are silenced. Because the church plays such a vital role in African American communities, it is often difficult for Black people to address the limitations of the institution. The unequal distribution of leadership and power in African American religious institutions can create several disadvantages for Black women. These women are afforded little control over their personal, familial, and community narrative. For example, rather than seeing rape, sexual violence, and sexual harassment as culprits of male domination, Black heterocentric-patriarchy interprets rape, sexual violence, and sexual harassment as consequences of female temptation (Vaz, 2005). A fundamental role of heterocentric-patriarchy is to control all decisions and narratives. So, it should come as little surprise that religious institutions have largely minimized or ignored rape, abandoned sexual abuse survivors, or refused to participate in the ‘me too.’ movement (Collins, 2004). With the exception of a few Black female ministers and churches, Black religious communities remain overwhelmingly inactive on sexual violence and harassment.

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BLACK FEMINISMS AND THERAPEUTIC SUPPORT Black feminisms have provided knowledge, analysis, and critique on patriarchy, misogyny, and homophobia, but have been limited in reshaping sexual and gender relationships among African Americans (Neal, 2011). This chapter aims to show the versatility of Black feminisms for therapeutic treatment, which may begin to address Black women’s experience with gender politics, rape, and sexual violence. Black feminisms are strengths-based social, literary, and intellectual thought emergent from and about African American women. According to Collins (2000), Black feminist thought— which is African American women’s critical theory— involves bodies of knowledge and sets of institutional practices that actively address the central issues that African American women face. Black feminisms are specific to African American women, thus further enable culturally appropriate evaluation of past, present, and future circumstances that are typically not addressed with traditional approaches. 13

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Using Black feminisms as a guiding treatment framework places focus on African American women’s lived experience; fosters Black women’s empowerment (the power to think, feel, and do for self); and aims to increase cultural literacy and healthy coping among trauma survivors and their support systems (Jones, 2015). Black feminisms are different from traditional helping approaches because the central task is to address overlapping oppression, understand Black women’s history, and emphasize African American women’s self-definitions, strengths, and resilience (Collins, 2000; Jones, 2015). Black feminisms are noteworthy for insisting that the changed consciousness of individuals and the social transformation of political and economic institutions constitute the essential ingredients of social change (Collins, 2000). Black feminisms further recognize the sociocultural realities that most Black women encounter, such as interrelated race, gender, and class oppression (Crenshaw, 1989), where race and gender oppression are distinct from the experiences of White women and Black men. Effective Black feminisms indicate that social change is necessitated by the collective efforts of both women and men. Black feminisms that undermine the contributions of men erroneously advance an agenda of prioritizing gender over race. Instead, Black feminisms’ intersectional framework acknowledges that single-issue oppression does not exist; racism and other ‘-isms’ symbiotically produce injustices (Collins, 2000). Black feminisms’ principles are applicable to a wide variety of environments and settings, including religious institutions. Since the 1980s, Black female theologists have utilized womanism, which is a feminism, to empower African American Christian women and engage in constructive analysis of White feminisms, racism, Black theology, and patriarchy (Smith, 2008; Townes, 2003). An advantage of Black feminisms within Black religious institutions is that African Americans can find common ground along shared histories and social justice. Black feminisms increase individual and collective consciousness about power and privilege. And when it comes to trauma survivors, Black feminisms can improve receptivity and empathy within religion-based settings.

Group Work Group work is recommended as an effective method to utilize Black feminisms to treat Black female sexual trauma survivors. bell hooks (1993) described group work as offering a “space where Black women could name their pain and find ways of healing…” (p. 19). Group and collectivist models are significant 14

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variables within African American racial identity. African Americans have traditionally shown a strong sense of connection to their racial group and assumed responsibility for the well-being of group members (Carson, 2009). Group work is beneficial to African American women because it offers a safe place to share stories, collectively recover, and create bonds (Jones, 2015). Group context offers spaces that are empowering and less stigmatizing, and foster social support, information gathering, role modeling, and belongingness (Jones & Warner, 2011). Group context is essential to facilitating interventions consistent with Black feminisms. These interventions include professional cultural awareness, psychoeducation, and treatment strategies, such as active listening, externalizing the problem, self-affirmation, deconstruction/coconstruction, bibliotherapy, after-session tasks, and social activism.

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Professional Cultural Awareness Working with African American trauma survivors requires professional cultural awareness, critical consciousness, and sociocultural literacy on the part of helping professionals. Professional cultural awareness comprises using a both/ and orientation, integrating faith, and seeking to racially match helper and client. Helpers who seek to work with this population should fundamentally value Black women, acknowledge intersecting oppression and privilege, and accept a both/and orientation when viewing issues (Collins, 2000). This orientation recognizes that Black people are collectively disempowered by White supremacy; appreciates Black women’s support of Black male empowerment; promotes Black women’s self-empowerment; and advocates against heterocentric-patriarchy. Helpers who employ a both/and orientation also do not prioritize gender over race or race over sexual orientation. By using the both/and orientation, helpers learn to appreciate the interconnections present in African American women’s experience. Helpers should also integrate faith or meaningful practices in the treatment process because African American experiences are deeply shaped by spirituality, religion, and religious institutions. For example, a helper might explore womanist theology. Womanist theology has both religious and sociopolitical salience to Black women’s recovery. Womanist theologists oppose oppressive messages and imagery within religious texts (e.g., Delores

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Williams’ Womanist Theology: Black Women’s Voices), examine spirituality and activism in relation to Black women’s recovery (e.g., Emilie Townes’ Womanist Justice, Womanist Hope), and offer an ethical model for womanism (e.g., Katie Cannon’s Katie’s Canon: Womanism and the Soul of the Black Community) (Townes, 2003). Racially/ethnically matching the helper to group participants may further augment professional cultural awareness and client engagement and decrease client dropout (Jones & Warner, 2011). Meyer and Zane (2013) found that clients of color rated race and ethnicity as important culture-specific factors in their mental health care. When culture-specific factors were not included in care, clients of color reported less satisfaction with treatment. Culturalspecific factors included racial match, helpers’ knowledge of prejudice and discrimination, and openness to discuss race.

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Psychoeducation Psychoeducation is a common therapeutic model that introduces and educates on social and clinical issues, and supports goal-setting, interpersonal skills, problem solving, and skilled communication (Authier, 1977; Bäuml, Froböse, Kraemer, Rentrop, & Pitschel-Walz, 2006; Brandis, 1998). Lubin, Loris, Burt, and Johnson (1998) found that psychoeducational group therapy positively contributed to treatment effects among a diverse sample of multiply traumatized women. Their psychoeducational model included 15 minutes of helper-directed lecture, one hour of discussion, and 15 minutes of wrap-up (Lubin et al.., 1998). Psychoeducation is a familiar framework for helpers to utilize when working with trauma survivors. Psychoeducation is complementary to Black feminisms; for example, conscious-raising activities encourage participants to learn about their own experiences and receive societal and cultural knowledge. Conscious-raising is key to feminist therapies because as Maria Stewart, the first African American woman political writer, declared for knowledge is power (Collins, 2000; Richardson, 1987). Although psychoeducation is traditionally didactic and assigns primary authority to the professional helper, this intervention can be modified. When psychoeducation and Black feminisms merge, helpers increase collaboration, recognize patriarchy and racist conceptions of Black

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women as ‘other than the norm,’ and avoid suppression of Black women’s voice, unlike traditional mental health treatment (Jones, 2016; Jones & Warner, 2011). Modified psychoeducation replaces didactic teaching with experiential learning and encourages active helper-member engagement, independent conscious-raising (Collins, 2000), upward information flow, and reflection. In Black feminisms, psychoeducation facilitates understanding how historical events shape the current experiences of African American women, analyzes race-gender roles and identity, and discerns healthy and unhealthy coping. For example, a helper and group participants acknowledge and discuss how gendered racism and heterosexism influence oppression. Psychoeducation provides an opportunity for Black women to forge self-definitions and define terms such as trauma, abuse, patriarchy, assimilation, privilege, power, empowerment, resiliency, and gendered racism, which includes intersecting racism, sexism, and other implicit and explicit oppressions (Essed, 1991). Race-gender role and identity analysis emphasize exploration of Black women’s identity development (Jones, 2015; Jones & Warner, 2011). Racegender role and identity analysis involve race-gender identity and expression; socialization within a patriarchal society; race-gender stereotypes; sex role differences; and misogynoir (Bailey & Trudy, 2018; Brown, 1986; Jones, 2015). For example, participants explore how stereotypical portrayals of African American women undermine support and validation related to sexual violence. Self-care and coping skills are necessary for all persons, particularly trauma survivors. When psychoeducation focuses on self-care, helpers promote active coping and address unhealthy coping and strain within race and gender-based roles. Recent research on African American women, self-care, and health has demonstrated the adverse impact of the strong Black woman, where Black women are seen as superwomen or Black women adopt the superwoman schema (Jones, 2015; Watson & Hunter, 2016; Woods-Giscombe, 2010). Black women have largely been socialized to stoically self-sacrifice and attend to others before undertaking self-care. Self-sacrifice has become a Black female social norm that benefits heterocentric-patriarchy (Collins, 2000; Lewis, 1989). Therefore, an additional element of psychoeducation explores African American women’s self-care tradition, as well as evaluates healthy and unhealthy individual, familial, and collective coping (Jones, 2015; Jones & Warner, 2011).

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It is recommended that psychoeducation is recurrent throughout the treatment process. For instance, abuse, patriarchy, and privilege may be revisited during processing of the trauma narrative. Psychoeducation may help reduce stigma about trauma and mental health issues (Pollio, North, & Foster, 1992) and validate Black women’s experiences with oppression. Group participants may feel less alone in discussing how their religious setting deals with sexual abuse. Further, psychoeducation has increased client retention rates among adults with mental health disorder and contributed to treatment effectiveness when used as adjunctive treatment (Fristad, Gavazzi, & Mackinaw-Koons, 2003).

Treatment Strategies Black feminisms do not currently provide a set of treatment strategies (Jones, 2015). However, there are recommended strategies essential to processing trauma or other presenting issues. The following strategies align with Black feminisms.

Active Listening

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Active listening, or empathetic listening, is a basic and important communication skill found to increase experiences of feeling understood, satisfaction with conversation, and unconditional acceptance (Weger, Bell, Minei, & Robinson, 2014). Helpers who utilize active listening are attentive, empathetic, and responsive to content (i.e., a participant’s message) and process (i.e., non-verbal communication implicit in the message). For African American women who rarely feel heard and understood, active listening accentuates ‘I hear you, sis.’ As described by Weger et al. (2014), active listening (1) is moderate to high nonverbal attention, (2) reflects the essence of the participant’s message using verbal paraphrasing, and (3) poses questions that verify the participant’s message was accurately reflected or prompts the participant to elaborate.

Externalizing the Problem Externalization is a useful narrative therapy strategy that disputes the traditional mental health view of the individual as inherently defective. Because language is suspected of contributing to problem maintenance, 18

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externalization detaches the individual from clinical or sociocultural issues (Etchison & Kleist. 2000). This technique is important for trauma survivors because it restrains self-blame. Rather than internalize problems, participants use their personal resources to objectify and personify the oppressive and traumatic experiences. For example, participants are taught to shift perspective from oppressive self-descriptions (I am a sad person) to objective statements (Sadness has told me [fill in the blank] about myself) (Carey & Russell, 2002; Ricks, Kitchens, Goodrich, & Hancock, 2014).

Self-Affirmations Self-affirmation theory proposes that a primary source of human motivation is attaining and maintaining self-integrity and a sense of worth in situations that threaten integrity (Martens, Johns, Greenberg, & Schimel, 2006). African American women routinely encounter microaggressions, which are everyday interpersonal slights, ranging from insults about their hair and pathologizing commentary on their communication style to assumptions of criminality (Sue et al., 2007; Sue et al, 2008). Self-affirmations offer a constructive way for African American women to counter a daily barrage of microaggressions and negative stereotypes. Self-affirmations such as ‘I am beautiful,’ “I am worthy,” or ‘My voice matters’ may challenge the internalization of controlling images and messages. Martens et al. (2006) found that self-affirmations can reduce situational threats (e.g., microaggressions) among participants of stigmatized groups. Self-affirmations can also further self-definitions and encourage self-valuation, which are both integral to Black feminisms (Collins, 2000).

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Deconstruction/Co-Construction The multiple interacting systems of oppression faced by African American women warrant participants to question the sociocultural expectations and power dynamics that underlie presenting problems. When helpers use narrative therapy treatment strategies, participants can deconstruct unhelpful stories in order to reconstruct more productive narratives (Nichols, 2009). Deconstruction is breaking down an issue into specific and manageable parts that expose the cultural assumptions or social constructions within the problem. Using externalization, a participant can detach from their problem-saturated

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story and begin to see life with a new perspective that includes identification of significant events, which were neglected when the participant only focused on problems (Chow, 2015). Reconstruction is generating “new and more optimistic accounts of experience” (Nichols, 2009, p. 290). It is important that past traumas are addressed and validated, but it is equally important that participants are supported in creating life and perspective outside of the trauma. The helper and group participants can engage and collaborate to restory problem-saturated narratives by analyzing personal beliefs, strengths, events, experiences, and identities connected to a new and helpful alternative story for the future (Chow, 2015; Jones, 2015).

Bibliotherapy According to Cohen (1993), bibliotherapy is the therapeutic use of literature, with the professional helper as the reader’s guide. Black feminist and womanist non-fiction, short stories, poems, and novels are resources that can provide African American women with historical, religious, or literary figures of courage, health, and transcendence (Townes, 2003). A number of Black women writers recount stories and essays about the unique experiences of African American women, including Alice Walker (The Color Purple), Zora Neale Hurston (Their Eyes Were Watching God), Renita J. Weems (Just a Sister Away: A Womanist Vision of Women’s Relationships in the Bible), Delores S. Williams (Sisters in the Wilderness: The Challenge of Womanist God-Talk), and Maya Angelou (The Complete Poetry). Bibliotherapy is an extension of psychoeducation.

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After-Session Tasks Assigning after-session tasks can help participants practice and strengthen skills learned in group sessions. After-session efforts outside of the group and within the natural environment can also reveal each participant’s degree of motivation and personal growth. Scheel, Hanson, and Razzhavaikina (2004) have reported that out-of-session actions and compliance are related to positive therapeutic outcomes, and the authors recommend that homework tasks or rituals be developed from participant-helper collaboration. These after-session tasks should offer clear instructions, have cultural relevance, and be queried about at the following session.

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Social Activism African American women are often propelled toward increased selfdetermination and political activism after recognizing the pervasive impact of heterocentric-patriarchy, resisting the internalization of oppression, and coping with trauma (Collins, 2000). Black feminisms recognize the importance of sociopolitical activism. Collins (2000) conceptualized that Black women’s activism has traditionally occurred across two basic levels. The first level involves actions to create Black female influence in existing social systems, or actions to build Black female influence that resists and undermines existing systems. The second level includes individual or collective action to change institutional policies and practices that oppress Black women. Black women’s social activism includes participation in social movements, literature, social media and Web 2.0, and creative therapies. The overlapping systems of racism, sexism, heterosexism, and classism provide many opportunities for trauma survivors to engage in advocacy that is meaningful to personal recovery.

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SOLUTIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS The ‘me too.’ movement has become large, far-reaching, and positive for many. However, Black women are largely missing in mainstream exchanges. Therefore, a Black feminist critique of the movement engenders the following: first, all women, not just White women, have stories of rape and sexual assault to share. Second, #MeToo has marginalized the voices of Black women by ignoring intersectionality. Third, Black heterocentric-patriarchy, specifically within a religious context, contributes to muting sexual trauma among Black women. All of this results in Black women once again left searching for safe spaces because White women have appropriated the one envisioned by Tarana Burke, and African American communities’ have not directly addressed intraracial power structures. It is necessary for Black feminists to consider the needs of the whole, but this should no longer come at the expense of Black women’s needs, welfare, and empowerment. Black feminists must advocate for Black women to have active roles in their neighborhoods and religious communities, and for them to be recognized as equal participants of society. Equality should

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no longer be considered a matter of allowing women to enter male spaces, rather it should entail the development of new spaces co-created by women. Aside from advocacy for greater equitability with regard to racial leadership roles, progressive religious institutions and organizations must also dispute patriarchal religious ideology regarding women (Yancey & Kim, 2008). In all, Black feminisms must continue to decry heterocentric-patriarchy while concurrently offering solutions that are effective for African American communities.

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FUTURE RECOMMENDATION DIRECTIONS Black feminisms espouse the premise that Black women and men are equal and should be treated as such. Solidarity does not take an either/or approach, whereby the needs of African American men are placed above women, children, and others. Black feminisms adhere to a both/and orientation, whereby multiform oppression and privilege are examined, and all participants of the community are included in discourse. However, given the solidity of heterocentric-patriarchy, future research should consider whether the both/ and framework actually protects Black women from systemic sexism. A necessary question is: are African American women being too objective relative to their gender-specific needs? Black feminisms encompass African American women’s theories about empowerment. These social theories were transposed into clinical treatment strategies to support African American female trauma survivors. Black feminisms-informed interventions provide a culturally aware framework for addressing sexual trauma; however, there is limited research on the integration of Black feminisms and sexual trauma within religious contexts. Future research should explore this relationship and consider the ways that women are coping with trauma in a heterocentric-patriarchal society. Additionally, studies should examine the religious and spiritual practices that empower Black women and make recommendations to change disempowering practices. Researchers should examine treatment strategies that best address the needs of African American women while avoiding re-traumatization, encouraging empowerment, and strengthening community awareness and engagement.

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CONCLUSION

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Over 150 ago, Sojourner Truth delivered a powerful speech in which she asked, “And ain’t I a woman?” (Collins, 2000, p. 258). Truth’s question remains relevant as evidenced by the direction of #MeToo in recent years. Black women have been repeatedly silenced, with their lived experience diminished and healing processes disrupted. African American communities cannot ignore that women and men face oppression in similar and gender-specific ways. But, as crucial as it is for Black women to support Black men, reciprocity is necessary. African Americans must acknowledge and eliminate the practice of Black heterocentric-patriarchy so that Black women may have their voices heard. This chapter has offered a view into the history of heterocentricpatriarchy in the United States. The perpetuation of heterocentric-patriarchy among Black men was reviewed in the context of its effect on Black women. Along with this, the confluence of heterocentric-patriarchy and Black religious institutions was also highlighted. In these institutions, Black women face barriers in attaining leadership positions, endure mistreatment when they enter leadership roles, and are discouraged from participating in activities that would improve their visibility and status. In this chapter, recommendations were based on Black feminisms as a culturally congruent therapeutic model. The Black feminisms model includes utilizing group work, psychoeducation, and treatment strategies. Professional cultural awareness is further recommended to ensure that treatment meets the unique needs of Black women in a heterocentric-patriarchal society. Overall, Black feminisms can increase empowerment and self-care, while granting Black women safe space to speak their respective truths and access necessary supports.

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Sue, D. W., Capodilupo, C. M., Torino, G. C., Bucceri, J. M., Holder, A. M. B., Nadal, K. L., & Esquilin, M. (2007). Racial microaggressions in everyday life: Implications for clinical practice. The American Psychologist, 62(4), 271–286. doi:10.1037/0003-066X.62.4.271 PMID:17516773 Sue, D. W., Nadal, K., Capodilupo, C. M., Lin, A. I., Torino, G. C., & Rivera, D. P. (2008). Racial microaggressions against Black Americans: Implications for counseling. Journal of Counseling and Development, 86(3), 330–338. doi:10.1002/j.1556-6678.2008.tb00517.x

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Tillman, S., Bryant-Davis, T., Smith, K., & Marks, A. (2010). Shattering silence: Exploring barriers to disclosure for African American sexual assault survivors. Trauma, Violence & Abuse, 11(2), 59–70. doi:10.1177/1524838010363717 PMID:20430798 Townes, E. M. (2003). Womanist theology. In R. S. Keller & R. R. Ruether (Eds), Encyclopedia for Women and Religion in America (pp. 1165-1169). Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. Turner, S. G., & Maschi, T. M. (2015). Feminist and empowerment theory and social work practice. Journal of Social Work Practice, 29(2), 151–162. doi:10.1080/02650533.2014.941282 Valdes, F. (1996). Unpacking hetero-patriarchy: Tracing the conflation of sex, gender & sexual orientation to its origins. Yale Journal of Law & the Humanities, 8(1), 161–211. van Berlo, W., & Ensink, B. (2000). Problems with sexuality after sexual assault. Annual Review of Sex Research, 11(1), 235–257. doi:10.1080/1053 2528.2000.10559789 PMID:11351833 Vaz, K. M. (2005). Reflecting team group therapy and its congruence with feminist principles. Women & Therapy, 28(2), 65–75. doi:10.1300/ J015v28n02_05 Wadsworth, P., & Records, K. (2013). A review of the health effects of sexual assault on African American women and adolescents. Journal of Obstetric, Gynecologic, and Neonatal Nursing, 42(3), 249–273. doi:10.1111/15526909.12041 PMID:23682695

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Watson, N. N., & Hunter, C. D. (2016). ‘I had to be strong’: Tensions in the strong Black woman schema. The Journal of Black Psychology, 42(5), 424–452. doi:10.1177/0095798415597093 Weger, H., Bell, G. C., Minei, E. M., & Robinson, M. C. (2014). The relative effectiveness of active listening in initial interactions. International Journal of Listening, 28(1), 13–31. doi:10.1080/10904018.2013.813234 Weisenfeld, J. (2015, March). Religion in African American history. Retrieved from http://oxfordre.com/americanhistory/view/10.1093/ acrefore/9780199329175.001.0001/acrefore-9780199329175-e-24

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Woods-Giscombe, C. (2010). Superwoman schema: African American women’s views on stress, strength, and health. Qualitative Health Research, 20(5), 668–683. doi:10.1177/1049732310361892 PMID:20154298 Yancey, G., & Kim, Y. J. (2008). Racial diversity, gender equality, and SES diversity in Christian congregations: Exploring the connections of racism, sexism, and classism in multiracial and nonmultiracial churches. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 41(1), 103–111. doi:10.1111/j.14685906.2008.00394.x Yeary, K. H. K. (2011). Religious authority in African American churches: A study of six churches. Religions, 2(4), 628–648. doi:10.3390/rel2040628

ADDITIONAL READING Beauboeuf-Lafontant, T. (2009). Behind the mask of the strong Black woman. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press. Boyd-Franklin, N. (2010). Incorporating spirituality and religion into the treatment of African American clients. The Counseling Psychologist, 38(7), 976–1000. doi:10.1177/0011000010374881 Cannon, K. (1998). Katie’s Canon: Womanism and the soul of the Black community. New York, NY: Bloomsbury Academic. Donovan, R. A., Galban, D. J., Grace, R. K., Bennett, J. K., & Felicié, S. Z. (2012). Impact of racial macro- and microaggressions in Black women’s lives: A preliminary analysis. The Journal of Black Psychology, 39(2), 185–196. doi:10.1177/0095798412443259 Guy-Sheftall, B. (1995). Words of fire: An anthology of African American feminist thought. New York, NY: The New Press. Copyright © 2019. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Lorde, A. (1984). Sister outsider. Berkeley, CA: Ten Speed Press. Moraga, C., & Anzaldúa, G. (2015). The bridge called my back: Writings by radical women of color (4th ed.). Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Semmler, P. L., & Williams, C. B. (2000). Narrative therapy: A storied context for multicultural counseling. Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development, 28(1), 51–62. doi:10.1002/j.2161-1912.2000.tb00227.x 31

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Settles, I. H. (2006). Use of an intersectional framework to understand Black women’s racial and gender identities. Sex Roles, 54(9-10), 589–601. doi:10.100711199-006-9029-8 Williams, C. B. (2005). Counseling African American women: Multiple identities, multiple constraints. Journal of Counseling and Development, 83(3), 278–283. doi:10.1002/j.1556-6678.2005.tb00343.x

KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS

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African American Woman: A person assigned and/or self-identified as a woman, Black, and of African descent and of American nationality. Black Feminisms: Black feminisms include perspectives, social movements, and practice theories emergent from and about African American women that emphasize Black women’s scholarship and empowerment within social, literary, and intellectual thought. Heterocentric-Patriarchy: Heterocentric-patriarchy is the systemic domination of social, political, and economic capital by persons assigned and/or self-identified as male and masculine. Intersectionality: Intersectionality is a framework that acknowledges overlapping oppression across race, gender, sex, class, and other social identities. Racism: Racism is the ability of one group to use its collective race prejudices to control the livelihood of another group of a different race. Rape: Rape is the perpetration of unwanted, nonconsensual, or coerced sexual contact against another person. Religion: Religion is a set of beliefs, values, and practices related to a higher power. Scatted: To leave or be pushed aside.

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Chapter 2

The Promise for African American Male Students in Graduate Studies and Professional Development at Marygrove College Chukwunyere E. Okezie Marygrove College, USA Judy Alhamisi Marygrove College (Retired), USA Blanche J. Glimps Tennessee State University, USA

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ABSTRACT The recruitment of African American males into chosen professions in the United States of America is an increasing challenge at national, state, and local levels. Gender and racial disparities between teachers in this country and the students they teach are present in classrooms. This chapter examines the Marygrove College’s Griot program as an initiative established to address the underrepresentation of African American males in additional designated occupations. The philosophy and heritage from which the Griot Program was developed, along with key events and decisions throughout its life span are discussed. Model African American initiatives that can help shape Griot’s future as it tries to increase the recruitment, retention, and success of African American men in graduate school to assume leadership roles in human resource management, in social justice, as well as in education are also presented. DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-9195-5.ch002 Copyright © 2020, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

The Promise for African American Male Students in Graduate Studies

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INTRODUCTION African American males’ representation in professional careers has been an ongoing concern in the academic environment. It is difficult to read an academic journal or newspaper in the United States of America (USA) that does not include an article or editorial on underrepresentation of African American males in many professions. Of particular concern is the critical nature of these articles and the negative editorials. From occupation to occupation according to Bourree (2015), the disparity from (Legal, Education, Health, Social Services, etc.) cannot be over emphasized. Bourree continued that it has been documented for decades that “American workforce has been divided by race. Although, this gap might have improved, the gap still persists” (para. 1). A debate exists regarding the lack of African American male in many careers in the USA, with supporters (those who defend having more African American men in the world of work) and detractors (those who believe they are not needed) failing to reach a consensus on this issue. Nevertheless, it is a well-established fact that institutions of higher education in the United States of America do not successfully recruit, retain and graduate African American men. The low graduation rates of African American men in colleges and universities have been the subject of many research projects (Jones & Jenkins, 2012). “Black Student College Graduation Rates” 2006 reported that the nationwide college graduation rate for black students, including males, remains at a very low rate of 42 percent. This percentage is 20 points below the 62 percent rate for white students. “The lack of postsecondary success for African American males has garnered significant attention from academic scholars and public policy leaders” (Baber, 2014, p. 3). According to Barnum (2018), Black students are less likely to graduate from high school and college, including [graduate] school due to an education policy that sometimes assumes that socioeconomic status such as family income matters more than race and racism. An example can be seen in the results of math and reading exams. Barnum further reports that white eighth graders who were eligible for subsidized lunch outscored Black eighth graders who were ineligible. Okahana and Zhou (2018) provide data on graduate school enrollments by race and ethnicity. The report shows that in 2017, 49,482 Black students enrolled in graduate schools for the first time. They made up 11.9 percent of all first-time graduate students at U.S. universities. Of these first-time Black graduate students, 68.9 percent were women. 34

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The data by broad academic field indicates that Blacks represents 18.8 percent of all first-time graduate students in public administration and more than 12 percent of all first-time graduates in the social sciences, education, and business. Blacks made up 5.7 percent of all first-time graduate students in engineering and 3.7 percent in the physical and earth sciences. Okahana and Zhou continue to report the total enrollment in USA graduate schools was 188,838 for Blacks, indicating 12.6 percent of all enrollments. Of this number, 56, 765 were Black men compared to 130,006 Black women enrolled in graduate school. The total number of Blacks was less than six percent of all graduate students in the arts and humanities, biological and agricultural sciences, engineering, and physical sciences. The previous chapter on “The Promise for African American Male Students at Marygrove College” included research on similar successful programs and identified elements that were transported to the Marygrove College Griot Program. The literature focused on the underrepresentation of African American males in teaching (Nicolas, 2014). Brown (2012) “explored the theoretical implications around positioning the Black male teacher as the central agent of social changes for Black male students” (p. 296). Brown’s argument is that male teachers should be prepared to effectively teach all students, including Black males. The following African American male initiatives which were summarized in the previous chapter, are included at this time due to their continued relevance in the Marygrove College Griot graduate program. • • • •

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•

Bowie State University: Men Equipped to Nurture (MEN) City University of New York (CUNY): Black Male Initiative Clemson University: Call Me Mister Michigan Department of Education (MDE): African American Young Men of Promise Initiative (AAYMPI) is now The African American Student Initiative (TAASI) University System of Georgia: African American Male Initiative (AAMI)

This new Griot program is focused on the recruitment, retention, and success of African American men in graduate studies to assume leadership roles in Human Resource Management, in Social Justice, as well as in Education. The philosophy and heritage from which the Griot Program was developed, along with key events and decisions throughout its life span are discussed in this chapter. African American Male graduate initiatives were researched 35

The Promise for African American Male Students in Graduate Studies

to identify elements that are infused into the new Marygrove College Griot Program. The following initiatives address the underrepresentation of African American males in graduate studies and professional development in the areas of Human Resource Management, in Social Justice, as well as in Education. The summary and relevance of their critical elements are described later in this chapter. • • • • •

The City University of New York (CUNY): Black Male Initiative Purdue University’s College of Agriculture Mentoring@Purdue program (M@P) The University of Southern California Graduate Initiative for Diversity, Inclusion and Access (DIA) The University of Virginia Leadership Alliance Mellon Initiative University of Massachusetts Inclusion and Engagement Initiative

Although these initiatives exist, African American men may not be supported in some graduate studies programs or may not be highly recruited into professional careers. In the USA, accrediting agencies, state boards of education, and other stakeholders are in the process of implementing systems designed to increase the numbers of African American males in different occupations and professions. For example, Manzo (2017) reported recommended proven policies to reduce unemployment of African Americans, including males in Illinois:

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1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Boost public sector employment. Increase public transportation ridership. Raise the number of African-Americans with bachelor’s degrees. Lower the costs of homeownership. Reduce the reliance on local property taxes to fund an adequate and equitable public education. 6. Enforce prohibitions against racial discrimination in employment and apply a racial justice lens to employment practices. 7. Enhance local market conditions.

BACKGROUND This chapter discusses the Marygrove College Griot Program, its history, including its transition to address the underrepresentation of African American 36

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males in graduate studies and professional development in Human Resource Management and Social Justice, as well as in Education.

History of Marygrove College Marygrove College has attempted to respond to the need for more African American males in teaching through programmatic initiatives. Marygrove College was formally a four year, co-educational private liberal arts college. Today, Marygrove College has reimagined and focuses on preparing graduate only students. This bold move is still in keeping with the College’s mission. The founders, Marie Therese Maxis and The Sisters, Servants of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, have been known as educators for decades, particularly in the Midwestern United States of America (Marygrove College History, Mission and Vision, 2018-2020, pp. 6-11). The institution moved to its current city of Detroit location in 1927 to serve young women, who would otherwise be unable to obtain a college degree. While the College has evolved into a graduate only coeducational institution to meet the changing needs of its students, throughout its 91year history in the city, Marygrove has remained committed to the city and to the education of those disadvantaged by gender, ethnicity, economic circumstances, or social limitations. In 1970, Marygrove College became co-educational, extending enrollment to men (Marygrove College History, Mission and Vision, 2018-2020, pp. 6-11). The administration and faculty of Marygrove College identified its institutional and personal factors (e.g., classroom furniture, restroom alterations, teaching and learning styles, etc.) that were addressed as a way to increase success among male students. This bold move necessitated a progression in its mission and vision.

Mission

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Marygrove College, An independent, Catholic graduate institution, sponsored by the Sisters, Servants of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, • • • •

Educates students from diverse backgrounds, Fosters values-based leadership, Provides innovative graduate studies and professional development toward career enhancement and social responsibility, and Serves as an institutional leader within the city of Detroit. 37

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Vision Our Students, as citizen leaders, will inspire transformative change in their workplaces, communities, and society through intellectual rigor and professional excellence, creativity and imaginations, active compassion for others, and lifelong commitment to a just, humane, and inclusive world (Marygrove College History, Mission and Vision, 2018-2020, pp. 6-11). The new iteration of Marygrove’s history, mission and vision, is intentionally positioning the institution to provide students with an excellent, relevant educational experience. By this, Marygrove College is setting a new standard in higher education by not only providing graduate education, but also professional development towards career enhancement. The Institution, in an open, caring, nurturing, and friendly environment, provides learning experiences and opportunities for students to demonstrate leadership skills, develop confidence, and self-reliance. The individual and collective excellence for which Marygrove stands will continue to be measured by the quality of its graduates and their successes in serving society. Marygrove College offers graduate only programs that prepare and enhance students for certification, licensure, and accreditation for various careers and professions. All graduate and professional programs at Marygrove now focus more directly on the commitment to create leaders who will be change agents in the city of Detroit and beyond. Like most small, private colleges, educating community of scholars and citizen leaders, is the curricular centerpiece. The goal is to graduate students who staff and lead organizations and careers throughout the Detroit metropolitan area, and in many states. In that tradition, graduates from Marygrove College continue the legacy of service and leadership.

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AFRICAN AMERICAN MALE IN THE WORLD OF WORK Marygrove College is in the process of recruiting African American males to prepare for leadership roles in Human Resources, in Social Justice and in Education. The lack of African American male representation in these professions has been an ongoing concern in the academic environment (Okezie, 2003). The following is a snapshot of available demographic information on the field of human resource management, social justice and education.

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Human Resources The Marygrove Human Resource Management graduate program focuses upon the practice in business, government and not-for-profit organizations. “Courses offer both concept and skill components designed to help students base practice on solid theoretical grounding” (Marygrove College Graduate Studies and Professional Course Catalog 2018 -2020, p. 55). A training and development manager, for example, aligns training and development with the organization’s mission, oversees training, programs, staff, and budgets. “Data USA”: (2014-2016) reports that 53.5% of Training and development managers are predominately males. The majority are White, with 77.8% employment. African American is the second most common, with 12.4% of Training & development managers. Training and development managers are often employed by restaurants and food services.

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Social Justice The Marygrove Social Justice graduate program “provides for analysis and reflection in the ways of thinking about the values, assumptions, and the actions that maintain the economic, political, and cultural structures that shape our lives” (Marygrove College Graduate Studies and Professional Course Catalog 2018 -2020, p. 77). An example of a career in Social Justice is an activist, sometimes called organizers or campaigners. This field worker often collaborates with a variety of local community residents to focus on inequalities and to increase civic engagement on issues (Salsberg, Quigley, Acquaviva, Wyche & Sliwa, 2017) While data on careers on social justice activists was unavailable, Thorne (n.d) described a number of occupations for people who want to fight inequality. Following is a partial list of occupation areas: providing immediate support; improving education; changing policy and interpreting the law; spreading the word; informing policy and the public; and improving career prospects. Marygrove College offers classes within one department allowing students to specialize in Social Justice with emphasis on different topics leading to a full graduate degree.

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Education Leadership The Marygrove Educational Leadership is one of the programs in Education that “provides candidates with the knowledge and skills to lead and manage today’s schools” (Marygrove College Graduate Studies and Professional Course Catalog 2018 -2020, p.48). The recruitment and retention practices of African American male administrators at predominantly White institutions (PWIs), is being given increased attention (Scott, 2016). Howard as cited in Scott (2016) stated that, “Statistics show that in fall 2011, Black men held 3.6% of all executive, senior, and upper administrative positions in U.S. higher education institutions” (para.2). That number, according to Gasman & Commodore, as cited in Scott (2016) “includes Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) where Black males are overrepresented in executive administrative positions” (para. 2). The disproportionately low representation of African American males in chosen professions in the United States is evident. The Marygrove College Griot Program is designed to recruit, retain and graduate African American men to assume leadership positions within the various fields of education.

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THE GRIOT PROGRAM PAST AND PRESENT The Griot Program was originally established in response to the national need for African American male teachers in America’s classrooms, as well as to the acute local need in Detroit Public Schools. Today, not only do we need educational leaders, we need African American males in leadership positions in additional chosen careers. Marygrove College’s reimagined Griot Program is an initiative established to address the underrepresentation of African American males in these additional designated occupations. A Griot is a West African historian, storyteller, praise singer, poet, and/or musician. He is the repository of oral tradition and often is seen as a leader in society and as an advisor to others (Hale, 1997). A Griot is a storyteller whose knowledge and wisdom is shared and passed on from generation to generation. Marygrove College’s Griot students will continue to become teachers, as well as administrators, managers, activists and human resource specialists who will positively impact future generations of children and their families. The representation of African American men in Marygrove’s newly

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targeted professions should result in the changes highly needed to build and sustain a diverse and inclusive community. The revised Marygrove College Griot Program is designed for post-degree students who have already earned undergraduate degrees from accredited institutions of higher education. Graduate students will be enrolled in Human Resource Management, in Social Justice, or in Education. The Program will continue to meet students’ academic requirements through online instruction while pursuing full-time employment. Class content will be delivered through online courses by internet with student and instructor interaction. This online format will be combined with on-campus professional development activities in the form of meetings and workshops. Well-known practitioners within the perspective disciplines will be leading the discussions and activities. A cohort model will be used to move students together through an established sequence of courses according to their area of specialization. The purpose is to encourage and stimulate continuous, productive, collaborative and supportive learning environments. Okezie (2018) stated that the cohort model approach was “adapted based on an understanding of how people learn in general and how African Americans in particular learn” (p. 3). Throughout the Griot Program, students will receive: • • •

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•

One-on-one faculty advising to include academic support and fnancial literacy. A “buddy system” that identifes a mentor who serves as a resource person during the student’s program. Social and cultural networking through planned extra-curricular activities (new student and family orientation, regular meetings, symposiums and social gatherings). Ongoing networking and professional development opportunities (Marygrove College Graduate Studies and Professional Course Catalog 2018 -2020, p. 66).

Professional Development is designed to meet the needs of the individual groups of students. This system produces a sense of camaraderie among students and an ethos of solidarity that is immediately apparent. National speakers generate commitment, energy, and mutual support among the assigned groups. Community members are invited to participate in the Griot Speakers’ Series, as appropriate. Professionals are invited from universities, businesses, government, health, school districts and other community agencies to teach and support the content in their professional areas. Griot graduate students 41

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continue to participate in deliberate co-curricular activities that combine course content with real-life experiences. Curricula are delivered collaboratively by a Marygrove faculty and a professional practitioner. Research by Tagoonaden, Morajelo, and Kennedy (2018) supports this model used by Marygrove. They examined the roles that teacher education and nursing education utilized in forming a critical friendship in practices. This structure of professional learning is designed to provide ongoing professional development among educators who work in a wide range of cultural and educational settings. Their findings revealed that critical relationships can nurture and sustain an environment of self-reflection, discussion, personal and professional growth regarding the partnerships between disciplines.

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Theoretical Foundation “Social constructivism teaches that all knowledge develops as a result of social interaction and language use, and is therefore a shared, rather than an individual, experience” (Lynch, 2016. para. 1). In storytelling through discussion with members of their cohort, students begin to challenge the views of others, ask for reasons, and begin to form their own understanding of the topic. In a constructivist environment, students are expected to be responsible for their own learning and construct knowledge based on prior learning through exploration, experimentation, and social interactions with others. The rationale for the selection of this theory, as a basis for the Griot program, was that students involved in the Griot program are career-changers who have other experiences before coming to the program, which can be used as a foundation for future learning. The environment also may be a challenge confronting these career-changers. Ecological theory provides a reflective understanding on how stakeholders can strategically analyze the barriers of political initiatives for men of color (Suarex-Balcazar, Balcazar, Garcia-Rameriz, & TaylorRitzler (as cited in Ramsey, 2017). Bronfenbrenner’s (1986) ecological approach was helpful in explaining this factor. The specific theory of interest among his five theories was microsystems. Bronfenbrenner concerned himself with the setting in which the individual lives. Bronfenbrenner maintained that the setting includes the person’s family, peers, schools, and neighborhood. A Griot student pursuing a graduate degree at Marygrove, must meet the following requirements: 42

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• • •

•

Submit a graduate application, including the application fee. Send Ofcial Transcripts indicating the degree(s) earned and any other undergraduate courses completed directly to Marygrove College. Graduate program applicants must submit a career plan. The “career plan” is a description of the applicant’s life/career goals and an explanation of how the particular graduate program to which the student is applying will assist in realizing his/her objectives. It should be word-processed and is not to exceed two pages. A copy of the applicant’s teaching certifcate is required for application to the following programs: Educational Leadership, Educational Technology, Reading & Literacy, and Special Education programs (Marygrove College Graduate Admission Process, 2018-2020, p.19).

In the Griot Program, different approaches are used to deliver content, such as small and large groups, teachers acting as facilitators, student facilitators, etc. In most courses, different techniques are used to expose students to a variety of learning environments where they may be placed during field assignments. The Griot “buddy system” mentorship, social and curricular networking, and professional development activities will be embedded into students’ existing curriculum. Activities and assignments will build upon one another and support what students are already doing within their current program major. The Griot Program offers African American male students opportunities to bond with men with similar goals in a typical, six semester graduate program. The challenge for these men is to meet program requirements, while adjusting to changing professional life patterns and moving toward the role of a leader in a selected professional career.

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African American Male Initiatives in Teacher Education Initially, the Marygrove College Griot program focused on the underrepresentation of African American males in teaching as a necessary direction for educational reform. Nicholas (2014) indicated that a lack of males in the classroom also means there is a lack of males in school leadership roles. Without a male administrator, male teachers may not have “caring spirited mentors who understand their importance and vigorously provide them guidance” (p. 28). Male enrollment in colleges and universities was expected to increase by 10 to 20% between 2010 and 2012 (Hussar & Bailey, 2013). Marcus (2017), 43

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quoting a report by The United States Department of Education, indicates that in 2017, there are “some 2.2 million fewer men than women enrolled in college” (para. 6). Further, Marcus indicates, by 2026, women will comprise 57 percent of college students. These numbers suggest opportunities to increase male recruitment into the teaching and other professions. Model programs were established nationally, to recruit men, particularly those of African American ethnicity, into the teaching field. The following African American initiatives included elements that the Griot Program drew upon to enhance the Marygrove College Teacher Education Program.

Bowie State University (BSU): Mentorship Empowerment Network (M.E.N.) The Men Equipped to Nurture (MEN) program was originally designed to recruit males into the teaching profession. In 2015, the male initiative expanded to provide life skills training to young people through a local Job Corps career training program. Through a grant awarded by the Maryland D.C. Campus Compact, AmeriCorps VISTA Robert Fronta now coordinates the new “BSU Male Initiative” (Bowie State University, 2015) called Mentorship Empowerment Network (M.E.N.). This initiative provides both one-to-one mentoring to male students as well as career and leadership workshops for young people in the local community. A partnership between BSU with the Woodland Job Corps and other groups in Laurel, Maryland, provides a free vocational program for youth and young adults administered by the U.S. Department of Labor.

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The City University of New York (CUNY): Black Male Initiative (BMI) The City University of New York (CUNY) BMI was originally established in 2005 for the severely underrepresented population in higher education and focused on African, African American, Black, Caribbean and Latino/ Hispanic males. The CUNY BMI has grown from 15 to over 30 projects which concentrated on increasing matriculation, retention and graduation rates of these underrepresented students, particularly men of color. LaGuardia Community College, a member of CUNY, established the Multicultural Exchange Program, with the Black Male Empowerment Cooperative (BMEC) as one of the 44

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initiatives. The mission of the BMEC is to “increase, encourage and support the inclusion and educational success of these students in higher education” (LaGuardia Community College, n.d., Multicultural Exchange Program).

Clemson University: Call Me Mister Clemson University’s Call Me MISTER (Mentors Instructing Students Toward Effective Role Models) is an innovative and effective leadership development program which started at Clemson University to prepare and assign African American males for service in elementary schools as teachers and role models. Clemson University started Call Me MISTER in 2000 and expanded to Jackson State University (JSU) in 2012. Since the Program’s inception, it has received numerous national recognition for addressing current social issues by improving the quality of education available in low-performing elementary schools, investing in male college students who aspire to teach young children and help them reach their potential. Now, Call Me Mister combines the resources of Clemson with several other South Carolina higher education institutions. This Program, in collaboration with other South Carolina higher education institutions, is the only kind within the Deep South (“Call Me Mister is building,” n.d).

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Michigan Department of Education (MDE): African American Young Men of Promise Initiative (AAYMPI) is now The African American Student Initiative (TAASI) The Michigan Department of Education (MDE) initiated AAYMPI program during the 2013-14 academic year as a 3-year project to close the achievement gap between African American males and other students in local school districts across Michigan. Twenty-seven middle and high schools volunteered to participate in the initiative by designing, implementing, and assessing the results of research-based climate and culture strategies, instructional practices, data collection, professional in-services, and student focus group sessions. In 2017-2018 TAASI was “extended for a fourth year with a focus on all African American Students and their Achievement Gap” (Michigan Department of Education, para. 1). Two phases have been included in the program plan. Year one focuses on personal biases and the impact on culture. Year two is structured to help participant understand the roles of race, power, and privilege in the academic achievement of African American Students. 45

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University System of Georgia: African American Male Initiative (AAMI) A number of African American Male Initiatives (AAMI) were established in different universities of the University System of Georgia. Kenneshaw State University (n.d) is one example. This initiative is a minority-male enrichment program which provides academic, social and cultural opportunities to promote leadership among African American male teacher candidates, to increase enrollment, promote retention, and increase graduation rates. The purpose is to build collaborative networks that link elementary and secondary schools to higher education institutions to create seamless transitions into teacher education programs. The reimagined Griot Program is designed to increase the number of African American males to assume leadership roles in various professions, including education. Components of the previously described African American male initiatives examples are combined with elements of the graduate Griot Program to create a new model for Marygrove College.

African American Male Graduate Initiatives

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Okahana and Zhou (2017) report on trends in first-time graduate enrollment. They also stated that between Fall 2015 and Fall 2016, first-time graduate enrollment increased 11.0% among Hispanics/Latinos, 7.8% among Asians/ Pacific Islanders, 5.4% among American Indians/Alaska Native students and 3.6% among Black/African Americans. While all underrepresented groups experienced larger growth in first-time enrollment than in the preceding year, Black/African Americans remained the lowest. Marygrove College is addressing this problem of underrepresentation by expanding the Griot Program to first-time graduate students enrolled in Human Resource Management, Social Justice, as well as the Education Programs. The following graduate initiatives are summarized, applied and presented in the Marygrove College Griot Outcomes section of this paper.

The City University of New York (CUNY): Black Male Initiative The Graduate School of Journalism at The City University of New York (CUNY) system established a new diversity initiative with the goal of increasing the number of underrepresented minority students who want to pursue a 46

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career in journalism. This initiative includes five, full-tuition scholarships to students entering the Graduate School of Journalism (Knight Foundation, 2014). This CUNY system is an expansion of the 2005 Black Male Initiative, which was established to increase the number of black male undergraduate students to enroll and graduate from CUNY (The City University of New York (CUNY): Task Force on the Black Male Initiative, 2005).

The University of Southern California Graduate Initiative for Diversity, Inclusion and Access (DIA) This initiative was designed in 2016 to increase the diversity of the student body in the graduate school at the university, to broaden academic support for underrepresented minority students, and to expand outreach to minority communities in Los Angeles. Funding is targeted for recruitment and work with programs and campus organizations to enhance inclusion and professional development.

The University of Virginia Leadership Alliance Mellon Initiative (LAMI) This program, established in 2015 seeks to increase the number of underrepresented students pursuing graduate education and careers in the humanities and social sciences. Four of the six students originally enrolled in the program were from Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCU). Students participate in faculty-mentored research projects and in an eightweek fellowship program at the University of Virginia.

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Purdue University’s College of Agriculture Mentoring@Purdue (M@P) Purdue’s M@P established in 2018, is a mentoring program for minority graduate students that pairs them with faculty or staff members. It was founded to facilitate students academically, professionally and personally. A summer scholars program brings undergraduate students from HBCUs for a weeklong program that teaches them how to start applying to graduate schools. M@P provides “M@P-ing Out Your Future,” a resource guide for incoming graduate students on taking the Graduate Record Exam and building relationships with faculty (Purdue University, 2018). 47

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University of Massachusetts Inclusion and Engagement Initiative This initiative (2017) is designed to help students amplify the impact of their research, prepare for leadership positions in their fields and broaden their career options. This program is designed to expand the university’s community of excellent minority graduate students and extend the recent efforts to facilitate the success by providing regular training opportunities, such as skill building workshops, leadership seminars—that should enhance their communication and networking proficiency. Grants are awarded for pilot projects that enable students to communicate the significance of their research and connect with non-academic communities.

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Past Griot Outcomes From the inception of the Griot program, 229 African American men were enrolled. Of that number, 119 (52%) received their initial teacher certification (Okezie, 2018). Griot graduates have been appointed teachers, ancillary staff, principals, and superintendents in public, private and charter schools in the Detroit Metropolitan area and across the United States. Many program completers have obtained doctoral degrees from other colleges and universities. One Griot graduate is now currently the superintendent of a Michigan Public School District. Griot Program completers received awards for academic achievement and scholarship (i.e., National Aeronautics Science Administration’s Pre-service Teaching Institute; Teacher of the Year – 105.9 Radio; Michigan Reading Association). Increasing college access and completion rates for low-income, African American males continues to be the greatest challenge. Historically, institutions have been less responsive and supportive of the needs of this population. Over the years, the cost and financial aid process faced by urban students undermines the likelihood of their success in completing the Griot Program. As the financial support for Marygrove Griot students declined, so did their enrollment and completion rates. The previous requirements for Michigan initial teacher certification were designed to assure that only the most highly qualified college students seeking careers in teaching are leading Michigan classrooms. The current requirements for entry into Graduate Studies at Marygrove College are equally as rigorous and intended to recruit, retain and graduate the most knowledgeable 48

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and capable students. “The student must have completed an undergraduate degree from a regionally accredited higher education institution. Marygrove requires a minimum bachelor’s grade point average (GPA) of 3.0 on a 4.0 scale (“B”) for full admission. Specific entrance requirements may vary by program” (Graduate Studies & Professional Development Course Catalog 2018-2020, p. 18).

Reimagined Griot Outcomes The following outcomes are developed iteratively as Griot progresses to provide a link among the past, current and future. The major elements summarized in the preceding African American Male initiatives are described and include changes that are being made within the Marygrove College Griot Graduate Program areas. • • • • • • •

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• •

Increasing the number of African American male graduate students who want to pursue careers in Human Resource Management, in Social Justice, as well as in Education. Increasing the diversity of the student body in graduate studies and professional development at Marygrove College. Broadening academic support for underrepresented African American male graduate students. Implementing a campus-wide graduate student recruitment strategy by organizing major activities among the college and the community. Expanding outreach to minority community in the Metropolitan Detroit Area and beyond. Bringing undergraduate students from HBCUs for a weeklong program to teach them how to start applying to graduate school at Marygrove College. Developing and implementing summer-pre-graduate institute for potential Michigan graduate students at Marygrove College Designing a mentoring component that pairs incoming graduate students with Marygrove faculty and past Griot graduates who occupy careers that match the graduate students’ professional goals. Preparing students for leadership positions by ofering regular professional development training opportunities, such as skill building workshops, leadership seminars—to enhance communications and networking profciency (University of Massachusetts, 2018). 49

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•

Securing funds through grants and scholarships to assure the ongoing and completion of the Griot projected outcomes.

GRIOT SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

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While the Marygrove College Griot Graduate Program increased the number of African American males as certified teachers in Michigan during its early years, an urgent need is to continue to increase the number of African American male teachers while also increasing the number of African American men in additional professions. A common thread woven through the Griot program is a vision that more is possible for K-12 students, and for society, if effective African American male graduates are recruited into leadership roles in Human Resource Management, Social Justice, and as well as in Education. This chapter examined Griot in the past as it addressed teaching, and the reimagined Griot that is now focused on Human Resource Management, Social Justice, as well as Education. The Griot projected outcomes, suggest a need to strengthen partnerships among other departments within Marygrove College; other higher education institutions, including HBCUs; community agencies; and the State of Michigan to increase the recruitment, retention and success of African American male graduates. Further, it is recommended that the Griot outcomes can best be achieved when Marygrove College faculty collaborate with key leaders who understand the need for increasing the number of African American male graduates. Innovative Graduate Studies and Professional Development initiatives are reviewed to determine how the issues of change are addressed. Griot has considered a number of these elements in the progression of its program. These initiatives often contribute additional support services, financial aid, and transferrable credit to the college. Marygrove College believes that the Griot reimagined program will enable it to rise to an important challenge and to make a direct contribution to the literature and debate regarding the need for African American males in many professions.

