Metamorphoses of Religion and Spirituality in Central and Eastern Europe 9781032197456, 9781032223025, 9781003271994

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Routledge Studies in Religion

METAMORPHOSES OF RELIGION AND SPIRITUALITY IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE Edited by Sławomir H. Zaręba, Maria Sroczyńska, Roberto Cipriani, Marcin Choczyński, and Wojciech Klimski

Metamorphoses of Religion and Spirituality in Central and Eastern Europe

This book offers a range of contemporary sociological reflections on new manifestations of religion, religiosity, and spirituality in Central and Eastern Europe, a region that has seen significant social and political transformation. It explores the development of cultural and religious trends, including secularisation, new spirituality, and a resurgence of religiosity outside of traditional structures. The theoretical and empirical contributions by established and emerging scholars address topics including: the experiences and values of young people; the role and influence of media; the relationship between public and private religion; and the position of the state and institutions. The book will be of particular interest to sociologists of religion and others focused on contemporary Central and Eastern European societies. Sławomir H. Zaręba is a professor and head of the Department of Sociology of Religion at Cardinal Stefan Wyszyń ski University in Warsaw, Poland. Maria Sroczyń ska is an associate professor at the Institute of Sociological Sciences at Cardinal Stefan Wyszyń ski University in Warsaw, Poland. Roberto Cipriani is Professor Emeritus of Sociology at Roma Tre University, Italy. Marcin Choczyń ski is an assistant professor at the Institute of Sociological Sciences at Cardinal Stefan Wyszyń ski University in Warsaw, Poland. Wojciech Klimski is an assistant professor at the Department of Sociology of Religion at Cardinal Stefan Wyszyń ski University in Warsaw, Poland.

Routledge Studies in Religion

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Metamorphoses of Religion and Spirituality in Central and Eastern Europe Edited by Sławomir H. Zaręba, Maria Sroczyń ska, Roberto Cipriani, Marcin Choczyń ski, and Wojciech Klimski

First published 2022 by Routledge 4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2022 selection and editorial matter, Sławomir H. Zaręba, Maria Sroczyń ska, Roberto Cipriani, Marcin Choczyń ski, and Wojciech Klimski; individual chapters, the contributors The right of Sławomir H. Zaręba, Maria Sroczyń ska, Roberto Cipriani, Marcin Choczyń ski, and Wojciech Klimski to be identified as the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record has been requested for this book ISBN: 978-1-032-19745-6 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-032-22302-5 (pbk) ISBN: 978-1-003-27199-4 (ebk) DOI: 10.4324/9781003271994 Typeset in Sabon by MPS Limited, Dehradun

Contents

List of illustrations List of contributors Transmutation of spiritual and religious mentality: introduction

viii x

1

S Ł AWOMIR H. Z A R Ę B A , M A R I A S R O C Z Y Ń S K A , ROB E RTO CIPR I A N I , M A R C I N C HO C Z Y Ń S K I , AND WOJCIE CH K L I M S K I

PART I

The metatoretical dimension of social and religious metamorphoses 1 Cultural sociology of religion in the perspective of comparative religion

15

17

ANDRZE J WÓJ TO W I C Z

2 The concept of public religion in the context of the development of the sociology of religion: the perspective of Central and Eastern Europe

33

IRE NA B OROWI K

3 Spirituality vs. religiosity as impetus to the discussion on the change factors in the contemporary sociology of religion

46

S Ł AWOMIR H. Z A R Ę B A

4 Modern directions of development of religion and spirituality: an attempt at systematisation AGNIE SZKA ZDU N I A K

55

vi

Contents

5 New spirituality as a social and cultural megatrend

66

JANUS Z MA R I A Ń S K I

6 Metamorphoses of religiosity in Poland: post-modern spirituality or religious morality?

77

HAL INA MIEL I C K A - P A W Ł O W S K A

7 “The Miracle of Mindfulness”: between the discovery of the sacred in everyday life and secularization of the practice of meditation

90

ANDRZE J KA S PE R E K

PART II

Transformations of religiosity and spirituality in a society at risk – an attempt at diagnosis 8 Religiosity of the Polish intelligentsia at the beginning of the twenty-first century

103

105

WOJCIE CH K L I M S K I

9 The sacred and the young: theoretical and empirical inspirations

129

MARIA SRO C Z Y Ń S K A

10 The spectre of secularisation: against equating church indifference with religious indifference

143

E GON S PIE G E L

11 Spiritual values of university students in contemporary Ukrainian society: a sociological discourse

159

YURIY PACHK O VS K Y Y

12 Contemporary religiosity in practice: experiencing religion

175

S TE L L A GRO TO W S K A

13 Religious experience as a dimension of religiosity: Polish youth in the world of experience

188

RE MIGIUSZ S Z A U E R

14 The attitude towards Jehovah’s Witnesses in Poland in the light of innovation and religious selectivity MARCIN CH O C Z Y Ń S K I

202

Contents vii

15 From orality to the Internet: transformations of religious communication in Polish miracular communities

217

MACIE J KRZYW O S Z

16 A scapegoat or a modern devil? The analysis of Catholic press discourse on “gender” and “genderists” (on the examples of “Niedziela” and “Tygodnik Powszechny” weeklies)

231

B ARB ARA OB ER - D O M A G A L S K A

17 #witchesofinstagram: How does social media spread spirituality, witchcraft, and pagan movements?

248

MARTA R. JABŁ O Ń S K A

Index

265

Illustrations

Figures 4.1 4.2 4.3 11.1 11.2

16.1 17.1 17.2 17.3 17.4 17.5 17.6

Dimensions of relations in religion (source: own analysis) Institutional religion and its impact on relational dimensions (source: own analysis) De-institutionalisation of religion and its consequences (source: own analysis) Theoretical planes – dimensions of the analysis of the category “spiritual values” Orientation of Ukrainian students (source: Acronyms: UL – Ivan Franko National University of Lviv; PL – Lviv Polytechnic National University; UKU – Ukrainian Catholic University) Distribution of articles on gender in “Niedziela” and “Tygodnik Powszechny” Social media reach graph for #witchesonstagram hashtags group (own evaluation using brand24) Social media reach graph for #witchaesthetic hashtags group (own evaluation using brand24) Social media reach graph for #Yule hashtags group (own evaluation using brand24) Context of discussion for group 1 #witchesofinstagram (own evaluation using brand24) Context of discussion for group 2 #witchaesthetic (own evaluation using brand24) Context of discussion for group 3 #Yule (own evaluation using brand24)

56 57 59 164

170 237 254 255 256 258 258 259

Tables 8.1

The intelligentsia’s attitude to faith, religious practices and teaching of the Church between 2008 and 2018 (in %). Source: Centre for Public Opinion Research (CBOS)

114

Illustrations ix 8.2 Participation of the intelligentsia in religious practices and prayer between 2008 and 2018 (in %). Source: Centre for Public Opinion Research (CBOS) 8.3 Opinions of the intelligentsia on the relationship between religion and morality between 2008 and 2016 (in %). Source: Centre for Public Opinion Research (CBOS) 8.4 Opinions of the intelligentsia on moral norms and values to be taught under state-school education, gathered in 2013 and 2016 (in %). Source: Centre for Public Opinion Research (CBOS) 10.1 Sunday practice: the students of Catholic Theology at the University of Vechta in Germany 11.1 Factors affecting the development of the students’ spiritual values in contemporary Ukrainian society 17.1 Most active locations for Group 1 #witchesofinstagram 17.2 Most active locations for Group 2 #witchaesthetic 17.3 Most active locations for Group 3 #Yule 17.4 Definitions and descriptions of witch and witchcraft from Instagram accounts 17.5 Instagram accounts related to Wicca, witchcraft, business approach (N = 237)

116

118

121 150 169 257 257 257 259 261

Contributors

Irena Borowik is Professor of Sociology at Jagiellonian University, Poland. Marcin Choczyń ski is an assistant professor at the Department of Sociology of Religion at the Institute of Sociological Sciences at Cardinal Stefan Wyszyń ski University in Warsaw, Poland. Roberto Cipriani is Professor Emeritus of Sociology at Roma Tre University, Italy. Stella Grotowska is professor of Sociology at AGH University of Science and Technology in Kraków, Poland. Marta R. Jabłoń ska is an assistant professor at the Institute of Logistics and Information Technology at the University of Lodz, Poland. Andrzej Kasperek is a professor at the Faculty of Arts and Educational Sciences at the University of Silesia in Katowice, Poland. Wojciech Klimski is an assistant professor at the Department of Sociology of Religion at the Institute of Sociological Sciences at Cardinal Stefan Wyszyń ski University in Warsaw, Poland. Maciej Krzywosz is an assistant professor at the Institute of Sociology at University of Białystok, Poland. Janusz Mariań ski is Professor Emeritus at John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin, Poland. Halina Mielicka-Pawłowska is an associate professor and an ethnographer, and sociologist of religion at Jan Kochanowski University in Kielce, Poland. Barbara Ober-Domagalska is an assistant professor at the Department of Sociology of Politics and Morality at the University of Łódź Poland. Yuriy Pachkovskyy is a professor and head of the Department of Sociology at Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, Ukraine. Egon Spiegel is professor and holder of the Chair of Practical Theology at the University of Vechta, Germany.

Contributors xi Maria Sroczyń ska is an associate professor and head of the Department of Sociology of the Family, Education and Upbringing in the Institute of Sociological Sciences at Cardinal Stefan Wyszyń ski University in Warsaw, Poland. Remigiusz Szauer is an assistant professor at Theological Faculty at the University of Szczecin, Poland. Andrzej Wójtowicz is professor of Sociology at Cardinal Stefan Wyszyń ski University in Warsaw, Poland. Sławomir H. Zaręba is a professor and head of the Department of Sociology of Religion at Cardinal Stefan Wyszyń ski University in Warsaw, Poland. Agnieszka Zduniak is an associate professor at Cardinal Stefan Wyszyń ski University in Warsaw, Poland.

Transmutation of spiritual and religious mentality: introduction Sławomir H. Zaręba, Maria Sroczyń ska, Roberto Cipriani, Marcin Choczyń ski, and Wojciech Klimski

There is no coincidence that we have given this collective work the title Metamorphoses of religion and spirituality in Central and Eastern Europe, because, as sociologist, theorists, and researches, we observe sociological reflections in the context of risk society, and describe the regional dimension of global processes with social change as their inalieable feature, which is becoming increasingly evident in surprising cultural developments. These processes take place in various segments of the social structure, which translates into people’s experience (everyday existence), including their religiosity, regardless of their confessional membership. The title itself brings to mind the concept of Ulrich Beck (2007) who, being aware of the occurring changes, proposed a new way of approaching contemporary society, describing it in an unconventional way, taking into account numerous threats that demand a new frame of reference. As Patrick Baert and Filipe Carreira da Silva point out, the main feature of the society at risk is that people are confronted with systemic uncertainty. Moreover, modern society is increasingly individualised, which means that the biographical framework is no longer imposed “from the outside” and individuals regularly construct their own narratives and identities (Baert and Carreira da Silva, 2010). The position of the cited German sociologist is not confined to the sphere of economy, organisation, contemporary threats, or modernisation processes, but it goes further, also touching on culture and personality aspects. It is precisely the social and individual identity that the religious aspect also fits in, creating specific constructs. These are often the result of individual, subjective narratives, everyday experiences, as well as the discourse conducted in the public sphere and the accompanying argumentation. Some time ago, Polish sociologist Irena Borowik, referring to the views of Peter Beyer, recognised that religion functions as a global system in which certain forms of religion appear as religious and social organisations or movements with a certain legal status in a given society. Religions of the world known to researchers are different in these attributes. Some are formed in a clearer and more explicit way, e.g. Christianity, Judaism, Islam, Sikhism, Buddhism, and Hinduism; other religions, such as Taoism and DOI: 10.4324/9781003271994-1

2 Sławomir H. Zaręba et al. Shintoism, form less-determined forms, and Confucianism is fully immersed in symbolic and moral culture (Borowik, 2005, p. 15). We are currently witnessing changes in the attitudes of institutionalised religions. They appear mainly in the area of worship and in relation to dogmatic and moral content. These changes over the last three decades have accelerated significantly, often revealing a growing distance to faith as such and a critical attitude towards the institutions that promote it. The boundaries between religiosity and non-religiosity as well as between believers and non-believers are blurring; the criteria for distinction are becoming fluid, less rigorous, and unambiguous. The presence of religion in social life increasingly resembles capillary phenomena, notes Roberto Cipriani (2017), permeating, often in an unconscious way, cultural events, and practices that are the result of tension between socialisation processes spread out over time and communication chains present in everyday life. At the time of dynamic, systemic, and structural changes in the area of religious attitudes, as confirmed by sociological empirical research, the concept of metamorphosis is no longer understood only as evolution or transformation but also as modernisation or even transmutation, to which Thomas Luckmann’s reflections on the “invisible religion” made reference (Luckmann 1967). Metamorphosis is now becoming the most appropriate term to describe current mental and behavioural changes, which can be seen as a shift “from obligation to consumption” (Davie, 2013, p. 146). In this context, one can recall the position of the religious sociologist Janusz Mariański who noted that: (…) rapid social and cultural transformations taking place in the contemporary world affect religions and churches. There is a talk of a crisis of religion (even of driving transcendence out of society) and its rebirth (renaissance) in the post-modern world. In a sense, religion is on the market of various offers available to individuals. Religion itself – and even more so the churches – functions as a separate sector of society, with its own codes and rights (the so-called subsystem). (Mariański, 2005, p. 359) Thus, the issue of social change (which is part of the transformation of religious mentality) shaping a new type of identity is becoming particularly important, especially on the European ground. The situation of individuals and religious groups in the 21st century raises questions about ecclesial affiliations, identification with what is institutional, religiosity developed outside traditional religious structures, or even the relationship between global processes and desacralisation. As I. Borowik points out, “religious identity in the conditions of globalisation is more problematic” (2005, p. 18). At present, sociologists cannot close their interests solely within the framework of religiosity as it is not the only one that determines human spiritual needs. The phenomenon of spirituality, with which both religious

Introduction 3 and non-religious connotations are – as we know – linked, deserves special attention. The discovery of new indicators of religious–spiritual behaviour, present in the Christian, Muslim, Far East, African, and many other cults, leads to the conclusion that values that cannot be reduced to a hedonistic and vital level, focused on the human self, are still relevant. Social and individual arrangements of valued states of affairs include higher-order values – aesthetics, truth, morality, and the sacred. J. Surzykiewicz and M. Stańczuk draw attention to the aspect of research: Contemporary man more and more often explores for their own use the idea that reality does not end only in the material world; that it can exist and that something more exists. Individuals feel entitled to express their own views on the Absolute, God, or what is sacred, in opposition to the profane. And they do not need a traditional religion for this. People replace institutionalised religions and rituals with personalised ways of establishing relationships and referring to God or the Absolute. In this current, the question of human religiosity as a fundamental feature of human existence is often replaced by the universality of the individual’s spiritual experience. As a result, spirituality is perceived as religious spirituality, or as spirituality not related to religion and religiosity, often referring to emancipated traditions of Eastern religious cultures, conceived in the current of positive psychology, e.g. the socalled secular or humanistic spirituality, such as “mindfulness,” “sensitivity,” or Eastern religions. (Surzykiewicz & Stańczuk, 2020, p. 254) However, this does not mean that the current position of the sociology of religion is in doubt. On the contrary, as Roberto Cipriani claims, it seems that we are at the beginning of a new era of religious enquiry (2021, p. 8). The modes of presence of religious phenomena in society presented above oblige sociologists to use different paradigms and theories to explain their vitality. This theoretical pluralism, i.e. the multiplicity of narratives resulting from the multifaceted presence of religion in modern societies, offers opportunities to explain the structure and functioning of religious institutions and explains the forms of religiosity of individuals or their nonreligious (spiritual) experiences (McGuire, 2002; Mariański, 2010). One of the more popular concepts used to describe the presence of religion in society refers to the category of pluralistic society. It sees religious pluralism as a state of culture with a multiplicity of religious values, norms, and traditions. This state does not assume any privileged religious institutions, denominations, and references to the sacred. Individuals are obliged to make choices (homo eligens) from this pool of different religious offers. They have a wide spectrum of options to choose from – from the axiological, normative, doctrinal, and theological sphere to practices, morality, and even lifestyle. Standard determinants, such as gender, education,

4 Sławomir H. Zaręba et al. and place in the social stratification, no longer constitute an obligation to pursue a particular form of religiosity. There are also no obvious scenarios of religious life, which means that Church religiosity (modelled on the pattern of religious life promoted by the Church) is losing its significance. Greater significance is attached to syncretic religiosity, which compiles the foundations of various traditions, and selective religiosity, which accepts the selected aspects of institutional religiosity. The theory of religious pluralism emphasises the competition between subjects offering different religious values and highlights the existence of individualised attitudes that place the self at the centre of decisions and actions, seeing religiosity as a private matter. Another way of describing the presence of religion is the theory of new spirituality. It is close to the theory of a pluralistic society. It describes the phenomenon of moving away from institutional religiosity towards religion devoid of organisational forms. As a derivative of individualistic orientations, it exhibits a high degree of innovation, compiling elements of different religions, art, science, magic, occultism, spiritualism, ecological beliefs, and natural medicine. Individuals are free to combine selected elements, which means that spirituality generates a small degree of tension between them. There is no transcendent and personal God that is present in monotheistic religions in deepened religiosity, mysticism, and some forms of folk religiosity, e.g. a miraculous phenomena. The inner-worldly powers located in the human and in the world with a spiritualised matter constitute a point of reference. They can be reached by means of an inner experience (cognition) leading to a transformation of consciousness. The formation of such spirituality is the result of an individualised mentality. The concept of the individual as a single entity freed from the framework of institutions, tradition, and culture, and independently constructing religiosity or spirituality, as postulated by the theory of social pluralism and new spirituality, is exposed in the theory of religious individualisation. Individualisation implies the subjectification and autonomation of religious life. As a rule, it fills the intimate sphere of the individual with marginal manifestations in social life. Individualised forms of religiosity or spirituality are open to frequent transformations driven by the individual’s own decisions and experiences. The individual is the point of reference to build religious identity. Individualisation entails the deinstitutionalisation of religiosity and the disintegration of religious institutions. The transformation of religiosity is also explored by the theory of secularisation. According to this theory, various dimensions of social life are liberating themselves from the influence of religion. Politics, economy, science, culture, education, socialisation, etc. are becoming increasingly detached from it. The same applies to the individual and their everyday life. Secularisation manifests itself in many ways. It is visible in the decline of religious axiology, the decreasing participation in religious practices, the declining prestige of religious organisations, and the decrease in membership of churches and

Introduction 5 organisations. This process means the withdrawal of religion from the public sphere into the private sphere rather than its total disappearance. The social space of religion is moving towards the individual space, i.e. believers tightening their ties with religion (qualitative change). Religion remains a source of meaning and a guarantor of identity for them. In this respect, the theory of secularisation also refers to a renaissance of religiosity, spirituality, and religious innovation, emphasising that secularisation is a change in the position of religion in social life. Secularisation implies changes in institutional religiosity and the spread of its syncretic forms. Sociological research also focuses on the theory of desecularisation. The theory highlights the return of religion to various spheres of life, including the public sphere. The manifestations of this return include the revival of religious practices and the emergence of new forms of non-institutional religiosity and spirituality. European societies are going through many changes, but they still have room for Christian Churches, related religious movements, followers of non-Christian religions, esotericists, and New Age followers. This is how these societies currently look. The theory does not assume that the return of religion is a reference to pre-modern times and the historically established role of religion in society. Instead, it is interpreted as a multi-faceted religious revival. It refers to the ideas of “re-enchantment of the world” and coexistence of modernity and religion. This renaissance of religion may be caused by the reference to people’s non-material needs that cannot be satisfied in a world based on the principles of consumer culture. Ties with religion are strengthened by the rich market of religious offers typical of postmodern societies. This is because another concept, based on the economic category of supply, is considered attractive. The theoretical foundations of the analysis of these phenomena are known and appreciated by Polish researchers, but their results are not widely popularised in academic circles, also among sociologists of religion in Western Europe (e.g. Libiszowska-Żółtkowska & Mariański, 2004; Zaręba, 2009; Libiszowska-Żółtkowska & Grotowska, 2010). The transmutation of religious and spiritual mentality continues to provoke a reflective look at sociological debates on the causes and status of changes in attitudes towards religion and religious institutions as well as on the reasons for conversion and manifestations of spirituality of individuals and entire communities. It raises questions about the necessity to broaden the research instrumentation in this field and the limits of scientific exploration as the tools used in this study of institutional religiosity seem to be no longer sufficient. The fact that religion, religiosity, and spirituality, i.e. the phenomena increasingly explored by new media and popular culture, are the subject of interest of sociologists confirms that this area of enquiry and scientific research is vital in nature. This is evidenced by research initiatives (still infrequent) and the expanding body of scholarly literature covering Central and Eastern European societies, including Poland (e.g. Pollack, Müller, & Pickel, 2012; Gerlach & Töpfer, 2014; Ramet & Borowik, 2017).

6 Sławomir H. Zaręba et al. This collection of texts is an example of an important initiative of this type. It only refers to the selected aspects of the rich panorama of socioreligious issues. However, they well reflect the transformations taking place in this region of Europe, especially in Polish society. The monograph makes references to the multi-paradigmatic and multi-interpretative contexts, which translates into methodological proposals and research solutions represented by individual authors. The key cognitive objectives proposed for the discussion raised in the book are as follows: to show the changes in the religious landscape of selected societies; to highlight the dialectical nature of the relationship between culture and religion; and to indicate the presence of new trends in these areas. This way, the methodological objectives, i.e. exploration, description, and explanation (Nowak, 2006, pp. 16–17), are combined with a reliable approach to problematic issues observed in the social environment in the religious, spiritual, and symbolic sphere. The authors of the works attempted to achieve the objectives set by the logic of the research procedure and at the same time show that their investigations are, in a sense, innovative. As a result, the material is analytical, verifiable, and prognostic in nature at the same time, giving grounds for designing further studies. The main aim of the exploration is to show the richness of the socioreligious issues, including potential forms, relations, and structures that have not been recognised or described so far. This is reflected in the title of each chapter of the monograph. The titles refer to the thematic areas, such as religion in cultural sociology, postmodern spirituality, miracularity, religious experience, public religions, religious minorities, religiosity of various social categories, and the phenomenon of “culture wars” resulting from controversial worldview and moral issues. Each of the issues defines the space for in-depth analyses and confrontations with the contemporary state of knowledge. The general objectives included in the book are clear. They assume problem-based analysis of metamorphoses in a given problem area and presentation of new trends in this respect. Given the dynamics of changes, the research proceedings based on a specific issue turned out to be the best solution. This is how the works, with methods typical of them, were developed. To achieve the cognitive objectives, a whole range of techniques and research tools, common both in the sociology of religion and in other sub-disciplines of sociology, was used. Another key element, in addition to the literature research, was the triangulation strategy including research methods and techniques, both quantitative (e.g. the analysis of statistical data and the results of surveys) and qualitative (e.g. the analysis of the content of interviews and observations). The strategy enabled in-depth interpretation of the phenomena under study. As a result, the monograph provides a new range of findings on how “the religious” is referred to the condition of society (e.g. post-monocentric or pluralistic society), fulfilling the basic scientific goal: the application of verified knowledge (Frankfort-Nachmias & Nachmias, 1996).

Introduction 7 Note that the monograph is based on the findings of both Polish and foreign sociologists drawing on many years of experience and research tradition developed in this cultural circle. The individual chapters have been allocated to two parts of the publication. Its structure is determined by the thematic scope of the texts and interests of the authors representing the older and younger generations of researchers. The whole represents an interesting sociological discourse. The first part of the monograph, entitled The Metatoretical dimension of social and religious metamorphoses, contains seven studies that combine the reflection on the theoretical side of considerations accompanying the transformation of the sphere of religion and spirituality in the unstable cultural conditions of the society at risk. The text by Andrzej Wójtowicz, entitled Cultural sociology of religion in the perspective of comparative religion, is an interesting example of the interconnection of cultural sociology with religious content. The author attempts to present the cultural meanings of religion in relation to historical conditions. He refers primarily to the issues of cultural relativity and the recognition of religion as a manifestation of mindfulness, both in an individual and social dimension. In the analysis, the focus is made on such cognitive areas of cultural sociology as art, literature, and generally understood aesthetics. Andrzej Wójtowicz also focuses on the issue of social changes, triggering religious transformations and metamorphoses and at the same time influencing the images of the representation of religious content in culture. He also reminds us of a specific dimension of religion, irreducible to other dimensions. The author recommends, however, that attempts be made to apply both a sociological and historical approach to analysing the phenomenon of religion. This perspective broadens the cognitive process and research practice, placing religion in its close relationship with culture. Irena Borowik, in her text entitled The concept of public religion in the context of the development of the sociology of religion – the perspective of the Central and Eastern Europe, provides interesting reflections on the importance of this conceptual category developed in the Western world for the dynamisation of an important sociological sub-discipline. Irena Borowik highlights the significant contribution made by sociologists, such as Peter Berger, Thomas Luckmann, and, above all, José Casanova, in understanding the relationship between private and public religion and in showing how the historical, economic, and political processes associated with modernisation have redefined the place of religion in different types of society. The author takes up a polemic with the theses of the Spanish sociologist, which have evolved over time. She believes that it is justified to speak not so much about the universal model of public religion but about its diverse variants, behind which different historical processes, the relationship between state and church, the religious structure, or the shape of religiosity play their roles. In democracy, the key premise is to place this

8 Sławomir H. Zaręba et al. model in the space of a civil society and, at the same time, to place it on equal footing with secular and religious as well as majority and minority discourses. Sławomir H. Zaręba, in his study entitled Spirituality vs. religiosity as an impetus to the discussion on the change factors in the contemporary sociology of religion, speaks about the interaction between the concepts of religion and spirituality. Thematically, he refers to other texts contained in this monograph. The author tries, above all, to grasp the terminological conditions of the use of the concepts of religiosity and spirituality, referring his description to the history of the search of sociologists and researchers who, in their studies, have been reflecting on the relations between the two terms. In Polish research on religiosity, this is particularly evident in the writings of Janusz Mariański. Sławomir Zaręba adds that the category of spirituality is often used today in the description of individual faith, secularised and devoid of community aspects. Thus, it is a research challenge for religious sociologists, transforming the existing parameters of religiosity as a collective phenomenon of an institutional nature. Text by Agnieszka Zduniak, entitled Modern directions of development of religion and spirituality – an attempt at systematisation, refers to predictive theoretical and empirical practices, while trying to capture a synthetic vision of the development of both religion and spirituality. The author draws a complex picture of the religious field, which contains various influences of spiritual, religious, identity, and relational forms of an individual. The syncretism raised by Agnieszka Zduniak, combined with subjectivity, directs the research practice at the level of the complex sphere of the sacrum and its influence on public opinion, social categories, institutions of the state, power, and specific cultural conditions. It should be added that despite the shrinkage of the existing resources of institutional religions, its influence is expanding in new, completely unobvious environments. Janusz Mariański, an experienced researcher and interpreter of the religious scene in Poland and Europe, in the text entitled New spirituality as a social and cultural megatrend, shows the current status of this phenomenon, which remains a challenge for the sociology of religion. This lays the foundations for a sub-discipline called the sociology of spirituality. Although the status of the latter is not resolved, the new spirituality shows many similarities to the non-institutional (extra-church) religion; however, at the same time, it becomes part of world cultures. It can find its raison d’être in the field of religion and outside it. Janusz Mariański believes that even if the new spirituality refers to the category of privileged secular values, such as spiritual well-being, happiness, sense of life, health, internal integration, conflict resolution, and relations with other people, the knowledge of this sphere of phenomena is of great importance for sociological sciences. All the more so because individualised spirituality understood in this way, becoming increasingly popular, remains to some extent a product of post-modernity.

Introduction 9 The study by Halina Mielicka-Pawłowska, entitled Metamorphoses of religiosity in Poland – post-modern spirituality or religious morality, is a theoretical proposal in the discussion on the use of the conceptual apparatus of spirituality and religiosity, but in this case the emphasis is primarily on moral issues. The study is to a large extent based on the data obtained from representative surveys of Polish society conducted by specialised centres. In her text, the author outlines complex images of the metamorphoses of morality in Poland, with particular emphasis on the value of the sacred sphere, but also, for example, the category of natural law. She also raises issues tackled in other studies; she refers to spirituality and its ethical conditions, emphasising at the same time tendencies to resacralisation and respiritualisation, accompanied by new forms of spiritual experience. Thus, it refers to the problem of transcendence and its transformations in contemporary images of morality, which – to some extent – evoke religious connotations. The researcher notes the emergence of a new form of socially established pattern of behaviour – eco-morality contained in a postmodern, holistic form of pan-religiosity, resulting in a fundamental transformation of the global structure of faith described so far by sociologists. The text by Andrzej Kasperek, entitled “The Miracle of Mindfulness” – between the discovery of the sacred in everyday life and the practice of meditation secularisation, concluding this part of the monograph, remains a kind of presentation and, at the same time, an exemplification of some concepts characteristic of the postmodern spirituality trend. The text has a clear structure which, firstly, contains references to the characteristics of the attentiveness category and, secondly, illustrates it by means of an analysis of the narrative on the example of selected Internet portals. The author poses important questions concerning the ability to maintain the sacralisation of everyday life by practising mindfulness, being at the same time an example of a secularised phenomenon (within contemporary therapies) growing out of religious tradition. “The Miracle of Mindfulness” should be placed in the Implicit Religion category, which, by tolerating the opposition between the sacred and the profane, turns out to be justified and cognitively prolific. The area of the interest of Andrzej Kasperek concentrates on the “revolutionary” potential of the analysed phenomenon, which concerns the secular movement of this anti-consumerist resistance, such as the movement of voluntary simplicity or minimalism, not very popular in Poland. The latter, open to attention, also hides the religious (spiritual) potential. The second part of this monograph, Transformations of religiosity and spirituality in the society at risk – an attempt at diagnosis, comprises ten studies referring to detailed theoretical considerations undertaken on the sociological basis as well as the related empirical analyses and explanations. In the first text, written by Wojciech Klimski, entitled Religiosity of Polish intelligentsia at the beginning of the 21stcentury, an interesting coincidence emerges between the historical features of this culturally important social stratum and the type of religiosity attributed to it. It is considered in relation

10 Sławomir H. Zaręba et al. to religious tradition, which is part of the collective memory of the Polish society. Although it was linked to the heterogeneity of world views, it is currently undergoing a shift towards an axiological resemblance to the western middle classes and the associated consumer values. The analysis of the quantitative research carried out over the last decade shows that the processes of deinstitutionalisation of the religiosity of the intelligentsia are advanced, which corresponds to selectivity and individualism. As the author notes, the relationship with religion (in various forms) still remains the cultural standard of the Polish intelligentsia, which does not stand in the way of its intellectual flexibility and openness to the universalistic system of values. Maria Sroczyńska looks at the presence of sociologists in the research space related to the sacrum category, in which humanities have traditionally dominated. Her study entitled Sacrum and the youth – theoretical and empirical inspirations, is an attempt to answer the question of the importance of the category of sacrum (religious and non-religious) for young people, which is linked to a specific theoretical and methodological context. The author looks at the understanding of sacrum in social sciences, the socialising condition of contemporary Polish youth, as well as the current state of quantitative and qualitative research dealing with this issue. There is no doubt that various resources of sacrum have found themselves today in the field of new social tensions, which is connected with contradictory tendencies – both with atrophy and with the growing importance of higherlevel values, including religious and spiritual ones. In the methodological context, we need to think about the relations between the different research optics (both quantitative and qualitative) and their wise use in the triangulation strategy. Egon Spiegel’s study, entitled The spectre of secularisation: Against equating church indifference with religious indifference concerns the authorial (theoretical and empirical) approach to the problem of religious indifference. It appears both in relation to the institutional form of the Church and to the sphere of one’s own religiosity, which is a component of identity, or in the context of the generally understood category of the meaning of life. Egon Spiegel uses his own research carried out amongst German youth. He describes the situation in which followers leave their existing religious communities, referring to categories known from cultural anthropology, such as rites de passage. Also in that study, there are valuable statements concerning the links between religion and culture, expressed, for example, in the presentation of the phenomenon of detraditionalisation or erosion of the whole system of super-patterns. It is worth emphasising the empirical value of the text, including the stamps referring, among other things, to the decrease in the participation of German youth in religious practices (masses and services), which, according to the author, remains an indicator of deepening secularisation. Yuriy Pachkovskyy, in the chapter entitled Spiritual values of the University students in the contemporary Ukrainian society – a sociological

Introduction

11

discourse, remains in the optics of spirituality of the chosen social category, this time referring to the Ukrainian youth studying. The text is therefore of a comparative value and can be compared with the study by Egon Spiegel. Spiritual values analysed by Yuriy Pachkovskyy are related to classical philosophical spheres, such as ideas of truth, beauty, good, justice, or freedom. The main spiritual values concern morality, family environment, development, self-fulfilment, and the area of religion. These values have an impact on subsequent obligations and responsibilities with regard to life orientation, cognitive development, or professional aspirations. The results of research on spiritual values show that they are elements of the identity of Ukrainian students, which, in a way, sets out a path for their self-fulfilment and self-improvement. They are the basic reference system for categories of the meaning in life. Stella Grotowska develops a thesis on the importance of religious experience for contemporary religiosity, which can be linked to cultural processes that shape the face of societies and individual identities. The text entitled Contemporary religiosity in practice – experiencing religion is a combination of theoretical reflections on the religious landscape of Poland and the presence of the perspective of everyday life in the sociology of religion with a kind of netnography, based on the analysis of discourse (in the area of Catholicism) conducted on the conservative, right-wing portals. The research is exploratory in nature. The author reconstructs statements of people who have achieved success in various fields. She does so from the perspective of a lived religion, a category based on subjective experience and belief in its reality. In conclusion, she states that religious experience is an element of the religiosity of contemporary Polish people and the essence of its description is closely related to the existential and personal dimensions. The text by Remigiusz Szauer entitled Religious experience as a dimension of religiosity. Polish youth in the world of experience is a continuation of the reflection on an important component of religious commitment. The author attempts to answer the questions about the specificity of the religious experience of the contemporary youth as well as the social and demographic correlations associated with it. In classical sociological research, this area appears as one of eight parameters of religiosity. The results of the author’s research presented in the text are mainly based on survey data obtained from secondary school and university students from northern Poland, and to a lesser extent – on the content of individual (ID) and group interviews. According to the author, most young people do not have experience of God’s presence. Nevertheless, regular participation in the religious cult, as well as younger age and being a woman positively, correlate with this sphere of phenomena. Problems related to the religious identification of young people and its deepening are a specific challenge for the functioning of a religious institution (Church) in the society of experience. Marcin Choczyński, in his text entitled The approach to Jehovah’s Witnesses in Poland in light of innovation and religious selectivity, describes

12 Sławomir H. Zaręba et al. the sect – settled in Polish conditions – which has become an element of the confessional panorama of Poland. Jehovah’s Witnesses, carrying out missionary and evangelistic activities, are an integral part of the landscape of Polish cities and villages, and their presence and practices are treated almost anecdotally. The characteristics of this community are referred to in the text as a category of innovation and religious selectivity, based on elements of the doctrine, organisational assumptions, publishing activities, as well as a rich history (with institutional conditions of the Watchtower Society), including the beginnings of this movement in Poland. What is important, showing the essence of the beliefs of Jehovah’s Witnesses in the optics of the sociology of religion allows to diagnose the current state of this religion and to forecast future actions in relation to chiliastic assumptions. Maciej Krzywosz attempts to show the evolution of the religious message concerning Marian apparitions in Poland in a historical context. In his study, entitled From orality to the Internet. Transformation of religious communication in the Polish miracular communities, the author shows the social and cultural context of folk religiosity, which is conducive to the popularisation of phenomena described as supernatural, their specific features, and the transformation of communication tools. The author looks at selected places of miraculous events in post-war Poland (e.g. Lublin, Zabłudów, Oława), drawing on traditions of such sociological subdisciplines as historical sociology, religion, and media. While the oral form prevailed until the end of the 20th century, recent decades have been marked by the influence of printing techniques and new media, especially the Internet. According to the author, the most important thing in promoting the so-called miraculous events is personal experience, not mediated by the media, which have an auxiliary and informative role. In Barbara Ober-Domagalska’s study, entitled A scapegoat or a modern devil? The analysis of the Catholic press discourse on “gender” and “genderists” (on the examples of “Niedziela” and “Tygodnik Powszechny” weeklies), there are interesting references to varied arguments that accompany the assessment of gender issues and its protagonists. The author poses questions about the extent to which the Catholic press is constructing a sense of threat to religious symbols and the accompanying stigmatisation of people promoting gender. In the course of the qualitative research conducted, two types of discourses are distinguished, i.e. the author asks questions about the extent to which the Catholic press is constructing a sense of threat to religious symbols and the accompanying stigmatisation of people promoting gender. While in the analysed press content, one can see a figure of a “scapegoat,” it is difficult to substantiate the thesis about the construction of the category of a “contemporary devil.” Barbara OberDomagalska rightly observes that the clarification of the discourse and its concentration on LGBTQ circles is becoming observable. In Marta Jabłońska’s analysis, entitled #witchesofinstagram. How does social media spread spirituality, witchcraft, and pagan movements?, one

Introduction

13

can find a description of the dissemination of content presented by occult movements in social media. The author has presented an outline of the media phenomenon of presenting occult practices, such as magic, witchcraft or spiritualism, and the pagan (also quasi-pagan) movements using them in relation to the Instagram portal, popular among young people. The presented description of initiatives of the “witch community” is, at the same time, an attempt to answer questions concerning the mutual relationship between the media and spirituality, the creative potential of showing magical practices and the aesthetics of such performances. It is worth noting that Marta Jabłońska analysed data from her own research, relating to both the quantitative and qualitative dimensions of the phenomenon under investigation. *** At this point, as the editors of the book, we would like to express our sincere thanks to all those who supported this research undertaking, often facing various difficulties. It was not easy because the authors, in an attempt at capturing both the general shape of religious and spiritual phenomena and their in statu nascendi imponderables, benefited from the specialist help of translators and proof-readers. Special thanks for a careful review of the texts and valuable suggestions and comments are addressed to monograph Reviewers. The substantive and friendly commitment in its evaluation has enhanced the academic value of this publication.