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REFERENCES Baber, L. (2014). When aspiration meets opportunity: Examining transitional experiences of African American males in college readiness programs. Community College Journal of Research and Practice, 38(12), 1097–1111. doi:10.1080/10668926.2012.745384 Barnum, M. (2018). Race, not just poverty, shapes who graduate in America— and other education lessons from a big new study. Chalkbeat: Education news. Retrieved from https://chalkbeat.org/posts/us/2018/03/23/race-notjust-poverty-shapes-who-graduates-in-america-and-other-education-lessonsfrom-a-big-new-study/ Black student college graduation rates. (2006). The Journal of Blacks in Higher Education. Retrieved from http://www.jbhe.com/features/50_blackstudent_ gradrates.html Bourree, L. (2015). The least diverse jobs in America: Eight out of every 10 lawyers are white. Social scientists and architects are probably in need of some diversity too. The Atlantic. Retrieved from https://www.theatlantic. com/business/archive/2015/06/diversity-jobs- professions-america /396632/ Bowie State University. (2015, October). Bowie state male initiative expands community impact. About News. Retrieved from https://www.bowiestate.edu/ about/news/details/bowie-state-male-initiative-expands-community-impact/ Bronfenbrenner, U. (1986). Ecology of the family as a context for human development: Research perspective. Developmental Psychology, 22(6), 723–742. doi:10.1037/0012-1649.22.6.723

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Brown, A. (2012). On human kinds and role models: A critical discussion about the African American male teacher. Educational Studies, 48(3), 296–315. Retrieved from https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00131946.20 12.660666?journalCode=heds20 Call Me MISTER is building the next generation of African American male teachers. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://www.wkkf.org/what-we-do/featuredwork/call-me-mister-is-building-the-next-generation-of-african-americanmale-teachers City University of New York. (2005). Task force on black male initiative. Retrieved from http://www1.cuny.edu/sites/bmi/wp-content/uploads/sites/24/ page-assets/home/task-force-report/BMI_TaskForce_ExecutiveSummary.pdf 51

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City University of New York. (n.d.). Black Male Initiative Mission Statement. Retrieved from http://www1.cuny.edu/sites/bmi/ Data, Analysis & Documentation. (2006-2017). Retrieved from https:// www.opm.gov/policy-data-oversight/data-analysis-documentation/federalemployment-reports/reports-publications/executive-branch-employment-bygender-and-race national-origin/ Hale, T. A. (1997). From the Griot of roots to the roots of Griot: A new look at the origins of a controversial African terms for bard. Oral Tradition, 12(2), 249–278. Retrieved from http://journal.oraltradition.org/issues/12ii/hale Hussar, W., & Bailey, T. (2013). Projections of education statistics to 2021. Institute of Education Sciences: National Center for Education Statistics. Retrieved from http://nces.ed.gov/pubs2013/2013008.pdf Jones, R., & Jenkins, A. (2012). Call me mister: The re-emergence of African American male teachers. Charleston, SC: Advantage. Kenneshaw State University. (n.d.). African American male initiative. Retrieved from https://ccc.kennesaw.edu/academic-enrichment/aami.php Knight Foundation. (2014, September). New diversity initiative offers paid New York Internships to minority journalism students. Retrieved from https:// knightfoundation.org/press/releasses/new-diversity-initiative-offers-paidnew-york-inte LaGuardia Community College. (n.d.). Multicultural exchange program. Retrieved from https://www.laguardia.edu/Student-Services/MulticulturalExchange/

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Lynch, M. (2016) Social constructivism in education. The Advocate. Manzo, I. V. F. (2017). 7 Ways to reduce African-American unemployment in Illinois [Blog post]. Illinois Economic Policy Institute. Retrieved from https://illinoisupdate.com /2017/02/06/7-ways-to-reduce-african-americanunemployment-in-illinois/ Marcus, J. (2017). Why men are the new college minority. The Atlantic. Retrieved fromhttps://www.theatlantic.com/education/archive/2017/08/whymen-are-the-new-college minority/536103/

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Marygrove College. (n.d.). Graduate studies and professional development course catalog 2018-2020. Retrieved from https://www.marygrove.edu/ hubfs/ images/docs/graduate/ Marygrove_Graduate_Catalog_2018_2020. pdf?t=1534796819513 Michigan Department of Education. (2013). African American young men of promise initiative program guide. Retrieved from https://www.michigan. gov/mde/0,4615,7-140--297206-- RSS,00.html Michigan Department of Education Achievement Gap Pilot Project. (20172018). MDE achievement gap pilot project. The African American student initiative (TAASI). Nicolas, D. (2014). Where are the Black male teachers? Education Week, 33(22), 28. Retrieved from http://www.edweek.org/ew/articles/ 2014/02/26/22nicolas_ ep.h33.html Norton, R. (2005). Call Me Mister: A program that recruits, trains, certifies, and secures employment for African American men as teachers. The Black Collegian. Retrieved from http://www.blackcollegian.com/call-me-mister/ Okahana, H., & Zhou, E. (2017, September). Graduate enrollment and degree: 2006-2017. Council of Graduate Schools. Retrieved from https://cgsnet.org/ ckfinder/ userfiles/CGS_Report_Final.pdf Okezie, C. E. (2003, May). African American male teachers: Planning for the future. Black Issues in Higher Education, 20(6), 74.

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Okezie, C. E. (2018, June). The Marygrove college Griot program: A grow your own program for African American male teachers. The Urban Review: Issues and Ideas in Public Education., 45(3), 235–246. doi:10.100711256018-0448-y Purdue University. (2018). Mentoring program for minority graduate students receives national honor. Retrieved from https://www.purdue.edu/newsroom/ releases/2018/Q4/mentoring-program-for-minority-graduate-studentsreceives-national-honor Ramsey, K. (2017). Social change initiatives for African-American and Latino males in Los Angeles County. Walden Dissertations and Doctoral Studies. Salsberg, E., Quigley, L., Acquaviva, K., Wyche, K., & Sliwa, S. (2017). Profile of the social work workforce. The George Washington University Health Sciences Research Commons. 53

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Scott, D. T. (2016). Recruiting and retaining African American male administrators at predominantly white institutions. In Urban Education Research & Policy Annuals. UNC Charlotte: The Urban Education Collaborative. Tagoonaden, Morajelo, & Kennedy. (2018). Critical friendship and interfaculty collaborative inquiry: Teacher Education and Nursing Education. Education: Exploring Our Connective Educational Landscape, 24(1). Thorne, B. (n.d.). College degrees for social justice: How to turn your education into a career fighting inequality. Popular Social Justice Careers Paths & Public Service Degrees. Retrieved from https://www.affordablecollegesonline.org/ college-resource.../degrees-for-social-justice...Training University of Massachusetts. (2017, December). Graduate school to establish office of inclusion and engagement. Retrieved from https://www.umass.edu/ newsoffice/article/graduate-school-establish-office-inclusion University of Southern California. (n.d.). Graduate Initiative for Diversity, Inclusion and Access. Retrieved from https://www.provost.usc.edu/graduateinitiative-for-diversity-inclusion-and-access-dia/ University of Virginia. (2018). Graduate and postdoctoral diversity programs: Leadership alliance Mellon initiative. Retrieved from https://graddiversity. virginia.edu/U.Va.LAMI University System of Georgia. (n.d.). African American Male Initiative: Academic partnership & accreditation. Retrieved from https://www.usg. edu/aami/

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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS African American Male: A person of African descent who is living in the United States. African American Male Initiatives: Is a completion initiative designed to help young men find their passion, walk in their purpose, and reach their potential (https://www.google.com/search). Graduate Education: Involves learning and studying for academic or professional degrees, academic or professional certificates, academic or professional diplomas, or other qualifications for which a first or bachelor’s 54

The Promise for African American Male Students in Graduate Studies

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degree generally is required, and it is normally. (https://www.google.com/ search?) Griot: A member hereditary caste among the peoples of western Africa whose function is to keep an oral history of the tribe or village and to entertain with stories, poems, songs, dances, etc. https://www.dictionary.com/browse/ griot). Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs): Were established prior to 1964 with the intention of offering accredited, high-quality education to African American students across the United States (https://www.merriamwebster.com/dictionary/graduate%20education). Initiative: A plan or strategy that is intended to solve a problem (https:// www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/graduate%20education). Reimagine: To imagine again or anew especially; to form a new conception of re-create (https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/graduate%20 education). Underrepresentation: Inadequately represented (https://www.merriamwebster.com/dictionary/underrepresentation).

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Chapter 3

Men and Women Against the Other Kalina G. Spencer John Carroll University, USA

ABSTRACT The purpose of this chapter is to discern the oppressive and prejudicial treatment inficted on Black students at John Carroll University, a private white institution. This chapter will outline instances of oppression, culturally and racially insensitive behavior, and lack of solidarity that one student of color in particular experienced throughout her four years of attendance. The goal of this chapter is not only to inform others of the treatment of this student, but to encourage students of color to advocate for themselves and pursue their education regardless of the obstacles they may encounter.

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INTRODUCTION As stated by human rights activist Malcolm X, “The most disrespected woman in America, is the Black Woman. The most un-protected person in America is the Black Woman. The most neglected person in America, is the Black Woman” (X, 1962). This was a distinguished quote from a speech given by Malcolm X. It is a statement with which I agree and have lived experiences. Through many aspects of everyday life, such as career, education, and social life, black women are constantly reminded that they are “third class citizens” and that even though they do everything right, it is still not enough (Cooper, 2018). As a woman of color, I did not realize how little my existence meant to DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-9195-5.ch003 Copyright © 2020, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Men and Women Against the Other

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others until I attended college. My college years should have been a pleasant and exciting time in my life, however it only proved to be discouraging and negatively revealing. Throughout this chapter, I want to describe how as a woman of color I persevered through my struggles, tribulations and anguish at a private religious white institution. I was primarily raised by my mother, and my grandparents in Cleveland, Ohio. I have always been very grateful that I have a family who continuously stressed the importance of school and having an education. Growing up, I was always told that an education is something that cannot be taken away from you. It is something that you have earned and it will always carry merit. With that in mind, I strove to excel in academics. I have always found academics and the idea of learning riveting as I read endlessly in hopes of learning something new each day. When it was time for me to apply for college, I began choosing between my reach schools, schools that were highly likely of getting into, and schools that I knew for sure I would be accepted into. The reach schools were schools that I did not feel were likely to accept me due to admissions expectations. John Carroll University in University Heights, Ohio fell into my “likely” category. Although John Carroll was not a “goal” school, it was still on my radar and I would have been happy to be accepted. Prior to being accepted to John Carroll, I had very little knowledge of the campus culture. I prioritized time to research the majors and programs that the university offered, yet I knew nothing about the culture of the school itself. I did not know much about Catholicism to begin with and I did not know anything at all about the Jesuits. John Carroll is a Catholic university centered on the principles of Jesuit education. One of the primary principles of a Jesuit education is the frequently stated motto of being, men and women in solidarity with others. That principle grew in part from the 29th Superior General of the Society of Jesus, Fr. Hans Kolvenbach’s assertion: When the heart is touched by direct experience, the mind may be challenged to change. Personal involvement with innocent suffering, with the injustice others suffer, is the catalyst for solidarity which then gives rise to intellectual inquiry and moral reflection. (Inspiring Quotes, n.d.) The experience of personally being involved with others, who have suffered and continue to suffer injustices, can bring about solidarity with the

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Men and Women Against the Other

other—creating men and women for others. Throughout my undergraduate experience at John Carroll University, I did not experience solidarity from my white peers, but more so faculty and staff. I was fortunate to have professors who were understanding of injustices I face as a black woman. During my college search process, my mom and I scheduled a tour of John Carroll University (JCU). I was asked to fill out a form prior to coming to campus which asked me a series of questions such as my current school, major of interest and where I was from. When I arrived on campus, I was introduced to my tour guide who was currently a senior at JCU. This young lady was also a woman of color. She seemed very happy to be a student there and had nothing but great things to say about the institution. I was also very intrigued when she told me all of the clubs and activities that she was involved in such as Greek Life, for example. She gave my mom and me a tour around campus for about twenty minutes and when it was time for lunch, she guided us to the cafeteria where she said I would meet a few other students who could tell me more about the school. The student I spoke with in the cafeteria was also another young woman of color. She was at the time a sophomore and delighted in giving me pointers for my freshman year. As she was talking, I caught my eyes wandering around the cafeteria looking at the other college students. I remember seeing many students with tall plates of food and that definitely grabbed my attention, but I did not see many black people in the cafeteria. It was not until I got in the car with my mom that I realized I did not see anyone in that cafeteria, other than my tour guide, who looked like me. At eighteen years old I did not find that problematic, but more so strange because I had always attended school with black students. I convinced myself that there must be black people at the school and that modern-day segregation could not possibly exist. In a sense I was right. Obviously, there were not any Jim Crow laws or blatant segregation laws in effect at JCU What I did not know is there is a thriving racist culture at the institution and how much of a plague it actually is to the institution and its students. I grew up going to schools that were predominately black and although I had many great teachers who were white, I have always had peers who looked like me. Although I was used to having peers who were also black, we certainly did not always share the same interests or values. For example, my peers and I did not like the same things such as entertainment and I rarely met anyone who shared my passion for playing string instruments and reading for leisure. In fact, I was bullied for years as a child because of how “different” I appeared to be. I remember being in middle school and asking my mother to 58

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Men and Women Against the Other

look into high schools with a reputation for having high academic standard, such as Hathaway Brown or Hawken. I had conjured up the idea that I needed to go to school with students who had equivalent goals and dreams as I had, students who thought things such as orchestra and environmental science were interesting. The alarming part is that I evoked this kind of thinking all on my own because at such a young age I had not been exposed to anything divergent. With that being said, I did not know that as a woman of color, I would have difficulty finding my niche regardless. I would have never thought that simply being a woman of color would allow others to constantly question my intelligence, worth and significance. I also did not discern that escaping one environment, in hopes that the other environment would accept me, would be unrealistic. It was not until the second semester of my freshman year that I began to fully discern the environment to be terribly toxic. Perhaps my judgment prior to this realization was clouded with my long list of expectations for college and I did not yet see or even understand how I was viewed by others on campus. That summer prior to enrolling at JCU I resolved to make a lot of friends. A resolution made to ensure that I would leave behind the quiet person I had been in high school. I had expectations to meet boys, go to parties, and have my first drink. Soon, however, I discovered the campus culture, and I pushed those things to the very bottom of my list of expectations and priorities. I found myself confronting microaggressions from my peers. The feeling of being in a classroom and realizing that there was always an empty seat next to me in all my classes. Only when the instructor intervened with his or her special seating arrangements would I find myself seated next to a peer. Group work was always sure to find me not selected to be in a group or with a partner. I was grateful to those few professors who somehow knew and understood cultural issues and therefore assign groups or partners. That helped to reduce being marginalized within my classes and reduced the instances of being blatantly avoided or ignored. Unfortunately, most of the professors at JCU are themselves culturally quite similar to the white students they are entrusted to enlighten. Microaggressions emanated from both students and professors. One professor in particularly seemed to take to heart Fr. Kolvenbach pronouncement. I took the freshman seminar course taught by a most caring and dedicated professor. Many of my peers perceived her instructional methods as “forced” participation. In reality it was precisely what Fr. Kolvenbach suggested—enabling people to step outside their comfort zone in order to have personal interactions with the other.The course dealt with many topics of urban 59

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life and how as a Jesuit school, we are called be influential in creating a better community. Given the course focus, it was not surprising that some students chose to remain silent, until forced to participate. Conversely, other students were extremely verbal, often speaking from a data free environment that resulted in ignorant comments and questions related to the black community. My peers’ pronouncement about the black community informed me that they were crudely prejudice. That realization created a level of discomfort suggesting that I did not belong. I began to reevaluate my college career at JCU and I wondered if I should stay or if I should transfer to a school where there are more students like me, and where diversity is actually implemented into the school culture.

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Studying While Black An analysis of my situation as an intelligent, high achieving student who graduated from a predominately white high school, and now enrolled in a university that lacked an appreciation of cultural diversity concluded with my decision to tough it out. There was the realization that I should not try to run away from JCU, prejudice people are everywhere. It was too apparent that my peers at JCU viewed me as “different.” My difference seemed to give some peers permission to engage in blatantly racist behavior towards me and other students of color. For example, on a November night during my freshman year, a white male decided to run into my neighbor’s dorm room and shout “nigger” in her face multiple times. We were two women of color who had met early on in our enrollment at JCU and the incident left us fearful, angry, and violated. The verbal assault by a white male was an invasion and violation of space occupied by a black female. Given there were only four black females living in a dorm with four floors for males and one floor for females our apprehension was real and warranted. The incident was clearly a racist attack targeting a student because she was black. The young woman who had been verbally violated and her roommate contacted the police and made a report of the incident. Perfunctorily, the police went around to rooms nearby to ask if anyone had seen or heard anything. Thereafter, there was no update as to whether the perpetrator was identified, or if there were any consequences. I felt certain that if a black male or female were accused of such an abusive offense, there would have been more effort to find the culprit and expel the abuser. 60

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This incident was similar to the Charleston church shooting in which a young white male unleashed gun fire on black church members simply because of their race. Their space, privacy and lives were invaded and attacked because of their race and unfortunately, that is what happen to this student in her dorm room. That same lack of concern manifested by the police was shared by some of the white students on the floor. Some JCU white students did not seem to be able to develop empathy for the black female students who were affected by the verbal assault. That lack of empathy clearly indicated these people were not in solidarity with the other. Moreover, this showed me that students of color, especially women, are not valued at JCU. I wondered what would be next and feared it would be worse. I feared that I might be targeted for a physical rather than a verbal attack. Given our small number, four black women, none of us felt safe. After the incident, I walked from class to my dorms in fear that I could be harassed, beaten, mugged, raped, or even killed, simply because of the color of my skin. While having these traumatizing thoughts, I discerned I could not depend on campus police or even my black male peers to protect me. Unfortunately, the black woman is not protected—it is her duty to protect herself. Living on that floor made clear what it must be like to work in a hostile environment. There were not many people who could or would empathize with my lack of comfort. On multiple occasions, I would hear loud bangs on my dorm room door and being too afraid to get up to check it out, I would lie in bed hoping whoever it was would go away. I began going home every weekend because of how frightened I had become at school. This experience silenced me. I regret not using my voice to express to the institution how fearful I was to be in my own dorm room and how I did not even feel protected by the people who were hired to protect me and every other JCU student. At that point it became very difficult to accept that after the entire college application process and the joyous feeling when I received my acceptance letter to JCU, that I was now feeling as though I was in danger and that I should leave in order to protect myself.

A Compromise and a Challenge I decided to commute my sophomore year because I felt as though I needed a break from the campus culture and I also did not want to merely walk away from the situation. I thought it would be best for me to be with my family and in an environment where I felt welcomed and loved. Commuting was very 61

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different and at times difficult because I did not yet have a car to drive myself to class. I would spend the entire day on campus if my classes were spread out and would usually spend the majority of my time in the library in a secluded study space. I started to feel very disconnected from the school because I did not live on campus. I would think to myself that this is just one more thing my peers can add to their list of things that make me different as JCU is predominately a residential campus. I already felt different and mistreated because I am a woman of color, but not having the resident connection to the campus added to my perception that my peers were viewing me even more as an outsider. Sophomore year quickly became one of the most challenging years of my brief life. I continued to focus on my perceived differences between my peers and myself to the point of becoming overly anxious. That situation began to erode my mental health and I found I was increasingly anxious and angry with my peers. In retrospect, I must concede at that point my own mental state rather than any specific behaviors on the part of my peers, was the primary cause of my disquiet in the situation. Any perceived slight, real or imagined became amplified. Early on in the school year, I realized I was on the verge of a mental health melt down. My anxiety and anger continued as the school year wore on. Attempts were to analyze my situation of being a commuter and the ongoing disconnect I felt with my peers. I began to develop this relationship between not living on campus and the disconnect with my peers and proceeded to the conclusion that my choice to commute is what resulted in me feeling isolated. However, I observed my peers very closely and I would notice that there were many other students who also commuted, but were not excluded as I was. I began to ponder over whether it had anything to do with me as a person, such as my personality, my level of intellect or my appearance. I felt the exclusion specifically from my white female peers in the Education program.

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The Teacher Education Cohort The major of Early Childhood Education at JCU, like most universities was a white-female dominated major. Many of my peers in that program had already made their decision as to who they would interact socially and academically. It was not uncommon for some students to have gone to the same high school or to be roommates at JCU. Their closeness and closed spaces damaged my 62

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self-esteem because I felt as though whenever there was an opportunity to collaborate that I would always be marginalized. One spring semester, we all took a course focused on specific early childhood concepts we were learning. We were to identify concepts during our time in our field placements. Our final project was a group assignment and I was matched with three other girls. Two of the girls were generally very friendly, but the other one clearly preferred not to have me in the group. My perception ensured that my contribution to the project would surpass the requirements. I was charged with observing the students in my field placement in order to determine how the students employed various math strategies the teacher had taught. I had taken massive quantities of notes on the topic and carefully crafted a Power Point presentation that incorporated the most relevant information. When I was certain the presentation fulfilled the assigned task, I sent it to the other group members. During the presentation however, I did not feel that my peer or the other class members valued my contributions. All of my care to ensure a quality presentation was actually minimized.

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Rising From the Ashes It was exhausting trying to initiate conversation with my peers or even working with them. I could not successfully collaborate with my peers as they continued to devalue and marginalize me and eventually, the situation began to negatively affect my academic achievement. Notably, during most group projects I was not included in the decision-making process. That relegated me to the position of complying with decisions or directives of my peers. It is a frustrating situation working in a culture that creates an illusion of inclusion while consistently marginalizing the other. The realization that these same groups of girls, most of whom I had shared courses with since sophomore year, had continuously excluded me, created a deep sense of anger, frustration and sadness. Feeling hopeless and alone, I unfortunately had a mental breakdown and attempted suicide in April 2016. Memories of the JCU campus are still vivid. Walking across the campus and smiling at other students and remembering how most did not smile back. Most never acknowledged my existence, as they never made eye contact. I was invisible. During my weeklong confinement to a mental ward in hospital I had time to reflect on my college experiences. There came a realization that the isolation of the mental ward, the loneliness and seclusion, was more endurable than the conditions I suffered at JCU. After a week of hospitalization, 63

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I returned to school to finish the semester. As I reflect on this time in my life, I wonder if my peers realized how their behavior affected me as not only a person, but as a student, a daughter, a friend and an employee. After months of intense talk therapy, I came to the conclusion that much of my depression came from the rejection and exclusion I faced in my life. I did not know prior to seeking help that I have been dealing with this kind of conflict my entire life and I did not have the skills to confront the issues. The way I was treated by peers at JCU affected me greatly and caused me to question not only my place at JCU, but my existence. It quickly became apparent that nothing changed. Despite having been in hospital for a week, I still made my contribution to the group project that was due the first week of my return. Though I should not have been, I was surprised that my peers chose not to give me credit for the work I contributed. I was finally beginning to realize what I could expect from this group of future educators and with that realization I somehow managed to only be annoyed rather than being truly upset. With that situation behind me, I made the decision to return to JCU for my junior year. I decided I would graduate from John Carroll University no matter what the race relations might be.

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A Path to Actualization At this point in my life I was learning how to manage my depression more efficiently so, by the fall the beginning of my junior year, I was ready to return to campus. Life however, had more obstacles. During much of October, I had to witness my mother’s health decline. My grandmother and I spent a good part of each day traveling to and from the hospital in order to be with my mother. Those conditions began to heavily weigh on me. Going to hospital before my classes in the morning and then again in the evenings after work was a non-stop carnival ride. I was beginning to have trouble focusing on my studies. Increasingly, I found myself trying to complete assignments early in the morning before I left home or late in the evenings when I returned home. Unfortunately, there were also times when I did not complete assignments on time and this caused me to have uncomfortable conversations with my professors. I had convinced myself that my professors would treat me similarly to how my peers treated me and would simply not care that I was going through a difficult time. To my great surprise I was wrong and my professors with the exception of one, were all very understanding. In an attempt to advocate for myself, 64

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I decided to speak privately with the one professor who seemed quite unsympathetic to my plight. I met with her after class and my explanation elicited a statement from her that I should not expect special treatment. The irony of her statement was not lost on me. I had endured special treatment at JCU since I first ventured on the campus. Being marginalized, made to seem invisible, having my academic contributions minimalized, were all examples of special treatment. That type of special treatment from peers and some JCU faculty created a feeling of powerlessness and rage. That conversation with the professor and her lack of empathy and support was a strong catalyst that spurred me on and made me even more determined to graduate. Additionally, I began to contemplate how to be more proactive in advocating for myself against the injustices. Throughout my time at John Carroll, I recall that many of my peers in this group/cohort had Italian heritage. It was not until my junior year when I noticed that Italian heritage and Catholic religion were very prevalent among John Carroll students. These two identifying factors contributed to much of the culture at John Carroll. There were many of times that these same peers emphasized and glorified their Italian heritage and at the same token disregarded the heritage of people of color. It was almost as if I could not be proud of my African heritage because it was not seen as significant by my peers. An example of this is during a literacy course taught by a JCU graduate when I finally saw the perception my peers had for black literature. The assignment required each student to present a Newberry Prize winning book and summarize the book and explain why they picked it. Many of my peers chose books written by Italian authors (many of which were Italian folk tales). I was very interested in the books my peers chose and I even contributed to discussion to show my interest. The book I chose was written by a black author, Julius Lester called To Be a Slave. I had a feeling that my choice would make my peers uncomfortable, but this book was significant to me because it tells multiple stories and accounts about something my own ancestors endured. Although I supported my peers during their presentations, I did not receive the same support from them or my professor. Instead, I did not receive any contributions or participation during my discussion and my professor did not encourage my peers to do so. Before presenting for this assignment, I emailed my professor about this specifically. In the email I told my professor that I was nervous about the book I chose and that I was nervous about how my peers would react to my presentation in hopes that my professor would encourage my peers to be supportive. This was a significant example of the microaggression and exclusion I faced as a student of color. 65

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My peers displayed microaggressions in their behaviors by the subtle action of not participating or supporting a peer. Their behaviors also showed exclusion because their actions made me feel as though I was not a peer of theirs. Spring semester of my junior year proved to be a significant turning point. That semester I took a required course for all education majors. The course titled, Multicultural Education in Pluralistic Society was not only interesting, but more importantly for me, powerful because of the significant content taught. The professor who taught the course would become and remain a key person in my life. She saw me, my potential and re-awakened in me the knowledge of my worth as an intelligent black woman. In that course I grew as a student and person. The course focused primarily on white privilege in American society and its correlation to education. I enjoyed this course because not only did it discuss the past and current issues in society in regard to marginalization of people of color, but it embraced many of the achievements and advancements that people of color have made in society. In this course we discussed topics such as the modern effects of the Civil Rights Movements. We also discussed people who have made great contributions to the black community which included black authors such as Toni Morrison, Alice Walker, James Baldwin, Maya Angelou, etc. I was elated to teach my peers about these important figures as many of them have never read any of their works. I personally felt that authors such as the ones listed are important in the field of education regardless of age group. The professor emphasized that participation was a key course requirement— meaning failure to participate would negatively impact the course grade. For the first time my white female peers seemed to have difficulty participating in the open class discussions. In every, other course in which I had been their classmate they spoke frequently with great self-assurance, from a position of power. I am sure the content of the multicultural course made many of my peers very uncomfortable. Normally, open, eager, confident young women were now quiet and guarded. They seemed very unsure of themselves. Observing their transformation made me realize how important it is to talk about these kinds of topics. Further, I realized how comfortable the content made me as it afforded me the opportunity to speak in the first person of the mistreatment of people of color in our society. I also realized that when my peers chose to remain silent, it highlighted the reality of them having white privilege. They could choose not to discuss issues of racial discrimination, oppression and not acknowledge how education is impacted. Moreover, their silence, like the silence of many white Americans, contributes to the continued racial oppression of people of color. 66

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One of the most memorable days in the multicultural course occurred when the professor began the class discussion by asking, “Can people of color be racist?” Silence consumed the room. After some few minutes, the professor persisted and repeated the question. Finally, a peer raised her hand. She stated in the affirmative, that people of color could be racist just like white people and proceeded to “justify” her response. I felt empowered to provide a rebuttal informed by the course text, my own intuition, and an informal discussion I had previously had with the instructor. My response noted that people of color and black people in particular, could not be racist in a society that is built on white supremacy. In a white supremacy society, all of the resources-political, financial, educational, and legal, are controlled by white people who ensure the ongoing oppression of people of color. Lacking the tools to enact racist behavior on white people, people of color can never be racist in a society that adheres to white supremacy. My peers’ thoughts on this topic showed the privilege she assumes as a white female. It showed privilege because regardless of how ignorant she thought her comment was, she still felt entitled to state it, not recognizing that she may offend someone in the room. In this instance, I felt offended because of her lack of consideration toward me being one of the only two black people in the room. As I was explaining my point, my peer attempted to interrupt me, but I refused to let her to silence me. For the first time in my career as a college student, I did not feel embarrassed or awkward after speaking in front of my peers. I believe I delivered my argument in an articulate and respectful manner and that my peers, willingly or not, were able to comprehend my explanation. That day I walked away from class realizing that my voice is very powerful and that I do have the ability to speak up for myself and other students of color. By speaking up and challenging the false assertion of a peer, I was able to show that I had a powerful, informed voice that is just as valid as anyone’s in the class. It became clear that many of my white peers were not willing to have discussions about racism. My thoughts are that my peers realize that racism is wrong and should not be tolerated, but because it is not a trend to discuss and combat it, they would rather sit in silence. I am not certain if they realize their silence is only exercising their white privilege and making racism stronger. When this kind of behavior is displayed in classrooms, professors should be adamant that each student contributes to the conversation in some kind of way so everyone can hear everyone’s thoughts and opinions and there can be an open discussion. Unfortunately, events of that day were not the beginning of a new era in my relationship with my peers. Sadly, there were still more challenges ahead 67

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for me. Those ongoing challenges crystalized for me that I would never find acceptance among my white female peers. Being a female and black put me squarely in double jeopardy socially. It reminded me of the feminist movement that some white women embraced as they fought for women’s rights. In the process of fighting for their rights, they rarely felt solidarity with women of color who fared far worse than white females socially. Indeed, white women have historically and currently shown that they are just as likely as white males to oppress black women. Dating back to slavery, there were white feminists who had no interest in abolishing slavery, but simply wanted to gain their own rights. In Relating to Privilege: Seduction and Rejection in the Subordination of White Women and Women of Color, the author states that white women did not want to eliminate the racial hierarchy, but rather sustain it and the factors that helped it thrive such as segregation and white privilege (Hurtado, 1989). According to a New York Times article, How the Suffrage Movement Betrayed Black Women,”… suffragists outside the South used the racism in the Jim Crow states as an excuse for their discriminatory treatment of their black suffragist sisters” (Staples, 2018). This quote resonates with me as a woman of color, because similar to the women’s suffrage movement, education majors were predominately white women. As such we were all just women trying to reach the same goal of one day becoming educators. However, the prejudical behavior of my peers made it clear that I was not perceived as an equal. I was already involved in the program as a mentor to freshman students at John Carroll, so the director of the program was very familiar with me as a student there. When I spoke with the director about the situation, he expressed his concerns and apologies of the overall issue of not being given adequate feedback, but rather being disparaged. His advice to me was to write a letter to the School Psychology program director and to also schedule a meeting and he assured me he would be able to attend as my advocate. He was not just an advocate because he knew me, but because I had been a part of CSDI since my freshman year and he has followed my academic achievements and progress because of that. When I finally received a reply from the director, we scheduled a time to meet. While in the meeting I informed him about the comments made by the faculty member and why I took offense to them. The director was very understanding and shocked that a staff personnel would say such things to a candidate. He offered his apologies on the behalf of the faculty member and the program and assured me he would have a discussion with this individual. He proceeded to express his regret of my rejection and I 68

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was also told by the director to send a copy of the letter I wrote for the meeting so he could have it on file and that he would follow up with me on the issue. Unfortunately, I never received a follow up email from the director. I am hopeful that my suggestions were taken into consideration and I was very proud of myself for having the confidence to share with them about my experience as a student at John Carroll University. During my four years at John Carroll, I noticed the lack of students and staff of color and the overall lack of appreciation for diversity. It would cause one to wonder if this school even values people of color and if so, how do they make them feel a part of the institution? These are valid questions considering there were very few faculty members of color at John Carroll. There was minimal representation of students of color and it seemed as though John Carroll did not see the importance of changing the matter in question. Repeatedly during my time at JCU, I felt as if no one saw me. My feelings of invisibility coincide with an article written in Psychology Today titled, Are Black Women Invisible by Dr. Melissa Burkely. In the article, the author explores why black women feel invisible in social settings and she came to the conclusion that it is because “black women do not fit prototypical image of the stereotype target” (Burkely, 2010). The author points out that because black women are not typically used as participant groups or samples in research, it has caused them to become invisible in most settings. Black women despite the physical and economical oppression have endured in this nation, somehow are not seen as the typical target of oppression. Black women are the most oppressed group in the United States and the abuse and marginalization faced by black women dates back to slavery.

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CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS My final days at JCU found me empowered to advocate for myself and other students of color. Self-advocacy empowered me to meet with the Dean of Students Affairs. During the meeting I shared with her the history of my experiences, with students and professors, and how those experiences had negatively affected me. The realization that my negative interactions no doubt stemmed primarily from my racial identity should be a concern for the institution. I explained to her my sorrows of not feeling accepted or valued by so many others at John Carroll. My experience highlighted to her that JCU does not do a good job of promoting diversity. The university fails utterly to promote inclusion whether in hiring of faculty of color or showing 69

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representation of students of color on the campus. Further, I advised her to attend to the specifics I shared with her in order to begin to create an environment that would be more inclusive to students who look like me. Students of color will always attend JCU and they should feel protected and welcomed rather than ostracized because of the color of their skin. In closing I shared with the dean my future aspirations to attend graduate school. Our meeting ended with her committing to investigate my concerns and she expressed her appreciation for my suggestions. Lastly, the dean directed me to the Center for Student Diversity and Inclusion (CSDI) for assistance regarding applying to graduate school at JCU. My concerns, experiences and suggestions to create a climate at JUC that truly exemplifies men and women for others, were obviously shared by many other students of color, the sprinkling of faculty of color and the white allies. The amplification of all those voices resulted in a working-group comprised of administrators, faculty, staff and students that was empowered to create a sweeping blue print for the creation of a more diverse campus dedicated to inclusive excellence. Once completed, the document was approved by the new university president, and then passed on to the board members for their approval and enactment. If the proposed academic changes, mandatory procedures, new documentation processes and professional development training are followed, JCU many one day properly claim it embodies its motto of men and women for others. My suggestion to my white peers is to utilize their white privilege to benefit others who do not have the same resources and opportunities. People of color have very little resources and ability to make substantial changes without white people, therefore when a white person sees that a person of color is experiencing injustice then they should help them voice their opinions. It is important for John Carroll to commend and eulogize inclusion and to assure students of color that they are valued and protected by the school. Many of the students of color I knew at John Carroll had similar feelings as I did, that we were alone and unvalued. I believe faculty and staff also have a huge responsibility of helping students feel that they are a part of the institution. Professors can do this by encouraging inclusive groups and assigning students to work with peers whom they typically do not work with. This strategy in itself will help promote diversity within the classroom and modify some of the social norms many students are used to. Ultimately, it is important to have substantive conversations about not only racism, but also topics such as homophobia, xenophobia, sexism, etc. When topics such as these are not discussed they become much bigger issues because people, with privilege, 70

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in particular are not willing to address them. When people with privilege are willing to discuss problematic topics and situations then change becomes easier to achieve. As I reflect on my time at John Carroll, I realize that if I may have advocated for myself sooner, then my college experience would have been different. It may have been a more positive and fulfilling experience, however, at the time I did not have the skills or confidence to advocate for myself. As a college freshman, I was unsure of who to present my concerns to and how to present them effectively. Also, one of my main concerns was to be accepted socially and I did not want to do anything that may jeopardize making friends and getting to know people. I now realize that in order to learn from that mistake, I must support and advocate for others who are having the same or similar difficulties. It was a very lonely journey which has made me dedicated to making sure other students of color do not have to feel that way. Actions that I can personally take to be in solidarity with others is to be as empathetic and understanding as possible. Regardless of race, class, or achievements, each and every person is or has gone through something in their lives and we all deserve to have an empathetic person in our lives. It is important that I am in solidarity with others because it was something, I wish I had throughout my undergraduate career. It is my hope that by sharing my experiences as a woman of color who attended and graduated from a religious, predominately white university, other students may read this and find inspiration. They should know that though they may have similar struggles, they should not despair, but continue to fight for what they so richly deserve. Each of us must have the same level playing field. Being that my ancestors endured so much for me to be in the place that I am in, I have found it my duty to be an advocate for every and any student of color who have experienced similar situations. Lastly and most importantly, what matters is not so much that we as black females are liked, rather we must be acknowledged as the diverse, capable deserving humans that we are. We can accept nothing less.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT It is not easy to raise children to become decent, independent, enlightened adults. The cost of raising a child is in the hundreds of thousands of dollars. That is just the beginning. The most difficult part is the time, energy, love, fear and dedication that is vital to shaping a young person. When I reflect on 71

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how I came to be the accomplished, educated, caring black adult female I am, I realize there were many hands that shaped me. Those persons deserve my recognition and thanks for all they have done. There are several people I wish to publicly acknowledge for their ongoing love and support through the years. Without them, I would have given up completely. Their deep, unshakable belief in me has brought me to where I now stand on solid ground. My mother, Lisa, and grandparents Geneva and Emanuel, who are huge inspirations in my life. Their love and encouragement is one of the main reasons I have achieved academic success. I watched each member of my family work extremely hard to provide me with the opportunities that many little black girls did not get to have. With that said, they are pivotal in my success and I will never to be able to thank them enough for all they have done for me. I would also like to acknowledge my former professor Dr. Theron Ford, who was a force in making sure I was a successful student in the Education program and that I developed into a well-rounded professional. Lastly, I would like to acknowledge the black staff on campus (groundkeepers, Einstein bagels and Starbucks employees). Without their daily encouraging words and smiles, I am not certain how I would have made it through each day.

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REFERENCES Burkley, M. (2010, December 8). Are Black Women Invisible? Retrieved from https://www.nytimes.com/2018/07/28/opinion/sunday/suffrage-movementracism-black-women.html Cooper, B. (2018, May 15). What Happens When Making All the Right Choices Just Isn’t Enough? Retrieved from https://www.nbcnews.com/think/ opinion/being-blackwoman-america-means-realizing-doing-everythingright-may-ncna874171 Hurtado, A. (1989). Relating to Privilege: Seduction and Rejection in the Subordination of White Women and Women of Color. Chicago Journals, 14(4), 833-855. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/3174686 Inspiring Quotes. (n.d.). Peter Hans Kolvenbach Quotes and Sayings. Retrieved from https://www.inspiringquotes.us/author/5468-peter-hans-kolvenbach Staples, B. (2018, July 28). How the Suffrage Movement Betrayed Black Women. The New York Times. Retrieved from https://www.nytimes. com/2018/07/28/opinion/sunday/suffrage-movement-racism-black-women. html X, M. (1962). Who Taught You to Hate Yourself? Speech presented at Funeral Service of Ronald Stokes, Los Angeles, CA. Retrieved from https://www. youtube.com/watch?v=z_q_Z9A0RuQ

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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS Diversity: The state of being diverse; variety. Exclusion: The process or state of excluding or being excluded. Inclusion: The action or state of including or of being included within a group or structure. Marginalization: Treatment of a person, group or concept as insignificant or peripheral. Microaggression: A statement, action or incident regarded as an instance of indirect, subtle, or unintentional discrimination against members of a marginalized group such as a racial or ethnic minority. Oppression: Prolonged cruel or unjust treatment or control.

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Privilege: A special right, advantage, or immunity granted or available only to a particular person or group. Representation: The action of speaking or acting on behalf of someone or the state of being so represented.

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APPENDIX: QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION AND REFLECTION Review the chapter and identify specific incidences of the key terminology.

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1. Please share if you have ever experienced instances of any of the key terminology. How did that experience make you feel and how did you handle the situation? 2. Reflect on the incident in the dormitory and posit the intent of that behavior. Identify and discuss recent incidents reported in the news that are similar to the dormitory event. 3. What does Fr. Kovelbach mean by saying we should be men and women in solidarity with others? Give specific instances when you have seen that actualized. 4. Are there currently situations nationally or internationally where the need for solidarity with the other is most urgent? Brainstorm actions you could take to be in solidarity with those who most need support and voices to address their plight. 5. Why is it imperative to have ongoing substantive discussion about racism and sexism? Why do we not have such discussions? Identify ways that some people interrupt or end such discussions? 6. Provide specific actions professors or teachers must take to ensure that every student in the class is made to fill that he or she belongs. 7. The author finally found her voice in a course specifically focused on issues of race, class and culture. Review the chapter and identify specific incidents during which the author might have been more pro-active in advocating for herself.

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Chapter 4

Queering the Marianist Charism:

Narratives Offer Insights for Change R. Darden Bradshaw University of Dayton, USA

ABSTRACT

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Experiencing disparities between the philosophical stance of the Marianist charism and its practical implications as they inform equity, inclusion, and diversity on the University of Dayton campus, the researcher engaged in a qualitative study gathering information to foster changes that beneft the greater University of Dayton community. By using the mixed methods, participant narratives contextualize diverse personal and professional experiences on campus. Results indicate that the Marianist charism, while complex in its interpretations, simultaneously draws people to the university and becomes a barrier to full equity; it further marginalizes women, persons of color, and LGBTQ+ identifed people. This chapter concludes with a call to queer the Marianist charism and include the unheard voices of those marginalized to further these eforts.

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-9195-5.ch004 Copyright © 2020, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Queering the Marianist Charism

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INTRODUCTION On the way home from my on-campus interview at UD, I called my mother to tell her how impressed I was by the institution’s commitment to community, to social justice, and to being an agent of change. As an art educator, I wanted to work where a call to social justice in preparing preservice teachers was not an ancillary aspect but the core of what is taught. In art education, like U.S. education in general, White females far outnumber male and female teachers of color in the field; they are often unprepared to teach in urban, public schools (Brown & Rodriguez, 2017). Yet the student makeup in K-12 schools is more economically, socially, racially, and ethnically diverse than ever before as the number of new immigrants in our schools increases (Tatum, 2017). Further, “educators, across the country, most of whom are White…are without an important interpretive framework to help them understand what is happening in their interactions with students, or even in their cross-racial interactions with colleagues (Tatum, 2017, p. 75). Future art teachers need to be aware of their implicit and explicit biases, understand how to create a welcoming, safe classroom community that challenges institutional racism, and be equipped with skills to foster holistic and pluralistic learning spaces. While talking with my mother, I expressed my concerns, should I be offered the job, about being a queer art educator at a Catholic school. I was not overly concerned about being marginalized or having well-meaning Christians use the Bible to browbeat me. I had already experienced that. I did not buy into the dogmatic notions that I was a sinner because I was gay. I certainly was a sinner for many reasons – being quick to judge, often opinionated, and sometimes selfish, among other faults - but how I love was not among those sins. Yet, aware that people who identify with conservative religions have a long history of negative attitudes toward lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer (LGBTQ+) people (Newman, 2002), I had concerns. A certainty in God’s love had finally made me immune to tensions within and among Christians and the Church. But in truth, that immunity had been hard won. I, like many of my heteronormative peers, experienced the deepest moments of insight and awareness about myself as a youth in connection to church, singing in the choir, and participating in youth groups. The Church provided experiences and moments of retreat that made indelible marks on

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Queering the Marianist Charism

my life as I experienced a personal relationship with God that I would later realize was “a developmental asset” (Ream & Witt, 2003). Yet it was also within the church family where I first experienced hatred and fear towards LGBTQ+ people that I did not understand. Raised in a military family long before “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell,” I heard stories at the dinner table of my father, a person I understood to be a Christian, working to kick men or women out of his command for their sexuality. I experienced gays and lesbians scornfully spoken about in hushed and not so hushed tones by the Christians around me. The height of the AIDS crisis, coinciding with my high school years, meant I consistently heard through media and sermons that “gays deserved what was happening to them as they were an abomination and an affront to God.” This rhetoric continued, and like many young LGBTQ+ people, my internalized homophobia, informed by being raised in the Christian faith (Ream & Savin-Williams, 2005), became a stumbling block. For instance, as a young adult, I was counseled by my pastor to stop teaching Sunday school; I was not the “right kind” of teacher for youth and might want to find another way to “serve God” as I worked to “get right.” The lasting impact of this and other homophobic experiences in the name of religion conspired to shift my trajectory. I had intended to pursue a Bachelor of Fine Arts (BFA) in Art Education; I had always wanted to be a teacher and loved art. Afraid of what others might think or say if I worked with children, I switched majors earning a BFA in Fine Arts instead. The resulting path, which did eventually lead back to art education, was long, with a few stops and detours along the way. Most of my circumnavigations were due to fear: fear of what other people would say, of being different, of being ostracized, of not knowing how to reconcile my sexuality with what my faith tradition had taught me. My search continued for the next twenty years as I aligned my past and my present, my faith and my sexuality, my dreams, and my gifts. With new experiences, I became more confident. My sense of self grew until I no longer needed the validation of Christians or a particular church. My maternal grandfather, a Methodist minister, had impressed much upon me; that each of us is a perfect child of God was the greatest of these lessons that buoyed me on my journey. There is a certain irony that I would land at a Catholic university, but after my on-campus visit, I felt that this would be the right place for me to teach and work. This was not necessarily true for others. “They do know you’re

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queer, right?” was a common response when I told friends, family members, and colleagues about my decision to accept a tenure-track position at a private, Catholic institution. Why, they mused, would I immerse myself in an academic institution that had, by virtue of its faith basis, been complicit in marginalizing and silencing queer voices? Invariably, I reassured questioners that I was well aware of the institution’s religious mission. Launching into a discussion explicating the social justice mission of the University of Dayton (UD), derived from the Marianist charism, I noted how, given my research interests and teaching philosophy, I found UD attractive precisely because of its religious affiliation.

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The Marianist Order Founded in France in 1817 by Blessed William Joseph Chaminade, the Society of Mary – an order within the Roman Catholic Church known as the Marianists – had a long-held reputation as educators prior to their arrival in the United States in 1849 (Association of Marianist Universities, 2014). The University originated in Dayton, Ohio as St. Mary’s School for Boys in 1850, transitioned to St. Mary’s Institute, and then later St. Mary’s College, before assuming its current form as the University of Dayton in 1920 (Association of Marianist Universities, 2014, p. 1). The University of Dayton is one of three U.S. universities founded and sponsored by the Province of the United States Marianists. The University celebrates its accolades as a top-tier Catholic university. The Marianists ground their work in five main characteristics referred to as the Marianist charism. These include 1) education for formation in faith, 2) providing an integral quality education, 3) educating in the family spirit, 4) educating for service, justice, and peace, and 5) educating for adaptation and change. While the order initially focused on education in the K-12 setting, the three U.S. Marianist universities – Chaminade University of Honolulu, St. Mary’s University of San Antonio, and UD came together to create a document that would guide faculty, staff, and students to enter into an understanding of what is distinct and specific to Marianist higher education (Association of Marianist Universities, 2014). This small volume is given to faculty in their new-hire orientation; much of my understanding of what makes teaching at a Marianist institution unique has been informed by this booklet.

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Moments of disparity between the philosophical stance of the Marianist charism and its practice began prior to accepting my position. For instance, the school’s offer of employment included information about Universitysupplied health benefits. When it became clear I would be able to insure our daughter but not my then-partner of 18 years, I was dismayed and angry. “Was this a make-or-break issue?” I was asked by my future chair. Certainly, I acknowledged, it troubled me. How could an institution with a mission deeply tied to social justice and human rights not extend health care benefits to same-sex partners? The response I received indicated that those in upper echelons of administration at the institution saw the potential hypocrisy and the ways in which they were not embodying the mission they so loudly proclaimed. But it was clear, the religious affiliation of the university and its steadfastness to heterosexism superseded its social justice mission. On the job market celebrating my newly earned Ph.D. and ready to contribute to the field of art education I had interviewed at various institutions yet felt a clear calling and affinity for the University of Dayton. The value placed on social justice and community was precisely because UD is a Catholic, Marianist university, which was also why it would not grant same-sex partner health benefits. Could I work for an institution where I saw the potential to engage in deeply rigorous, high-quality transformative preservice art education, or should I pass because their religious policies prevented me from ensuring my partner would have health benefits? Ultimately, I countered their offer, negotiating a higher salary to compensate for the fact that I needed to pay for my partner’s health insurance. And with every opportunity I voiced my disagreement with the policy and the ways it was in clear opposition to the Marianist charism’s commitment to valuing and honoring the human dignity in all. On June 26, 2015, the U.S. Supreme Court declared in a 5-4 decision that all states were required under the 14th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution to grant and recognize same-sex marriage. Three days later, the university, which receives federal funding, sent an email to all benefit-eligible faculty, staff, and graduate assistants, noting an open-enrollment period would ensue in which same-sex partners could be included in health coverage. The email stated, “The University of Dayton is committed to our Catholic, Marianist identity, and we support the Church’s teachings on marriage. We are also committed to accepting all in our community with respect, compassion, and sensitivity. Everyone has dignity and everyone is welcome at UD” (email communication, 6/26/15). This email captures the contradiction inherent between abiding by the Church and the Marianist support for all. 80

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I wish I could indicate that this was the only moment of dissonance I experienced at the University. As an out, queer, female faculty member, there were other moments of tension tied to my sexuality and my gender - some were in relationship to students; some were the result of interactions with faculty and staff across campus. Most came about as a result of the religious nature of the university. However, after five and a half years at UD, I have found that the ways in which the university’s mission and policies are enacted, have at times upheld a deep affinity to and honoring of the Marianist charism, and at other times, have flown in direct opposition. Perhaps that kind of dichotomy can be said of many institutions within the academy. I wondered though: Was I the only person who struggled with both appreciating and valuing the Marianist charism and, at the same time, felt we were not measuring up? How might seeking other people’s experiences provide insight and perspective? Called to consider how I might gather information that could be used to foster changes that could benefit the greater community (a very Marianist approach), I engaged in a qualitative study underpinned by feminist research methods, queer theory, and intersectionality through which the stories and narratives of the participants contextualize diverse personal and professional experiences on the University of Dayton campus. Here I articulate the theoretical lens for the study with an explication of the study design, setting, and participants. Data analysis is discussed, and from this analysis, findings that support suggestions for tools, strategies, and challenges to improving campus climate for all are shared. I conclude with limitations that impact the generalizability of this study.

THEORETICAL STANCE

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Queer Theory, Intersectionality, and White Privilege Queer theory stems from discourse about differing views and positions on how queerness is conceptualized. The major underpinning of queer theory, as pointed out by Foucault (1980) is that heterosexuality cannot exist without homosexuality, and in fact, homosexuality defines heterosexuality by creating a dialectic of the binary – of one being normal, the other abnormal,

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transforming the concept of homosexuality to a social and cultural concept (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000). In order to do this, a deconstructive reading of heterosexuality as normative is necessary. Through deconstructing the heteronormative, heterosexism is questioned. Elizabeth Cramer (2002), a professor of social work, in her introduction to Addressing Homophobia and Heterosexism on College Campuses, highlights the ever-present nature of heterosexist beliefs in U.S. society. Cramer uses Herek’s definition of heterosexism as “an ideological system that denies, denigrates, and stigmatizes any non-heterosexual form of behavior, identity, relationship, or community” (2002, p. 2). A goal of queer theory is to challenge and alter the discourse, and indeed the language used, around sexuality and gender – and through that challenge, alter existing power relations (Butler, 2010). The theory does this by moving away from static identities to instead examine the ways in which our identities and social roles are constructed out of the various contexts in which we live (Shelton, 2018). Yet, there are problems within queer theory. One is in addressing the ways in which identities intersect, particularly regarding the relationship between race and class. I had heard the term intersectionality used in various ways but was first introduced to the origins of this theory in a Creating Inclusive Communities1 (CIC) experience at UD two years ago. During the course, we watched a 2016 TedTalk by Kimberlé Crenshaw titled The Urgency of Intersectionality. Crenshaw (1991) explains intersectionality as a theory rooted in legal advocacy for women of color, which asserts that antiracist theories do not consider the various dimensions of race and gender and rather than being examined in isolation, we must look at them in combination. Queer theory, which aims to deconstruct power, has often been situated primarily in the perspective of Whiteness and White experience and as a result, may omit considerations of race. I, like most White people, was acutely unaware of the ways in which my Whiteness has served to put me at an advantage. Our daughter, adopted at the age of 13, is a smart, witty, and charismatic young African American woman. I naively believed that because I had experienced oppression and marginalization as a queer woman, I understood the oppression she experienced due to racism. And because of my deep commitment and love for her, coupled with my White-privileged desire to find a solution, I have worked to become more knowledgeable about the ways in which racism works in the United States. Initially, this occurred

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through my efforts as her mother to name, and then develop, strategies that would allow her to overcome various forms of racism and the associated barriers that I believed existed for her. (Even as I write these sentences I am chagrined at the layers of privilege and power embedded in my assumptions.) Yet what I needed to do first was acknowledge my own racism. Reading Peggy McIntosh’s 1988 article, “White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack” as a part of the CIC class, sent me reeling. I too had been taught that racism is a construct that disadvantages people of color. But no one had asked me to confront the ways in which racism created unearned advantages for me as a White woman (McIntosh, 1988). Participating in the CIC course, and attending the White Privilege Conference, I was invited to examine layer upon layer of White guilt, deep shame, and overwhelming anger at the systemic and pervasive reality of racism. I investigated the ways that social identities intersect to support or counteract racism. I felt profound empathy, dawning insight into the behaviors that allow me to remain complicit in racism, and a true thankfulness to those who intentionally – and kindly - invited me to the table. These openings helped me begin to see the ways that members of marginalized populations have been stripped of power and to examine my positionality and context in a quest for justice. It is through such a deconstructionist, intersectional perspective that I began queering the Marianist charism. Queering, the verb tense of queer, reflects a ‘queer reading’ on societal constructs. A queer reading invites us to trouble, to challenge the position of normative identities and experiences. In this case, to analyze University of Dayton experiences and through that queering, “dismantle the dynamics of power and privilege persisting around diverse subjectivities” (Young, 2012, p. 127).

METHOD

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Study Design This study was designed to bring together different experiences and stories of individuals working and learning on the University of Dayton campus. “Our bodies hold stories” (Lopez, 2018, p. 22), and stories provide a means

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for us to connect to one another, to offer perspectives that shift where we stand. Stories, when told by others, especially those of “women of color, can be misrepresented or absent from the larger conversation” (Lopez, 2018, p. 22), so in what ways might inviting faculty, staff, students, and alumni to share their stories give voice to those who have been silenced?