References Baert P. & Carreira da Silva F., Social Theory in the Twentieth Century and Beyond, Cambridge: Polity Press, 2010. Beck U., Weltrisikogesellschaft. Auf der Suche nach der verlorenen Sicherheit, Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp Verlag, 2007. Borowik I., Petera Beyera koncepcja religii, czyli o systemowej interpretacji współczesnych przemian religijnych, in: P. Beyer, Religia i globalizacja, Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy Nomos, p. 9–20, 2005. Cipriani R., Diffused Religion. Beyond Secularization, London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017. Cipriani R., The New Sociology of Religion. Encyclopedia, 1, 2021. https://www. mdpi.com/journal/encyclopedia Davie G., The Sociology of Religion. A Critical Agenda, Los Angeles-London-New Delhi-Singapore-Washington DC: Sage Publications, 2013. Frankfort-Nachmias C. & Nachmias D., Research Methods in the Social Sciences, New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1996. Gerlach J. & Töpfer J., The Role of Religion in Eastern Europe Today, Berlin: Springer Publications, 2014. Libiszowska-Żółtkowska M. & Mariański J. (eds.), Leksykon socjologii religii. Zjawiska-badania-teorie, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Księży Werbistów Verbinum, 2004.

14 Sławomir H. Zaręba et al. Libiszowska-Żółtkowska M. & Grotowska S. (eds.), Religijność i duchowość – dawne i nowe formy, Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy Nomos, 2010. Luckmann T., The Invisible Religion. The Problem of Religion in Modern Society, New York: MacMillan, 1967. Mariański J., Religijność w społeczeństwie polskim w perspektywie zsekularyzowanej Europy, in: W. Wesołowski & J. Włodarek (eds.), Kręgi integracji i rodzaje tożsamości. Polska, Europa, świat, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar, pp. 359–385, 2005. Mariański J., Religia w społeczeństwie ponowoczesnym. Studium socjologiczne, Warszawa: Oficyna Naukowa, 2010. McGuire M.B., Religion: The Social Context. 5th Edition, Long Grove: Waveland Press, 2002. Nowak S., Metodologia badań społecznych, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, 2006. Pollack D., Müller O. & Pickel G. (eds.), The Social Significance of Religion in the Enlarged Europe: Secularization, Individualization and Pluralization, Farnham/ Burlington: Ashgate, 2012. Ramet S. & Borowik I. (eds.), Religion, Politics, and Values in Poland. Continuity and Change Since 1989, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017. Surzykiewicz J. & Stańczuk M., Duchowość w kontekście psychospołecznego funkcjonowania człowieka i jakości jego życia, in: T. Przesławski (ed.), W poszukiwaniu dobra w perspektywie jednostkowej i społecznej, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Instytutu Wymiaru Sprawiedliwości, pp. 249–293, 2020. Zaręba S.H. (ed.), Socjologia życia religijnego w Polsce, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo UKSW, 2009.

Part I

The metatoretical dimension of social and religious metamorphoses

1

Cultural sociology of religion in the perspective of comparative religion Andrzej Wójtowicz

Cultural sociology: sources, fields, research directions At a quick glance, cultural sociology is an area of problematisation and thematisation of questions, methods, and theories that such philosophers as Georg Simmel, Georg Lukács, Walter Benjamin, Theodor Adorno, Raymond Williams, Turner Bryan,Stuart Hall, Daniel Bell, Jean Baudrillard, and Pierre Bourdieu undertook, prepared, and developed in their works. What connects their works is undoubtedly a community of specific sociological research attention in relation to art, literature, aesthetics, and cultural life in general. They wanted to describe and explain them outside their own dictionary of individual traditional sub-disciplines in sociology, asking about their importance for social life as a distinctive entirety. Among them, from the list of active, contemporary, high-profile, and influential sociologists, the first place is occupied by Jeffrey C. Alexander, author of several dozen independent works and in collaboration with others, which – starting from the study The Promise of a Cultural Sociology (1992) (not counting early dissertations since debut in 1977), The Meanings of Social Life: Cultural Sociology (2003), Social Performance: Symbolic Action, Cultural Pragmatics and Ritual (2006), and Contemporary Introduction to Sociology: Culture and Society In Transition (2008), or The Performance of Politics Obama’s Victory and the Democratic Struggle for Power (2010) – are a developed implementation of the idea of the Strong Programme in Sociology. In addition, J.C. Alexander’s work, the history, and the results of cultural sociology consist of dozens of studies in anthropology, social epistemology, sociology of art, religion, politics, and an abundant amount of specific sociological research. Among Polish sociologists, Piotr Sztompka both as a co-author, besides Jeffrey C. Alexander, Bernhard Giesen, and Neil Smelser, of Cultural Trauma and Collective Identity, published in 2004, and as the author of studies on the issue of changes and transformation of Polish society, is an ardent supporter of this perspective. If it is worth asking about its significance, the concept of the sociological perspective is indeed better than any other category for the methodological and theoretical content of the work, which – in their central interests – is organised by research in the DOI: 10.4324/9781003271994-3

18 Andrzej Wójtowicz area promoted by the ideas of the Strong Programme. The notion of a Strong Programme found the brightest operationalisation in the field of cultural sociology. Undoubtedly, from the beginning of sociology, the issues of aesthetics and cultural realities have not appeared as a permanent and self-evident subject or field of research. On the contrary, each time they have been located in the language of social theories in terms of particular and specific problems. While isolation of culture as a subject of research implied the need to distinguish between culture and society, its individual existential separateness was no longer firmly grounded. The lack of clarity as to the categories in which these distinctions were to be shown was intermingled with the multitude of answers to questions about individual forms and methods necessary for their sociological research. This difficulty did not have any local, accidental, or paradigmatic inheritance. In fact, for the general concepts of sociology that dominated in the 20th century, the research achieved its goals if the problems of culture had been taken up. Of course, the basic question was not in what sense and scope the study of social forms and processes revealed cultural and aesthetic phenomena, but rather the opposite, i.e. how critical and philosophical techniques of understanding and interpretation of works of art and aesthetics could be useful in the study of social life. There is a transition from culture as a sociological object to a specifically cultural or aesthetic form of sociological research. If their narrow accounts say that cultural sociology can explain culture through unlimited expansion of the field of its operations without transforming itself, their radicalised implications proclaim something much more eloquent, i.e. that sociology transforms itself according to its subject of study. It contaminates itself by the subject of its research interests and sociological insights with specific perspective of culture. In short, as Steven Connor remarkably notes, sociology as culture emerges from the critique of the old sociology of culture. Belonging to a specifically postmodern form of social organisation, characterised by the aestheticisation of social structures and their experience, is somewhat defined by the unstoppable expansion of culture into the areas of modern economy. This cultural and transformational moment in the history of modernity has changed the connections between social theories and their objects. “Cultured sociology” is, thus, a reliable response to the earlier effects of “cultured” social forms. It so appears, first, in the attempts to interpret the meanings and experiences of modernity. This was the licensing reason for which the particular cultural works of sociologists included the individual works of Georg Simmel, Walter Benjamin, and Theodor Adorno. Their analysis of forms of modernity provoked sociology to pose questions regarding the problematisation and thematisation of sociology, for which the culture of modernity established the field of its theoretical and methodological development. Its peculiar sign, as G. Simmel wrote in the Philosophische Kultur in 1911, is that the essence of modernity as such is psychologism,

Cultural sociology of religion 19 experiencing and interpreting the world in terms of internal life reactions. The task of sociology is not only to explain, but also to express modernity, i.e. to closely tie the intensity and relativity of the experience of modernity. According to this intuition, which was then transformed into a kind of sociological theory, life can be expressed and can realise its freedom only through forms (i.e. dimensions of culture [note: AW]); forms, however, must necessarily choke them and make freedom difficult. Culture expresses itself in two fundamental ways. First and foremost, it is the form. Social potentials produce and articulate in dozens of ways: through work, structures, techniques, technologies, and traditions to achieve an objective status that crosses the borders and authorities of those who created them. The externalisation of forms also embraces art, religion, law codes, scientific forms, and moral systems. The history of culture and the fact that each culture has its own history absorbs in its motives and transformation factors that dynamise the chronically renewed conflict between the elements of “life” and “form,” between the culture’s subjective and objective. And this is the second way to implement it. G. Simmel recognised this conflict as the basic source of changes in culture in all stages of its development. Modernity expressed its special form, advancement, and requirements. Walter Benjamin discovered the phenomenon of mass culture in it, including the inevitable pressure of mass culture, its paradoxes, indelible distortions, blunt and marginal achievements, and decay leading to some new form of integration, as if the material of culture was digested rather by natural elements than by its own actions. Hannah Arendt notes mercilessly that this kind of thinking is guided by the belief that what is alive is decaying over time; however, the process of decomposition is at the same time the process of crystallisation, i.e. that under the mantle of the sea – in a non-historical element, yet absorbing everything that has become historical – new forms and shapes are emerging and crystallising. The radicalisation of this point of view in Jean Baudrillard’s studies reveals the movement of modernity towards a total fusion, an amalgamation of signs, where all categories of goods are treated as a partial field in the universal consumption of signs. It is the source of a total exchange of once distinguished spheres of culture, art, and commerce. Cultural centres are becoming the centres of culture along the lines of retail chains; that is, they offer consumption as a style and content – sterile substances in a continuous consumerism movement. There is a conflict of values focused on the main idea of post-modernity captured in Daniel Bell’s works as megalomania of auto-infinity. Equipped with the legacy of modernism in persistent calls for duration without boundaries, the absolutisation of the aesthetic value of desire and boundless self-multiplication, it criticises its lineage, its modernist rule of ordering desires and instincts in art forms. The postmodern element and this legacy turn upside down. In any case, it deprives them of the normative value in the movement of massification of mobility, change, and radicalisation of the hypertrophy of trading when- and wherever

20 Andrzej Wójtowicz possible. There is no difference between art and life. Their promises are identical. This problem, which is themed in detail in Pierre Bourdieu’s studies, will glue sociological analysis with economic and anthropological analysis; it will assign new tasks to it, give new concepts, a symbolic field, and a habitus, in particular. For at least one conclusion of cultural sociology, P. Bourdieu’s dissertations were of fundamental importance; the painful separation of culture and society condemns them to new forms of integration without old, premodern foundations in the social structure. The list of sources, fields, and inspirations of contemporary cultural sociology would be incomplete without considering the study of the dependence of culture on the processes of colonisation and post-colonisation. The question arises about the importance of ethnographic studies of different societies carried out to understand their own culture. Indeed, troublesome mutual services among the two types of research practice constitute exceptional evidence. It is more than just a historical case that Edward Burnett Tylor’s Primitive Culture, with the famous inclusive definition of culture (i.e. culture is “a complex whole involving knowledge, beliefs, art, morality, law, customs, and other skills and habits of man as a member of society”) that appeared in 1871, 2 years after the study of Matthew Arnold, Culture and Anarchy, to defend the narrow, endogenously understood ideal of culture against its commercialisation and political radicalisation. This point of view indicated that any attempt to describe or promote the selfsufficiency of the unity of culture or to define it as a principle of unity must be seen as a defence against the inevitable connection of different cultures and definitions of culture in the colonial and postcolonial world. No one devoted more research or critical attention to this issue than Edward Said. His Orientalism published in 1978 is a comprehensive study of the dependence of forms of knowledge and cultural representations by means of which colonising Western societies studied and understood other cultures, in particular Islamic cultures from the Middle East. This practice, called a cultural construction, is performed according to the requirements of its own culture and the requirements of power, which supports the former. Said’s Culture and Imperialism looks even further, recognising the deep links between cultural forms and colonial power on a global scale. Said captures culture as, first of all, a practice of the art of description, communication, and representation, with relative autonomy in relation to economic, social, and political reality; and, second of all, as a concept incorporating sophisticated and highly valued elements that constitute the social repertoire of what is best in knowledge and thought. Both approaches, although the second one more clearly, treat culture as a source of collective identity, class, religious, ethnic, or national identity. Like Bourdieu, Said refuses to give humanistic illusions to the separateness of culture from everyday life. The point is, therefore, to analyse the links between cultural forms, such as common narratives and intercultural dominance, that they achieved by defining the world for over the last 250 years.

Cultural sociology of religion 21 Its purpose is not only to unmask or to report on their cooperation with racism and imperialism. It is a much more ambitious task, i.e. to read great canonical texts and to critically study the entire archives of modernity and post-modernity with an attempt to release and authorise voices hitherto suppressed, omitted, and marginalised. This position is made possible by the programme of an alternative cultural history of sociology; the one that directs attention towards the analysis of culture as “other” experience rather than as a commitment to self-understanding. Its aspiration is to unmask the arbitrariness and peculiarities usually taken for granted in the cultural life of the nation. Thus, the elementary education in this tradition would certainly include the reading of Émile Durkheim’s Elementary Forms of Religious Life (1912), Marcel Mauss’s Gift (1923), and Documentationes (1930) – the work written by Georges Bataille and a group of co-authors, or the completely free dissertations of the Collège de Sociologie, which Bataille established in 1937. The contemporary outgrowth of this initiative was British Mass Observation, a movement linking journalistic, filmographic, and anthropological initiatives with the task focused on a special kind of anthropology in the life of Britons. According to a certain approach, Mass Observation was a technique for recording the subliminal desires and meanings of the collective mind of the nation by means of analysing images systematically found in everyday surroundings, i.e. in commercials, popular music, cinema, and everyday press themes. A theme that is countably dominant in modern social theory and the promoted analysis is a kind of fundamental disagreement or incongruity of culture and society since the modern times. This problem is different for the sociology of culture and different for cultural sociology. The cultural and the social intersect and intertwine, sometimes in subtle forms, unpredictable by the sociology of culture. This process is usually unavailable for observations of the sociology of culture. Since then, more than ever, the desire to cover some general or universal principle of culture, its nature, or the conditions of possibility has been an illusion. Cultural sociology gives up the illusion of explaining the role of culture in society and reserves the field of perceiving the future of its objects in the perspective of descriptions and recipes for problems generated by the multicultural condition of modernity. In fact, the modern problem of breaking culture with society is a matter of pluralisation of cultures.

Strong Programme: inspirations, main theses, perspectives The Strong Programme is responsible for the cultural turn in sociology. Its chronic ambiguity and evaluative motivations, strictly adhered – at the same time – to the principle of transparency of all stages of research, and its ambition to distinguish significance as the basis of all subjects of the social world also places it among the research directions in a prominent place. It is a research programme because it enables the construction of models, methods,

22 Andrzej Wójtowicz and categories that together or separately allow to interpret and explain social worlds. These considerations made the Programme a precursor and a cursor on the transition from sociology of culture to cultural sociology. Its basic outlines were revealed in the debates of the 1990s over the need for new theoretical and methodological perspectives for the sociology of post-modern societies. What made it a new genre of sociological knowledge? How does this knowledge fulfil its promises and obligations of decent sociological studies? Which of its instructions, orientations, or theoretical and methodological inventions found application in the study of religion? In the beginning of the Programme, as usual in the processes of shaping new ideas in research and academic knowledge, there are numerous sources. They include Ludwig Wittgenstein’s linguistic philosophy from 1940 to 1950; French structuralism and semiotics from 1950 to 1960; methods, results, and theoretical propositions of anthropology by Mary Douglas, Victor Turner, and Clifford Geertz published between 1950 and 1970. The intellectual foundations of the Strong Programme are also based on the critically used models of sociology of Emilé Durkheim and Max Weber. When asking about the premises for their impact on the crystallisation of the new, cultural, and sociological studies, the primary answer comes from the critique of Talcott Parsons’ works and functionalism in general, with his paradigmatic thesis that culture is a model of society, and in methodological practice, it is the primary tool for explaining. This criticism is formed in the works of Pierre Bourdieu, Michel Foucault, and a group of British sociologists (mainly from the University of Birmingham); also American sociologists recognised new phenomena of the modern and historical world. The critique’s ideas were dominated by the culturalist postulate of non-empirical explanation, where concepts play a greater role than structural variables. Paradoxical, anti-cultural, macro-historical concepts of sociology of Michael Mann and especially Charles Tilly (for many reasons rightly called the founding father of the 21st century sociology), who were the allies of these critics. At the same time, pressure has been growing since the mid-1990s to develop new tools for the issue of meaning, e.g. John Meyer’s neo-institutionalism, Ann Swindler’s theory of tools, or later, the equally popular idea of “framing” the concepts of David Snow, as well as numerous studies on the production of culture as a social process with previously unknown social rules. Their research environments, competitions, and alternatives were not limited – simply – to kind attention. Of course, it is worth having them in the field of observation to see, as in the work of Viviana Zelizer, a traditional in terms of applications of Durkheimian functionalism to economic phenomena, the conclusion that the processes of economic exchange are always co-organised and run according to the broader requirements of cultural codes. The thesis about the economic values of sacrum is not free of this explanation. The studies of Robin Wagner-Pacifici – inspired by anthropology of Victor Turner about political power and its symbolic representations, as well as Barry Schwartz’s

Cultural sociology of religion 23 reconstructions of mechanisms of social memory and national mythology referring to the classic work of Maurice Halbwachs – correspond to this sociology. In turn, Michele Lamont follows in the footsteps of Mary Douglas and Pierre Bourdieu to determine in his empirical studies the boundaries for the symbolic fields of given societies, mainly France and the USA. It is also necessary to highlight a specific new cultural history in the dissertations of William Sewel Jr and Lynn Hunt, as well as the dissertation of John R. Hall about Jonestown in the construction of “cultural history.”

Culture and cultures – transforming the concept The number of disciplines is growing in various sciences for which the concept of culture determines the fields of methodical interest. Attempts to determine its content are, however, just as necessary as hopeless chances of success when we point out that it appears in all areas and disciplines of social sciences and humanities. Recognising their constant growth, it is not difficult to observe various positions in debates throughout, say, the last 40 years, among which the total rejection of its theoretical and methodological value is not considered an extreme decision. Let us assume, somewhat provisional, a less reckless statement that without this concept, no significant programme in sociology can be implemented. Of course, it’s still more different semantic configuration indicates the special volatility and the possibility of its uses, destination, and fields of application. This circumstance clearly separates from the way in which it was the main category, the basis of empirical and theoretical achievements until the end of the seventies of the 20th century. It owed this rank to anthropology. Although its users did not speak with one voice, they agreed on the importance of culture and its central, unrivalled position in any anthropological project. Related disciplines were systematically borrowed in anthropological studies. It concerned, in particular, numerous species of sociology, its sub-disciplines, humanistic knowledge, and history. William H. Sewell Jr. confesses that anthropological cultural analysis has enabled him to understand workers’ practices that would be unavailable to him within the framework of quantitative and positivist methods; of this instrumental standard of the researcher of what was later called the “new social history.” Enabled by the critique of the realistic, utilitarian, and empirical foundations of an excessively materialistic epistemology, which tame the incoherent results of liberal and Marxist approaches, it has turned its interest to the humanist potentials of social life. Being convinced that any society is always about more than just wealth, status, and power, anthropology was treated as agate opening the way for “more.” And at that time, it had a well-guarded monopoly on developing the concept of culture. Its competitions in sociology did not cope with competing challenges, because, as in Parsons’ doctrinal functionalism, they fell in sclerotic theoretical synthesis. Embryonic cultural studies, initiated in

24 Andrzej Wójtowicz the mid-1960s at the University of British in Birmingham, did not go beyond their own initiatives. Literature studies revolved around the canonical texts with incessant reverence, although the methods already used at that time, imported from French structuralist and post-structuralist theories, have largely transformed the foundations of the methodology in the humanities. In a word, the glory of anthropology, more or less until 1973, i.e. until the extraordinary publication Clifford Geertz’s influential Interpretations of Cultures, have had more than one apotheosis. Because its results, epistemological conditions, and empirical requirements significantly demanded a tribute to the inventions of its authors, specific revelations from the methods and techniques of field work used, penetration of societies distant from the main currents of world processes, opening to inspirations, philosophical hermeneutics, traditions of sociology, and new ideas of literary criticism. The effects of these fascinations and their roots in various sociological studies, similarly to other academic disciplines, quite quickly started to play a significant role in the 80s and 90s. Although different in scope and content, their final effects were and are noncontroversial. Studies in literature have pointed the way to texts, quasi-texts, paratexts, and text analogies. If, as Jacques Derrida noted, nothing is extra-textual (“il n’y a pas de horstexte”), any text theory can direct a systematic view towards all kinds of semiotic products, such as documents of law, religion, political treaties, soap operas, historiography, popular talk shows, and equally popular romance novels. The discovery of intertextuality in the results of the work of culture established the axis of its research. Studies on literature became increasingly the study of cultures. In historical disciplines, quite early and in a manner that controls heterogeneous demand for the study of cultures, anthropological goals, tasks, and tools appeared as a result of methods tested in literary criticism, as in the works of Michel Foucault. Its consequence was successfully linked research of a new social history with a new cultural history. The sociology of the culture of the 1970s noticed these turns in the neighbouring areas of knowledge and used standard methods to study the production and marketing of cultural artefacts, i.e. music, art, drama, and literature. Ten years later, it shifted its interests from cultural institutions to the studies around places of meaning in social life. Feminism of this transition period, from the studies of organisation and institutionalisation of culture to the research on the fields of meaning, found its way quickly from documenting the specific experiences of women to studying the discursive production of gender differences. Since the mid-80s of the 20th century, numerous initiatives of new quasi-academic disciplines have exploded in various university niches; some faculties in film, literature, performing arts, and communication. In political science environments, with their undoubted competence to follow the daily news, the interest in cultural studies fuelled the prominent movements of religious, nationalist, or ethnic fundamentalism considered as sources of political conflict. This frantic demand for cultural

Cultural sociology of religion 25 studies, wherever it appeared, demonstrated borrowings and fascination with the trans-disciplinary influence of the French poststructuralist trinity: Lacan, Derrida, and Foucault. The paradox of the dynamics of the growing discourse of culture exposed to the diversity and dissemination of research is the return of anthropology to its original theoretical forms focused on identifying culture as a key concept and its central symbol. For at least one and a half past decade, it had paid ample rents for theoretical and practical crises affecting it, disclosed, as it had happened, in vain efforts to attain epistemological and rhetorical purity, clarity of methodological procedures, and political implications. Their arguments were guilty of blaming anthropology for Euro-American colonialism. In the catalogue of transgressions, its peculiarity in the destruction of primitive peoples was mentioned first, with almost ethnographic genocide on communities, which were the favoured subject of its research operations. The second place among the premises of the crisis, the emergence of native ethnography – contesting the right of Europeans and Americans to speak in matters of anthropological truth about them as well as about their peoples and cultures – was mentioned with varying severity. The third place on this podium was occupied by growing resentment, in general refutation, regarding the post-structural and postmodern foundations of anthropology, which in their own language completely ruined the possibility of objectivity of research and the very concept of objectivity deprived of intelligibility, rational justifications, and purposes. The concept of culture, from the position in the main dictionary, has gone down to the level of suspected notions. The opinion on the notion was shared by the preachers of critics, who perceived it, both in academic and public discourse, as a tool for the essentialisation, exotisation, and stereotypisation of the described communities, as well as the naturalisation of their differences when they are benchmarked, especially for the middle class of Euro-Americans. If, to put it shortly, Interpretations of Cultures by C. Geertz melted down the basic problems of anthropology of the seventies, in the next two decades the dominant voice was heard among those who undertook the withdrawal from the dictionary of anthropology of its elementary slogans, among which the notion of culture shifted from the rank of a noun to the adjective, as in the expression “cultural anthropology” or contrasted with new lexemes, “habitus,” “hegemony,” and “discourse.” It is true that this process is supported by two at least weak reasons because by definition it recognises anthropology as a taboo field, the violation of which allegedly reveals its real secrets. First of all, anthropology does not own any secret-protected lexeme and is not responsible for its abuse. Secondly, it is assumed that resigning from this lexeme will magically free it from the effects of its abuse. In a word, for the time being, it is impossible to find a competitive concept, also an opposite concept, or a set of detailed categories, which would compromise various cognitive desires, including

26 Andrzej Wójtowicz those originating from positions radicalising the original sins of classical anthropology. The concept of culture is easily subjected to the opinion that it belongs to one of the two or three most complex words in modern language dictionaries. Anthropology research has not deprived them of complications. However, it seems reasonable, despite the noticeable, a little useless zeal, to distinguish its two elementary meanings. The first – in the perspective of a theoretically definable category – is an aspect of social life, which, as theoretical indeed, must be abstracted from the complex of typically human existence. In this perspective, culture is always something contrasted with equally abstract categories, economics, politics, biology, etc. It is, therefore, a designation in particular academic disciplines, anthropology, or cultural sociology; it is also a designation of a particular style of analysis, say structuralism, ethno-science, component analysis, deconstruction, and hermeneutics. Culture as an analytical category of abstraction will occur only as something singular. When you use it in the plural, the second elementary meaning will appear, namely the concrete and limited world of beliefs and practices. In this approach, it is an isomorphic category in relation to the concept of “society” or its appropriately identifiable subsidiary groups. Therefore, one can speak about American and Polish culture, the culture of a particular social class, and ghetto culture. The Flemish culture can be contrasted with the Flemish community or Flemish economics just as the cultural aspects of the lives of people or a social group are contrasted and distinguished from the non-cultural. In the anthropological construction, however, this concept appears as a designation of a certain social whole and, according to this logic, the Flemish culture is synonymous with the Flemish community. The comprehensive nature of this concept was used (as is well known in the golden age of cultural and social anthropology) in the times of anthropology by Franz Boas and his students, i.e. Alfred Kroeber, Clyde Kluckhohn, Ruth Benedict, and Margaret Mead, in functionalist operations of Bronisław Malinowski and a structuralist, Claude Lévi Strauss. It is worth mentioning that the unique theory in this respect was Florian Znaniecki’s sociology of culture, whose trademark was the concept of a culture system chronically subordinate to the configuration in light of it being experienced. F. Znaniecki was critical to the concept of culture as a whole. Neither culture nor personality – as noted by Józef Chałasiński, an outstanding Polish sociologist and Znaniecki’s student – are not, according to Znaniecki, internally integrated wholes. Anyhow, the distinction between culture as a theoretical category and culture as a specific whole of beliefs and practices seems useful. Within it, it is easy to position F. Boas’s school inside the second approach, like B. Malinowski’s, while C. Lévi-Strauss’s studies clearly meet the requirements of the first approach when he focuses his attention on cultural meanings as structured binary systems. Comparing their theoretical content is exemplary sterile as they emerge from disproportionate conceptual universes and, when it is

Cultural sociology of religion 27 used unproductively, it turns out that “Benedictine” (from Ruth Benedict) ethnography that proclaims the integrity of culture. The elemental defence of the concept of culture also expresses the combination of these two meanings at the price of recognising that cultures contain an infinite series of various cracks, so its cognitive use is always meagre or it acknowledges that the boundaries of cultures are such a porous network that nothing can be seen through it chaos. In sociological research, therefore, there remains a more vital approach to culture as a category of social life. It demands a clear concept at the level of abstraction to be measured effectively at the operational level, where the question of sources and patterns of the regularity of cultural differences and their boundaries is answered. Therefore, they most often adopt the following empirically justified assumptions: (1) culture is a learned behaviour, i.e. all its definitions, limiting the component analysis, constitute its distinctive analytical totality of practices, beliefs, institutions, customs, laws, myths, etc., passed on from generation to generation, are met by this assumption; (2) culture is an institutional sphere of the construction of meanings – this assumption additionally refers to the assumption about social formations as bundles of institutions intentionally focused on specialised areas of social activity; (3) culture is creativity or causative activity – this assumption refers to the basics of criticism of materialistic and economic determinism, in particular of all social activities, while confessing at the same time that this criticism has discovered significant autonomy and fields of dependence of culture and social structure; (4) culture as a system of symbols and meanings – an assumption organising the work of anthropology since the 1960s. The deservedly famous concept of the cultural system is an invention of Clifford Geertz. He used it twice in the chapter titles of his Interpretation of Cultures, i.e. “Religion as a Cultural System” and “Ideology as a Cultural System,” and repeated it in the treatises “Common Sense as a Cultural System” and “Art as a Cultural System,” contained in the collection of studies titled Local Knowledge: Further Essays in Interpretive Anthropology; (5) culture is a practice – it is an assumption arising from the criticism of the static concept of culture as a system of symbols and meanings. Confidence in this concept – according to criticism – eliminated observations of real practice through which intentional actions, power relations, struggle, contradiction, and social change are expressed. In the work of Pierre Bourdieu, the concept of practice gained the status of the main sociological category absorbing history, politics, culture, economy, and social structure as a field of its operations. These assumptions, not free from notorious debates detailing their applications and benefits, open the issues of culture to a variety of implementations, to observations and studies of thorough counter-contradictions, which – without the cultural opportunities of their articulation in repertoires or symbolic strategies – would be suppressed in constructions of some oppression, as it used to happen too often, sometimes in the near and distant history.