Setting Using the Carnegie classifications, the University of Dayton is considered a medium-sized, highly residential university. In the fall of 2018, at the time this study was conducted, there were approximately 8,225 full-time undergraduate students and 2,679 full-time employees, of which 608 were full-time faculty (UD Factbook, 2018). The University of Dayton, like many institutions, separates data into discrete categories. These categories include race, gender, ethnicity, and religious affiliation. Of the 8,225 full-time undergraduate students, 524 identify as Hispanic, 383 as multi-racial, 215 as Black or African-American, 113 as Asian, and six as American Indian or Alaskan Native (UD Factbook, 2018). Based on these data, the University of Dayton can be considered a predominantly White institution (PWI). While not an official designation, there are distinctions made between predominantly White institutions (PWIs) and minority-serving institutions (MSIs) (Bourke, 2016) that are pertinent to this paper. Of the 2,679 full-time faculty and staff, 191 identify as African American, 140 as Asian, 73 identify as Hispanic, 30 as multi-racial, 11 as American Indian or Alaskan Native, and 2,189 as White (UD Factbook, 2018).

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Participants Faculty and students were invited from various units across campus including the College of Arts & Sciences, the Law School, the School of Engineering, and the School of Education and Health Sciences to participate in this study. The School of Business was not represented in the participant pool. Additionally, staff participants came from various entities across campus whose work also serves to support the mission of the University. Of the 20 individuals invited to participate, 14 agreed, were interviewed, and consented to their responses

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being included in this narrative. Because the participants in this study are a small sample size from a relatively tight-knit university community, I have purposefully omitted markers of identification that could lead a reader to determine participant identity. In this presentation of the study data, the reader will note that I do not distinguish faculty from staff participants. Additionally, the department in which faculty teach is not noted, all markers or indicators of departmental affiliation and the subject matter taught, as well as research interests have been omitted. For staff participants, the office or campus entity where they perform their duties is not delineated. The intersectionality of race, gender, sexuality, and religious affiliation are pertinent to understanding lived experiences. It is necessary to acknowledge the ways in which social identities relate to experiences on campus, however, to reduce the possibility of further marginalization of participants or singling out as a result of their participation in this study, participants were placed into two groups - either persons of color or White. This is not meant to conflate people’s experiences as the same but is done in recognition that members of all non-White groups have experienced and continue to experience systemic racism. Seven participants are persons of color and seven are White. Participants’ gender identity and preferred pronouns are informed by those they used or indicated in the interview. Four participants self-identified as male, nine self-identified as female, and one self-identified as non-gender conforming. In terms of sexuality, four participants identify as LGBTQ+, one as pansexual, six as heterosexual, and three expressed a desire to not be labeled in any way. The University of Dayton is a religious-based institution, but faculty, staff, and students do not need to identify or claim any particular religious affiliation to work and learn there. The participants in this study provide a peek into the religious diversity on campus through their self-identification. One participant identified as an atheist, one as agnostic, and one as “spiritual, but not Christian.” Five participants self-identified as Catholic, but of those, two indicated they are “non-practicing.” One participant identified as Buddhist, one as Jewish, and the remaining four participants identified as Christian, but not Catholic. Finally, in a nod to the implicit power relationships in the classroom, undergraduate and graduate students invited to participate were not enrolled in courses taught by the researcher. Participants’ ages are omitted, nor are the

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number of years they have been employed or studied at the University noted. Participants’ length of affiliation with the University range from one year at the shortest to almost 30 years at the longest. All participants are referred to in this study with a pseudonym.

Procedure

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Faculty, staff, student, and alumni participants were contacted via passwordprotected email. Indicating a desire to investigate the relationship of the Marianist charism to lived experiences of diversity on campus, I sought participants willing to share personal narratives that address teaching and learning on campus and the intersectional nature of multiple identities. After an individual expressed willingness to sit down for an interview, a date and time were then arranged and in the 24 to 48 hours preceding the interview, the set of four interview questions were sent to participants via email. Interviews took place on campus between August 29 and November 6, 2018 in the participants’ offices, the researcher’s office, the library, the student union dining areas, or other public venues. The interviews ranged in length from 60 to 90 minutes. In order to facilitate readability, the date of the interview is cited in the first instance in which the participant’s interview is paraphrased, quoted, or referenced. Interviews were not audio recorded. Rather, the researcher took notes that were transcribed into a computergenerated document. Member checking occurred through participant reviews of this narrative. The four study questions asked of each participant were: 1. If you had to tell someone briefly what drew you to the University of Dayton, what would you say? 2. What might you see as the personal or professional impact (positive, negative or neutral) that stems from working/teaching/learning at an institution affiliated with religion? 3. In what ways do you find your identities overlap, intersect, or conflict with the Marianist charism? 4. As [UD refers to itself as] a University for the Common Good, with a commitment to justice, can you discuss how you see this commitment manifested and/or demonstrated in terms of confrontation of stereotype,

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diversity, and/or challenges to heteronormative culture? What barriers or tensions do you see that might stem from a steadfastness to mission while making efforts to address challenges to policies/practices (e.g., the experience of transgender students on a faith-based campus, or the experience of persons of color on a predominantly White campus?).

Data Analysis Data analysis was emergent and interpretivist. Because narratives are “coconstructed between the participant and research in a particular social, cultural, and historical context” (Hunter, 2010, p. 44), data were analyzed for moments or instances in which personal experiences intersected with the Marianist charism. In the narrative that follows, using thick description (Denzin, 1989) and sources that delineate the various aspects of the Marianist charism, I bring together the participants’ experiences in an effort to understand persistence, the relationship of reflection (Ellett, 2011), and their commitment to the University of Dayton. Themes that presented themselves in the data analysis include: 1) the paradox that what drew many individuals to UD can become a barrier; 2) that the Marianist charism is complex in its interpretations and can become a site to further marginalize women, persons of color, and LGBTQ+ identified people; 3) and finally, that there have been significant changes in the last three years, but we have far to go to achieve the equality envisioned.

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Limitations There are necessarily limitations that impacted the results of this study. First, I am neither a theologian nor a sociologist. As a queer, Catholic art educator, my experience and positionality necessarily informed the interpretation of the data. I am neither a lay Marianist nor a Marianist Educational Associate; therefore, my knowledge and relationship to the Marianist order is informed by lived experience, literature that explicates the Marianist charism, and conversation with those who are experts. The generalizability of the study is informed by the small sample size.

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THEME 1: DRAWN TO THE MARIANIST CHARISM We Educate for Formation in Faith For some participants, the affiliation with religion was a crucial deciding factor in choosing the University of Dayton. Carol, raised as Catholic and having had experiences with lay Marianist communities, was the most familiar with the Marianist charism of all those interviewed (personal communication, 8/29/18). She and Claude, who had worked in another Catholic institution before coming to UD, found that the University mission aligned well with their Catholic heritage and beliefs (personal communication, 9/7/18). David was drawn to the campus precisely because it is faith-based (personal communication, 10/9/18 and 10/30/18). While not Catholic, David identifies as Christian. His own walk in faith, coupled with the fact that the mission of the university is “informed and expressed through social justice, aligned well.” David said the ability to work in a community in which “Christ is central while also embracing other faith expressions” was paramount to him. The presence of the Chapel of the Immaculate Conception in the literal heart of campus impacted Kathleen’s decision to come to UD. As a practicing Catholic who had attended parochial schools, it provided a connection and a “sense of home” (personal communication, 10/29/18). It represented a clear commitment to the Marianist charism of education for formation in faith.

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Community has Many Definitions Almost anyone affiliated with the University considers the sense of community embodied on campus to be a defining characteristic that sets UD apart from other institutions. Jane saw UD as “an exit strategy from an unsatisfying job” but was attracted to the community spirit (personal communication, 11/6/18). Casey, while raised Catholic, does not practice but chose to attend the University because of the size and “comfort” they felt “while touring campus” (personal communication, 9/13/18). Casey noted, “the campus was walkable and visually beautiful.” Lee, who had a family affiliation with the university, selected UD because he had grown up in and around the community and felt “comfortable” on campus (personal communication,

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Queering the Marianist Charism

10/29/2018). The size was also a factor for Lee. “UD was not so big” that he would “get lost, but not so small” that he couldn’t be “one among many.” Like Lee, Louise initially attended UD because of a family connection. Later, she chose to return because of the spiritual connection she feels for the Marianist charism and the desire “to reflect that back to the community” (personal communication, 10/17/2018). For others, the connection of Catholicism to the University of Dayton was a potential barrier that was overcome by the expression of community and feeling welcome. Both Mike and Tim acknowledged that they were completely unfamiliar with the Marianists prior to coming to the University. Yet for Mike, the fact that during his interview so much was “tied to a sense of community,” and the focus at the institution was on “what the institution could do for students” were positives that outweighed its religious affiliation (personal communication, 9/6/18). Having been raised overseas, Mike interviewed at other U.S. institutions and those, unlike the University of Dayton, he noted, “all felt like all the universities at home.” Mike further indicated that comments made during his interview process such as, “We’d really like you here,” were determining factors in his decision to move to Dayton. These moments, Mike now sees, were reflective of the Marianist charism of creating a sense of community that is deeply rooted in the University’s Catholicism. After his phone interview, Tim recalls reading about the Marianist charism and feeling a connection because it “aligned with how [he] was thinking” (personal communication, 9/7/18). He said, “I had always been deeply spiritual, but struggled to call myself a Christian. Yet all the information I saw aligned with who I saw myself to be.” Feeling this affinity, despite identifying as queer and agnostic, Tim made the choice to put aside his earlier negative experiences tied to religion. As a youth, Tim experienced significant oppression in the guise of religious rhetoric. Tim discussed how, during his on-campus interview, “People were truly interested in the work I was doing,” and the “genuine heart of these genuine people” was “apparent.” He continued, “I felt like my reception [at UD] was such a coming home even though I didn’t know them.” This sense of homecoming is a much-echoed sentiment; it embodies the heartfelt demonstration of the lived nature of the Marianist charism – people are drawn to and wish to become a member and connect with others. Despite having purposefully avoided religious-based institutions in the job search, Anita noted that the fact that she could be “in a community and working with and among those who valued co-curricular experiences” was a 89

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positive (personal communication, 10/2/18). The way in which “community engagement is entangled with learning experiences” was exciting to her; she saw this as an “expression of community on campus” that extended social justice work. Anita said she “later learned to put into words how these traits were deeply rooted” in the Marianist charism. Camilla was also drawn to the University through language tied to community in the job advertisement. Only after exploring the institution’s website did she discover that the University was Catholic. While this “led to some pause” as she felt “on the outside of mainstream Christian society not having been raised with religion,” emboldened by the diversity statement in the job listing, she chose to put forth “the wholeness of herself” (personal communication, 9/14/18). The positive phone interview and subsequent oncampus interview left Camilla feeling included. Delores unabashedly noted the location of the university was a determining factor. Wanting to “stay near” her spouse’s job, she sought out employment in the region (personal communication, 10/12/18). Yet while location may have prompted her initial interest, Delores, who was raised Catholic, found that the “educational mission and the commitment to education that supports practical reasoning and social justice for a common good” reflected her personal values. The university location, also an initial consideration for Julie, was soon replaced by the sense of welcome she experienced. As an undergraduate student at another Ohio-based institution, Julie became aware of UD through an acquaintance with a University of Dayton employee (personal communication, 9/5/18). Wanting to attend graduate school outside of Ohio, she switched directions and decided to apply to UD after learning about the “holistic treatment of students” on campus. Unaware of its Catholic affiliation, her decision was prompted by the notion of being seen in her fullness, not just as a “number or tuition payment,” which was how she referred to the way she felt her alma mater regarded her. Her campus visit reiterated her conviction. She notes, it was “very welcoming,” “intimate,” she felt the people were “authentic,” and that there was “a transparency” she craved. It is clear in every case that the heart of the choice for participants to come to UD, regardless of their social identities, and in many cases, regardless of their experiences with Catholicism, is linked to the Marianist charism. Yet for many, the aspect and experiences tied to charism that brought them to UD inform their continued relationship with the institution in a variety of ways.

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THEME 2: MARIANIST CHARISM: BLESSING, BUFFER, BARRIER?

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Marianist Charism and Students While all the faculty and staff participants in this study had a strong working knowledge and language for the Marianist charism, they questioned students’ knowledge. In fact, two of the three student participants in the study struggled. Julie bashfully said she had to “look up what you meant by the Marianist charism when the questions were sent.” She recalled “hearing about it,” but she was not sure “it was ever thoroughly explained.” The Marianist charism lies at the heart of an integrated education in which faith and reason merge in discursive moments that foster critical thinking. In Camilla’s experience, students use religion to “justify their political position, biases, and values” through a religious point of view that is “oppressive” and can “shut down dialogue” in a classroom context. As a non-religious person who works with students, she “can’t relate” to devout student’s experiences but she works to be open to understanding their perspective. Camilla discussed teaching a diversity and social justice course. She had to “work” to get students to not just “give pat answers” and in that process, “had to contend with a vulnerability [she] hadn’t felt before.” At the conclusion of the course, her Student Evaluation of Teaching (SET) scores and comments were some of the worst she had received in her ten-plus years of teaching. Students complained about the readings “as being too in-your-face.” Regarding Camilla’s teaching, they used the term “feminist” as a pejorative, commented that she was “too liberal” and was “pushing her agenda.” Yet each had signed up for a course that included “diversity and social justice” in the title. Camilla recalls wondering, “what were they expecting?” She noted that in her experience teaching the course at public institutions, the student composition of the class included students with diverse racial, socioeconomic, ability, and sexual identities. This spectrum of diversity, she believed, led to “better representation and the class itself functioned more democratically in which dialogue was the normative practice.” Greater diversity from within the student composition removes the teacher’s voice and creates a space in which students of diverse backgrounds speak to and represent various perspectives. Camilla continued, “In this way, the lived

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experience of people who are non-white and non-majority are present. But in the absence of those diverse voices, it becomes the teacher’s agenda.” The Marianist charism calls us to build community across diversity as we work toward the common good. But not all students are committed to vigorous dialogue when it intersects with their religious beliefs. Casey stated, “we can’t not acknowledge religion at a Catholic institution. It affects various aspects of life and is culturally important to seeing the world and perspective of others.” What Casey sees as an opportunity to gain insight into another can also be a barrier when “people talk about their opinions and discuss their own experiences as tied to religion. At a public university, there would be more opportunity for diversity of thought.”

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What Does Common Good Mean? The University has an expressed commitment to the Common Good. This mission incorporates a vision that an integrated Catholic education partnered with civic engagement and enacted in community fosters a hopeful, changed future. Beyond its focus within the curriculum and through the social supports, there are also entities on campus working specifically to achieve these goals. Among these are ETHOS Center – Engineers in Technical Humanitarian Opportunities of Service Learning, the Fitz Center for Community Engaged Learning, the Human Rights Center, and the Hanley Sustainability Institute. Each of these entities embody, through scholarship and research, a desire and commitment to “address social issues and advance justice in our neighborhoods, our community, and the world” (University of Dayton, n.p.). Mike stated, “I’m not sure all students see their work in our program as connected with the Common Good. Students see global issues but don’t always connect them to social justice actions.” He continued, “Or some make those connections by virtue of being here, a few come with a connection to service through Catholicism, but there is often a desire to ‘save’ [those in need].” Such a mission has also informed Anita’s experience on campus. She stated that once she learned what the Marianist charism meant, she found “it personally resonated” with her and that there is a “unique approach to social justice that occurs here that might not happen at other institutions.” Continuing, Anita believes “the Marianist charism and the Catholic intellectual tradition (CIT)

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open up a language that can be tied to the work being done on campus.” The CIT is explained in a white paper titled “The Catholic Intellectual Tradition and the Mission of the University: A Continuing Conversation” as a “dialogue between the Christian community and the societies and cultures in which it finds itself” (University of Dayton, n.d., p. 2). This document, developed as an appendix to support knowledge of and reflection on the Catholic intellectual tradition for those affiliated with the University, firmly grounds the work we do and the “commitment to rigorous intellectual inquiry and vigorous dialogue” in the CIT (University of Dayton, n.d., p.2). Lee also discussed the social justice mission of the institution. Troubled by the way it can be used as a shield, he said, “privilege gets lost in the Marianist charism.” We should be “looking to build a social justice of solidarity.” As a “White, middle-class, cis-gendered male, I have to ask how can we apply our privilege to help others?” Louise suggests that a defense mechanism is our “avoidance” of the conflict and denial that comes from a fear of wanting to be perceived negatively. “We forget and deny that it is systems and systemic injustice, not people” that we should critique and “we need to dismantle” the way “religious oppression and sexism exist in Catholicism” and “ask the right questions.”

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Performing Faith Is it a familiarity with the rhetoric of the Marianist charism that stops us from questioning? Is it fear of not being seen as open-minded? Anita recently encountered a major challenge to feeling included in the religious culture of campus. She stated, as a Christian, “I know that there is not an expectation that everyone is Catholic, but there is an expectation of the Catholic intellectual tradition to influence the work we do.” Many meetings are often opened in prayer. “It is ok if you’re not Catholic, and we don’t have to participate [in prayer], but when I asked if it was possible to open a meeting or session with a more inclusive expression of faith, I was met with resistance. In fact, the decision was made in one instance to remove prayer altogether rather than incorporate measures to open up prayer to other faith practices.” This seems counter to “a practice of faith seeking understanding and understanding seeking faith” (University of Dayton, n.d., p. 2). The Common Themes in

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the Mission and Identity of the University of Dayton is a small pamphlet that provides insight into the university stating, “connections and partnerships are made with a variety of groups and individuals working to realize the common good.” It continues, “we must do so in ways that respect and appreciate other moral and religious traditions…” (University of Dayton, 2012, n.p). Might the authors of this document be referring only to “connections and partnerships” outside the campus community? David also experienced tension in regard to faith expressions on campus. Feeling excluded from participation in aspects of the culture at UD that are tied to the Catholic faith, he notes, “intellectually, I couldn’t partake of the Eucharist, but existentially I was surprised by how much that bothered me.” Considering the Lord’s Supper and his own understanding of who is welcome to enter into relationship with Jesus, he mused, “If we’re not fully Christian, are we not fully welcome?” Working to overcome his resistance, David noted that he goes to Mass [in professional situations] to be in solidarity with others on campus, but he does not “feel fully welcome.” He continued, “Love calls and invites me to not allow the Eucharist to become a barrier” to full participation in this community.” “I chose to have the freedom to interpret the [Marianist] charism in ways that are meaningful to me.” These include “affirming the dignity of every human being” and seeing us as “made in the image of God,” both of which are core to the Marianist charism. Rigidity in the expression of policies and practices that are not affirming become impediments to the Marianist charism. Some barriers, like expressions of faith practices noted above, are subtle but equally as damaging as normative policies that ostracize entire populations of people. For example, for students and faculty who identify as transgender, the policies and practices on campus, like those at many faith-based institutions, can be found wanting. It must be acknowledged that the University is currently working to articulate policies and practices that align with its Catholic, Marianist identity and support transgender individuals, yet for many currently on campus, these policies come after much pain and marginalization.

Is Everyone Welcome at the Table? One aspect of the Marianist charism that is highly lauded and oft-quoted is the phrase, everyone is welcome at the table. This becomes a flag lofted high in the name of acceptance yet participants in this study question the veracity

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Queering the Marianist Charism

of that premise in action. Below I examine race, gender, and sexuality as they inform participants’ sense of welcome. Certainly, there is evidence of diversity in terms of race, gender, and socioeconomic status on campus. Some participants noted that things have changed recently. If we solely examine race using the figures from the 2018 UD Factbook, approximately 18% of the total faculty and staff are non-White. This increase indicates consistent and committed efforts to continue to draw highly qualified and diverse faculty to the institution. Yet the percentages drop when looking at student composition. Only 11% of students enrolled in 2018 are classified as non-White (UD 2018 Factbook). Julie, Tim, Mike, and Jane all commented on the recent efforts to bring more students of color to campus. Tim said he sees “an increase in diversity [as he moves] around campus and in classes – both through targeted programs like Flyer Promise2 and in general recruitment of students.” But each participant acknowledged that in their opinion, the ways in which we are truly welcoming to diverse students is not deep enough. Louise and Jane both suggested that “more efforts need to be invested” in programs that support students of color, first-generation minority students, and students who identify as LGBTQ+ so that once they are on campus, they feel “connected to the UD community as a whole.” Fostering a “connection to the UD community as a whole” can be problematic. Louise and Julie noted that students “segregate themselves.” Julie acknowledged that she finds it frustrating for people to say “things are changing” but she wonders if the presence of persons of color is felt or seen across the entire campus. It is almost as if “the Office of Multicultural Affairs (OMA) is separate within the University.” While the mission of OMA is to serve the entire campus, many students who use the services and are physically present in the OMA space on campus are students of color. This makes sense as we often seek out the community that shares our experiences. Julie noted that many undergraduates who use the services of OMA “feel at home there and feel unwelcome elsewhere on campus.” OMA also serves White students but Delores notes, “many do not see it as a resource or participate in the programming.” Students who identify as LGBTQ+ or are questioning their sexual identity can seek support through on-campus resources including the LGBTQ+ Support Services office. The office and its presence on campus is relatively

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recent. In 2014, the Student Government Association passed a resolution seeking more support for LGBTQ+ students. The led to the creation of a task force charged with offering recommendations for improvement in support services. These recommendations led to the hiring in August of 2015 of a Graduate Assistant, who in July of 2016, became the full-time Coordinator for LGBTQ+ Support Services. There is also an active student group on campus called SPECTRUM. These changes indicate an important commitment to all students, but progress must include a commitment that intersects with Catholicism though actions. LGBTQ+ students can find themselves at odds with their heterosexual peers and may self-segregate to avoid harassment. There is also an encumbrance for LGBTQ+ persons in relationship to the Catholicity of the University. Three of the participants who identified as Catholic commented on the challenge in Catholic dogma in supporting LGBTQ+ persons. Carol stated, “Catholicism has not figured out how to honor the dignity of LGBTQ+ people while maintaining its moral stance.” Casey stated, “Many of the students on campus who identify as Catholic are not practicing. [Their] actions may not line up with the dogma they were taught [and this] may lead to their projections that someone who aligns with a faith tradition couldn’t also be queer.” Yet the Church calls us to love each other. Beyond loving one another, the Church loudly proclaims that all people have inherent dignity. In fact, the 2009 University Statement on Dignity claims:

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A primary assertion of both our religious and civil traditions is the inviolable dignity of each person. Recognition of and respect for the person are central to our life as a Christian and educational community and are what allow us to pursue our common mission while being many diverse persons. Yet the dignity of LGBTQ+ persons is not always upheld. For instance, Casey noted personal experiences in which “Students who identify as religious may not see the ways in which their religious rhetoric may be harmful to others.” Casey continued, “Someone said to me, ‘it is so interesting that you are Catholic and queer!’ As if the assumption that being [both] Catholic and queer doesn’t exist on campus.” Recently, a staff member working in faith formation was asked to move to another position on campus when he became engaged and subsequently married to his same-gender partner because his behaviors no longer represented the teachings of the Catholic Church. Because

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this employee entered into a committed, long-term relationship acknowledged by the state of Ohio and the federal government as a legal marriage, he was no longer seen to be reflecting Catholic teachings. In discussing oppression enacted by religion toward LGBTQ+ persons, ordained minister and scholar Yvette Flunder states, “Same Gender Loving people in many faith communities struggle constantly against a similar internalized oppression and colonization exacerbated by an environment that will use their skills but won’t celebrate their personhood.” (2015, p. 116). This employee’s skills were valued but not his expression of a non-heteronormative relationship. Eventually, he left the university. The University of Dayton’s “Commitment to Community” document, which is referred to frequently in campus communications, states: “The presence of a wide range of perspectives, opinions, beliefs – and the diverse people who represent them – enhance the depth of the UD community” (University of Dayton, n.d., n.p.). It is clear from these troubling situations that the university has work to do in aligning policies and practices as its leaders determine how far they are willing to extend their welcome to a wide range of perspectives, opinions, and beliefs. Is it possible to create a message of adapting policies as Marianists while still being grounded in the Catholic identity? Marianist identity is, as Claude notes during her interview, “an expression of Catholicism. We cannot be Marianists and not Catholic.” But the expression of Marian values – open, relational, welcoming – can and often does conflict with Catholicism. The Marianist charism cannot choose to extricate itself from its Catholicity. Neither can an LGBTQ+ person extricate their sexuality from their personhood. Said another way, “When one identifies with a faith practice and also identifies as LGBTQ+, it creates a tension. They are not simpatico,” suggests Tim. We are often, “only perceived as one or the other, which leads to a fragmented sense of self and hiding from our community.” In discussing campus climates for LGBTQ+ people, academician Harry Hirsch (2009) notes the student body on American campuses is becoming more comfortable with queer sexuality, but are campus climates for LGBTQ+ faculty changing? Or “are we accepted, or merely tolerated, and what is the difference? Are we still, on some level, treated as second-class citizens?” (p. 106). Tim acknowledges that it was important for him to find a place in academia where he personally feels his “spirituality, sexuality, and work in

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higher education are more integrated.” He has found that integration possible at UD. Perhaps Tim’s experience, in contrast to that of the former employee discussed above, highlights more than intolerance and steadfastness to Catholic dogma. Perhaps it also points to inequities at play between faculty and staff as well as tensions that exist between the Marianist identity and Catholicism.

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Mary: Devoted and Faithful We cannot understand the Marianists unless we consider the role of Mary. Completely selfless and courageous in her devotion to Christ, Mary informs the relationship between service and hospitality seen in the Marianist charism. Just as Mary put others before her, so too is an undercurrent of expectation on UD’s campus that to fully embrace the Marianist charism, we must be of service. Delores, who has served as a department chair during her tenure at UD, notes one negative repercussion of the Marianist charism’s focus on educating in the family spirit and education for service is that it can lead to “increased expectations on women faculty.” The 2018 gender breakdown of employees at the institution, according to the 2018 UD Factbook, was 1,347 females and 1,332 males. This seems quite equitable, but on closer inspection, when collated together these numbers can mask inequalities impacting campus climate for women faculty. Of the 432 people designated “ranked instructional faculty,” 270 are male and 162 are female (UD Factbook, 2018). The majority of these women are ranked assistant professors, not associate or full. In some departments, Delores states, “caretaking of students, mentoring of new faculty, and other forms of unrecognized service” fall heavily on the shoulders of women. This is not uncommon in academia (Flaherty, 2017), but at an institution where a fundamental focus is on service, inequities in service loads can be exacerbated. Delores stated that she found herself pushing back against normative gendered expectations of female faculty and feels her resistance may have contributed to gender-biased criticism that would not be leveled at a male colleague under similar circumstances. Other participants concur with Delores, noting that the strong connection to hospitality and ensuring that everyone feels “welcome at the table” means departmental tasks associated with hospitality are expected of women more than men. For Jane, this can manifest in “a culture of conflict avoidance” that “enables oppressive behaviors through silence and an unwillingness to confront the dominant narratives.”

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When racial identity overlaps with gender, the inequity grows. Of the 432 ranked instructional faculty, 309 are White, and 123 are persons of color (UD Factbook, 2018). For Carol, being a woman on a religious-based campus is already a challenge, in part due to a history of patriarchal oppression of women by and within the Church. Yet this is further complicated by being a woman of color, “rarely seen in the halls of higher education” (Lopez, 2018, p.22). This can lead to moments of conflict in which as a faculty member she has had to “pay the cultural tax.” Here Carol is referring to the work of Amado Padilla who in 1994, wrote about the unique burden put upon faculty of color and minority faculty in academia. Citing Padilla’s work, Cecil Canton notes, most faculty of color strive to “show good citizenship towards the institution by serving its needs for ethnic representation on committees, or to demonstrate knowledge and commitment to a cultural group, which, though it may bring accolades to the institution, is not usually rewarded by the institution on whose behalf the service was performed” (2013, np). Noting “the monoculturalism and insular nature of UD,” Carol’s work pushes boundaries; she has had to “learn to be comfortable” with her positionality and literally with her body, which she chuckled and said, “as a woman of color is, in and of itself, a form of disruption” and with her work in academia.

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THEME 3: CHALLENGES TO CHANGE Despite the concerns outlined here, I, and each participant continue to choose UD. The challenges expressed in these narratives are persistent; they require concerted efforts on all our parts to shift and transform our work so that our actions, policies, and practices align with the Marianist charism. Personally, I have always believed that I cannot stand outside and point fingers, rather, to enact change, I must participate in finding solutions. David feels that there is “value in bringing our own interpretations.” He continues by acknowledging that “we have to have the courage to name the inconsistencies,” to “push back and disrupt” the ways in which traditional interpretations can exclude and divide us in creating an “exclusive club where some are inside and others are outside.” Delores said, “I see Marianists as the congregation in conversation...” Building on her metaphor, I wonder, how can we facilitate deeper, more meaningfully engaged conversations?

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Perhaps one way is to enlarge the number and social identities of people in the conversation. Greater representation of women and persons of color in upper leadership ensures that everyone is truly present as part of the congregation, not just ‘welcome.’ To borrow from politician Shirley Chisolm, “if they don’t give you a seat at the table, take a folding chair” (Vaidyanathan, 2016). We need to be inclusive of those who disagree and see that as a positive, not a hindrance. We need to “deeply engage” and not just “talk at one another,” argues David. “We need to hold ourselves accountable,” says Mike. Kathleen states, “The University has a history of saying ‘community’ and ‘commitment to diversity’ but not leading the way.” As an institution whose focus extends beyond our Catholic, Marianist heritage, we need to celebrate what makes us strong and fight to rectify what is weakening us. We need to queer our values and not just live in history but actually adapt to the conditions of our times. Inclusion is a verb and requires action. Let’s problematize inclusivity. And, as Louise suggests, “Ask the questions.” Camilla notes we need to “lean into the difficulties” recognizing that “as long as we silence or censor ourselves, things will stay the same.” We need to rise to what Dr. M. Shawn Copeland calls “a life of committed empathy” as we examine our learned misinformation and the ways in which religion is steeped in Whiteness and privilege (Boston College, 2018). Theologically, Jane notes, the “Church itself, not just Catholicism, reproduces and supports power and privilege.” Carol suggests “we become missionary apostolic” and that we “evangelize” and reform our practices that enact privilege. Julie argues that we must “check ourselves” when our own biases show up and “get out of our comfort zone.” Ensuring that we speak out against injustice, as Claude and Tim argue, “we find comfort in the discomfort” needed to effect change. Casey invites us to “challenge access” in terms of ability, gender, race, and economics, while Lee invites us to “reflect on our social position.” The University of Dayton is populated with brilliant researchers working at the cutting edge of their fields, faculty with a passion for teaching and social justice, dedicated staff who prioritize students, along with engaged and motivated students. The participants in this study, drawing from their lived experiences, offer insight and possible solutions to the challenges we face to create a more diverse, inclusive, and truly welcoming culture.

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CONCLUSION

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Kathleen, Delores, Mike, and Jane, each of whom has been at the University for the tenure of the last two presidents, noted that a sea change is occurring. The impact of Dr. Eric Spina, the University of Dayton’s 19th President who began his tenure in 2016, has been palpable. He is seen by Jane as, “a president who is willing to make changes,” and a president “trying to create a greater ideological consensus.” He has demonstrated “a commitment beyond lip-service,” said Kathleen, through numerous initiatives, of which the most pertinent to this paper was the creation of the Office of Diversity and Inclusivity (ODI). The Diversity Taskforce has been working over the last year to assess the challenges on campus, survey the community, and work to create a new campus-wide diversity, equity, and inclusion strategic plan. Dr. Spina’s commitment to the University of Dayton can be seen in his words and actions. In his opening remarks at the 2019 Annual Martin Luther King, Jr. Commemorative Address, Dr. Spina said, “We are striving to dialogue honestly and courageously, striving to replace words of hate with words of love, striving to turn acts of indifference to acts of caring – not just on MLK day, but on every day.” (personal notes, 1/22/2018). I, like others in this study, am heartened by the shifts taking place on campus. Yet, to alter and counter the systemic and pervasive impact of years in which the University did not “walk the walk” will require commitment, action, and tenacity in queering practices and policies. And the willingness to listen to and learn from the experiences of unheard voices – the marginalized and oppressed - including those in this study.

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REFERENCES Association of Marianist Universities. (2014). Characteristics of Marianist Universities. Dayton, OH: University of Dayton. Boston College (Producer). (2018, April 4). The Fierce Urgency of Now [Video file]. Retrieved from https://www.bc.edu/bc-web/schools/stm/sites/ encore/main/2018/fierce-urgency.html Bourke, B. (2016). Meaning and implications of being labeled a predominantly White institution. College and University, 91(3), 12–18, 20–21. Brown, T. M., & Rodriguez, L. F. (2017). Collaborating with urban youth to address gaps in teacher education. Teacher Education Quarterly, 44(3), 75–92. Butler, J. (2010). Gender trouble (8th ed.). New York, NY: Routledge. Canton, C. (2013). The “cultural taxation” of faculty of color in the academy. California Faculty Magazine. Retrieved from https://www.calfac.org/ magazine-article/cultural-taxation-faculty-color-academy Cramer, E. (2002). Addressing homophobia and heterosexism on college campuses. Binghamton, NY: Harrington Park Press. Crenshaw, K. (1991). Mapping the margins: Intersectionality, identity politics, and violence against women of color. Stanford Law Review, 43(6), 1241–1299. doi:10.2307/1229039 Denzin, N. K. (1989). Interpretive interactionism (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE. Denzin, N. K., & Lincoln, Y. (2000). The handbook of qualitative research (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE.

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Ellett, J. (2011). Narrative and phenomenology as a method for understanding persistence in art teachers: A reflective journey. Marilyn Zurmhuelen Working Papers in Art Education, 1, Article 2. Doi:10.17077/2326-7070.1407 Flaherty, C. (2017, April 12). Relying on women, not rewarding them. Retrieved from https://www.insidehighered.com/news/2017/04/12/study-finds-femaleprofessors-outperform-men-service-their-possible-professional

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Flunder, Y. Church interlude II: Healing oppression sickness. In K. T. Talavecchia, M. F. Pettinger, & M. Larrimore (Eds.), Queer Christianities: Lived religion in transgressive forms. New York, NY: New York University. Foucault, M. (1980). The history of sexuality: Vol. 1. An introduction. New York, NY: Vintage Press. Hirsch, H. N. (2009). The more things (don’t) change: A queer academic journey. In R. G. Johnson III (Ed.), The Queer community: Continuing the struggle for social justice (pp. 104-119). San Diego, CA: Birkdale Publishers, Inc. Hunter, S. V. (2010). Analysing and representing narrative data: The long and winding road. Current Narratives, 1(2), 44–54. Lopez, V. (2018). What is your story? Guest column of the Committee on Multiethnic Concerns (COMC) Interest Group. National Art Education Association News, 50(4), 22. McIntosh, P. (1988). White privilege: Unpacking the invisible knapsack. Excerpted from Working Paper 189. Newman, B. S. (2002). Lesbians, gays and religion: Strategies for changing belief systems. In E. P. Cramer (Ed.), Addressing homophobia and heterosexism on college campuses. Binghamton, NY: Harrington Park Press. Ream, G., & Savin-Williams, R. (2005). Reconciling Christianity and positive non-heterosexual identity in adolescence, with implications for psychological well-being. Journal of Gay & Lesbian Issues in Education, 2(3), 19–36. doi:10.1300/J367v02n03_03

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Ream, G., & Witt, P. (2003). Organizations serving all ages. In S. Hamilton & M. Hamilton (Eds.), Handbook of youth development (pp. 49–74). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Shelton, S. (2018). “We’re in the freaking Bible Belt”: A narrative analysis of the complexities of addressing LGBTQ topics while teaching in the Deep South. In Queering education in the Deep South (pp. 3-14). Information Age Publishing. Tatum, B. D. (1997). Why are all the Black kids sitting together in the cafeteria? And other conversations about race. New York, NY: Basic Books.

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University of Dayton. (2012). Common themes in the mission and identity of the University of Dayton. Dayton, OH: University of Dayton. University of Dayton. (n.d.). Commitment to Community (C2C) Document. Retrieved from https://udayton.edu/studev/_resources/files/commitment_ to_community.pdf University of Dayton. (n.d.). The Catholic intellectual tradition and the mission of the university: A continuing conversation (Unpublished institutional report). University of Dayton. University of Dayton Factbook. (2018). University of Dayton. University of Dayton Statement on Dignity. (n.d.). Retrieved from https:// udayton.edu/studev/about/commitment_to_community/statement_dignity. php Vaidyanathan, R. (2016). Before Hillary Clinton, there was Shirley Chisolm. BBC News. Retrieved from https://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-35057641 White privilege and male privilege: A personal account of coming to see correspondences through work in women’s studies. (1988). Wellesley, MA: Wellesley College Center for Research on Women. Young, T. (2012). Queering “the human situation”. Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion, 28(1), 126–131. doi:10.2979/jfemistudreli.28.1.126

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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITION Catholicism: The faith tradition of the Roman Catholic church. Charism: A gift or collection of gifts given by God to a congregation for the benefit of the Christian community. Marginalized Voices: When groups or individuals are pushed to the edge of society and are not afforded active voice or place in community. Marianist: The Roman Catholic society of Mary founded by Blessed William Joseph Chaminade in France in 1817 and devoted to education. Positionality: The social and political context from which identities derive in terms of race, class, gender, sexual orientation, etc.

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ENDNOTES

1



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2

Creating Inclusive Community is a mini-course offered on the University of Dayton campus now in its 5th year. Open to the entire campus community, it brings together students, faculty, and staff to examine White privilege and learn to take action. The course description notes “learners will explore the historical and social implications of diversity and privilege, examine their own privilege while dialoguing with others about diversity and social justice, and will design sustainable actions to dismantle injustice in the UD community and beyond. For more information, visit: https://udayton.edu/international/connect/programs/ cic.php. Flyer Promise is an endowed scholarship program that removes financial barriers for high-achieving underrepresented students at partner high schools. There were 42 students in the first cohort of Flyer Promise Scholars in 2017-18.

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Chapter 5

Gender Relations in the Black Church:

Pentecostal Ecclesiology and Women’s Leadership Roles in Transition Cynthia B. Bragg Morgan State University, USA

ABSTRACT

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This chapter examines the lived experiences of women in the Church of God in Christ (COGIC) and presents a model for partnership in leadership with clerics and churchwomen. The model is based on the premise of the visionary founder and “Chief Apostle” of this denomination. Histories of churchwomen in this organization portray them as staunch supporters of ministries in the church. Women in leadership roles were defned by the founder as overseers—a term suggesting honorary prestige to women that was equal to clerical positions in the church. Following the death of the founder, however, churchwomen encountered barriers to leadership positions which lowered their status and authority thus impacting their inclusion, agency, and voice in matters of church leadership and governance.

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-9195-5.ch005 Copyright © 2020, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Gender Relations in the Black Church

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INTRODUCTION Following institutionalization of the Black Church in the US and formation of black denominations such as the COGIC, churchwomen continued supporting the social, political, economic and religious agendas initiated by ruling clergymen while being restricted by traditional roles dictated by male authority. Giddings (1984) reports that during the civil rights movement when black churches functioned as the institutional and organizational center, decision-making roles for women were nonexistent. The exclusion of women from occupying significant roles in the church has resulted in their absence of voice and visibility in ecclesiastical conclaves. In particular, the role of women in reference to the COGIC has been prescribed by clerics prohibiting the possibilities for leadership on the clerical level. Subsequent to the death of Charles Harrison Mason, founder of this denomination, a newly configured ecclesiastical structure was instituted which consisted of a governing board of twelve bishops (Ross 1969; White 2012). The arrangement put women in a subservient position while leadership was dictated by men. This illustrates a model where “the power structures of [COGIC churches] are control[ed] by a board of bishops and the prevalence of an independently organized women’s work…where female leaders assume… authority, but with deference and loyalty to the bishops” (Shopshire, 1975). At Mason’s funeral, prominent women such as Lillian B. Coffey who was the second International Supervisor of the Women’s Department at that time and Arenia Mallory, president of the COGIC’s educational institution in Lexington, Mississippi spoke of their close association to the founder. Coffey appealed to the incoming “new” leader (ship) to remember the faithfulness of churchwomen. She “argued for women’s centrality to the church, referring to the women, “the great majority” of the church. She reminded the audience that Mason had embraced women’s contributions (he “spent much, much time with his daughters”) and admonished the remaining male leadership to do the same” (Tucker, 2009, p. 112). Mallory also left her testimony of Mason’s impact and support for the school. This research examines barriers to women’s gender justice in the COGIC impacting their agency and continued support of the church. The writer argues in support of a partnership model for leadership between clerics and churchwomen. A transformative and symbiotic model of leadership is the

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“best fit” for this denomination that is steeped in so much history of the late founder.

DISCUSSION

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Background A preview of black religion and its development is necessary in order to mark the genesis of the Black Church. Black religion existed before churches were formed and organized in America (Raboteau, 1978). Independent black churches existed with slave members and masters in attendance. However, these services did not necessarily end on Sundays, because the “invisible institution,” termed black religion under slavery, was carried out secretly in various locations, such as slave meetings in slave quarters, “brush arbors” (secluded thickets), plantation “praise houses” (dwellings set aside for slaves), and camp meetings. Slaves were motivated to hold their own religious meetings because of the unsettling Gospel white preachers espoused who stressed the importance of slaves being obedient to their masters. Therefore, the religion of slaves was formal and informal, structured and unstructured, visible and invisible. The institutionalized Black Church arose in America following the separation of slaves and masters in religious settings. For this research, the Black Church, which emerged in the U.S., is defined as those “independent, historic, and totally black-controlled denominations, which were founded after the Free African society of 1787 and which constituted the core of black Christians.” These denominations consist of the African Methodist Episcopal Church; the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church; the National Baptist Convention, U.S.A., Incorporated; the National Baptist Convention of America, Unincorporated; the Progressive National Baptist Convention; and the COGIC (Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990, p.1). The COGIC traces its origin to an interracial movement, the Black Holiness-Pentecostal movement, primarily a late nineteenth and early twentieth-century phenomenon. Scholars are divided on the founding and origin of the Pentecostal-Holiness Movement. Lovett (1973) contends four competing theories exist: 1. Twentieth century Pentecostalism began during the turn of the century, under the leadership of Charles Fox Parham; 108

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2. The Modern Pentecostal Movement had no single founder, but was interracial in its founding, with emphasis on Parham and the Topeka Bible School events in 1901, and W. J. Seymour in the Los Angeles Azusa Street Revival of 1906; 3. The Pentecostal Movement of the twentieth century was primarily Afro-American in origin under the leadership of W. J. Seymour in Los Angeles in 1906; 4. Twentieth century Pentecostalism came suddenly from heaven to a converted livery stable in the ghetto and was exclusively initiated by the Holy Spirit. James Tinney’s (1971) article on Black Origins Of The Pentecostal Movement gives a specific description of the origin and players in the Pentecostal Movement:

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Both black and white Pentecostalism in America can be traced to a little band of black believers who met in a storefront church on Azusa Street in Los Angeles in 1906…A black minister, W. J. Seymour took the message (of Pentecostalism) to Los Angeles…Here begins the modern genesis of the movement. (pp. 4-5) Twentieth-century Pentecostalism points to Seymour and the “Mother” church at the Azusa Street Mission. The Azusa Street Mission began in 1906 and lasted for three and one-half years (Bartleman, 1980). The Los Angeles Times recorded the impact of this racially mixed meeting, which frequently attracted large crowds of people. Azusa Street had become known for glossolalia, healing testimonies, and crutches, which were affixed to the wall. W. J. Seymour, who has primarily been considered the key figure at Azusa Street, was a quiet and unassuming black preacher. Services were held morning, noon, and night, and had very little formal organization. It is reported that when “the Spirit” moved, individuals would sing, testify, pray or rejoice (Alexander, 2005). One of the persons who attended Azusa Street was Charles Harrison Mason. His visit has been recorded as a totally spiritual experience of baptism of the Holy Spirit with speaking in tongues as evidence. Ross (1969) records Mason’s experience: There came a wave of glory into me and all my being was filled with the glory of the Lord…There came a light which enveloped my entire being…a flame 109

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touched my tongue…My language changed and no word could I speak in my own tongue…I was filled with the glory of the Lord. (p. 19) Following this experience, Mason established a church that was founded on the principles in which he believed—primarily the baptism of the Holy Spirit, speaking in tongues and a faith that was founded on the doctrine of the Apostles in the Bible. He named the denomination which was supported by biblical scriptures—“…unto the church of the Thessalonians in God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christ…” (2 Thessalonians 1:1. King James Version). Very early, he began organizing the women’s work by selecting Lizzie Robinson, who was the first overseer of the women’s department. He acknowledged the strength and potential of unique women who could promote the work of the church. Mason was known to have a keen and discerning eye regarding the work of women in the church. He was well aware of the agency of prominent women, such as Mary McLeod Bethune, Nannie Helen Burroughs, and Ida B. Wells, and sought to establish COGIC women’s work and structure it in an egalitarian and symbiotic manner. At the same time, Mason appointed male overseers during the expansion and developmental years of the church. It is reasonable to assume that he envisioned women having a significant place in ministries of the church, since both women and men were given the same title of overseers. The Greek translation of overseers means “bishop,” which further supports Mason’s intention to include women and organize the church in “parallel structures of both male and female overseers” (Gilkes, 2001, p. 55). Bishop Mason was a man of fervent prayer (Cornelius, 1975; Goodson, 2015). Although the experience of being healed during his childhood was a memorable event, he firmly believed the God of yesterday was the same today. He was known for praying on his knees more than off of them, and there are many testimonies of instant healing as he passed by individuals in the services. There seems to have been a supernatural aura about this man. Reminiscent of Azusa Street, the walls of the temple in Memphis, Tennessee, the church headquarters site, are crowded with crutches as a visible testament to the mighty works of God demonstrated through this leader. He was one of the most revered religious leaders in the COGIC who had plenipotentiary powers unparalleled by anyone else.

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It is difficult to define the essence of this man. So much of COGIC history is embodied in his words, deeds, prayers, visions, and prophecies. He possessed absolute power, yet he exercised it discreetly in all areas of the church. Mason lived to be 95 years old, but his death ushered many changes regarding church structure, policies, doctrine, and governance. Questions and issues related to reorganization, structure, power, authority, and leadership took precedence over the more sacred concerns of sustaining the faith of its founder. As it is with any great leader, the denomination suffered a tremendous loss that particularly impacted the role, status, and leadership positions of churchwomen in relation to clergymen—even until today.

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Methods The researcher is not in agreement with the traditional model of leadership as it relates to present-day churchwomen in the COGIC. As structures restrict them to subordinate positions in relation to clerics, the author identified the following research questions: 1) Why are so few churchwomen in leadership positions in the COGIC? What are the barriers prohibiting churchwomen from acquiring full status leadership positions in the church? 2) Why do churchwomen seek ordination and pastoral positions? 3) How are issues of sexism and classism affecting ordination of women? 4) In what ways can the COGIC be changed to develop or facilitate a “symbiotic” relationship with both churchwomen and clergymen sharing ministerial leadership, in terms of church structure, policy, and governance? 5) What are the future prospects for churchwomen’s leadership and their empowerment in the church? This research is based on a study of qualitative data examining the lived experiences of present-day churchwomen’s leadership roles in the COGIC. As a lifelong member of this denomination, the researcher conducted in-depth face-to-face interviews, utilizing a semi-structured questionnaire. The author interviewed key leaders in the church (churchwomen and clerics). Since the author is familiar with several COGIC churches headed by women in various states, she used purposive sampling, because it is appropriate for researchers to select their sample based on knowledge of the population, its elements, and the nature of one’s research aim (Babbie, 1995). The sampling design consisted of interviewees (70) coming from four regions (i.e., North East, South, Midwest, and West) to avoid bias from any one single geographical

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area. The researcher interviewed individuals during convocations, which met annually, district and state meetings, in New Jersey (which is the author’s home state), and denominational churches. The author made initial contact by phone or letter, giving the purpose of her research. In order to compliment data from interviews, this study included organizational materials, such as official manuals of the church, Doctrinal Review Committee (DRC) report, newspaper clippings, yearbooks, magazine articles, church publications, archival data, directories, statistics, and books to examine churchwomen’s and clergy’s leadership in the COGIC.

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Theoretical Framework This research represents an ongoing effort to continue the dialogue on leadership in the COGIC and to present a model dismantling gender in the processes, practices, images, ideologies, and theologies, which are prevalent in gendered organizations such as the church. As societal institutions, religious institutions are organized along lines of gender being developed by men, dominated by men, and interpreted from the standpoint of men. One aim of this research is to expand upon the theoretical understandings of the relationship between ecclesiastical structures and the lived experiences of women in ministry in the COGIC. Leadership has largely been the domain of clerics, while churchwomen remained in subordinate positions in the church. Various themes are linked to theory that inform this discussion such as racism, sexism, patriarchy, religious space, missionary motives, and symbolic boundaries. The researcher’s conceptualization of the COGIC is a gendered organization. Gendered organization theory posits men’s domination over women, therefore subjecting them to subordination and a dis-empowered state. Consonant with the notion in gendered organization theory is that hierarchical organizational positions are almost entirely occupied by men (Acker, 1990). Some of the noted leaders of this denomination advanced to become bishops despite the fact that they were once students at Saints Junior College in Lexington, Mississippi. This junior college was formally the COGIC undergraduate institution that was headed by President Dr. Arenia C. Mallory. She remained in a difficult leadership position compared with pastors of churches, for example, because of limited funds to keep the school operating properly. In addition to using her influence to get community support, Mallory utilized “a two-story frame building that had been erected and served as [a]classroom, dormitory, dining room, and office. [There were] no modern sanitation facilities, muddy roads, 112

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cotton fields and a bad reception from whites and blacks (Cornelius, 1975, p. 48).

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Gendered Organization Theory Sex and gender and attitudes associated with both categories have resulted in “gendered” workplaces. Work organizations have been traditionally dominated by men, with the seat of power being occupied by all-male enclaves at both the national and international levels. When feminism was introduced, Rosabeth Moss Kanter’s (1993) book titled Men and Women of the Corporation illuminated corporate power and structures and organizations as it relates to women. Other writers followed highlighting connections between organizations, women, and particular aspects of their work situations (Feldberg & Glenn, 1979; Ferguson, 1984; Morgan, 1986; Perlow et al., 2017). Researchers Collinson and Martin (2002) support more scholarly research based on earlier studies that highlight gendered organization processes. They contend there is a real need to integrate organization studies and gender studies by creating new theories and gendered organization theories that represent all involved individuals. As occupations, organizations grappling with issues of sex and gender can also be racialized. Recent work on economic organizations informs about the social processes, which involve the production and reproduction of gender differences (Shetterly, 2016; Wade & Ferree, 2019). One must understand organizational processes to understand gender inequity. Acker’s (1990, 1992a) theory of gendered organizations and social processes involving the creation of gendered organizations may be adapted to religious institutions and organizations. Acker’s social processes involving the production and reproduction of gendered organizations follow: Images and forms of consciousness justify gender divisions, interactions among individuals, differential structural location of men and women, and the internal mental work of individuals as they consciously construct understandings of the organizations’ gendered structure. Acker sees organizations not as genderneutral, but rather as sites involved in the “gendering” of organizations. Feminist theorizing has been minimized, due to discourses conceptualizing organizations as gender neutral, thus taking as reality the world seen from men’s standpoint. Smith (1979) argues that such discourses concerning

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organizational sociology are grounded in concepts, which are centered on the ruling relations of men, experiences, and participation in the ruling apparatus of society. Acker’s theory of gendered organizations informs this inquiry based on various aspects of COGIC churches. Clear boundaries exist in the social organization of COGIC churches between the domains of women and men, which may be thought of as structural location within these domains. Clergymen are viewed as being decision-makers, leaders, and administrators, while women are nurturers, caregivers, and servers, which also accounts for their roles as builder, maintainers, and supporters of churches. The essentialist image of clerics as leaders and women as nurturers establishes the symbolic boundary (theme) between women and men. The construction of symbols and gender images, such as displays in media, church literature, national meetings, conferences, and convocations, highlight male images and the General Board of Bishops consisting of 12 men. This reproduces the gendering positions giving the image of esteemed leaders of the church as powerful, prayerful, consecrated, and dedicated men. So powerful is the image of men in this position that few clerics think a woman could serve on this powerful board. This point of view is expressed by one interviewee: “I don’t know if a woman may serve on this board. Look! I don’t see…(interviewee’s voice starts to fade…) I can just say some things won’t happen in my lifetime!” While churchwomen give of themselves unselfishly and freely, this is looked upon as being admirable and in a positive light. Women’s unquestioning acceptance of this obligation to care is a component of “the internal work” (theme), which is characteristic of a gendered organization constructed by parishioners (Acker, 1992b). By the same token, extrapolating from Acker’s theorization concerning social processes, this translates to the relationship between gender roles (theme) existing in COGIC churches and the attribution of social roles to women as supporters versus leaders and administrative roles of clergymen. “While domains maintain differential locations for parishioners and leaders, gender typing, namely the process through which occupations come to be seen as appropriate for workers with masculine or feminine characteristics, positions are viewed as gendered” (Britton, 2000, p. 424). Feminization or masculinization of positions within churches, however, may take on either designation. Gender “appropriate” positions come under authority of the essentialist image of men as decision-makers and leaders, thus allowing them to have the power to make appointments based on their own assessments and church needs. 114

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The role of churchwomen as servers creates invisible work that is embedded in the construction of femininity and masculinity. Interactions between churchwomen and men demonstrate the gendered nature of social processes within churches, and reinforce the subordination of women and dominance of men. Acker (1990, 1992b) concludes that interactions between women and men that “enact dominance and subordination” (p. 235) produce and reproduces gendered organizations.

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Black Feminist Theory Black feminism in the U.S. is rooted in the struggles of generations of black women, many of whom, formed the foundations of black feminist sociology (Lengermann & Niebrugge-Brantley, 1998). While social researchers differ concerning a precise definition, the term black feminism became prominent during the contemporary black women’s movement in the 1970s. Black feminist ideas, experiences, sensibility, and feminist consciousness represent elements that may aid in advancing black feminist epistemological insights. Central to the concept of feminist epistemology is that of the situated knower, consequently, situated knowledge—specifically, knowledge reflecting particular perspectives of the subject. Hill-Collins (2000) suggests that black feminist thought consists of specialized knowledge African-American women create, which clarifies a standpoint of and for Black women. In other words, black feminist thought encompasses theoretical interpretations of Black women’s reality by those who live it. Arguing that black women’s experiences comprise the foundation of thought, Hill-Collins places their ideas and experiences at the center of analyses. Moreover, she bases her analysis in multiple voices, in addition to highlighting her assertions that objectivity and subjectivity (e.g., “I,” “we.” and “our”) can produce scholarship. She lists some core themes of black women’s standpoint: Legacy of struggle; self-defined knowledge for group empowerment; exploitation of black women’s labor; oppression denying women rights and privileges; controlling images given to black women. In this study, the author utilizes Hill-Collins’s “outsiders-within” perspective involving social location in association with the black church. Hill-Collins points out how this location fosters marginality and contradictions between

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dominant groups’ ideologies and subordinate groups. This paradigm posits the importance of ideas, experiences, and voice to clarify a standpoint. Furthermore, the narrated experiences and ideas women express cannot be divorced from individuals who create them. In reference to this study, black churchwomen’s contextual experiences have initiated hermeneutical critiques (the Bible) as well as added to development of a collective standpoint. Hence, the traditional roles have contributed to the exclusion of COGIC churchwomen from “privileged” positions of ordained leadership, exclusion from “theological discourse” involving biblical interpretations, governance, and placement in gendered positions having limited visibility. This has meant that the outsiders-within locations privilege clerics, while the marginalization and subjugation of churchwomen still largely exists. Although COGIC churchwomen maintain alternative strategies for leadership, Hill-Collins also points out that “outsiders-within” locations provide a unique angle of vision, which can promote positive self-definitions and self-valuations for black women. Other studies report that black working class women marginalized as outsiders (e.g., domestic workers) and experiences of the triple jeopardy of race, class, and gender oppression develop a distinct and critical stance regarding their position. This particular awareness is a more in-depth revelation coming from an oppressed group and may be beneficial when attempting to understand systems of power (Jaggar, 1983). One other strategy black women have employed while being aware of their social structural position is found in the private space of an individual woman’s consciousness. This can be personally empowering in that a “Black woman who is forced to remain ‘motionless on the outside’” is creating a sphere of freedom on the inside” (Hill-Collins, 2000, p. 118). This independent space of consciousness transforms the docile woman into an activist individual employing agency/resistance in multiple ways. Cannon (1995) notes that through US history “the interrelationship of white supremacy and male superiority has characterized the Black woman’s reality as a situation of struggles—[struggles] to survive in two contradictory worlds simultaneously, one white, privileged, and oppressive, the other black, exploited, and oppressed” (p. 30). One aim of this research is to examine the interrelationship of patriarchy and male superiority that has characterized black churchwomen’s reality as a situation of struggles to survive in two contradictory worlds simultaneously: The black civil society and the black “church” society.

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Womanist Theology

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Womanist theology emerged, in part, as a response to the absence of women’s voices in the liberation theology tradition as well as the need for a specific focus on black feminist concerns. Critiquing racism from outside the black community, liberation theologies failed to see sexism (theme) within the community experienced by women particularly in reference to the Black Church. Introduction to Alice Walker’s (1983) womanist thought stemming from black culture and defined in terms considered more reflective of both the language and ethos of the black community (Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990), was “appropriated” by pioneering women activists who represented a literary tradition and “feminist religiosity” long before womanist theology came into existence. Hence, bold, strong, self-determined, outspoken, and proud American women such as Anna Julia Cooper who promulgated the idea of the “undisputed dignity” of black womanhood, Jarena Lee, Amanda Berry Smith, Sojourner Truth and “A’n’t I a Woman” presents “womanist” ideas introduced in themes of dignity, womanhood and personhood. These women defined and named their own experiences in their own voice after their own fashion (Riggs, 2003; Walker, 1983). Despite dehumanizing practices, they maintained both a particularistic and universalistic stance— particularistic in their concern for black women and other oppressed women, and focus on the wholeness and welfare of individuals regardless of race, class, gender, ethnicity, and sexual orientation (universalistic). Gilkes (2001, p. 1276) “[utilizes] the womanist concept to clarify what she identifies as “holy boldness” among sanctified churchwomen as they created their own power base within sanctified churches, characteristic of COGIC churchwomen. One interviewee states: I was present when Louise Patterson, First Lady and wife of the past Senior Bishop, G. E. Patterson [said]…She made a bold statement] and said in a Women’s Convention: “Women, we’re going to rise up and take our positions. We’re no longer going to hide behind or cover perversions…or hidden relationships that are not good…if we have the goods, then…we want the recognition!” In reference to concerns that womanist theology addresses, the following writers list several characteristics, which are identifiable with womanist theology (Hine, Brown, & Terborg-Penn, 1993). Firstly, womanist theology 117

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is a theology of survival—this involves black women’s attempt to preserve black life and negate efforts to devalue life. Survival also includes honoring the wisdom, values, spirituality, and traditions that are handed down to sons and daughters and acknowledgement of women whose roles have contributed to caretaking and transmission of religion and culture to their children. God’s role as sustainer is encapsulated in women’s testimonies and biblical witness. Believing in a biblical womanist theology calling forth what she terms the “Daughters of the Conference,” Vashti McKenzie (1997), the first woman who was elected to the episcopacy (African Methodist Episcopal Church), makes reference to Jarena Lee (Braude, 2008), Armanda Berry Smith, and other contemporary clergywomen who were deliberate in assuming ministerial roles. In order to avoid theological truth “patented’ by male authority, which Lerna (1972) claims to be an “androcentric fallacy,” McKenzie “reconstructs” a faith community. She contextualizes theology thus highlighting experiences of women such as Salome, Phoebe, Deborah, and Mary Magdalene, and places them in association with the liberation of her contemporaries from marginalization. Womanist theology also maintains that voice is necessary in a bold manner for theologizing a woman-centered biblical tradition for ministry within the church. A keynote interviewee speaks boldly:

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Don’t’ stagnate your gift! Speak out and move forward with whatever God has blessed you with. If God has blessed you, and if God has laid it on your heart to pastor, and to take on that whole role of pastoring, because that’s an awesome responsibility—that you’re going to be responsible for somebody’s soul! Because you can miss out, if you miss the mark! But if God has laid that on your heart, follow the will of God because that’s what we’re supposed to do—that’s what we’re charged with doing, following the will of God. If you feel that way, do it—just go for it! And don’t let anybody stop you! Man can’t tell you God didn’t call you. Man doesn’t know how God is using you—so go for it and do it! In support of churchwomen’s call to ministry, researchers Cummins & Latta (2010) report that “women who felt compelled to respond to their call to preach have been pigeonholed by church leadership into traditional roles such as teaching, ushering, or working with children…and have been steered away from…or denied opportunities to “preach” or minister to a broad crosssection of a congregation” (p. 669).

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Rejecting the notion that only men receive a “call” to ministry, womanist theology offers more than a myoptic view of biblical interpretations from Scripture and tradition centered on men only (Cannon, 1995; Gilkes, 1999; Smith, 2008). In the article by Pierce (2013b), Womanist Ways and Pentecostalism: The Work of Recovery and Critique, she argues for reconstruction of a theological system defining African American women, in particular, by the ways in which they have “experienced the work of the Holy Spirit” (p. 25). She recalls the life of Mother Ida B. Robinson, founder, first Senior Bishop, and President of Mount Sinai Holy Church of America, illustrating her audacity and “womanist ways” of acknowledging her divine calling to ministry. Gia Savage reports in the August 10, 2017 edition of Diverse on Reverend Dr. Yolanda Pierce’s appointment as the first woman Dean of the Divinity School at Howard University in Washington, DC. COGIC women often refer to women in the Bible such as Deborah (judge) and Esther who followed the call of discipleship. They also refer to their scriptural interpretation of “There is neither Jew nor Greek…neither bond nor free, there is neither male nor female; for you are all one in Christ Jesus” (Galatian 3:28 KJV) –a testament speaking to human equality. Womanist theology advances a bold leadership style which translates to claiming the religious space (theme) that churchwomen should legitimately be able to occupy. A woman pastor interviewee states: I’m hearing that older women are becoming tired…I’m also observing at our conferences and hearing what’s being said. In our workshops and seminars and hearing, what’s being said from our National Mother—you know, those kinds of things—what’s being said on our state level in terms of State Supervisors, women who have as they say, women who have been there, who have suffered all this while, and they’re tired…and I’m hearing this in a COGIC. We’re like in its 4th or 5th generation…I’m actually 1st generation COGIC and my family. But where I fit in the broader scheme of things is 3rd generation. And [women] are not stepping back…women who are beginning “a work,”…They’re taking their work and going on and claiming that as their own and not allowing a man to be appointed… Secondly, womanist theology is a theology of liberation—it addresses the multifaceted dimensions of oppression, namely targeting issues of racism, sexism, classism, and heterosexism, as they impact the black community.

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As a liberating theology, womanist theology is reflective of Old Testament scripture, depicting the Israelite journey and liberation from Egypt, thus reminding the contemporary religious community of the importance of unity, brotherly/sisterly love, and justice. Thirdly, womanist theology is global. It identifies black people of a larger community of people who are in a struggle for freedom and equality. Globally speaking, womanist theology draws attention to God’s universality in his/her liberating quest for all people (Coleman, 2013). Finally, womanist theology is a church theology. This theology substantiates the biblical claim for women’s total involvement in mission and ministries of the church. Womanist theology takes into account churchwomen who experience the everyday struggles of life and living. Empowerment and liberation of women are of utmost importance (Hine et al., 1993, pp. 1276-1277). Womanist thought has strong spiritual and religious overtones, when exploring notions concerning community, family, and the church. Mothers and grandmothers have been known to maintain dignity, a sense of self, and to keep the spirit alive during periods of low ebbs in family and the church. Knowing about the history of black women’s consistency in support of the church and “the race,” highlights women’s “tenacity of the artistic spirit,” innate creativity, and determination to keep the creative spirit alive despite hardships and struggles (Walker, 1983). This characterization of black women is akin to Gilke’s (2001) notion of COGIC churchwomen, whom the author defines as “enterprising agents” working within women’s departments. They have maintained a tradition of support and accommodation despite restrictions on positions for church leadership and established spheres of influence and opportunity at the same time. Womanist theology offers a specific discourse for African American women. Unlike black theology, womanist theology is not limited to a critique of racism, nor is it simply restricted to racism and classism. It does, however, extend a critique of sexism and patriarchy. This theology creates an avenue for women to articulate insights regarding their lived experiences of racism, classism, and sexism, in addition to enabling them to turn writings and experiences of noble women as unique representations and inspirational models. As such, the relevancy of womanist theology to this study centers on the “isms” that oppress churchwomen, the universal-particular dynamic, naming of women’s experiences in their own voice, theological independence, and articulations

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of spirituality in terms of their human experiences. Moreover, womanist theology calls into question forces, which are designed to keep women in a subordinate position. Thus, womanist theology takes seriously the matter of church doctrines and references which are made of forbearers (churchwomen) whose personal lives as role models and experiences as “behavioral feminists” helped in shaping the spirituality and ethics of black churches, (Gilkes, 2001) and serves as a source for drawing knowledge.

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Synthesis of Theoretical Perspectives Gendered organizational theory, black feminist theory and womanist theology inform this study. Gendered organization theory posits men’s domination over women—a construction of two domains, therefore subjecting women to subordination and a disempowered state. This theory points out the hierarchical organizational positions that are almost entirely occupied by men (Acker, 1990). The social organization of churches and interactions between women and men illustrate the gendered nature of social processes that emerge. The two domains represent symbolic locations or boundaries. Thus, men are conceptualized as having an essentialist image as decision-makers and leaders and women as nurturers, servers, and care givers. Women, however, view the caring work positively since they are “giving of themselves” to others and the church. Their unquestioning acceptance of this obligation is a component of Acker’s notion of “internal mental work” which is necessary in constructing a gendered organization. Deconstruction of this gendered nature of churches therefore necessitates churchwomen’s agency in reconstructing what they deem necessary in acting with a caring disposition while maintaining self-care in their calling and ministry. Black feminist theory and womanist theology challenges women to articulate life experiences thus speaking from their own standpoint as the “situated knower.” Womanist theology maintains that voice is necessary in a bold manner for theologizing a woman-centered biblical tradition for ministry in the church. Womanist ideas also convey themes of undisputed spirituality and a “feminist religiosity” articulated by Sojourner Truth’s assertion, A’n’t I a Woman. Following this line of thought, COGIC women can maintain their “holy boldness” and femininity while asserting their call to ministry.

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MAIN FOCUS OF THE CHAPTER Issues, Controversies, Problems Following the death of the founder (Mason) and years involving a power struggle termed the “Dark Period in COGIC History” a new board was formed. The governing structure is basically episcopal—that is, church governance by bishops, with the General Assembly being the legislative body. The governing board of the church consists of 12 bishops (all men), a presiding (senior) bishop, first and second to the presiding bishop, and nine other bishops making up the general board representing various states. COGIC women continued to faithfully serve in the church during the early stages of church growth. Although the new structure was not ideal, women managed to work in an accommodating mode with clerics. However, the changing voice and position of women is recorded in The Whole Truth (1976) during this early stage:

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The church began to enlarge through the women. Men did not get out churches by themselves, but the women were gathered in to help. Women would go where there were no churches with their tambourines and testify that Jesus saves from sin…Louvenia Taylor of Texas worked out more churches in the state of Texas than any man. She did not attempt to pastor them. As fast as she worked them out she turned them over to [a bishop]…Under the old dispensation, women hid themselves, but today, we openly do our work in the church. (p. 5) Not only were churchwomen advancing obtrusively, they were also methodologically speaking, writing, and compiling oral histories, and preserving the voices of pioneers in the church from their standpoint— specifically through the lens of COGIC women and their lived experiences. Some examples are: (1) Evangelist Elnora L. Lee’s (1967) book, C. H. Mason: A Man Greatly Used of God recapitulates important events encompassing the life and ministry of Bishop Mason and is copyrighted under the authorship of the Women’s Department; (2) Cornelius (1975) writes about growth of the women’s department, leadership of both women and men, and establishment

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of the annual Holy Convocation in Memphis, Tennessee, where members gathered for services, including prayer and fasting for the church body; (3) the first Women’s Ministry Magazine titled Lifted Banners was develop by Lizzie Robinson, the first women’s department leader whom Mason appointed. This was the official magazine of the Women’s Ministry of the COGIC. Thus, churchwomen were expanding the body of knowledge from a structurally located position. Social researchers today continue to expand the body of literature on the role of women in the Church of God in Christ (Barnes, 2006; Early, 2011; Faulkner, 2017; Goodson, 2015; Ligons-Berry, 2011; Pierce, 2013a;). Black women’s experiences are linked to a consciousness that develops and affects how their thoughts collectively form a collective wisdom. “Black women’s experiences and ideas as a ‘group’…foster[s] group commonalities…that encourage the formation of a group-based, collective standpoint…enabling [women] to construct a collective body of wisdom” (Hill-Collins, 2000, p. 24). Additionally, the construction of knowledge which is woman-centered has contributed to black feminist epistemological literature. Addressing one of the research questions in this study, more current research related to COGIC women and leadership is highlighted in Anthea Butler’s (2007) Women in the Church of God in Christ: Making a Sanctified World. She provides an in-depth look at COGIC denominational history, particularly development of the women’s department and its first general supervisor—Mother Lizzie Robinson and the religious lives of COGIC women. She highlights their activities, agency, social, political and community involvements in making a “sanctified world” of the church in harmony with society. In Anjulet Tucker’s (2009) dissertation, “Get the Learnin’ but don’t lose the Burnin’”: The Socio-Cultural and Religious Politics of Education in a Black Pentecostal College she discusses the leadership of iconic COGIC educator, Dr. Arenia Mallory who was asked by Mason to head Saints Junior College in Lexington, Mississippi (earlier named Saints Literary and Industrial School). The college, at that time, was the main educational institution of the COGIC that operated for over 50 years. While Mallory served as president, Tucker notes the wisdom of her leadership and high regard bishop Mason had for Mallory. Tucker asserts: “Mason was a critical ally for Saints’ president Arenia Mallory. He granted her full autonomy over Saints and trusted her to do what she felt that was necessary for the school” (p. 110). The writer of this chapter has also done research on leadership in the COGIC as early as

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1992, focusing on the transition of women’s roles and the issue of ordination (Bragg, 1992). Substantive research on COGIC women followed in the mid 21st century with studies conducted by Anthea Butler, Cheryl TownsendGilkes and Anjulet Tucker, filling a void of much needed current research in this area. While transitions are still taking place within the denomination, history in terms of leadership roles was made on two specific fronts. Barbara McCoo Lewis of Los Angeles, California was appointed as International General Supervisor of the Department of Women in 2017. She is the seventh General Supervisor who was appointed by Presiding Bishop Charles E. Blake, Sr. and members of the General Board of bishops. (International COGIC Women’s Department n.d.). A visionary in her own right, she is involved in a project culminating in the construction of a senior citizen complex in California. Additionally, two women have been appointed to the National Board of Trustees—one as 1st Vice Chair and the other as 2nd Vice Chair. These positions are “esteemed” chairs that have been traditionally occupied by clergymen.

Barriers to Women’s Leadership in the Church Churchwomen currently hold various leadership positions, such as General Supervisors, Missionaries/Evangelists, Church Mothers, District Missionaries, Deaconess, and lead a number of the boards, units, clubs, and auxiliaries at the local, state, and national levels. Policy, governance, and doctrine, however, are strictly defined by clergymen. Doctrines and disciplines are explicitly noted in the church manual:

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The Official Manual of the COGIC (1973, p. 146) points out the “scriptural importance of women in the Christian Ministry…but nowhere can we find a mandate to ordain women to be an Elder, Bishop, or Pastor…[The Apostle] Paul styled the women who labored with him as servants or helpers, not Elders, Bishops or Pastors.” As churchwomen are pursuing advanced degrees in all of the major areas, the push for positions in the higher echelons of the church is apparent. In April of 1999, a report of the findings and statements on the question of ordination of women by the Doctrinal Review Committee (DRC) of the General

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Assembly of the COGIC, Inc., was chaired by a bishop on the highest board of the church. At that time, only limited ordination of women was allowed for special ministries—that is, for serving as chaplains in the military, hospitals, prisons, and other institutions. Following this action, some bishops have ordained women and appointed them as pastors over local congregations. However, according to the DRC report, a key factor related to the issue of ordination centers on whether or not the church is in line with biblical and theological principles allowing full and complete ordination of women. Juxtaposed to this question, the DRC also raised the question as to whether women’s contributions in special ministries allowed by church officials make their ordination and contributions less valid because they are women. In order to provide a specific plan of study for inquiry and a way of approaching the issue of women in ministry, the DRC listed eight items as a guide for further investigation:

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1. Defense for the Official Doctrinal Manual of the COGIC; 2. defense for women who are already pastoring in the church; 3. definition of terms, such as preacher, pastor, prophet, missionary, and prophetess; 4. historical review of women in the Old Testament; 5. historical review of women in the New Testament and early church history; 6. a woman’s view of women in ministry from the traditional and feminist viewpoints including the New Feminist Bible; 7. a biblical answer to “Who calls [individuals] to the ministry? “How is a person “called?;” (8) a view of male domination and headship in Scripture, and the concepts of ministry about ruling and serving. Several DRC meetings took place in July and November of 1993 to address the eight items listed above. Basic findings and areas of controversy were also discussed during the July and November meetings of the DRC (Closing Statements and Appendix, Chapters 5 and 6). Notes from the Chairman’s Interim Report in 1998 (convention in California) listed the following findings: (1) The COGIC has always recognized women in ministry as missionaries, evangelists, teachers, and church planters; (2) the

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COGIC has recognized and affirmed women in ministry by licensing through the Department of Women; (3) during the past 30 years, several bishops have, without the official sanction of the National Church, ordained women as elders—some have served as pastors, administrators, and chaplains in the military, hospitals, and other institutions. The areas of controversy included interpretation of scripture, the importance of culture, manners, and customs related to the status and role of women in New Testament times, influence of women’s liberation and feminist movements, the question of God’s order for biological family being analogous to God’s divine order for the church, and the question “Would God bestow gifts on women which He did not intend for them to use?” One area for further investigation added to these basic controversial issues is absence of the body of women in the General Assembly to vote on constitutional matters. Several themes relating to women and ministry illustrate DRC members’ beliefs—women and men. The matter of ordination continues to take high priority among some women in the church. Researcher Delrio Antoinette Ligons-Berry presented a paper in 2011 at the 40th Annual Meeting of the Society for Pentecostal Studies discussing the highly contested issue of ordination of COGIC women. Her research titled, The Few That Got Through: The Nineteen Women Ordained By Bishop Ozro Thurston Jones, Jr. STD (1982-1990) gives a vivid account of a brief period during which several women were publically ordained by Bishop Jones who served on the executive board of the COGIC. Ligons-Berry reports that although “ordination came with limitations, [the] women were set apart in categories different from traditional roles of Evangelist Missionary, District Missionary, Church Mother or Supervisor of Women.” Leadership in terms of women acquiring full status positions involves “positions of prestige” allowing churchwomen to have more voice in decisionmaking at higher levels of the church. Structural barriers devise a “glass ceiling” (barrier) effect limiting churchwomen’s access to these important positions. Few women end up in positions equal to clerics, who maintain dominance over women who are trained and qualified to lead. A number of interviewees expressed their dissatisfaction with the current situation, noting that the problem for women in religion is how to break into that elitist circle and get involved in the decision-making processes. A keynote interviewee responds to the absence of women in the decision-making-process in COGIC churches:

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Leadership has not been the issue for women in COGIC—what has been an issue for women in COGIC is to have a voice in the policy-making and the decision [and] policy-making process in COGIC…I’ve worked in the role of being a District Missionary and basically in the district, much of the work was the work that went forth as a result of my leadership!...looking at women who would be district superintendents, or state bishops, or women on the General Board, those are the roles that women are shut out of!...women have been in leadership all along but in what places? The existence of sexism is a common theme throughout the interviewing process. Although sexism exists as a barrier to leadership, some men feel that unequal dichotomous power relations still impede progress toward women’s equality. These impressions emerged from the data suggesting that the dichotomous woman/man divisions are at the heart of deeply-felt sensibilities regarding sexism and inequality. An interviewee responds:

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In my opinion, there is very little [women] leadership in the COGIC. They (women) are required or asked to do a number of things, particularly in the area of raising funds, but ultimate decisions do not rest with women in the COGIC. In some churches,…the male would feel that having a female [as a leader] would challenge his authority or be in opposition [to it]. In terms of biblical teachings, down through the years, the woman has always been subjected to the man, to be a subordinate, but never put in an equal status. So, therefore, in the religious approach, men have always tried to keep women in a subordinate kind of position in terms of leadership, as far as the church goes. But yet, when the church needed things to be done, the pastor always looked to the female sex of the church Other man interviewees do not view women deserving “legitimate space” having authority equal to clerics. Lincoln and Mamiya (1990) note the emphasis put on women regarding “pulpit space” being exclusive to men only. They report that “traditionally in the Black Church, the pulpit has been viewed as ‘men’s space’ and the pew as ‘women’s place.” (p. 274). One pastor interviewee recounts a conversation he had with other pastors: Because our denomination does not license women, a lot of the brethren will not receive women. We here in the mid-west, we’re a little bit more liberal with that stance [as compared to] some of my counterparts, even in Ohio. I

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had a conversation with pastors in Ohio that wanted to ask me where do the women sit if they’re a pastor…Yes, sit! Do they sit in the pulpit with you or do they sit somewhere else? And when I said they sit in the pulpit with you, [you should have seen] their look on their faces! In The New York Times, Banerjee (2006) reports that Cathy Fielding and other churchwomen have left the COGIC after many years of belonging to the denomination. Reverend Alise D. Barrymore, 37, is co-pastor of a nondenominational church which she founded with another minister in Chicago Heights, Illinois. Banerjee reports the sentiment of Barrymore, who states that there are powerful women as members in the COGIC; however, “you can’t handle the sacraments, and it would not be rare for you to preach from the floor and not the pulpit, though that has changed a little bit in recent years…as a woman, you can teach but don’t preach? Yet the teaching sounds just like preaching” (p. 3). Traditionally, gender norms remain embedded in various COGIC churches and contribute to male clerical hegemony. Such norms prevent women from occupying sacred or clerical space designated for ministers only. Lee’s (2004) research demonstrates how an activist pastor in support of women clergy and gender equality used liberal preaching, a message of black liberation and freedom, and new clerical appointments and initiatives to transform a congregation to acceptance of women into ecclesiastical authority.

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Leadership Roles in Transition In the January 1993 issue of the Indianapolis Recorder, Hayes-Gaines (1993, p.19) reported on Women Priests: Another Step for Women in the Clergy. The event is indicative of the “glass ceiling” which prohibits women from acquiring full status leadership positions. However, the article highlights women’s agency in pursuit of their goals reporting that the Church of England’s approval of ordination for women has finally taken place. Jackie Means, a priest of St. Mark’s Episcopal Church, does not hold high regard for the “victory,” stating that “tradition is what has caused the Church of England not to allow women priests to be ordained in Indiana…It’s just like the disciples, no women, but there was Martha and Mary even then” (p. 19).The COGIC maintains adherence to the strict biblical interpretation concerning ordination of women which is explicitly stated in the COGIC official manual. Some COGIC women’s agency is unrelenting in this area, and changes are taking place at the structural levels slowly. 128

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Within the COGIC, co-pastoring of women with their husbands is also a more recent phenomenon. Bishop Darrell Hines and his wife Pamela are pastors at Christian Faith Fellowship Church in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. Both Hines and his wife are COGIC members and demonstrate a symbiotic ministry sanctioning their spiritual leadership side by side in the church. This is presented in their book titled, Let Them Have Dominion (2003). Some churchwomen who are not able to find “space” to co-pastor or pastor a church will seek ordination via other denominational clerics. A Senior Mother interviewee gives an account of her changing viewpoints on leadership: I started doing human needs work, way before God called me in the hills of Alabama. I felt that God wanted me to help people and to teach the Word. But, when I got to St. Matthew COGIC (pseudonym), it was just teach, sit down, then nothing. If there was a mission [at St. Matthew], it didn’t serve the whole person. I feel good about it, when God called me over 40 years ago to open up a place, and I didn’t get started until 32 years ago. I’m a nurse by profession, but God was saying, ‘Leave that.’ I left the hospital to open this place, Mary’s House [pseudonym], to open a place for human needs.

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A woman interviewee describes her ministries that transcend the pulpit (theme): I have gone out and organized a church and I’m doing community service. I worked in the community at various levels, working with the police department, working with ex-offenders, working with the homeless, working with youth, working with the mayor’s office in the city of New York [pseudonym] around such things as domestic violence. Currently, I am a CPE supervisory candidate for clinical pastoral education supervision, i.e., supervision/education. That is a job that trains seminarians and ministry students for professional chaplaincy and other aspects of ministry. I also am director of pastoral care for a health system. This is a community outreach endeavor which uses a New Testament perspective by touching lives, going out and helping people, getting out “amongst the people,” and caring for them in that regard. The more recent trend regarding educational achievement of COGIC churchwomen continues to advance. Comments are recorded from interviewees who foresee a shift in leadership positions being occupied by churchwomen

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who are expanding the defining roles for women in the church: “Yes! We have several attorneys in our church and they are working with the Trustees. We have women judiciaries. We don’t have any women bishops [yet] because we don’t have women pastors/elders. An interviewee foresees changes in leadership roles: I want to become a ministerial consultant. I have dealt with so many young men (and women) who want to pastor, they want to be in ministry, doing, and thinking…I have been in the ministry for over 35 years. I’ve been an evangelist. I’ve travelled all over the United States of America and other places… An interviewee remembers her calling to preach: I know God called me to preach…my mother was an evangelist…I said, I know I heard a voice that told me to preach. She said, well just do it, don’t say anything about it—just do it. In other words, she said, you can just do it—actually, in the COGIC women have always been allowed to preach, teach, do whatever they wanted to. But they’ve never been allowed to name it. If I’ve got the education and the knowledge, if I have the ability, I want the title! I don’t want to just do it—I want the title!

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The issue of being credentialed in the COGIC, which would enable women to perform church rites and preside over a church, is paramount to churchwomen’s empowerment and movement toward shared power. A woman missionary interviewee states, “You’re allowed to do the work of the Lord, but you’re not credentialed for it! And that’s the problem.” Credentialing authenticates leadership because it gives recognition to women’s work and educational advancement that supports empowering them for service in the church and broader society. Collectively, churchwomen have begun to use their agency and economic power as a source to level the playing field. In this way, they are able to bring something substantial to the table. A keynote interviewee expresses it this way: So, one way to be involved in church governance to influence policy is certainly to be educated and have something to contribute…I think for women that’s what is needed. What do you bring to the table? You can’t just show up and say well, I’m a woman, you should let me sit here. If you’re the “best” to be

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able to get the books done, if you’re the “best” to be able to get the service to run in order, [etc.],…I think you have to show your value. And I think women will be able to move in more leadership positions but they’re not just going to have it handed to them Because of sexism, classism, and the rule of patriarchy, COGIC women have used enterprising agency to elevate themselves. This has translated into discovery of new areas for self-identity and empowerment termed as missionary motives (theme). Specifically, the researcher refers to the motives as another mission and/or purpose churchwomen discovered in life because of being denied leadership positions in the church. Subsequently, churchwomen have become carriers of the gospel in their calling by way of professionalization in positions outside of the church (e.g., lawyers, doctors, judges, educators, nurses, morticians, military chaplains, counselors, CEOs, and business executives). As such, with this advancement, they are empowered economically and have gained a sense of well-being and independence, in addition to elevation of their social status.

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A Symbiotic Model The structure of a symbiotic model for this church would need to be comprised of several elements for women to continue moving in leadership positions having authority. Based on history of the founder, spirituality is one key element. According to Hill-Collins (1998), passionate commitment, a love for justice, articles of faith, and belief in God are all dimensions of spirituality. COGIC women’s history in the church exemplifies these attributes. A keynote interviewee poignantly states that “it is the women giving 60% of their labor in love for souls, really souls…women are more faithful, and they have the commitment and they know God…[women] are more prayerful. And they’re more faithful to their call in COGIC.” COGIC women also possess knowledge and wisdom—a product of their lived experience. This researcher feels there is a need for expression of spirituality, knowledge, and wisdom emanating from the women’s constituency of the church. This could be instituted structurally within the women’s department and open more avenues for expression of their gifts, talents, and empowerment. Empowerment includes the need for fairness, equity, and freedom from tradition and ideology. It may also focus on good governance and needed participation of both women and men in leadership roles. 131

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Essential to good governance in this denomination is a need for the voice of churchwomen to be represented on the General Board—the highest governing body of the church that only bishops occupy. Presently, this board does not include women. The researcher argues for inclusion of churchwomen on this board, based of the premise of fairness, equity, and the current imbalance of power. Exonerating the need to classify by title or refer to women as “bishops,” in order to serve would satisfy the necessary prerequisite. Churchwomen serving on this board could maintain their position or title, such as supervisor, missionary, district missionary, evangelist, and First Lady. One Elect Lady interviewee comments:

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Oh Yes!! Churchwomen need to have a seat on every board. They need to be at the top governing board—the very top! Okay, you have 12 on the board of bishops. Four of them need to be women (interviewee repeats) Four of them need to be women on that top 12. Well, somebody is going to break the ice. I think that may be Bishop Smithfield (pseudonym) (this is someone the interviewee knows personally) [who] would be one of the ones that would help bring them [women] on that top board Based on the dominance of men and hierarchical church structure, churchwomen might consider how current changes constitutionally would better situate them for positions alongside clerics at every level of the church—local, regional, state, and national. Constitutional barriers and biblical interpretations determining leadership positions are areas needing to be addressed. The “old way” of doing things is not necessarily the best way. Any organization lacking knowledge, wisdom, and discernment concerning the need to change will not advance for “Where there is no vision, the people perish” (Proverbs 29: 18). The theme of power in the vote emerged from the data. Collectively, churchwomen are continuing to target structures and barriers limiting their efforts to break the stronghold of patriarchal dominance. One strategy they use is pushing for the inclusion of more women in the General Assembly to increase voting in favor of women’s issues. One interviewee states “I would like to see delegates added to the General Assembly—definitely!” An interviewee strongly supports the vote:

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To be able to vote—that’s where we need to be! If we could get in and get a right to vote! The General Assembly needs to be open to everyone…to include officers…and everyone who makes financial contributions to the national work should have a voice in voting. Another interviewee comments: If churchwomen are given an opportunity to have wider voting rights in the church, the first thing that would happen would be the changing of some of the rules regarding doctrine and the constitution of the church, in reflection to women in ministry. Increasing the number of churchwomen to have voting privileges, obtain “seats” on the General Board, question constitutional laws, polices, doctrine, and dogma that prohibit their inclusion, assign a supervisor (as an overseer) to compliment every bishop over jurisdictions and any other areas where bishops rule, and maintain a conscientious effort to dismantle barriers through their agency and activism are necessary “imperatives” toward progress in building a symbiotic model of church leadership. Unlike the traditional model of leadership, women want acknowledgement they deserve for working and building churches and ministries. Many have begun alliance-building and strengthening coalitions for self and group empowerment—within and outside of their churches.

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Themes There were recurring comments in reference to sexism, patriarchy (themes) and gender discrimination in the findings. Several women (and men) spoke of the lack of voice, visibility, and inclusion in the decision-making process. In order to have voice, power of the vote (theme) is definitely necessary. This would increase numbers of women’s participation in the General Assembly where key decisions are made. Because of the lack of power and voice, women are claiming their own religious space (theme) in terms of building and pastoring their own churches without COGIC ordination. As indicated in this study, some churchwomen have taken clerical positions in other denominations. One other main existing barrier for women is pulpit

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space (theme) determined as being only for male clergy—pew space for women. Based on the findings, there remain two specific directions that COGIC women are following: 1) Due to the absence of inclusion, they have involved themselves in positions transcending the pulpit (theme)—for example, community service, government, policing, nursing, teaching, lawyers, doctors, etc. 2) Involvement in another mission and/or purpose that churchwomen discovered in life such (outreach ministries) because of being denied leadership positions in the church (missionary motives).

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Pentecostal Ecclesiology One of the ways that a church can move in the direction of fairness and equality is by Pentecostal ecclesiology. By a Pentecostal ecclesiology, the researcher means a Pentecostal “experience” of women and men, working together in communities and churches—reflecting on the Azusa Street narrative, where there was freedom of the Spirit, unity, love, and inclusion of everyone. This ecclesiology is not associated with sociology, psychology, or pneumatology—the study of the Spirit, but is based on a spirituality that is prophetic in guiding the church of old and new. It is also based on a spirituality and theology of true biblical interpretations of doctrine and guidance by the Spirit. Pentecostal ecclesiology is also the “replication” of a church where isms do not exist. It represents the genesis of Pentecostal experience where Charles Harrison Mason’s life took a pivotal turn, leading him in the direction of being an emissary in the birthing of this denomination. Lastly, Pentecostal ecclesiology mirrors the “universal” church where there are no differences based on race, class, gender, sex, age, ethnicity or national origin. This is a place where people worship together in peace and harmony. Women are not told to be silent in the church, “Let your women keep silence in the churches: for it is not permitted unto them to speak: but they are commanded to be under obedience as also saith the law” (1 Corinthians 14:34) but instead, have a voice in structuring and decision-making where they can bring their gifts and talents to the table. It is where the symbiotic model is the best fit for a denomination that is steeped in a prophetic history which is witnessed by followers of the revered founder. Mason’s vision of this church is built on a foundation of unity and shared ministry between churchwomen and clerics. This line of thought parallels current theologies of liberation and equality in support of clerical leadership that authenticates church administration that is based on fairness and gender justice. 134

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CONCLUSION: FUTURE TRENDS Empowerment for women must involve self-empowerment and group coalition building. Womanist theology is useful in reference to empowerment as women continue their agency, self-identity, and self-determination, in light of womanist thought and interpretations of Scripture. Here the boldness and audacity becomes meaningful as churchwomen continue their fight for equality. Theories that the author utilized in this research provide new areas for future investigation, such as exploring the ecumenical effects of churches that ordain women, as compared with the COGIC which denies churchwomen’s rights to ordination. The researcher points out the possibility of negative repercussions stemming from the COGIC’s strict adherence to constitutional laws and doctrine and the need for changes that will positively impact future church growth and development. The following conclusions are based on the researcher’s personal judgments as a lifelong member of the COGIC. Firstly, the traditional model of leadership was effective in the formative years of the COGIC during Mason’s era. However, with changes taking place in society, there is a need for changes to take place in leadership and church governance. For example, since more women are in the working world today, churchwomen are working in secular and sacred places. Women’s educational achievements have prepared them for roles and positions in churches where their professions can be useful and beneficial to the church. Churchwomen’s educational advancements have also prepared them to fill positions, within the church, which were traditionally held by men. Women are now sitting judges and occupying positions on the Judiciary Board of the church. Given these advancements, structures barring women from advancing themselves in the church will need to change. As a result of the barring that is still taking place, some women have established their own churches, while others have remained faithful to current leadership. However, the numbers of churchwomen starting their own churches are growing. In order to share power, all women definitely need to be able to vote who hold credentials, such as missionaries, deaconesses, First Ladies, district missionaries, and church mothers. Other laity should also have access to voting, such as presidents of auxiliaries, boards, units, and clubs. Presently, some rules and regulations limit the number of women who can serve as

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delegates to the General Assemble, which shuts them out of the voting and decision-making process. Sexism, classism, and gender concerns are echoed among the women of the church and some clerics. In view of the lack of voice, churchwomen are validating their “call” to leadership, irrespective of what the COGIC claims. Statements an interviewee made during an interviewing session, such as, “man does not call people, God does,” support a women’s claim of a calling upon her life. Churchwomen also cite Scripture in support of their calling, such as—“there is neither male nor female…for ye are all one…” (Galatians 3:28). This specifically means that gender is not an issue, when leadership is viewed as “genderless.” The need for women’s inclusion at all levels of leadership is vital. Churchwomen have a recorded history which is a testament to their labor of love for this church. Establishing churches on their own will necessarily include a name and claim to their accomplishments. While some researchers envision the progress of women to be a continued uphill battle, others see effective change taking place in the future based on the continued agency of COGIC women. Nevertheless, a pressing concern regarding the future of this denomination is connected to the need for spiritual renewal centered on leadership to strengthen and restore the vision of the founder. As a result of a church steeped in so much tradition from the past, movement away from its founding principles, values, beliefs, spirituality, and practices will be detrimental to the growth and development of this church. The loss of women (and men) leaving for “greener pastures in addition to a host of unused members employed in areas outside of the church will continue to weaken the denomination and promise for a better future.

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Riggs, M. (2003). Plenty good room: Women versus male power in the black church. The Pilgrim Press. Ross, G. R. (1969). History and formative years of the Church of God in Christ with excerpts from the life and work of its founder—Bishop C. H. Mason. Memphis, TN: Church of God in Christ Publishing House. Savage, G. (2017). New dean is guided by a ‘great cloud of witnesses.’ Diverse Issues in Higher Education, 34(14), 4. Shetterly, M. L. (2016). Hidden figures. New York: HarperCollins Publishers. Shopshire, J. A. (1975). A socio-historical characterization of the black pentecostal movement in america (Doctoral dissertation). Request online, Diss 378NU1975 S559s OCLC 71935861 Smith, D. E. (1979). A sociology for women. In J. A. Sherman & E. T. Beck (Eds.), The prism of sex: Essays in the sociology of knowledge. Boston: Northeastern Press. Smith, D. E. (1988). The everyday world as problematic. Boston: Northeastern University Press. Smith, Y.Y. (2008). Womanist theology: Empowering black women through Christian education. Black Theology: An International Journal. doi:10.1558/ blth2008v612.200 The Whole Truth. (1976). The important place of women in the indestructible church. February(5). Memphis, TN: Church of God in Christ Publishing House. Tinney, J. S. (1971). Black origins of the Pentecostal movement. Christianity Today, 10, 4–5.

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Tucker, A. (2009). Get the learnin’ but don’t lose the burnin’: The socio-cultural and religious politics of education in a black pentecostal college (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from http://Search-Proquest.com/docview/305094953 Wade, L., & Ferree, M. M. (2019). Gender: Ideas, interactions, institutions. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc. Walker, A. (1983). In search of our mother’s gardens: Womanist prose. New York: Harcourt Books. White, C. (2012). The rise to respectability: Race, religion, and the church of god in christ. Fayetteville, AR: The University of Arkansas Press. 141

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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS

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Agency: Activism in all fields involving ministries locally and globally. Calling: A confirmation from God giving direction to one’s life in ministry. Enterprising Agency: Ingenious and spirit-filled, churchwomen actively engaged in advancing church ministries. Patriarchy: A system of male domination in the church that supersedes definitions of fairness and equality. State Supervisor: The name given to a woman who organizes women’s work and presides over a jurisdiction in a particular state. She is the complement to a bishop in a state and officiates with the name change (formally overseer) under the new church structure. Voice: The matter of being part of the governing and decision-making processes of the church. This implies leadership by churchwomen being at a certain level where change can take place. Womanist: Bold and audacious churchwomen who speak the truth concerning church matters on governance, equity, policies, laws, and dogma.

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Section 2

International Perspective

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Chapter 6

“Prayers That Preyed”:

Critical Reflections on Robert Martin Gumbura’s Church Saga in Zimbabwe Fortune Sibanda https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1086-0066 Great Zimbabwe University, Zimbabwe Bernard Pindukai Humbe Great Zimbabwe University, Zimbabwe

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ABSTRACT This chapter was motivated by the manifestations and consequences of patriarchal theology testifed through the increase in the number of cases in Zimbabwe involving prophets and church leaders accused of sexually abusing their followers after promising to help them out of their problems. The research focuses on the sexual scandals of the founder and leader of Robert Martin Gumbura (RMG) Independent End Time Message Church, Robert Martin Gumbura, who was sentenced to a 40-year prison term in Zimbabwe for sexually abusing four women from his church. The chapter posits that some churches are no longer safe havens for the weak and defenseless women who fall prey to some unscrupulous church leaders such as Robert Martin Gumbura. By using in-depth interviews and documentary analysis and insights from the historical, sociological, and phenomenological approaches, the study established that Robert Martin Gumbura brainwashed some women congregants and threatened to curse them with prayers that would commit them to the devil if they resisted his nefarious demands.

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-9195-5.ch006 Copyright © 2020, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

“Prayers That Preyed”

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INTRODUCTION Christianity is one of the most populous religions the world over. One interesting dimension within Christianity is the shift of the centre of gravity from the Northern to the Southern hemisphere as there are more Christians living in Latin America, Africa and Asia than in the North (Kalu, 2003). Zimbabwe is one of the African countries where Christianity claims the majority of the people. The Pentecostal movement has challenged all other religious forms. However, as churches continue to mushroom in their various forms, transparency and responsible leadership come to the fore in these New Religious Movements. This is testified by a Shona WhatsApp social media message that circulated in 2014 among Zimbabweans saying: “Vatendi kana muchida kuenda kudenga musango namate church dzesedzese nekuti Satan ane maANGELS akewo saka tangai MAGAYA musati MAKANDIWA mugomba nekuti muno GUMBURA Mwari.” The message is making a strong statement by playing around semantically with names of some popular church leaders who have many followers in Zimbabwe and beyond. It was also a warning to Christians and non-Christians alike not to fall prey to these leaders of some Pentecostal Churches such as Uebert Angels of Spirit Embassy, Walter Magaya of Prophetic Healing and Deliverance, Emmanuel Makandiwa of United Family International Church and Robert Martin Gumbura of RMG Independent End Time Message Church. These leaders tend to be cunning to the extent that they take advantage of their devotees’ gullibility where some would believe every word that comes from the ‘Men of God’ without questioning. From among these leaders who are identified in the quotation above, Robert Martin Gumbura of RMG Independent End Time Message Church is at the heart of this study. This chapter was motivated by the manifestations and consequences of patriarchal theology testified through the increase in the number of cases in Zimbabwe involving prophets and church leaders accused of sexually abusing their followers after promising to help them out of their problems. The research focuses on the sexual scandals of the founder and leader of RMG Independent End Time Message Church, Robert Martin Gumbura, who was sentenced to a 40-year prison term in Zimbabwe for sexually abusing four women from his church. The chapter posits that some churches are no longer safe havens for

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the weak and defenseless women who fall prey to some unscrupulous church leaders such as Gumbura who love power and abuse it, but lack the power to love. Before delving into the details of this Robert Martin Gumbura saga, it is important to consider the research methodology that informed the study.

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RESEARCH METHODOLOGY The study utilized a qualitative approach because it allows researchers to mingle with participants, describe and interpret data. Data collection was done through in-depth interviews with RMG Independent End Time Message Church members and non-members. Documentary analysis of the print and electronic media stories pertaining to Robert Martin Gumbura were also used in the process of data gathering. The study combined insights from the gendered cultural hermeneutics, historical, sociological and phenomenological approaches, which were combined to describe and analyze the data. The gendered cultural hermeneutics was the brainchild of Mercy Amba Oduyoye and Musimbi Kanyoro of the Circle of Concerned African Women Theologians. It was developed as a tool for discerning God’s living presence in face of neo-colonialism, poverty, HIV and AIDS, religious and cultural gender oppression, among other challenges in society (Russell, 2004). Essentially, gendered cultural hermeneutics is interested in the marginalized people in society such as women and girls whose experiences are unveiled through the technique of storytelling. The advantage of cultural hermeneutics is that it “is the choice of combining an affirmation of culture and a critique of it that will have the potential to sustain modern Africa” (Kanyoro, 2002, p. 26). This method is important in capturing the experiences of women exposed to abuse in some churches such as Robert Martin Gumbura’s RMG Independent End Time Message Church. The historical approach is critical in tracing the emergence of Pentecostalism in general and African Pentecostalism, such as Robert Martin Gumbura’s church, in particular. As Saliba (1976) notes “the history of religion is the study of the origin and development of religion. It tries to embrace all the world’s religions, past and present, in one single field, as one whole phenomenon evolving in time” (p. 25). On this basis, one of the special tasks of the history of religion is to explain the historical conditions in which a religious person or community lives. Therefore, the historical method is significant in tracing the major events that transpired in Robert Martin Gumbura’s RMG Independent End Time Message Church. 146

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The sociological approach provided the social milieu within which the religious phenomenon is embedded and evolved (Chitando, 2002). According to Bourdillon (1990) the sociology of religion deals with the interplay between religion and society. In that manner, it was useful for the study in understanding the power dynamics defined by class, doctrine and gender in Robert Martin Gumbura’s church given that religion is practiced by people who are relational beings. Sociology of religion stresses the need to observe norms and values in society, which make some practices such adultery, rape and lust to be condemned whilst respect, submissiveness to those in authority and silence are promoted. This is the framework under which patriarchal theology can be conceived in light of the study. The phenomenological approach provided descriptive accuracy and interpretive element of the phenomena under study. In addition, it enhanced the emic standpoint through its tenets such as epoche (bracketing), empathy and eidetic intuition (Chitando, 1997).The realization that each method is characterized by its own weaknesses justifies the adoption of the polymethodic approach in this qualitative study such that the shortcomings of one method are covered up by the strengths of the other.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

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The study adopted moral accountability and moral responsibility as the theoretical framework. In general, the contemporary moral milieu is characterized by moral pluralism and relativism. This diversity is notable among individuals, social, political and religious institutions in society. It is prudent to define the concepts central to the theoretical framework. Moral accountability is defined by Frederick Bird (1979) as the “individual awareness that a person is expected to act in keeping with moral expectations” (p.335). Alongside this observation, it is informative to add Bird’s (1979) insight into the moral expectations, which include: [the] social rules and laws, religious sanctions, routine interpersonal demands, role expectations, personal standards of excellence, and internally held notions about what significant others expect. A sense of moral accountability ordinarily involves an awareness of the relationship or discrepancy between a

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person’s actual activities and these moral expectations, between ego and ego ideal...This sense of moral accountability may be accompanied by feelings of personal satisfaction or dissatisfaction, of justification or guilt (p. 335) Therefore, moral accountability can result in positive and negative outcomes. Moral accountability is distinguished from moral responsibility. According to Bird (1979), moral responsibility “involves not merely an awareness but also the personal avowing of obligations in relation to oneself and others and the acknowledging of one’s answerability for their realization” (p. 336). It is essential to note that moral responsibility entails “choice and decision, not merely awareness” (Bird, 1979, p. 336). This requires discipline. The theoretical framework comprising moral accountability and moral responsibility provides the necessary balance for interrogating the conduct of Robert Martin Gumbura and his relationship to male and female congregants of his church. Robert Martin Gumbura, as a church leader, was supposed to balance the various internal and external moral expectations given that greater privilege means greater responsibility. Before looking at the church that Robert Martin Gumbura established, it is important to briefly trace the background history of Christianity in Zimbabwe prior to delving into Pentecostalism from which some of the new churches such as Robert Martin Gumbura’s RMG Independent End Time Message Church emerged in Zimbabwe.

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THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIANITY IN ZIMBABWE The history of Christianity in Zimbabwe can be traced back to the 16th century when the Portuguese missionaries such as Goncalo da Silveira, a Jesuit Catholic Priest, interacted with the African people in the Mutapa Empire (Mudenge, 1988). In between the end of the 17th century and the second half of the 19th century, Christianity was in a phase of limbo. This was transformed when the London Missionary Society (LMS) came to evangelize in the country in 1859 through the activities of Robert Moffat (Zvobgo, 1996). Extensive missionary presence was registered through the connivance of Christian missionaries and Western imperial forces, which essentially made the ‘flag’ to follow the ‘Cross’ as they worked hand in glove

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to subjugate the local African population. Through this strategy, Cecil John Rhodes manipulated different missionary groups to occupy and establish mission stations, which were strategic places for colonial administrative purposes throughout the country. Some of the attractive factors associated with these mission stations were the church, schools and hospitals and training centres. For instance, Zvobgo (1996) observes that the LMS were at Inyathi Mission, near Bulawayo; Roman Catholic Church were at Chishawasha, near Harare and Empandeni near Bulawayo; the Dutch Reformed Church were at Morgenster, near Masvingo; Anglicans were at Penhalonga, near Mutare whilst the United Methodist Church were at Old Umtali, near Mutare; the United Church of Christ in Zimbabwe were at Mt Selinda, near Chipinge. The Seventh Day Adventists were at Solusi, near Bulawayo. The Evangelical Lutheran Church in Zimbabwe was in Mberengwa. The evangelism of the missionary churches resulted in the creation of Christian communities identified along denominational lines mainly belonging to Catholicism and Protestantism. This type of Christianity attracted people from all walks of life particularly when the message was translated to indigenous languages. Racial segregation that accorded preferential treatment to the numerically few whites and white leadership at the expense of the black majority became a challenge among the historical early churches. So, the mainline Christianity did not totally address the social, spiritual, political and economic challenges faced by the indigenous people in Zimbabwe (Sibanda, 2018). This eventually led to the emergence of New Religious Movements (NRMs), particularly, African Initiated Churches (AICs) and Pentecostalism in the 1930s. In essence, the type of Christianity advanced in mainline churches in this period was described as a ‘dead religion’ (Gifford cited in Sibanda, 2018). This shows its failure to stimulate an equally vibrant kind of Christianity manifesting in NRMs, especially Pentecostalism.

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PENTECOSTAL WAVE AND THE MUSHROOMING OF NEW CHURCHES IN ZIMBABWE Pentecostalism is regarded as one of the fastest growing forms of Christianity apart from African Initiated Churches in Zimbabwe. This new form of Christianity is a phenomenon that began in the 20th century in the United

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States of America (USA), but has significantly transformed the face of the Christian tradition globally (Kalu, 2003; Togarasei, 2011). J. Kwabena Asamoah-Gyadu (2005) gives a useful definition of Pentecostalism, which can inform this study when he writes, thus:

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Pentecostalism may be understood as that stream of Christianity that emphasizes personal salvation in Christ as a transformative experience wrought by the Holy Spirit; and in which such pneumatic phenomena as ‘speaking in tongues’, prophecies, visions, healing, miracles, and signs and wonders in general, are sought, accepted, valued, and consciously encouraged among members as evidence of the active presence of God’s spirit (p. 389) The importance of the Holy Spirit among Pentecostals cannot be overemphasised. This becomes the source of miracles and personal transformation of the believers. The power of God in Jesus is critical and Pentecostals believe that objective results are evidence of renewal, healing and spiritual transformation. African Pentecostalism had indigenous roots, but it has benefited from outside spiritual flows and interventions. Although the pre1970 period is vital, the 1970s is generally regarded as period of spiritual revival from which the modern African Pentecostal movement developed (Kalu, 2003; Togarasei, 2011). Whereas some Pentecostal churches are an extension of the Western movements, new forms with African roots continue to be registered. The period when there was an increase in the development of new churches coincided with the Zimbabwe crisis and the onset of the New Millennium. The ‘crisis decade,’ from the year 2000 in Zimbabwe was characterised by an economic meltdown where poverty and hopelessness were rife. Many people sought solace in religion, particularly Pentecostal churches that promised health and wealth (Chitando, 2013). The Pentecostal churches addressed the spiritual needs of the people and the economic and social needs through the ‘gospel of prosperity.’ This was also called a ‘prosperity theology’ (Chitando, 2013) or ‘faith gospel’ (Togarasei, 2011) that greatly appealed to people who were suffering, the poor and marginalized in society. As more and more people testified at crusades and other platforms for being healed and delivered from the grip of Satan, poverty, witchcraft, evil spirits and barrenness, this increased the relevance of the ‘born-again’ movement in the country (Maxwell 1998; Togarasei, 2011).