28 Andrzej Wójtowicz

Contexts of the issue In traditional divisions of sociological research, religion – as systems of ideas, meanings, and practices as well as organised forms of social structure, customs, rituals, cults, morals, doctrines, etc. – remained essentially within the scope of various research ventures and professional competences. Since the 1970s, profound changes have occurred in the field of its sociological research. This change is clearly seen in the processes of comparative literature framing, researching issues of cultural relativity, and undertaking religion as the cultural appearance of individual and social consciousness, as well as the cultural model of modern and post-modern society. According to this position and theoretical explanation, culture absorbs and assimilates what is active in religion, as long as its codes enable assimilation of basic themes, motives, and religious institutions. In terms of the comparative phenomenology of rites, mysteries, and experiences of religious initiations, e.g. in Walter Burkert’s version, culture and society behave pragmatically. Religions are a paralysis of uncertainty; the inevitability of shifts, crises, and social changes requires religious change and focus on adaptation to their representation in culture. However, this regularity can be regarded as a historical and cultural universal only in suspending the prohibition of generalising a given cultural model, because it should be assumed that this regularity is a component of that model. This regularity can be looked at comparatively; from the corner of the borders of culture, it should go out to reach the methodological and theoretical preferences, proclaiming the possibility of its sociological configurations. Burkert’s withdrawal from the systemic absolute cognition of foreign religions does not produce nihilistic scepticism as to their exact description, reconstruction of possibly empirically detailed contexts, and the discovery of basic religion structures in historically given cultural models. For although the question: Gibt es Verstehen fremder Religionen? is answered: In der Regel nein, comparative religiological practice is not limited in advance to practical reasons of recognition. Yes, it can have practical and theoretically significant results in researching the possibilities of mutual assimilation of various cultural models. Furthermore, it allows the search for their common sources, according to the remark of Sir William “Oriental” Jones in some lectures for the Royal Asian Society in 1786, published 2 years later. According to him: The Sanscrit language, whatever be its antiquity, is of a wonderful structure; more perfect than the Greek, more copious than the Latin, and more exquisitely refined than either, yet bearing to both of them a stronger affinity, both in the roots of verbs and the forms of grammar, than could possibly have been produced by accident; so strong indeed, that no philologer could examine them all three, without believing them to have sprung from some common source, which, perhaps, no

Cultural sociology of religion 29 longer exists; there is a similar reason, though not quite so forcible, for supposing that both the Gothic and the Celtic, though blended with a very different idiom, had the same origin with the Sanscrit; and the old Persian might be added to the same family (Pomplun, 2011, p. 326). For many religious scholars, this is how modern comparative religion studies began – from the modern practice of comparative linguistics. It should be noted that Sir William Jones was not the first European who started to use this method, or even the first who noted the kinship or similarity between Indian and European languages. However, the precedence over Sir William Jones in this competition was undoubtedly taken, at least one generation before Jones, by Gaston-Laurent Coeurdoux (1711–1799), a Jesuit from Pondicherry, now Puducherry, located in the south of India, the Coromandel Coast. G. Coeurdoux corresponded with Abbé Bathélemy (1716–1795), the head of the Académie des Inscriptions et des Belles Lettre, and an even more famous orientalist, i.e. with Abraham Hyacinthe Anquetil-Duperron (1731–1805); those letters, unfortunately, were not included in the Mémoires of the celebrated Academy until 1809, thus they were unavailable to Jones. It is worth noting that a Thomas Stephens (1549–1619), a Jesuit from the Goa mission station, pointed, in a letter to his brother, to the similarities between Greek, Latin, and the local language Kōṅkaṇī. If mentioning these data is justified, it indicates them having been completely omitted, as well as the omission of the merits of Catholic missions in the history of this research in the works reminding textbooks on 16th and 17th centuries sources and authors of significant contributions to the history of religion, e.g. in Frank E. Manuel’s The Eighteenth Century Confronts the Gods or Byron Feldman & Robert D. Richardson’s classical anthology The Rise of Modern Mythology, 1680–1860. And this is not a maliciously intended absence, but rather the result of a certain stereotype proclaiming the mutual exclusion of the concepts of Catholicism and modernisation, for which even correspondence between representatives of parties of this opposition, exchange of services, or discussions about subtle issues of comparative linguistics are irrelevant. If the beginnings of modernisation in the 11th century were located provisionally, as Leszek Kołakowski does it, or systematically, as Dominique Iogna-Prat does it in his famous medievalist studies, this stereotype would inevitably show itself in the field of mythology using its own mythology. In fact, religious studies, like most productions in social sciences, are not free from corpse and cultural attachments, including ideological ones, among which valuing preferences explicitly determine the positions of theoretical tools. Their popularity fanatically, thus sectarian, strengthened by specifically articulated belonging to science per se, obscured their own mythologies, their own investments; and bias; it obscured these angles or perspectives of view, which were supposed to be the research perspectives. The problematic issue

30 Andrzej Wójtowicz does not concern the religious studies results from the beginning of the modern era; yes, it has passed into the heritage of religious studies aware of the separateness of its subject and research possibilities in quite recent times, during the influence of Max Müller, and later of Wilhelm Szmidt, Émile Durkheim, Andrew Lang, Sigmund Freud and their research schools, follow-ups, and more or less successful imitations. Subtle brightening of their hermeneutic foundations by anthropologies of Lévi-Strauss, Clifford Geertz, radical criticism of Michel Foucault, Edward Said, and mythological operations of Roland Barthes, Jonathan Z. Smith, Bruce Lincoln, and many others have consistently autonomised religious phenomena in those fields. Abundance of their inputs has restored their sometimes forgotten value and by many discreet ways, it has allowed the linking of the old themes of religion with their contemporary implementations. Neither fundamentalism nor religious violence, or consumerism and commodification wanderings of ideas, cults, and rites, or their interpretive entanglements in historical and social schemes, are no longer manifestations of culturally unconditioned secrets. As Mircea Eliade notes in the introduction to The Rise of Mythology by B. Feldman & R. Richardson, the more religious interests develop, the more often the assimilation of seemingly archaic constructions occurs. The same applies to the periodically renewable concept of myth as a structure of noble or lofty ideas, a structure of thoughts obscured by the description of cosmos and its norms.

Conclusions Cultural sociology of religion demonstrates two theses that are not difficult to express. First, religions cannot be synthetically described as part of nonreligious social conceptualisations; they simply can and should be taken in relation to organisational theory, social movements, formation identities, and so on. Nevertheless, such reduction seems to be a cognitive failure. Religion is a sui generis phenomenon. This is, however, what M. Weber and É. Durkheim have already noticed, that there are many reasons to transport the categories of religious knowledge, concepts of the sacred, religious followers or religious community, charisma and its routinisation, ritual, church, sect, schism, and almost all of its religious dictionary to broader the phenomena and fields of sociology and history. The second thesis says that although a socio-historical approach occurs in various research practices, some methodologies are preferred over others. Bias is inevitable here. The merits of a historicist research are too evident to put them aside. Their twilight should not be expected despite their terminal incapacity for self-criticism. With the advent of cultural change in social sciences and cultural sociology of religion as part of this movement, historians themselves, to some extent, have undergone some of its operations. Their effectiveness, especially in the application of interpretative methods, indicates new theoretical potentials both in application strategies of

Cultural sociology of religion 31 sociological theories and in analytical generalisation strategies or contrastoriented methods that enable and recommend taking into account the historical conditions of the cultural meanings of religion. Of course, there is no prohibition on using many different research logics simultaneously. Lutz Kaelberg, in a hybrid methodology combining the technique of theoretical construction of the historical type – analytically external towards the analysed cases, and with the technique of constructing contrasts, comes to ingenious results in the study of the distribution of ideologies and religious organisations in the Middle Ages. Philip Gorski, with the use of analytical generalisation, inductive reasoning from theory, and the method of comparing contrasts, has a lot to show in The Disciplinary Revolution or in American Covenant. These methodologies are praised by social processes; both Christian and Islamic fundamentalists show the destructive power of religion as history, in which they re-induce Schleiermacher’s observation of religion as an indelible letter of history. Inevitably, the meta-narratives have not been completely discarded. They actively enter large-scale and long-term historical conceptualisations not only in the production of popular culture, although they enjoy luxurious conditions there. For 20 years, the best-selling books are rubbish publications in the style of The Holy Blood and the Holy Grail, Gods of the New Millennium, or successive versions of Nostradamus prophecies, Dan Brown’s novels and similar nonsense, to which some religion researches lend authority to as authors of footnotes. Taking, however, a serious approach, as Jeffrey Alexander and Roger Friedland note, sociology of religion also proves today the central position of religion in social life. And this is the reason why the main theme of cultural sociology is religion. Its sociological analyses give a chance to construct tools for studying the quite secular phenomena, to which they lend discourse models.

References Alexander J., Rethinking Durkheim’s Intellectual Development II: Working out a Religious Sociology, “International Sociology”, vol. 1, pp. 189–201, 1986. Bedos-Rezak B.M. & Iogna-Prat D., L’lndividu au Moyen Âge. Individuation et individualisation avant la modernité, Paris: Aubier, 2005. Burkert W., Ancient Mystery Cults, Cambridge, London: Harvard University Press, 1987. Eliade M., The History of Religions in Retrospect: 1912–1962, “Journal of Bible and Religion”, vol. 31, pp. 98–109, 1963. Feldman B. & Richardson R.D. Jr., The Rise of Modern Mythology 1680–1860, Bloomington, Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1972. Friedland R., Religious Terror and the Erotics of Exceptional Violence, “Anthropological Yearbook of European Culture”, vol. 14, pp. 39–74, 2005. Gorski P., The Disciplinary Revolution, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003.

32 Andrzej Wójtowicz Gorski P., American Covenant: A History of Civil Religion from the Puritans to the Present, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2017. Gorski P., The Returns of the Repressed: Religion and the Political Unconscious of Historical Sociology, in: J. Adams, E.S. Clemens & A.S. Orloff (eds.), Remaking Modernity, Durham NC: Duke University Press, pp. 161–189, 2005. Hall J., Grindstaff R.L. & Ming-Cheng L., Introduction to Handbook of Cultural Sociology, London and New York: Routledge, 2010. Hall J.R., History, Methodologies and the Study of Religion, in: J.A. Beckford & N.J. Demerath (eds.), The Sage Handbook of the Sociology of Religion, Los Angeles, London: Sage Publications, pp. 167–188, 2007. Iogna-Prat D., Ordonner et exclure. Cluny et la société chrétienne face à l’hérésie, au judaisme et à l’islam (1000–1150), Champs: Flammarion, 2004. Iogna-Prat D., La Maison Dieu. Une histoire monumentale de l’Église au Moyen Âge (v. 800–v. 1200), Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 2006. Jurgensmeyer M., The Oxford Handbook of Global Religions, Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 2006. Kaelber L., Schools of Ascetism: Ideology and Organization in Medieval Religious Communities, Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998. Kołakowski L., Iluzje demitologizacji, in: L. Kołakowski’s (ed.), Moje słuszne poglądy na wszystko, Kraków: Znak, pp. 57–72, 2011. Manuel E.F., The Eighteenth Century Confronts the Gods, Cambridge Mass: Harvard University Press, 1959. Pomplun T., Introduction: Christian Missions and the History of Religions, “History of Religions”, vol. 50, no. 4, pp. 325–328, 2011. Proudfoot W., Religious Experience. Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1985. Ragin C.C., Fuzzy-Set Social Science, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000. Taves A., Religious Experience Reconsidered: A Building-Block Approach to the Study of Religion and Other Special Things, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009. Wach J., Sociology of Religion, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1944. Werner R.S., New Wine in Old Wineskins: Evangelicals and Liberals in a SmallTown Church, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988.

2

The concept of public religion in the context of the development of the sociology of religion: the perspective of Central and Eastern Europe 1 Irena Borowik

Introduction In every research domain, the theories which lay the foundation for development and give inspirations to understand and interpret reality, and to prepare and implement empirical research, are particularly important. At different periods of development of the sociology of religion, different topics and different theories were the subject of interest and extensive discussion. For a long time, the concept of secularisation took the lead. First theses of this concept are already present in the works of such classics as Max Weber and Emil Durkheim, and then developed in the late 1960s. In the following two decades, the significant attempts were made to show that religious changes result from the decline of the role of religion in social and individual life. At that time, the previously formulated theories were developed, used for the research purposes, and challenged. One of the most influential critiques of secularisation theories was initiated by the publication of Public Religions in the Modern World by José Casanova in 1994. The book quickly gained many citations, standing out from publications on other competitive theories. Why did it become so popular? What are Casanova’s main theses? What are its strengths and questionable assumptions? To answer these questions, the following strategy is adopted here: to examine the public/private dichotomy in terms of religion, reconstruct the basic elements of the Casanova’s vision of public religion, retrace the development of this theory, and highlight its strong points and debatable questions with emphasis on the perspective of the Central and Eastern Europe.

The distinction between the private and the public based on the sociology of religion Public religion is a concept in opposition to private religion. In the sociology of religion, the distinction between religion in the public sphere and private or privatised religion appears in the context of the theories of secularisation, which try to explain the phenomenon of declining popularity of religious DOI: 10.4324/9781003271994-4

34 Irena Borowik beliefs, indicating various political, economic, and cultural causes, and the appraisal of the individual and their choices in modern societies (Berger, 1967; Luckmann, 1967; Hadden, 1989; Dobbelaere, 2002; Martin, 1978, 2005). Privacy of religion is an important concept adopted by both Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann. Berger distinguishes between two spheres of secularisation, i.e. the objective side (system-based, pertaining to the level of entire society, and the subjective side (referring to the private sphere of everyday life). The former includes pluralism of world views, industrial and technological development, modernisation, rationalisation and bureaucratisation of politics, media development, and globalisation (Berger, 1967, pp. 128–131). The abolition of the world-view monopoly of dominant religious institutions has far-reaching consequences for the way religions and churches exist in public space. Berger believes that this is primarily because, on the one hand, a rationally and democratically organised state does not require religious legitimacy and, on the other, the Church can no longer turn to the political authority to impose the rules in compliance with its aims. It can be assumed that, at the public level, i.e. in the public sphere discourses, religious views, positions, and argumentations must compete with other world-view options, including secular and anti-religious ones. The private sphere of everyday life is understood in a different way. Berger claims that it is the first time religious legitimacy has lost its plausibility, but also emphasises that religion still has considerable potential in the sphere of individual and family life. This means that, on the one hand, religion is present in the private sphere and, on the other, the individual, even the religious one, does not have to reflect such values in the public sphere. Berger presents the example of a businessman and a politician who “may faithfully adhere to the religiously legitimated norms of family life, while at the same time conducting his activities in the public sphere without any reference to religious values of any kind” (Berger, 1967, p. 155). This approach, leading to a more considerable opposition between religion in the public and private sphere, is used by Thomas Luckmann to draw far-reaching conclusions. He accepts the objective side of secularisation, reflected in the separation of different social areas and in limiting the influence of religion on non-religious spheres of activity; yet, he believes that privatised religion is becoming its new social form. This puts an entirely new complexion on the dichotomy: public religion/religion in the public sphere vs. private religion. According to Luckmann, the social transformation is associated with the emergence of a new social form of religion, i.e. individualised, independent of traditional religious forms and institutions, and seeking the sacred in areas not previously defined as religious, e.g. in tourism or sexuality. New religious themes have a function ascribed to religion; they transcend human’s biological nature, i.e. they go beyond one’s own, solitary, and biological existence and propose to ground the sense of individual experience on something that overcomes the solitude (Luckmann, 1967, pp. 201–205).

The concept of public religion 35 What are the consequences of such attitudes for religion in the public sphere? Luckmann identifies public space with public institutions which, unlike in traditional society, “no longer significantly contribute to the formation of individual consciousness and personality (…). Personal identity becomes, essentially, a private phenomenon. This is, perhaps, the most revolutionary trait of modern society” (Luckmann, 1967, p. 97). Public institutions, including the Church, are subject to rationalisation and segmentation, achieving a high degree of autonomy within their own religious spheres. However, at the same time, they lose the ability to exert influence over systems of meanings in other spheres and their attempt to preserve these systems is perceived as “mere rhetoric” (Luckmann, 1967, p. 95). As a result, polarisation between the public and private spheres and the separation between public and private/religious affairs are deepening. In essence, it should be assumed that Berger and Luckmann significantly contributed to the understanding of the private/public religion dichotomy. Both sociologists convincingly show how historical, economic, and social changes redefined the place of religion and strengthened the separation between the public and private sphere. In later years, the concept of privatised form of religion is further developed by a number of sociologists. Danièle Hervieu-Léger speaks of bricolage, a phenomenon of combining the beliefs and practices of different traditions, both religious and non-religious – yet, with similar functions (Danièle Hervieu-Léger, 1993). Grace Davie (2007) introduces the concept of vicarious religion, referring to various phenomena unrelated with any religious tradition but perceived in this way by the individual, such as the cult of Princess Diana after her death in British society or cheering for a sports team. Others refer to lived religion (McGuire, 2008), everyday religion (Ammerman, 2014), and religion evolving towards spirituality (Heelas, 1996). At the same time, sociologists tend to come to the conclusion that public religion is weakened by modernity and post-modernity while private religion manifests itself in a wide variety of ways. This approach, especially the popular and widely discussed concept of privatisation of religion proposed by Luckmann, is questioned by José Casanova.

Casanova’s concept of public religion – first approach First of all, Casanova is critical of both the theory of secularisation and the theory of privatisation of religion. His analysis identifies three elements of the secularisation thesis (perceived by him as distinct): differentiation, decline of religion, and privatisation. Although he partially accepts differentiation, often referred to in sociology as systemic secularisation, he emphasises the lack of relevant historical analyses of various factors of secularisation transformations, such as the emancipation of the economy, the state and science from the religious sphere, and specialisation in Christian traditions, in particular the significance of Reformation. He

36 Irena Borowik claims that secularisation understood in this way is a fact. The other two theses are contested by Casanova. When discussing the decline of religion, he uses a fairly common argument about the uniqueness of Europe (cf. Davie, 2002) as compared to other highly developed societies, such as America or Japan, which do not record so sharp decline in religiosity. He believes that both the decline of religion and privatisation are supported by a liberal political ideology, favouring the separation of private and public religion, the latter being denied the right to equal existence (Casanova, 1994, p. 39). The critical attitude towards the secularisation theory is valuable here in that it shows that private/public distinction has to be reconsidered to make an attempt to determine the place of religion and prevent discourse ideologisation. Casanova introduces the notion of deprivatisation understood as the process in which religion returns to the public scene of societies in which it operates. He believes that religion can return to – sometimes also continue to exist in – the public scene because religious traditions around the world refuse to accept that they are to play a marginalised and privatised role, as imposed by the theories of modernism and secularisation. Casanova claims that this rejection results, inter alia, in “a dual, interrelated process of re-politicization of private religions and moral spheres and the renormativiation of the public economic and political sphere. This is what I call for a lack of a better term, the ‘deprivatization’ of religion” (Casanova, 1994, p. 6). In the public sphere, religion usually takes a specific role or form. When analysing these forms, Casanova adopts the concept of Jürgen Habermas, but is critical of his conceptualisation of a modern, secularist society in which traditionally religious morality is superseded by secular morality (Habermas, 2007). To discuss the question of public religion, it is necessary to understand the public sphere in which it operates. Habermas believes that the public sphere was born with the emergence of civil society at the turn of the 17th and 18th centuries. Cafés, lounges, and taverns became a meeting place for private persons who voluntarily discussed literary works and press publications, developing a prototype of a political public sphere (Habermas, 1989, p. 25). Referring to Habermas, Casanova speaks of three levels of manifestation of public religion, i.e. the state, political society, and civil society, and shows typical situations – corresponding to these levels – in which religion operates on the public scene. The first is clear. It takes place when religion enters the “public scene” to defend the principles of religious freedom and all freedom rights attributable to people. The second situation takes place when religion disputes functional differentiation which assumes that secular spheres are completely independent in ethical and moral terms. What may be called into question includes immorality of the economic system, injustice of the free market, absolutism of the law of private property, etc. The third situation results from the defence of traditional moral values. As an example, Casanova describes the actions taken by the Moral Majority

The concept of public religion 37 against abortion in the USA. The empirical analysis, discussed below, leads him to the conclusion that public religion is consistent with democratic principles only at the level of civil society (Casanova, 1994, p. 219). To illustrate his theses empirically, Casanova selects four countries with Christianity as a predominant religion, including three Catholic ones. In chapters devoted to Spain, Poland, and Brazil, he shows the potential inherent in religion and the role played by Catholicism in specific political circumstances and historical sequences. Casanova comes to the conclusion that close relationship of the Church with the state and the resulting powers do not work out well for the Church and the future of religion. To illustrate it, he refers to the term “Nacional-Catolicismo” used in Spain after the civil war, stating that “Though often used as a derogatory term (…) it serves as the most apt shorthand analytical characterization of the Franco regime. (…) it is no exaggeration to say that the Catholic Church constituted the main institutional and ideological pillar of the regime” (Casanova, 1994, p. 80). Rejection of privileges by the Spanish Church and reorientation from the state to society – as interpreted it Casanova – was the only way to meet the demands of modernisation. Casanova points out that to some extent the similar process occurred in Brazil. The Roman Catholic Church in Brazil was dependent on the state for a long time. The Constitution of 1934 granted a number of privileges in its favour, such as financial aid, prohibition of divorce combined with acceptance of religious marriages, introduction of religious education, etc. Privileged and supported by the state, it was transformed into the People’s Church in the 1970s, which was forced to choose between the state and the society, and in effect “threw its lot with society against the state” which operated under the military regime established after the coup in 1930 (Casanova, 1994, p. 118). This laid the foundation for liberation theology in Brazil and other Latin American countries as a sign of the Church’s brotherhood with the people. In Poland, the partitions and communism precluded legitimisation of the power of the Church. This means that, according to the framework adopted by Casanova, the Church has been free from disruptions in the last 200 years. It was oriented towards society by definition and worked with society against the state. Casanova notes that the Church has become “the cherished trustee of the nation’s history, culture, and traditions, and of the collective memories of the Polish people” (Casanova, 1994, p. 95). Undoubtedly, it was the fusion of religion and politics, and the public role of religion, that led Casanova to take an interest in Brazil and, like in Poland, started to seek evidence and illustration for his theory of deprivatisation of religion. The Brazilian “People” and the Polish “Solidarity,” staying fairly close to the predominant religion, shaped civil society, a society of the excluded from the political community. Casanova claims that they created a new kind of political discourse, embodying self-defence against the state and self-organisation of society independent of the state. The Church played a pivotal role in this process as a symbolic representative of the Brazilian people

38 Irena Borowik and the Polish nation. In Spain, after the fall of the Franco regime, the Catholic Church prepared the ground for national reconciliation. All three countries with Catholicism as a predominant religion, explored by Casanova, experienced the fall of regime and the beginning of the process of democratisation. How does it affect religion in terms of the theory of deprivatisation? The collapse of regimes in Spain, Brazil, and Poland, including the processes of democratisation, and their effect on religion were different in each case. Casanova believes that the new reality created very good conditions for the flourishing of the public religion, free from substitutive, usually strictly political, functions. Casanova’s empirical analysis also leads him to the conclusion regarding the place of public religion. Since democracy implies empowerment of societies, religion does not need to operate in political society and at the level of state. He states that “only public religions at the level of civil society are consistent with modern universalistic principles and with modern differentiated structures” (Casanova, 1994, p. 219). Members of civil society, inspired by their beliefs, convictions, and morals, should speak up and present their arguments in ongoing debates, essential either for the general public or selected social circles.

Casanova’s concept of public religion – second approach After years, Casanova revises some of his assumptions on public religion and – what is important here – the issue of which forms of public religion seem to be most appropriate in the democratic system (Casanova, 2008). He comes to the conclusion that his assumption that civil society is most appropriate for public religion was wrong, and – contrary to what he said before – he asserts that political society and state may also prove to be appropriate. He concludes that his previous views were “western secular superstitions.” This became apparent in comparative analyses of the relationship between the Church, the state, and civil society, allowing for not only different countries, but also different religious traditions. He states that taking into account the global comparative perspective “one must admit that the deprivatization of religion is unlikely to be contained within the public sphere of civil society, within the territorial boundaries of the nation-state, and within the constitutional premises of ecclesiastical disestablishment and juridical separation of church and state. We need to go beyond the secularist discourse of separation and beyond and beyond the public sphere of civil society” (Casanova, 2008, p. 11). What is Casanova’s new approach? Surprisingly enough, he finds many arguments in favour of the thesis that the secular nature of modern European countries is a “foundation myth” of modern European identity, not practised in reality. He takes it for granted that most European countries do not put the secular model into effect pretending that they are secular, in line with the myth of world-view neutrality. What does it mean and what does Casanova propose to do? What is his new perspective on public religion?

The concept of public religion 39 He finds inspiration in the “twin toleration” model developed by Alfred Stepan. The first type of toleration means that religious citizens are tolerant of the state and its democratically elected representatives; they have legislative and decision-making powers, and refrain from undermining their authority, and claiming, for example, that only God, and not a human being, can make law. The second type of toleration means that representatives of the state are tolerant of religious citizens, enabling them to freely express their views and values at the level of civil society and participate in political life, provided that religious activists and organisations respect the constitutional rights of other citizens (Stepan, 2012, p. 89). In his publications, Stepan questions the assumption that the democratic system is incompatible with religion in Islam. Based on the analysis of empirical research in non-European countries, such as India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and Bangladesh, he proves that both India and Indonesia exhibit a strong correlation between the intensity of religious practices and the intensity of support for democracy, also in the Muslim population (Blankholm, 2012). Based on many years of observations of democracy in Western countries, he concludes that the classic assumptions, which equate modernisation and democracy with secularism, do not prove correct in this case, either. This leads him to the conclusion that there are many versions of secularism, many possible ways to develop democracy and many types of relationship between religion and the state in the democratic system (Blankholm, 2012). Stepan’s conclusions are part of the Casanova’s new approach to public religion (Stepan, 2001). However, Casanova initiates further discussion. According to the principle of twin toleration, determining the place of religion in public space, the state, political society, civil society, and religious institutions should tolerate one another’s spheres of autonomy. Further, the state should not only create the conditions for religious freedom in the private and public space, but also financially support religious organisations and movements, provided that they respect law and democratic principles. There are some similarities between Habermas’ concept of religion in the public sphere and Casanova’s new approach to public religion. Habermas, known for supporting liberalism and secularity of Europe for many years, in a surprising way joined the discussion on private/public distinction in relation to religion and the issue of secularisation. There are several important moments in his publications. First, his understanding of public space, to which Casanova referred in his original concept of public religion from 1994, and then the concept of post-secular society and communication between religious and non-religious actors and communities in the public space. Habermas, in turn, seemingly influenced by Casanova, made a “saltus” in his views on religion. He refers to Casanova’s “Public religions in the modern world” (Casanova, 1994) and states that “Jose Casanova correctly points out, the loss of function and the trend towards individualization do not necessarily imply that religion loses influence and

40 Irena Borowik relevance (emphasis original) either in the political arena and the culture of society or in the personal conduct of life” (Habermas, 2008, p. 19). As Casanova’s book certainly triggered a new wave of criticism of secularisation and privatisation of religion, and a broad discussion on public religion, it seems highly likely that it inspired Habermas to revise his views on religion in democratic and liberal states. Such states, where – in most cases – societies do not need to be strongly attached to religion, have to be aware of “the existence of religious communities in an increasingly secularized environment” (Habermas, 2008, p. 19). Habermas starts his discussion of post-secularism with the similar to Casanova’s criticism of secularism as a concept different from secular. In his opinion, the term “secular” is neutral and describes the decreasing influence of religions and Churches on social life while “secularist” denotes a specific ideology of struggle that promotes secularism. He claims that secular means “indifferent stance of a secular or unbelieving person, who relates agnostically to religious validity claims, secularists tend to adopt polemical stance toward religious doctrines that maintain a public influence despite the fact that their claims cannot be scientifically justified” (Habermas, 2008, p. 12). He considers Western European societies as post-secular since their secularised space contains still active religious communities seeking to retain their influence. He emphasises that post-secular societies exhibit a totally different attitude as compared to secular societies. Post-secular society is a society that has a memory of secular, but realises that it belongs to the past while the present is a complex coexistence of secular and diverse religious worldviews. The concept of a post-secular society constitutes the basis for Habermas’ normative assumptions about religion in the public space and the conditions of communication enabling mutual understanding among its actors who enter space with different secular and religious assumptions about reality. Habermas is optimistic about the possibility of making religious and secular perspective “translatable,” based on rationalism. He is convinced that religion can bring important values into the public sphere, but only if its representatives are able to speak in a way that creates common ground with those who think differently and vice versa. In order for this to happen, a desire for mutual learning is required, cognitive in nature communication of partners and communities involved with no legal or political means of the state to exert the influence (Habermas, 2006, p. 4). Habermas’ concept is, to some extent, similar to the modified version of Casanova’s approach. Habermas assumes that communication between the representatives of secular and religious arguments, with the ability to “translate” the terms, i.e. enter the “meta” level of discourse, is the condition for the proper functioning of religion in the public sphere. A party to the communication needs to show their goodwill and willingness to make a cognitive effort to imagine how arguments it raises may be understood by the other party (Habermas, 2008). Casanova also, normatively (and optimistically), assumes

The concept of public religion 41 that religious institutions, the state and civil society can respect one another’s autonomy, showing tolerance for one another. How does it work in practice? This is not easy to answer because the modified concept of public religion, as opposed to its older version, is not supported by empirical analyses for verification of theoretical assumptions. For example, it remains unclear how public religion is to respect the autonomy of the state at the state level, or of political society at the political society level. As mentioned above, in his earlier version of the concept of public religion, Casanova considers these levels to be incompatible with the democratic system. By contrast, his recent works question neutrality of the state’s worldview and give a number of examples that the line between secular structures and religion is becoming blurred (Casanova, 2009, pp. 13–14). He rightly notes that it is not possible to separate religion from politics, specifically because democracy presupposes religious freedom and thus religious citizens have the right to be active in politics, irrespective of their religious beliefs or practices; however, with respect to this, unclear problems remain unsolved. At the political level, the society acts not only as citizens having religious beliefs, but also as politicians who have great impact on legal regulations in their countries or at the European level. The conditions for their activities in accordance with the new concept of public religion are unclear – to give one example. As far the state level of public religion is concerned, Casanova claims that the state should not be empowered to interfere in the autonomy of the religious system for the reason of religious motivation of a given action but only in the case if it violates the principles of democracy and the rule of law (Casanova, 2009, p. 14). Again, the question that arises from this is what the place of public religion should be in the democratic state and how the principle of twin toleration should be applied to it. Stepan, with whom Casanova concurs in this regard, gives examples that shed some light on how the principle of twin toleration should work. First of all, Stepan, like Casanova, is very critical of the French Church-State separation model. He claims that it is “various secularisms” that implicitly affect twin toleration and not the model typical of France, dominated by one hegemonic language and one hegemonic culture, which is improper for a multinational state (Stepan, 2001). To illustrate the solutions implemented in several countries, with different models of relations between the state, he compares several models, i.e. the separation of Church (France and the USA), established religion (Denmark, Norway, and Sweden), and “positive accommodation” (Germany, the Netherlands, and Switzerland), paying attention to considering religious holidays as paid days off. He notes that in 8 democratic countries, out of 61 paid religious holidays all are Christian. Moreover, no religious holidays of other faiths are paid. By contrast, in Indonesia, for example, with Islam as a predominant religion, there are 13 holidays of other religions. This is also the case in Senegal and India (Stepan, 2001). Stepan illustrates by these examples how some non-European countries implement the principle of “twin toleration” and argues that democracy does not necessarily need to be cut off from religion (Stepan, 2012).

42 Irena Borowik Stepan’s examples help understand Casanova’s call for greater use of the results of comparative research on a global scale when studying and theorising about public religion, to support the analysis of social construction of religion and practices of public religion. As revealed by his comparative analysis of religious holidays, in non-European countries with Islamic or Hindu domination, practices towards religious minorities can be more “democratic” than in European countries with a Christian tradition.

Conclusions: Casanova’s theses from the Central European perspective Casanova’s approach is questionable for another reason. He intends to build a universal model of public religion and to assume normatively that the presence of religion at all three levels (civil society, political society, and state) is equally compatible with the democratic system under the same conditions. The main objection is a great diversity of individual states in a variety of areas. Historical conditions, the model of relations between the state and the Church, the religious structure of societies, and the level of religiosity contribute to clearly different institutional and social practices related to public religion. In this respect, religiously diverse countries, with two or more major religions, such as the United States and Ukraine in Central and Eastern Europe, are distinctly different from other countries, such as Poland, Ireland, Malta, or Croatia, with one dominant religion on the religious scene and a high level of religiosity in society. This creates conditions for religious hegemony of one language and one culture, linked to one religion, rather than secularist hegemony, as in Stepan’s and Casanova’s view on France. Religious minorities, in countries such as Poland, accounting for around 2–3% of the population, are not strong enough to enter public space with their own religious claims and prove their points in opposition to representatives of the dominant religion. Therefore, in a religiously and nationally hegemonic society, twin toleration is becoming “twin preference” for one Church. The Church privileged by certain political forces reciprocates by supporting them. Anna Szwed and Katarzyna Zielińska are right in that it is more appropriate to talk about public religions in the plural (and about discourses in public space) instead of a single, normative model (Szwed & Zielińska, 2017, p. 115). Casanova and Habermas’ discussion on public religion does not propose solutions for interfaith relations. Is the Casanova’s principle of twin toleration or Habermas’ principle of transability applicable in this case? Note that the translation of the religious content into the secular one is completely different from the translation of religious content of two religious systems, especially if they significantly differ from each other. Since this content has to be “translated” in the pre-parliamentary sphere of political society, can such content be considered equally legitimate in public space? How would it work in practice? What language should the non-religious

The concept of public religion 43 secular “translate” their arguments into? It can be assumed that the secular should avoid “secularist” arguments, i.e. anti-religious or polemic arguments opposed to religion. Another problem is that self-reflection and the willingness to learn from those who think differently sets out normative conditions which are demanding and seemingly impossible to meet, especially since they require entering the “meta” level when presenting one’s own views. In public space, both in politics and in the media, a completely different practice is often observed in disputes engaging religious arguments; the arguments of the other party are rejected (Rasmussen, 2014, pp. 1315–1316). It seems that the social sciences representatives who, unlike Habermas, believe that public space of modern democratic societies and its discourse is largely shaped by conflict rather than search for understanding are right. The concept developed by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe seems most radical in this respect (Laclau & Mouffe, 2001). They believe that discourse in public space is always oriented towards hegemony, i.e. a configuration in which certain meanings are given to the subject of dispute and only the meanings considered appropriate by the sender are accepted and dominate in the space of discourse, along with the arguments used to support these meanings. If to agree with this observation, what would be realistic in relation to the place of public religion in societies shaped by the influence of one dominant religious tradition, supported by one dominant party as is the case of Poland since 2015? In the Central and Eastern Europe, the diversity of individual countries had serious consequences. The public/private division of religions involved atheisation, deliberate limitation of the social role of religion and, in some countries, such as the former Soviet Union and Albania, extensive persecution to lead the annihilation of religion. In this political context, the privatisation of religion has negative connotations as a bygone era in which ideology tried to seize all areas of human experience and to place religion far from the public sphere. The reaction of the Churches and societies to these circumstances was also varied. In some cases, atheisation brought the expected results, i.e. the Churches were marginalised, religion completely disappeared from the public sphere, the indicators of religiosity dropped significantly, and the rate of atheism increased (Borowik, 2007). In Poland, these efforts did not bring the expected results for many reasons. Pilgrimages, travelling of the icon of Black Madonna from parish to parish and millions of believers at meetings with the “Polish” Pope, John Paul II, were significant manifestations of religion in the public space. The Roman Catholic Church spoke on behalf of the enslaved political society, participated in civil society organisation, and acted in the defence of human rights. During the transformation period, the Roman Catholic Church was very active in regaining its diminished positions in the public sphere. Its activities were supported by external factors, such as the general sense of contribution to the overthrow of communism and very high religiosity indicators (Borowik, 2002, 2017).