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The Pentecostal churches became a popular pragmatic and powerful ‘third force’ with spontaneous responses to a ready audience particularly among the youth and womenfolk. This countered the so-called ‘dead religion’ of western missionary historic churches, which have lost many congregants to these new churches (Gifford, 1994). Some of the new churches that emerged after 2000 include the United Family International Church (UFIC) and the Pentecostal Healing and Deliverance (PHD) Ministries that appealed to the poor and the rich, young and the old due to miracles of different types. Among the wide array of Pentecostal churches in Zimbabwe, there was also End Time Message Church from which Robert Martin Gumbura’s RMG Independent End Time Message Church emerged as a breakaway group. The credibility of some of these churches in terms of responsible leadership and moral accountability has been questioned with some wondering whether the miracles performed were ‘miracles or magic’ (Sibanda, Marevesa and Muzambi 2013) and whether their ministries were focusing on the gospel of Jesus Christ or it was mere ‘Gospreneurship’ (Guvamombe, 2012). This element of ‘Gospreneurship,’ which is also referred to as ‘Gospelneurship’ has turned several would-be ‘man of God’ to be ‘man of Gold’ (Chitando, 2013) and shameless adulterers such as Robert Martin Gumbura.

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BRIEF HISTORY OF END TIME MESSAGE CHURCH The End Time Message Church was founded by William Marion Branham (1909-1965), an American Christian minister. He established a Church known as Branhamism or “the Message”, a movement that was dedicated to the perpetuation of Branham’s teachings. Branhamism split from the Pentecostal Movement in the late 1950s when Branham began having visions, preaching to thousands and performing healings. His ministry was characterized by initiating healing and charismatic revival in the post-World War II (The End Time Message Home Page, n.d.). However, another tradition says The Message Church was started in May 1946, which reflects an earlier date. The basis of his teachings was the Bible. The Message Church prepared people for the Second Coming of Jesus Christ attracting many adherents the world over. Today, the church claims to have over 2 million followers (The End Time Message Home Page, n.d.). In Zimbabwe, this is how people like Robert Martin Gumbura came to join The Message Church, which is sometimes referred to as End Time Message Church. 151

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HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF RMG INDEPENDENT END TIME MESSAGE CHURCH RMG Independent End Time Message Church (hereafter, RMGI) was a breakaway group from the original End Time Message Church traced to Reverend William Marion Branham. He is a son of a former school head and comes from Alaska Mine in Chinhoyi, which is the provincial capital of Mashonaland West province in Zimbabwe. He was once a High school teacher. Robert Gumbura joined the End Time Message Church in 1978. He owned a gold mine which was very instrumental in funding his church. At the height of its ministry, Robert Martin Gumbura’s RMGI established branches in Harare, Gweru, Kwekwe, Chinhoyi, South Africa and the United Kingdom (UK). According to some informants of this study from the original End Time Message Church, the earliest headquarters of Robert Martin Gumbura’s church was in Gweru and some of the reasons for establishing his own church was based on three things, namely, the desire to practise polygamy, crave for power and independent leadership, and a voracious appetite for money, all of which went against the teachings of Branhamism. RMGI was a Pentecostal church with distinct teachings and practices largely influenced by the Old Testament, particularly the Solomonic legacy of multiple wives. On this basis, Robert Martin Gumbura deviated from the End Time Message Church doctrine of monogamy to that of polygamy. Robert Martin Gumbura named his newly found church RMG Independent End Time Message Church, which was anchored on a combination of his personal names (Robert Martin Gumbura), autonomous status (depicted through the use of the term ‘Independent’) and inclusion of the church from which he broke away (End Time Message Church).This naming pattern of his church was confirmed by both internal and external anonymous interviewees. The interviewees said that despite the fact that Gumbura had broken away the original End Time Message Church, the naming itself was a strategy of keeping part of the old identity in order to lure unsuspecting would-be members. The name itself allowed Gumbura to manipulate the church activities since it bore his name. To show that the name of the church was problematic, one of Gumbura’s church elders gave the following remarks: “After Robert Martin Gumbura’s scandalous leadership, I began to realize that every church of

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God that is worth its salt must desist from utilizing personal family identities because that church ceases to be a public institution but effectively becomes a private enterprise and empire.” This explains why the members of Robert Martin Gumbura’s church through the pressure of Apostolic Christian Council of Zimbabwe (ACCZ), a religious watchdog of AICs in Zimbabwe, decided to rename the RMGI Message Church to Rock Revelation Independent End Time Message Ministries. The necessity of renaming the church after Gumbura’s conviction is succinctly captured in the words of the ACCZ’s spokesperson, Joseph Pangan’a, when he says: “[T]he new name marks the dawn of a new era and leadership and the church (even its assets) should not be personalised and governance powers should not be vested in an individual or a clique of individuals hence the church should serve to unite the family and not cause divorces among spouses” (Madzikatidze, 2014, para. 7). At the time of his incarceration, Robert Martin Gumbura had eleven wives and 30 children.

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#METOO: PRAYERS THAT PREYED - THE ROBERT MARTIN GUMBURA SAGA IN ZIMBABWE Robert Martin Gumbura was accused of sexually and emotionally abusing some of the women congregants of his church. The liberty with which Robert Martin Gumbura sexually abused his congregants persuades one to question whether his church was a cult, some kind of occultism or Satanism. According to Thackray (The Telegraph, Sunday 18 November 2014) research suggests that women make up to 70 percent of global cult members. This is reflected in Robert Martin Gumbura’s Independent End Time Message Church where women followers constituted about 80 percent of the church membership. There is an extent to which the sexual practices in his church resembled those of a cult. In this way, Robert Martin Gumbura’s RMGI church was a fundamentalist and charismatic Christian cult. As one interviewee the original End Time Message Church remarked, Robert Martin Gumbura “indoctrinated his followers into believing controversial doctrines that are unscriptural. It became a cult. You would not be accepted into his church unless you were known by fellow congregants and desire to follow their practices. Unmarried girls would be lured into marrying him or senior elders in church because of

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their wealth and influence” (Personal Communication, 2019). In this manner, Robert Martin Gumbura was surrounded by men and women disciples, who served as ‘lieutenants.’ When the rape charges were levelled against Gumbura, some of his followers insisted that he was innocent for he was doing God’s work. Some RMGI Church apologists to Robert Martin Gumbura’s conduct argued: “We are surprised that people do not appreciate the fact that Robert Martin Gumbura was a true man of God who might have made some mistakes here and there as a human being. So, people need to understand that false allegations dominated his case, leading to his incarceration” (Personal Communication, 2019). In their submission, the dark side of Robert Martin Gumbura’s saga was advanced more by outsiders who did not understand how this man of God operated. There are some indicators which can be put forward to say Robert Martin Gumbura was manning a quasi-religious cult. According to Alexandra Stein, a cult expert, a cult victim and psychologist, there are five key components that make up a cult (Mulkerrins, 2017), which fit very well into how Robert Martin Gumbura’s RMGI Church operated. This will be a useful template to explain Robert Martin Gumbura’s character. Firstly, the study established that Robert Martin Gumbura’s personality depicted a charismatic bully with egotistical traits. He demanded unquestionable obedience and loyalty from his followers. In one of the court sessions of his trial, Robert Martin Gumbura was criticised for behaving like a bull as he said that all women belonging to his church were practically his wives to the extent that he made reference to loaning them to other male congregants in his church as ‘wives’ (Laiton, News Day, 2014). This element tallies with one of Stein’s components that a cult leader is authoritarian. A closer look at comments on Robert Martin Gumbura during the research made us think that no woman with a reasonable mind would freely have had a sexual relationship with Robert Martin Gumbura outside the context of a cult. The true motivations of a cult leader, Stein admits, are often hard to identify (Mulkerrins, 2018). In the case of Robert Martin Gumbura, there is a way in which it can be argued that he started this church to seduce women at his disposal. The study also established that Robert Martin Gumbura was the only spiritual guru. He made sure that any his church members would not become too powerful. This is the reason why congregants were not at liberty to question the abuse he was inflicting on women. Bizarrely, Robert Martin Gumbura

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had sexual relationships with almost every female member of his Church, but the majority of the victims were ashamed, embarrassed and frightened to speak up, given that they had developed a new primary relationship that placed all the trust in the church and its leader, Robert Martin Gumbura. One informant noted that “a common phenomenon among some of the abused women and girls was that they kept quiet as long as the illegal sexual encounters were still unknown. The moment the sexual abuses came into the public domain, panic ensued and the victims began reporting the abuses” (Personal Communication, 2019). As noted earlier Robert Martin Gumbura once declared that all women belonging to his church were his wives (Laiton, 2014, News Day). This resonates with the second characteristic feature raised by Stein that the structure of a cult is isolating, socially and emotionally as well as physically and steeply hierarchical (Mulkerrins, 2018). The research also established that Robert Martin Gumbura dictated which man should marry which female congregant, but on condition that he would be the first to be intimate with her. This is another surprising and bizarre instruction that shows that Robert Martin Gumbura was not only a powerful and charismatic leader, but one who was a ‘sex cult guru.’ This is echoed in Stein’s third component which states that there is an ideology or belief system of the cult which claims to explain that everything is controlled by the leader and it disables followers’ critical thinking (Mulkerrins, 2018). In addition to the above, Robert Martin Gumbura brainwashed some women congregants and threatened to curse them with prayers that committed them to the devil if they resisted his nefarious demands regardless of their marital status. This was confirmed by one interviewee from RMGI Church who noted that “women and girls who refused the sexual demands of Robert Martin Gumbura would be threatened with bad luck until they succumbed” (Personal Communication, 2019). There is a belief that Robert Martin Gumbura had mystic powers which made his followers to feel acquiesced and never questioned his mode of operation. Such powers were said to be very effective in attracting women to flock to his church. This is closely related to Stein’s third component mentioned above and the fourth, which pertain to the use of coercive control in cults. Stein defines this ingredient as ‘a strategic course of behavior’ or brainwashing, often involving manipulation and humiliation, in order to persuade congregants to do his bidding (Mulkerrins, 2017). This explains why Robert Martin Gumbura’s victims of abuse could be anyone who was drawn into his malevolent web.

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In our own analysis, Robert Martin Gumbura’s sexual practice in his church could be linked to divisi in agroneurship in Zimbabwe. Divisi is a magical enhancer of agricultural production manipulated by some people in Zimbabwe. It is common among Shona people in poor rural areas, who are largely dependent on rain-fed agriculture. In this cult-like venture, agricultural heightening is powered by practicing incestuous relationships, particularly between parents and their natural children who are popularly known as vana vembeu (children of the seed) (Humbe, 2018). In a bid to draw some parallel links between divisi cult and what Robert Martin Gumbura did, the researchers gathered from non-church members of RMG Independent End Time Message Church that “Robert Martin Gumbura was using mystic powers through sexual abuse of his women congregants to enhance the development of the church. Apparently, no one questioned him because he had plenipotentiary power in the church. In addition, Robert Martin Gumbura was keen to boost his power and authority as a church leader through nefarious means” (Personal Communication, 2019). This means that, the more he preyed on his women congregants, the more new members were likely to join his church or cult. The above scenario shows that Robert Martin Gumbura was a hypocrite who preyed on the flock he was supposed to shepherd. One male Elder from RMGI Church reminisced on the orgy saga lamenting that “Robert Martin Gumbura ruthlessly abused women and orphans as sex objects claiming that he had power to pronounce a curse and offer them to Satan if they resisted” (Personal Communication, 2018). This suggests that from his threats, Robert Martin Gumbura was a Devil’s advocate – a Satanist. In support of his polygamous doctrine, Robert Martin Gumbura referred to Old Testament figures such as King Solomon who had many wives and concubines. He said that his target was to have one hundred children (Makwehe, 2014). Robert Martin Gumbura also quoted Romans 13 to convince his followers that his power and authority was sanctioned by God and therefore justified. A closer look on the composition of his congregants shows that women outnumbered men numerically. Then the question which can be posed is: ‘Do women have a greater need for spiritual fulfilment than men?’ It is against this background that we learned that some women were sexually involved in abusive relationships with Robert Martin Gumbura because of economic hardships. So, the majority of indigenous Zimbabwean women’s socio-economic status is peripheral, they are poor, unemployed and those

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employed usually earn meagre salaries. Such conditions become a trap for women and girl children to be victims of abuse especially by men of God who claim that their intervention is a therapy to their problems. In their minds, marrying a powerful man of God with such a great repute would emancipate them socially and economically, thereby becoming more attracted to the illusion of security that a cult potentially offered. So in our analysis, we observed that Robert Martin Gumbura’s Church was affected by careerism, by increasing pressure on women to seek professional advancement at the expense of spiritual practice. However, not everybody who had sexual intercourse with Robert Martin Gumbura was poor and vulnerable, even emancipated and well to do women were made vulnerable to Robert Martin Gumbura’s cult because of patriarchal nature of this church. Women are used to being under a male authority. That has been the cultural practice since time immemorial. The majority of women see nothing wrong about it in the Zimbabwean society at large. But being in the clutches of someone like Robert Martin Gumbura was not just a case of submitting to a man of God, but he was regarded as a higher being who could bless or curse someone’s life. Some women were also desperate because they were barren and wanted to have children. This scenario concurs with Stein’s fifth component of a cult, which refers to “exploitable, controllable followers, who will do what the leader says, even though it may be at a great cost to themselves” (Mulkerrins, 2018, para. 29). The sexual victims went through gruelling experiences. For instance, some of them were shown pornographic materials after which Robert Martin Gumbura would take sexual enhancement drugs and raped them without protection. Some of the group sex orgies were performed at Robert Martin Gumbura’s residence (Makwehe, 2014). This was a form of gender-based violence against the women and girls who were victimised through sexual coercion. According to the Centre for Health and Gender Equity (1999) “sexual coercion exists along a continuum, from forcible rape to non physical forms of pressure that compels girls and women to engage in sex against their will. The touchstone of coercion is that a woman lacks choice and faces severe physical [and] social consequences if she resists sexual advances” (p.9). On the whole, sexual coercion encompasses intimidation, verbal pressure, forced penetration (rape), sexual assault (forced sexual contact) and sexual molestation of children (Centre for Health and Gender Equity, 1999). This was noted in

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Robert Martin Gumbura’s church. In one case of sexual coercion which was presented in the court, the study established through documentary analysis of the electronic media that in 2009, the victim was summoned by Tendai Ganyani, Robert Martin Gumbura’s secretary, to come to Robert Martin Gumbura’s office. The court heard that when the victim arrived, Tendai Ganyani locked the door from outside and left the victim in Robert Martin Gumbura’s company (Machakaire, 2014). In this case, the secretary was a ‘lieutenant’ within Robert Martin Gumbura’s hierarchy of the Christian cult. In addition, it was recorded that Robert Martin Gumbura raped the woman in question and threatened to curse her if she reported the illegal sexual encounter. Eventually, Robert Martin Gumbura phoned Tendai Ganyani to unlock the door (Machakaire, 2014). This shows that non-consensual sex in Robert Martin Gumbura’s church could take place at any time and place including worship places such as church’s back offices, which were holy ground. Evidently, Robert Martin Gumbura abused his authority as leader of the church. The Tendai Ganyani case represents the vulnerability of women who invest their trust in church authorities. Here a woman is operating as an agent for the abuse of another woman. The victim is in double tragedy; it is abuse by the secretary and then the church leader. This is feminization of sexual abuse in church institutions. There is a way in which sex in Robert Martin Gumbura’s church was treated as a fertility rite, one which was incorporated into the church leader’s liturgical religious worship. This then suffices to say that his marriage to eleven wives justified on great figures of the Old Testament like Solomon’s marriages was then a divine marriage. So, having sex outside marriage with his congregants at the church premises was a phenomenon interpreted as sacred sex, church sexual rites and or cult sex. It is understood that some of the female members in Robert Martin Gumbura’s church were very active in initiating other women into this cult sex or church sexual practices. It is in this context that Karl Marx, the German philosopher, historian and economist’s idea of equating religion as opium of the oppressed, becomes plausible (Cox, 1996). In the victims’ worldview, what they were subjected to was divine since they regarded themselves sexual martyrs. This is cultivating a sentimentalized concept of God who ushered emotional love rather than justice and God who was tender instead of Him being righteous.

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Most women were vulnerable to abuse because they were promised a better life. They also believed that the ‘man of God’ had supernatural powers and closer to God to the extent that some had too much trust in the founder and leader of the church. In addition, some believed that Robert Martin Gumbura could solve all their problems such as barrenness, unemployment, poverty and single parenting (Makwehe, 2014). The search for instant riches also rendered some women vulnerable to abuse. Some orphans at Robert Martin Gumbura’s Mayenga farm in Chinhoyi were also sexually abused by the church leader who had ultimate authority in his church and equated himself to God (Makwehe, 2014).

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Can the Victim be Blamed? Among the indigenous people of Zimbabwe as well as in Christianity, it is not socially acceptable for married men and women to have sex outside marriage. But this cultural purview was demeaned by Robert Martin Gumbura. It is shameful for a woman to be involved in an adulterous relationship. The question is why then would these women subject themselves to be humiliated by having sex with Robert Martin Gumbura? From the research, it was noted that there are some commentators who blame women for the abuse which occurred. One female congregant in the Church said that “there is a myth on Robert Martin Gumbura’s manhood which is said to be very large. Furthermore, Robert Martin Gumbura was said to be distinctive in bed with women” (Personal Communication, 2018). This is in line with findings from the print and electronic media whereby there are countless cases in which women launch complaints that their husbands are not satisfying them sexually. For instance, one woman from Midlands province sought court intervention for being starved sexually by her husband (Tsuro, 2016, The Chronicle). In a related bizarre case, a Masvingo woman from Chikanya Village under Chief Mapanzure supposedly begged her brother-in-law for sex, stressing that she could not be sex-starved when her husband’s brother is there. Eventually, the story was reported as a rape case to detriment of the male counter (Mhuru, 2019). In Shona they say handina kuvinga sadza. (I did not come for food, when I got married). The understanding is that sex is at the core of marriage among the indigenous and Christian communities of Zimbabwe. Some men

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even have the habit of consuming herbs which enhance their erotic desires to satisfy their wives. Men and women who are sexually starved end up stealing sex outside their marriage. That understanding compelled some women to seek for opportunities to have Robert Martin Gumbura’s services. These are the women who could even make sure that the abuse which was rampant in the church remained under the carpet. This is a culture of silence and privacy that was a facade to abusive acts. Upon Robert Martin Gumbura’s incarceration, such a section of the womenfolk was not happy, for the pleasure they attributed in having sexual intercourse was no more. So, to a certain extent, there was consent between these women and Robert Martin Gumbura, which is why these women should be blamed for what happened. The sexual services made these women loyal to Robert Martin Gumbura for they were no longer only being shepherded spiritually but emotionally as well. In addition, another closer look at the abuse of women in its broad context shows that blaming the victim is a systemic challenge in Africa. The Zimbabwean indigenous culture has a history of blaming women in general; the power structure of many communities makes it risky for congregations to side with victims. It is easy to blame people with less power (women) and despite whatever horrendous situations they are in, they are easily dismissed. However, blaming a victim is improper theology. Society should realise that the sexual victims in Robert Martin Gumbura’s church were largely cases of ‘situational vulnerability’ rather than ‘personality vulnerability’. Robert Martin Gumbura, as the church leader abused his power and influence to have sexual intercourse with congregants. He preyed on the faith of the victims emphasizing on curses if any victim did not comply with his sexual demands. The faith of the believers made them blind and vulnerable to Robert Martin Gumbura’s sexual advances.

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Plodding Under a Cultural Shift? Generally, Zimbabweans have a culture of silence when abuse and injustice prevail in their communities. This becomes even more elaborate when it involves women who by culture are supposed to be submissive to men. This emanates from the manner in which the discourse of sexuality is perceived by the indigenous people of Zimbabwe. Issues to do with sexuality or sexual

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abuse are a taboo to discuss openly especially when they involve married women or girls who are still to enter into marriage. This research learned that victims of sexual abuse by Robert Martin Gumbura stayed silent because of a negative Zimbabwean community culture toward abused women. The abused women often are not given emotional support, and this support and comfort was lacking even in church and society. The #Me Too movement has also influenced a group of female faith leaders in recent years who issued a call to action to end violence against women. They argued that violence against women was violence against God. In a seminal statement they declared that “Doing nothing is not acceptable. Silence is not spiritual, and action is not optional” (Flory, 2017, #SilenceIsNotSpiritual, para. 4). As indicated earlier on, in the same spirit as the #Me Too and #Silence Is Not Spiritual, the Apostolic Christian Council of Zimbabwe (ACCZ), made a redemptive move of interfering in the sexual abuse and sexual harassment cases thriving in the RMGI Church. ACCZ suspended RMGI Church from carrying out services. Through ACCZ, Robert Martin Gumbura was probed and eventually arrested. After several court sessions, Robert Martin Gumbura was tried to 40 years in jail after being convicted on four counts of rape and one count of possessing pornographic material that contravened the Censorship Act (Machakaire, 2015). As established through interview, it is interesting to note that one of the people who testified against Robert Martin Gumbura was a Pastor from the original End Time Message Church. Following the conviction of Robert Martin Gumbura, the ACCZ ordered the church to review church doctrine, effect leadership renewal and rename the church before resuming the church gatherings (Mushava, 2014). This shows that Robert Martin Gumbura was a typical ‘wolf in a sheep skin’ who was eventually caught up by the long arm of the law for preying on women and girls in his church without their consent. While, Robert Martin Gumbura was using the Bible to prey on his flock, the same sacred scripture serves as an authority to unearth the roots of sexual sin: unbridled lust, selfishness, a grasping for power and control. The Bible is still a very powerful tool to effect transformative change in churches for it does not cover up the sexual depravity of biblical individuals like Reuben, David, Amon and Solomon. If the cultural shift that tends to disadvantage women and girls takes long, there would be chaos in society in general and church, in particular. Notably, the church and government policies precede cultural change.

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WANING OF ACCOUNTABLE AND RESPONSIBLE CHURCH LEADERSHIP: THEOLOGICAL REFLECTIONS From the experiences recorded in Robert Martin Gumbura’s church, several observations with theological import can be made. Firstly, given that true Christian leadership is based on the example of Jesus Christ founded on love (cf. 1 Cor. 13), humility and servant leadership (cf. Mark 10:44-45; John 13:215; Philippians 2:5-7) as opposed to domination and control (cf. Mark 10:42), it can be argued that Robert Martin Gumbura displayed spiritual emptiness and egocentric church leadership. Essentially, Robert Martin Gumbura’s autocratic leadership style exposed his love for power, which lacked the power to love and establishment of common good that portrayed leadership as service. This is a Kairos moment – a moment of truth or an opportunity to unveil how Robert Martin Gumbura’s human power substituted freedom guaranteed in the church of Jesus Christ. Secondly, Robert Martin Gumbura’s reading of the Bible was not liberating to his followers as he misquoted and distorted the scriptures to justify the subjugation of women and their human rights. He became part of the unscrupulous ‘men of God’ referred to in the local Zimbabwean media as “rape pastors” (Machakaire, 2015). The name ‘Gumbura’ in local Shona language literally means “disheartening.” In the local popular context, after the conviction of Robert Martin Gumbura on four of the counts for rape, some Zimbabwean Shona people also used the word ‘Gumbura’ to refer to people of immoral standards, those that fell short of good moral accountability (Personal Communication, 2018). On the whole, Robert Martin Gumbura stultified Christian spiritual foundational values, principles and virtues such as truth, compassion, concern for others, integrity, justice and commitment that should inform, shape and imbue the systems and structures of the church. Therefore, patriarchal theology becomes handy to understand Robert Martin Gumbura’s leadership that lacked conscience, integrity and humility. Thirdly, Gumbura’s insatiable sexual appetite and desire to sire one hundred children was both egocentric and immoral. He practically lived on “a diet of wives” (News Day, 2010, A Diet of Wives, para. 1) reminiscent of members of the apostolic churches. In itself, having many wives is not the problem, but declaring that all women in the church in spite of their marital status were

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his potential wives or sexual objects is ‘unchristian.’ In addition, the sexual coercion resulted in unprotected sex, which placed the victims at high risk of spreading HIV and AIDS. This in itself is a pastoral abuse that violates the freedom in Christ that congregants must enjoy in the church. On this basis Robert Martin Gumbura’s church was marred by sexual and gender-based violence. For a long time, a culture of silence bred this sexual and genderbased violence in Robert Martin Gumbura’s church. Writing against sexual and gender-based violence in a study entitled ‘Justice not Silence’, Ezra Chitando and Sophia Chirongoma (2013) observe the urgency of dealing with sexual and gender-based violence by declaring that it is “one of the most demanding theological challenges of our time” (p. 9). This makes the problem critical to Christians and non-Christians alike. Fourthly, one can also evoke the idea of symbolic violence to theologically reflect on Robert Martin Gumbura’s conduct characterised by intimidation, humiliation, isolation and fear to diminish the victim’s dignity and status. According to Bourdieu cited by Mander (1987) symbolic violence is closely related to symbolic power and symbolic violence occurs whenever “any power imposes meanings and imposes them as legitimate by concealing the power relations which are the basis of its ability to impose those meanings” (p. 432). Thus, at one level, Robert Martin Gumbura misquoted and distorted the Bible in order to justify the subjugation of women followers.

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SOLUTIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Given the alarming reports of abuses in Robert Martin Gumbura’s RMGI Church, the government of Zimbabwe needs to regulate and superintend the activities of Christian New Religious Movements because some of them are money-spinning ventures. The organizations that fight for women rights should devise mechanisms for educating women and girls about the dangers of brainwashing and religious fundamentalism. In addition, the church leadership must walk the talk of servant leadership towards their congregants. There is need for a seamless leadership in all religious institutions.

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FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS In line with the #Me Too book’s theme, it is urgent to seriously consider academic research on the dynamics and practices of New Religious Movements in Africa. Indeed, another study could also focus on sexual abuse and genderbased violence in historical mainline churches male dominant is prevalent in some of these Africa-based organizations.

CONCLUSION

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Based on the findings of the study, it can be concluded that Robert Martin Gumbura lacked accountability and responsible Christian leadership by preying on innocent followers of his church. Robert Martin Gumbura neither developed nor practiced church leadership as service to the people done in humility and consistent with God’s will. There is a deep spiritual and moral crisis linked to the social, political and economic challenges that are filtering into secular and religious leadership circles in Zimbabwe. It is clear that some church leaders are interested in the economic advantages currently associated with Pentecostal churches. Following the model of Jesus Christ, who sees, judges and acts in defence of marginalized people, there is need to demand accountable and responsible leadership in the ever-increasing churches in Zimbabwe. The churches ought to measure up to public, social and religious morality that mirror ubuntu/unhu (humaneness). Robert Martin Gumbura’s church saga is a tip of the ice-berg on how some churches have ceased to be safe havens for the people in society. The populace should realise that some of the sexual victims in Robert Martin Gumbura’s church were largely cases of ‘situational vulnerability’ rather than ‘personality vulnerability.’ This makes the WhatsApp social media message captured at the beginning of the study to be timely and worth pondering ahead of the mushrooming of new churches or New Religious Movements that fall short of responsible and accountable leadership.

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REFERENCES Asamoah-Gyadu, J. (2005). Born of water and the spirit: Pentecostal/ charismatic christianity in Africa. In O. U. Kalu (Ed.), African Christianity (pp. 388–409). Academic Press. Retrieved from http://repository.up.ac.za/ bitstream/handle/2263/21579/016_chapter15_p.388-409.pdf?sequence=17 Bird, F. (1979). The Pursuit of innocence: New religious movements and moral accountability. SA. Sociological Analysis, 40(4), 335–346. doi:10.2307/3709962 Bourdillon, M. (1990). Religion and society: A text for Africa. Gweru, Zimbabwe: Mambo Press. Centre for Health and Gender Equity. (1999). Sexual Coercion. Population Reports: Ending. Violence Against Women, 27(4). Chitando, E. (1997). Phenomenological approach to study of religion in Africa: A Critical appraisal. Journal of Black Theology in South Africa, 11(2), 1–21. Chitando, E. (2002). Singing Culture: A Study of gospel music in Zimbabwe. Uppsala: The Nordic Africa Institute. Chitando, E. (2013). Prophets, Profits and Protests. In E. Chitando, M. R. Gunda, & J. Kugler (Eds.), Prophets, Profits and the Bible in Zimbabwe (pp. 153–170). Bamberg, Germany: UBP. Chitando, E., & Chirongoma, S. (2013). Introduction: Justice not silence. In E. Chitando & S. Chirongoma (Eds.), Justice not silence: Churches facing sexual and gender-based violence (pp. 9–14). Stellenbosch, South Africa: EFSA.

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Cox, J. (1996). Expressing the Sacred: An introduction to the phenomenology of religion. Harare, Zimbabwe: University of Zimbabwe Publications. Flory, N. (2017). #Silence Is Not Spiritual. Retrieved from https://stream. org/silenceisnotspiritual-a-call-to-action/ Gifford, P. (1994). Some recent developments in African christianity. African Affairs, 93(373), 513–534. doi:10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098757

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Humbe, B. P. (2018). Divisi witchcraft in contemporary Zimbabwe: contest between legal systems as incubator of social tensions among the shona people. In M. C. Green, T. J. Gunn, & M. Hill (Eds.), Religion, Law and Security in Africa (pp. 269–282). Stellenbosch, South Africa: Conf- RAP. doi:10.18820/9781928314431/18 Kalu, O. (2003). Globecalisation’ and religion: The Pentecostal model in contemporary Africa. In J. L. Cox & G. Ter Haar (Eds.), Uniquely African? African Christian identity from cultural and historical perspectives (pp. 215–240). Trenton, FL: Africa World Press. Kanyoro, K. (2002). Introducing feminist cultural hermeneutics: An African perspective. Sheffield, UK: Sheffield Academic Press. Laiton, C. (2014, February 1). Gumbura faces a life in prison. Newsday. Retrieved from http://www.dev.newsday.co.zw/2014/02/gumbura-faces-lifeprison/ Machakaire, T. (2014, July 3). State closes Gumbura rape case. Daily News. Retrieved from http://www.dailynews.co.zw/articles/2014/07/03/state-closesgumbura-rape-case Machakaire, T. (2015, March 2). Pastors fall into sexual immorality. Daily News. Retrieved fromhttp://www.dailynews.co.zw/articles/2015/03/02/ pastors-fall-into-sexual-immorality Madzikatidze, G. (2014, April 4). Gumbura’s church gets new name. Nehanda Radio. Retrieved from https://nehandaradio.com/2014/04/04/gumburaschurch-gets-new-name/

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Makwehe, C. (2014). An investigation into the nature and impact of Robert Martin Gumbura’s leadership in the independent end time message (Unpublished BA Honours Research Project). Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, Great Zimbabwe University, Masvingo, Zimbabwe. Mander, M. (1987). Bourdieu, the sociology of culture and cultural studies: A critique. European Journal of Communication, 2(4), 427–453. doi:10.1177/0267323187002004004

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Maxwell, D. (1998). Delivered from the spirit of poverty?: Pentecostalism, prosperity and modernity in Zimbabwe. Journal of Religion in Africa. Religion en Afrique, 28(3), 350–373. Mhuru, E. (2019). I can’t starve for sex when my hubby’s brother is there. The Mirror. Retrieved from http://www.masvingomirror.com/2019/01/Ican’t-starve-for-sex-when-my-hubbys.html Mudenge, S. (1988). A political history of Munhumutapa, c. 1400-1902. Harare: Zimbabwe Publishing House. Mulkerrins, J. (2018, June 17). From high-flyer to sex slave: Cults that prey on successful women. Daily Mail. Retrieved from https://www.dailymail. co.uk/home/you/article-5835661/From-high-flyer-sex-slave-Cults-preysuccessful-women.html Mushava, E. (2014, June 2). Cops hunt sect leader. Newsday. Retrieved from http://www.newsday.co.zw/2014/06/cops-hunt-sect-leader/ Newsday (2010, October 8). A diet of wives: Vapostori’s lifestyle. Newsday. Retrieved from https://www.newsday.co.zw/2010/10/2010-10-08-a-diet-ofwivesvapostoris-lifestyle/ Russell, L. (2004). Cultural hermeneutics: A postcolonial look at mission. Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion, 20(1), 23–40. Saliba, J. (1976). Homo religiosus in Mircea Eliade: An anthropological evaluation. Leiden, The Netherlands: E.J. Brill. Sibanda, F. (2018). Background and history of Pentecostalism in Zimbabwe. In T. P. Mapuranga (Ed.), Powered by faith: Pentecostal business women in Harare (pp. 8–28). Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers.

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Sibanda, F., Marevesa, T., & Muzambi, P. (2013). Miracles or Magic?: Theological reflections on the healing ministry in Pentecostal Churches in Zimbabwe. JIARM, 1(8), 248–261. Thackray, J. (2014, November 18). Why are women more likely to join religious cults. The Telegraph. Retrieved from http://www.telegraph.co.uk/women/ womens-life/10560334/Why-are-women-more-likely-to-join-religious-cults. html

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The End Time Message Home Page. (n.d.). The Ministry of William M. Branham. Retrieved from www.endtimemessage.infor/wmb.htm Togarasei, L. (2011). The Pentecostal gospel of prosperity in African contexts of poverty: An appraisal. Exchange, 40(4), 336–350. doi:10.1163/157254311X600744 Tsuro, E. (2016, April 7). Sex starved woman gets court protection. The Chronicle. Retrieved from https://www.chronicle.co.zw/sex-starved-womangets-court-protection/ Zvobgo, C. (1996). A history of Christian missions in Zimbabwe, 1890-1939. Gweru, Zimbabwe: Mambo Press.

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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS Cult: A system of religious veneration and devotion directed towards a religious figure. In Gumbura’s church, a personality cult was created where members have extreme dedication to their leader. Divisi: It is an agricultural enhancement charm of magic. This is believed to be a form of witchcraft among the Shona people. Fundamentalism: Refers to any sector movement within a religion that emphasizes a rigid adherence to what it conceives of as the fundamental principles of its faith, usually resulting in a denouncement of alternative practices and interpretations. Robert Martin Gumbura was a fundamentalist church leader. Gullibility: It is a tendency to be easily persuaded that something is real or true. In the study, most women were prone to sexual abuse partly because of their faith. Leadership: The art of guiding a group of people towards attaining a specific goal; it about providing responsible service to followers. Mainline Christianity: This is the brand of Christianity that was introduced by historic churches instanced by Catholicism and Protestantism. Patriarchal Theology: An ideology that virtually favors the rights of men at the expense of women.

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Pentecostalism: This kind of Christianity is mainly characterized by its emphasis of being “born again” following a direct experience of the presence of God. In addition, they stress on the possession by the Holy Spirit, speaking in tongues, performance of miracles and preaching of the health and wealth gospel. Plenipotentiary: A person with all the power and authority to make decisions for the Church, for good or for worse. Sexual Abuse: Sexual activity where perpetrators use physical force and using tricks on the victim to engage in any kind of sexual activity. The perpetrator can also make verbal threats for the victims to consent to their demands. Spiritual Guru: Refers to the spiritual gifts associated with a church leader bordering on the ability to see visions, pray for the people, heal, and perform miracles.

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Beyond the Catholic Church: Child Sexual Abuse in Selected Other Religious Organizations Dominica Pradere Ministry of Education, Jamaica Theron N. Ford Independent Scholar, USA Blanche J. Glimps Tennessee State University, USA

ABSTRACT

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Since the early 1980s, allegations of the sexual abuse of children by members of the clergy and other representatives of religious organizations have been reported in the media with alarming frequency. In North America, the majority of reports highlight the Catholic Church. Many of these allegations refer to incidents, which took place many years previously. This chapter explores three specifc examples of other religious groups, that are not the Catholic Church, involved with the sexual abuse of children. These include the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (Mormons), Moravians, and Orthodox Judaism (Haredi).

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-9195-5.ch007 Copyright © 2020, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Beyond the Catholic Church

INTRODUCTION

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..........whoso shall offend one of these little ones which believe in me, it were better for him that a millstone were hanged about his neck and that he were drowned in the depth of the sea. (Matthew 18:5, AV) The above scripture is a reminder of how precious children are to God and to society. Yet, since the early 1980s, allegations of the sexual abuse of children by members of the clergy and other representatives of religious organizations have been reported in the media with alarming frequency. In North America, the majority of reports highlight the Catholic Church. Many of these allegations refer to incidents, which took place many years previously. It is important to be very clear as to what constitutes child sexual abuse. However, definitions vary by country or organization. For example, the World Health Organization defines child sexual abuse as “the involvement of a child in sexual activity that he or she does not fully comprehend, is unable to give informed consent to, or for which the child is not developmentally prepared, or else that violates the laws or social taboos of society. Child sexual abuse is evidenced by this activity between a child and an adult or another child who by age or development is in a relationship of responsibility, trust or power, the activity being intended to gratify or satisfy the needs of the other person” (Report of the Consultation on Child Abuse Prevention, 1999, pp. 13-17). According to the United Kingdom (UK) Government’s official guidelines, child sexual abuse can be defined as follows: “Involves forcing or enticing a child or young person to take part in sexual activities, not necessarily involving a high level of violence, whether or not the child is aware of what is happening. The activities may involve physical contact, including assault by penetration (for example, rape or oral sex) or non-penetrative acts such as masturbation, kissing, rubbing and touching outside of clothing. They may also include non-contact activities, such as involving children in looking at, or in the production of, sexual images, watching sexual activities, encouraging children to behave in sexually inappropriate ways, or grooming a child in preparation for abuse. Sexual abuse can take place online, and technology can be used to facilitate offline abuse. Sexual abuse is not solely perpetrated by adult males (Myths and Facts about Male Sexual Abuse and Assault, n.d.). Women can also commit acts of sexual abuse, as can other children.

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Beyond the Catholic Church

In the United States (U.S.), the Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act (CAPTA) defines sexual abuse in the following manner: “the employment, use, persuasion, inducement, enticement, or coercion of any child to engage in, or assist any other person to engage in, any sexually explicit conduct or simulation of such conduct for the purpose of producing a visual depiction of such conduct; or the rape, and in cases of caretaker or inter-familial relationships, statutory rape, molestation, prostitution, or other form of sexual exploitation of children, or incest with children” (United States Department of Health and Human Services, 2010, p.31). The commonality in each of these three definitions is abusing children for sexual purposes. A child cannot consent to sexual activity. In most countries, this is enshrined in law, though the “legal age” of consent varies from one jurisdiction to another (Sexual Consent, 2018). Whatever form it takes, any sexual activity involving a child is coercive in nature and is initiated by an adult or an older child. In the majority of cases the perpetrator is known to the victim (Statistics on Victims of Child Sexual Abuse, 2012). The child usually trusts his or her abuser, who may be an authority figure whom the child has been taught to respect and obey. In religious communities, priests, deacons, teachers or other prominent church leaders are usually held in high esteem and are assumed to be upright and virtuous people. Parents trust them. Children frequently may see them as representatives of the Almighty, formidable, wise and all-powerful personages and are unlikely to resist inappropriate behavior on the part of this type of abuser. These factors are emphasized in the Australian Government’s Commission on sexual abuse report: “The power and authority exercised by people in religious ministry gave them access to children and created opportunities for abuse. Children and adults within religious communities frequently saw people in religious ministry as figures who could not be challenged and, equally, as individuals in whom they could place their trust” (Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse, 2017, Book 3, p. 235). In recent years, what has become clearer, in light of numerous reports of child sexual abuse, is parental and children’s confidence in and admiration for religious leaders can be misplaced. The media has given the impression that the Catholic Church, in particular, is a hotbed of pedophilia. In fact, “No empirical data exists that suggests that Catholic clerics sexually abuse minors at a level higher than clerics from other religious traditions or from other groups of men who have ready access and power over children (e.g., school teachers, coaches) (Plante, 2018, Four Important Facts to Keep in Mind, para. 1). Although the Catholic 172

Beyond the Catholic Church

Church, with its worldwide network of schools, orphanages, seminaries and other institutions has received the most media attention, smaller and less prominent religions and sects also have their share of abusive clerics and others in leadership positions, and corrupt hierarchies. This chapter explores three specific examples of other religious groups that are not the Catholic Church, involved with the sexual abuse of children. These include the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (Mormons), Moravians, and Orthodox Judaism (Haredi).

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Mormons There have been allegations of abuse worldwide among Mormons, a wealthy sect that promotes its wholesome image and family values, but also harbors sexual predators. According to Reiss (2016), the Mormon-dominated state of Utah now ranks fifth in the United States for cases of child abuse—and the highest of any state for child sexual abuse. Mormons originated in New York State in the late 1820’s and the church was initially established as the “Church of Christ” (para.4) in 1830. Its founder, Joseph Smith, claimed to have a discovered a set of golden plates inscribed with words from a Native American Prophet (Joseph Smith, 2017). The words found on the plates, formed the basis of the Book of Mormon. As the sacred text of the Church, the Book of Mormons contains the history of its foundation in pre-colonial America, and guidance on the beliefs and teachings. It has been translated into over 100 languages (What is the Book of Mormon?, 2018). The early years of the Mormon Church were beset with suspicion and persecution from the wider society and the state authorities. Joseph Smith’s followers were forced to migrate several times to escape confrontations and occasional incidents of violence by non-Mormons. Not only were Smith’s claims of divine revelations generally perceived as false, but the promotion and practice of polygamy contravened both civil and accepted moral law. Hostility from non-Mormons reached a climax when Joseph Smith himself was shot and killed by a mob in Illinois in 1844 (Mormon Succession Crisis, 2016; Joseph Smith, 2017). Smith was succeeded by Brigham Young, who was instrumental in establishing the headquarters of the church in Utah, and who also made converts in Arizona, Nevada and Idaho (Brigham Young, 2001). Despite establishing its headquarters in a relatively unsettled territory, and spreading rapidly elsewhere, the church continued to experience confrontation with civil authority and conflict with mainstream society. Antagonism from 173

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non-Mormons continued in part because of its promotion of polygamy, first practiced secretly and then as an open policy (1858-1896 Persecution, n.d.) Since the 20th century, Mormon missionaries have worked tirelessly, have made converts worldwide and have developed a more inclusive public image (Smardon, 2012). Young Mormon missionaries have become a familiar sight in many parts of the world (Church Lowers Missionary Service Age, 2012). Its history of conflict and secrecy may, however, still influence the response of the church to perceived criticism or attack from outsiders. In fact, the church has a tradition of Lying for the Lord to protect the church’s reputation (Nugent & Tarico, 2012). Mormons are encouraged to seek advice from their church leaders on personal matters, including marriage and family relationships, rather than seek help from outside agencies or professionals. Church dignitaries may attempt to intervene or counsel alleged abusers, but in fact have allowed perpetrators to continue working with children as Sunday school teachers or scout leaders. Incidents of abuse within the church often go unreported to the police or social services (Riess, 2016; Hale, 2018). Kristy Johnson, describes how she and her sisters were sexually abused by their father, Melvin Johnson. However, relates Hale (2018), when she and her mother told the church bishops about the abuse, “the church transferred her father to a new job in a new city” (para. 3) without notifying law enforcement. Kristy’s father was excommunicated but was allowed back into the church when he claimed repentance (McCombs, 2018). The church itself has been sued by adult survivors of abuse for failing to protect them from known abusers and in recent years the church has been forced to settle with several victims (Davis, 2011). Bishops and other prominent members of the Mormon Church are alleged to have abused boys and girls in several congregations. The most infamous of these is Franklin Curtis, a serial pedophile who was embraced by the church in the 1970’s. He won the confidence of the church hierarchy and became a High Priest, Boy Scout Leader and Sunday school teacher. He was an elderly bachelor who seemed lonely and was able to insinuate himself into the lives of families who felt sorry for him. He greatly impressed parents with his apparent interest in their children. Parents trusted him implicitly. Not only was he responsible for formal children’s activities, he would also buy treats for children, take them on outings and have them visit him at his home. In this way he gained access to his victims, most of whom were unwilling to speak out at the time. Church authorities allowed Curtis to transfer from one community to another, even after being made aware of his behavior. In 174

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this way he was able to continue his predatory activities in Oregon, Michigan and elsewhere (Davis, 2011; Riess, 2016) Mormon children are steeped in religious education and traditions from an early age. The church emphasizes that girls should be modest in their dress (no sleeveless garments or short skirts, even in childhood). There is little discussion or education on sex. For females, their ultimate goal is to marry as virgins and devote their lives to their husbands and children. Ignorance concerning sex and consent may result in both girls and boys lacking understanding of abuse (Davis, 2011; Harrison, 2012; Milgram, 2015). A recent law suit alleges sexual abuse cover up involving the president of the Mormon church (The Salt Lake Tribune, 2018). In this instance, the daughter and son-in law of the current president of the church are alleged to have abused their children in 1985. A baby sitter, for the couple, became both a victim and a victimizer. Curtis (2017) presents another case in which six families alleged cover-up, by the Mormon Church, of sexual abuse involving nine children. The abuser, Michael Jennings, was convicted of abusing a three-year old and a four year old in a situation not related to the church. That conviction spurred the Mormon families to bring suit against the Mormon Church alleging leaders knew about the abuse by Jennings of the nine children and covered it up for years. A similar pattern of abuse can be seen in the Moravian Church.

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Moravian Church The Moravian Church, a small Protestant organization, was recently rocked by scandal in rural Jamaica, when members of the clergy were alleged to have sexually abused young girls. There have been similar accusations in the United States (Demarban, 2010; Nowlin v. Moravian Church in America, 2013). The Moravian Church was founded in what is now the Czech Republic, by John Hus, in the 15th century. Hus was convicted of heresy and burned at the stake in 1415. He had numerous disciples, who continued his work to establish reforms after his death. These followers were known as “The Unity of Brethren” and their reforms to the Catholic Church predated those of Martin Luther by 60 years (A Brief History of the Moravian Church, 2018). Despite persecution, the church spread across Europe. In 1754, three Moravian missionaries arrived in Jamaica from England, at the invitation of the two Foster brothers, Englishmen who owned estates in Jamaica. The missionaries were given land in St. Elizabeth, in the south of the island, 175

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which they farmed in order to support themselves. As the Moravians never challenged the slave owners, they had very little success in evangelizing the slaves in the early years. Not only did the Moravians make no attempt to support efforts towards the emancipation of the slaves, but initially actually owned a number of slaves who worked on their farm. However, they did establish Sunday schools in which slave children learned to read. In addition to providing religious education they tried to improve the living conditions of the slaves. Meanwhile, they established several full time schools for free children (Holy Cross Moravian Church, 2011). Moravian influence in Jamaica came into its own after emancipation in 1838. Moravians were committed to building communities and educational institutions, and established about 60 churches and several schools and colleges as they strove to uplift the freed slaves and their descendants. Their legacy remains an important part of Jamaica’s educational system to this day, and the church has been a highly respected organization for generations. Currently, the church has approximately 750,000 members worldwide. Many of its adherents are based in the Caribbean region (A Brief History of the Moravian Church, n.d.). Organizationally, the Moravian Church is organized into provinces, each of which is divided into districts. Each district is further divided into congregations. Delegates from each province attend a Synod every seven years. The church hierarchy requires formal divinity degrees for the church ministry and ordination as a deacon. After a period of service, the candidate can then be ordained as Presbyter. Bishops are elected at each Synod and act as mentors to the pastors. With such professional preparation, it was a shock, therefore when allegations of sexual abuse were made against members of the Moravian clergy in late 2016 to early 2017. At its Unity Synod in 2016, the Moravian Church had declared its opposition to human trafficking and exploitation, in part as follows: “Exploitation shall include, at a minimum, the exploitation of the prostitution of others or other forms of sexual exploitation, forced labor or services, slavery or practices similar to slavery” (Resolutions of the 43rd Unity Synod, 2016). Ironically, it was soon clear that certain Moravian clergymen were exploiting and abusing some of the most vulnerable girls in Jamaica. When the scandal broke, the President of the church and his deputy resigned in response to allegations of sexual misconduct, following the arrest of a 64 year old Moravian pastor on charges of carnal abuse and rape of a 15-yearold girl. The pastor, Reverend Rupert Clarke, was caught having sex with the girl in a parked motor vehicle. It later emerged that the pastor had also 176

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had a sexual relationship with the victim’s sister. The victims, who have not been named, were taken into state care (Panton, 2017). According to Panton (2017), the girls lived with their mother and eight siblings in a run-down house. Their single mother, a domestic worker, struggled to provide for the family after their father died. Additional financial support came from the government welfare program and the kindness of neighbors. Members of the community observed that the children were often left unsupervised. In January 2017, several Moravian women alleged they also had been abused by members of the clergy in the past, and a group of abuse survivors protested outside Reverend Clarke’s church. One of the protesters sent an email to the church leadership in which she graphically described the sexual abuse she suffered at the hands of two Moravian ministers, starting at the age of fourteen. Apparently she had agreed to keep the abuse secret at the time (Virtue, 2017). The Moravian Church in Jamaica issued several statements expressing regret soon after the allegations against some of its clergy became public. However, it came to light that, prior to his arrest, there had been concerns for some years about one of the pastors who had been charged with carnal abuse. Apparently nothing was said or done about his behavior until one of his victims made a report to the police in 2017 and his offences were made public. In the words of Acting President of the Moravian Church in Jamaica, Rev Phyllis Smith-Seymour, the church is “open to criticism and corrections towards meaningful change” (Campbell, 2017, para. 6). In January 2017 the church announced that there would be an investigation into the allegations of sexual abuse that come to light (A Timeline of the Jamaica Moravian Church Sex Scandal, 2017). A few months later, in July 2017, Nationwide News announced that the newly appointed church chairperson, Phyllis Smith-Seymour, had halted the investigation. No reasons were given for this (Moravian Church Halts Sex Scandal Probe, 2017). However, the premature termination of the investigation fails to bring closure to the situation for those involved, particularly the children. The scandal that rocked the Moravian Church in Jamaica, elicited several statements from local church leadership, and there was a short-lived investigation within the church. A petition to the church was begun by Bea Stewart, a Jamaican activist, who campaigned against domestic violence and abuse against women and girls. She was one of the administrators of a Facebook group, Jamaicans United Against Domestic Violence and Child Abuse. The petition appealed to the church to offer support and compassion to the victims of abuse, including the following: “Let the Moravian Church in 177

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Jamaica and the Cayman Islands lead the process of healing and reparation to these poor and powerless girls, whose sacred physical, spiritual and emotional integrity was so cruelly abused. Let the Church extend financial help to them and openly denounce any recrimination towards them” (Provide Support for Victims of Pastoral Abuse, n.d., para.6). So far, the response of the church is not known. The short-lived church investigation notwithstanding, St. Elizabeth Family Court pursued its investigation of Pastor Clarke and ensured that the victim was in state care (Family Court to Hear Case of Girl in Moravian Pastor’s Plight, 2017).

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Haredi Judaism Allegations of child sexual abuse are not confined to Christian organizations. There have been allegations of child molestation within Ultra-Orthodox Jewish communities in the United States, Britain and Australia (Blackler, 2012; Britain’s Hidden Child Abuse 2013; Jacks, 2016; Minuk, 2018; Sokol, 2018). Ultra-Orthodox Jews include the Haredi, an insular sect which resists assimilation into wider society, including mainstream Judaism. The term “Haredi” covers a range of extremely conservative Jewish sects, who vary somewhat in their practices and theology. According to Weiss (2018), “What unites Haredim is their absolute reverence for Torah, including both the Written and Oral Law, as the central and determining factor in all aspects of life. Consequently, respect and status are often accorded in proportion to the greatness of one’s Torah scholarship, and leadership is linked to learnedness” (Weiss, 2018, para.2) Haredi Judaism is a relatively recent movement, originating in Eastern Europe in the 19th century. At that time, many European Jews were becoming increasingly secularized as they integrated into society. Some spiritual leaders resisted this apparent loss of identity and religious fervor, and this led to the development of an isolationist, Torah-bound form of Judaism. Haredi communities, with their own religious schools (yeshivas) and other institutions, were established, enabling the community to function independently of wider society. The Holocaust caused many surviving Haredi to flee Europe and settle elsewhere, establishing communities in Israel, North America and Australia. As the Haredi usually have many children, theirs is a rapidly growing population (Aviv, 2016).

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The men are easily recognized by their dark clothing and distinctive headgear while the women cover their hair and dress modestly. They have their own schools, shops and medical practitioners, and live according to strict traditions and rituals. Most of them do not have televisions or Internet, and members have minimal contact with anyone outside their own community (Gordon-Bennet, 2018; Weiss, 2018). Boys and girls are segregated from kindergarten onwards. Girls are expected to be modest in dress and behavior and prepare themselves for marriage, (usually arranged) and motherhood, but are not provided with any sex education. As a result, girls may be sexually molested without understanding what is happening and say nothing despite feelings of unease, disgust or fear (Milgram, 2018). There have been allegations of abuse in Australian Ultra-Orthodox schools, including a yeshiva (boys’ religious school), in which a teacher was accused of molesting students (Jacks, 2016; Kalman, 2015). Similar allegations have been made against teachers at religious schools in New York (Wolfson, 2016). But the case which has attracted the most media attention, relates to a Haredi high school for girls in Melbourne. In 2008, a young woman named Dassi Erlich told a social worker that the principal, Malka Liefer, had repeatedly sexually abused her several years previously, while she was a student (Golan, 2017) It was subsequently revealed that two of the girl’s sisters were also victims. The principal, a married woman with eight children, was highly respected as an educator and appeared to be kind and motherly. In fact she would lavish special attention on certain girls in her care, especially those who lacked affection at home. Dassi was one such girl. Dassi and her siblings were afraid of their mother, suffering physical and emotional abuse at her hands. Mrs. Liefer lavished attention on vulnerable children such as the Erlich sisters and gained their trust. Pats and hugs would gradually become sexual in nature. When the school board was alerted that the abuse was about to be made public, she was helped to flee to Israel. The Australian Government has requested extradition and the school has been ordered to pay $1,000,000 compensation to Ms. Erlich. To date Malka Liefer remains in Israel (Magid, 2018). Although each of the above examples is from widely differing religious organisations, there are factors common to them all. Firstly, the perpetrators in each case are respected and trusted religious leaders. Their victims are the children of parents who are staunchly committed to their religion. Such parents may feel blessed to have a revered teacher or clergyman closely involved in the lives of their children. They may have difficulty believing that such a respected person would endanger their children in any way, and in fact frequently 179

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refuse to accept that abuse has taken place, even if the child tells them what has happened. Meanwhile, children growing up in religious communities such as the Mormon Church or an Ultra-Orthodox Jewish community are taught to be modest and traditionally have no understanding of sex or what constitutes sexual abuse. In some cases, parents of victims have appealed to religious leaders to approve their approach for assistance to outside agencies such as the police or social services, only to be emphatically forbidden to do so. This has been documented as occurring in the Haredi community in London (Britain’s Hidden Child Abuse, 2013). Parents who wish to report abuse feel powerless. They are told that a Jew is never to report a fellow Jew to authorities outside their own community. In all Haredi communities, parents who make allegations of abuse are threatened with harassment, such as being labeled “informer” and fear that they may jeopardize their children’s marriage prospects, or, indeed, being shunned by the whole community (Aviv, 2016; Otterman & Rivera, 2012; Wolfson, 2016). Members of the Church of Latter Day Saints, too, have been advised by their spiritual leaders to refrain from making any report of sexual abuse to the police or other civil agency (Nugent & Tarico, 2012). Thus the abuser remains at large and the victim’s needs are ignored. Some victims are insecure children who crave the attention lavished upon them by an abuser and enjoy the privileges and treats with which the abuser seduces them. Many such children convince themselves that the abuser really loves them and fear losing the perceived love, despite the abuse. Pedophiles are usually very good at identifying vulnerable children, befriending them and gaining their trust (Winters, 2016). It is clear that the majority of victims remain silent for many years, either through fear, shame or the inability to articulate what is happening, thus allowing perpetrators to offend repeatedly and serially over many years (Allen, 2012; Golan, 2017; Hanratty, 2018; Kavanagh, 2018). When the perpetrator is a religious authority figure, known to a child and respected by the parents, the child is in a very complex situation. Not only is the abuser a person whom the child has been taught to trust and obey, but a victim may assume (sometimes correctly) that parents may not accept a child’s allegations as true. If the abuse has taken place in a closed community such as that of Ultra-Orthodox Judaism, victims may not know where to go for advice or help as the school authorities, religious leaders and parents may present a united front and the child knows nothing about agencies outside the community who might offer support. 180

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The most recent Moravian pastor’s case was reported to the police exceptionally early by one of the victims, but reports of abuse are frequently made many years after it occurred, sometimes after the perpetrator has died (Allen, 2012; Cox, 2018; Kavanagh, 2018). Survivors of abuse often assume that they are the only victim. In recent times, it has become evident that when one victim breaks the silence, many other allegations often follow, as more survivors gain the courage to speak out (Hanratty, 2018; Virtue, 2017; Jamaican Pastor Faces Another Sexual Misconduct Charge, 2017).

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Responding to Allegations of Clergy Sexual Abuse The responses of religious bodies to allegations of abuse vary, due to their differing structure, policies and beliefs. The desire to preserve the honor and good image of the organization often results in secrecy and denial. Perpetrators are sometimes hidden or spirited away so as to ensure that he or she is not apprehended by the civil authorities, both for their own protection and also to prevent the allegations becoming known to the general public. The hierarchy of the Catholic Church has been strongly criticized for concealing incidents of abuse and of moving alleged abusers from one church community to another, allowing them to continue preying on children. The publicity surrounding this issue has affected the outlook of many people, even outside the church, who are not directly affected by matters within the Catholic Church. In recent years, the church has been forced to financially compensate victims, and many abusive priests have been arrested, charged and convicted. Unfortunately many of the worst predators died and were never brought to justice. There have been public apologies and expressions of remorse, but the reputation of the Catholic Church has been tarnished worldwide (Lyle, 2009; Boorstein, Brice-Saddler & Zauzmer, 2018). It is now apparent, that the highly publicized strategy of quietly moving sexual offenders to other locations in order to protect them and the church, has been used by other religious bodies. The Mormons have been forced to settle a number of lawsuits over child sexual abuse. A three million dollar settlement to Jeremiah Scott was made after Scott filed a lawsuit in 1998, alleging that the church had enabled Frank Curtis to abuse him (Davis, 2011). However, the church has, over the years, discouraged its members from seeking help from the police or other agencies and abusers have remained at large. Some pedophiles have been disciplined or excommunicated, but church policy allows those in authority to forgive and rebaptize individuals who express repentance. 181

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As a result, an abuser can be readmitted to his church community or join another congregation, with a “clean slate” and any transgressions prior to the rebaptism are officially forgotten. This made it difficult for lawyers to obtain adequate information on Curtis’ background when compiling evidence from the church. Eventually the church Disciplinary Record was made available and it transpired that Curtis had been disciplined three times, including two excommunications. After each disciplinary action, Curtis was forgiven and allowed to continue working with children (Davis, 2011). Meanwhile, the church denies that it has a serious problem (Reiss, 2016). The insularity of the ultra-Orthodox Jewish communities ensures that its members have very little contact with mainstream society, which is viewed as a threat to their religion and culture. The religious leaders and teachers are regarded as the ultimate authority and mentors in all aspects of life. Family life is dominated by religious rituals and adherence to strict rules based on scripture. These are reinforced in the community schools, where religious education is prioritized over academic, aesthetic or sporting pursuits. Young people have limited contact with members of the opposite sex and are generally married at an early age. The extreme respect for authority and tradition, as well as suspicion of outside authority, ensures reluctance on the part of victims or their parents to report abuse to outside agencies (Aviv, 2016; Wolfson, 2016). Attempts to bring perpetrators to justice are frequently thwarted by community leaders. For example, a young man who had been a victim of abuse while a yeshiva student in Melbourne, Australia, heard years later that abuse was still occurring at the school and made a report to the police. By the time the police arrived at the school, the perpetrator had been spirited away by school authorities in order to protect him and prevent a scandal (Neubauer, 2015). In the case of the Adassa Girls’ school in Melbourne, Australia, allegations were made against the principal by one of the school’s past students. As soon as the school board became aware that the allegations were to be made public, they arranged for the principal and some of her children to fly to Israel. The victims in both these cases have received no support or apology from the religious or school authorities. Such actions are likely to lead to loss of trust in authority figures, a sense of betrayal and lack of confidence in adults on the part of the victims. When the abuser is a religious leader or teacher, victims frequently abandon the religion itself, and may then become isolated from the family and faith community to which they belonged (Mandel, 2018; Minuk, 2018; Otterman, & Rivera, 2012; Sokol, 2018). 182

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The Haredi community ostracized the Australian sisters who were abused by their school principal, after they made the allegations public. The sisters became estranged from their parents, who were totally committed to their religion. Two of the sisters left the Haredi sect altogether. As a result, they were shunned by their family and forced to fend for themselves in the world outside the closed Haredi community (Kleinman, 2017). The family and community’s loyalty to the religious authorities and the need to protect its image was prioritized over the emotional and social needs of the victims. In a recent study, Dr. David Rosmarin found that while childhood sexual abuse occurs across the entire spectrum of Jewish religious affiliation, there is a higher prevalence of abuse among former Orthodox practisioners (Minuk, 2018). This suggests that, not only is child sex abuse more prevalent among Ultra-Orthodox Jews than other Jewish sects, but that lack of support for victims drives them away from the community. Mandel (2018) notes that there is universal condemnation of sexual predation by rabbis, but when such behavior occurs within their own community, there is often a blind eye. The silence that descends over the community often contributes to the victims abandoning the religious life. Rabbi Goldie Milgram, herself a survivor of child sex abuse, and now an advocate for other victims, derived support and inspiration from her faith, but urges abuse victims, or persons who know of the abuse of others, to speak to someone in authority. This must occur in order to help both the victim and perpetrator. Rabbi Milgram noted that some institutions have difficulty accepting the reality of the problem and rather than act to address the situation, they engaging in covering up the events (Milgram, 2018). The lack of acceptance that a problem exists is a great hindrance to the development and application of compassion for the victims or appropriate penalties for offenders. The traditional Jewish law of mesurah, which forbids the reporting of a fellow Jew to secular authorities, is another significant barrier to addressing the problem. The long-term psychological effects of child sexual abuse have been well documented, and may include guilt, shame and difficulty with intimate relationships (Adult Survivors of Sexual Abuse, 2018). Religious institutions have generally failed to address these needs although they may have been forced to make financial settlements to victims. Since the number of allegations of child sexual abuse has created public awareness of the problem, some religious organizations have issued statements or formed policies regarding the prevention and detection of sexual abuse as well as support and reparations for the victims. The Mormons have established a help line for victims and/or 183

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their parents. This church group has also published guidelines for its church leaders, recommending strategies to use to minimize opportunities for abuse and how to respond to allegations. Strategies include preventing an individual who is a known abuser from working with children, ensuring that two adults are always present during youth activities, and encouraging parents to equip their children with an understanding of abuse and how to respond to it. Church leaders “should never disregard a report of abuse or counsel a member not to report criminal activity to law enforcement personnel” (Preventing and Responding to Abuse, 2018). Despite the-Mormons’ declaration that it is “leading the way” in child protection, there are concerns about the effectiveness of its response to the problem of child abuse (Reiss, 2016). One factor that may reduce its effectiveness is that reports are to be made first to the church helpline, which is run by church leaders, making conflicts of interest possible. Perhaps in response to the conflicting church stance a grassroots campaign to illuminate the ongoing sexual abuse problem resulted in the Child Protection Project. The project presents Mormon legal cases and case studies detailing specific instances of sexual abuse that include the identity of the victims and the location where the abuse occurred (LDS/Mormon Legal Cases and Case Studies n.d.) It is clear that, although some religious groups have admitted that a problem exists, and are attempting to put preventative strategies into place, others are continuing to have difficulty in this regard. Apart from making financial settlements, religious organizations appear to have done little to support individual survivors recover from the trauma of abuse. Civil authorities in many countries are leading the way in formulating policies and providing support services. Religious authorities are urged to follow government rules and recommendations concerning sexual abuse reporting. The Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse (2017) lists recommendations for the safeguarding of children in various religious educational and residential settings. Jewish institutions are specifically mentioned, and it is hoped that they will begin to conform to the standards set by the Commission. They are exhorted to “ensure that their complaint handling policies explicitly state that the halachic concepts of mesirah, moser and loshon horo do not apply to the communication and reporting of allegations of child sexual abuse to police and other civil authorities” (Block, 2017, para.3). The Commission recommends that all religious organizations in Australia develop policies in order to prevent the sexual abuse of children, and ensure that personnel are trained in procedures regarding the handling of allegations of abuse. It also recommends that all 184

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religious organizations screen candidates for religious ministry. The screening should include psychological testing by external experts. Further, the testing should focus on psychosexual assessment of individuals in order to determine suitability for working as a religious leader and being involved with children. A national Child Abuse hotline, set up by the Office of the Children’s Registry in Jamaica, initially operated 12 hours a day, until January 2017, when the Jamaican government increased funding so that the hotline could operate 24 hours per day (Campbell, 2017). This hotline provides callers with advice as to reporting procedures, access to counseling and other support, including the services of the Child Development Agency (CDA). The family of the girls at the center of the Moravian sex scandal has benefited from CDA’s programs, including victim support and parenting advice. The Moravian church leadership has declared concern for vulnerable children in general, but government agencies are providing practical support (Jamaican Pastor Faces Another Sexual Misconduct Charge, 2017). In July 2017, Jamaica’s Minister of Education, Ruel Reid, reminded all Jamaicans that they have a responsibility to report all known or suspected case of child sexual abuse (Linton, 2017). It is hoped that members of church communities will not hesitate to report any suspicions they may have, even within their own church. In the United States of America, about 48 states require certain persons to report any form of suspected child abuse to the relevant authorities. Those required to do so include teachers, social workers, physicians and law enforcement officers. Failure to report abuse is subject to penalties. However, in Utah, “The notification requirements do not apply to a clergy member or priest, without the consent of the person making the confession, with regard to any confession made to him or her in his or her professional character in the course of discipline enjoined by the church to which he or she belongs if: •

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•

The confession was made directly to the clergy member or priest by the perpetrator. The clergy member or priest is, under canon law or church doctrine or practice, bound to maintain the confdentiality of that confession” (Mandatory Reporters of Child Abuse and Neglect, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2016).

Thus, the Mormon church, whose members are encouraged to confide abuse reports to a member of its clergy, may continue to allow pedophiles access to victims, without contravening the law. Previously, church recognized that 185

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abuse victims needed advice, but the emphasis was on forgiveness and faith in the Gospels. One Mormon publication advises victims to seek immediate assistance from the church’s traditional leadership, such as the bishop or branch president (Abuse, 2018). The victim of abuse by a member of the clergy might understandably be reluctant to approach one of his colleagues or superiors, and if such a report is made, further action is not guaranteed. However, the Mormon Church recently established a new web site, which refers victims to agencies and support groups outside its own community (West, 2018). In the absence of compassion, counseling and advice from victims’ own religious communities, some survivors of child sex abuse have become active in creating awareness and providing support to other victims and their families. These activists include Manny Waks, who was a founder of Tzedek Australia, a support group for Jewish abuse victims (Borschel-Dan, 2015), Dassi Erlich, Goldie Milgram, and Ed Hanratty, a former Catholic altar server who was abused by a priest (Golan, 2017; Hanratty, 2018; Kleinman, 2017; Milgram, 2018;). Ex-Mormons Ryan McKnight and Ethan Dodge established FaithLeaks, a web site whose aim is to “shed light on three main areas: congregational finances, church policies and procedures and documents related to sex abuse settlements” (Shimron, 2018).

CONCLUSION

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In conclusion, many religious organizations, including those explored in this chapter, continue to pay lip service to the victims of child sexual abuse perpetrated by their clergy and other representatives. Support for victims in the main comes from former members who are themselves survivors of abuse, or from governmental or other secular agencies. It is hoped that media attention, government agencies and advocacy groups continue to foster public awareness that children need protection, even from individuals whom we would have

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trusted implicitly in the past. Religious organizations and institutions must take responsibility for preventing child sexual abuse wherever possible. The protection of children must be top priority if we are to ensure that children grow and develop into healthy adults, physically, spiritually, and emotionally.

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Blackler, Z. (2012). Silence and self-rule: Brooklyn’s Orthodox child abuse cover-up. The Guardian. Retrieved from https://www.theguardian.com/ world/2012/mar/29/brooklyn-orthodox-jews-child-abuse-cover-up-feature Block, A. (2017). We Must be Vigilant. Retrieved from https://www. jewishnews.net.au/we-must-be-vigilant/72434 Boorstein, M., Brice-Saddler, M., & Zauzmer, J. (2018, August). ‘Wasted our lives’: Catholic sex abuse scandals again prompt a crisis of faith. The Washington Post. Retrieved from https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/ acts-of-faith/wp/2018/08/19/wasted-our-lives-catholic-sex-abuse-sc 187

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Borschel-Dan, A. (2015). Advocate calls for global Jewish child-abuse commission. The Times of Israel. Retrieved from https://www.timesofisrael. com/advocate-calls-for-global-jewish-child-abuse-commission Britain’s Hidden Child Abuse. (2013). Dispatches. Channel 4 Documentary. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TbHpXoIIH-w Campbell, C. (2017). ‘Justice must prevail’-Acting Moravian president on sex scandal. Retrieved from http://nationwideradiojm.com/justice-must-prevailacting-moravian-president-on-sex-scandal/ Campbell, E. (2017). Hotline to Disclose Child Abuse Now Available 24/7. The Gleaner. Retrieved from http://jamaicagleaner.com/article/ leadstories/20170112/hotline-disclose-child-abuse-now-available-247 Church Lowers Missionary Service Age. (2012). Newsroom. Retrieved from https://www.mormonnewsroom.org/article/church-lowers-age-requirementfor-missionary-service ConsentS. (2018). Avert. Retrieved from https://www.avert.org/sex-stis/ consent Constitutional Rights Foundation. (2018). The Persecution of the Mormons. Retrieved from http://www.crf-usa.org/bill-of-rights-in-action/bria-17-1-bthe-persecution-of-the-mormons Cox, E. (2018). The Silent Epidemic: Child Sexual Abuse. Retrieved from https://health.usnews.com/health-care/for-better/articles/2018-06-01/thesilent-epidemic-child-sexual-abuse Curtis, L. D. (2017). Six Mormon families suing LDS church over alleged cover up child sexual abuse. 6 News WRGB Albany. Retrieved from https:// cbs6albany.com/news/nation-world/several-virginia-families-suing-ldschurch-over-alleged-cover-up-of-child-sexual-abuse

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Davis, L. (2011). The sins of Brother Curtis. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster. Demarban, A. (2010, July). Moravian pastor faces sex-abuse charges. Christian Child Abuse. Retrieved from http://christianchildabuse.blogspot.com/2010/07/ moravian-pastor-faces-sex-abuse-charges.html Family Court to hear case of girl in Moravian pastor’s plight. (2017). McKoy’s News. Retrieved from https://mckoysnews.com/family-court-hear-case-girlmoravian-pastors-plight/ 188

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Golan, O. (2017, July). Washing away the Trauma of Abuse. Jerusalem Post. Retrieved from http://origolan.blogspot.com/2017/07/at-15-dassi-erlichwasrepeatedly.html Gordon-Bennett, C. (2018) Who Are the Haredim? Learn About UltraOrthodox Jews. ThoughtCo. Retrieved from https://www.thoughtco.com/ who-are-the-haredim-2076732 Hale, L. (2018). Another Child Abuse Survivor Tells Parents To Go To Police, Not Their Bishop. Retrieved from http://www.kuer.org/post/another-childabuse-survivor-tells-mormons-go-police-not-their-bishop#stream/0 Hanratty, E. (2018). 3 Weeks Ago I Revealed I Was Abused By A Priest. Here’s How It Changed My Life. Huffpost. Retrieved from https://www.huffingtonpost. com/entry/sexual-abuse-catholic-church_us_5b9933f3e4b0511db3e83891 Harrison, M. I. (2015). What It’s Like to Be a Mormon Woman. Huffpost. Retrieved from https://www.huffingtonpost.com/mette-ivie-harrison/ mormon-woman_b_8208328.html Holy Cross Moravian Church. (2011). Moravian History in Jamaica. Retrieved from http://www.holycrossmoravianchurch.com/moravian-historyin-jamaica.html Jacks, T. (2016). Child abuse unreported and ‘enabled’ at Yeshivah, Royal Commission Finds. The Age. Retrieved from https://www.theage.com.au/ national/victoria/child-abuse-unreported-and-enabled-at-yeshivah-royalcommission-finds-20161129-gszwek.html Jamaican Pastor Faces Another Sexual Misconduct Charge — Involving His First Alleged Victim’s Sister. (2017). Caribbean 360. Retrieved from http:// www.caribbean360.com/news/jamaican-pastor-now-facing-another-chargecarnal-abuse-first-alleged-victims-sister

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Joseph Smith. (2017, July). Religion Facts. Retrieved from www.religionfacts. com/joseph-smith Kalman, A. (2015). Yeshiva Day School abuse case rocks Australia. The Times of Israel. Retrieved from https://www.timesofisrael.com/yeshiva-dayschool-child-abuse-cases-rock-australia/

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Kavanagh, P. (2018, January). 10 Reasons Why Victims of Childhood Sexual Abuse Don’t Speak Out! The Kavanagh Sisters. Retrieved from https:// thekavanaghsisters.com/2018/01/28/10-reasons-victims-childhood-sexualabuse-dont-speak/ Kleinman, R. (2017, December). Dassi’s Journey: from Adass abuse survivor to campaigner for justice. The Age. Retrieved from https://www.theage.com. au/national/victoria/dassis-journey-from-adass-abuse-victim-to-campaignerfor-justice-20171211-h02am1.html LDS/Mormon legal cases and case studies. (n.d.). Child Protection Project. Retrieved from http://childpro.org/ldscases.html Linton, L. (2017). Jamaicans Have a Responsibility to Report Child Abuse Senator Reid. Jamaica Information Service. Retrieved from https://jis.gov. jm/jamaicans-responsibility-report-child-abuse-senator-reid/ Lyle, J. (2009). Reputation of Catholic Church ‘in tatters’, says priest. Christian Today. Retrieved from https://www.christiantoday.com/article/reputation. of.catholic.church.in.tatters.says.priest/24756.htm Magid, J. (2018). State deems sex abuse suspect fit for hearing on extradition to Australia. Times of Israel. Retrieved from https://www.timesofisrael.com/ state-deems-australian-sex-abuse-suspect-fit-for-extradition-hearing/ Mandatory Reporters of Child Abuse and Neglect. (2016). Child Welfare Information Gateway. U.S Department of Health and Human Services. Retrieved from https://www.childwelfare.gov/topics/systemwide/lawspolicies/statutes/manda/

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Mandel, B. (2018). Wake Up, Jews And Catholics: Sex Abuse Turns People Off Religion. Forward. Retrieved from https://forward.com/opinion/408419/ the-catholic-church-is-about-to-learn-what-jews-know-sexual-abuse-turns/ McCombs, B. (2018). Woman says Mormon Church Failed to Report Dad’s Sexual Abuse. AP News. Retrieved from https://www.apnews.com/59080ad 8f50d4e2f94cbc57a0e853eda Milgram, G. (2018). Judaism and Sexual Abuse. Reclaiming Judaism. Retrieved from http://www.reclaimingjudaism.org/teachings/judaism-and-sexual-abuse

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Minuk, S. (2018). David Rosmarin Studying Sexual Abuse and Religion. The Canadian Jewish News. Retrieved from https://www.google.com.jm/se arch?q=Rosmarin+sex+abuse+study&rlz=1C1NHXL_enJM774JM774& oq=Rosmarin+sex+abuse+study&aqs=chrome.69i57.11447j0j4&sourcei d=chrome&ie=UTF-8 Moravian Church Halts Sex Scandal Probe. (2017). Nationwide Newsnet. Evening News. Retrieved from http://nationwideradiojm.com/moravianchurch-halts-sex-scandal-probe/ Mormon Succession Crisis. (2016). ReligionFacts.com. Retrieved from www. religionfacts.com/mormon-succession-crisis Myths and Facts about Male Sexual Abuse and Assault. (n.d.). 1 in 6. Retrieved from https://1in6.org/get-information/myths/ Neubauer, I. L. (2015, February). Child Sex abuse and Australia’s Institutions. Al-Jazeerah. Retrieved from https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/ features/2015/02/child-sex-abuse-australia-institutions-150214123136329. html Nowlin v. Moravian Church in America. (2013). FindLaw. Retrieved from https://caselaw.findlaw.com/nc-court-of-appeals/1639027.html Nugent, T., & Tarico, V. (2012, October). Twelve Beliefs the Mormon Church Might Not Want You To Know About. Retrieved from https://valerietarico. com/2012/10/05/the-same-god-twelve-beliefs-mormons-might-not-wantyou-to-know-about/ Otterman, S., & Rivera, R. (2012). Ultra-Orthodox Shun Their Own for Reporting Child Sexual Abuse. New York Times. Retrieved from https://www. nytimes.com/2012/05/10/nyregion/ultra-orthodox-jews-shun-their-own-forreporting-child-sexual-abuse.html

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Panton, N. (2017). Moravian Pastor Pleads Guilty to Incest. McKoy’s News. Retrieved from https://mckoysnews.com/moravian-pastor-pleads-guilty/ Plante, T. G. (2018, August). Separating Facts About Clergy Abuse From Fiction. Psychology Today. Retrieved from https://www.psychologytoday. com/us/blog/do-the-right thing/201808/separating-facts-about-clergy-abusefiction

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Provide Support for Victims of Pastoral Abuse Petition to the Moravian Church in Jamaica and the Cayman Islands started by Bea Stewart. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://www.change.org/p/reverend-phyllis-smith-seymourprovide-support-for-victims-of-pastoral-abuse Reiss, J. (2016, February). Mormon statement on child abuse: Move along, folks; we don’t have a problem. Religion News Service. Retrieved from https:// religionnews.com/2016/02/02/mormon-statement-on-child-abuse-movealong-folks-we-dont-have-a-problem/ Report of the Consultation on Child Abuse Prevention. (1999). Geneva: World Health Organization. Retrieved from http://www.yesican.org/definitions/ who.html Resolutions of the 43rd Unity Synod. (2016). Resolution US2016.22: Human Trafficking. Retrieved from www.unitasfratrum.org Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse. (2017). Retrieved from https://www.childabuseroyalcommission.gov.au/ Salt Lake Tribune. (2018). Lawsuit accuses relatives of Mormon Church president of sexually abusing children. Retrieved from https://www.sltrib. com/religion/2018/10/04/lawsuit-accuses/ Saunders, A. (2017). Fallout - Top Moravian Church leaders resign. Jamaica Observer. Retrieved from http://www.jamaicaobserver.com/news/Moravianleaders-step-down-as-church-reels-from-sex-scandal--------_864388 Shimron, J. (2018, January). Ex-Mormons launch FaithLeaks to root out abuse and corruption in churches. Retrieved from https://religionnews. com/2018/01/10ex-mormon-launches-faithleaks-to-root-out-abuse-andcorruption-in-churches

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Smardon, A. (2012). New Interest in Mormons Serving Missions Around the World. PRI’s The World. Retrieved from https://www.pri.org/ stories/2012-08-20/new-interest-mormons-serving-missions-around-world Sokol, S. (2018, July). Study finds widespread history of sexual abuse among formerly Orthodox. Jewish Telegraphic Agency. Retrieved from https://www. jta.org/2018/07/18/news-opinion/study-finds-widespread-history-sexualabuse-among-formerly-orthodoxx

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The Moravians in Jamaica. (2011). The First Hundred Years. Holy Cross Moravian Church. Retrieved from http://www.holycrossmoravianchurch. com/moravian-history-in-jamaica.html The Persecution of the Mormons. (2018). Constitutional Rights Foundation. Retrieved from http://www.crf-usa.org/bill-of-rights-in-action/bria-17-1-bthe-persecution-of-the-mormons Virtue, E. (2017). Moravian Mess! Church Leaders Resign Amid Deepening Sex Scandal! The Gleaner. Retrieved from http://jamaicagleaner.com/article/ leadstories/20170113/moravian-mess-church-leaders-resignVirtue, E. (2017, January). The Shame Is Yours’ - Details Of A Damning Email Which Has Rocked the Local Moravian Church To Its Core. The Gleaner. Retrieved from http://jamaica-gleaner.com/article/lead-stories/20170115/ shame-yours-details-damning-email-which-has-rocked-local-moravian Weiss, R. (2018). Haredim (Charedim), or Ultra-Orthodox Jews. My Jewish Learning. Retrieved from https://www.myjewishlearning.com/article/ haredim-charedim/ West, C. (2018). New Church Website Provides Hope and Healing for Victims of Abuse. LDS.org Church News. Retrieved from https://www.lds.org/ church/news/new-church-website-provides-hope-and-healing-for-victimsof-abuse?lang=eng What is the Book of Mormon? (2018). Retrieved from https://www.mormon. org/beliefs/book-of-mormon Winters, G. M. (2016). Stages of Sexual Grooming: Recognizing Potentially Predatory Behaviors of Child Molesters. Deviant Behavior. Retrieved from https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01639625.2016.1197656

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Wolfson, E. (2016, March). Child Abuse Allegations Plague the Hasidic Community. Newsweek. Retrieved from www.newsweek.com/2016/03/11/ child-abuse Working together to safeguard children. (2018). Department for Education. Retrieved from https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/workingtogether-to-safeguard-children--2 Young, B. (2001). New Perspectives on the West. PBS. Retrieved from http:// www.pbs.org/weta/thewest/people/s_z/young.htm 193

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Key Terms and Definitions

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Child Sexual Abuse: The involvement of a child in sexual activity that he or she does not fully comprehend, is unable to give informed consent to, or for which the child is not developmentally prepared, or else that violates the laws or social taboos of society. Child sexual abuse is evidenced by this activity between a child and an adult or another child who by age or development is in a relationship of responsibility, trust or power, the activity being intended to gratify or satisfy the needs of the other person. (Report of the Consultation on Child Abuse Prevention pp. 13-17, 1999). Moravians: Members of the Moravian Church, which was established in Europe in the 15th century by church reformer John Hus. Mormons: Members of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, which was founded by Joseph Smith in the 19th century. Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Haredi): An isolationist, Torah-bound form of Judaism. Ultra-Orthodox Jews include the Haredi, an insular sect which resists assimilation into wider society, including mainstream Judaism.

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Chapter 8

Body Image and Emotional Well Being Among Gay and Heterosexual Religious Young Men: Modern Orthodox and UltraOrthodox Jews Shraga Fisherman Shaanan College, Israel

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ABSTRACT This chapter attempts to create a close-up picture of the society of Orthodox Jewish men in regard to their levels of religiosity and sexual identity. The author examines BI, emotional wellbeing, and the connection between them, among three groups of religious Israeli young men: Modern Orthodox (MO) heterosexual men, Modern Orthodox gay men (MOG), and ultra-Orthodox heterosexual men (UO). The fndings pose an extremely important challenge to educators in Israel. The young men answered two questionnaires: SWLS and the Body Image Questionnaire. The BI and wellbeing scores for the MOGs were signifcantly lower than for the MOs and UO. The correlations between BI and wellbeing were diferent in each group: there was no signifcant correlation among the MO, among the MOGs there was a negative, medium, and signifcant correlation, and among the UO there was a positive, high, and signifcant correlation. These diferences were explained by social and educational trends. DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-9195-5.ch008 Copyright © 2020, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Body Image and Emotional Well Being Among Gay and Heterosexual Religious Young Men

INTRODUCTION

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In a previous book (Fisherman, 2015), the author discussed body image (the subjective picture of the size and shape of a person’s body) and emotional wellbeing of male and female religious young adults in Israel. In a subsequent chapter of the book the author showed that there was a higher correlation between body image (BI) and emotional wellbeing among boys than girls. In this chapter the author has attempted to create a close-up picture of the society of Orthodox Jewish men. This, in regard to both their measure of religiosity (ultra-Orthodox and Modern Orthodox and sexual identity (heterosexual or gay sexual orientation) among the Modern Orthodox. Over the past twenty years, there have been rapid social changes in Israeli society’s attitude regarding lesbian and gay male sexual orientation. These changes have brought about a brisk process of people disclosing their sexual orientation and lowering of the age when people come to terms with their sexual orientation as lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) (Ike, Slater, Hertz, & Katsaf, 2011). Concurrently, in Israel, lesbians and gay men face difficulties with the process of forming an identity. Israeli society is considered conservative due to the antagonism of religious and military institutions and political organizations, as well as Jewish culture which opposes a lesbian and gay male lifestyle (Shilo, 2008). These difficulties are intensified when dealing with religious adolescents torn between their religious obligations and sexual identity. More and more lesbians and gay men are disclosing their sexual orientation. However, the more lesbians and gay men who do so, the more conflicts are created between the LGBT community and religious, conservative society (Zevulun, 2015). The correlation between BI and emotional wellbeing is discussed extensively in many studies, usually regarding women. In this study, the author seeks to examine the correlation between BI and wellbeing among three groups of young religious men: Modern Orthodox heterosexual men (MO), Modern Orthodox gay men (MOG), and ultra-Orthodox heterosexual men (UO).

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THEORETICAL BACKGROUND

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Body Image (BI) The complexity of BI is reflected in its large number of definitions, and the various psychological theories expressing different attitudes towards it. The current study, examining the connection between BI and wellbeing, defines BI according to Ravaldi et al. (2003), as a subjective picture of the size and shape of a person’s body, feelings relative to the characteristics of the various parts of his or her body, and the body as a whole. This “subjective picture” is more important than objective dimensions to BI. In Israel too, Bachar (2011), and Maor (2012) demonstrated subjective self-esteem characterizes BI, rather than its objective dimensions. There is relatively little research about BI among males as compared to females (Pila, Brunet, Kowalski, & Sabiston, 2016), because, historically, only such research about females interested researchers (Burlew & Shurts, 2013). In the previous book (Fisherman, 2015) the author reviewed studies discussing gender-based differences regarding BI and their correlation with eating disorders. The author brought studies that showed how adolescent girls and adult women suffer more than men from poor BI and eating disorders (Davison & McCabe, 2006; Eisenberg, Nicklett, Roeder, & Kirz, 2011; Mintz & O’Halloran, 2000; Stice & Shaw, 2003). Many researchers have examined factors influencing BI. The main factors include social influence, and familial, personal, cultural, and spiritual factors (Brockhoff et al., 2016; Erlich & Fisherman, 2012; Snapp, Hensley-Choate, & Ryu, 2012). Social influence greatly affects the forming of self-image regarding appearance and looks. Any deviation from that considered normative leads to lack of satisfaction with the person’s body, and eventually negatively affects ego in general (Gillen & Lefkowitz, 2006). A negative body perspective erodes the individual, severely harming self-esteem (Cash, 1994). Social image also includes media influence on BI. In the previous book (Fisherman, 2015) the author brought studies that indicated gender-based differences regarding cultural influences on BI. The various media channels shape a modern culture sanctifying the current ideal of extreme slimness, well-developed muscles, and creating negative stereotypes around being overweight (Grabe, Ward, & Hyde, 2008; Radwan et. al., 2018; Stice & Whitenton, 2002).

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Body Image and Emotional Well Being Among Gay and Heterosexual Religious Young Men

Levine and Harrison (2004) demonstrated that desired body image for women is being slim and large-breasted; Thompson and Cafri (2007) showed that for men it is muscularity combined with low body fat, and Tylka and Calogero (2010) brought studies showing differences in how ideal body image is shaped from a very young age, by the choice of toys or the body dimensions of dolls. Similarly, Dakanalis and Riva (2013) showed how BI causes body dissatisfaction, poorer self-esteem and eating disorders. One difference, seen in the studies by Boute, Wilson, Strahan, Gazzola, & Papps (2011) and Gatward (2007) showed that the influence of BI on accepted social beliefs is lower among men than among women. Two meta-analyses studies by Barlett, Vowels, and Saucier, that attempted to examine how the media influences BI of both genders, are worthy of particular mention. It was discovered that among women, the more they were exposed to images of thin women, the poorer their own BI. Among the men, the more they viewed images of muscular men the poorer their own BI. However, there were researchers who did not find a correlation between men’s viewing muscular men in various media forms and BI (see the study by Barlett et al.). One study (McCabe and Ricciardelli, 2003) indicated a negative correlation between pressure by the media and efforts to increase muscle size. Barlett et al. (2008) concluded their study by arguing that both genders are influenced by exposure to media connected to negative feelings about their body, and thereby concluded that media that displays thin feminine figures and muscular male figures negatively influences everyone. Another gender-based difference is connected to the sources of BI. Unlike women, whose BI is influenced by how they appear to others, male BI is effected by how men see themselves as compared to the ideal muscular body (Duarte & Pinto-Gouveia, 2016). Kraft, Robinson, Nordstorm, Bockting, & Simon Rosser (2006) quoted a number of researchers from the 1990s and early 2000s who note that gay men are concerned about their external appearance more than men who are not LGBT, and they are at greater risk of having poor BI. They discovered, among other things in their study, that positive BI did not predict high-risk sexual behavior among gay men and one of the explanations for this finding is that a gay man with a positive BI feels good about himself and therefore looks after himself. The author would guess that the phrase “feels good about himself” will be expressed in his sense of emotional wellbeing.

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Calogero and Thompson (2010) explained the gender-based differences regarding body image with three Fs: • • •

Fiction about women’s and men’s bodies communicated via the media. Fashions encouraged by formative social agents, and Functions are biological and social function defning their value in society.

Another explanation can be seen in studies discussing sexual orientation and body image. Tylka and Calogero (2010) brought several studies claiming women’s BI is directed at what women believe attracts men, and men’s body image is directed at what men think attracts women. Therefore gay men wishing to attract men develop a desired body image in accordance with what they think attracts them. This explanation is also supported by Calzo, Corliss, Blood, Field, and Austin (2013) who cited studies noting ideal BI development among boys. Myers and Sweeney (2005) showed positive connections between BI and holistic wellness among adolescents and adults. Huang, Luft, Grady, and Kupperman (2010) noted similar connections among divorced adult women, and Benedict et al. (2014) noted this connection among women with cancer. The connection observed in these studies was reinforced by the study noted above by Snapp et al. (2012) who pointed out that BI was also found to be connected to self-image and self-harm behavior (Oktan, 2017), as well as to health behaviors, quality of life, and functional impairment (Becker, Verziji, Kilpela, Wilfred, & Stewart, 2017). In Israel correlations were also found between BI and various aspects of wellbeing (Letzer, Spivak, & Tzishinsky, 2013; Moin, Duvdevany, & Mazar, 2009).

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Body Image Among Gay Men Many researchers reported poorer body image among gay men than heterosexual men (Andersen and Fawkner, 2005; Kaminski, Chapman, Haynes, & Own, 2004; Morrison, Morrison, & Sager, 2004; Rice et al., 2015; Tylka and Calogero, 2010; Wertheimer, 2006) and that they were at higher risk of developing eating disorders (Shefer, 2012). The researcher explained this by

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suggesting gay men are likely to suffer from a poor BI, with LGBT society’s emphasis on external appearance. This emphasis has several reasons: (1) Men tend to be impressed by external appearance more than women, and in a relationship involving two men, physical attraction becomes important. (2) Many gay men underwent difficult experiences in the past due to their appearance, and internalized the need for approval of their external appearance to prevent negative feelings towards them. (3) Many still label gay men as less masculine, and femininity is considered a predictor for BI disorders. Masculinity is perceived as protection from BI-linked disorders. Gay men internalize this and look to be more masculine. (4) Internalized homophobia is connected to BI disorders, and many gay men have internalized homophobic ideas during adolescence. Wiseman and Moradi (2010) argued the reason for poor BI among gay men is their cultural emphasis on sexuality and the need to be alluring to impress potential partners. Levesque and Vichesky (2006) brought a different cultural perspective which claimed the spread of AIDS brought about gay men’s image as weak with a tendency to illness, and therefore gay men now aspire to a masculine body which appears healthy to them. This is one reason why gay men are at-risk for body disorder (BD). Therefore gay men wishing to attract men develop a desired BI according to what they think attracts other men.

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Religiosity and Body Image The fact that spirituality, as one of the aspects of wellbeing, affects BI, hints at religiosity’s influence on BI and eating disorders. There is a great deal of evidence for a positive link between religiosity and BI (Boyatzis & Quinlan, 2008; Keel & Klump, 2003), and between religious behaviors, such as prayer, and BI (Mahoney et al. 2005). The study by Boyatzis, Kline, and Backof (2007) is particularly noteworthy – through experimentation, they pointed out a causal link between religiosity and BI. The studies noting a correlation between attachment to God and BI, and religiosity and BI, can also fit this category. Homan and Boyatzis (2010) reported negative links between an anxious attachment style and positive BI, and Homan (2012) noted the positive link between secure attachment style with God and positive BI and the media having less influence on BI.

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Similar connections between religiosity and BI were observed among Jewish females, particularly Orthodox ones (Gluck, 1999; Gluck & Geliebter, 2002) and also that religious Jewish women have a more positive BI than non-religious Jewish women. Bachar (2011) discovered a connection between religious orientation and BI disorders. However, Gefen (2004) claimed standards for external appearance are changing among religious women, with the ideal of extreme slimness increasingly common, due to increasing exposure to Western media and its ideal BI. In light of the studies that emphasized cultural influence on BI, the religious prohibition on homosexuality, and the rejection felt by religious gay men from religious society, it can be argued that religious society negatively affects the BI of religious gay men. The impact of society on BI might be a reason why sexual orientation also affects the body image.

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Gay Male Sexual Orientation and Wellbeing The wellbeing of gay men is usually found to be lower than that of heterosexual men (Busseri, Willoughby, Chalmers, & Bogaert, 2008). In the same paragraph it is worth noting the study by Tan (2005) that examined not only sexual orientation, but also the level on which a person is prepared to accept their sexual orientation, and found negative correlation between a person accepting his or her (LGBT) sexual orientation and a sense of alienation (which is the opposite of emotional wellbeing). Some have attributed this to difficulties and social stigma (Shenkman & Shmotkin, 2010), family stigma (Russell, Franz, & Driscoll 2001), and dangers of sexual exploitation (Yossef 2013). Other researchers noted the tension between religiosity and/ spirituality, which impacts the emotional wellbeing of young gay men (Meanley, Pingell, & Baurmeister, 2015; Rodriguez, 2010). In Israel, Yossef noted that today, with society’s increasing acceptance of gay men, laws forbidding discrimination, and arrangements regarding their familial status, there are fewer negative social reactions, and expectations of high wellbeing. Thus Yossef joined Ike et al. (2011) who noted that social changes have occurred in Israeli society which have helped many LGBTs come to terms with their sexual orientation. Concurrently, religious society has remained conservative in its rejection of LGBTs (Shenkman & Shmotkin, 2011). Various researchers emphasized the misery of religious gay men who find themselves in a dual conflict – internal, and interpersonal. They want

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to be religious and realize their sexual orientation, but suffer from a lack of tolerance and alienation on the part of religious society and organizations. Their frustration and disappointment with the religious organizations may lead to a lack of identification with religion (Coyle & Rafalin, 2000; Dahl & Galliher, 2010; Subhi & Geelan, 2012). In Israel, Shenkman and Shmotkin (2011) did not find significant differences between LGBT and heterosexual Israelis regarding cognitive wellbeing, but found significant differences regarding emotional wellbeing. However, Zevulun (2015) argued that the more gay men disclose their sexual orientation, the greater the conflict between conservative society and their sexual identity, and this conflict affects their emotional wellbeing. Some religious lesbians and gay men repress or hide their tendency, some pray and ask God to change their tendency (Dahl & Galliher, 2012; Levy & Reeves, 2011), and some turn to conversion therapy which some people believe will help them (Pitt, 2009). Hadar, Knafelman, and Philippov, and Yossef claimed that despite changes in social attitudes towards LGBTs, Israel still has many expressions of homophobia. Yossef (2013) argued the reason is the influence of the army and religion on Israeli society. Hadar et al. (2009) even claimed that the more people define themselves as religious, the more negative their attitudes towards LGBT sexual orientation. Religious discussion of lesbian and gay male sexual orientation was first aroused in Israel towards the middle of the first decade of this century. Shveidel (2011) described the social and cultural circumstances in MO culture which led to the topic of LGBTs reaching the public agenda. According to him, until the twenty-first century, it was common to believe that lesbian and gay male sexual orientation did not exist in religious society. The publication of Koren’s study, A Closet within a Closet, a television interview with a gay Orthodox rabbi, and establishment of LGBT internet forums and religious clubs, are signs of increased activity by religious society, mainly MO, in the conflict between LGBTs and religious people. While the religious gay man has difficulty hiding his sexual orientation, he is also aware of the forceful and absolute religious prohibition on lesbian and gay male sexual orientation, and the negative attitudes of religious society and its religious leaders. Koren (2003), Naiweld (2004), Shveidel (2011), and Yossef (2013), described the conflict in identities of religious LGBTs, causing them anger, suffering, and a poor level of wellbeing.

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Zevulun (2015) reported that religious LGBTs experience conflicts between their identities, and the greater their level of religiosity, the greater their feeling of conflict. In her study, she discovered that the identity conflict affects the mental health of religious LGBTs, and is expressed in anxiety, depression, and loneliness. One of the main findings of the study indicated that religious LGBTs experience greater anxiety, depression, and loneliness, as compared to non-religious LGBTs. This finding joins the study by Kulik and Hadad (2012) who reported on high stress levels among ultra-Orthodox LGBTs compared with those of secular Jews. Floyd and Stein (2002) listed various factors that affect the process of identity formation among LGBTs, and these include the age when sexual identity begins to be formed. They claim that the younger the age of sexual identity formation, the greater the danger of experiencing depression. In the researcher’s opinion, he can connect their study to the conclusion of Diamond (2008), who listed interpersonal effects and social norms among the factors influencing the lesbian or gay male sexual orientation identity formation process. In other words, the more social norms towards LGBTs are rigid and negative, the harder sexual identity formation will be for the adolescent and adult and the greater the risk to his mental health. It is worth mentioning at this point that mental health is expressed, among other things, in the emotional wellbeing discussed above. Further evidence of the unique emotional difficulties of religious LGBTs can be found in their attempts to repress their orientation, in their prayers to God that He change their orientation (Dahl & Galliher, 2012), and in their requests for conversion therapy to change their orientation (Pitt, 2010). In light of this, the author can understand the call by Shveidel (2011), who even issued a call to religious educators to note the unique challenge of educating religious LGBTs. Despite the fact that there is now greater awareness of the difficulties of lesbians and gay men, it should be noted that the conflicts between LGBTs and the community have not lessened. The author can even argue that there is a positive link between the increase in awareness of the difficulties faced by LGBTs, and their conflict with conservative religious society. One of the shocking examples of the conflict is undoubtedly Schlissel’s murder of a girl who was participating in the Jerusalem Pride Parade in 2015, with the murderer ascribing his act to religious motives. Some people also explained that the 2009 murder of two adolescents in a LGBT club had religious motives, although this case has not yet been solved. 203

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To conclude the theoretical background, the author can say a correlation exists between BI and wellbeing. The BI and wellbeing of young gay men is low relative to that of heterosexual men. BI is affected by social factors, including religious ones. Wellbeing of religious people was, in general, high compared to non-religious peers. Due to the small number of studies examining the connection between BI and wellbeing among young religious men, particularly religious gay men, the author chose to compare three groups of young religious men: MO heterosexual men, MOGs, and ultra-Orthodox heterosexual men, regarding BI, emotional wellbeing, and the connection between them. Three hypotheses were raised in accordance with the survey: 1. The gay men’s BI will be the significantly lowest, relative to the other two groups. 2. The gay men’s wellbeing score will be the significantly lowest, relative to the other two groups. 3. Changes will be found between the three groups regarding the connection between BI and emotional wellbeing.

METHOD

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Sample The sample population included 130 young Jewish people in Israel with a mean age of 24.3 (SD=3.22). Approximately 52% of the respondents (n=68) were MO, around 25% (n=33) MOGs, and around 22% (n=29) UO. The choice of age derived from the conclusions by Ike et al. (2011) who note that the older people are, the more LGBTs have come to terms with their sexual orientation and reveal it to others. Their research also discovered that those under the age of 20 feel less at peace with their sexual orientation. The MO group were sampled at random at social events. The MOG group was sampled from two clubs for religious LGBTs in central Israel and Jerusalem, and the ultra-Orthodox group was selected at random in ultraOrthodox neighborhoods in central and southern Israel. Two respondents

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from the UO sample stopped answering the questionnaire in the middle, claiming that it was too sensitive an issue. Seven of the gay male respondents said (or noted on their questionnaires) that they see their participation in the study as a social mission, and believe it is very important that people read the study results so as to understand their suffering. Despite great efforts, the researcher was unable to find ultra-Orthodox gay men who agreed to complete the questionnaire.

Tools Emotional Wellbeing Questionnaire (Satisfaction With Life Scale: SWLS) (Dienner 1984) The original scale was compiled by Diener (1984), and translated into Hebrew by Shmotkin and Lomranz (1998). The scale examines each individual’s satisfaction with his or her life, meaning the respondent is asked to subjectively judge satisfaction with life. The questionnaire contains five statements on a Likert scale ranging from one (“strongly disagree”) to seven (“strongly agree”). The questionnaire scores range from five to 35. In the study by Steger and Kashdan (2007), reliability for the test-retest method lay between .79 and .89. Diener and Biswas-Diener (2000) report a reliability level after two months of r=.83, and internal consistency of α=.82. Internal consistency measured with Cronbach’s alpha in the current study was α=.84.

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Body Image Questionnaire: Modified Gray’s Questionnaire (Gray 1977), Translated by Palgi (1995) This scale is constructed from 12 statements about feelings towards the entire body. The respondent is asked to refer to each sentence, and note how true it is for him on a five-point scale. The higher the score, the more positive the respondent’s BI. This questionnaire was chosen since it is relatively neutral regarding gender-based differences. The questions are about satisfaction with the person’s body and appearance, without topics liable to be gender-sensitive. The questionnaire has validity through another questionnaire on selfimage (ASCS – Adolescent Self Concept Scale) resulting in a moderate, positive, and significant correlation (r=.60, pMOGs

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Table 2. Pearson correlations between BI and wellbeing for the three groups Group

r

p
.05

UO

.65

.000

MOGs

-.47

.006

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DISCUSSION The research goal was to examine BI and wellbeing of Israeli MO, ultraOrthodox, and MOG young men. The first hypothesis was that BI would be lower for MOGs than the other two groups. In accordance with the hypothesis, BI was found to be significantly lower for MOGs than the other two groups, MO and ultra-Orthodox. This finding is congruent with the results of the studies by Andersen and Fawkner (2005), Kaminski et al. (2004), Tylka and Calogero (2010), and Wertheimer (2006), and incongruent with Williamson and Hartley (1998). Possible reasons are that the gay men in the current study had disclosed their sexual orientation and attend clubs for religious gay men; that the current study examined BI, while Williamson and Hartley examined BD; cultural differences between Western and religious gay people, or perhaps around 15 years have affected the differences between findings. Williamson (2000) showed how gay people internalize society’s LGBT ego views, and how such internalization causes difficulties in self-acceptance of their sexual orientation. It would seem the gay men’s low BI score emanates mostly from their difficulty in accepting their sexual orientation. Weishut (2000) and Shilo (2007) showed how Israeli society is undergoing processes of change regarding attitudes towards LGBTs. However, Hadar et al. (2009) and Yossef illustrated how, despite such changes, there are still many expressions of homophobia. Yossef (2013) discussed this issue further and showed how these expressions are harsher in religious society. Koren (2003) and Shveidel (2011) noted the intense internal conflict experienced by religious LGBTs due to the Jewish religious prohibition and the religious leaders’ fiercely negative stances towards lesbian and gay male sexual orientation. It is certainly possible that the poor BI of religious gay men relative to the other two groups emanates from the negative attitude of religious society and its leaders to lesbian and gay male sexual orientation. The religious prohibition and religious society’s negative attitude toward lesbian and gay male sexual orientation is seemingly connected with poor BI, since there are bodily aspects to sexual orientation expressed in BI. No significant BI differences were found between MO and ultra-Orthodox. It would seem the cultural differences are not expressed in their BI. Also the second hypothesis was reinforced: wellbeing of MOGs was found to be

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significantly lower than for the other two groups. This finding joins the list of studies quoted in the theoretical background, noting poor wellbeing for gay men relative to those who are heterosexual (Busseri et al., 2008; Shenkman & Shmotkin, 2010). The third research hypothesis sought to examine the correlation between BI and wellbeing among MO heterosexual and gay men, and ultra-Orthodox. The author was surprised to find a different trend in each group. There was no significant correlation between BI and wellbeing among MO; among ultra-Orthodox there was a positive, high, and significant correlation, and among the MOGs a negative, medium, and significant correlation. The negative correlation between BI and wellbeing among the gay men can be explained by the terrible tension between their religious tendency and the firmly negative attitude of religious society and its leaders towards their orientation. The more the young religious gay man accepts his sexual orientation, the better his BI. He does not deny his sexual orientation, body, or external appearance. However, he is also aware of society’s negative attitude to his sexual orientation, and the religious prohibition on its realization intensifies his inner tension. He is not interested in denying his sexual orientation or abandoning his religiosity, but understands the great tension between them. This is expressed in his emotional wellbeing. This tension adds to the universal anxiety felt by gay men regarding their BI. Halkitis, Green, & Wilton (2004) argue that gay men find it very important to have a masculine external appearance since they need to make up for any lack in their muscular male stereotype. This finding thus aligns with the studies by Schuck and Liddle (2001), Koren (2003), Kanarek (2011), and Yossef (2013), as well as those of Meanley et. al. (2015) and Rodriguez (2010), who noted cognitive, emotional, and behavioral effects on the conflict and terrible tension experienced by religious gay men between sexual orientation and the negative attitude of Jewish religious law and society. The author would like to quote three comments written in the questionnaire margins. Some members of the gay men’s group added such comments and one even wrote his name and asked to speak to the researcher. A. wrote: “… life as a gay man in religious society is just hell. No one truly understands you. Your parents try to persuade you that you aren’t “like that” or that you can change “that”… Your friends are afraid to be identified with you and distance themselves from you. I feel I am a criminal, that I am on the margins

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of society… I feel lost.” B. wrote: “…the most difficult thing is to feel all the time that I am a sinner! On one hand I believed (and I still believe) in God, and I know how severe this sin is, but on the other hand He created me like this… So what the hell does He want from me?” C.: “My whole life I tried to run away from this, I didn’t last in the yeshiva, in sports lessons I was humiliated, I couldn’t adapt myself to the army and I left. I felt ostracized, I felt hopeless. I couldn’t speak about it to anyone. Until I found the club…” There was no significant correlation between BI and wellbeing among MO. Fisherman (2015) compared four age groups of MO religious adolescents, of both genders, regarding correlation between BI and wellbeing. In all age groups, correlation between BI and wellbeing was higher for girls than boys. The gender differences were explained by the difference between BI for MO boys and girls. The importance and centrality of BI to the ego is not high among MO boys. When young, they believe there is a contradiction between spending time on things connected to external appearance and religious identity, and only balance the two as their military service approaches and BI improves. The sample of MO boys in the current study included young men after military service. Even so, the importance of their external appearance, as expressed in the BI questionnaire, is not so central to their ego, and it would seem many factors are connected more to their wellbeing than BI. An interesting finding is the positive, high, and significant correlation between BI and wellbeing among the ultra-Orthodox. Aran (2004) argues the ultra-Orthodox man’s clothing is not only a factor in shaping the ultraOrthodox body, but also creates its BI. Aran even claims that the broad occupation with what he terms “the duplication of the ultra-Orthodox look” (p.101) has turned into a highly prioritized task for ultra-Orthodox society as part of its struggle against the threats of Western society. Aran views the ultra-Orthodox attitude to their bodies as defying their surroundings: “The ultra-Orthodox body presents itself as opposing modern Western culture...” (p.121). One effective way for ultra-Orthodox society to protect itself regarding male external appearance is to educate its members to feel satisfaction with their external appearance. Such appearance, hairstyle, and dress express, in ultra-Orthodox opinion, the authentic Jewish look, and whoever does not dress this way harms society and is inferior. Meaning, ultra-Orthodox society educates its members to feel a positive connection between external appearance and wellbeing. The better the ultra-Orthodox man feels about his outer appearance, the better he should feel about himself and particularly his religious identity. 210

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In conclusion, MOG scores for BI and wellbeing were poor compared to MO and ultra-Orthodox. The correlation between BI and wellbeing among the MOGs was negative and medium, positive and high for the ultra-Orthodox, and with no significant correlation between the two for MO. These findings were explained by the MOGs’ great tension between their religious and sexual identities, and between their sexual identity and religious society’s attitude to this identity.