44 Irena Borowik In this case, religion “returns” to the public stage, in other ways and in other forms. The place it is intended to occupy is also different. Note that democracies of post-communist countries are young, civil societies are not very strong, and mechanisms for the defence of minorities, including religious minorities, are poor. Traditional religions and dominant Churches are generally closely linked to the political parties that support them, especially in those countries in which they have a dominant position, e.g. in Russia, Poland, Macedonia, and Croatia. In such a case, national identity is identified with religious identity. As a result, the religious criterion is often equated with the social one, i.e. citizens of a country as a whole are treated as believers of a dominant religion. The observation of the contemporary European scene made above leads to the conclusion that the theoretical assumptions of the modified theory of public religion much more poorly reflect reality, both in theoretical and practical terms. The key premise in the theoretical model of public religion in the democratic system is the equality of both secular and religious worldviews, or majority and minority views, in the public space and equal access to the ongoing debates. It seems that Casanova’s original concept of public religion, with public religion placed at the civil society level, beyond the state and political society, is closer to meet this criterion.

Note 1 This paper was prepared under the grant Dyskurs publiczny w Polsce a religia. Modele legitymizacji w sporach wokół biopolityki w latach 2004–2014 [Public Discourse in Poland vs. Religion. Models of legitimacy in disputes around biopolitics in 2004–2014]. The project is financed by the National Science Centre as part of the OPUS7 competition (UMO-2014/13/B/HS6/03311).

References Ammerman N.T., Sacred Stories, Spiritual Tribes: Finding Religion in Everyday Life, New York: Oxford University Press, 2014. Berger P., The Sacred Canopy, New York: Doubleday, 1967. Blankholm J.,“Twin tolerations” Today: An Interview with Alfred Stepan. The Immanent Frame, retrieved on February 2, 2018 from https://tif.ssrc.org/2012/ 06/15/twin-tolerations-today-an-interview-with-alfred-stepan/dosp, 2012. Borowik I., The Roman Catholic Church in the Process of Democratic Transformation: The Case of Poland, “Social Compass”, vol. 49/2, pp. 239–252, 2002. Borowik I., The Religious Landscape of Central and Eastern Europe after Communism, in: I. Beckford & N.J. Demerath III (eds.), The Sage Handbook of the Sociology of Religion, New York-London: Sage Publications, pp. 654–669, 2007. Borowik I., Religion in Poland between Tradition and Modernity, or Religious Continuity and Change in Conditions of Transformation, in: S.P. Ramet & I. Borowik (eds.) Religion, Politics and Values in Poland. Continuity and Change since 1989, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 185–207, 2017.

The concept of public religion 45 Casanova J., Public Religions in the Modern World, Chicago-London: Chicago University Press, 1994. Casanova J., Public Religions Revisited, in: H. de Vries (ed.), Religion: Beyond the Concept, Nowy Jork: Fordham University Press, pp. 101–119, 2008. Casanova J., Religion, Politics and Gender Equality Public Religions Revisited, retrieved on December 12, 2018 from http://www.unrisd.org/80256B3C005BCCF9/ search/010F9FB4F1E75408C12575D70031F321, 2009. Davie G., Europe: The Exceptional Case. Parameters of Faith in the Modern World, London: Darton, Logman and Todd Ltd., 2002. Davie, G., The Sociology of Religion, London: Sage Publications, 2007. Dobbelaere K., Secularization: A Multi-Dimensional Concept, London: Sage Publications, 2002. Habermas J., The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere. An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society, (T. Burger with the assistance of F. Lawrence, trans.), Cambridge: The Mitt Press, 1989. Habermas J., Religion in the Public Sphere, “European Journal of Philosophy”, 14 (1), pp. 1–25, 2006. Habermas J., Notes on Post-Secular Society, “New Perspectives Quarterly”, 25, pp. 17–29. Retrieved on December 12, 2018 from http://www.signandsight.com/ features/1714.html, 2008. Hadden J., Desacralizing Secularization Theory, in: J.K. Hadden & A. Shupe (eds.) Secularization and Fundamentalism Reconsidered. Religion and the Political Order, vol. 2, New York: Paragon House, pp. 3–25, 1989. Heelas P., The New Age Movement. The Celebration of the Self and the Sacralization of Modernity, Oxford: Blackwell, 1996. Hervieu-Léger D., La religion pour mémoire, Paris: Le Cerf, 1993. Laclau E. & Mouffe C., Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics (2nd edition), London and New York: Verso, 2001. Luckmann T., The Invisible Religion. The Problem of Religion in Modern Society, New York-London: Macmillan, 1967. Martin D., A General Theory of Secularization, Oxford: Blackwell, 1978. Martin D., On Secularization: Towards a Revised General Theory, New York: Routledge, 2005. McGuire M., Lived Religion: Faith and Practice in Everyday Life, New York: Oxford University Press, 2008. Rasmussen T., Internet and the Political Public Sphere, “Sociology Compass”, 8 (12), pp. 1315–1329, 2014. Stepan A., The World’s Religious Systems and Democracy: Crafting the ’Twin Tolerations, “Arguing Comparative Politics”, Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 218–225, 2001. Stepan A., Tunisia’s Transition and the Twin Tolerations, “Journal of Democracy”, 23(2), pp. 89–103, 2012. Szwed A. & Zielińska K., A War on Gender? The Roman Catholic Church’s Discourse on Gender in Poland, in: S. Ramet & I. Borowik (eds.) Religion, Politics and Values in Poland, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 113–136, 2017.

3

Spirituality vs. religiosity as impetus to the discussion on the change factors in the contemporary sociology of religion Sławomir H. Zaręba

Introduction While it has been a long time since sociologists of religion stopped holding heated discussions on religion and the methodology in the study of religiosity, another sub-discipline of sociology, namely the sociology of spirituality, has emerged as a subject of research and lively debates for some time now. It is commonly believed that spirituality is the issue mostly discussed by theologians or psychologists while sociologists refer to it only in the context of institutional religiosity. However, the institutional model of religiosity proposed by American sociologists R. Stark and Ch. Glock (Stark & Glock, 1968, pp. 11–19) many years ago has long since proved contrary to diagnostic expectations. This is due to differentiation and, as P. Berger claims, the reduction of the sacred universe. Berger stresses the need to determine the manner of detecting the elements of spiritual life in individualised and group forms. This approach is based on the following assumptions. According to the sociological surveys, it is increasingly common to hear that to attain a satisfactory spiritual state, one does not need to belong to religious institutions or refer to the systems of religious meaning. Furthermore, to achieve a sense of fulfilment and satisfaction, including a sense of meaning of life, one does not have to be immersed in a religious framework. Many people believe that these states can be achieved by adopting parareligious practices, Eastern meditation, or even esotericism, spiritualism, or parapsychology, for example. This means that spiritual life can be developed in a variety of ways. There are many reasons for this, both subjective and objective, resulting from the dynamic sociocultural transformations. For several decades now, there has been an opposition between tradition and modernity, or post-modernity, in the modern world, as widely described by, inter alia, sociological literature. Artificial intelligence, virtual relations and development of modern technologies build a “new” man, no longer following the hints of the older generation, spending much time with multimedia devices and using them to gain knowledge about the world DOI: 10.4324/9781003271994-5

Spirituality vs. religiosity as impetus 47 and people. Contemporary reality seems to be accurately described by Z. Bokszański: For centuries, the individual has been permanently assigned to a particular place, local here and now. The contemporary era is an era of abstract, vast space in which the individual is given with a non-local address, namely the e-mail address, for the first time in history. This translates into marginalisation of local impacts, influences and authorities. One is forced to enter an unpredictable reality of unknown determinations with a number of consequences, including in particular a sense of loss of competence in relation to many personal decisions and the irrevocable need to think in terms of opportunities and risks, seeing one’s own biography and future as an area to be colonised. (Bokszański, 2016, p. 20) Did these changes make people walk away from religion and reduce their spiritual state to purely existential needs? The fundamental principle of traditional society was to refer to God and transcendence in general, following the guidelines of religious institutions. In modern society, the perspective of man is different, no longer constrained by dogma and religious requirements strictly governing his or her daily existence. Sociological studies suggest that people still find it quite easy to describe themselves as religious (spiritual) people, but shape this sphere of personality according to their subjective, individual needs, often without regard for institutions which have served as repositories of knowledge on the way to salvation for centuries. Furthermore, the way people assess the surrounding world is influenced by free movement. They can, as never before, meet new people and observe communities living in different conditions, both in terms of civilisation and natural environment. It is quite easy to notice that there are still communities in different places of the world which perpetuate specific material and spiritual values of their culture, and respect its products and rituals. Obviously, these processes manifest themselves differently in different parts of the world and globalisation processes do not lead to unification. This affects how contemporary people perceive the factors which form their spiritual sphere, both in religious and non-religious terms, and proves that the needs which go beyond the material dimension are universal. Spiritual needs, sometimes profound in nature, play a significant role despite a variety of changes and advanced technologies. This tendency is confirmed both by regular, sociological monitoring of collective and individual religious activity and by psychological studies intended to examine the spheres of spiritual life, sometimes with no reference to religion. Therefore, it was proposed to establish a new subdiscipline of sociology in addition to the sociology of religion, namely the sociology of spirituality.

48 Sławomir H. Zaręba

Religiosity and spirituality as areas of sociological research The discussion below leads through the following concepts: religiosity, spirituality vs. religiosity, new and diffused spirituality, religious spirituality, and non-religious spirituality. There is an abundance of definitions of religiosity in specialist literature. The Polish sociologists of religion include, inter alia, E. Ciupak, I. Borowik, W. Piwowarski, J. Mariański, A. Wójtowicz, and K. Koseła. Notwithstanding the above, this paper centres around the following framework: Religiosity is a broad concept, impossible to define in one sentence. Initially and in general terms, it can be assumed that religiosity results from the acceptance of a certain religious reality. However, this reality should be understood as a sui generis reality since it is empirical and supernatural at the same time, which means that it cannot be reduced to visible and exclusively social values. The notion of religiosity refers to specific attitudes of acceptance of what is called a supernatural reality, i.e. the reality which cannot be verified empirically. These attitudes, expressed by views, identification and articulation, can take various forms, observed and described using sociological and statistical tools. (Zaręba, 2008, p. 22) As was mentioned above, the theoretical and empirical aspects of spirituality have quite recently been a subject of interest of psychology. For example, a study on spirituality published in “Psychiatria i Psychoterapia” in 2017, quotes researchers, such as Krok, Thoresen, Zinnbauer, and Pargament, and claims that spirituality differs from the concept of religiosity. The differences between the two concepts are indicated by spiritual and transcendent elements which are at the centre of the world’s great religions. On the other hand, religious traditions are characterised by different, non-spiritual tasks and objectives. Furthermore, religiosity is somewhat related with religion while spirituality may be not rooted in religion, at least on the individual level. It is claimed that religion is mainly a social phenomenon while spirituality occurs in the individual, internal context. Hence it is proposed to assume the correspondence between the religion vs. spirituality relationship and the medicine vs. health relationship. Another distinction is that religiosity is material while spirituality is functional in nature. Religiosity is inseparably connected with formal beliefs and group practices while spirituality is defined as a way to seek universal truth and a form of activity which makes it possible to discover sense and meaning in the surrounding world. Furthermore, religiosity is associated with a static reality with a certain structure and form while spirituality is seen as a dynamic reality-oriented towards discovering something new. Finally, religiosity is based on the cognitive sphere (beliefs, dogmas, and norms) while spirituality is directed towards the emotional sphere (Skowroński & Bartoszewski, 2017, pp. 4–5).

Spirituality vs. religiosity as impetus 49 The above corresponds to the approach adopted by J. Surzykiewicz who sees spirituality as a resource of the individual and claims that it is: (…) more diverse than the concept of religiosity, encompassing, inter alia, the following spheres: phenomenological dimension of spirituality, existential well-being, searching for sense and meaning of life, paranormal beliefs and different manifestations of religious experience and dimensions of religiosity. (Surzykiewicz, 2015, p. 1) A sociological study by W. Pawluczuk sees spirituality as a specific, deepened form of religiosity, claiming that all Christian schools of religiosity teach effective methods of experiencing the sacred, often focusing on deep mystical experience. Traditional spirituality refers to mystical practices, such as asceticism or shamanism, and exhibits various attitudes towards personal goods and forms of solitary or community life (Pawluczuk, 2004, pp. 90–91). As can be seen above, spirituality, so different from religiosity, is described as a dynamic reality, shaped subjectively and without institutional constraints. This position is confirmed by a dictionary definition: Spirituality involves one’s own self and personal search for the sacred, without the mediation of the Church and with inner experience. It is linked with the processes of privatisation (individualisation) of religiosity (…). It is an experience of the sacred understood as something personal, intimate and relating to the internal power of the human being. (Marczewski, 2013, p. 217) Other studies use the terms “new” and “diffused” to describe spirituality. According to J. Mariański, this kind of spirituality leads to non-religious spirituality. He claims that: (…) the new religiosity and the new spirituality are oriented towards seeking offers that bring meaning to life for the individual on the transcendence market, often with no reference to personal or even impersonal God. They manifest themselves in many eclectic and syncretic forms, resulting in what is called blurred identity and diffused religious field. (Mariański, 2016, p. 128) As a complement to the above, W. Pawluczuk defines the new spirituality as: (…) beliefs and practices that are not related to traditional religious institutions, but instead are oriented towards some extra-human powers, sometimes replacing traditional religiosity. This is reflected in

50 Sławomir H. Zaręba the denial of faith in a transcendent God, the presence of magic and occultism, the interest in perimortem phenomena, and anti-civilisation attitude in general. (Pawluczuk, 2004, pp. 90–91) The new spirituality perceived in this way leads to an experience of the sacred understood as something personal, intimate, inner, and existential, which often stands in opposition to official religions (Marczewski, 2013, p. 24). In sociological terms, spirituality currently takes the form of a new phenomenon, shaped beyond the ecclesiastical institutions, which, as J. Mariański suggests, is an identification mark of modern times (Mariański, 2016, p. 128). To describe the current state, the studies on religiosity frequently refer to the notion of new spirituality which may deny religiosity understood through the prism of parameterisation, for example, as shown above. First and foremost, new spirituality disrespects the ecclesiastical form of faith, i.e. leaves the community and focuses on the individual dimension only. New spirituality assumes a significant role of meditation for the sacred and the manifestation of various types of spiritualistic practices which are supposed to help the individual better understand the surrounding reality (Zaręba & Choczyński, 2015, p. 102). It seems clear that religiosity operationalised by means of parameters once developed by traditional sociologists of religion and described on the basis of empirical material, sometimes described as a static, institutional or ecclesiastical reality, does not reflect the peculiarity of this phenomenon. This contrasts with new religiosity and new spirituality. Other terms used to describe these phenomena include invisible religiosity, privatised religiosity, de-institutionalised religiosity, post-modern religiosity, dissonant religiosity, ambiguous religiosity, fragmented religiosity, non-committal religiosity, as opposed to organised ecclesiastical religiosity (Marczewski, 2013, p. 25). Spirituality is further described as “diffused” meaning the one which is scattered, goes beyond the framework of ecclesiastical religiosity, breaks away from ecclesiastical religiosity, even if originates from it, combines various systems and establishes new syntheses. It is usually adopted by those who experienced the institutionalised ecclesiastical form in their childhood, but later departed from its recommendations. It “puts together” attitudes and behaviours using new and unclear forms while maintaining a sphere of silent compromise (spirituality based on one’s own preferences) (Marczewski, 2013, pp. 184–185). This is in line with the view of J. Surzykiewicz who points out that spirituality acquired and shaped without reference to religious institutions, and relying on non-religious foundations, is sometimes referred to as non-religious spirituality. He believes that this form “expresses the need and ability of the individual to transcend themselves and the world, albeit not necessarily with the intention to find the sense and meaning of life in conjunction with a supernatural object” (Surzykiewicz, 2015, p. 29). In his

Spirituality vs. religiosity as impetus 51 another study, he emphasises that specialist literature primarily describes the concepts aimed at preserving neutrality towards different religions. This is why spirituality is a more preferable notion to be used. Typical religious content referring to a particular religion or native religiosity is deliberately excluded from operationalisation in favour of a relatively neutral conceptual framework in the context of broadly understood spirituality. As a reason for this, researchers indicate the need to describe, measure, and analyse the attributes of spiritual and religious life, seen as conceptual categories free from the truths of faith, rituals, institutional structures, etc. Another aim is to incorporate the contents falling under broadly understood humanism, only partly related to religious factors. (Surzykiewicz, 2016, p. 157)

Religious and non-religious spirituality in empirical research In the discussion above, the distinction is made between spirituality with religious (institutional) connotations and a completely different dimension of spirituality. Now, the selected results of empirical research are used to prove that these assumptions are correct. In this respect, it is assumed that the religious narrative differs from verbal labels attached to religiosity. The analysis of sociological research, including the studies carried out by the Catholic Church Statistics Institute and the Department of Sociology at the Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University in 1988, 1998, 2005, and 2017, seem to prove this assumption. School and university students were asked to provide empirical evidence based on the statements made before. Since the systemic transformation in Poland initiated three decades ago in 1989, major changes have occurred in all areas of Polish life, including the religious sphere. The primary aim of the study was to measure the rate of religiosity (ecclesiastical character) and to show the dynamics of change. However, other interesting data falling under the concept of new spirituality are also found. The research tool included the following question: do you think that one does not need the Church as an institution to be religious? The results of the study show that the vast majority of university students surveyed over the course of 30 years answered “yes.” The percentage of yeses in 1988, 1998, 2005, and 2017 was 78.0%, 69.8%, 71.9%, and 73.3%, respectively. On the one hand, young people exhibited a certain level of religiosity; their attitudes were not linked with belonging to a religious institution. This can be seen as a proof of orientation towards a new religiosity or new spirituality. In her comments on the studies, H. Mielicka-Pawłowska states that: The fact that the respondents do not identify themselves with the Church does not mean the lack of religiosity. Instead, they search for a

52 Sławomir H. Zaręba new form of religiosity referred to as spirituality. Religiosity goes with morality and emotionality of attitudes towards the world. Religiosity and spirituality are common in that they deliberately or immediately evoke a feeling of mystical unity with the universe, magical power of action and occult faith in destiny. (Mielicka-Pawłowska, 2016, p. 150) The meaning of life mentioned above falls under the same rules. It seems that spirituality based on a sense of the meaning of life is deep. However, it is certainly not religious. In this respect, two questions were asked in the survey: (1) what gives meaning to your life? (2) what, in your opinion, is the main factor which gives meaning to human life? The results of the study show that the vast majority of university students surveyed over the course of 30 years answered “yes.” The percentage of “only religious faith” answers in 1988, 1998, 2005, and 2017 was 20.6%, 7.1%, 7.7%, and 6.5%, respectively. The percentage of “something more than only religious faith” answers was higher, i.e. 41.4%, 52.2%, 43.2%, and 32.9%, respectively. The answer “deep religious faith is the main factor which gives meaning to human life” was chosen by 44.0%, 29.3%, 27.6%, and 21.9% of the respondents, respectively. The results of the study confirm that both the religious institution and deep religious faith still constitute part of institutionalised religiosity. However, their significance decreases, which may mean that new spirituality is formed. J. Mariański emphasises that “new forms of spirituality, spontaneous in nature, draw their origin from faith and search for the meaning of one’s own existence, and not from the institution. They can derive inspiration from above, from various new cultural and ideological currents” (Mariański, 2016, p. 131). Similarly, based on her qualitative study, H. Mielicka-Pawłowska concludes that: (…) the analysis of the meanings attributed to the notion of spirituality provides two basic semantic paradigms: religious and non-religious. The religious meanings attributed to the notion of spirituality indicate the relationship between faith in God and devotion. Non-religious meanings have a more extended semantic field which can be reduced to include only psyche, freedom, and morality as indicators of spirituality. (Mielicka-Pawłowska, 2017, p. 343) In terms of meanings, spirituality encompasses the processes of one’s selfawareness and one’s ability to self-transcend and discover meaning in life, on the one hand, and the need for communication and harmony with the supernatural world and religious experience, on the other. According to J. Surzykiewicz, the former usually reflects the perception of spirituality as an “art or wisdom of life.” The latter, due to human relational needs, embraces not only connections with people with similar attitudes, but also

Spirituality vs. religiosity as impetus 53 openness, both in individual and community terms, to religious experience. In this respect, spirituality corresponds to a variety of values closely related to religiosity. A Higher Being, or other ideas or images of God, whether Christian, Islamic, or any other, is presupposed. In addition, the connotations resulting from such perception of spirituality fit into the scope of a particular religion and its spiritual traditions, such as Marian spirituality or Jesuit spirituality (Surzykiewicz, 2016, p. 157).

Conclusions The fundamental question to be answered is whether spirituality emerges as a new paradigm in sociology, not necessarily the sociology of religion, requires further investigation. In light of decreasing credibility of religious institutions, crisis of ecclesiastical forms and significant decline of institutional religiosity, the questions about the social aspects of human spirituality seem fully justified. However, spirituality is perceived as a personal, intimate and inner experience which can be felt and experienced but not easily described in empirical terms (Mariański, 2016, p. 130). Spirituality requires the development of new research instrumentation. The existing research methodology used to study institutional religiosity is not sufficient to discover deep, individual and subjective experiences falling under the concept of spiritual expression of man. At the time of dynamic sociocultural and institutional changes, the spiritual sphere of human life is still present. However, what the religious dimension of life will look like and how it will affect the socialisation of the young generation remains unresolved. Spirituality is a “sphere in which people try to understand their own identity and sense of their life” (Dziewiecki, 1999). Sociological measurement is possible thanks to interactive and symbolic contexts. Since spiritual life is a universal phenomenon, researchers of socio-religious phenomena will undoubtedly pose a variety of other questions in this respect. This is especially since various contents of religious culture and related spirituality still remain an important and intriguing, in cognitive terms, component of the social landscape. It seems H. Mielicka-Pawłowska rightly concludes that spirituality is in statu nascendi as it is not yet institutionally grounded (Mielicka-Pawłowska, 2017, p. 349). This should encourage sociologists to expand the research fields centred around the spiritual sphere of human life, both in terms of religion (religious spirituality) and existentialism (non-religious spirituality).

References Bokszański Z., Zmiana społeczna i jednostka we współczesności, “Przegląd Socjologiczny”, no. 65, pp. 9–22, 2016, retrieved on January 11, 2020 from file:///Users/Stacjonarny/Downloads/01_Bokszanski%20(3).pdf.

54 Sławomir H. Zaręba Dziewiecki M., Rola duchowości w życiu człowieka, April 20, 1999, retrieved on February 15, 2020 from https://opoka.org.pl/biblioteka/T/TS/duchowosc_w_ zyciu.html. Marczewski M. (ed.), Podstawowe pojęcia socjologii religii w eksplikacji ks. Janusza Mariańskiego, Lublin: Wydawnictwo Polihymnia, 2013. Mariański J., Nowa duchowość w świetle badań socjologicznych, in: S. H. Zaręba & I. Borowik (eds.), Tradycja i innowacja w polu refleksji socjologii religii, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Kontrast, pp. 127–146, 2016. Mielicka-Pawłowska H., Eudajmonizm a religijność i duchowość, in S. H. Zaręba & I. Borowik (eds.), Tradycja i innowacja w polu refleksji socjologii religii, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Kontrast, pp. 147–161, 2016. Mielicka-Pawłowska H., Duchowość ponowoczesna. Studium z zakresu socjologii jakościowej, Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy Nomos, 2017. Pawluczuk W., Duchowość, in: M. Libiszowska-Żółtkowska & J. Mariański (eds.), Leksykon socjologii religii, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Verbinum, pp. 90–92, 2004. Skowroński B. & Bartoszewski J., Skala Duchowości – opis konstrukcji i właściwości psychometryczne [Scale of Spirituality – design description, and psychometric properties], “Psychiatria i Psychoterapia”, vol. 13, no. 3, pp. 3–29, 2017, retrieved on May 20, 2020 from, http://www.psychiatriapolska.pl/uploads/ images/PiP_Jesien2017/art1_SkowronskiBartoszewski_PiP2017v13i3.pdf. Stark R. & Glock Ch. Y., Dimension of Religious Commitment, in: R. Stark & Y.Ch. Glock (eds.), American Piety: The Nature of Religious Commitment, Berkeley: University of California Press, pp. 11–19, 1968. Surzykiewicz J., Religia, religijność i duchowość jako zasoby osobowe i kapitał społeczny w pedagogice społecznej/pracy socjalnej, “Pedagogika Społeczna”, vol. 55, no. 1, pp. 23–71, 2015. Surzykiewicz J., Duchowość i religijność a wybór zawodu przez młodych ludzi, “Labor et Edukatio”, no. 4, pp. 151–190, 2016, retrieved on May 14, 2020 from http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/media//files/Labor_et_Educatio/Labor_et_Educatior2016-t4/Labor_et_Educatio-r2016-t4-s151–190/Labor_et_Educatio-r2016-t4s151–190.pdf. Zaręba S.H., W kierunku jakiej religijności. Studia nad katolicyzmem polskiej młodzieży, Warszawa: Zakład Wydawnictw Statystycznych, 2008. Zaręba S.H., & Choczyński M., Socjoreligijny wizerunek odbiorców kultury, in: S.H. Zaręba & R. Wiśniewski (eds.), Cooltura instant. Europejska Noc Muzeów w Warszawie 2014, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Kontrast, pp. 95–125, 2015.

4

Modern directions of development of religion and spirituality: an attempt at systematisation Agnieszka Zduniak

Introduction In the culture of modern society, religion is perceived as a dynamic, tran­ sitional, and constantly changing reality. Depending on how individual researchers approach the issue, the transition may take many forms, e.g. lower impact of religion on social life, religious revival in the near, or distant future or modified manifestations of religion, in part or in full. This area is undoubtedly heterogeneous. The previously broad and homogenous concept of religion now has to be split into religion and spirituality – both terms defined differently, i.e. as the areas which partly or fully overlap or do not overlap at all (Knoblauch, 2009, p. 122) – or divided even more into smaller, distinguishable units. This chapter presents and makes an attempt to systematise these units. The aim of this chapter is not to review all varying approaches defining the conditions and possible effects of the contemporary transformation of the “religious field;” its primary aim is to indicate main directions of this transformation. This chapter discusses the concept of religion in relation to a particular cultural circle, i.e. Western culture, largely influenced by Judaism and Christianity, and not as a general term devoid of historical attachment. It was several decades ago when Joachim Matthes warned against the danger of ethnocentrism, i.e. the attempts to assess the religions of other cultural circles, namely Eastern religions, on the basis of con­ ceptual categories having Christian connotations (Matthes, 2005, p. 171). There is yet another reason why the focus is made on Western and Central Europe. Europe occupies a special position on the map of religiosity and spirituality of the modern world. As noticed by Peter L. Berger, Europe looks odd given the global trends. Religiosity worldwide is in good con­ dition or is booming as is the case in many regions: new religious move­ ments are emerging; Asia, Latin America, and Africa clearly exhibit the signs of religious revival and the vitality of numerous religious denomina­ tions in North America proves that there is no direct relationship between modernisation and the loss of religious significance (Berger, 1998, pp. 67–68). By contrast, there are a number of signs which indicate that DOI: 10.4324/9781003271994-6

56 Agnieszka Zduniak religion is weakening in Europe, at least in its traditional, institutionalised form, i.e. the rate of participation in Church life, the influence of religion in public life and the number of people following a religious calling sig­ nificantly decline (Berger, 2000). At the same time, new, syncretic forms of religiosity as well as religious and non-religious spirituality emerge, and various cultural areas seek religious inspirations. It is difficult to systematise this extremely diverse area, especially since new phenomena are emerging. However, it seems possible to indicate the main directions of these changes, provided that there are sufficiently clear criteria for the concept of religion. This chapter introduces a relational view as the starting point for the discussion. To ensure that religion is not defined arbitrarily, the re­ ference is made to the extract from the Gospel of St. Matthew defining three critical spheres of religion in an extremely synthetic way: Love the Lord your God with all your heart and with all your soul and with all your mind… Love your neighbour as yourself. (Matthew 22:37–39 [emphasis added]) This passage defines three fundamental relational dimensions of religion. The first one is the relation between the individual and supernatural (extraempirical) reality, which the followers of the so-called religion of the Book call personal God. The second one refers to social relations with other people and neighbours; and the third one describes the relation of the in­ dividual with oneself (Figure 4.1).

Figure 4.1 Dimensions of relations in religion. Source: Own analysis.

Development of religion and spirituality 57

Institutionalisation and de-institutionalisation of religions and their consequences In the traditional forms of religiosity, present in Central and Western Europe for many centuries, the three dimensions of religion mentioned above constituted a single unit. Such religiosity is arranged into organisa­ tional units, i.e. Churches, still considered to be social representatives of Christianity. They govern and bring together all three relational dimensions of religion, i.e. they define the relation with God, the relation with other people, and the perception of oneself through the lens of faith (Figure 4.2). Institutional religion is strongly embedded in the culture of Western Christian societies and the tendency is that religion connotes the in­ stitutionalised dimension of religion, or even is equated with it. Therefore, it is not surprising that walking away from the institutional Church in Europe is often equated with walking away from the Christian religion in general (dechristianisation). The tendency to make the equation between institutional religion and religion in general is reflected in the concept of normal religion explored by Winfried Gebhardt (Gebhardt, 2007, pp. 299–300). This approach assumes clear boundaries, i.e. clear distinction between the secular and religious categories of phenomena and social forms, and sees religion as a separate sphere of life with particular forms of devotion, i.e. acts of religious worship “religious” ways of thinking and feeling. Religion understood in this way is supposed to affect the life of individuals and communities in such a way as to ensure that religious principles are reflected not only in individual biographies, but also in cus­ toms and laws governing social life. Ordinary believers cannot act as re­ presentatives of the religion. These functions can be performed only by

Figure 4.2 Institutional religion and its impact on relational dimensions. Source: Own analysis.

58 Agnieszka Zduniak those who have adequate knowledge and institutionally confirmed qualifi­ cations (clergymen, theologians), in charge of the religious formation of the faithful and orthodoxy of faith. A parish incorporated into a hierarchical structure (Church) is an example of a social form of such religion. In this approach, the decision to follow one religion always requires radical selfdetermination and rejection of all other doctrines and belief systems. As can be clearly seen, this approach equates institutional religion with religion in general and excludes many phenomena typical of modern so­ ciety, such as individualised forms of devotion, syncretic religiosity or noninstitutional spirituality (Mariański, 2016, p. 263). Even if one assumes that religion has ever existed in a purely orthodox and institutional form, which seems rather unlikely, any new forms of religious communities, rituals modifying traditional liturgy or language of religious communication would have to be treated as a deficit – abandonment, at least partial, of “critical values.” However, contemporary culture is characterised by a growing distrust of all institutions, norms, and customs intended to govern various areas of social life. Freedom, i.e. the ability to make one’s own decisions and the ability to undermine any authorities, becomes a priority. As a result, the institutions, including Church institutions, become increasingly less sig­ nificant. Such an approach may result in undermining the elements of the Church’s teaching regarded as “inconvenient” and rejecting the institution as a whole. The dimensions of religion are devoid of an intermediary, i.e. an institution establishing dogmas, worship regulations and ethical require­ ments. The individual has to manage the dimensions of religion on their own; they have to shape their relation with God, or with any supernatural reality other than God, at their own discretion, or deny its existence, and decide on their own on how they will build their relation with others and their identity.

Privatised religiosity, non-religious spirituality, and cultural religion as contemporary dimensions of the religious field The forms of religion and spirituality that emerge as a result of lower in­ fluence of institutional religion on the religious and spiritual life of modern people can be classified into three main categories (Figure 4.3). The first type of relation, i.e. the relation between the individual and a non-empirical reality, devoid of institutional control, takes the form of privatised religiosity (non-church religiosity, pilgrim’s religiosity, syncretic religiosity, patchwork religiosity, religious bricolage, non-institutional spirituality). These forms of subjective religiosity and individual systems of ultimate meanings assume the existence of supernatural reality, under­ stood personally or non-personally, as force or energy, for example, and privatisation of religious decisions made according to the preferences, lifestyle and personality of the individual (Knoblauch, 2000, p. 63).

Development of religion and spirituality 59

Figure 4.3 De-institutionalisation of religion and its consequences. Source: Own analysis.

Different religious and philosophical systems are used according to current needs. The individual becomes the ultimate authority in religious matters and determines both the extent and form of involvement in a given area of religiosity or spirituality. Personal inner experience of the individual is decisive in determining the rightness of their choices and prevails over any spiritual authorities, external rules, and moral precepts. This type of religiosity is characterised by syncretism. The religious worldview is shaped from elements of various religious and spiritual tradi­ tions, e.g. Western esoteric traditions, elements of Christian spirituality, or­ iental spirituality and pre-Christian cults. This includes Christian esoteric groups (e.g. Universal Life, anthroposophy), religious communities inspired by Far Eastern religions (e.g. Krishna followers, Transcendental Meditation), and groups applying esoteric practices (rebirthing, Reiki, radiesthesia, tarot, etc.). All such religious movements have some common points, i.e. they form relatively small communities; they are young, but at the same time refer to centuries-old traditions; they are religious in nature, which means that they define their boundaries based on the immanence/transcendence code; and they provide a direct religious experience through religious practices which significantly differ from traditional rituals of the institutionalised religion (Pollack, 2000, pp. 18–19). This also includes interreligious spirituality, i.e. an attitude according to which the individual identifies themselves with more than one religion to deepen their spiritual life (e.g. a Christian who practises Zen and identifies themselves with Buddhism or Sufism). The subjectivity of spirituality is also reflected in the fact that a great emphasis is put on personal experience of transcendence, e.g. visions or near-death experiences. In the traditional institutional religiosity, religious

60 Agnieszka Zduniak experience was accessible only to few. Special experiences were limited to include only the chosen ones, such as mystics, shamans, prophets, i.e. people who, thanks to particular abilities, knowledge or degree of moral perfection, qualified for being called religious masters (Weber, 2002). This does not apply to folk religiosity recognising private revelations, miracles, and other direct manifestations of supernatural reality. New spirituality is based on the so-called democratisation of charisma which implies that the experience of transcendence is available for everyone. Qualitative research carried out in the first decade of the 21st century resulted in the formulation of an ideal type of postmodern religiosity. This ideal type is defined as a spiritual pilgrim (Engelbrecht, 2009, p. 35) con­ vinced of their right to religious seeking regardless of the rules established by religious institutions and traditions. This attitude is reflected in testing different offers out of a wide range of worldviews, religions and philoso­ phical systems. Seeking does not mean straying and seeking help from re­ ligious “specialists” to find one’s own way. It is rather a conscious act to find what best suits individual spiritual needs. The individual does not have to cease declaring institutional religious affiliation. It is often the case that both forms co-exist. The contradictions resulting from this form of re­ ligiosity are ignored more and more often. In Western European countries, syncretic religiosity is becoming the dominant social form of religion. The second type of relation, i.e. the relation with oneself, no longer under the control of the Church, takes the form of non-religious spirituality, also known as the new spirituality (the term is misleading as it may also refer to syncretic/privatised religiosity). This is a relatively new area of research in the sociology of religion. This phenomenon can be regarded as pseudoreligious or religious, the latter legitimate only, following the approach adopted by T. Luckmann, if religion is understood as anything that trans­ cends biological nature of man, i.e. all ideologies, actions, and forms of socialisation that give meaning to his life and are at the top of the hierarchy of values. The phenomenon is aptly described by Z. Pasek: I propose to define the notion of new spirituality as a kind of spirituality in which the individual’s efforts for transgression are closely related with the physical and mental dimensions of man (…). In the new spirituality, man develops either on his own or with the help of spiritual masters, the latter not resulting, however, from the super­ natural power of the Christian grace of God. (Pasek, 2010, pp. 60–61) Thus, transgression, i.e. the act of transcending oneself and one’s own limitations and restrictions, is oriented towards oneself, and not towards Transcendence understood in personal terms. Non-religious spirituality does not have to be anti-religious in nature; it usually does not deny the existence of Transcendence (except atheist

Development of religion and spirituality 61 spirituality), but it remains indifferent to it, providing no point of reference. Holiness is reflected in happy and successful life rather than in the relation with a transcendent reality. Spiritual search does not focus on the super­ natural world. Instead, its aim is to find the “true ego” freed from limita­ tions that might hinder the embodiment of human potential. The potential can be released by applying therapeutic practices, couching, meditation, and parapsychological techniques. This type of spirituality can take various forms. It embraces ideologies, lifestyles, and “cults” which largely go beyond the traditional notion of the cult, such as the cult of youth, the cult of body, wellness, and fitness. According to D. Hervieu-Léger, this trend includes everything that is a source of subjective sense of purpose and has a high individual emotional value (Hervieu-Léger, 2000). These concepts are closely associated with the so-called dispersed religiosity (Cipriani, 2017), i.e. the contents and pat­ terns, either religious or pseudo-religious, which tend to occur in seemingly secular spheres of social life, such as literature, concerts, celebrity worship, or ecological movement. The signs of religious experience can be found both in therapy attendance and feeling love for another person. Family, sexuality, profession, self-fulfilment, sports idol worship, and art are all the possible substitutes of religion. In this sense, spirituality ceases to be iden­ tified with faith and starts to convey a multitude of meanings solving the problem of personal identity. As a typically functional perspective, it is closely associated not only with the framework of T. Luckmann, but also the approaches advocated by R. N. Bellah (1964) and J. M. Yinger (1970), who combine the notion of religion with thought systems that cause man to become fully involved despite denying supernaturality. The third type of relation, i.e. the relation between the individual and other people (society), no longer under the control of religious institutions, may be completely secular. However, some dimensions of the secular sphere, primarily those which originate from religion or are in any way related to it, are explored by the sociology of religion. All these dimensions transcend human nature and enable us to “go beyond ourselves” and ap­ proach other people, i.e. those who share a common culture with us, and not the supernatural reality. This group of phenomena fall under the con­ cept of cultural religion (Zduniak, 2017, p. 166). This can be illustrated by the example of the civil religion, particularly evident in the United States, which is a set of symbols, rituals, and views that create a sense of national unity and loyalty to the state. E. Durkheim (1995) believed that the func­ tion of religion is to create the identity of both society and individuals by giving meaning to social and individual life. Religion understood in this way can be extended to include all factors oriented towards integration in society. The primary aim of the civil religion is to create and maintain cultural identity of a group, build an ethos of community or nation, and show the spiritual dimension of the community since it cannot be reduced to the worldly, ordinary, and pragmatic values. References to religion are

62 Agnieszka Zduniak external in nature and do not result in the internalisation of the truths of faith, norms, and religious values (Grzybowski, 2010). This category also includes ritualistic religiosity consisting in adherence to the requirements of ecclesiastical institutions for cultural reasons, ex­ cluding their spiritual dimension, i.e. the so-called belonging without be­ lieving (Davie, 1994). The institutional religion to which it refers is treated as a tool and not as an intrinsic value. There is a growing tendency to turn to religion at breakthrough or particularly difficult moments in life, and treat the Church as a kind of therapeutic technique or service provider aimed at making important life events more pleasant (Lehmann, 1999, pp. 25–26). The fact that the individual seeks religion and the Church at critical moments in their lives, such as birth, marriage, or death, shows how important these moments are for them, and not religion itself. The religion practised in this way turns into a reservoir of symbols, rituals, and tradi­ tions that can be used to achieve specific goals, often completely ignoring the religious meaning. Another example of the cultural religion is the so-called popular religion. This term, introduced by H. Knoblauch, encompasses hybrid phenomena resulting from the interplay of religion (especially Christianity) and popular culture. Motifs, patterns, and symbols present in a given religious system appear in the media, contemporary art, literature, film, advertising, and en­ tertainment programmes, and it is often the case that the meanings ascribed to them significantly differ from the original ones. Conversely, religion, in­ cluding institutional religion, adopts certain motifs of popular culture. This can be clearly seen in religious events, i.e. specific mass events organised by churches and religious communities, targeted primarily at young people. Means of expression and forms of socialisation, once considered completely secular, are now accepted and incorporated into the liturgy. They become part of religious communities even though they would have been considered as acts of profanation or desecration only a few decades ago. Another, probably most important, group of phenomena falling into the cultural religion is implicit religion, i.e. incorporating inherently religious elements into the secular social life. The basic ideas and principles derived from Christianity become part of the ethos of modern society and the normative basis for the modern state of law, but their religious connota­ tions are often completely ignored. They are subject to secularisation and adapted to the needs of secular culture. Many principles of social life and values particularly important in Western cultural societies are described as humanistic or democratic while their religious origin is completely dis­ regarded. The principles of freedom and equality of all people, and in particular the concept of human dignity, are notable examples. There are a number of activities which are construed as achievements of modernity, but in reality constitute the implementation of the fundamental demands of Christianity and other world religions. They include action for peace and elimination of violence in human relations, various forms of humanitarian

Development of religion and spirituality 63 aid for all, regardless of origin, ethnicity or religion, demands for equal rights for women, fight against racial prejudices, tolerance towards other­ ness, fight against prejudice and stereotypes, environmental protection, social aid, striving for equal opportunities in life, and action for social justice in a broad sense. All these actions seem to be inherent in religious values. They are used as a means to consolidate the society and give meaning to social reality.

Institutional religion – weakened but not compromised In the middle of the last century, the institutional religion, the forms of religiosity oriented towards the individual, and religious cultural patterns widespread in society co-existed in great harmony in the countries of the Christian West. With the abandonment of traditional models of life and disintegration of once cohesive religious communities, the institutional, individual and cultural forms of religion in society become more and more apart. Institutional religion no longer has a monopoly on mediating be­ tween the immanence of the world and divine transcendence. The in­ dividual is in a strong position over the institution and the subjective point of view prevails over the institutional one. As a result, the experience of transcendence can be shaped beyond the sphere defined by religious orga­ nisations. Christian values begin to have an impact on other spheres of social life, are no longer monopolised by the Church and cannot be re­ integrated into the institutional framework. However, the key trends in the development of religiosity and spirituality described above do not make the institutional religion fall into decline. Privatisation of religion is accompanied by incorporation of religion into the public sphere. As a result, religion performs important social and po­ litical functions, and plays a pivotal role in civil society. J. Casanova calls this phenomenon the de-privation of religion (Casanova, 1994). Although the importance of Churches and religions decreases in the individual sphere, they still constitute an inherent part of the social structure. It is not sur­ prising given the widespread social belief that the complete disappearance of religion from the public sphere would have adverse effects on society. This is because the Churches are expected to shape the moral sphere of social life; to instil the system of values in the young generation, counteract the dominance of economic interests over human values, and promote so­ cial integration. D. Hervieu-Léger points out that the modern culture based on seeking is not convenient for everyone as it requires openness and readiness for change, and does not give a sense of security. That is why some members of society find peace and harmony through total complete devotion to a dogmatic community. This results in the development of fundamentalist movements and the growing importance of social structures which cultivate traditional values (Hervieu-Léger, 2000). The growing popularity of conservative

64 Agnieszka Zduniak religions is also pointed out by G. Davie. This trend can be illustrated by the example of Islam and evangelical circles, including in particular the Pentecostal movement, in Africa, Latin America, and China. Davie proposes the concept of vicarious religion – in the countries with a decreasing number of citizens who feel attached to religious institutions, and even more de­ creasing number of practicing persons, religion is still perceived as a public institution, particularly needed when the community has to face unusual and difficult problems that cannot be solved using standard methods. In the face of a tragedy, disaster, or any other crisis situation, religion can act as the final authority to turn to for consolation, support, and social balance. Therefore, those who, contrary to cultural tendencies, remain faithful to institutionalised religious practices somewhat represent the non-practicing majority. This makes it possible for religious institutions to survive, and one can seek their help when necessary (Davie, 2007, pp. 21–35). Religion changes its forms. It disappears in spheres in which it prevailed before and reappears in the least expected areas. Those who, for various reasons, care about the future of religion may feel concerned and at the same time inspired by these changes. The words of Father Jan Góra, a Dominican and organiser of the Poland-wide Youth Meetings in Lednica, constitute an accurate summary of the discussion: The sacred has become wilder. It used to be shaped by the Church and arranged at home. Now, it is completely beyond the cultural frame­ work. But it is not worth whining about. (Góra, 2009)

References Bellah R.N., Religious Evolution, “American Sociological Review”, no. 3 (29), pp. 358–374, 1964. Berger P.L., Sekularyzm w odwrocie, “Nowa Res Publica”, no. 1, pp. 67–74, 1998. Berger P.L., A speech given in 2000 as part of a series of lectures to commemorate Paul Hanly Furfey, 2000, retrieved on September 4, 2019 from https:// teologiapolityczna.pl/peter-l-berger-refleksje-o-dzisiejszej-socjologii-religii. Casanova J., The Deprivatization of Modern Religion, in: J. Casanova, Public Religions in the Modern World, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, pp. 211–234, 1994. Cipriani R., Diffused Religion. Beyond Secularization, London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017. Davie G., Believing without Belonging. Religion in Britain since 1945, Oxford: John Wiley & Sons, 1994. Davie G., Vicarious Religion: A Methodological Challenge, in: N.T. Ammerman (ed.) Everyday Religion: Observing Modern Religious Lives, Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 21–35, 2007.

Development of religion and spirituality 65 Durkheim E., The Elementary Forms of Religious Life, Translated and with a Introduction by K.E. Fields, New York: The Free Press, 1995. Engelbrecht M., Die Spiritualität der Wanderer, in: Ch. Bochinger, M. Engelbrecht & W. Gebhardt (eds.), Die unsichtbare Religion in der sichtbaren Religion. Formen spiritueller Orientierung in der religiöser Gegenwartskultur, Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, pp. 35–81, 2009. Gebhardt W., Believing without Belonging? Religiöse Individualisierung und neue Formen religiőser Vergemeinschaftung, in: P. Walter (ed.), Gottesrede in postsäkulärer Kultur, Freiburg in Breisgau, pp. 297–317, 2007. Góra J., Psalmy to wielka terapia, Interview inTygodnik Powszechny by Dariusz Jaworski, 2009. Retrieved on June 14, 2013 from http://tygodnik.onet.pl/32,0, 27777,5,artykul.html. Grzybowski J., Świecka religia współczesności, “Idziemy”, no. 2, 2010, retrieved on October 4, 2017 from https://opoka.org.pl/biblioteka/P/PK/idziemy201002_ swiecka.html. Hervieu-Léger D., Le pèlerin et le converti. La religion en mouvment, Paris: Flammarion, 1999. Hervieu-Léger D., Religion as a Chain of Memory, Cambridge: Polity Press, 2000. Knoblauch H., Privatreligion/Privatisierung, in: Ch. Auffarth (ed.), Metzler-Lexikon Religion: Gegenwart – Alltag – Medien, vol. 3, Stuttgart: Metzler, pp. 62–64, 2000. Knoblauch H., Populäre Religion. Auf dem Weg in eine spirituelle Gesellschaft, Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag 2009. Lehmann K., Religion als Privatsache und als öffentliche Angelegenheit, in: K. Gabriel, J. Horstmann, N. Mette & F.-X. Kaufmann (eds.), Zukunftsfähigkeit der Theologie. Anstöße aus der Soziologie, Paderborn: Bonifatius, pp. 17–32, 1999. Luckmann Th., The Invisible Religion. The Problem of Religion in Modern Society, New York: Macmillan, 1967. Mariański J., Megatrendy religijne w społeczeństwach nowoczesnych. Studium socjologiczne, Toruń: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, 2016. Matthes J., Religion als Thema komparativer Sozialforschung, in: J. Matthes & R. Schloz (eds.) Das Eigene und das Fremde. Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Gesellschaft, Kultur und Religion, Würzburg: Ergon Verlag, pp. 169–193, 2005. Pasek Z., O przydatności pojęcia duchowość do badań nad współczesną kulturą, in M. Libiszowska-Żółtkowska & S. Grotowska (eds.), Religijność i duchowość – dawne i nowe formy, Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy Nomos, pp. 56–65, 2010. Pollack D., Wiederkehr des Religiösen? Neue religiöse Bewegungen im Kontext des religiösen und gesellschaftlichen Wandels, “Sociologia Internationalis. Internationale Zeitschrift für Soziologie, Kommunikations- und Kulturforschung”, vol. 38, no. 1, pp. 13–45, 2000. Weber M., Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft. Grundriß der verstehenden Soziologie, Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2002. Yinger J.M., Religion, Culture and Society, in: J.M. Yinger (eds), The Scientific Study of Religion, London: Macmillan, pp. 203–223, 1970. Zduniak A., Religijność, duchowość, nowa duchowość – próba teoretycznego rozgraniczenia kluczowych pojęć współczesnej socjologii religii, “Przegląd Religioznawczy”, no. 2 (264), pp. 159–170, 2017.

5

New spirituality as a social and cultural megatrend Janusz Mariański

Introduction Sociology has always investigated religion and religiosity but ignored the spiritual life of the human, considering it unidentifiable or clearly inferior to other areas of social life. For some time now, the term “new spirituality” has become popular. It is increasingly used in social sciences and in everyday life. Many people living in highly developed societies use the terms “spirituality” or “spiritual,” and not “religion” or “religious,” considering them more appropriate to define their worldview. Various forms of religious spirituality, such as diffused religiosity, pilgrim religiosity, fragmented religiosity, and dispersed religiosity, are accompanied by various forms of non-religious spirituality: extra-religious spirituality, secular spirituality, spirituality without God, spirituality without religion, transgressive spirituality, natural spirituality, autonomous spirituality, self-spirituality, non-religious spirituality, and atheist spirituality. In the past, spirituality was understood as a profound form of religiosity or the essence of religiosity finding fulfilment in mysticism. Today, spirituality, including new spirituality, has a much broader scope than religion. Religion is organised and its external structures may negatively affect the understanding of certain problems of the modern world. Spirituality is not a form of escape from life or compensation for failures as it appears to be one of the dimensions of everyday life. While spirituality does not always imply opposition to religion, the concept of new spirituality clearly indicates the alternative, i.e. either religion or spirituality. While religion deals with formalised dogmas, institutionalised rituals, “canonised” morality, and ecclesiastical institutions, spirituality relies on experiencing and personal experience free from mediation of institutions. New spirituality implies the massive subjective turn of modern culture (Taylor 2002). Spirituality is a sign of important changes in social life and takes various forms, including Catholic, Orthodox, Evangelical, Buddhist, Celtic, African, feminist, and related to New Age and ecological or ecumenical movements. It assumes various forms of transcendence (God, gods, spirits, transcendent principles, personal development potential, etc.), and various DOI: 10.4324/9781003271994-7

New spirituality 67 forms of pluralisation and individualisation. What was previously called religiosity, devotion, religious faith, religious experience, experience of Transcendence, mysticism, contemplation, and spiritual life is now referred to as spirituality. Spirituality has positive connotations and is regarded as a free and creative experience of Transcendence or a personal experience of the sacred while religiosity connotes negative concepts and is perceived as a clearly enforced or prescribed belief in institutionally confirmed dogmas. Today post-modern culture is characterised by the individualisation and privatisation of religion resulting in a great number of alternative types of spirituality and forms of religiosity, independent of and sometimes completely separated from religious institutions. Sociology describes this new phenomenon as patchwork, bricolage (do-it-yourself religion) or à la carte religion. These terms are clearly privatised and subjective in nature. The doit-yourself religiosity consists of a variety of elements derived from different traditions according to the individual’s own needs and ideas. In religious studies, this mixture, compilation or mosaic is defined as syncretism or loss of collective memory. According to Thomas Luckmann, privatisation of religion will lead to its transformation, and not to its end. He calls secularisation a “modern myth.” Moreover, the loss of collective memory does not have to mean linear secularisation since “deregulated religiosity” can take new forms (Luckmann, 1967). This reflects the megatrend of spirituality leading to semantic changes in attitudes towards religiosity and deep transformations in society. Spirituality is not only a popular concept. It is a topos to which significant changes in the religious field are assigned, even if they exceed its scope. Generally speaking, spirituality is a kind of personal experience (feelings, sensations), sometimes something extraordinary, experienced directly, without the mediation of the Church (not experienced “second hand”). The line between the sacred and the secular, and between the transcendent and the immanent, becomes blurred (Mariański, 2013). Spirituality can manifest itself both in “small worlds” of individuals (e.g. traumatic experience of death) and in great collective events (e.g. religious events, music concerts, sports competitions, meetings with the Pope, earthquakes, and other disasters). Participation in religious events does not always lead to contacts with one’s own church or religious community. They provide the opportunity to see community as a spiritual experience and sometimes lead to changes in everyday life. Methodological problems in research on the new spirituality can be summarised as follows: (1) religiosity and spirituality are empirically “soft” categories of elements observed by sociologists in the research; (2) it is necessary to ensure methodological rigour in theological and psychological analyses; (3) nowadays, research on religiosity and spirituality require the use of extended research instruments; (4) the analysis of the phenomena in statu nascendi can be used to verify the existing theoretical approaches (Mariański, 2019, p. 13).

68 Janusz Mariański

The face of spirituality in modern societies Researchers, especially psychologists, but also psychiatrists, dispute about to what extent the conceptual ranges of religiosity and spirituality overlap. According to Katarzyna Skrzypińska, both concepts are similar in origin and function, but differ in terms of content and ways of experiencing. Religiosity and spirituality can interplay in a number of ways, i.e. (a) religiosity and spirituality are equal; (b) religiosity and spirituality are completely different, governed by different laws and in opposition to each other; (c) religiosity is a broader concept than spirituality; (d) spirituality overrides religiosity; (e) spirituality is the search for meaning, unity, relationship with nature, humanity and transcendence. Skrzypińska claims that both concepts overlap in scope, with many common and different elements. Both religiosity and spirituality search for the sacred, meaning of life and the place of man in the world (Skrzypińska, 2012, p. 76). From the psychological point of view, spirituality is defined as “self-fulfilment in the pursuit of building the meaning of life, happiness and the search for last things, with the involvement of one’s own cognitive, emotional and behavioural resources, sometimes accompanied by peak experience” (Skrzypińska, p. 82). A similar definition of spirituality is embraced by Zbigniew Pasek. He believes that today “spirituality means the pursuit of exceeding one’s own condition by various means. It primarily means the transgression of physical and transient temporality. This process is for the sake of higher values (…). This includes religious, ethical, aesthetic and other values occurring completely outside the sphere of religion. These values are usually achieved through close cooperation of the physical and mental sphere of the human based on the gradual evolution usually referred to as self-development” (Pasek, 2008, p. 23). German sociologists generally do not use the term “new spirituality;” they call it simply spirituality (Spiritualität), having the following qualities: (a) a strong focus on subjective experience; (b) relying on alternative forms of religiosity distinct from the existing religious traditions (derived from Eastern, archaic, occult or mystical traditions); (c) staying away from religious dogmas of large church organisations combined with antiinstitutionalism; (d) focus on the religious autonomy of the individual and strong worldview individualism; (e) orientation towards experiences leading to a holistic view of life to understand and find an explanation for the functional diversity of society; (f) the person concerned sees spirituality as an alternative to religion. According to Hubert Knoblauch, spirituality can be understood as an extended version of what Thomas Luckmann called “the privatised social form of religion” (Knoblauch, 2005, p. 123). Knoblauch describes these new phenomena as popular religion (Populäre Religion), treating spirituality as part of popular (but not folk) culture. Spirituality is a personal experience available to everyone, not only to experts or religious virtuosos. Everyone can commune with the deity without

New spirituality 69 the mediation of the Church (alternative spirituality). Spirituality can be reflected in external forms, such as prophecy, speaking of tongues, conversions, healings, etc. (Knoblauch, 2006, pp. 91–111). Knoblauch makes a distinction between modern Christian spirituality and alternative religious spirituality (alternativ-religiöse Spiritualität). The latter has the following features: a

b

c

d

Alternative spirituality stays away from ecclesiastical dogmas, is based on subjective experience that shifts the basis of faith to one’s own self and shows many similarities with the pursuit of authenticity resulting from modern individualism. This feature does not exclude the possibility of belonging to small communities (e.g. trust groups) and large groups (e.g. religious events). New forms of spiritual experience are carriers of resacralisation and respiritualisation. As oriented towards subjectivism, they closely correspond with individualistic tendencies of post-modernity. The phenomenon is “comprehensive” as it includes all spheres of life (psyche, body, health, relationships with others, and even politics). It largely focuses on meditation, homoeopathy, yoga and practices aimed at healing all spheres of human life. Spirituality extends the religious field and, through the media and the “market,” becomes part of popular culture and a broad cultural movement. It is increasingly common to see it as an alternative reality, and not as a complement to religion as before (Knoblauch, 2006, pp. 106–107). Popular spirituality provides a wide range of alternatives to traditional Christianity. This results from the human ability to transcend everyday reality and “transcend oneself” (Knoblauch, 2009).

In the past, institutionalised religions (Churches) organised and monopolised religious charisma. Now, it is becoming more widespread. Spirituality carries positive connotations associated with free and creative experience of transcendence or self-transcendence. It is personal, deepened and linked to one’s own power. Seekers are often young people who are interested in the spiritual aspects of life but do not belong to large religious communities (Churches). The new search for spirituality and the return of the sacred observed by sociologists is the rejection of the traditional, religious perception of the great Transcendence (vertical experiences) and at the same time highlighting the role of life as a value in itself and a source of self-exploration and personal development (horizontal experiences). Human at the beginning of the 21st century uses broadly understood spirituality to search for the sacred. Such spirituality centres around the immanent God, emphasises the role of experience and spiritual exercises, takes care of the body, and treats it with respect. Its another possible manifestation is that it is sensitive to gender differences or ecological issues since the Earth is our common home. The experience of the sacred is

70 Janusz Mariański extremely important because it triggers something that goes beyond everyday reality (Wargacki, 2011, pp. 294–313). New spirituality offers esoteric forms of achieving immediate satisfaction, automatic assertiveness, higher spirituality, health, success, clarity of mind, and development of human potential. The imminent things are typical of this world while the level of Transcendence decreases moving towards what Luckmann calls “little” or “intermediate” transcendences. Those who fail to find the ideological drivers in the Church, they belong to turn to esoterism, New Age, sects, and various new forms of spirituality, either associated with or different, even totally, from religions (Zduniak, 2018). Paradoxically, people who consider themselves non-religious do not automatically become atheists. It is more and more common to see spirituality as a psychological, psychotherapeutic, and alternative form of religiosity and not only as a set of elements of a socialised religious culture. Spirituality understood in this way is free from theological references and tends to sacralise the secular. This leads to new “fields” or “scenes” of religiosity and new spirituality. New spirituality becomes a link between believers and non-believers. In recent years, new spirituality has gained popularity. New spirituality searches for the sacred in human inside and guarantees spiritual power and sense of the meaning of life. This type of the search is called non-authoritarian spirituality, as opposed to authoritarian spirituality, which is based on Church structures and teaching imposed “from above” (Grün, 2009, pp. 5–9). Sociologists refer to these phenomena as new religiosity and spirituality, virtual spirituality, and cyber-religiosity in electronic media, using the terms derived from the means of expression and motives of popular culture. The Internet is a space in which the interest in religion and spirituality noticeably increases. Religious websites are not only a rich source of information but also provide the opportunity for interpersonal relations (Zduniak, 2016, pp. 61–73). New ideological trends in Western European societies show the demand for spirituality. It is hard to discuss all new forms collectively because they are interpreted in a different way in sociological research. The sphere of the sacred does not disappear, but rather changes its place and takes new forms. The growing interest in spirituality and unconventional forms of religiosity shows that modern man feels a great need to search for meaning and orientation in life, also in transcendent dimensions. Empirical research first needs to focus on understanding what it means that someone calls themselves unreligious but “spiritual” (seeking spirituality). The meaning of this term varies depending on age, sex, occupation, place of residence, religious socialisation, and many other factors. Who uses this word, and the meaning and reasons for using it also require investigation. Even if the number of actual supporters of the new spiritual scene is not high, its influence on popular culture is quite visible and has a growing tendency. The search for meaning is particularly observed in agglomerations, i.e. cities with “many deities” and many forms of spirituality.

New spirituality 71

Trying to identify a new spirituality The discussion on new spirituality does not provide satisfactory solutions. In the opinion of many contemporary people, spirituality can “describe the way of life of the human with no references to God, and thus can be referred to as natural spirituality. It implies not only the practice of spiritual life (subjective dimension) and organised reflection on spiritual life (objective dimension), but also the practice of living without reference to transcendence, i.e. God” (Marek & Walulik, 2019, p. 114). In ethical terms, new spirituality is sometimes perceived as a search for a certain moral perfection embodied in moral principles. New spirituality understood in this way becomes an ethical category, which organises secular principles relating to values which give meaning to life. It remains oriented towards Transcendence even though it questions religious faith and stays away from ecclesiastical institutions (Mielicka-Pawłowska, 2019, pp. 53–62). In ethical terms, spirituality is the space which enables the human to transcend their own condition and direct towards subjectivity and autonomy with freedom to implement higher values understood as “good” values. If the development of spirituality is not directed towards critical values, the transgression only leads to the freedom of one’s own self and a clear goal, which is personal and community growth, is lost (Olbrycht, 2018, pp. 85–86). Spirituality construed in this way falls into both the sociology of religion and the sociology of morality (Jeżowski, 2010), but can be also regarded as a separate sociological sub-discipline. However, new spirituality and alternative religiosity should not be overestimated to the detriment of the institutional forms of religiosity, which still prevail in many contemporary societies. From among various approaches to new spirituality, some common points and characteristic features can be highlighted: a

b

New spirituality, as a socio-cultural megatrend, has its origins in a variety of religious and spiritual traditions, i.e. both in the Western esoteric tradition and in other forms, such as oriental spirituality and spirituality derived from pre-Christian religions and certain elements of Christian spirituality. It draws on the youth counterculture of the late 20th century, the New Age, and certain features of post-modern culture and post-modern societies. Spirituality and new spirituality are subject to the processes of individualisation. Due to their subjectivism, they often stand in opposition to, or stay away from institutionalised religions based on rigid structures and organisation, dogmas, strict rules, and institutionalised rituals. “Spirituality is a form of non-institutional religiosity oriented towards seeking contact with the sacred irrespective of how it is perceived. The individualised approach to faith leads to the privatisation of the sacred” (Mielicka-Pawłowska, 2013, pp. 378–379).

72 Janusz Mariański c

d

e

f

g

h

i

There are a great number of forms of new spirituality that can be defined as post-religious spirituality, or even as spirituality without God. In this case, religious consciousness is subject to actual secularisation. Therefore, spirituality is inclusive, and not exclusive, in nature. Since the Churches are based on normativity, they appear to be an obstacle to the development of personality (Sroczyńska, 2012, pp. 209–233). New spirituality stays away from all religious dogmas, has no public repercussions and, in general, does not celebrate aby rituals and worship within community. It usually implies “little transcendence,” transgression of the biological human condition, the search for values that bring meaning to life, mental well-being and positive lifestyle. Transcendent or divine sources of spirituality and sense of ethical responsibility are taken over by the subject, which means that the awareness of the self of modern man is broadened (self-salvation). New spirituality is extremely individualised and subject to change. The sacred vs. the profane division is questioned, which makes the sacred move to those spheres of human life which were already free from it. New spirituality is present in new religious movements, including the New Age. It is not always possible to precisely separate it from all religious traditions. New spirituality deals with values which refer to the inner selfimprovement, ethical or aesthetic dimension of the human self, and the sense of happiness and fulfilment in life. Openness to values reflects a real proposal for a new lifestyle and cognition (new awareness) with the aim of achieving the psychological well-being. New spirituality is an individual and personal rather than social phenomenon. However, it is shaped in a specific, complex social context. Religious faith is transformed into belief in the self, self-fulfilment, and subjectivism. It moves from community to individual and is oriented towards immanent values and goals. Spirituality is more directed towards the inner world of the individual whereas religiosity focuses more on outer spheres. Although the links between the new spirituality and religious faith are barely noticeable, some of its forms are still haunted by the “ghost of dead religious beliefs,” as Max Weber put it in Science as a Vocation, the essay being the text of his lecture given in 1917 at Munich University. New spirituality refers to non-religious concepts which are used by the individual as a tool for transcendence, i.e. to make the transcendence of daily life meaningful. The individual is a measure of spirituality (the transition from institutionalisation to individualisation). Thanks to the development of the spiritual sphere, the human can shape the mature attitude towards themselves and the world around them, based on free choice, by applying a “do-it-yourself” principle. New spirituality centres around esoteric immersion in oneself, concern for wellness, fitness and selfness, and the search for deeper orientations

New spirituality 73 in terms of the meaning of life. To some extent, it substitutes religion, acting as its “soft” and less demanding version aimed at making the “consumer” stronger, and devoid of strict requirements and challenges. In such a broad sense, spirituality cannot be easily operationalised in empirical research and remains one of the most vague and undefined concepts in sociology. Many definitions of spirituality appear to be draft versions. Some social sciences researchers do not seek to define the subject of research, or even consciously avoid it. Many of them do not see the relationship between new spirituality and religion, and only identify it with various forms of transcendence, if at all. It can be assumed that the search for new spirituality is yet another attempt to turn to the sacred. The new religious, and in particular non-religious, sacred is fluid in meaning and blurred. Following the discussion on new spirituality as a socio-cultural megatrend, Janusz Mariański and Stanisław A. Wargacki, proposed the following definition: New spirituality is one of the megatrends of the beginning of the 21st century. It is an experience of the sacred, sometimes nameless, understood as something personal, intimate, and relating to the inner power of the human being. New spirituality emphasises the role of experience and spiritual exercises, sees the human body as a container filled with inner, spiritual sense and as a manifestation of the creative power of the Spirit, respects nature, promotes healthy eating, attaches great importance to human bonding based on fidelity and love, refers to moral values it considers applicable, is sensitive to art, and emphasises gender equality. It is holistic, democratic, accessible, and non-hierarchical. It stands in opposition to institutionalised religion, which means that it is beyond the Church (Mariański & Wargacki, 2011, p. 138). The increasingly noticeable “spirituality market” should not be ignored in sociological research. There are more and more people who define themselves as spiritual but not religious. Although the category of new spirituality encompasses very diverse concepts, usually not associated with religious tradition, the individual and their own spiritual experience should be at the centre of interest of the humanities. The concept of spirituality acquires a significant dimension, inimitable in nature (Rembierz, 2018, pp. 90–130). New spirituality is well reflected in the following statements: “I am spiritual but not religious;” “I am not religious, but I am seeking spirituality.” Spirituality is usually no longer linked to faith in God as the Absolute. In Western Europe, about 15% of respondents say, “I am spiritual but not religious.” In Poland, it is about 2%. A slow development of new forms of spirituality is observed. They are often syncretic in nature and refer to various psychological, psychotherapeutic, esoteric, magical, or paranormal currents. While it is difficult to imagine religiosity without any form of spirituality, today’s spirituality often does not make clear references to religion. New

74 Janusz Mariański spirituality is not centred around the submission to God; it rather focuses on individualisation, taking care of the individual seeking the self, and personal development. Individualised spirituality understood as the search for meaning and one’s own happiness is economically profitable and gradually supersedes individualised religiosity. Post-modern spirituality is private in nature but, to a certain extent, can also be regarded as a product of post-modernity (Geisel, 2006, pp. 140–143).