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SOLUTIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS In this study, the researcher examined the connection between BI and wellbeing among three groups: Modern Orthodox heterosexual men, Modern Orthodox gay men, and ultra-Orthodox. The author will refer to all three groups in our educational recommendations. Religious MO society does not deny the existence of LGBTs, but is torn between recognizing their existence and the religious prohibition on LGBT relations. In this situation, society and educators choose not to initiate educational activity on the topic, creating a unique situation – the issue is recognized, but yet nothing is done to ease the suffering of some of its members. Shilo (2008) indicated the potential for helping LGBTs make peace with their sexual identity as the main factor in avoiding BD and eating disorders. Religious society and the religious educational system must find solutions to the dilemma, and offer an empathetic educational direction for LGBTs while clarifying the permitted and forbidden. The course towards the solution can range between accepting the sexual orientation and not the behavior, to accepting both the sexual orientation and behavior. The present situation in which MO LGBTs are torn between two identities (religious and sexual) does not benefit either them or the religious education system. Among MO young adults, no significant correlation has been found between BI and wellbeing. This is explained by the tension between involvement in religious identity and issues related to body and external appearance. The author believes the education system must educate to achieve a positive BI, and no contradiction exists between religious identity and interest in health and external appearance, along the lines of “a healthy soul in a healthy body”. Among ultra-Orthodox, there was a positive correlation between BI and wellbeing explained by their education towards separatism in external appearance too. It can be argued this is positive, since it preserves highly 211

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positive wellbeing, but is conditional on the separatism being preserved over time. Since the beginning of the century, ultra-Orthodox society in Israel has been undergoing a complex process of examining its place within the modern world, Israeli society, education, and the economy (Caplan, 2003). This society is searching for its path through the complex challenges posed to it by Western society in general, and Israeli society in particular. A significant portion of its challenges are linked with its members’ identity, also connected to its external appearance. The author believes the solution concerning identities will also lead to a change regarding BI, and it is desirable that the society’s formal and informal leaders note this.

RESEARCH LIMITATIONS Study limitations are linked to two characteristics: sample size due to difficulty in sampling the religious gay population, and difficulty in examining the level of formation of LGBTs’ sexual identity. Shilo (2008) notes the difficulty in reaching clear conclusions in studies discussing BI and BD among LGBTs, since many studies did not examine the level of the men identifying with being gay, nor of the level of their forming their sexual identity. In the future, the author recommends adding the variable of the gay man’s level of identification with his sexual identity. Another limitation is linked to the research method. A study with quantitative methodology does not enable the in-depth examination of body image content, the complexity of its link to emotional wellbeing, and the complexity of the lives of religious and ultra-Orthodox LGBTs. It is suggested that another study be carried out using combined methodology, both quantitative and qualitative, to obtain answers to these questions.

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CONCLUSION In conclusion, the author wishes to return to discussing the population of gay men and emphasize the educational message regarding them. The author accepts the position of VanKim, Porta, Eisenberg, Neumark-Sztainer, & Laska (2016) that adults and young adults need to discuss their sexuality in a way

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that will positively influence their BI and wellbeing, among other things. This is true for every adolescent, and particularly for gay men. Educators who believe that ignoring sexual orientation will help the adolescent develop BI and wellbeing, and that open, frank discussion regarding their sexual tendencies and the tension between them and their religiosity will endanger their emotional wellbeing are mistaken. The converse is true – open discussion can help adolescents navigate between their sexual orientation and religious identity and thereby improve both their BI and their emotional wellbeing. The author’s recommendation concurs with the findings of Tan (2005) who found a negative correlation between how a person accepts their sexual orientation and feelings of alienation. The author believes that open, honest discussion, in an empathetic environment, will help gay men crystallize their sexual identity, sexual orientation, and religious identity, and thereby improve their emotional wellbeing. It is vital to also discuss the conflict between religiosity and sexual orientation with adolescents and young adults. The discussion of the conflict in of itself can help them accept themselves and improve their emotional wellbeing, as shown by Meanley et al. (2015) and Rodriguez (2010).

ACKNOWLEDGMENT This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.

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Kraft, C., Robinson, B. B., Nordstorm, D. L., Bockting, W. O., & Simon Rosser, B. R. (2006). Obesity, body image and unsafe sex in men who have sex with men. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 35(1), 587–595. doi:10.100710508006-9059-x PMID:17031588 Kulik, L., & Hadad, M. (2012). Homofobiah mufnemet u’tehushot lahats b’kerev mishtatfim bikvusot temihah lehomoseksialim: Hilonim mul haredim [Internalized Homophobia and Distress among Participants in Support Groups for Homosexuals: Secular versus Ultra-Orthodox Participants]. Hevrah U-revahah, 32(2), 209–236. Letzer, Y., Spivak, Z., & Tzishinsky, O. (2013). Hakesher bein tehushat koharntiyut l’vein patologia hakeshura b’akhila v’dimui guf b’kerev mitbagrim beyisrael: Zihui kevutzat sikun [The relationship between sense of coherence, body image and disordered eating among adolescent girls: Identifying risk groups]. Mifgash l’avoda hinukhit-sotzialit, 38, 31-54. Levesque, M. J., & Vichesky, D. R. (2006). Raising the bar on the body beautiful: An analysis of the body image concerns of homosexual men. Body Image, 3(1), 45–55. doi:10.1016/j.bodyim.2005.10.007 PMID:18089208 Levine, M., & Harrison, K. (2004). Media’s role in the perpetuation and prevention of negative body image and disorder eating. In J. K. Thompson (Ed.), Handbook of eating disorders and obesity (pp. 695–717). Wiley. Levy, D. L., & Reeves, P. (2011). Resolving identity conflict: Gay, lesbian, and queer individuals with a Christian upbringing. Journal of Gay & Lesbian Social Services, 23(1), 53–68. doi:10.1080/10538720.2010.530193

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Mahoney, A., Carels, R. A., Pargament, K. I., Wachholtz, A. B., Leeper, L. E., Kapler, M., & Frutchey, R. (2005). The sanctification of the body and behavioral health patterns of college students. The International Journal for the Psychology of Religion, 15(3), 221–238. doi:10.120715327582ijpr1503_3 Maor, M. (2012). Fat women: The role of the mother-daughter relationship revisited. Women’s Studies International Forum, 35(2), 97–108. doi:10.1016/j. wsif.2012.03.001 McCabe, M. P., & Ricciardelli, L. A. (2003). Sociocultural influences on body image and body changes among adolescents boys and girls. The Journal of Social Psychology, 143(1), 5–26. doi:10.1080/00224540309598428 PMID:12617344 219

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Meanley, M. P. H., Pingel, E. S., & Bauermeister, J. A. (2015). Psychological well-being among religious and spiritual-identified young gay and bisexual men. Sexuality Research & Social Policy, 13(1), 35–45. doi:10.100713178015-0199-4 PMID:28163799 Mintz, L. B., & O’Halloran, M. S. (2000). The eating attitudes test: Validation with DSM-IV eating disorder criteria. Journal of Personality Assessment, 74(3), 489–503. doi:10.1207/S15327752JPA7403_11 PMID:10900574 Moin, V., Duvdevany, I., & Mazar, D. (2009). Sexual identity, body image and life satisfaction among women with and without physical disability. Sexuality and Disability, 27(2), 83–95. doi:10.100711195-009-9112-5 Morrison, M., Morrison, T. G., & Sager, C. L. (2004). Does body satisfaction differ between gay men and lesbian women and heterosexual men and women? A meta-analytic review. Body Image, 1(2), 127–138. doi:10.1016/j. bodyim.2004.01.002 PMID:18089146 Myers, J. E., & Sweeney, T. J. (2005). Counseling for wellness: Theory, research, and practice. Alexandria, VA: American Counseling Association. Naiweld, R. (2004). Halakha u’ma’aseh: Homo’im dati’im beyisrael bire’ee tioryat hapraktika [Practicing the halachah: Being religious and homosexual in Israel: A case of practice theory] (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv, Israel.

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Oktan, V. (2017). Self-harm behaviour in adolescents: Body image and selfesteem. Journal of Psychologists and Counsellors in Schools, 27(2), 177–189. doi:10.1017/jgc.2017.6 Palgi, Y. (1995). Tifkud rigshi vedimui guf b’kerev mitbagrim: hashva’a bein olim mi’etiopia, yeliday ha’aretz mimoza etiopi veyeliday ha’aretz she’eynam mimotza etiopi [Emotional functioning and body image among adolescents: A comparison between immigrants from Ethiopia, Israeli-born adolescents of Ethiopian origin, and Israeli-born adolescents not of Ethiopian origin] (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). Bar-Ilan University, Ramat Gan, Israel. Pitt, R. N. (2009). ‘Still looking for my Jonathan’: Gay black men’s management of religious and sexual identity conflicts. Journal of Homosexuality, 57(1), 39–53. doi:10.1080/00918360903285566 PMID:20069493

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Radwan, H., Hasan, H. A., Najm, L., Zaurub, S., Jami, F., & Javadi, F. (n.d.). Eating disorders and body image concerns as influenced by family and media among university students in Sharjah, UAE. Asia Pacific Journal of Clinical Nutrition, 27(3), 695–700. doi:10.6133/apjcn.062017.10 PMID:29737819 Ravaldi, C., Vannacci, A., Zucchi, T., Mannucci, E., Cabras, P. L., Boldrini, M., ... Ricca, V. (2003). Eating disorders and body image among ballet dancers, gymnasium users and body builders. Psychopathology, 36(5), 244–247. doi:10.1159/000073450 PMID:14571054 Rice, C. E., Norris, A. H., Davis, J. A., Lynch, C. D., Fields, K. S., Ervin, M., & Turner, A. N. (2015). Body image and sexually transmissible infection prevalence among men who have sex with men. Sexual Health, 12(5), 467–468. doi:10.1071/SH15086 PMID:26188681 Rodriguez, E. M. (2010). At the intersection of church and gay: A review of the psychological research on gay and lesbian Christians. Journal of Homosexuality, 57(1), 5–38. doi:10.1080/00918360903445806 PMID:20069492 Russell, S. T., Franz, B., & Driscoll, A. K. (2001). Same sex romantic attraction and violence experiences in adolescence. American Journal of Public Health, 91, 907–914. doi:10.2105/AJPH.91.6.903 PMID:11392932 Schuck, K. D., & Liddle, B. J. (2001). Religious conflicts experienced by lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals. Journal of Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy, 5(2), 63–82. doi:10.1300/J236v05n02_07 Shefer, U. (2012). Eating disturbances in homosexual men: examining the connection between sexual identity formation, self esteem, body image and the drive for muscularity on eating disturbances (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). Hebrew University.

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Shenkman, G., & Shmotkin, D. (2010). Mental health among Israeli homosexual adolescents and young adults. Journal of Homosexuality, 58(1), 97–116. doi:10.1080/00918369.2011.533630 PMID:21213177 Shenkman, G., & Shmotkin, D. (2011). No’ar lesbi, homoseksuali, transgenderi, u’bioseksuali: Hitbagrut, zehut, vesikun betokh ḥevrah hetroseksualit [Lesbian, homosexual, transgender, and bisexual youth (LGBTs): Adolescence, identity, and risk within heterosexual society]. Mifgash, 19, 61–80. doi:10.1080/009 18369.2011.533630

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Shilo, G. (2007). Haḥayim bevarod: Bney no’ar vetse’irim homo’im, lesbi’ot, biseksualim, vetransgenderim [Life in pink: Adolescents and young people homos, lesbians, bisexuals and transgenders]. Tel Aviv: Resling. Shilo, G. (2008). Gibush netiya minit b’kerev noar homo-lesbi: Behinat meymadim sevivati’im hamashpi’im al gibush hanetiyah haminit vehashpa’atam al briutam hanafshit shel bney no’ar [Forming a sexual orientation among homosexual-lesbian youth: Examining environmental dimensions influencing formation of sexual orientation and their effect on the mental health of young people] (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). Tel Aviv University. Shmotkin, D., & Lomranz, J. (1998). Subjective well-being among Holocaust survivors: An examination of overlooked differentiations. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 75(1), 141–155. doi:10.1037/00223514.75.1.141 PMID:9686455 Shveidel, Z. (2011). Mitlabtim im beḥira: Dilemot v’darkhei hitmodedut shel bney no’ar homoseksualim betsibur hatsiyoni-dati beyisrael [Doubts with choice: Dilemmas and coping methods for homosexual youth in Israel’s Religious-Zionist community]. Mifgash, 19, 123-136. Retrieved from http:// www.betipulnet.co.il/uploads/Articles/%D7 Snapp, S., Hensley-Choate, L., & Ryu, E. (2012). A body image resilience model for first-year college women. Sex Roles, 67(3-4), 211–221. doi:10.100711199-012-0163-1 Steger, M. F., & Kashdan, T. B. (2007). Stability and specificity of meaning in life and life satisfaction over one year. Journal of Happiness Studies, 8(2), 161–179. doi:10.100710902-006-9011-8

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Zevulun, A. (2015). Zehut datit vezehut minut homoseksualit: Haconflict hazehuti, habriut hanafshit vedarkhey hamitmodedut [Religious identity and homosexual identity: The conflict, mental health and coping strategy] (Unpublished master’s thesis). University of Haifa, Haifa, Israel. Retrieved April 29, 2019, from http://digitool.haifa.ac.il/webclient/DeliveryManager?custom_ att_2=download&pid=89

KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS

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Body Image (BI): A person’s subjective feeling regarding his body and looks. Emotional Wellbeing: An individual’s understanding and positive feeling regarding events, situations, and how much he is realizing himself and his life. Identity: The extent a person is familiar with himself, his values, feels he is honest, truthful, behaves naturally, has self-control, does not suffer from self-alienation, and has normal relations with his environment. Internal Conflict: The clash between two values or tendencies, or a clash between faith (a value) and a tendency. Modern Orthodox (MO): Religious Jews committed to Jewish law who are integrated into modern life. Religiosity: The extent to which a person identifies with his religion and how significant a role religion plays in his life. Ultra-Orthodox (UO): A separated and closed minority Jewish group in Israeli society. They are separated by their clothing, lifestyle, communal institutions, educational institutions, and view of Jewish life. They are committed to Jewish law, rabbinical authority, and conservatism.

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Chapter 9

Breaking Silence Through Gender Jihad: Muslim Women and the #MeToo Movement Umme Al-wazedi Augustana College, USA

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ABSTRACT With the advent of the #MeToo movement many Muslim women are naming their abusers now—both in the US and internationally. First, it has opened the door for re-studying the orientalist approach to portraying Muslim women’s bodies, and to challenge and critique the idea that Muslim women’s complaints against Muslim men complicate race relations in the aftermath of the war on terror in the US and France. Second, this movement has created such movements as the #MosqueMeToo movement and has given birth to a very needed phase of Public Feminism that criticizes Muslim patriarchy. This chapter critically analyzes several documentaries and fctions written and directed by Muslim women and argues that this movement gives an opportunity to Muslim women to speak out against their abusers; it has given freedom to councilors in faith-based institutions and other not-for-proft organizations to talk about sexual assaults—a much needed community service that was previously unavailable.

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-9195-5.ch009 Copyright © 2020, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Breaking Silence Through Gender Jihad

INTRODUCTION There is no place in paradise for a black woman. – Nawal El Saadawi, She Has No Place in Paradise (1987) Feeling dirty, used-up, useless, broken—it’s such a part of survivor’s lives. – Sohaila Abdulali, What We Talk about When We Talk about Rape (2018)

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To be female is to be human. Those who act like I must be something else in order to merit full human status implicate themselves by implying that ‘man’ is actually the same as human, such that being a female is dehumanizing. Women have consistently shown the moral fortitude to live as Muslims despite the absence of recognition of our full humanity in Islamic thought and practice. I have fought in the gender jihad to affirm both for myself and for other females, that being who we are is exactly what we were created to be. I could not be more or less than female. This is my humanity. – Amina Wadud, Inside the Gender Jihad: Women’s Reform in Islam (2006) The #MeToo Movement, which was created by the Black feminist activist Tarana Burke in 2007, has taken the media, business, and film world by storm. More importantly, the aftermath of the movement has been felt in local communities and among women of color and women belonging to different religious groups; many of these women are naming their abusers now—both in the US and internationally. The #MeToo Movement has given Muslim women (the author understands that there are intersectionalities among different groups of Muslim women and that Muslim women are not a homogenous group) the opportunity to advocate on behalf of themselves and each other. However, some women still are not talking about their assaults, as talking about sexual assaults in their own community can be stigmatized or considered as shameful. In the past, many Muslim women, particularly Muslim women writers, have come forward to talk about their conditions, yet these writers were highly criticized and seen as native informants or as imperial feminists catering towards imperialism. They were accused of creating images of Muslim women that contributed to the Western readers’ projected image of their community and of Muslim men as backwards and as oppressors, respectively. Writers like Nawal El Saadwi, in her 1982 book

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The Hidden Face of Eve: Women in the Arab World and Fatema Mernissi, in her 1992 book The Veil and The Male Elite: A Feminist Interpretation of Women’s Right’s in Islam, have already spoken about the misuse of Islamic laws when it came to the teaching and portraying of relationships between men and women. They have also written extensively on how the social structure in Muslim communities contributes to sexual assaults. Recent writers, like Lila Abu-Lughod in her book Do Muslim Women Need Saving? (2013), have already written about how Muslim women’s bodies have been portrayed as poor and oppressed, as bodies that need to be rescued by international aid operations. Then how is the #MeToo movement different from all the other previous movements that writers like El Saadwi, Mernissi, and Lughod have tried to usher in? This chapter critically analyzes several documentaries and fictions written by Muslim women and uses few theories to argue that it is different. First, the #MeToo movement has opened the door for re-studying the orientalist approach to portraying Muslim women’s bodies, and it challenges and critiques the idea that Muslim women’s complaints against Muslim men complicate race relations in the aftermath of the war on terror in the US and France. Second, this movement has created such movements as the #MosqueMeToo movement and has given birth to a very needed phase of Public Feminism that criticizes Muslim patriarchy. This movement gives an opportunity to Muslim women to speak out against their abusers who are Muslim men in general and often the clergy in particular; it has given freedom to councilors in faithbased institutions and other not-for-profit organizations to talk about sexual assaults—a much needed community service that was previously unavailable.

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THE MYTH OF THE VEILED MUSLIM WOMEN AND THEIR (APPARENT) LACK OF AGENCY In response to the French actress Catherine Deneuve’s letter calling the #MeToo Movement a “witch-hunt,” New York Times cartoonist Colleen Doran writes, “Catherine Deneuve might have very different opinions about harassment if she weren’t an extraordinarily beautiful, very rich white woman living in a bubble of heightened privilege. And had some empathy” (as cited in Gibbons, 2018, para 17). In addition to Doran, the Arab American novelist

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Laila Lalami writes, “Would Catherine Deneuve be rushing to the defense of men who ‘try to steal a kiss’ if these men had been North African?” (as cited in Gibbons, 2018, para 19). She alludes to the fact that if one is white, male, and heterosexual, then nothing can touch that person. She brings our attention to the racial discussion of the #MeToo Movement. She critiques how, as Al-Jayikh Ali Kareem (2017) puts it, “Arab and Muslim bodies have been constructed in the Western trope as territories of erotic whim or as obedient figures welcoming male possession” (p. 229). Sara Ahmed, in her book Strange Encounters: Embodied Others in Post-Coloniality (2000), argues that “bodies materialize in a complex set of temporal and spatial relations to other bodies” (p. 40). Ahmed’s conceptualizations of embodiment offer a useful framework for understanding the everyday experiences and discursive narratives surrounding Muslim women. One of the discursive narratives that pervade Muslim women’s lives is the veil. Muslim feminist scholars like Abu-Lughod (2013), Leila Ahmed (1992), and Amira Jarmakani (2008) have discussed how the veil has become “a monolithic signifier” (Jarmakani, 2008, p. 25) to portray the Muslim women. Leila Ahmed (1992) writes,

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Veiling—to Western eyes, the most visible marker of the differentness and inferiority of Islamic societies—became the symbol now of both the oppression of women…and the backwardness of Islam, and it became the open target of colonial attack and the spearhead of the assault on Muslim societies. (p. 152) The mythology of the veil is used to justify the advance of imperialism and neo-imperialism, as well as the contemporary mistreatment of Muslim women as “the foreign threat and the enemy other” (Jarmakani, 2008, p. 140). Furthermore, Muslim women are portrayed as oppressed and exoticized. Take for example Disney’s treatment of Princess Jasmine in Aladdin (1992) or in comics like Neil Gaiman’s Sandman (1988-present). Muslim women in many comics are shown to wear the short top and a bedleh (with beaded bra top, bare midriff, beaded hip belt, and long skirt). Consider, for instance, the 1993 “Ramadan” issue of Neil Gaiman’s very popular Sandman. “Ramadan” tells the story of how Haroun Al Raschid lost his city of Bagdad to a djinn. The episode opens with the description of the King’s palace. Although he mentions all the great scholars and teachers who adorn the court of Al Raschid, he says, “There were women in his harem: concubines from every

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land, infidel and faithful, with skins white as the desert sand, skins brown as the mountains seen in the evening, skins yellow as smoke. All of them adept at the arts of pleasure” (1993, p. 4). His wife is seen wearing a twopiece bedleh. Through this type of dress, Muslim women are portrayed as submissive, hyper-sexualized seductresses.

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MUSLIM MEN, ISLAMOPHOBIA, AND THE #METOO MOVEMENT Yet, the Muslim men cannot be excluded from the discussion of this movement either. The case against the American-born Tamil Muslim, comedian, and actor Aziz Ansari and the Swiss-born Muslim scholar Tariq Ramadan are at the center of the #MeToo Movement. As famous, privileged, straight men, Ansari and Ramadan are protected in the same way as Harvey Weinstein. Yet, as brown men, Ansari and Ramadan’s cases are different, as well. Being the representatives of minority groups in general and of Muslims in particular in the US and in France, many Muslim critics feel that talking about their acts of sexual misconduct will bring more backlash on their community. Though much is not known about the case of Ansari, “Ramadan is at the epicenter of France’s #MeToo uprising, known as #BalanceTonPorc (‘expose your pig’),” writes Jalal Baig (2017) in his piece “The Perils of #MeToo as Muslims” in The Atlantic. Ramadan declined the accusation and said that it was “a campaign of slander clearly orchestrated by my longtime adversaries” (Baig, 2017). The backdrop of the war on terror and the rise of anti-Muslim sentiments in France from the far right make it hard for the Muslim community to celebrate and advocate the movement. These incidents have led to a racialized discussion of the religion itself, giving heightened rise to Islamophobia; thus, people are worried that more discussion on these matters will lead to demonizing the religion itself instead of the actions of individual men with power and privilege. Islamophobia’s association with cultural racism is grounded in the criminalization of refugees and immigrant—an argument made by Ramon Grosfoguel and Eric Mielants (2006), in their article “The Long-Durée Entanglement between Islamophobia and Racism in the Modern/Colonial Capitalist/Patriarch World System: An Introduction.” “In the last 60 years,”

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they observe, “there has been a historical transformation in the discourse of racism” (2006, p. 4)—it has moved from biological to cultural racism, and this cultural racism has become “the hegemonic form of racism in the lateworld system” (2006, p. 4). Interestingly,

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Cultural racism is a form of racism that does not even mention the word “racism.” It is focused on the cultural inferiority of a group of people. Usually it is framed in terms of the inferior habits, beliefs, behaviors, or values of a group of people. It is close to biological racism in the sense that cultural racism naturalizes/essentializes the culture of the racialized people. The latter are often represented as fixed in a timeless space. (2006, p. 4) In this new cultural racism, religion plays a dominant role. Grosfoguel and Mielants continue to argue that “The contemporary tropes about ‘uncivilized,’ ‘barbarian,’ ‘savage,’ ‘primitive,’ ‘underdeveloped,’ ‘authoritarian,’ and ‘terrorist’ inferior people are today concentrated in the ‘other’s’ religious practices and beliefs” (2006, p. 4). Chris Allen (2005) sees this new racism in this way: “While racism on the basis of markers of race obviously continues, a shift is apparent in which some of the more traditional and obvious markers have been displaced by newer and more prevalent ones of a cultural, socioreligious nature” (p. 49). Zareena Grewal (2014) adds global politics to this debate about racism and religion in her book Islam Is a Foreign Country: American Muslims and the Global Crisis of Authority. She contends that America’s orientalist and romantic obsession with Islam ended at one point, and what arose in the American imagination was a belief that Islam was “a profoundly anti-intellectual tradition devoid of reason, an assumption bolstered by headlines about the extreme measures of a few Islamic militant movements, such as the Taliban in Afghanistan and Pakistan and the Boko Haram in Nigeria” (2014, p. 22), thus creating certain stereotypes. Amira Jarmakani (2008) argues, “Because Islamophobia has become an integral aspect of orientalism in the United States…Arab, Persian, Turkish, Muslim, Afghan, Pakistani, Indian, and sometimes Sikh identities are conflated in the contemporary U.S. imagination as simply Arab and/or Muslim” (p. 140-41). Particularly, after 9/11, many conservative politicians and American media outlets associated illegal immigrants with terrorism and national security problems. In addition, Jasmin Zine (2006) points out that

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“the representation of Muslim women’s bodies as signifiers of difference can be understood as a form of ‘gendered Islamophobia’” (p. 9). She argues that the notion of “gendered Islamophobia” comes from specific stereotypes that were historically contextualized—the use of the hijab or the veil, for example. The veil has become a threatening symbol in many countries, with France being in the forefront of the movement to ban it. Zine contends, “The issue of the hijab ban in Europe must also be articulated from within an anti-racist paradigm and connected to broader systems of xenophobia and Islamophobia and the undue connection of Muslim women’s bodies with global terrorism” (2006, p. 10).

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GENDER JIHAD THROUGH THE #METOO MOVEMENT Though the spread of Islamophobia and the marginalization on the basis of race, ethnicity, class, and gender may cause some Muslim women to not come out with complaints in the US or in other countries, many have spoken out at the dawn of the #MeToo movement. Zine (2004) argues that “patriarchal and fundamentalist discourses circumscribe the social engagement and public life of Muslim women according to narrow, gendered parameters in which women occupy limited public roles” (p. 169). Many Muslim women writers are trying to take over these public roles. Post-#MeToo movement, Sohaila Abdulali (2018), a Muslim author born in Mumbai, India, and now living in the US, recorded several women’s (from the US, South Africa, Mexico, Kuwait, and India) cases of sexual assaults in her recent book What We Talk about when We Talk about Rape; many of these women talked to her because of the #MeToo movement. She writes, “#MeToo does not exist in a vacuum. It is a part of something already happening in different places” (2018, p. 36). Abdulali herself was gang-raped over three decades ago when she was 17-years-old. Three years later, she wrote a first-person account of the crime that was published in Manushi, a women’s magazine. She herself struggled with it for 3 years before she could write about it. To explain why she has felt compelled to write and talk about rape, she quotes the words of a marital rape victim, “If we don’t put it out there, this conversation will always be muted” (2018, p. 26). She doesn’t want the assault by four strangers to define her. In justifying why she wrote this book, she at first sarcastically

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said, “I must be missing the Shame Gene that other Indian women are born with, because, for all the guilt, horror, trauma and confusion that followed my rape, it never occurred to me that I had anything to be ashamed of” (2018, p. 6) Most women are coerced into thinking that they should be the one to feel shameful. Yet, Abdulali felt that she was lucky in the sense that her parents did not accuse her. One of the reasons she feels this way is because of her father, who wrapped her in his arms after she had been gang-raped and asked her, “What do you want? We’ll do whatever you want” (2018, p. 64). Yet, not all women are accepted after assault, because of the rhetoric that the woman brought it on herself. Abdulali (2018) writes that she was told that, if she did not stop fighting, her rapists would kill her. So, she did: “I ‘let’ them rape me. I ‘chose’ rape over death. Some people might call that consent” (p. 43). Many women shy away from reporting rape for this very reason. Abdulali empathically responds: Saying “But she consented” is just one of the myriad ways we are so quick to blame the victim. Yes, we have choices. We choose between humiliation now and humiliation later, we choose between short skirts and long, we choose when to leave and when to stay. We choose when to say yes is just easier than saying no, at least in that moment. None of these choices equals consent.

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On top of it all, we choose to blame each other—maybe out of misogyny, maybe simply out of fear—forgetting, as we do so, that there is someone else in the picture who also has a choice: a man, who can choose between decency and dominance. (2018, p. 49) She continues to argue, “Where in the world is it easy to report a rape? I find it very hard to believe that droves of girls and women are rushing to say they’ve been assaulted when they haven’t. Women still don’t generally have an easy time reporting sexual assault. In fact, the opposite is too often true” (2018, p. 21). Women are accused of being wimps as they are advised “to get over it quietly” (2018, p. 22). She feels that this is the price that the survivors pay. Yet, she reminds all that “Keeping quiet about rape has a whole toxic effect: it lets abusers off the hook” (2018, p. 23). When she writes messages like these, she is not addressing a Muslim woman or a Hindu woman, she is saying that assaults are a global issue and that women need to survive. So,

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her book becomes a survival guide. She admits, as has been evident through some of the quotations above, that it is hard for a survivor to love herself. She is constantly self-conscious about what others are saying because society does point fingers. What her book strongly argues is that the rape culture is so strong everywhere that, whenever anyone plays the victim-blaming game, the cause is potentially harmed. The rhetoric surrounding the rape victims has also been studied by Nadya Ali (2017). In 2017, she produced her documentary, Breaking Silence. This documentary takes a direct approach to looking at the sexual assaults within the American Muslim community, and it critiques what role the parents and Imams in the mosque play. Breaking Silence is about the story of three young Muslim women survivors of sexual assaults. These women talk about how their families and the Imam of the mosque had made them feel ashamed of something they had no hand in. (The mosque is mentioned in the documentary because many parents go to the Imams for counselling purposes.) Ali points out that, when the subject of sex is already taboo, talking about an assault becomes a difficult task for the women. She adds that while 70% of sexual assaults against women go unreported in the US, this number is believed to be higher in the Muslim community because of the rhetoric of shame and stigma. To draw attention to this issue, Breaking Silence tells the story of Navila, Sarah, and Zahra. All three of these women talk about their assaults in conjunction with their understanding of their family members, extended family members, and the community as a whole. Imam Khalid Latif, Executive Director of The Islamic Center at NYU, also participates in this documentary. He provides some information, as well, about why young women and men don’t talk about assaults and what the community needs to do. Imam Latif’s comments are important as there has been reports of sexual assaults happening in Mosques. Baig reports that Nouman Ali Khan, a Texas-based Islamic teacher, and Mohammad Abdullah Saleem, an imam and founder of a boarding school in Chicago, were accused by multiple women for inappropriate relationships, sexual assault, and child sex abuse (2017). So, amidst the news of these abuses in faith-based institutions, Breaking Silence provides an important groundbreaking protest against sexual assaults in Muslim communities. In the documentary, Navila describes her assault by an older cousin whom she would see at parties and who spent intimate time with her. At that time, she was 11 or 12 years old and did not recognize this was sexual assault,

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but she also stayed silent because people did not talk about sex: “Nobody talks about sex in a Desi Muslim household.” When she told her mother, her mother was understanding but was confused and unaware of how to deal with it. Her mother told her that “at least she was not raped and that these things happen to girls, and that she is much stronger now.” While doing her Masters, she was assaulted again by an acquaintance. After 6 months, she went to report it to a police precinct, and the detective asked her to call the person, which surprised Navila. This was called a “surprise approach.” Once Navila called him, he denied everything and said that she did not remember anything. The detective wanted to catch him off guard, but Navila tells the audience that “it doesn’t take much to lie.” The detectives said that Navila had asked for it and that she needed to be a stronger woman—precisely the kind of narrative that Abdulali (2018) has also pointed out. There was no result of Navila’s report. Navila ultimately completed her Masters and now works as a forensic social worker. Navila moved on with her life, but Sarah became so depressed that she became obsessed with stories of war and conflict, and those obsessions fed her depression. She was sexually assaulted by the uncle of a friend. For a long time, she did not know what had happened to her. When she learned about sexual assaults in her middle school, she went to see a guidance counselor, who forced her to tell her mother. Beyond that, the counselor gave her no guidance and made her feel like that she should move on. Her mother felt heartbroken, and she did not know how to help her get through it. She told her mother again, by writing a letter to her—this time, after a long time. Her mother listened to her, and finally, at the end, she hugged her and started crying. Sarah now knew that her mother always had cared. Sarah decided to confront her abuser, but when confronted he was defensive. Sarah could not get any help from her extended family as they did not know what was real and were ready to blame Sarah. Sarah now works with SAYA (South Asian Youth Association). She felt that she needed to be a mentor. Some of the youth mentees have also come to her with similar life experiences. And she sees that the community has a lot of potential to help young women. While Navila and Sarah were assaulted by close family members, Zahra was assaulted by a fruit seller. Zarah tells Ali (2017) that, for a long time, she shut it out of her mind. She felt too ashamed and kept quiet about it. After the rape, she looked at God and other things differently, asking, “Why did

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it happen to me?” She stopped seeing the purpose in praying. The Muslim community takes pride in the fact that women are modest, clean, and pure. Something like sexual assault loosens everything, and she felt dirty and not worthy of the title of a Muslim female. She felt that her parents would not believe her, and she feared that telling them that she was not a virgin anymore would devastate them. However, their reaction surprised her. She realized that she could have told them this six years ago. That rape doesn’t define her is her ultimate realization. The sustainable impact of the activist move by Ali is that the documentary shows how each of the survivors have dedicated themselves to helping their community. In between the presentations of each of woman’s talk, Imam Khalid Latif speaks about his own experience of hearing about a rape: at the time, he was 23 years old, and a young woman came to the mosque to receive his guidance. The woman who was raped wanted to know why God would let something like this to happen to her. She was asked to “digest many things” at a time by the Muslim community. Imam Latif says, “The most simplistic rhetoric in the Muslim community is that one has to put trust in God.” He recalls that sometimes people are just passive. He recalls another story—a male student grabbed a female student and raped her. The girl’s immigrant parents were receptive, and they were encouraging her to find help. They decided to go to the mosque, but they heard the Imam respond, “You deserve it. You don’t wear a headscarf. You go to school and mix with boys.” Imam Latif says, “What Islam tells us is that Allah doesn’t blame anyone for things that they are coerced into.” He is critical about the Muslims who often don’t engage in what sexual assault is actually about in Islam. He complains about some people’s “stupid pursuit” of using “the scripture to prove and disprove that a woman is much more or less than what she seems to be.” He criticizes members of the Muslim community who are building mosque upon mosque without paying heed to the need to hire therapists or sexual assault counselors to handle rape crises and other events. Thus, there remains an absence of resources and services in a Muslim community already troubled by the lack of sex education and free conversation among family members. Imam Latif’s presence in the documentary helps nuance the picture of the Muslim community: while some Imams are educated and see the need to help the survivors of sexual assault, other Imams follow the status quo by shaming and stigmatizing the women. Imam Latif’s concern about Muslim women not finding any help from other Imams comes from many of the rules that Muslim communities maintain in their families and when they are in the Mosque (Ali, 2017). 235

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One such issue is gender segregation. In her documentary Me and The Mosque (2005), the Canadian TV series and documentary writer Zarqa Nawaz questions that spatial separation between men and women while praying in the mosque, and she tries to bring back some of the history that did not encourage segregation between the genders when Islam was young. In her documentary, she asks what has brought the Muslim community to this status of segregation. Nawaz recalls her childhood, when she remembers that men and women prayed together and that she was not treated differently because she was a girl. However, Aminah Assilmi, Director of the International Union for Muslim Women, tells her that there were times when conservative Muslim men and women would insist that women should be not be allowed to pray alongside the men, and that Assilmi would have to fight against this idea. Nawaz (2005) recalls that, once in 2002 when she came to pray, she found that a curtain was hung and the women were asked to pray behind the curtain. Some of the women, including Nawaz, protested against that and prayed in front of the curtain. With humor, she recalled that she wanted to create her own mosque so that women would get the freedom to pray. She tells the audience that there was an Indian Imam in her mosque who said that women were not allowed to speak to men unless they were behind a curtain. She thinks this is not a clear-cut explanation of the role of women in the mosque. In her documentary, Nawaz (2005) interviews Dr. Ghasan Joundi, President of the Manitoba Islamic Association, who reaffirms that in Islam men and women don’t mix together, hence the “partition.” He refuses to call this divide a “barrier”; he says it must be called a demarcation. A woman who prayed in Dr. Joundi’s mosque said that she comes to the mosque so that she could pray in peace, knowing that she wasn’t being “looked at.” Nawaz (2005) also interviews Sheik Abdullah Adhami, a Certified Hadith Narrator and a Legal Scholar. Adhami mentions that the barrier did not exist during the Prophet’s time, and that women had more power in public spaces. Adhami recalls his study of the Hadith and tells Nawaz that there were women Imams who travelled the Muslim world; they were teachers, like Fatima-Bin-Abbas, who taught men. Later in the documentary, Aisha Geissinger, a graduate student from the University of Toronto, traces the history of Islam and says that the barrier is not mentioned in the Quran. In many mosques, the barrier is often so high that women cannot even see the Imam giving the “Khutbah” (preaching). In addition, many mosques require that women enter through the rear of the mosque. In the US, women have tried to protest against the fact that they cannot enter the mosque through the main door. To this end, Nawaz (2005) 236

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speaks with Asra Q. Nomani, who lodged a complaint with ISNA (Islamic Society of North America) in 2003. Nomani points to the fact that this practice of segregation, which makes the women second-class citizens, was not in place during the Prophet Mohammad’s time. She won, but she was ostracized by her own community. Nomani’s experience indicates just how prevalent and significant the mosque’s conservatism is, in shaping the community’s attitudes towards women, their identities, and their agency. Many Imams of the mosques, women of the community, and family members did not support having an open area where women could pray. Nawaz’s documentary (2005) helps to set up the conservative narrative that pervades many mosque spaces. There has been no solution to this, and many mosques in Canada and the US still have segregated spaces including the one the author of this chapter visits. When Nawaz made this documentary, there was no movement like the #MosqueMeToo Movement, yet she was concerned with the larger issue of gender segregation, which leads to miscommunication with and the subjugation of the female congregation. Echoing Imam Latif’s words, Najeeba Syeed, an associate professor of Interreligious Education at California’s Claremont School of Theology, says that the #MeToo Movement is important for the survivors of sexual assaults in Muslim communities (Huang, 2018). First, that the movement rightly turns scrutiny away from the religion and toward the male perpetrators. Secondly, that it doesn’t reinforce the victim-blaming inherent in the suggestion that women should just leave the faith. She refers to the orientalist approach to Islam that many people, particularly counselors, have. Often influenced by that approach, these counselors would ask, as Syeed puts it, “Well, why don’t they just leave their religious tradition?” (as cited in Huang, 2018). They would ask, in that case, why anyone would go to the mosque to get answers. Sahar Pirzada, a HEART (Health Education, Advocacy, Research, Training) educator and graduate student in social work, also points out these issues. She talks about her own experience of going to a white counselor and what happened after that: “She recalls how a white counselor saw her hijab and presumed her problems must have stemmed from Islam” (Huang, 2018). Now, Pirzada helps to educate non-Muslim counselors. However, HEART also mostly focuses on sexual health, as some survivors don’t even understand basic anatomy and sexual health disorders. So now, as Josie Huang (2018) writes, “To promote conversation about sex and sexuality, HEART has put

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out a series of videos on everything from Pap smears to HPV and sexual dysfunctions.” In this way, both Syeed and Pirzada see the importance of the #MeToo Movement in making the Muslim community aware of the needed changes (Huang, 2018).

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THE EMERGENCE OF #MOSQUEMETOO MOVEMENT AND PUBLIC FEMINISM Egyptian-American activist Mona Eltahaway is at the forefront of this movement (Gharib, 2018). She is the creator of the #MosqueMeToo movement, and she brings attention to the sexual assaults that take place in holy places like Mecca. At the center of the #MosqueMeToo Movement was a Pakistani woman who shared her own experience of being sexually assaulted at hajj in a Facebook post (Gharib, 2018). (Later, as Gharib notes, the post was taken down.) Islamic leaders like Saba Ghori, the board president of Peaceful Families Project (a group that works to prevent gender-based violence in Muslim families) see #MosqueMeToo as a wakeup call for the Muslim community. Eltahawy suggests that “Saudi authorities should insist that the imam of the Great Mosque give a sermon to all Muslims around the world that it is shameful to harass women and it must stop” (Gharib, 2018). There are many critics of #MeToo Movement in the US and in the global world who think that this movement is just a ploy or a gimmick or, of course, a Western idea. Yet some activists share a concern raised by Daisy Khan, the executive director of the Women’s Islamic Initiative in Spirituality and Equality, who “fears that conservative Muslim clerics may twist #MosqueMeToo to women’s detriment. ‘The danger is that people could use this to try to separate men from women, which could be a disaster. We have enjoyed [praying] in the same space together for [more than 1,400 years],’ she says” (Gharib, 2018). Khan’s concerns about Muslim clerics and their actions are shared by both Nawaz (2005) and Ali (2017); they both take recourse to presenting the arguments of the Imams in addition to the mention of gender segregation and sexual assault. In an interview when Nawaz was asked about the reception of and reaction to her documentary and “whether she has made a deal with patriarchy” (Zine, 2007, p. 382) or not? Nawaz answered:

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Me and the Mosque uses Muslim men as the authoritative voice. I think because I had male Muslim scholars’ comment [in support of women’s rights in the mosque] that as a result, [conservative] Muslim men had to stay quiet…. I had to be strategic in not using women [scholars] because conservative Muslim men could always complain that ‘oh well, she’s not really a scholar’. So, I specifically went after the men that they recognized as scholars and that they felt spoke for them…. It worked because they were men and they were talking to a very patriarchal conservative society that only would listen to them. So conservative Muslim men had to stay quiet…. (Zine et al, 2007, pp. 381-82)

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It is very clear from Nawaz’s words that, if the knowledge comes from Muslim men, then other Muslim men are less likely to protest. And that is why Nawaz (2005) and Ali (2018) end up taking such approaches. They resist patriarchy through the patriarch’s voices and sometimes desperate times call for desperate measures. Yet, Eltahaway proceeds to follow a different path and advocates “feminism in 3D—disrupting, disobeying, and defying the patriarchy—each and every single day. This means sharing our stories of abuse, refusing to let the expectations set by others define what we think or say, and channeling female rage into concrete action” (Bucar and Randone, 2018). In her short story “She Has no Place in Paradise,” published in 1987, Nawal El Saadwi does exactly the same thing. She tells the poignant story of Zeinab, a story that has been lived as a real experience by many Muslim women in El Saadwi’s Egypt. In the story, since her childhood, Zeinab has heard that she will reach paradise if she obeyed her father, brother, and her husband. Zeinab had thought that paradise was a beautiful place with shade, and that she would be holding the hand of her husband. In her world she has never held hands with her husband, despite the fact that she has given birth to eight children. Her mother and her family members reminded her that it was not easy to go to paradise. Zeinab thinks to herself, Her going to paradise was also impossible. But if not her, who would go to paradise? Throughout her life she had never done anything to anger Allah or His Prophet. She used to tie her frizzy black hair with a skein of wool into a plait; the plait she wrapped up in a white headscarf and her head she wrapped in a black shawl. Nothing showed from under her robe except the heel of her foot. From the moment of her birth until her death she knew only the word: Okay. (El Saadwi, 1987, p. 151)

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She was a dutiful woman, one who always was told that she will meet her husband in paradise. And one day, she dies or imagines that she is dead. She is buried, and then she could hear two men talk about whether she should go straight to heaven or not. She has heard that everyone goes through tortures in their graves before they reach heaven or hell. It was a humorous situation, because she thought that she was still alive when the two men were talking about her good side and the bad side. The first man said that she has proved that she was a pious woman, as she did everything that her husband wished her to do. However, the other man said that sometimes her hair would show, that she dyed her hair with henna, and that her hennaed red feet had shown under her skirt. Zeinab did not think that these men were angels, because angels would know the truth about her. After a whole night’s argument, Zeinab was finally lifted up to paradise. Once in paradise, Zeinab raced to find her husband, as she was promised. Yet, what she saw left her dumbfounded:

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The door was closed. She put out her hand carefully and pushed it. She saw the four posts of the bed, around them. A silken curtain. In the middle, she saw a wide bed, on top of it her husband, sitting like a bridegroom. On his right was a woman. On his left, another woman.…She pulled it behind her and closed it. She returned to earth, saying to herself: There is no place in paradise for a black woman. (El Saadwi, 1987, p. 155) Zeinab did not receive her reward of living a blissful life in heaven with her husband. Even though many critics have said that this story relies on an orientalist trope about Muslim men—that they will be accompanied by beautiful virgin women in paradise—El Saadwi (1987) nonetheless has an ironic meaning here. The focus of this story is Zeinab and women like Zeinab, not her husband. What makes this story a story of survival and protest is the decision that Zeinab makes—to come back to earth even though life is so hard for her here. El Saadwi writes this story in protest against the hegemonic narrative that regulates Muslim women’s day-to-day life in the domestic sphere. El Saadwi has been often criticized by many Islamic feminists for recreating “Imperialist Feminism” through this story (Zine, 2004, p. 174). Yet, she is a Muslim woman scholar and activist who locates her “feminism within the broad parameters of Islamic thought and [are] is advocating new understandings of gender justice in Islam by moving away from narrow, patriarchal interpretations as the only authoritative or legitimate epistemic possibilities” (Zine, 2004, p. 176). 240

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RECOMMENDATIONS Although El Saadwi’s 1987 short story contributes to the Public Feminism that Eltahaway writes about, Muslim communities need to pay attention and encourage young women to participate in it. In a 2018 call for papers for a special issue entitled “Public Feminisms,” the journal Signs defines this kind of feminist work in the following way: “feminists—through innovative uses of social media and online media outlets, as well as mainstream media—have found (and created) platforms to amplify their public voices, yet the pool of public intellectuals and the punditry continues to be largely dominated by white men” and brown and Muslim men (University of Chicago, 2018). And the #MeToo movement creates this platform. In addition, it also has the power to create political awareness about certain structural oppressions, such as the caste system and women’s rights, defined by statutes in many countries. Suyin Haynes and Aria Hangyu Chen (2018) mention some activisms that also fall under this Public Feminism. In China, the Philippines, and Japan, students and actresses have come out with their stories:

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In Japan, #WithYou has been used to express solidarity with survivors of work place harassment; in Thailand, women voiced their frustration at being slut shamed with #DontTellMeHowToDress; and in Philippines, women have flooded social media and the streets in protest against President Rodrigo Duterte’s sexist comments, under the hashtag #BabaeAko (I Am Woman). (Haynes and Hangyu, 2018, p. 50) In India, the #MeToo movement led to the resignation of the Union Minster MJ Akbar (Scrool.in, 2018). There are many critics of #MeToo movement in the US and in the global world who think that this movement is just a ploy or a gimmick and a part of the neoliberal feminist movement and thus cannot be sustained in the years. Yet in Asia, the #MeToo movement has become “a broader feminist rallying cry” (Haynes and Hangyu, 2018, p. 50), as it addresses such issues as access to abortion, awareness about domestic abuse, marital rapes, and workplace safety. It has also pushed feminist thinkers to question and probe the intersectionality within feminism in India. For example, may feminist thinkers have said that while upper-caste women’s sexual assaults or rape cases

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have been covered by the media, the Dalit (Untouchable) women’s conditions have remained unchanged—they have not been fortunate to receive any such platform. The emergence of the #MeToo movement in India has led the Dalit women to form #DalitWomenFight, as they fight against patriarchy and the caste system and that is a sustainable impact of the movement. In Saudi Arabia now the trial of four prominent human rights activists is in progress as this chapter is being written. The #MeTooMovement is an example of a movement that can usher in other political interventions when it comes to Muslim women’s human rights and these three activists are fighting that. Eman al-Nafjan, Loujain al-Hathloul, Aziza al-Yousef, Nouf Abdulaziz have been working effortlessly to end the driving ban, to repeal male guardianship laws, to support survivors of domestic violence, and to start awareness campaigns internationally (Fahim, 2018).

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CONCLUSION The vision of this chapter has been to add to the discussion about Muslim women’s sexual assaults prevalent across numerous nations and communities. Yet, the chapter’s role is also to create more active consciousness among Muslim scholars and educators and to focus on the reinforcement of the rights of Muslim women in the US and internationally. Muslim women who are survivors of sexual assaults need to be heard and not be accused of either creating a bad name for their community or seeking attention. That clerics in mosques often do commit assaults needs to be accepted as a fact, and they should be brought to justice. Women who fight against the rules that subjugate Muslim women do face backlashes from their own community, as Loujian al-Hathloul writes, “Naturally, many accused me of using the opportunity for my own publicity without any interest nor regard for the advancement or well-being of fellow Saudi women, but this opinion is not important” (as cited in Fahim, 2018). It is also important to be aware of such foundations as HEART, which is committed to presenting “sexual health information that is scientifically accurate yet presented in a way that honors the values and cultural context of faith-based communities” (heartwomenandgirls.org). More women writers need to focus on Muslim women’s issues, challenge the status quo like Nawaz (2005) and Ali (2017) do in their documentaries,

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break patriarchal stereotypes of women’s position like El Saadawi, and write against the patriarchal teachings of Islam. These writers and directors have given birth to a certain kind of public feminism. This public feminism will break what Ayesha Chaudhry, a professor of Islamic studies and gender studies at the University of British Columbia, states as the problem in Muslim communities: that worship literature mostly revolves around men “because in patriarchal societies, people follow men more easily than women” (as cited in Baig, 2017). As Baig argues, “This is why it’s so crucial to double down on the longstanding effort to expand female religious authorities’ involvement in Islam.” And there are many female religious authorities, like Amina Wadud (2006), who advocate for the creation of a space and the protection of Muslim women who speak up and against all oppression, because whatever a Muslim woman says against the Muslim community regarding sexual assaults, it turns against the woman as she is accused of demeaning Islam and her community. Wadud argues that as a human being, Muslim women have the right to their bodies and the right to live as a female.

REFERENCES Abdulali, S. (2018). What we talk about when we talk about rape. New York, NY: The New Press. Abu-Lughod, L. (2013). Do Muslim women need saving? Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. doi:10.4159/9780674726338 Ahmed, L. (1992). Women and gender in Islam: Historical roots of a modern debate. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Ahmed, S. (2000). Strange encounters: Embodied others in post-coloniality. New York, NY: Routledge.

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Ali, N. (2017). Breaking silence [Documentary]. New York, NY: Women Make Movies. Allen, C. (2005). From race to religion: The new face of discrimination. In A. Tariq (Ed.), Muslim Britain: Communities under pressure (pp. 24–47). London, UK: Zed Books.

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Baig, J. (2017). The perils of #MeToo as a Muslim. The Atlantic. Retrieved from https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2017/12/tariqramadan-metoo/548642/ Bucar, L., & Randone, A. (2018). This woman is giving a voice to Muslims in the #MeToo movement. Teen Vogue. Retrieved from https://www.teenvogue.com/ story/this-woman-is-giving-a-voice-to-muslims-in-the-metoo-movement El Saadawi, N. (1987). She has no place in paradise. Reading, UK: Cox and Wyman. Fahim, K. (2018). Meet the Saudi women who advocated for the right to drive—and are paying dearly for it. The Washington Post. Retrieved from https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/middle_east/meet-the-saudiwomen-who-advocated-for-the-right-to-drive--and-are-paying-dearly-forit/2018/06/23/bd977440-73cf-11e8-bda1-18e53a448a14_story.html?utm_ term=.728149a98aee Gaiman, N., & Russell, P.C. (n.d.). Ramadan. Sandman, 1(50). Gharib, M. (2018). MosqueMeToo gives Muslim women a voice about sexual misconduct at Mecca. Retrieved from https://www.npr.org/sections/goatsand soda/2018/02/26/588855132/-mosquemetoo-gives-muslim-women-a-voiceabout-sexual-misconduct-at-mecca Gibbons, F. (2018). Feminists and Weinstein accuser lash Deneuve for attack on #MeToo. Retrieved from https://www.yahoo.com/news/feministsweinstein-accuser-lash-deneuve-attack-metoo-001012591.html Grewal, Z. (2014). Islam is a foreign country: American Muslims and the global crisis of authority. New York, NY: New York University Press.