Conclusions Today, the evolutionary transition from religion to spirituality and sacralisation of modernity and post-modernity is observed. Philip Sheldrake (2007), a researcher into the issue of spirituality in historical terms, claims that spirituality is the word that defines our era. Sociologists of religion speak of the emergence of a new sub-discipline called the sociology of spirituality. Kieran Flanagan, a British sociologist of religion, emphasises that “spirituality has unexpectedly entered the soul of sociology as an analytical consideration” (cf. Mariański & Wargacki, 2011, pp. 127–149). With new spirituality, those who have freed themselves from religion or have ceased to be faithful Christians can, to some extent, be “religious” (Kłoczowski, 2001, pp. 5–6). Religiosity and spirituality do not have to stand in opposition to each other. On the contrary, they often permeate each other. However, sociologists often treat these two psychosocial realities alternatively, placing new spirituality outside the religious context. However, this separation is only partial. Since new spirituality bears many similarities to non-institutional religiosity (beyond the Church), it seems unnecessary to treat it as the opposite of religiosity. Instead, it should be perceived as the extension or complement to the existing forms of religious life (the sociology of spirituality as part of the sociology of religion). This issue remains unresolved. In connection with socio-cultural changes in the modern world, in religions and Christian Churches, or more broadly – culture, the sociology of spirituality is increasingly becoming a separate sociological sub-discipline. Spirituality is becoming a component of world cultures. Therefore, it is reasonable to assume that sociological research into new spirituality will flourish in the future, leading to the establishment of the sociology of spirituality subject to the sociology of religion in theoretical and methodological terms. The issues potentially present in new spirituality, such as spiritual well-being, happiness, meaning of life, health, internal integration, conflict resolution, relations with other people, are important for the sociological sciences. It is difficult to predict whether the sociology of spirituality will be permanently established as an autonomous sociological sub-discipline or as a sociological sub-discipline closely associated with the sociology of religion. Much will depend on the development of spirituality as such. It can be put inside or outside the religious area, and either of the two cases may be

New spirituality 75 justified. Sociologists should explore these new phenomena even if they find it difficult due to the problems with identification of “hard” social facts.

References Geisel S., Neue Spiritualitäten Glaubenssache. Ein Buch für Gläubige und Ungläubige, in: S. Lenzburg (ed.), Baden: Hier+jetzt, pp. 140–143, 2006. Grün A., O duchowości inaczej, (K. Zimmerer, trans.), Kraków: Wydawnictwo WAM, 2009. Jeżowski M., Duchowość – paradygmat socjologii religii czy socjologii moralności? A może socjologia duchowości?, in: M. Libiszowska-Żółtkowska & S. Grotowska (eds.) Religijność i duchowość – dawne i nowe formy, Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy Nomos, pp. 66–78 (d), p. 6 (g), 2010. Kłoczowski A., Duchowość dzisiaj – wprowadzenie, in: J. Stal (ed.), Duchowość dzisiaj – kontekst religijny i kulturowy, Kraków: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PAT, pp. 5–6, 2001. Knoblauch H., Einleitung: Soziologie der Spiritualität, “Zeitschrift für Religionswissenschaft”, 2 (13), pp. 123–133, 2005. Knoblauch H., Soziologie der Spiritualität, in: K. Baier (ed.) Handbuch Spiritualität. Zugänge, Traditionen, interreligiöse Prozesse, Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, pp. 91–111, 2006. Knoblauch H., Populäre Religion. Auf dem Weg in eine spirituelle Gesellschaft, Frankfurt am Main: Campus Verlag, 2009. Luckmann T., The Invisible Religion. The problem of religion in modern society, New York-London: Macmillan, 1967. Marek Z. & Walulik A., Pedagogika świadectwa. Perspektywa antropologicznokerygmatyczna, Kraków: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Akademii Ignatianum, 2019. Mariański J., Sekularyzacja. Desekularyzacja. Nowa duchowość. Studium socjologiczne, Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy Nomos, 2013. Mariański J., Nowa religijność i duchowość. Mit czy rzeczywistość? Studium socjologiczne, Warszawa: Warszawskie Wydawnictwo Socjologiczne, 2019. Mariański J. & Wargacki S., Nowa duchowość jako megatrend społeczny i kulturowy, “Przegląd Religioznawczy”, 4, pp. 127–149, 2011. Mielicka-Pawłowska H., Religijność zorientowana ekologicznie, in: H. MielickaPawłowska (ed.), Religijne wymiary życia społecznego, Kielce: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jana Kochanowskiego, pp. 376–394, 2013. Mielicka-Pawłowska H., Duchowość ponowoczesna. Studium z zakresu socjologii jakościowej, Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy Nomos, 2019. Olbrycht K., Edukacyjne wymiary wspierania rozwoju duchowości człowieka, “Edukacja Międzykulturowa”, 2, pp. 79–89, 2018. Pasek Z., Od religijności ku duchowości. Przyczynek do przemian kultury współczesnej, in: I.S. Fiut (ed.), Idee i Myśliciele. Filozoficzne i kulturoznawcze rozważania o duchowości i komunikowaniu, Kraków: Uczelniane Wydawnictwo Naukowo-Dydaktyczne AGH, pp. 13–25, 2008. Rembierz M., Edukacja międzykulturowa jako ćwiczenie duchowe. Pedagogiczne wymiary kształtowania kultury duchowej i rozumienia wartości ponadkulturowych w kontekście zróżnicowania religijnego i pluralizmu światopoglądowego, “Edukacja Międzykulturowa”, 2, pp. 90–130, 2018.

76 Janusz Mariański Sheldrake P., A Brief History of Spirituality, Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2007. Skrzypińska K., Granice duchowości – perspektywa pierwsza, “Roczniki Psychologiczne”, 1 (15), pp. 75–96, 2012. Sroczyńska M., Młodzieżowe “świętości” w oczach socjologa – wiara religijna, in: J. Baniak (ed.), Duchowość religijna jako droga wewnętrznego doskonalenia współczesnego człowieka zachodniego chrześcijaństwa. Konteksty antropologiczne i socjologiczne, Toruń: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, pp. 209–233, 2012. Taylor Ch., Varieties of Religion Today. William James Revisited, CambridgeLondon: Harvard University Press, 2002. Wargacki S., Duchowość jako współczesny fenomen społeczny i kulturowy, in M. Filipiak (ed.) Wprowadzenie do socjologii kultury, Lublin: Wydawnictwo UMCS, pp. 294–313, 2011. Zduniak A., Duchowość w epoce mediów elektronicznych, in R. Sierocki, M. Sokołowski & A. Zduniak (eds.), Media i religia. Nowy kontekst komunikacji, Toruń: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, pp. 61–73, 2016. Zduniak A., Event w życiu społecznym i religijnym. Perspektywa socjologiczna, Olsztyn: Wydawnictwo UW-M w Olsztynie, 2018.

6

Metamorphoses of religiosity in Poland: post-modern spirituality or religious morality? Halina Mielicka-Pawłowska

Introduction At the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries, a model of traditional ecclesiastical religiosity is still present in Poland. However, there are a number of phenomena which show that the system of religious beliefs is changing and attitudes towards institutionalised religion are subject to pluralisation. The term “post-modernity” used in the title of this chapter describes the model of a new religiosity reflected in phenomena which combine traditional religiosity with its new form, i.e. non-church religiosity defined as spirituality. Traditional religiosity sees ethical principles from the perspective of the Catholic Church and the Decalogue while spirituality perceives them as part of ethics based on the concept of humanitarianism. Due to the predominance of Catholicism in Poland and a high percentage of Poles identifying with the Catholic Church (93%), the attitudes towards religion become syncretic. The traditional religious affiliation seems to be contrary to religiosity, i.e. people’s actual beliefs. The discrepancy between what the doctrine preaches and what people believe in increases, as evidenced by representative results of the empirical research conducted in Poland by the Centre for Public Opinion Research (www.cbos.raporty.pl) and the Catholic Church Statistics Institute (www.ibskk.pl). The results of the empirical research reveal the existence of a subjective, individualised, and privatised religiosity, opposed to the requirements of the Catholic Church. Morality or, more precisely, ethical principles based on the Catholic categories of good and evil constitute a common ground. The ecclesiastical and non-ecclesiastical attitudes (excluding anti-church and atheistic attitudes since they are statistically insignificant in Poland, amounting to about 1%) differ in the subjectification of religiosity, which encompasses two areas, i.e. (1) the perception of the sacred and (2) ethicsrelated principles attributable to the consequential dimension of religiosity. The assumption made here is that spirituality as a post-modern form of religiosity includes both the traditional understanding of the sacred, shifted in meaning towards homo religiosus, and post-modern forms of morality.

DOI: 10.4324/9781003271994-8

78 Halina Mielicka-Pawłowska

Morality and religion According to the popular beliefs of Poles, morality and religiosity permeate each other and are difficult to separate. This trend is clearly proven by thinking patterns present in colloquial discourse. For example, the concept of the Pole and the concept of the Catholic still go together despite the changing social reality and the impact of the globalised world. Cultural identity does not change in terms of formalised religious affiliation, as evidenced by research carried out on national samples. The fact that the majority of Poles (about 93%) identify themselves with Catholicism does not mean that their religiosity is in line with the requirements of the Church. Some accept the Church’s religious morality, others reject it, and still, others accept only the selected moral principles of the Decalogue and question their validity in various situations of everyday life. This shows that the attitudes towards religiously legitimised moral principles are diverse, resulting in different forms of post-modern religiosity. To make a distinction between them, it is necessary to explore the patterns of observance of the Decalogue principles and the beliefs about ethical principles oscillating between the institutional and non-institutional belief system. The results of a nationwide survey conducted by the Centre for Public Opinion Research in 2013 showed that “almost three quarters of Poles (74%) believe that religion does not have to justify moral precepts. At the same time, a large proportion of them (33%) say religion does justify moral precepts in their lives. Only every sixth respondent (16%) believes that only religion can constitute the basis of one’s own morality. One in ten respondents (10%) is not interested in these matters” (Boguszewski, 2013, p. 10). A survey conducted in 2017 showed that over 78% of Poles believe that religion does not justify moral precepts, 18% believe that Catholic moral principles are sufficient, and 46% of respondents believe that Catholic moral principles are not sufficient to provide guidance on everyday choices. The relationship between religiosity and morality is problematic because people who call themselves non-religious (55%) consider themselves rather moral and highly moral (36%). Among religious people, 70% of religious and 73% of rather religious people identify themselves as highly moral (Boguszewski, 2013, p. 10). Janusz Mariański claims that “religiosity and morality are two interlinked yet not identical areas of human awareness and activity” (Mariański, 2011, p. 446). Non-religiosity does not exclude respect for moral principles. And conversely, considering oneself religious is not tantamount to high morality. Moral relativism comes true and the attitudes continue to change. Research carried out in 2014 (Boguszewski, 2014) and 2017 (Boguszewski, 2017) revealed that the opinions of Poles about the relationship between religion and morality are subject to change. “The number of those who believe that what is good and what is evil should be decided primarily by society has decreased from 20% to 11%. The percentage of those

Metamorphoses of religiosity in Poland 79 who believe that this issue should be based on God’s laws declined from 19% to 15%. The proportion of those who believe that the decision about good and evil should be primarily an individual matter of each human increased from 57% to 69%” (Boguszewski, 2017, pp. 2–3). Janusz Mariański believes that “from the theological point of view, faith and morality are inseparable from each other. Christian morality presupposes the special character of the normative order as moral commandments and prohibitions are treated as established by God and thus incorporated into the order of the sacred” (Mariański, 2015, p. 452). Religious faith “often takes ecclesiastical form” or, more broadly, institutionalised form while religious morality is the result of “ecclesiastical socialisation” (Mariański, 2015, p. 453). However, this is not the only channel by which the rules are communicated. Both religion and morality conveyed, through socialisation, to future generations are environmentally diverse and subject to social expectations. The national survey from 2017 referred to above shows that 59% of those who practice several times a week are convinced that moral principles are established by God, but 66% of those who practice once a week and 71% to 77% of those who practice rarely and not practice at all believed that “the decision about good and evil should be an individual matter of each human” (Boguszewski, 2017, p. 3). Beliefs about the relationship between morality and religiosity indicate that ecclesiastical socialisation is unreliable and ecclesiastical religiosity is accompanied by religion which prefers to stay away from the ecclesiastical institution, is beyond the Church, and is privatised and selective. As a result, morality or, more precisely, beliefs about the validity of moral principles are diverse, relativised, and permissive. “Non-church morality is embedded in a specific socio-cultural context which can be described as a transition from tradition to detraditionalisation, from institutionalisation to deinstitutionalisation, from heteronomy to autonomy, and from great Transcendence to little Transcendence” (Mariański, 2015, p. 456). In the introduction to “Morality and Spirituality in the Contemporary World,” Chandana Chakrabarti and Sandra J. Fairbanks emphasise that “morality or at least our understanding of what is right or wrong, good or bad, is often based on customs and habits, as the root meaning of the word (‘moral’ being derived from Latin mos which means custom or habit) suggests” (Chakrabarti & Fairbanks, 2012, p. viii). Customs and habits, as determinants of the way of thinking about the world, contain different interpretative references. Customs have a social origin, are rooted in cultural tradition and are confirmed in social structures handed down from generation to generation through enculturation. As a common characteristic of cultural identity, they make ethnic, national and religious affiliation concrete. Religiosity may either approach morality from the perspective of institutionalised religion or turn to spirituality with no references to any historical religion or Church. Habits have the individual dimension and are the result of individual choices, partially conscious, about one’s cultural

80 Halina Mielicka-Pawłowska identity. Therefore, morality traditionally based on religiosity subordinates the moral good and evil to the requirements of religion based on the confession of faith while morality devoid of this system of interpretation reflects individualised beliefs about the way the world exists. Janusz Mariański claims that “traditionally, institutions have a tendency to impose interpretations and ways of life, which is at odds with the attitude of contemporary man who wants to be able to choose their own interpretation and way of life” (Mariański, 2016, p. 173). Spirituality, understood as nondenominational religiosity, i.e. new religiosity, devoid of references to interpretations imposed by representatives of the institutionalised Church, presupposes the validity of principles that reject the institutional interpretation of the moral good and evil and undermine the assumption that sin and blessing are contingent on one’s actions. Spirituality understood in this way assumes “unity of all in one and one in all” (Chakrabarti & Fairbanks, 2012, p. viii). Today, sin and blessing, corresponding to good and bad deeds, are not subordinate to personal God, but to variously conceived “great and little” Transcendence that upholds the laws of nature and the values being in harmony with nature. Contemporary man turns to global universal morality which defends natural human rights and at the same time makes them contingent on health care, environmental degradation rate, the gap between the rich and poor, crime rate leading to the extermination of peoples and deadly domino effect during wars. Morality understood in this way, based on the conviction that the respect for human rights is associated with humanitarianism, shapes the perception of the good and evil as a panmorality of post-modernity, with implicit references to various religions and the non-religious principle of empathy. Global migration and the mass movement of people leading to acculturation, partly spontaneous, is an extremely important problem of pan-morality as it threatens everyone regardless of their religion and culture. However, what poses an ethical problem is the division of the right and good into religiously local morality (Jihad morality) and global morality (McWorld morality) (cf. Barber, 2000). The former tends to replace one good with another, considered better, in line with the principle “culture against culture and religion against religion” (Fairbanks, 2012, p. 2). The latter seeks to universalise humanitarian principles and apply them to all people because of their rights. Principles that cover all people should take the form of pan-morality, but this is not entirely the case. This is because morality limited to people excludes spiritually relevant eco-morality which encompasses the entire universe, i.e. “unity of all in one and one in all” (Chakrabarti & Fairbanks, 2012, p. viii). Spirituality is a transcendent form of existence relating to the reality of existence. The so-called deep ecology adopts three assumptions which can be treated as doctrines of spirituality, a new post-religion combined with ecomorality, i.e. (1) holistic view of the natural environment, (2) orientation towards non-anthropocentric world view, and (3) bio-centric diversity of all species existing in the world (cf. Fairbanks, 2012, p. 13). This means that

Metamorphoses of religiosity in Poland 81 post-modern pan-morality takes the form of global spirituality, McWorld morality and eco-morality which, with the expansion of the concept of the good, becomes a “post-modern philosophy” and a specific non-institutional religious eco-morality presupposing the emotional commitment to the defence of the laws of nature, similar to religious exultations and experiences. Belief in the overarching, the morally universal and the supernatural, i.e. responsible for the existence of the world experienced by man, is becoming a post-modern trend of interpretation which, like institutionalised religions, seeks answers to questions of an ethical nature, but refers to the laws of nature, and not to religious principles. These laws are becoming a system, a moral code which “determines the relationships between people. However, since the sanctions governing these relationships are considered suprasocial, this code is religious rather than strictly moral” (MacIver & Page, 1967, p. 168). The strictly moral code is a code that prohibits doing evil if its effects are global. Grassroots, non-institutional movements in defence of the natural environment are developing extremely dynamically in Poland. There is a growing awareness of the threats associated with the devastation of natural resources and care for the natural environment (Wądołowska, 2011; Gwiazda & Ruszkowski, 2016; Feliksiak, 2019). Ecological movements and people’s willingness to participate in them change the mentality of Poles and promote the development of ecological religiosity, as reflected in the growing importance of the cult of Saint Francis of Assisi (Jaromi, 2016, pp. 121–136) and Saint Roch (Strzelec, 2016, pp. 202–222). Moreover, the anthropomorphic view of the natural world is strengthened (Konecki, 2005; Posłuszna, 2012; Omyła-Rudzka, 2013).

The perception of the post-modern sacred vs. morality The change in religiosity at the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries is an ongoing process; it is difficult to determine its causes and predict its effects. On the one hand, the faithful move away from traditional forms of ecclesiastical religiosity, a phenomenon attributable to secularisation. On the other hand, new religions, religious or parareligious movements, beyond the influence of Church institutions, emerge, a phenomenon defined as resacralisation (cf. Libiszowska-Żółtkowska, 2018, pp. 195–212; Mariański, 2013). The causes and effects of changes in attitudes towards institutionalised religion are not further discussed here, although it is an important social problem. Many sociologists of religion in Poland notice that the colloquial understanding of the sacred has changed in the postmodern world (cf. Mariański, 2010; Mariański & Wargacki, 2016, pp. 7–27; Mielicka-Pawłowska, 2015, pp. 7–20). It is particularly important in the consequential dimension of religiosity because the religious understanding of the sacred and its popular connotations diverge or differ in meaning. For example, it is not clear how to understand sanctity devoid of references to religion, and the “neutral sacred,” seen in terms of duty

82 Halina Mielicka-Pawłowska rather than implementation (cf. Mielicka-Pawłowska, 2010, pp. 39–48; Wójtowicz, 2019, pp. 37–110). Joel Wilcox claims that post-modern spirituality has a problem of a theoretical nature derived from the sources of morality (Wilcox, 2012, pp. 17–25). The famous question of Socrates to Euthyphro, found in Plato’s dialogue, is still relevant and perhaps even more burning than in the past. Socrates asks Euthyphro, “Is the pious loved by the gods because it is pious, or is it pious because it is loved by the gods?”1 This question is about the relationship between religion and ethics, between religiosity and morality and, more precisely, between religious (ecclesiastical) morality and nonchurch morality defined as spirituality. If the first option is correct, morality and moral laws are considered good by the act of faith. If the second option is correct, the moral principles established by people can be considered good and supported by God precisely because they are good (cf. Nielsen, 1961, pp. 175–186). From the Christian point of view, the question can be reformulated in the following way: the reason why moral principles should be observed is because they are established by God (revealed) or because people considered them good and God sanctified them and considered them good? Both parts of the question addressed to Euthyphro are religious in nature. They do not reject God as the source of morality. Instead, the question provides an alternative for human ethical problems. Human is seen from a different perspective. Either human, through faith, accepts ethical principles established by God or God perceives that the principles which make people do good are good (cf. Tyrała, 2014, pp. 35 et seq.). Faith justifies moral principles, although the content of faith changes (cf. Mariański, 2015, p. 456). The question put by Socrates remains unanswered here. Note that all concerns about post-modern spirituality might result from the fact that both approaches to the interplay between morality and religiosity coexist in Poland. As confirmed by the results of empirical research, “religion recommends moral norms, but the existence of these norms is not contingent on belief in the existence of God” (Fairbanks, 2012, p. 4; Boguszewski, 2017). However, the validity of moral norms depends on how people understand the sacred and what values are considered sanctified (sanctus). Based on the discussion above, it can be assumed that the sacred is understood in terms of meanings assigned to traditional religion and protected by the institution of the Catholic Church while sanctus extends the notion of sanctity to include a holistically understood morality, largely globalised and made universal as part of the laws of nature2. Joel Wilcox claims that the first approach to religiosity and morality is wrong and dangerous while the second one is problematic due to anthropocentric references (Wilcox, 2012, p. 17). The first one (Jihad) triggers fundamentalist movements while the second one spreads worldwide the ethics of natural law based on individualism, liberal democracy, permissivism, and relativism of any moral principle. There are probably

Metamorphoses of religiosity in Poland 83 indirect links between religiosity and morality. However, it is reasonable to assume that religious morality protects the sacred while moral spirituality establishes a global sanctus. Furthermore, “religion is part of our nature” (Mariański, 2016, p. 289), and the emotional interpretation of the world, whether institutional or non-institutional, becomes a “religion of transcendentality,” involving spiritualness and the search for contact with Transcendence, God, or variously conceived supernatural forces. Therefore, the question is not whether moral principles were established by man, but what principles were considered good and refer to both the sacred and sanctus. Religiosity perceived as a system of beliefs based on the established sacred is directly related to morality that takes precedence over the principles that the human uses on a daily basis. Moral principles understood as values supported by the authority of God, religion, and the Church are, by definition, good. Therefore, they are not subject to internalisation in the process of religious education, do not provoke reflection, and are not undermined by the faithful. The principles of positive law intended to eliminate evil are equally good. Whether positive law is fair and the imposed vision of happiness will bring happiness is not important. What matters more is the conviction that the belief in good, despite the lack of religious references, can only bring about good while the principle of social justice, put into effect, can eliminate evil. Therefore, the “stress” put to religiously legitimised ethical principles significantly differs from the stress put to secular principles. The emphasis placed on what is considered evil, precisely because it causes evil, is also different. Holistically perceived spirituality, understood as an overarching morality, eco-morality or pan-morality, incorporates both the natural world and the human world into the laws of nature. If this assumption is made, this means that the sacred is associated with the laws of nature, and not with institutionalised religious morality. Although spirituality understood in this way bears the yoke of anthropocentrism, the values considered to be sacred ideas of the common good, whether relating to the natural world or to other people, eliminate the evil that leads to the extermination of everything and everyone. Józef Lipiec claims that harm can be a value “from the group of negative values, i.e. anti-values, usually at the bottom of the hierarchical axiosphere. Both versions, i.e. active ‘doing harm’ and passive ‘suffering harm,’ represent a single, qualitatively distinct, or the whole, special group of the worst values, especially the negative ones in the structure of moral evil” (Lipiec, 2018, p. 7). Spirituality understood as ecomorality does not imply “anti-harm.” It presupposes doing good, encompassing not only the human world, but also all spheres of human existence subordinate to the system of values based on ethical categories that eliminate evil. The hierarchical axiosphere anthropomorphises the evil by seeing harm as a harm done to all living beings and makes the good emphatically universal to include actions aimed at doing good.

84 Halina Mielicka-Pawłowska

Spirituality from the ethical point of view Janusz Mariański emphasises that “what we call new spirituality is primarily oriented towards experience, feeling and sensation (…). The experience of transcendence is reflected by both extreme acts (sudden conversion, speaking of tongues, prophecy, healing, etc.) and in ordinary experiences, in various configurations and combinations (…). New forms of spiritual experience are carriers of resacralisation and respiritualisation, and, through subjective orientation, correspond well with individual tendencies of post-modernity” (Mariański, 2010, p. 225). The high value of individualism equates experience and sensation, i.e. the subjective orientation of moral principles, with the search for criteria for the separation of good and evil through immanence. “Individuality requires that ethically good love recognize the uniqueness of each person and the particularities of each person’s life” (Fairbanks, 2012, p. 6). However, the emotionality of attitudes towards everyone and everything that represents the value attributed to every living being leads to a transcendent idea of life perceived as sanctus, regardless of its form. The immanent principles of ethics, based on the criteria that separate good from evil, is intuitive in nature, with decisions made on deontological grounds. The duty-based nature of doing good eliminates evil as it becomes a categorically rejected anti-value. Knowledge of socially binding principles directs moral dilemmas towards duty and responsibility for the consequences of actions. However, this knowledge is dependent on decisions taken individually. This results in divergent attitudes towards the principles of social life and leads to moral permissivism. Spirituality, understood as an in-depth sensitivity to harm from the ecomoral and holistic perspective, without division into the human world and the natural world, sees the entire ethical system as a pan-moral obligation to do good. Evil does not a value determining factor. Instead, it makes good arranged in a hierarchy, i.e. determines the scope of good. “As a result, people believe in everything or even are no longer able to determine what they believe in” (Mariański, 2016, p. 280). Consequently, the sacred is subject to the semantic blurring while sanctus is strengthened and becomes one of the basic parameters of spirituality. The ethical McWorld sanctifies the holistic pursuit of eliminating evil while experiences and sensations, emotionally affect what is ordinary and interpret the usual as unusual, mysterious, unknowable, and subject to deistically conceived supernaturality of good. Pantheism and panentheism become the religion of post-modernity (cf. Mielicka-Pawłowska, 2013, pp. 376–394) in the global dimension, i.e. they break away from institutionalised religions and create religious or parareligious movements of the “new era.” They form a virtual, not real, world because experiences and sensations shape its irrational dimensions, comparable to, yet not representing, religious belief systems. Trans-religion or post-religion, as a megatrend of the globalised world (Mariański, 2016, pp. 230–246), makes

Metamorphoses of religiosity in Poland 85 a distinction between individual doctrines, but does not fight against their diversity. Instead, it imposes a higher level of universalism encompassing both the knowledge of the need to protect the natural environment and the principle of attaching a high value to every form of life. Fairbanks believes that “reverence for life is more than just respect for life, but includes a spiritual sense of mystical awe and the conviction that all life is not only valuable but also sacred” (Fairbanks, 2012, p. 15). The post-modern form of religiosity protects the sacred through the chains of associations which identify good done to others with the principles of religious morality. Therefore, irrespective of how much believers are convinced of the validity of the principles confirmed by the Church as the authority, every intention to do good and, possibly, even every intention and decision to avoid evil, is attributable to the declaration of religiosity in Poland.

Consequential dimension of post-modern religiosity According to Rodney Stark and Charles Y. Glock, different religions make different demands on their followers, but “it seems that, despite the differences between different beliefs and religious practices, great religions are fairly consistent in the general forms in which religiosity should be expressed” (Stark & Glock, 1968, p. 184). Stark and Glock define orders and prohibitions existing in different religions as dimensions of religiosity. They distinguish the following dimensions of religiosity: belief, practice, experience, knowledge, and consequences. From the point of view of post-modern morality, the consequential dimension of religiosity is particularly important. Focusing on this dimension is problematic because of the importance of religious ideology which indicates what a believer is supposed to believe in, and the dimension of religious experience which gives everyday life supernatural features, even if it is not reflected in religious interpretations. Stark and Glock claim that the consequential dimension of religion is different from others, “closely related to the effects of beliefs, practices, experiences and religious knowledge in everyday life. This refers to the theological concept of deeds” (Stark & Glock, 1968, p. 16). Deeds are subject to moral value judgement. Individualism makes this judgement subjective, although moral evaluations are shaped by categories of customary behaviour. Therefore, spirituality subjectivises value judgement based on the criterion of good while religiosity objectivises what is considered evil. At the same time, as indicated above, spirituality eliminates evil while religiosity considers good to be the sacred protected by the doctrine of institutionalised religion. This leads to the conclusion that spirituality subjectivises good while religiosity subjectivises evil.

Conclusions The thesis put forward above can be seen as “juggling with words,” with no empirical basis, and a problematic way of doing science. However, if

86 Halina Mielicka-Pawłowska post-modern religiosity and spirituality are based on individualism and constitute an inner world of individuals, on the verge of customs and habits, only subjective declarations determine the relationship between religiosity and morality. It seems reasonable to refer back to the question posed by Socrates to Euthyphro and to answer it through the prism of contemporary forms of religiosity and/or spirituality. The websites discussing the Euthyphro dilemma provide utterly different interpretations3. On the one hand, it is a dilemma of faith relating to the essence of God and His goodness (Socrates). On the other hand, to explain it, the references are made to medieval theology or an atheist concept of the world without religious connotations. Post-modern spirituality is not an atheist concept of the world based on the positivist faith in the human. It is definitely a certain form of religiosity, whether deistic, pantheistic, or panentheisthic. The nature of goodness and the immanent or transcendent origin of ethical principles are at the centre of metaphysics. Spirituality is based on the experience of mystery, uniqueness and supernaturality present in the human world on a daily basis (cf. Wójtowicz, 2019, pp. 37–110). Marcin Wnuk emphasises that “one of the central elements of spirituality is its relational aspect reflected in one’s relations to oneself, to others, to Higher Power and to the natural environment” (Wnuk, 2013, p. 115). Spirituality does not reject religion and does not question the importance of religious faith in everyday life. Instead, it complements the interpretation of what is “ordinary,” referring to the variously conceived supernaturality. Combining spirituality with transcendence, “smaller and larger” (Mariański, 2010, p. 225) or “little, intermediate and great” (Knoblauch, 2008, pp. 140–154), does not deprive it of elements of religiosity, although new non-institutional forms are introduced. One of the basic forms of this new religiosity or spirituality is to combine faith with morality. Following the framework adopted by A. Fry in 1998, Marcin Wnuk lists two types of attitudes towards transcendence: transpersonal and intrapersonal. Transpersonal transcendence consists in establishing a direct relationship with God and supernatural forces which means that it is a religious experience in the strict sense. Intrapersonal transcendence “is the ability to reach the inner knowledge and source of inner strength as a constantly available resource, with the opportunity to increase one’s resources and strengthen the inner self” (Wnuk, 2013, p. 116). The former is religion while the latter is the human nature understood as homo religiosus. Both forms are religious in nature and determine directly the judgments about moral principles, their origin, and their validity based on the criterion of sacredness or sanctity. Since the associations between morality and institutionalised religiosity provide no explanation, the existing sociological theories become unreliable and do not take into account subtle differences of belief systems existing today. The diversity of belief systems only increases the number of parameters of post-modern religiosity, and the models developed by sociologists

Metamorphoses of religiosity in Poland 87 help them identify the trends of change in religiosity. The detachment of morality from religion and the emergence of eco-morality, which takes the form of holistic pan-religiosity, is probably becoming a sign of post-modern religiosity in Poland. However, this process is still not fully recognised.

Notes 1 The question was retrieved from https://wikipedia.org./wici/Euthyphron_ dilemma on 15 May 2019. “Morality and Spirituality” (Chakrabarti & Fairbanks, 2012) formulates several versions of this question: “Is something holy because it is loved by the gods or do the gods love it because it is holy? (Chakrabarti and Fairbanks, 2012, p. vii); (a) The love of all the gods is what causes pious acts to be pious. (b) There is something about pious acts that causes all the gods to love them” (Wilcox, 2012, p. 18), and other questions. Several Polish translations, interpretations, and explanations of this question can be found on the Internet, from theological to completely atheist. The discussion is whether “moral principles are arbitrarily set by God or are a higher rule than God’s commandments. From the religious point of view, both answers are very uncomfortable because they imply that ethics is either purely arbitrary or independent of God (or even superior to God)” (Retrieved on May 4, 2019 from http://cichyfragles.pl/2013/08/25/dylemat-eutyfrona). From the atheist point of view, both parts of the questions have religious references and are in line with the theological framework. 2 The “laws of nature” is a term which refers to both the human world and the natural world. Both human and the natural worlds exist in consonance with nature. However, this does not mean that nature of the human world and nature of the natural world are equal. In the Polish language, there are two words differentiating these two notions, i.e. przyroda – referring to the natural world, and natura – referring to the character. Every species on the Earth has its own nature, but only the human has morality. Whether or not morality is consistent with human nature requires further discussion with references to the systems of human philosophy. 3 cf. https://odpowiedztutaj.me/q/czy-dylemat-euthyphro-dotyczy-etyki-s-wieckiej35083214681. Retrieved on May 10, 2019.

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88 Halina Mielicka-Pawłowska Chakrabarti C. & Fairbanks S.J., Preface, in: C. Chakrabarti & S.J. Fairbanks (eds.), Morality and Spirituality in the Contemporary World, Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, pp. 7–8, 2012. Fairbanks S.J., Introduction, in: C. Chakrabarti & S.J. Fairbanks (eds.), Morality and Spiritualiry in the Contemporary World, Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, pp. 1–16, 2012. Feliksiak M., Polacy o Smogu, Research Report No. 33/2019, CBOS, 2019, retrieved on November 16, 2019 from https://www.cbos.pl/SPISKOM.POL/2019/ K_033_19.PDF. Gwiazda M. & Ruszkowski P. (eds), Polacy o źródłach energii, polityce energetycznej i stanie środowiska, Opinie i Diagnozy, No. 34/2016: CBOS, 2016,retrieved on October 15, 2019 from https://www.cbos.pl/PL/publikacje/diagnozy/034.pdf. Jaromi St. (OFMConv.), Ekologia integralna i franciszkańska, in: J. Poznański & S. Jaromi (eds.), Kościół i nauka w obliczu ekologicznych wyzwań. Źródła, inspiracje i konteksty encykliki Laudato si’, Kraków: Akademia Ignatianum w Krakowie, Wydawnictwo WAM, pp. 121–136, 2016. Knoblauch H., Spirituality and Popular Religion in Europe, “Social Compas”, vol. 55, no. 2, pp. 140–153, 2008. Konecki K.T., Ludzie i ich zwierzęta. Interakcjonistyczno-symboliczna analiza społecznego świata właścicieli zwierząt domowych, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar, 2005. Libiszowska-Żółtkowska M., Resakralizacja w ponowoczesnej scenerii. Nowe odsłony religii i duchowości, in: I. Borowik, S. Grotowska & P. Stawiński (eds.), Religia wobec wyzwań współczesności z perspektywy nauk społecznych, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar, pp. 195–212, 2018. Lipiec J., Fenomenologia krzywdy, in: T. Sakowicz & K. Gąsior (eds.), Więź i pokój w rodzinie i społeczeństwie. Człowiek skrzywdzony, Kielce: Uniwersytet Jana Kochanowskiego w Kielcach, Świętokrzyskie Centrum Profilaktyki i Edukacji, pp. 7–18, 2018. MacIver R.M. & Page C.H., Religion and Morals, in: R. M. MacIver & C.H. Page, Society: An Introductory Analysis, New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, pp. 168–174, 1967. Mariański J., Religia w społeczeństwie ponowoczesnym, Warszawa: Oficyna Naukowa, 2010. Mariański J., Przemiany moralności polskich maturzystów w latach 1994–2009. Studium socjologiczne. Lublin: Wydawnictwo Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego, 2011. Mariański J., Sekularyzacja, desekularyzacja, nowa duchowość. Studium socjologiczne, Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy Nomos, 2013. Mariański J., Moralność religijna, in: J. Mariański (ed.), Leksykon socjologii moralności, Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy Nomos, pp. 452–457, 2015. Mariański J., Megatrendy religijne w społeczeństwach ponowoczesnych. Studium socjologiczne, Toruń: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, 2016. Mariański J. & Wargacki S., Płynne “sacrum” w społeczeństwie ponowoczesnym, “Uniwersyteckie Czasopismo Socjologiczne/Academic Journal of Sociology”, vol. 4/2016, pp. 7–27, 2016. Mielicka-Pawłowska H., Neutralne sacrum, in: J. Baniak (ed.), W poszukiwaniu sensu. O religii, moralności i społeczeństwie, Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy Nomos, pp. 39–48, 2010.

Metamorphoses of religiosity in Poland 89 Mielicka-Pawłowska H., Religijność zorientowana ekologicznie, in: H. MielickaPawłowska (ed.), Religijne wymiary życia społecznego, Kielce: Uniwersytet Jana Kochanowskiego w Kielcach, pp. 376–394, 2013. Mielicka-Pawłowska H., Wyobrażenie sacrum w kulturze tradycyjnej i współczesnej, “Uniwersyteckie Czasopismo Socjologiczne/Academic Journal of Sociology”, vol. 4/2015, pp. 7–20, 2015. Nielsen K., Some Remarks on the Independence of Morality from Religion, “Minde”, vol. LXX (278), pp. 175–186, 1961, retrieved on September 29, 2019 from https://academic.oup.com/mind/article/LXX/278/175/1014009. Omyła-Rudzka M., Postawy wobec zwierząt, Research Report no. BS/79/2013, CBOS, 2013, retrieved on October 15, 2015 from https://www.cbos.pl/ SPISKOM.POL/2013/K_079_13.PDF. Posłuszna E., Ekstremizm ekologiczny. Źródła, przejawy, perspektywy, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar, 2012. Stark R. & Glock Y.Ch., Dimension of Religious Commitment, in: R. Stark & Y.C. Glock, American Piety: The Nature of Religious Commitment, Berkeley: University of California Press, pp. 11–19, 1968. Strzelec M., Elementy zabawowe w kulcie św. Rocha w Mikstacie, “Zabawy i Zabawki. Studia Antropologiczne”, vol. 14/2016, pp. 202–222, 2016. Tyrała R., Bez Boga na co dzień. Socjologia ateizmu i niewiary, Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy Nomos, 2014. Wądołowska K., Zachowania proekologiczne Polaków, Research Report No. BS/ 23/2011, CBOS, 2011, retrieved on January 15, 2015 from https://www.cbos.pl/ SPISKOM.POL/2011/K_023_11.PDF. Wilcox J., Religion and Morality, in: C. Chakrabarti & S.J. Fairbanks (eds.), Morality and Spirituality in the Contemporary World, Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, pp. 17–25, 2012. Wnuk M., Religijność a duchowość – podobieństwa i różnice, “Przegląd Religioznawczy”, no. 2 (248), pp. 109–117, 2013. Wójtowicz A., Doctrina sacra, ezoteryzm – oswajanie tajemnicy, in: A. Wójtowicz, W. Klimski (eds.), Pluralizm religijny i odmiany ezoteryzmu, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Kardynała Stefana Wyszyńskiego, pp. 37–110, 2019.

7

“The Miracle of Mindfulness”: between the discovery of the sacred in everyday life and secularization of the practice of meditation Andrzej Kasperek

Introduction A book published in 2011 by Shambhala, an American publisher, under a meaningful title “The Mindfulness Revolution,” presents the statements of representatives of various professions, both those who only start to discover the phenomenon of mindfulness and those who perceive its positive impact on the condition of contemporary people, living in haste and in the “culture of noise.” Most researchers treat mindfulness as a secular practice. As noted by Barry Boyce, in the last almost 40 years, the practice of mindfulness has become independent from the religious context. This was possible primarily due to the Mindfulness-Based Stress Reduction (MBSR) programme, developed by Jon Kabat-Zinn, and its varieties (Boyce, 2011, pp. XI–XV). The category of mindfulness has been introduced into the most secular areas of life, such as pain therapy, stress management, and education; in particular, the Center for Mindfulness in Medicine, Health Care and Society, and the Mindful Awareness Research Center have been established. Separation of the practice of mindfulness from the religious context, especially Buddhism, brings the question of whether it retained its original meaning. Since the very concept of mindfulness derives from the Buddha’s teaching about suffering, certain questions arise, i.e. how does it translate into its current application to pain or stress therapy; or does the secular dimension of the practice of mindfulness still have any connections with the oriental (religious) sphere, or it completely broke away from it in favour of the secular sphere? Assuming that the “mindfulness revolution” has really happened, it is not an exaggeration to say that it should be seen as part of the process referred to by Colin Campbell as the “easternisation of the West” (Campbell, 2007). Thus, is the practice of mindfulness still a mean by which non-religious values, such as everyday life, can be sacralised? Does the practice of mindfulness, reflected by means of modern therapies, including MBSR, preserve its religious dimension to any extent or it is yet another example of a secularised phenomenon derived from the religious tradition? To answer these questions, the concept of implicit religion developed by Edward I. Bailey seems to be a promising approach. Its great advantage is DOI: 10.4324/9781003271994-9

“The Miracle of Mindfulness” 91 that it reveals the presence of religious aspects in the secular values. Implicit religion clearly shows that the study of contemporary forms of religious life should be reoriented to include also secular, everyday values in the sociology of religion. It highlights the emergence of new, secular-religious themes and at the same time reveals the collapse of the dichotomous thinking, i.e. the sacred vs. the profane, ceremonial vs. casual, body vs. soul, etc. This chapter consists of two parts. The first one describes the category of mindfulness as an example of implicit religion. The second one explores the approaches to mindfulness-based on the statements delivered in the selected web portals, including minimalist blogs, the website of the Polish Mindfulness Association (PTM), and the magazine “Mindfulness. Business & Life.”

Mindfulness from the perspective of implicit religion Mindfulness is currently a popular term giving approx. 109,000,000 Google search results. Although mindfulness is primarily related to the Buddhist tradition, its practices are currently transferred to secular institutions, such as hospitals, schools, business centres, and the armed forces. The practice of mindfulness has become an integral part of the lifestyle of the countercultural bohemia and bricoleurs open to religious search. Before the countercultural boom, mindfulness was rediscovered during the Romantic era in the 19th century by American transcendentalists (Ralph Waldo Emerson, Henry David Thoreau, & Walt Whitman) who referred back to the Buddhist tradition (Cusack, 2011, p. 298). The interest in Buddhism also grew as a result of the activities of esoteric societies, such as the Theosophical Society co-founded by Helena Bławatska. Buddhism, in particular Zen, was popularised in the West by Soyen Shaku and Daisetsu Teitaro Suzuki. At the time of youth counterculture, it was promoted by Alan Watts, Philip Kapleau, John Cage, Thomas Merton, and beat generation poets, such as Jack Kerouac, Allen Ginsberg, and Gary Snyder (Cusack, 2011, p. 306). Zen Buddhism and the practice of mindfulness is a common motif in a famous novel by Robert M. Pirsig “Zen and the Art of Motorcycle Maintenance,” published in 1974, and many other works, such as “Zen and the Art of Running” by Lara Shapiro, “Zen and the Art of Falling in Love” by Brenda Shoshanna, “Zen and the Art of Happiness” by Chris Prentiss, and “Zen and the Art of Making a Living” by Laurence G. Boldt. Mindfulness is reflected by the anti-consumerism movements, the Voluntary Simplicity Movement, the Slow Movement, and Minimalism. What is mindfulness? T. W. Rhys first translates the Pali term “sati” and the Sanskrit term “smrti” into English “mindfulness” (Gethin, 2011, p. 263). The culture of mindfulness is strongly linked to the religious tradition of India, and in particular to Buddhism. The West, inspired by the activity of Jon Kabat-Zinn, shifted the understanding of this term towards non-religious contexts. Only one definition of mindfulness, probably most

92 Andrzej Kasperek known, is quoted here: “Mindfulness means paying attention in a particular way: on purpose, in the present moment, and non-judgmentally” (KabatZinn, 1994, 4). The definition of Kabat-Zinn, constituting the basis of the MBSR or MBCT (Mindfulness-Based Cognitive Therapy), does not exclude the possibility of using religious references and contexts. Nevertheless, it cannot be denied that the cultural context of mindfulness has changed. It is not only about decontextualisation, i.e. failure to follow key Buddhist principles for mindfulness aimed at liberation from greed, hatred, and delusion. It is also about changing the perspective – from religion to medicine and science (Gethin, 2011, p. 268). As a result, the practice of mindfulness may have a tendency to sustain the logic of late capitalism, and not to deny it. The liberation from greed is replaced by the desire to possess; the promotion of love and kindness is replaced by competition; and the understanding of the true nature of the world is replaced by ignorance and illusion. To describe the commodification of mindfulness, Ron Purser and David Loy use the term “McMindfulness” (Purser & Loy, 2013). This mcdonaldised form of mindfulness would contribute to McDonaldisation and commodification of contemporary spirituality (Hyland, 2015a, pp. 11–17). Mindfulness, instead of shaking off the consumerist lethargy, would become quite a clichéd measure of some therapeutic self-help offered by the agents of the contemporary market (Hyland, 2015b, p. 11). At the same time, it is hard not to treat this mcdonaldised and standardised form of McMindfulness as another element of what Zygmunt Bauman calls counselling boom (Bauman 1998, p. 68). Note that the boom would be an important component of postmodern religion, based on “this worldly ecstasy” as a reduced version of peak experience in consumerist societies (Bauman, 1998, p. 70), while spirituality would be a kind of selfconsumption (Dawson, 2011; Carette & King, 2005). However, the history of mindfulness in Western societies, for example, revealing the transfer of a specific kind of spirituality, e.g. Zen Buddhism, shows that people were interested in mindfulness because they needed to satisfy some real needs and felt they were lacking something. One of the most popular contemporary West pioneers of mindfulness is Thich Nhat Hanh, a Vietnamese Buddhist monk living in France. In 1975, he published “The Miracle of Mindfulness,” a book which shows the approach to the experience of life which differs from the one offered by a rich heritage of Western civilisation. It promotes mindfulness based on the preservation of religious (Buddhist) roots through the practice of sanctifying ordinary values commonly considered non-religious and secular. Thich Nhat Hanh emphasises that one can feel delighted while performing simple, everyday activities, such as dishwashing, bathing, or drinking tea. He believes that every action can be performed with mindfulness and become a ritual (Nhat Hanh, 1987, p. 22). The practice of mindfulness liberates from suffering through contemplating the interdependence of all things and cultivating compassion for all living beings. “One is All, All is One” (Nhat Hanh, 1987, p. 45).

“The Miracle of Mindfulness” 93 In this chapter, mindfulness is clearly embedded in religious tradition. Another contemporary pioneer of this practice, Jon Kabat-Zinn, rejects the religious tradition of mindfulness, considering it too restrictive. “I emphasize the universality of the power of mindfulness and awareness, but I’m not talking about a universal church or a universal religious movement. I’m talking about understanding the nature of what it means to be human. I don’t even like to use the word spiritual” (Kabat-Zinn, 2011, p. 60). Although Kabat-Zinn avoids placing mindfulness in a religious or spiritual context, he also emphasises its deep, human dimension. Therefore, it seems that mindfulness can be construed from the perspective of implicit religion. Bailey searches for religious values in what is commonly considered secular and ordinary. In this approach, the dichotomous divisions – such as the sacred vs. the profane, ceremonial vs. casual, and body vs. soul – are seen from a different perspective and become blurred. Given how mindfulness is practised, it seems that these divisions collapse, largely due to the transfer of oriental practices to the West. In his work, Bailey tries to reconstruct the experience of the self in terms of anthropophany, claiming that human is a manifestation of the sacred (Bailey, 1998, p. 50). He sees the relationship between implicit religion and the concept of invisible religion developed by Thomas Luckmann. He stresses that invisible religion is the closest synonym and de facto the only truly alternative to implicit religion, almost a twin term (Bailey, 1997, p. 39). The similarity between the two concepts also lies in their anthropological orientation. Thomas Luckmann sees religion as a manifestation of what is human par excellence, claiming that to transcend the biological nature of the human body is the essence of religion (Luckmann, 1967, p. 49). The works of Thich Nhat provide more signs of the religious dimension of mindfulness than the works of Kabat-Zinn. However, Kabat-Zinn’s concept of mindfulness, understood as a deeply human activity, is in line with the concept of religion understood as a manifestation of the human, similarly to Bailey and Luckmann. Interestingly, Kabat-Zinn distances himself from placing mindfulness into the religious context. Bailey perceives why the notion of implicit religion is imperfect: someone who is described by a researcher as a religious person might be reluctant to call themselves in this way (Bailey, 1998, p. 14). Kabat-Zinn avoids the religious context, but his mindfulness means rather more than just a secular practice. The exposure of human through the practice of mindfulness may carry religious connotations.

The Polish “mindfulness revolution” The interest in the practice of mindfulness has been observed in Poland at least since the 1990s. This is, inter alia, due to the growing popularity of Buddhism in Poland, resulting from Polish openness to oriental religions popular in the West and the influence of global culture. During the Polish

94 Andrzej Kasperek People’s Republic, the popularity of Buddhism was much lower as compared to its popularity in the West, especially in the times of youth counterculture. However, this does not mean that it did not exist. At the beginning of the 20th century, the artistic bohemia and elite communicating with foreigners and able to read in foreign languages were the only circles interested in oriental ideas and practices (Hall, 2007, p. 106). They followed theosophical concepts based on a mélange of Western esoteric tradition and oriental ideas. However, the mass popularity was only in the 1990s. This paper does not explore the institutionalised sphere of religious life, i.e. churches, congregations or other formalised organisations. Instead, its aim is to focus on those manifestations of religious life which seem to have nothing in common with religion, but are remarkably similar to religion. To this end, in relation to the Poles’ practice of mindfulness, the manifestations of implicit religion are examined in a broader context as a phenomenon referred to as spiritual revolution by Paul Heelas and Linda Woodhead (Heelas, Woodhead, Seel, Szerszynski, & Tusting, 2007). The practice of mindfulness is part of a subjective well-being culture with a variety of activities, e.g. meditation, or publications on health, self-help, good food, or cuisine. These tendencies have much in common with the counselling boom but, paradoxically, largely result from the opposition to consumerism. The interest in mindfulness exists in secular anti-consumerism resistance movements, such as the Voluntary Simplicity Movement, Minimalism, Slow Movement and the Mindful Movement. The latter, however, quite unpopular in Poland, is not discussed here. Instead, the focus is made on the mindfulness in the minimalist lifestyle. Mindfulness is clearly present in the works of contemporary minimalists. Leo Babauta, an American blogger, writer, and journalist, is the most famous contemporary minimalist. The fact that the title of his “Zen Habits” blog (https://zenhabits.net/) has a reference to Zen Buddhism is not coincidental. Babauta finds a relationship between minimalism, i.e. search for the essence by eliminating what is not important, and significant elements of Japanese culture based on Zen philosophy, such as Zen Buddhism, haiku poetry, and sumi-e painting. Babauta often quotes Thich Nhat Hanh. As Babauta does not perceive himself as a particularly spiritual person, he likes to emphasise his deep fascination by how one can discover the unusual in everyday life and the limits of the inexpressible in seemingly banal activities. One of the quotes by Thich Nhat Hanh reads as follows: “Drink your tea slowly and reverently, as if it is the axis on which the world earth revolves – slowly, evenly, without rushing toward the future” (“Zen Habits,” Breathe tab1). Another one says: “Peace is present right here and now, in ourselves and in everything we do and see. Every breath we take, every step we take, can be filled with peace, joy, and serenity. The question is whether or not we are in touch with it. We need only to be awake, alive in the present moment” (the post entitled “A Life of Peacefulness”). The blog posts with references to mindfulness include “Meditation for Beginners,”

“The Miracle of Mindfulness” 95 “How to Be Mindful All the Time,” “The Grounded Challenge: Practice Mindfulness with Your Difficulties,” “Bring Purpose & Mindfulness to Your Work,” and “9 Mindfulness Rituals to Make Your Day Better.” The practice of mindfulness is seen as a means by which fullness, sense of harmony and peace can be achieved in the world full of excessive activity and chaos. This experience and this manifestation of the fullness of human life are central motifs of the narrative of Babauta. In one of the posts in the blog, Babauta provides the following list of mindfulness rituals: 1. Sit in the morning; 2. Brush your teeth; 3. Eat mindfully; 4. Wash your bowl; 5. Drink tea; 6. Walk slowly; 7. Read in silence; 8. Look at someone gratefully; 9. Work with focus (the post entitled “9 Mindfulness Rituals to Make Your Day Better”). Since Babauta reflections on mindfulness refer to the works of Thich Nhat Hanh, and in particular to “The Miracle of Mindfulness,” it seems that it can be analysed from the perspective of implicit religion. The interest of the Poles in mindfulness is reflected, inter alia, by the Polish translation of “The Miracle of Mindfulness” by Thich Nhat Hanh (1987) and Babauta’s books (2009, 2011a, 2011b, 2016). The Polish blogosphere contains many websites devoted to mindfulness and minimalism. “Mindfulness” translated into Polish as uważność gives 3,400,000 Google search results. One of the most popular minimalist blogs is “Simplicite” run by Katarzyna Kędzierska, a lawyer and businesswoman by education, author of the book “Chcieć mniej” [Want less] (Kędzierska, 2016). She also refers to mindfulness, defining it in two ways: as an art of discovering the miracle of everyday life (sacralisation of everyday life) and as a secular practice (with direct references to Kabat-Zinn and the MBSR training course in one of her posts). Like Babauta, she distances herself from identifying the practice of mindfulness with any religious tradition: “Mindfulness also shows how to meditate in isolation from any religious inclination” (the post entitled “Jak praktykować uważność na co dzień” [How to practice mindfulness on a daily basis]).2 Another of her posts reads: “When I speak of meditation, I mean mindfulness meditation, in isolation from any religion or philosophy” (the post entitled “Rozpoczęłam kurs MBSR. Co to jest, dlaczego biorę udział i jak to się ma do minimalizmu?” [I started MBSR. What this is about, why I have joined it and how it corresponds to minimalism]). However, such an attitude does not prevent her from practising mindfulness according to the recommendations of Thich Nhat Hanh, following his famous experience of eating tangerine (Nhat Hanh, 1987, pp. 5–6). “Prepare water for your tea or start the coffee machine. Decide which mug or cup is most beautiful or your favourite. Awaken all your senses. Listen carefully to the sound of boiling water or your coffee machine. Feel the pleasant smell in the air. Feel the warmth in your hands when you hold the cup. Check how your salivary glands are working. Take a slow sip and feel the warmth inside flowing down into your body. Enjoy the taste. Pay

96 Andrzej Kasperek attention to details: deep colour of the brew, coffee foam, the special tea aroma. Try to feel the taste notes. Take your time. This is how you celebrate the moment and implement a beautiful practice of mindfulness” (the post entitled “Jak zadbać o siebie?” [How to take care of yourself?]). Hastelessness and focus on doing one thing, e.g. drinking tea or walking, are in line what Thich Nhat Hanh and Babauta recommend. However, it seems that Kędzierska goes beyond that to focus on “now.” In one of her posts, she suggests practising an exercise which can be treated as an example par excellence of religious experience: “Describe (or recall) the moment when you felt an absolute unity with nature. What did you feel? How old were you? Where were you? How long did it last? How did you feel afterwards?” (the post entitled “Podróże w rytmie słów, kilka ćwiczeń na uważność i 3 proste przepisy” [Travel to the rhythm of words, a few mindfulness exercises and 3 simple recipes]). This resembles the experience described by Leslie van Gelder whose father made seasonal trips to East Africa. He writes, “Although he was not a man who spoke of his religious faith, I believe that his relationship to the wild was one filled with a deep sense of implicit religion. To him, and many others who seek out wild places, a relationship with the wild offers a set of meaningful patterns by which to understand existence. In the wild, faith comes from the direct and often wordless connection to a greater than human force and the experience of the flow of the cycles of creation, change, and re-creation. Humans and human ways of being do not dominate this world-view, but are parts of a greater whole, subject to the same set of natural laws” (van Gelder, 2004, p. 210). The practice of mindfulness becomes an experience of unity with nature, a Buddhist sense of universal interdependence and a peak experience with the feeling of astonishment, marvel, admiration, but sometimes also fear or mystical ecstasy (Maslow, 1968, p. 81). Kędzierska suggests doing the following exercise: “Go to the forest. Stand in a clearing and close your eyes. When you open them, try to look at the world around you with a fresh eye, as if you were seeing everything for the first time” (the post entitled “Podróże w rytmie słów, kilka ćwiczeń na uważność i 3 proste przepisy” [Travel to the rhythm of words, a few mindfulness exercises and 3 simple recipes]). Peak experience is a state characterised by breaking out of everyday life, the experience of uniqueness and self-transcendence. In the post entitled “Desiderata,” Kędzierska quotes the famous poem by Max Ehrmann: “You are a child of the universe, no less than the trees and the stars.” She also makes references to Jon Kabat-Zinn and MBSR, and refers to Anna Błaszczak’s article on the impact of MBSR on physical health (the post entitled “Rozpoczęłam kurs MBSR. Co to jest, dlaczego biorę udział i jak to się ma do minimalizmu?” [I started MBSR. What this is about, why I have joined it and how it corresponds to minimalism]). Another post instructs how to practice mindfulness in water, based on exercises developed by Julia E. Wahl (the post entitled “Subiektywny ranking term w Polsce

“The Miracle of Mindfulness” 97 plus znakomite ćwiczenie na uważność w wodzie” [Subjective ranking of thermal pools in Poland and an excellent exercise for mindfulness in water]). The issue of mindfulness is also discussed in other blogs, such as “Droga do minimalizmu” [The Way to Minimalism], “Prosty blog” [Simple Blog], “Minimal plan,” “Ograniczam się” [I Limit Myself] and “Simplife.” It seems that Kędzierska does not raise the issue of legitimacy of mindfulness, orthodoxy of the practice of mindfulness and its oriental origin. The practice of mindfulness proves useful in leading a minimalist lifestyle. She goes beyond everyday life (similarly to Nhat Hanh) and tries to legitimise mindfulness on a scientific basis (similarly to Kabat-Zinn). Like Babauta, she distances herself from the religious dimension of mindfulness and at the same time utilises both religious and secular traditions. She sees no contradiction in her approach. It seems that the use of both traditions of mindfulness, i.e. religious and secular, does not stand in contradiction to thinking in terms of implicit religion, and that the approach of Kędzierska can be treated as an example of implicit religion. MBSR may become yet another way to attain peak experience. The second approach to the practice of mindfulness is mainly related to Jon Kabat-Zinn. The institutionalisation of mindfulness understood in this way is reflected in the activity of the Polish Mindfulness Association (PTM) operating since 2008 (as part of the European Associations of Mindfulness Based Approaches). As noted by PTM members, the association was established “on the advice of Jon Kabat-Zinn” with the aim to “take care of the standards and sensible development of mindfulness together” (“About us” tab at: http://mindfulness.com.pl). Characteristically, mindfulness is legitimised through scientific activities. PTM reports on the international conference it held in 2008 entitled “Praktyczne Zastosowania Buddyzmu w Zachodniej Psychologii. Praktyka i Teoria Mindfulness” [Practical Applications of Buddhism in Western Psychology. Mindfulness Practice and Theory]. It was attended by mindfulness teachers and scientists: Andrew Olendzki, Fabio Giommi, Linda Lehrhaupt, Alexander Berzin, William Karelis, Andrew Twardon, and others (“About Us” tab). Jon Kabat-Zinn stayed in Poland a year later and delivered lectures and workshops at the Institute of Psychiatry and Neurology in Warszawa. Similar lectures were held by Dr Rick Hanson, founder of the Institute for Neuroscience and Contemplative Wisdom, USA. In spite of some references to Buddhism, they also rely on scientific legitimacy, in particular through the use of the term “Buddhist psychology.” Interestingly, the Western approach to mindfulness is taken over by contemporary psychology (cf. Olendzki, 2014, pp. 58–73). The “Mindfulness” tab contains a diagram presenting the quantitative increase in publications on mindfulness in 1980–2016. The “MBSR” and “MBCT” subtabs include a list of researchers and MBSR or MBCT training centres, e.g. Oxford Mindfulness Centre at the Oxford University and Centre for Mindfulness Research and Practice at the Bangor University. There are also a few

98 Andrzej Kasperek subtabs for other training courses, such as Mindfulness Based Living Course (MBCL), breathworks, and the Eline Snel Method “Attention, it works!” which do not refer to research and do not recommend training centres. The institutionalisation of the practices of mindfulness in Poland is also reflected in the “Mindfulness. Business & Life” journal with Dr Julia E. Wahl as a managing editor. The journal has been published since February 2019. The Board of Experts is composed of psychologists, coaches, lecturers, and mindfulness writers, e.g. Ronald Purser. Some of them took lessons with Jon Kabat-Zinn. The journal is clearly interested in secular matters only. The journal consists of the following regular sections: “Zdrowie i kariera” [Health and Career], “Uważność w organizacji” [Mindfulness in the organisation], “Otwarty dostęp” [Open access], “Narzędzia mindfulness w praktyce” [Mindfulness tools in practice], “HR mindfulness trendy,” and “Be mindful.” The articles discuss the following issues: leadership, mindfulness at work (including work with addicts), society, patient-doctor relationship, compassion in organisations, rest, depression, Danish hygge, creativity, stress, and communication. Yet another expression of the institutionalisation of mindfulness in Poland is numerous mindfulness centres offering a wide range of services. The centres operate both in large Polish cities and small towns. Note that mindfulness is only one of the wide variety of services and is sometimes not associated with MBSR or MBCT training course offers. For example, “Centrum Uważności” [Mindfulness Centre] (Elbląg) offers energetic head massage, Vedic Art workshop and development workshops. “OdNowa Centrum” (Gdańsk) offers head and face reflexology, acupuncture, bioenergotherapy, ear candling and karmic diagnostics while the Mindfulness Course teaching how to lead a mindfulness based life (held every Saturday for 8 weeks) is only one of the products offered. “Siódmy las Centrum Holistycznej Odnowy” [Seventh Forest Holistic Renewal Centre] (Wąwolnica Polska) offers not only the MBSR course “Wolność od stresu. Ścieżka Mindfulness” [Free from stress. Mindfulness Path], but also the Semantic Meditations (including concentration and mindfulness exercises), Aloe detox and yin fascial yoga. The list is not exhaustive. Based on this relationship between the practices of mindfulness and the development workshops and therapies, it seems reasonable to assume that mindfulness practices constitute an important part of the offer of these centres – the environment which, inter alia, Paul Heelas and Linda Woodhead describe as holistic milieu. The holistic milieu is an example of the environment centred around spirituality: Body Mind Spirit. The Kendal Project was intended to study the research centres in which, among others, the following groups operated: yoga, tai-chi, dance, handicraft, therapeutic groups, selfknowledge, and Buddhist groups Heelas, Woodhead, Seel, Szerszynski, & Tusting, 2007, pp. 156–157). The authors of “Spiritual Revolution” use the notion of spirituality to describe the holistic milieu, and the notion of

“The Miracle of Mindfulness” 99 congregational domain to describe religion, associated with duties, prohibitions, etc. However, it seems that this does not exclude the possibility of using the concept of implicit religion. The holistic milieu is a contemporary repository of invisible religions and practices considered secular yet not totally reduced to the secular dimension. It is based on a profound inner experience drawing on peak experience.

Conclusions The discussion on the practice of mindfulness (from the sociological, pedagogical, or religious point of view) covers two dimensions of mindfulness: religious and secular. This former primarily dates back to Buddhist roots, but is also reflected in the holistic milieu which, to some extent, took over the practice of mindfulness and offered the secular practices of mindfulness (MBSR and MBCT). The identity of secularised forms of mindfulness, mainly expressed by the activity of Jon Kabat-Zinn, is based on scientification and the search for scientific legitimacy (reference to research, “psychologisation” of mindfulness, institutionalisation of mindfulness by establishing journals, fields of studies, etc.). Given the dynamic development of the holistic milieu demand for the goods and services offered by these circles, it may be assumed that they tend to take over the issue of mindfulness. Therefore, the discussion of the issue of mindfulness in terms of implicit religion seems justified and cognitively prolific. To put it simply, the secular dimension of mindfulness hides the religious (spiritual) potential. In search of inner harmony, wellbeing, and self-development, the minimalists who practice the mindfulness may also rely on a definitely religious concept of peak experience. In addition, secular forms of the practice of mindfulness, such as MBSR, can prove to be more than just stress reduction method. Kabat-Zinn draws attention to deeply human dimension of this practice, which is a dimension also reflected in the implicit religion approach. To understand how mindfulness is approached from the Polish perspective requires in-depth research. However, some assumptions may be made. First of all, mindfulness was transferred to Poland in a slightly different way than in the West, i.e. more through pop culture than counterculture and its heritage. Moreover, its links with the theosophical circles, including the New Age, seem stronger, which may suggest that it may be quite difficult to incorporate the secularised version of the practice of mindfulness into the Polish reality. There is a demand for MBSR or MBCT methods, but it is not easy to separate the practices of mindfulness from the religious (quasi-religious) dimension. Does the mindfulness revolution really happen in Poland? This is a wider question which also incorporates other potential revolutions, such as spiritual revolution or silent revolution. Due to the rapid nature of revolutionary changes, it seems that the concept of revolution is not justified.

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This is the same in the case of spiritual revolution. However, taking into account the potential of using the practice of mindfulness in some areas, e.g. in education and upbringing, in the near future, the concept of revolution seems quite justified. However, over-formalisation of education in Poland and conservative approach of teachers makes this even less probable. Moreover, in other spheres, such as business, the practice of mindfulness seems too superficial.

Notes 1 All posts come from Babauta’s “Zen Habits” blog; retrieved on: 31 October 2019 from https://zenhabits.net/. 2 All posts come from Kędzierska’s “Simplicite” blog; retrieved on: November 2, 2019 from https://simplicite.pl.

References Babauta L., Zen Habits: Handbook for Life. Hundreds of Tips for Simplicity, Happiness, Productivity, West Valley City, Utah: Waking Lion Press, 2009. Babauta L., The Simple Guide to a Minimalist Life, West Valley City, Utah: Waking Lion Press, 2011a. Babauta L., Zen to Done: The Ultimate Simple Productivity System, West Valley City, Utah: Waking Lion Press, 2011b. Babauta L., Focus: A Simplicity Manifesto in the Age of Distraction, Danville, Illinois: Founders House Publishing, LLC, 2016. Bailey E.I., Implicit Religion in Contemporary Society, Kampen, Weinheim: Kok Pharos Publishing House – Dutscher Studien Verlag, 1997. Bailey E., Implicit Religion: An Introduction, London: Middlesex Press, 1998. Bauman Z., Postmodern Religion?, in: P. Heelas, D. Martin & P. Morris (eds.) Religion, Modernity and Postmodernity, Oxford: Blackwell, pp. 55–78, 1998. Boyce B., Introduction. Anyone Can Do It, and It Changes Everything, in: B. Boyce (ed.) The Mindfulness Revolution. Leading Psychologists, Scientists, Artists, and Meditation Teachers on the Power of Mindfulness in Daily Life, Boulder: Shambhala Publications, Inc., pp. XI–XVIII, 2011. Campbell C., The Easternization of the West. A Thematic Account of Cultural Change in the Modern Era, Boulder, London: Paradigm Publishers, 2007. Carette J. & King R., Selling Spirituality. The Silent Takeover of Religion, London, New York: Routledge, 2005. Cusack C.M., The Western Reception of Buddhism: Celebrity and Popular Cultural Media as Agents of Familiarisation, “Australian Religion Studies Review”, 3 (24), pp. 297–316, 2011, retrieved from: 10.1558/arsr.v24i3.297. Dawson A., Consuming the Self: New Spirituality as ‘Mystified Consumption’, “Social Compass”, 3 (58), pp. 309–315, 2011, retrieved from 10.1177%2F003 7768611412137. Gelder Van L., At the Confluence of Paradox: Implicit Religion and the Wild, “Implicit Religion”, 3 (7), pp. 207–227, 2004, retrieved from: 10.1558/imre.7.3. 207.66315.