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Grosfoguel, R., & Mielants, E. (2006). The long-duréee entanglement between Islamophobia and racism in the modern/colonial capitalist/patriarchal worldsystem: An introduction. Human Architecture: Journal of the Sociology of Self-Knowledge, 5(1), 1–12. Haynes, S., & Chen, A. H. (2018). #MeToo heads east. Time, 192(17), 48–51. HEART Women and Girls. (n.d.). Heart to heart virtual health education. Retrieved from http://Heartwomenandgirls.org

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Huang, J. (2018). Muslim sex educators forge their own #MeToo movement. Retrieved from https://www.npr.org/2018/06/23/622795430/addressingsexual-abuse-in-the-muslim-community Jamakarni, A. (2008). Imagining Arab womanhood: The cultural mythology of veils, harems, and belly dancers in the U.S. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan. doi:10.1057/9780230612112 Kareem, A. A. (2017). Gender and the dark side of the border in Laila Lalami’s Hope and other Dangerous Pursuits. Gender Studies: The Journal of West University, Timisoara Interdisciplinary Centre for Gender Studies, 15(1), 229-38. Mernissi, F. (1992). The veil and the male elite: A feminist interpretation of women’s rights in Islam. New York, NY: Basic Books. #MeToo: Union Minister MJ Akbar Resigns after being accused of sexual harassment. (2018). Retrieved from https://scroll.in/latest/898626/metoounion-minister-mj-akbar-resigns-after-being-accused-of-sexual-harassmentreports-ani Nawaz, Z. (2005). Me and the Mosque [Documentary]. Montreal, Canada: National Film Board of Canada. University of Chicago. (2018). Call for papers: Signs special issue: Public feminisms. Retrieved from https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/ full/10.1086/696636 Wadud, A. (2006). Inside the gender jihad: Women’s reform in Islam. Oxford, UK: Oneworld.

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Williams, C. (2014). Refugees and social theory: From the politics of ‘bare life’ to refugees as political subjects. Acta Academica, 46(4), 117–131. Zine, J. (2004). Creating a critical-faith-centered space for anti-racist feminism: Reflections of a Muslim scholar-activist. The Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion, 20(2), 167–188. doi:10.2979/FSR.2004.20.2.167 Zine, J. (2006). Between orientalism and fundamentalism: The politics of Muslim women’s feminist engagement. Muslim World Journal of Human Rights, 3(1), 1–24. doi:10.2202/1554-4419.1080

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Zine, J., Taylorb, L. K., & Davis, H. E. (2007). An Interview with Zarqa Nawaz. Intercultural Education, 18(4), 379–382. doi:10.1080/14675980701605378

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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS #MosqueMeToo Movement: It is a movement started by the EgyptianAmerican activist Mona Eltahaway after she found out that many women were being assaulted in religious institutions. Cultural Racism: Cultural racism centers on “the cultural inferiority of a group of people”—in terms of beliefs and behaviors. Feminism in 3D: This phrase is coined by Egyptian-American activist Mona Eltahaway. This kind of feminism focuses on “disrupting, disobeying, and defying” the patriarchy. Gendered Islamophobia: Prejudice against Muslim women which comes from specific stereotypes that were historically contextualized—that veiled Muslim women are oppressed or Muslim women live in harems. Islamophobia: It is the fear and hatred of Islam and Muslims. Islamophobia has become most problematic now as it is often used as a weapon in politics. Muslim Women and Patriarchy: Patriarchy is about the difference in power whereby men have power and women’s power is relegated to the periphery. In the Muslim community this power differentiation can be heightened by the fact that often religion is used to distinguish between the power of men and women. Amina Wadud notices and challenges one such difference—as is explained through the epigraph used in this chapter. Orientalism and Muslim Women: Orientalism criticizes the West and its attempt to see its image as progressive and rational in contrast to that of the East which it considers as backwards and irrational. The word Orientalism was coined by Edward Said, a Palestinian American. The relationship between Orientalism and Muslim women is based on the definition of the word itself— that Muslim women lived in the harem oppressed, veiled, and invisible. Public Feminism: This is a kind of feminism that uses the social media and internet outlets innovatively to protest against issues related to women’s rights to their bodies and sexual assaults.

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The Sexual Abuse of African Nuns: No Sanctuary for African Women in the Sisterhood Theron N. Ford Independent Scholar, USA Blanche J. Glimps Tennessee State University, USA

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ABSTRACT Special circumstances seem to engender the practice of sexual abuse of African nuns by African priests. The priesthood is grounded in male dominance, as is the Catholic Church. Followers of the Catholic faith are trained from an early age to be obedient and unquestioning of the priest. That stance is compatible with many sub-Saharan cultures that position males at the society’s apex. The role of females in such cultures is to be obedient to males. For African females, daring to become nuns is still a relatively novel decision in some communities. The decision is fraught with incentives and consequences. Among those incentives is gaining access to education. For sub-Saharan African women access to education maybe a steppingstone to becoming a nun. There is an examination of the impact of education gained through the embrace of Catholicism, joining the sisterhood of nuns, juxtaposed to the silent epidemic of sexual violence perpetrated by priests and bishops and the realization that for many African nuns the sisterhood does not provide sanctuary from priest sexual abuse. DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-9195-5.ch010 Copyright © 2020, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

The Sexual Abuse of African Nuns

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INTRODUCTION Beginning with Confucius, there have been many educators who commented on the need and the value of education in order to promote the development of an enlightened and harmonious society. Others who accepted the human capital position within the context of education were Plato, and Horace Mann; they asserted the link between a society’s investment in education and the outcome of citizens who repay the society through artistic, literary, musical, social and political contributions. Additionally, Confucius believed, “society must support proper education because proper education develops good citizens who, in turn build and interact with a proper society” (Cooney, Cross, & Trunk, 1993, p 36). Unlike African American females who were traditionally afforded more opportunities for an education over African American males, sub-Saharan African women in most circumstances were not afforded such educational opportunities for various cultural reasons and social prejudices (Okunuga, 2011). In the United States, the virulent forces of racism that deliberately marginalized African American men in particular and placed them on an unequal footing in the job market prevented them from economically being able to sustain a typical patriarchal existence. Those circumstances positioned African American females to assume an important role in the African American community as major financial contributors (Dabel, 2008). Education in many nations has increasingly become a high priority within the context of globalized knowledge economy, as governments perceive such education will provide citizens with opportunities for higher incomes, and of course lead to economic competitiveness in the global sphere (Lauder et al., 2012). In developing areas of the world the goal maybe to provide universal education as such nations seek to give this generation of children better education opportunities than those given previous generations. Many nations in sub-Sahara Africa determined to make basic access to education a priority given the high rates of illiteracy, with the hope of lifting living standards in their nations. Nigeria for example became a signatory of the Millennium Development Goal (2015) to eradicate poverty by half in the year 2015 (Asaju, 2012). That action came about in the belief that an investment in human capital, as embodied in education, would decrease poverty (Asaju, 2012). Figures on the high rate of children not receiving educational opportunities in many sub-Saharan nations are a cause for alarm. For example, UNESCO estimated 29 million primary age children were not attending school and 248

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54% of those were girls (UNESCO, 2011). A 2016 updated UNESCO report indicated that in sub-Saharan Africa girls were still more likely than boys to never go to school---nine million girls will never learn to read or write. While there has been progress, the data highlight the ongoing need of education for females. A summary of The Convention on the Rights of the Child states in Articles 28 and 29, all children have the right to a primary education, which should be free and if needed, wealthier nations should assist in the achievement of this goal. Further, education should encourage children to respect others, their own culture and other’s culture (UNICEF, n.d.). Poverty has been a major contributor to exclusion from education, even primary education in many African nations because, unlike public education in the USA, parents in many African nations are required to pay fees for their children to attend school. Add the cost of school uniforms, books, pencils and paper, and such expenses become a major roadblock to primary education (Kattan & Burnett, 2004). Many African nations including Kenya realized the impediment to universal primary education and began to eliminate school fees and saw a surge in enrollment (Fleshman, 2010). Ghana’s education reform of the 1980s, the Free and Compulsory Universal Basic Education program, saw steady growth in school enrollments (Akyeampong, 2009). Yet, for the poorest families the end of school fees was not enough to allow their daughters an educational opportunity. Often child labor, especially daughters, is needed to provide the labor that sustains communities and the poorest households in an agrarian based society (Akyeampone, 2009). These traditional barriers to education have predicable and negative consequence. Mitchell (2017) reported that while Ghana has made significant progress in its educational reforms of the 1980s, the traditional barrier to education, poverty and rural living, continue to hamper the envisioned outcomes. In addition, Mitchell shared literacy rates in Ghana, for youths 15-24-year-old, is 85.72 percent, compared with a rate of 34.89 percent for the 65 years and older population according to a 2010 UNESCO report. Nonetheless, females continue to find themselves caring for younger siblings, and having to aid with domestic work. Other sub-Saharan nations no doubt have similar obstacles to public education as observed in Ghana. Specifically, Ghana lacked funding for schools buildings. Equipment, books and other resources were also in short supply (Mitchell, 2017). Notably, the disparity in classroom sizes continues to be problematic. One teacher for 70 students is just not conducive to quality education.

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African Females and Their Quest for an Education No society can flourish when a majority of its female members are prevented from reaching their optimal capacity, intellectually, physically, and economically. More than two-thirds of Africa’s illiterates are women. Traditional estimates suggest that the rate of education of females across much of African was only 40%. According to the Central Intelligence Agency’s (CIA) 2015 estimates, the literacy rates for females, ages 15 to 24 was 14% in Chad; 24% in the Central African Republic; and 32.5% in Cote d’Ivoire. Similarly, the CIA estimates for the same target population of 15 to 24 year old females was 27% in Benin; 29.3% in Burkina Faso; 22.2% in Mali; 43.1% in Mozambique; 26% in Niger; 39.8% in Senegal, and 49.7% in Nigeria. A conclusion can be made that traditionally there has not been a perceived need to educate females throughout much of the sub-Saharan African continent. In 2013, Chew reported that around the world two-thirds of all adults who are illiterate are female and the greatest portion of those is concentrated in a few countries: Ethiopia, Democratic Republic of Congo and Burkina Faso for example. It is largely assumed in some societies that educating women would make them too independent; in other words, they would not do what they are expected to do—look after the house, bring up children, and cater to their husband’s needs (Wangwe, n.d.). Yet, One Living Proof (n. d.) reports that there was a significant increase in the number of children attending primary school due in part to the abolishment of school fees. Further the report projected that 69 of 155 developing nations may reach Universal Primary Education (UPE) goal by 2015. One Living Proof (n. d.) reports that nearly 75 percent of Africans are enrolled in school, a 56 percent increase since 1999. The increased education budget as percentages of gross national product (GNP) doubled in some nations since 1999, in an attempt to achieve the 2015 UPE goals. Meanwhile, the issue of gender disparity remains, even as progress in this area has been made. Abolished school fees, gender equity education campaigns sponsored by international Non-Governmental Agencies (NGO) and national governments, and in some instances, distance learning education proved helpful in narrowing the gender gap in educational attainment. Indeed, the last 40 years saw substantial progress in the narrowing of the gender education gap, but hardened social attitudes continue to be a hindrance to eliminating the disparity (Shabaya & Konadu-Agyemand, 2004). Shabaya and Konadu-Agyemand (2004) indicated that a female’s location, whether 250

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urban dweller or rural dweller, plays a great influence on whether a female in some nations such as Ghana, Kenya or Zimbabwe, has access to an education. The intersection of poverty and educational attainment seems universal. According to Kattan (2017) data from the Program for the Analysis of Education Systems (PASEC) found great disparities between the richest and poorest children in educational advancement in Francophone African nations, noting that less than one third of children finish primary education with sufficient competency. Low family income for African females is a great weight on any educational aspirations. Recent studies suggest that in many African nations, family income is the strongest predictor of whether a child ever enrolls in school (Lewin & Sabates, 2011). Being a girl living in a rural area in a poor family does not bode well for such females. Educational opportunities seem minimal and beyond reach. Yet, there is another venue that seems to be a potential pathway from poverty to education.

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Catholism Conflict Versus African Cultural Traditions Data indicate that the Catholic Church is expanding fastest on the African continent (Barillas, 2010; Cole, 2008; Vatican–Catholic Church Statistics, 2018). With the growth in the number of priests, world-wide, came an increase in the sisterhood, again most notable in sub-Saharan Africa (Barillas, 2010; Cole, 2008). Only on the continent of Africa has the Catholic Church seen an explosion in the number of followers of the faith; a growth rate amounting to 6,708% (Allen, 2006). This translates into approximately 140 million persons as of 2000, with a corresponding growth in the number of African nuns and priests. The Vatican announced that from 2000 to 2006 the number of African priest increased by 25% and the number of nuns grew by 16.7% (Cole, 2008). Data from the Crux (2017) confirm the continued growth of the Catholic Church in sub-Saharan Africa, noting that the Democratic Republic of Congo is among the top 10 nations with the largest Catholic population in the world. It is projected that by 2050, Nigeria and Uganda will be among the top 10 nations with the greatest Catholic population as well. Martin (2017) indicated that statistics, provided by the Vatican, show that “Africa continues to position itself as the future axis of Catholicism, with the number of baptized Catholics on the continent growing at a significantly faster rate than anywhere else in the world” (para. 1). The ongoing expansion of the Catholic Church in sub-Sahara Africa will find continued attention to health care, education and other social concerns. 251

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In some areas there are Catholic sponsored schools that serve the poorest of children, thus increasing the educational opportunities for poor females. Sisters of the Adoration of the Blessed Sacrament for example have begun to staff health care and education missions in Kenya and Tanzania (Sion Province East Africa, n.d.). Bunson (2015) reported that the Church runs nearly 16,000 kindergartens for 1.5 million students; 38,000 elementary schools for 16 million students, and 12,750 secondary schools for 5.4 million students on the African continent. Still, such opportunities may not be taken because the family may view the education of a girl as a poor investment. The girl is needed to help with the farming, tend the house, look-after younger children, in general make a major contribution to the very sustainability of the family. These are things not expected of a male child. It is in the area of food production that the contribution of females becomes most evident. In Uganda for example, women are responsible for 80% of food production, yet women own only eight percent of the land (Wester, n. d.). By contrast, education of a male holds the expectation that if he is successful, he will provide financial assistance to the family even if he lives abroad, through remittances. According to Budiman and Connor (2019) the amount of money sent home to sub-Saharan African nations, $41 billion, set a record in 2017. The nations of Ghana, Senegal, Kenya and Nigeria received the most such remittances. Traditional male international migrant patterns for sub-Saharan Africa have resulted in males significantly outnumbering female international migrants (Migration Data Portal, 2019). Why then educate a daughter when it may lead her to abandon her traditional values and question male dominance? Whether driven by a deep faith in Catholicism, seeking an education that might allow her to delay marriage, or both, the fact is many African females have availed themselves of a Catholic education. Marriage at an early age, before 18 years of age is a reality for more than 40% of African girls and that step usually terminates aspirations of an education, as well as putting her at risk for serious health issues (Nour, 2006). For example Girls not Brides (n.d.) report 2017 UNICEF finding that in Nigeria, 43 percent of girls are married by age 18. The findings indicated rates of child marriage are highest among Nigeria’s poorest, rural communities and the ethnic Hausas. Marriage at an early age has dire consequences other than a lack of education, including domestic violence (Girls not Brides, n.d.). The delay of marriage coupled with the continuation of education can be the first step toward entering the sisterhood and becoming a nun. There may however be a huge trade-off in doing so. To become a nun is to renounce the possibility of becoming a mother. Even today in many parts of sub-Saharan 252

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Africa, being a mother often bestows the greatest honor that can be awarded to a woman (McNally, 2016). Such a trade-off is not an easy decision partly because few African cultures have a long historic tradition of poor girls entering the nunnery for an education and relief from poor circumstances, as was historically common in many parts of Europe (Pak, 2018). Pak (2018) also noted that during the middle ages, women in convents were afforded the privilege of gaining a thorough, high quality education. A similar circumstance seems to occur for African’s poorest girls. Joining the sisterhood often means access to a high level education. The decision may however be perceived as abandoning deeply held cultural traditions by the family and the community. Should an African female choose the sisterhood, she is relinquishing the opportunity to preserve her family lineage, and the transmission of cultural norms and traditions to the next generation (McNally, 2016). Ongoing conversations with a Nigerian male friend helped bring the issue of abandonment of cultural traditions into perspective. He is an ardent and vocal supporter of equity for females in all spheres; yet he expressed concern about Nigerians taking European names without knowledge of the meaning of such names. Superficially, this would seem not to be an important consideration, but once accepted into the sisterhood, the woman takes a new name as a symbolic indication that she is entering into a new place in her life. That type of action has its roots in Biblical tradition. The Bible in Genesis, 17 (New International Version) states Abram was given the name Abraham and Sarai the name Sarah. The authors’ friend puts the question, “What happens to the name your grandmother gave you during the time of omugwo?” For him, such names are an essential part of one’s personal and cultural identity. Like many Christian Nigerians he has a Christian name, but prefers to use the Igbo name that links him to his cultural heritage, and for which he knows the deep cultural meaning (Personal Communication, 2019).

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Beyond Primary Education for African Females It has been difficult to give African girls, particularly poor girls, access to a primary education, even when their nation makes progress to ensure all children have universal primary education. Majgaard and Mingat (2012) reflecting on the plight of girls in Africa noted that girls’ disadvantages increase with grade level in most sub-Saharan nations. Young women who successfully complete primary education may still find themselves at a dead end, as few nations are in a financial position to sponsor free secondary 253

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education. One has only to review the case of the nation of Malawi. In the 1990s an election promise for free primary education resulted in a 50% surge in student enrollment throughout the nation (Kadzamira, Rose & Zubairi, 2018). The resulting enrollment surge made clear that the nation did not have enough teachers, physical structures, supplies, equipment, or infrastructure to facilitate ease of access to the education sites. Still the Malawian government took the extraordinary step to guarantee free secondary education for females through the abolishment of secondary school fees. Kadzamira, Rose & Zubairi (2018) noted however that such actions resulted in a bottleneck as two-thirds of all school students in Malawi are concentrated in the first four grades of primary school. Inequities further exacerbated the situation, resulting in only 25% of the most disadvantaged children completing primary school (Kadzamira, Rose & Zubairi, 2018). Lastly and most significantly, only 15 out of every 100 of the poorest girls in Malawi’s rural areas even enter secondary school. The ongoing poverty confronting many African females and their lack of educational opportunities suggests that in addition to being committed to their faith, some African females may determine that being a nun offers some degree of escape from their impoverished lives (Allen, 2009). By contrast however, some families of poor girls may feel it is an honor to have a daughter become a nun. Entry into the sisterhood is also a means by which families rid themselves of a female child they cannot afford. Indeed, because of osu, a caste system still observed in some parts of Nigeria, girls from the low caste have virtually no way to escape their low status (Personal Communication, 2019). Equally important, when African females embrace the sisterhood of nuns, that may make available unforeseen and unimagined educational opportunities beyond even secondary education as well. For example, the authors observed that numerous African nuns were enrolled in local Catholic higher education institutions in the Midwestern USA. These nuns were not from wealthy families, yet through their commitment to their faith and their sisterhood, they found themselves in American higher education institutions obtaining a liberal arts education. A Tanzanian nun, Pudentiana Kirungo, shared a similar fate when she enrolled at Saint Leo University in Wisconsin, earning a master’s in pastoral counseling (Buie, 2008). Ordinarily, only wealthy African families could and would provide a daughter with a university education. A commitment to being a nun is one that seems to us an enormous sacrifice in some ways, given the traditional African views on motherhood and production of children. In many nations in Africa the status of females is paradoxical, for females are at once accorded the highest status of the givers of life –to be a 254

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mother gives a woman real standing, and yet, concurrently, females continue to provide the majority of the lowest paying labor, suffer physical and sexual abuse and are often excluded from owning property. What wealth many African females produce, they rarely control. Female productivity both in terms of wages and children are controlled by males. This is a double burden on our African sisters, as they often have large numbers of children to nurture, with little reduction to their daily work load. Moreover, because females are expected to procreate and provide the backbreaking labor needed to sustain the family; females are often trapped in a cycle that starts with their exclusion from educational opportunities beginning in the primary years. Even with the harsh realities of traditional life for many African females, committing to the sisterhood was a double challenge. Often the religious orders were not eager to welcome an indigenous sister into their community. Additionally, African families might find such a commitment highly problematic—a rejection of the traditional woman’s role.

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The Paradox of Priest Sexual Abuse Entering the sisterhood of nuns for an African woman suggests she will have access to education, perhaps even at a higher level. The sisterhood may be a haven from the physical and sexual abuse that is observed must too frequently among Africans poorest and least educated females. Living in a community of nuns also suggests there will be food security and access to health care in exchange for religious devotion, chaste, and charitable actions. In reality, African nuns found no sanctuary. Their chaste, devotion, faith and obedience to God did not protect them from the behavior of some priests. There are documented instances of priest demanding sexual favors from and even raping African nuns (Schaeffer, 2001; Desmond, 2019; Bissada, 2019). The basis for such behavior rests on the premise held by some priest that women should be obedient to the will of males. This is for some African men a traditional view of how males and females should interact. Moreover, the Church itself has a deeply engrained ethos of male dominance that compliments the African male’s traditional attitudes toward females (Scaraffia, 2019). The African priest is thus empowered by his position within the Church hierarchy to expect obedience from females. Pullella (2019) reported Pope Francis’ call for the Church to acknowledge the history of male domination and abuse of women. The Pope has been grappling with ongoing issues of priest sexual abuse of children and is now confronting priest abuse of nuns. 255

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Horowitz and Dias (2019) conveyed news that the Pope had suspended some priests for their sexual abuse of nuns. In actuality the Pope and the Church are confronting two sides of a same coin---at the heart of which is male sexual aggression towards children and women. This marks yet another front in the battle on male sexual aggression within the Church. Unfortunately, in both instances, the Church seemed to be both deaf and blind to actions of some priests. Moreover, even when such actions became glaringly evident, there was more effort exerted in containment rather than eliminating the behavior and providing the victims with redress of their grievances. That stance, in part explains the reluctance of many nuns to publically state what has happened to them at the hands of a priest. Shame, fear, and obedience to authority are real impediments to victims reporting their abuse (Winfield & Muhumuza, 2018). And yet, Winfield and Muhumuza (2018) give reason to be buoyed by the impact the #MeToo movement is having for some nuns—they are finding their voice. Practically, the prevalence of HIV/AIDS also makes nuns a much more viable option than prostitutes, or other young women who have not committed themselves to the church and virginity (McGarry, 2019). A religious superior related priests had requested that nuns be made available for sexual proposes, thereby eliminating the need to seek local women and the risk of HIV infections. Equally disturbing, there are reports from doctors, missionaries, and priests attesting to the rape and impregnation of African nuns by African priests (Allen & Schaeffer, 2001; McGarry, 2019). McGarry (2019) shared the contents of a 1994 report to the Vatican by Sister (Sr.) O’Donoghue, a nun who had spent nearly 45 years in Africa. The report documented the sexual abuse of nuns in more than 20 countries. Events in Malawi were particularly problematic. In 1988 the appeals of Malawian women leaders of a congregation fell on deaf ears. The women complained that, the diocesan priests had impregnated 29 nuns. Even more egregious, a nun died as a result of an abortion that had been arranged by the priest. He later officiated at her mass (McGarry, 2019). Once impregnated, a woman in the sisterhood is often forced to leave the religious order but the man retains his position in the priesthood (Poggioli, 2019). When this occurs, options for former nuns are limited to becoming a second or third wife or resorting to prostitution. It seems that male preeminence within the Catholic Church and within many African cultures allows African priests to stand at the center of a storm in which African nuns are frequently sexually assaulted, and denied basic benefits associated with their religious profession, such as food and shelter, if they do not comply with sexual demands. 256

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The Catholic Church has been slow to address these conditions for several reasons. A suspected reason for the Church’s laxity is Africa is the primary continent on which the numbers of priests and nuns are increasing. Therefore the Church may be reluctant to intervene in such a way as to deter the potential for ongoing growth of the priesthood and the worldwide Catholic population. There is also the reality that some African priests simply find celibacy incompatible with their centuries old African culture (Perriello, 2013). Perriello (2013) shared evidence of extensive resistance to celibacy among Catholic African male religious leaders. In Zambia Archbishop Emmanuel Milingo married in a Unification Church ceremony and headed a movement for allowing priests to marry. The African cultural tradition of procreation and the extended family are in opposition to the demand of the priesthood for celibacy, thereby setting up the option that some priest will simply choose to ignore the celibacy vow. That reality is problematic on multiple levels. Firstly, for African women who choose life within the sisterhood, they often find they are still constrained by the gender cultural norms of their societies. Though freed from oppression by husbands or fathers, they are instead oppressed and sexually violated by priests. Secondly, when she is victimized and if she finds courage to tell of her sexual abuse by the priest, the nun is likely to have her assertions dismissed and her reputation irreversibly damaged. Long-term psychological consequences of sexual abuse trauma are serious and enduring. That is especially so when the perpetrator is known to the victim and is a trusted figure (Dura-Vila & Littlewood, 2013).

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CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS: THE NEED FOR CONTINUED RESILIENCE African women are resilient. African nuns are born of African women, who through the centuries have birthed new generations, tended their crops and livestock, cooked the meals, fetched the water and wood, and nurtured their children, all while meeting the demands of their husbands. Some have even been market women who challenged British colonial power in Nigeria in the last century (Bernhart, 2010). Others have been the catalyst to end a civil war in Liberia and bring war criminals to trial (Navarro, 2010). Their daughters have dared to imagine a different existence.

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Being able to influence actions that affect one’s life is a fundamental right. Yet, African women who choose the life of a nun too frequently find they are still constrained by the gender cultural norms of their societies. In such instances they may remain in poverty and oppressed by males who are not husbands but are priests. In such circumstances the joy and spiritual fulfillment associated with the religious life of the Catholic sisterhood is shattered. Rather than allow the ongoing sexual abuse to go unaddressed African nuns are finding power in their #MeToo or #NunsToo moments as they unashamedly tell their stories (Poggioli, 2019). They are doing more than merely telling their stories, they are demanding that the Vatican and the world do something. Revelations about the longstanding sexual abuse of African nuns by priests mandates posing three important questions. Why did it take so long for Catholic male leaders at all levels to acknowledge the truth of repeated assertions of sexual abuse by priests? How should priest make atonement to individual nuns and more largely the sisterhood, for their sexual transgressions? What measures must be taken to ensure that such behavior does not occur in the future? Lastly, an over arching fundamental question that goes to the heart of Catholic Christian conscienceness is posed: How is it that the Catholic Church that purport to embrace and promote equity and dignity of all humans regardless of one’s gender or race, actually participated in the sexual oppression of African members of the Catholic sisterhood? The longstanding practice of the male hierarchy of the Catholic Church disregarding and dismissing the charges of sexual abuse of members of the sisterhood served to sustain the practice. Much like what happens to a woman who is raped in the general public; the victim’s accusations are dismissed, she is shamed, and she maybe vilified, this happens to nuns who are victims of rape. Such treatment fosters a chilling affect, but even when a priest validates the sexual accusations, things still may not get resolved satisfactorily. For example, a priest in Uganda, Rev. Anthony Musaala, wrote a letter to local church officials sharing cases of alleged sexual activity by priests, often with nuns. Rather than investigate Fr. Musaala’s charges, church officials suspended him until he issued an apology (Winfield & Muhumuza, 2018). Such accounts aid in understanding why such behavior by priests and bishops continued for so long and why even now it is difficult to eradicate. It is our recommendation that priests need to atone for their sexual aggressions. This is far beyond a mere apology and confession. Atonement is evocative of penitence and punishment. Priests should publicly declare their 258

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shame, remorse and deep regret for their egregious sexual behavior. They must be made to stand before the world and own their transgression rather than merely being surreptitiously transferred to a different parish. Additionally, atonement must entail punishment by civil authorities and monetary compensation. Left to church authorities, rapists are often transferred to a new parish in which they engage in the same sexual behavior. Confinement in a penal setting is warranted. Financial restitution should also be mandated. Offending priests should be mandated to donate their salaries to cover the cost of medical treatment and mental health counseling for individual nuns they violated. Priests’ salaries could also be used to support the ongoing work of various women’s religious orders or used to support all levels of education for African females across the continent. According to the U. S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (2016) the median wage for clergy in the USA was $45,740. It is therefore a safe assumption that priest in Africa and other parts of the world also receive personal wages that could be confiscated. Additionally, the church must share financial culpability and therefore must make some financial restitution as well. As envisioned, targeted funding of education specifically for poor girls and young women in sub-Saharan African is rich with potential possibilities for both the females and Catholic Church. Females would have the opportunity to improve their lives personally, and the lives of those in their families and communities. The far-reaching impact could mean a tangible reduction in poverty for entire nations. Without doubt some of those females who find they are beneficiaries of education opportunities financed by the Catholic Church will opt to enter the sisterhood, expanding the influence of the church still further. Sexual abuse by priest has been and continues to be a most destructive transgression. In the face of such unchristian behavior, some African nuns are developing and sustaining an expectation that religious entities will actualize their stated tenets. Worldwide, members of the sisterhood are coming forward to advocate for an end of clergy sexual abuse of sisters. The Catholic Church must change how it has traditionally viewed the role of women in religious life according to Sr. Eneless Chimbali (DeGeorge, 2019). Sr. Eneless Chimbali called on the church to accept women as women rather than as mere tools to be used. She observed how both women and laity are excluded from decision-making in the curia in the Vatican, a protocol that must be changed if the church is to fundamentally change. Mary Hunt noted that the behavior of priests is akin to a spiritual abuse upon women religious and a relegation of women to second-class citizenship (DeGeorge, 2019) 259

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Worldwide discussions, training and investigations of the issues are occurring in places such as Chile, India, Myanmar, Nigeria, and the USA (Madueke, 2017). The Major Superiors Leadership Conference in Pakistan is an example of work that can provide instructive training on preventive steps that should be implemented in religious communities in varied regions of the world. What emerged are patterns across countries and continents that could prevent abuse and give support should a sister be a sexual victim (DeGeorge, 2019). More vitally, specific actions were developed by Sr. Rose Pacatte and shared that lessen the grooming process of potential victims. Specific recommendations include the following: Learn to identify and avoid potentially problematic situations and occasions Do not assign young sisters to placements in which they are vulnerable Avoid situations in which sisters are working in isolation in a school, rectory, etc. Avoid having sisters asking for letters of recommendation from a priest Use technology whenever possible to deliver communications to priests Instruct sisters to stand up-walk away from danger, even in confession

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Teach young sisters to “say thing” if they have been harassed or abused (DeGeorge, 2019) While the onus of this training is clearly placed on females, such training has reportedly been helpful in Kenya, Malawi, and Nigeria according to sisters in those nations, to empower members of the sisterhood. Looking long term, it is imperative that the church support, the selfadvocacy actions being taken by nuns in Africa and worldwide to end their sexual abuse by priests. A major component of such efforts would entail retraining the clergy, at all levels and implementing zero tolerance policies for anyone who is guilty of sexual exploitation of another person. Given the right environment in which to fulfill their religious calling, the African nuns hold the potential to improve the lives of millions of people on the continent and beyond.

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Toward that end, nearly 100 sisters from 25 Catholic women religious congregations convened in Abuja, Nigeria in November 2016 to actively participate in national transformation. Their focus was on the reduction of poverty, social injustice, health and education (Jacques, n.d.). The women of Africa have been a force for change in the past whenever they have coalesced and intently focused on a common goal (Bernhart, 2010; Navarro, 2010). Likewise African nuns are resilient and have similar potential, especially in the area of education and poverty reduction. Bunson (2015) highlights the potential for massive social change that could be ushered in on the continent by the Catholic Church. There is according to Bunson, a young, vibrant population in much of sub-Saharan Africa, many of whom are followers of the Catholic Church. Efforts by an African nun Sr. Christine Imbali, resulted in aiding lowincome Kenyan women to be self-reliant by creating small chicken business startups (O’Donnell, 2019). In Zambia, Sr. Juunza Mwangani hopes to create a hospital system in which patients who want a private room and special amenities may have them for a price. As envisioned, the extra funds generated from the system will help pay for services of those who are unable to visit the hospital (Adams, 2019). These efforts by African nuns serve to highlight the work that these women can accomplish when they are freed from the fear and reality of sexual exploitation. It is a central component of their calling to improve the lives of their people. In conclusion we are left with the question of Catholic Christian consciousness: How is it that the Catholic Church that purports to embrace and promote equity and dignity of all humans regardless of one’s gender or race, actually participated in the sexual oppression of African members of the Catholic sisterhood? Sadly, this same question could be posed in connection with the sexual abuse of children by priests, the physical abuse of children by nuns, or the church’s position toward members of the LGBTQIA+ community. Additionally, we are left to ponder how we may be in solidarity with African females in ways that may shape new cultural views about the value of women and girls on the continent. Achieving gender equality for African females will result in their freedom to choose the religious life not merely as a means of acquiring an education but more as a consequence of their spiritual decision. Equally important, the choice of an African woman to a Catholic religious life must be free of the threat of sexual abuse by Catholic priests.

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Barillas, M. (2010). Statistics show worldwide increase of Catholics and Catholic priests. Spero News. Retrieved from http://www.speroforum. com/a/42113/Statistics-show-worldwide-increase-of-Catholics-and-Catholicpriests Bernhart, A. (2010). Igbo women campaign for rights (The Women’s War) in Nigeria, 1929. Global Nonviolent Action Database. Retrieved from https:// nvdatabase.swarthmore.edu/content/igbo-women-campaign-rights-womenswar-nigeria-1929 Bissada, A. (2019). Priest sexually abuse nuns, admits Pope Francis. All Africa. Retrieved from https://allafrica.com/stories/201902070258.html

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Dabel, J. (2008). A respectable woman: the public roles of African American women in nineteenth-century New York. New York: New York University Press. DeGeorge, G. (2019). Women religious shatter the silence about clergy sexual abuse of sisters. Global Sisters Report. Retrieved from https://www. globalsistersreport.org/news/trends/women-religious-shatter-silence-aboutclergy-sexual-abuse-sisters-55800 Desmond, J. (2019). Pope spotlights sexual abuse of nuns. National Catholic Register. Retrieved from http://www.ncregister.com/daily-news/popespotlights-sexual-abuse-of-nuns 263

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Dura-Vila, G., & Littlewood, R. (2013). Integration of sexual trauma in a religious narrative: Transformation, resolution and growth among contemplative nuns. Transcultural Psychiatry, 50(1), 21-46. Retrieved from https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4107816/ Fleshman, M. (2010). Abolishing fees boosts African schooling. AfricaRenewal. Retrieved from https://www.un.org/africarenewal/magazine/january-2010/ abolishing-fees-boosts-african-schooling Girls not Brides. (n.d.). What’s the child marriage rate? How big of an issue is child marriage? Retrieved from https://www.girlsnotbrides.org/childmarriage/nigeria/ Horowitz, J., & Dias, E. (2019). Pope acknowledges nuns were sexually abused by priest and bishops. The New York Times. Retrieved from https:// www.nytimes.com/2019/02/05/world/europe/pope-nuns-sexual-abuse.html Jacques, N. (n.d.). Catholic nuns have had enough: change the Nigeria we have into the Nigeria we want. African Faith and Justice Network. Retrieved from http://afjn.org/service-advocacy-and-change-reverend-sister-and-nationbuilding/ Kadzamira, E., Rose, P., & Zubairi, A. (2018). Who benefits from abolishing secondary school fees in Malawi and what are the costs? Global Education Monitoring Report. Retrieved from https://gemreportunesco.wordpress. com/2018/10/19/who-benefits-from-abolishing-secondary-school-fees-inmalawi-and-what-are-the-costs/

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Kattan, R. (2017). Quality education for all: measuring progress in Francophone Africa. Retrieved from http://blogs.worldbank.org/education/ quality-education-all-measuring-progress-francophone-africa Kattan, R., & Burnett, N. (2004). User fees in primary education. The World Bank. Retrieved from http://siteresources.worldbank.org/EDUCATION/ Resources/278200-1099079877269/547664-1099079993288/EFAcase_ userfees.pdf Lauder, H., Young, M., Daniels, H., Balarin, M., & Lowe, J. (Eds.). (2012). Educating for the Knowledge Economy?: Critical Perspectives. New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group.

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Lewin, K., & Sabates, R. (2011). Changing patterns of access to education in Anglophone and Francophone countries in sub-Saharan Africa: is education for all pro-poor? Retrieved from https://eric.ed.gov/?id=ED519555 Madueke, E. (2017). The power of African Catholic nuns needs to be unleashed. Global Sisters. Retrieved from https://www.globalsistersreport. org/column/justice-matters/trends/power-african-catholic-nuns-needs-beunleashed-44411 Majgaard, K., & Mingat, A. (2012). Education in sub-Saharan Africa: a comparative study. The World Bank. Retrieved from https://openknowledge. worldbank.org/bitstream/handle/10986/13143/9780821388891. pdf;sequence=1 Martin, I. (2017). Vatican statistics confirm the Catholic future is in Africa. Cruz. Retrieved from https://cruxnow.com/global-church/2017/04/06/vaticanstatistics-confirm-catholic-future-africa/ McGarry, P. (2019). The Irish woman who exposed abuse of nuns by priest 25 years ago. The Irish Times. Retrieved from https://www.irishtimes.com/ news/social-affairs/religion-and-beliefs/the-irish-woman-who-exposedabuse-of-nuns-by-priests-25-years-ago-1.3788555 McNally, T. (2016). Catholic sisters in Africa: strong, vital and taking on global challenges. University of Southern California Center for Religion and Civic Culture. Retrieved from https://crcc.usc.edu/catholic-sisters-in-africastrong-vital-and-taking-on-global-challenges/ Migration Data Portal. (2019). Gender and Migration. Retrieved from https:// migrationdataportal.org/themes/gender

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Wangwe, S. (n.d.). Technology, trade, and industrialization in sub-Saharan Africa. Retrieved from http://www.unu.edu/unupress/unupbooks/uu37we/ uu37we00.htm#Contents Wester, K. (n.d.). Violated: women’s human rights in sub-Saharan Africa. Topical Review Digest. Retrieved from www.du.edu/korbel/hrhw/ researchdigest/africa/WomensRights.pdf Winfield, N., & Muhumuza, R. (2018). After decades of silence, nuns talk about abuse by priest. AP News. Retrieved from https://apnews.com/ f7ec3cec9a4b46868aa584fe1c94fb28

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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS

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Celibacy: A central vow of priest to abstain from engaging in sexual acts. Chastity: A central vow of members of the sisterhood to abstain from engaging in sexual acts. LGBTQIA+: An acronym for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex, queer/questioning, asexual, and others. Nuns: Women within the Catholic faith who take a vow of chastity, poverty, obedience, and to serve others. Omugwo: An Igbo cultural tradition, in which a new mother is pampered by her own mother or other very close relation. Osu: An Igbo social caste system that discourages social interaction and marriage with groups of persons called Osu. Remittances: The monies immigrant workers send to family members in their country of origin. Sexual Abuse: Any nonconsensual sexual action perpetrated on another person.

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Veselinova, E., & Samonikov, M. G. (2018). Henkel: Radical Transparency and Sustainability. In Building Brand Equity and Consumer Trust Through Radical Transparency Practices (pp. 337–389). Hershey, PA: IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-5225-2417-5.ch009 Veselinova, E., & Samonikov, M. G. (2018). The 3M Company: How to Use Radical Transparency to Generate Value for the Company. In Building Brand Equity and Consumer Trust Through Radical Transparency Practices (pp. 185–318). Hershey, PA: IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2417-5.ch007

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Whitelaw, L., & Taddei, L. M. (2018). Using Reflection to Explore Cultural Responsiveness of Preservice Teachers. In Z. Djoub (Ed.), Fostering Reflective Teaching Practice in Pre-Service Education (pp. 166–188). Hershey, PA: IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2963-7.ch009 Wongsurawat, W., & Shrestha, V. (2018). Information Technology, Globalization, and Local Conditions: Implications for Entrepreneurs in Southeast Asia. In P. Ordóñez de Pablos (Ed.), Management Strategies and Technology Fluidity in the Asian Business Sector (pp. 163–176). Hershey, PA: IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-5225-4056-4.ch010

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Zheng, X., Liu, H., Lin, D., & Li, J. (2018). Achieving Rural Teachers’ Development Through a WeChat Professional Learning Community: Two Cases From Guangdong Province. In H. Spires (Ed.), Digital Transformation and Innovation in Chinese Education (pp. 307–318). Hershey, PA: IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-29248.ch017

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About the Contributors

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Blanche Jackson Glimps is a professor in the Department of Teaching and Learning at Tennessee State University. She has been an educator for many years with her first teaching position with Detroit Public Schools as a third-grade teacher and later as a special educator. Upon completion of her doctoral degree, at The University of Michigan, Dr. Glimps has been a faculty member or an administrator at a variety of higher education institutions. She has taught courses at public and private institutions of higher education including Christian colleges. She has taught undergraduate and graduate courses such as university studies, introduction to teaching, introduction to special education, and a range of graduate level courses in special education or curriculum and instruction. Her first love is researching, presenting, and publishing on issues that impact the lives of children, youth, and families from historically underrepresented groups. She has authored, or coauthored, many journal articles and book chapters on issues related to diversity. She is the coauthor, with Dr. Theron Ford, of the book Gender and Diversity Issues in Religious-based Institutions and Organizations which was published by IGI in 2016. Dr. Glimps’ inspiration, determination, resilience, and persistence comes from growing up in a very large two parent family who lived in a low-income community. She enjoys exploring the world, and examining global topics, through books. Theron Ford is a newly retired Associate Professor who appreciated the time she has had to reconnect with old friends, and to cultivate new ones, both domestically and internationally. With the luxury of time on her hands she is continuing to focus on social issues that have shaped her professional agenda--public education, racism in education, the intersection of gender and racism as well as utilizing effective strategies to counter the rise of white

About the Contributors

supremacy nationally and worldwide. Dr. Ford continues to live in her home state but looks forward to wintering in Jamaica each year. She derives a major sense of accomplishment from actively mentoring anyone who seeks to gain knowledge. ***

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Umme Al-wazedi is Associate Professor of Postcolonial Literature in the Department of English and Co-Program Director of Women’s and Gender Studies at Augustana College, Rock Island, Illinois. Her research interest encompasses (Muslim) women writers of South Asia and South Asian Diaspora, Muslim feminism, and postcolonial disability studies. She has published in South Asian Review, and South Asian History and Culture. She coedited a special issue of South Asian Review titled Nation and Its Discontents and a book titled Postcolonial Urban Outcasts: City Margins in South Asian Literature (Routledge, 2017) with Madhurima Chakraborty, Columbia College Chicago, Chicago, Illinois. She is also the author of several book chapters including a chapter on pedagogy titled “Exploring the Development of Immigrant Fiction: The Pedagogy of Counter-Narratives” published in Teaching with Tension: Race, Resistance, and Reality in the Classroom (Critical Insurgencies), forthcoming in 2019 (Editors: Philathia Bolton, Cassandra L. Smith, and Lee Bebout, Northwestern UP). Judy Alhamisi retired from her position in 2015 as an assistant professor at Marygrove College in Detroit, Michigan, to pursue another area of interest: the science of aging. As coordinator of elementary education, her primary research focused on teacher preparation, adult learners, teacher quality and student achievement. Her publications have appeared in the Journal of the National Association for Alternative Certification, Tennessee Educational Leadership Journal, The Griot, Educational Facility Planner, and IGI Global. Alhamisi has presented her research at national, state, and local educational conferences. Alhamisi received her B.S. Degree in Speech Pathology from Illinois State University; her M.A. Degree in Reading from The University of Michigan; and, her Ed.D. Degree in Educational Leadership from The University of Toledo.

335

About the Contributors

R. Darden Bradshaw, an artist and arts educator at the K-12 and college level, earned her PhD in Art History and Visual Culture Education (2013) and an MFA in Fibers (2001) from the University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ. Darden is an Assistant Professor and Area Coordinator of Art Education at the University of Dayton, in Dayton, OH. Cynthia Bragg is an Associate Professor at Morgan State University located in Baltimore, Maryland.She works in the Department of Sociology & Anthropology teaching several courses. Dr. Bragg’s major areas of concentration are race, class, and gender, and the sociology of religion with particular emphasis on the Black Church and leadership roles of women.

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Lauren Curry is a Memphis native with an MBA in business administration from the University of Tennessee, and writing certifications from the University of Louisville. She is a design and publishing consultant who launched Resolute Publishing in 2010 to help Black women writers navigate the daunting world of publishing. You can find her short stories— which reflect the lives of southern Black women and girls— in Lez Talk: A Collection of Black Lesbian Short Fiction (2016) and G.R.I.T.S: Girls Raised in the South — An Anthology of Queer Womyn’s Voices & Their Allies (2013). She has also written two novels, co-edited three anthologies, and co-directs the Black Lesbian Literary Collective. She tweets at @LaurenCre8s. Donna M. Dopwell, Ph.D., completed her master’s degree in social work at the University of Tennessee in May 2009 and her doctoral degree at Fordham University in April 2017. Dr. Dopwell has worked as the coordinator of a shelter for women and as Director of Education at an organization which focuses on improving socioeconomic status of residents in a low-income portion of Philadelphia, PA. She is currently a Lecturer in the Social Work Department at Middle Tennessee State University and specializes in issues of race, ethnicity, intersectionality, the effects of contemporary colonialism on Puerto Ricans, discrimination and acculturative stress. Dr. Dopwell has published in Affilia: Journal of Women and Social Work. Shraga Fisherman is head of the Educational Counseling Program at Shaanan College in Haifa, Israel. He is also Editor in Chief of the Educational Counselor Journal.

336

About the Contributors

Bernard Pindukai Humbe is a lecturer in the Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies at Great Zimbabwe University, Masvingo. He is a PhD candidate with the University of Free State. He is a subscribed member of ACLARS and ICLARS. His areas of interest include Meaning of African Traditional Religion in modern societies, Traditional Law and Social Development, Religion and Entrepreneurship, Religion and Social Transformation, and Religion and Power.

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V. Nikki Jones, DSW, LCSW, LMFT, is an Assistant Professor of Social Work at Middle Tennessee State University and teaches undergraduate and graduate courses. She earned Bachelor and Master degrees from The University of Tennessee at Chattanooga before pursuing a Master of Science in Social Work with a specialization in Couple & Family Therapy at The University of Louisville. She completed a Doctor of Social Work Practice and Leadership at The University of Tennessee at Knoxville. Dr. Jones has provided direct services to couples and families in private practice and community mental health settings. Her main research and publication interest are social determinants of sleep disparity among non-majority groups and culturally aware social work practice. Chukwunyere E. Okezie is an associate professor of Education and Human Resource Management and Director of Griot Program (African American Male) at Marygrove College. He teaches graduate courses in education, psychology and human resource management. He holds a B.Sc in Business Administration and Transportation from Robert Morris University, a M.Ed., in Educational Counseling & Training and Development, and a Ph.D., in Social and Comparative Analysis in Education from the University of Pittsburgh. Okezie is a Board of Examiner/Site Visitor for Council for Accreditation of Educator Preparation (CAEP). He has authored and coauthored articles, book chapters, and has served on several editorial boards. Okezie has presented his research at national, state, and local conferences. Okezie is currently the President of Faculty at Marygrove College. He serves as Vice President and member on the Board of Oaksides Scholars Charter Academy. Okezie is also past president of the Ikwuano Umuahia Association, a community organization.

337

About the Contributors

Dominica Pradere was educated in Britain and Jamaica. She has worked in a variety of schools in Jamaica, and has taught at every grade level. Currently retired, she provides private tutoring for Grade 2-6 students who have academic challenges. She is also involved in volunteer work with children and disadvantaged members of her community. Fortune Sibanda (PhD) is an Associate Professor in the Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, Great Zimbabwe University, Masvingo. Professor Sibanda received his D.Phil in Arts from the University of Zimbabwe. His research interests include New Religious Movements, Human rights issues, the environment, religion and law, religion and power. He has coedited a book entitled: Power in Contemporary Zimbabwe. Professor Sibanda is a member of a number of academic associations including the African Consortium for Law and Religion Studies (ACLARS), African Theological Institutions in Southern and Central Africa (ATISCA), Association for the Study of Religion in Southern Africa (ASRSA) and African Association for the Study of Religion (AASR).

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Kalina Spencer is a 2018 graduate of John Carroll University. She currently attends Kent Sate University where she is a graduate student pursuing a Masters degree in School Psychology.

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Index

#MeToo 3, 9, 21, 23, 154, 226-230, 232, 238-239, 242-243, 245-246, 257, 259 #MosqueMeToo 228, 238-239, 247 #MosqueMeToo Movement 226, 228, 238-239, 247

A Adolescents 30, 196-197, 200, 204, 211, 214-217, 220-223, 269 African American 1-5, 7-28, 30-37, 39-41, 43-47, 49-55, 83, 85, 120-121, 139, 141, 249, 265 African American Woman 1, 3-4, 9, 16, 32, 83 Agency 107-108, 111, 117, 122, 124, 129, 131-132, 134, 136-137, 143, 182, 187, 194, 214, 228, 238, 251, 265

B Black Feminisms 1, 3, 10-11, 13-19, 2123, 27, 32 Body Image (BI) 197-198, 225

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C Calling 81, 107, 119-120, 122, 131-132, 137, 143, 228, 262-263 Catholicism 57, 77, 90-91, 93-94, 97-99, 101, 105, 150, 169, 248, 253-254, 264 Celibacy 248, 258, 268, 270 Charism 80-82, 84, 87-95, 98-100, 105 Chastity 270 child sexual abuse 28, 171-174, 180, 183,

185-188, 190, 193-194 Confict 64, 87, 94, 98-100, 175, 202-204, 209-210, 214, 216, 220, 223, 225, 235, 252 Cult 154-159, 169 Cultural Infuence 202 Cultural Racism 230-231, 247

D Diversity 31, 36, 47, 50, 52-53, 55-56, 60, 70-71, 74, 77, 86, 88, 91-93, 96, 101102, 106, 148, 217 Divisi 145, 157, 167, 169

E Educational Challenge 196, 217 Emotional Wellbeing 196-197, 199, 202206, 210, 213-214, 225 Enterprising Agency 107, 132, 143 Exclusion 56, 63-64, 66, 74, 108, 117, 139, 250, 256

F Feminism in 3D 240, 247 Fundamentalism 164, 169, 246

G Gendered Islamophobia 232, 247 Griot Program 33, 35-37, 40-44, 46-47, 49, 51, 54 Gullibility 146, 169

Index

H

Nuns 248, 252-253, 256-264, 266-268, 270

Heterocentric-Patriarchy 1, 3-4, 8-13, 15, 17, 21-23, 32

O

I Identity 8, 10, 15, 17, 25, 70, 81, 83, 86, 95-96, 98-100, 103-105, 153, 167, 180, 186, 196-197, 203-204, 211-214, 216-222, 225, 255 Inclusion 36, 45, 47-48, 55-56, 64, 71, 74, 77, 101-102, 107, 133-135, 137, 153 Initiative 33, 35-36, 40, 44-48, 52-55, 239 Internal Confict 209, 225 Intersectionality 10, 21, 32, 82-83, 86, 103, 242 Islamophobia 230-232, 245, 247

L Leadership 10-11, 13, 22-24, 33, 36, 38-40, 43-46, 48, 50-51, 55, 101, 107-110, 112-113, 117, 119-121, 123-125, 127137, 141, 143, 145-146, 150, 152-154, 162-165, 167, 169, 174, 178-180, 187-188, 261 LGBTQIA+ 263, 270

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M Mainline Christianity 150, 169 Mainline Church 145 Marginalization 67, 70, 74, 83, 86, 95, 117, 119, 232 Marginalized Voices 105 Marianist 77, 80-82, 84, 87-95, 98-101, 103, 105 Micro-Aggression 66, 74 Model African American Initiatives 33 Modern Orthodox (MO) 196, 225 Moravians 171, 174, 177, 195 Mormons 171, 174-175, 183, 185, 190, 194-195 Muslim Women and Patriarchy 226, 247

N 340

Omugwo 248, 255, 270 Oppression 1, 3, 9-10, 14-15, 17-19, 21-23, 32, 56, 67-68, 70, 75, 83, 90, 94, 98, 100, 104, 116-117, 120, 147, 229, 244, 259-260, 263 Orientalism and Muslim Women 247 Orthodox Judaism (Haredi) 171, 174 Osu 248, 256, 270

P Patriarchal Theology 145-146, 148, 163, 169 Patriarchy 2-3, 9-10, 13-14, 16-18, 27, 113, 117, 121, 132, 134, 143, 226, 228, 239-240, 243, 247 Pentecostalism 109-110, 120, 141, 147, 149-151, 168, 170 Plenipotentiary 111, 157, 170 Plenipotentiary Power 157 Positionality 77, 84, 88, 100, 105, 138 Privilege 14-15, 17-18, 22, 46, 67-69, 7172, 74-75, 82, 84, 94, 101, 104-106, 117, 149, 228, 230, 254 Public Feminism 226, 228, 239, 242, 244, 247

R Racism 11, 14, 17, 21, 25, 31-32, 34, 68-69, 72, 76, 78, 83-84, 86, 113, 118, 120121, 230-231, 245, 247, 249 Rape 3-10, 12-13, 21, 28-29, 32, 148, 155, 158, 160, 162-163, 167, 172-173, 178, 227, 232-236, 242, 244, 258, 260, 269 Religion 2-3, 9-10, 15, 28-32, 66, 79, 87, 89-93, 98, 101, 104-105, 109, 119, 127, 138, 141-142, 147-148, 150-152, 159, 166-169, 181, 184, 191-194, 203, 215, 219-220, 225, 230-231, 238, 244, 246-247, 264-265, 267, 269 Religiosity 118, 122, 196-197, 201-202, 204, 210, 214, 216, 218, 225

Index

Remittances 253, 270 Representation 34, 39-41, 70-71, 75, 92, 100-101, 232

S Scatted 1, 32 Self-Acceptance 209 Sexual Abuse 2, 12-13, 18, 27-28, 157, 159, 161-162, 165, 169-174, 176, 178-183, 185-190, 192-194, 248, 256-263, 265-266, 270 Sexual Orientation 10, 15, 30, 105, 118, 197, 200, 202-205, 209-210, 212, 214, 216, 218, 223 Spiritual Guru 155, 170 State Supervisor 143

V Voice 17, 19, 62, 68, 71, 76, 85, 92, 105, 107-108, 115-116, 118-119, 121-123, 127-128, 131, 133-135, 137, 139, 143, 240, 245, 257

W Womanist 15-16, 20, 26, 29-30, 118-122, 136, 139-143

Y Young Adults 44, 196-197, 212-214, 216, 222

U

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Ultra-Orthodox (UO) 225

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