“The Miracle of Mindfulness” 101 Gethin R., On some Definitions of Mindfulness, “Contemporary Buddhism”, 1 (12), pp. 263–279, 2011, retrieved from: 10.1080/14639947.2011.564843. Hall D., New Age w Polsce. Lokalny wymiar globalnego zjawiska, Warszawa: Wydawnictwa Akademickie i Profesjonalne, 2007. Heelas P., Woodhead L., Seel B., Szerszynski B. & Tusting K., The Spiritual Revolution: Why Religion Is Giving Way to Spirituality, Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2007. Hyland T., The Commodification of Spirituality: Education, Mindfulness and the Marketisation of the Present Moment, “PROSPERO: Philosophy for Education and Cultural Continuity”, 2 (21), pp. 11–17, 2015a. Hyland T., The Limits of Mindfulness: Emerging Issues for Education, “British Journal of Educational Studies”, 63 (3), pp. 1–21, 2015b. Kabat-Zinn J., Wherever You Go, There You Are: Mindfulness Meditation in Everyday Life, New York: Hyperion, 1994. Kabat-Zinn J., Why Mindfulness Matters, in: B. Boyce (ed.) The Mindfulness Revolution. Leading Psychologists, Scientists, Artists, and Meditation Teachers on the Power of Mindfulness in Daily Life, Boulder: Shambhala Publications, Inc., pp. 57–62, 2011. Kędzierska K., Chcieć mniej: minimalizm w praktyce, Kraków: Znak Litera Nova – Społeczny Instytut Wydawniczy Znak, 2016. Luckmann T., The Invisible Religion. The Problem of Religion in Modern Society, New York: The Macmillan Company, 1967. Maslow A.H., Toward a Psychology of Being. New York – Cincinnati – Toronto – London – Melbourne: Van Nostrand Reinhold Company Inc, 1968. Nhat Hanh T., The Miracle of Mindfulness. An Introduction to the Practice of Meditation, Boston: Beacon Press, 1987. Olendzki A., From Early Buddhist Traditions to Western Psychological Science, in: A. Ie, C.T. Ngnoumen & E.J. Langer (eds.), The Wiley Blackwell Handbook of Mindfulness, Oxford: Wiley Blackwell, pp. 58–73, 2014. Purser R. & Loy D., Beyond McMindfulness, “Huffington Post”, 2013, retrieved on October 30, 2019 from https://www.huffpost.com/entry/beyond-mcmindfulness_ b_3519289.

Part II

Transformations of religiosity and spirituality in a society at risk – an attempt at diagnosis

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Religiosity of the Polish intelligentsia at the beginning of the twenty-first century Wojciech Klimski

Introduction This chapter discusses religiosity of the Polish intelligentsia, its current condition and dynamics. The question to be answered here is whether the intelligentsia is currently a “gravedigger” of religiosity and relations with the Church or still treats ties with religion as a binding cultural standard. The analysis is based on the national survey carried out by the Centre for Public Opinion Research between 2008 and 2018. Previous sociological analyses showed that the intelligentsia is religious. Its devotion is mostly selective and does not differ significantly from the devotion of the general public (Libiszowska-Żółtkowska, 2000, p. 325). The question stated above is critical for two reasons. First, it updates knowledge about the current trends of religiosity of the intelligentsia. Second, in Polish society, the intelligentsia is still perceived as an originator of ideas, a promoter of values and an initiator of patterns of thinking and behaving (Kurczewska, 1999, p. 338). Moreover, it is currently transforming into the middle class, professionals, and ethos intelligentsia (Kurczewska, 1999, p. 343; Mikułowski-Pomorski, 2001, p. 245; Palska, 2008a, p. 326). It is evolving towards prestigious formations and categories to which others aspire (Domański, 2012, p. 29). Self-awareness and social perception are still influenced by Karol Libelt’s theory of the role of the intelligentsia, with defining ideas, patterns of behaviour, determining the attributes of everyday life and lifestyles. Some areas contain features commonly perceived as poorly correlated with religiosity, such as individualism, typical of the middle class, and rationalism, typical of professionals. In view of the above, the question of how much space the intelligentsia currently “reserves” for religion in Polish society is particularly interesting. The aim of the investigation is to show the characteristics of religiosity in the intelligentsia and identify values, ways of thinking and practices the individuals implement and promote. Other members of society follow these values and patterns. However, society is currently facing intensified sociocultural pluralism, secularisation, and religious individualisation. In other

DOI: 10.4324/9781003271994-11

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words, the current social context in which the religiosity of the intelligentsia is embedded reveals features which negatively affect it.

The historical view on the intelligentsia The Polish intelligentsia is a social stratum. It has its own lifestyle, has a certain level of prestige and is educated (higher education); it occupies a specific place and performs specific functions in society. It is aware of its structural distinctiveness, as are other strata (Libiszowska-Żółtkowska, 1991, p. 28). Sometimes, it is defined as a social circle, whose members maintain personal contacts or exchange ideas (Mikułowski-Pomorski, 2002, p. 54). It was formed as a result of specific historical circumstances in the 19th century. The age of partitions (1772–1795), as a result of which the state of Poland ceased to exist, had the largest influence on its formation (Szczepański, 1957, p. 10; Micińska, 2008, pp. 42–43). The loss of statehood and the consequences of the struggle for independence (the November Uprising, the Great Emigration) made the then intellectual elite aware of the need to act (as a substitute for the state) to preserve national culture and defend Polish identity. The émigré communities in Paris, Belgium, Switzerland, and England developed centres of intellectual, cultural, scientific, and educational life. Similar actions were taken in the country. However, due to the subordination to the partitioners, they were illegal. The partition territories, in which institutions promoting Polish identity (schools, universities, cultural centres, and scientific societies) were banned, ran private discussion rooms, editorial offices of magazines, restaurants, cafés, and private libraries which, in addition to their official functions, served as secret organisations discussing on how to regain independence and fight for the survival of Polish culture (Micińska, 2008, p. 61). The Poznań circle, an important centre of activity, formulated the strategy of organic work for the ethical, cultural, and economic development of the nation, especially its lower strata. This community was also the first to use the term “intelligentsia.” In 1844, Karol Liebelt used this term in “On the Love of the Homeland,” a book serving as a catechism of an educated patriot (Micińska, 2008, p. 46). He states that the intelligentsia is made up of “all those who, having received extensive education in higher education institutions, stay at the head of the nation, acting as scientists, clerks, teachers, clergymen, and industrialists, and are its leaders thanks to their higher education” (Libelt, 1967, p. 61). Over time, this has become the classic definition of the intelligentsia. However, the discussion has continued. The essential role of the intelligentsia was to rule people’s hearts and minds, i.e. provide guidance to the nation and show it what is valuable and important to preserve its identity and independence (Micińska, 2008, p. 46). This was its task, or rather mission, towards society en masse. In the middle of the 19th century, the intelligentsia started to be perceived in this way and at the same time perceived itself as such. It was seen as an

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independent and separate social stratum playing a leadership and exemplary role in the field of values, norms, customs, participation in culture, and involvement in intellectual and national values. It was the centre of cultural, intellectual, and political life of Polish society (Micińska, 2008, p. 46; Żarnowski, 2008, p. 81). After Poland regained independence, the intelligentsia was a key educated stratum. Its “culture was the basis of official national culture supported by the state and taught in schools” (Żarnowski, 2008, p. 82). In the interwar period, the authority and social role of the intelligentsia was most widely recognised. Other social strata treated the intelligentsia as a model in terms of mental culture, customs, and lifestyles. Its social position strengthened in spite of the social, economic and economic crises. During the Second World War, the Polish intelligentsia experienced the planned extermination. The authorities of the USSR and the Third Reich deliberately attempted to liquidate it, being aware of its ideological and spiritual leadership. They assumed that the murder of the elite would make it easier to enslave the Poles (Chałasiński, 1997, p. 31; LibiszowskaŻółtkowska, 1991, p. 31; Mikułowski-Pomorski, 2002, pp. 44–45). Mass murders in Katyń as well as the Nazi Intelligenzaktion and AB-Aktion became the symbols of these actions. They brought about the destruction of the structure of intelligentsia. A generation gap occurred resulting in a number of personal losses in the individual categories of professions, such as officers, professors, doctors, teachers, lawyers, clergy, and liberal professions. Many of those who survived the war left or stayed abroad (Mikułowski-Pomorski, 2002, p. 45; Żarnowski, 2008, p. 84). After the Second World War, the authorities of the Polish People’s Republic carried out the planned reorganisation of the social structure as part of building a new communist society. This included the promotion of education and technical axiology as an opportunity for the technological and economic development of the country. In accordance with the assumptions of Marxism, the educational offer was primarily addressed to peasant and working youth. Higher degree enrolments were preceded by special courses lasting several months and ending with a diploma equivalent to the matriculation certificate. Young people received additional points under the university recruitment procedure based on their origin. The range of school extracurricular activities and courses was expanded to ensure that state institutions have control over education and to strengthen contact with students. The influence of family, peer and local communities, and the Catholic Church declined (Palska, 2008b, p. 137). This way, the governing party tried to ensure the adequate social composition of the high-school and university students community. Another way to shape the stratum of intelligentsia was to fill managerial and executive posts with workers (Żarnowski, 2008, p. 85). Members of working classes were perceived as those who, having completed appropriate courses and studies, were able to become the elite of the society, i.e. the

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people’s intelligentsia expected to articulate the communist axiology and culture (Chałasiński, 1997, p. 35; Mikułowski-Pomorski, 2002, p. 46; Palska, 2008b, pp. 129–130). It was the so-called new intelligentsia, having its own ethos, close to the oppressed classes and open to cooperate with them. Since it derived from the oppressed classes, it was expected to better understand the social situation of peasants and workers to pursue their interests and help them (Palska, 2008b, pp. 152–153; Żarnowski, 2008, pp. 92–93; Snopek, 2008, p. 110). It was believed that such solidarity would lead to the blurring of class differences, strengthen the bonds of the whole society, and finally contribute to the formation of a classless society, liberated from the division into mental and physical work. The technical intelligentsia, axiologically close to the working classes, constituted the core of the new intelligentsia. The aim of all these efforts was to enable the communists deliberately “produce the intelligentsia,” and to consciously promote, on a large scale, the working and peasant classes, and strengthen the conviction that these classes are similar to each other and to the new intelligentsia. In the past, the social structure was basically formed in a spontaneous manner. After the end of the Second World War, this process started to be subject to control (Libiszowska-Żółtkowska, 1991, p. 32; Żarnowski, 2008, p. 85). The so-called old intelligentsia, attached to the traditional ethos formed during the times of the partitions and the interwar period, was essentially marginalised and fought by the communist authorities. The governing party did not express its disdain for prestige and high social position of intellectuals. However, the aim of any references to the intelligentsia was to legitimise and built public support for its actions. Only those who participated in the construction of communist society deserved credit. Others were treated as the enemy of reforms and the system. They were charged for being detached from society, elitism, and for concentrating solely on their own interests. The old intelligentsia was stigmatised by the authorities. The efforts were to make it subject to the party and politically controlled by the representatives of the new intelligentsia (Palska, 2008b, p. 151; Żarnowski, 2008, pp. 95–96). Developing the model of a new social structure during the Polish People’s Republic made the old and new intelligentsias mix. In 1970s, the new intelligentsia started to constitute the majority. However, the ethos of the “pre-war” intelligentsia was still alive. Some family and community traditions preserved and constituted the standard to which the new intelligentsia aspired. The communists failed to construct the model of the “people’s intelligentsia” (Żarnowski, 2008, p. 88) because Marxist culture was ultimately rejected by the intelligentsia and did not become the basis of their actions. “The pattern of a new culture, based on passive and conformist assimilation of Marxism–Leninism, did not have a potential to attract and drive great intellectual ambitions” (Chałasiński, 1997, p. 26). Note that the representatives of the new intelligentsia were not strongly attached to

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workers and peasants, although they descended from this community. They moved up because they wanted to escape and not because they developed their own culture. The socio-cultural structure of the new, young intelligentsia was formless and had poor connections, both internally and with other strata. Members of the new intelligentsia had no national ambitions and did not recognise the need for the technical, economic, and industrial development of Poland. Artificially promoted to the stratum of the intelligentsia, they were not aware of the social obligations imposed on them by their status (Chałasiński, 1997, p. 27). The political transformation initiated in the early 1990s brought about next changes in the social structure. Moving away from a planned economy to a free-market economy was a driver of changes. It triggered a spontaneous formation of new professions, involving in particular highly qualified specialists, new professional positions in business, the development of the managerial staff, and the differentiation between peasants, workers, and the intelligentsia. In the second decade of the transformation, the intelligentsia did not disappear. Due to the intensification of the free-market processes, it became stratified and divided into new categories, such as new professionals, traditional intelligentsia, and budget intelligentsia (white-collar workers) (Domański, 2012, pp. 115–135; Mikułowski-Pomorski, 2001, p. 245; Palska, 2008a, p. 326). The Polish middle class, which due to historical events (partitions, the Second World War, the era of the Polish People’s Republic) was not incorporated into the structure of Polish society, also started to form (Mikułowski-Pomorski, 2002, pp. 44–45; Żarnowski, 2008, pp. 81, 98). Its members mainly originated from the intelligentsia. In the West, the stratum of professionals was closest to the middle class (Kurczewska, 1999, p. 343; Snopek, 2008, p. 115; Palska, 2008a, p. 326; Domański, 2012, p. 115; Hucko, 2013; Olczyk, 2019). Currently, these processes continue. The intelligentsia is part of the still-forming middle class. It has professional roles (typical of developed middle-class societies), but the corresponding attitudes and lifestyles, developed in the established market systems, do not yet “catch up” with these roles and are relatively “immature” (Domański, 2009, p. 18; Domański, 2012, pp. 24, 163–165; Hucko, 2013).

The worldview and religiosity of the intelligentsia – overview Some researchers claim that the intelligentsia was oriented towards secular and left-wing axiology (Rekłajtis, 1996, pp. 5–6; Fatyga, 1999, 62; Snopek, 2008, p. 108). However, it is not difficult to find the supporters of different worldviews among its representatives. Some turned to the left wing; others chose the centre, and still others – the right wing. Some were believers while others were non-believers. Some promoted the presence of Christianity in the public sphere while others – its detachment. Some sympathised with the power while others were critical of it. In other words, the stratum adopted heterogeneous

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orientations, represented distinctly different worldviews and held internal discussions (Grabowska, 1990, pp. 32–33; Libiszowska-Żółtkowska, 1991, p. 30; Mikułowski-Pomorski, 2002, pp. 44–52; Micińska, 2008, pp. 45, 59–61; Żarnowski, 2008, pp. 94–95, 99, 100). Nevertheless, it treated national independence and socio-economic progress as its fundamental values (Mikułowski-Pomorski, 2001, p. 248). The issues and ways of implementation were subject to lively debate among members of the intelligentsia; in particular, the role of the Catholic Church and the position of religion in Polish society were discussed. This topic could not be ignored because historical processes have always been intrinsically related to the motives of religious and national life. In addition, representatives of the Church were active actors of social life. However, in difficult situations, which clearly threatened the independence of Poland, the intelligentsia was able to work out a common programme and speak in the same language to implement it (Micińska, 2008, p. 61). The measures taken by the intelligentsia proved to be effective. They led to the survival of national culture (Chałasiński, 1997, p. 31) and contributed to the restoration of independence. During the communist period, the intelligentsia protected Polish culture from isolation. It was open to the achievements of Western civilisation and prevented culture from following foreign, “outdated and unattractive Russian Soviet patterns” (Żarnowski, 2008, p. 94). During the communist period, the intelligentsia multiplied the achievements of national culture, both in science and literary, artistic and theatrical works. It uplifted the civilisation level of the country, reducing the subsequent negative consequences of the political transformation (Żarnowski, 2008, p. 94). The diversity of the worldview of the intelligentsia has been and still is its inherent feature. Another important feature of this stratum was the so-called ethos of the intelligentsia. It developed along with the development of the stratum itself and was greatly affected by the experience of partitions and the fight for independence. The ethos of the intelligentsia reflected the lifestyle of the intelligentsia and constituted an integral part of identity. According to Palska, basic attitudes of the ethos of the intelligentsia include involvement in the public sphere, patriotism, a sense of responsibility for others, a sense of community, treating education and participation in culture as an autotelic value, staying away from money and a desire to make money, respect and care for the heritage of culture, national and family traditions, modesty, hiding one’s own merits, and care and reverence for the common good (Palska, 2008a, p. 329). According to J. Mikułowski-Pomorski, fundamental manifestations of the ethos of intelligentsia are a multitude of interests, humanistic sensitivity, a sense of mission towards the nation, a consistently uphold the values, and knowledge of the axiology and customs of other societies and cultures (Mikułowski-Pomorski, 2001, p. 246). J. Snopek highlights the following features: spiritual sovereignty, moral purity, the imperative to act for the public good, patriotism, the pursuit of education and

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seeing knowledge as a condition for social progress (Snopek, 2008, p. 108). Today, the ethos of the intelligentsia is subject to significant changes. It adopts the axiology of western middle classes and evolves towards consumer values related to professionalisation of jobs, personal successes, freedom, professional career, individualism, responsibility for oneself, and participation in culture and public life, primarily for potential private gain (Kurczewska, 1999, p. 343; Palska, 2008a, pp. 356–358). The diversity of worldviews of the intelligentsia was also reflected in its attitudes to religion and religiosity – from atheists to profound believers. The degree of popularity of specific convictions was largely determined by prevailing orientations in culture, profoundly shaped by the intelligentsia. Romanticism primarily valued spirituality, mysticism, and folk rituals. Experience prevailed over scientific knowledge, which is why the Romantics were strongly attached to religion. Positivism was dominated by quite the opposite tendencies. Faith and religious thinking lost their authority in favour of empirical scientific cognition. These general tendencies were reinforced by the interplay of Catholicism and Polish identity, exceptionally strong at that time and favourable to religion, as well as the social and political situation, markedly different in each partition territory. While the Warszawa positivists were very critical of the Catholic Church, and treated religiosity as a superstition and limitation of the socio-economic progress of Poland, the Kraków positivists were more restrained in their assessments and even perceived some members of clergy as intellectual authorities (Micińska, 2008, pp. 59–60). At the end of the 19th century, anticlerical attitudes and religious indifference spread among the intelligentsia (Libiszowska-Żółtkowska, 2004, p. 340). The dominant religiosity was highly selective. It limited the rituals to baptism, first communion, church wedding, and church funeral. It was a form of conformism towards Catholic society. Frequent religious practices were discontinued. It was believed that the truths of faith and religious beliefs do not correspond to the positivist mentality, and thus people did not identify with them. Secularised morality prevailed, with reserved, indifferent and anticlerical attitudes towards the religious community (Cywiński, 1971, pp. 236–237). At the beginning of the 20th century, religious revival among the Polish intelligentsia took place. This change was influenced by the revival of Catholicism in the West, resulting from the activity of Catholic universities in Louvain and Freiburg, and by the involvement of clergy with modern formation and openness, i.e. W. Korniłowicz, J. Woroniecki, K. Lutosławski, and A. Szymański (Libiszowska-Żółtkowska, 1991, pp. 40–41; LibiszowskaŻółtkowska, 2004, p. 340; Dyczewski, 1972, p. 33). The religiosity of the intelligentsia of the interwar period shared the features of the folk devotion. God was perceived as the Absolute, not engaged in everyday life, and addressed by the Intelligentsia only in extreme situations. Faith was shallow, fideistic, emotional, sentimental, subjective, and irrational. Religious practices were limited to loyalty to tradition and rituals. The devotion was superficial,

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conservative, and far from dynamic. Basically, the intelligentsia was not particularly engaged in faith; its members did not organise its life according to the teaching of the Church or were involved in ecclesiastical religiosity. This was because such attitudes were not popular and only started to be formed (Dyczewski, 1972, p. 33). Research carried out after the Second World War revealed that the level of education was a key differentiating factor for religiosity. The intensity of religiosity decreased with the increase of education. The lowest level of religious devotion was observed in respondents with higher education, especially in the field of humanities (Piwowarski, 1991, p. 290). In the 1960s and 1970s, atheism rates reached the highest values in the community of the intelligentsia. In the late 1970s, religious revival started. It resulted from the political and economic crisis and serious rift between the ideas of equality, justice and prosperity promoted by the state authorities and their everyday implementation (Grabowska, 1990, pp. 33–37; Libiszowska-Żółtkowska, 1991, p. 196). The religious revival was so strong that the level of involvement of the intelligentsia in religious life in the next decade did not differ significantly from the global indicator for the whole society. The participation of the intelligentsia in religious life increased to 80% and atheism ceased to be popular not only in this environment, but also in many others (Piwowarski, 1991, p. 290; Sroczyńska, 1999, pp. 36–45; Libiszowska-Żółtkowska, 1991, pp. 193, 196; Libiszowska-Żółtkowska, 2004, p. 342). The religiosity of the intelligentsia was selective: based on declarations of faith, selective acceptance of the contents of faith, obligatory religious practices and questioning the principles of family-marital Catholic morality. Similar features were observed in the 1990s and early 21st century. In this period, the ties of the intelligentsia with religion did not deviate significantly from the national norm, either (Sroczyńska, 1999, pp. 172–173; Libiszowska-Żółtkowska, 2000, pp. 32, 164; Libiszowska-Żółtkowska, 2004, p. 342).

Religiosity of the intelligentsia – contemporary trends This section discusses selected aspects of religiosity of the intelligentsia and its dynamics in the last two decades of the 21st century. The analysis is based on the national survey carried out by the Centre for Public Opinion Research between 2008 and 2018. The focus is made on the following parameters of religiosity revealed in the statements of respondents: religious faith and religious practices, following the teaching of the Church and acceptance of religious (Catholic) morality. According to the current analytical standards, the profession is a clear indicator of the position in the social structure (Domański, 2012, p. 28). Therefore, this analysis covers only answers of the respondents exercising intellectual professions, i.e. directors, presidents, managers (in enterprises, institutions, state, and local government administration), creators, specialists with university education, engineers, doctors, lawyers, and teachers.

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Self-declaration of faith and religious practices represent a fundamental dimension of religiosity. The trends in these parameters in the population are shown in Table 8.1. In 2018, among those who considered themselves believers practising on a regular basis, there were mostly directors and executives as well as creative and specialised professions, with the percentage of 53.2% and 52.1%, respectively. Between 2008 and 2018, this attitude became more popular, especially in the second category of professions, with an increase of 13.4%. The population of directors and executives recorded the following upward trends: believers practising on an irregular basis (increase by 7.3%), non-practising believers (increase by 4.6%), and practising nonbelievers (increase by 1.4%). In this group, the percentage of non-practising non-believers decreased by 16.5%. In the population of creative and specialised professions, the percentage of believers practising on an irregular basis dropped by 13.6% and the percentage of non-practising non-believers dropped by 2.6%. The number of non-practising believers and practising non-believers increased by 1.8% and 1.1%, respectively. The respondents considered themselves practising believers. In 2018, the total percentage of believers practising on a regular basis and believers practising on an irregular basis was 82.4% in the population of directors and executives and 84.9% in the group of creative and specialised professions, as compared to 72.2% and 85.1% respectively in 2008. In both populations surveyed, the percentage of non-practising non-believers decreased, not exceeding 7%. Between 2009 and 2018, following the guidance of the Church, the number of believers increased in both categories of respondents, i.e. by 9.1% – in the group of directors and executives, and by 3.1% – in the population of creators and specialists. The number of believers in their own way declined in both groups, i.e. by 8.8% and 8.2%, respectively. The percentage of non-believers, due to the false nature of the teaching of the Churches, increased by 4.5% and 1.6%, respectively. The number of believers following the guidance of the Church constituted a minority in both groups, both at the beginning and at the end of the analysed period, quite opposite to the trend in the number of believers practising on a regular basis, with more than half of the respondents. The nationwide survey of 2008 revealed that more than half of Poles (55%) consider themselves believers practising on a regular basis. The percentage of believers practising on an irregular basis was 34%. Ten years later, believers practising on a regular basis accounted for 50% while believers practising on an irregular basis represented 36% of the population. The cumulative percentages for both categories of believers were 89% in 2008 and 86% in 2018. The number of non-practising non-believers constituted 3% and 2% respectively (Boguszewski, 2015b, p. 5; Boguszewski, 2018, p. 3). In 2009, following the guidance of the Church, 53% of Poles identified themselves as believers and 41% believed in their own way. In

Professional group and year of the survey

2.1 3.7 9.1 100.0

3.4 3.8 20.6 100.0

8.0 5.2 4.5 100.0

53.2 29.2

38.5 47.7 9.3 0.0 4.5 0.0 0.0 0.0 100.0

43.5 46.1 6.7 1.2 2.5 0.0 0.0 0.0 100.0

2009

Attitude to faith and teaching of the Church

38.7 46.4

2008

Attitude to faith and religious practices

Creative professions, college and Directors, presidents, and university education managers of enterprises, professions, engineers, institutions, and state and doctors, lawyers, and teachers local government administration

50.3 21.9

Directors, presidents, and managers of enterprises, institutions, and state and local government administration

29.4 Believers in their own way 56.5 Undecided 6.4 Non-believers uninterested in these 0.0 matters Non-believers due to the false nature 0.0 of the teachings of the Churches Describing their attitude in yet 0.0 another way It is hard to say 0.0 No answer 7.7 Total 100.0

Believers following the guidance of the Church

Believers practising on an irregular basis Non-practising believers Practising non-believers Non-practising non-believers Total

Believers practising on a regular basis

Categories of responses

0.0 1.4 100.0

3.3

4.1

46.6 37.9 5.6 1.1

2018

3.9 4.8 6.5 100.0

52.1 32.8

2018

Creative professions, college and university education professions, engineers, doctors, lawyers, and teachers

Table 8.1 The intelligentsia’s attitude to faith, religious practices and teaching of the Church between 2008 and 2018 (in %). Source: Centre for Public Opinion Research (CBOS)

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2018, following the guidance of the Church, 45% of the respondents identified themselves as believers and 46% believed in their own way. Nonbelievers constituted 3% and 4%, respectively (Boguszewski, 2018, p. 4). It may be concluded that religiosity of the intelligentsia and religiosity of the general public are similar for the measured parameters. The results for another parameter of religiosity, i.e. religious practices, including masses, services, and religious meetings, are presented in Table 8.2. Representatives of both categories generally participated in religious practices once a week. In 10 years, for this parameter, the number of directors and executives increased by 6.2% and the number of creators and specialists – by 10.1%. Creators and specialists who participated in religious practices several times a week accounted for 6.6% of the population (increase by 3.2%). The percentage of those who participated in religious practices once or twice a month, who did several times a year, and who did not, declined by 9.2%, 3.3%, and 0.8%, respectively. The trends for the population of directors and executives were quite opposite. The percentage of those who participated in religious practices once or twice a month and several times a year increased by 4.9% and 3.7% respectively. The number of those who did not participate in religious practices and those who did several times a week decreased by 11.6% and 3.4% respectively. As a result, no one practiced several times a week in this group. In 2018, those who participated in religious practices at least once a week constituted more than half of the respondents in both categories. This was an upward trend compared to the previous survey. In 2015, every-day prayer was practised by 52.9% of directors and executives, 15.6% more than 6 years earlier. In the group of creators and specialists, every fifth correspondent (27.1%) prayed every day, which is an increase by 1.4%. In 2009, 59.5% of directors and executives prayed at least once a week, as compared to 56.8% in 2015. In the group of creators and specialists, the percentages were 58.5% and 57.2%, respectively. Individual prayer was a popular religious practice in the community of the intelligentsia. In both groups, failure to pray was more common, i.e. from 7.3% to 7.5% more of the respondents discontinued it. The survey of 2008 showed that half of Poles (52%) participated in religious practices at least once a week and every sixth (17%) did once or twice a month. Almost the same number of the respondents (18%) practised several times a year, and 13% did not participate in them at all (Wciórka, 2008, p. 2). Ten years later, 53% of the respondents practised at least once a week, 13% once or twice a month, 22% several times a year, and 12% did not participate in them at all (according to CBOS data)1. The results obtained in the national survey are similar to the results for the representatives of the intelligentsia. Only a slightly lower similarity between the two surveys is observed in individual prayer. In 2009, 42% of Poles prayed every day, 13% more than once a week, 14% once a week, 10% at least once a month, 13% several times a year, 3% once a year or less frequently, and 5% never.

Every day More than once a week Once a week At least once a month Several times a year Once a year or less Never It is hard to say No answer Total

Several times a week Once a week One or two times a month on average Several times a year Never No answer Total

Categories of responses

37.3 14.7 7.5 0.0 17.8 7.3 8.7 No data 6.7 100.0

3.4 47.0 6.3 19.4 24.0 0.0 100.0 Frequency of prayer

3.4 35.3 21.2 28.9 11.2 0.0 100.0

25.7 17.0 15.8 12.2 9.1 3.0 11.7 No data 5.5 100.0

2009

2008

52.9 0.0 3.9 3.8 11.7 0.0 16.2 7.6 3.9 100.0

0.0 53.2 11.2 23.1 12.4 0.0 100.0

27.1 21.9 8.2 6.6 10.0 6.1 19.0 0.0 1.1 100.0

2015

6.6 45.4 12.0 25.6 10.4 0.0 100.0

2018

Participation in religious practices (masses, services, religious meetings)

Directors, presidents, and Creative professions, college and Directors, presidents, and Creative professions, college and managers of enterprises, university education managers of enterprises, university education institutions, and state and local professions, engineers, institutions, and state and local professions, engineers, government administration doctors, lawyers, and teachers government administration doctors, lawyers, and teachers

Professional group and year of the survey

Table 8.2 Participation of the intelligentsia in religious practices and prayer between 2008 and 2018 (in %). Source: Centre for Public Opinion Research (CBOS)

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In 2015, the percentages were 43%, 15%, 12%, 8%, 12%, 3%, and 7%, respectively (Boguszewski, 2015b, p. 7). The last parameter of religiosity discussed here centres around the relationship between religion and morality. The opinions of the respondents on this issue are presented in Table 8.3. The assumption that only religion can provide justification for right moral principles becomes less common. In 2016, 9.5% of directors and executives expressed this opinion, i.e. 11.9% fewer than in 2008. Similarly, in the population of creators and specialists, the percentage decreased by 2.4% (from 11.0% to 8.6%). Both groups of professions mostly believed that religion does not have to provide justification for moral principles. This opinion was expressed by 78.6% of directors and managers in 2008 and 82% of them in 2016. In the group of creators and specialists, the percentages were 80% and 81.2%, respectively. The opinion that the conscience is sufficient to justify morality is also increasingly common in this group. This opinion was expressed by 37.2% of directors and managers in 2008 and 56% of them in 2016. A similar trend occurred in the group of creators and specialists, i.e. 43.8% and 47.5%, respectively. In 2016, a clear minority of respondents believed that religion is linked with morality. In both categories of professions, the percentage did not exceed 10%. The national survey conducted between 2009 and 2016 showed similar changes in the trends and similar percentages for individual opinions. For example, the opinion that only religion can provide justification for right moral principles was increasingly rare. In 2009, this opinion was shared by 24% of the respondents, as compared to 12% in 2016. The opinion that it is not necessary to seek justification of morality because one’s own conscience is sufficient was increasingly common (increase from 33% to 48%) (Boguszewski, 2017, p. 4). Similar conclusions can be drawn from the analysis of opinions on Catholic morality. The number of directors and managers who believed that Catholic moral principles best and sufficiently represent morality declined, with the percentages of 20.2% in 2008 and 6.6% in 2016. In this category, there were more respondents who believed that most Catholic moral principles are right, but did not agree with all of them, and the right principles considered insufficient for the human. In 2008, 26.5% of the respondents gave this answer, as compared to 47.2% in 2016. The percentage of those who completely do not identify with Catholic principles also grew (from 3.4% to 10.1%). In the population of creators and specialists, the opposite processes were observed. Among those who believed that most Catholic moral principles are right, but did not agree with all of them, and the right principles considered insufficient for the human, a drop was observed from 40.7% to 34.3%. The conviction that all Catholic principles are right, but other principles are required due to the complexity of life also declined (from 30.7% to 23.3%). The number of those who completely did not identify with Catholic principles decreased (from 4.0%

9.5 26.0

56.0

5.3 3.3 100.0

11.0 36.2

43.8

6.3 2.7 100.0

2008

5.0 100.0

5.1

47.5

8.6 33.7

2016

Religion as a justification for right moral principles

Directors, presidents, and Creative professions, managers of enterprises, college and university institutions, and state education professions, and local government engineers, doctors, administration lawyers, and teachers

Professional group and year of the survey

Directors, presidents, and Creative professions, managers of enterprises, college and university institutions, and state education professions, and local government engineers, doctors, administration lawyers, and teachers

Only religion can provide justification for right moral principles 21.4 Religion provides 41.4 justification for my moral rules, but I think I can justify it by myself I do not feel the need to seek 37.2 justification of morality in religion, I totally rely on my own conscience I do not concern about this 0.0 matter No answer 0.0 Total 100.0

Categories of responses

Table 8.3 Opinions of the intelligentsia on the relationship between religion and morality between 2008 and 2016 (in %). Source: Centre for Public Opinion Research (CBOS)

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Catholic moral principles 20.2 best and sufficiently represent morality All Catholic principles are 35.4 right, but other principles are required due to the complexity of life Most Catholic moral 26.5 principles are right, but I do not agree with all of them, and the principles I consider right are not sufficient for the human I do not identify with 8.5 religious morality, but I believe that some of Catholic moral principles are right 3.4 I completely do not identify with Catholic moral principles No answer 6.1 Total 100.0

6.6 26.2

47.2

3.6

10.1 6.3 100.0

14.9 30.7

40.7

6.5

4.0 3.1 100.0

Attitude to Catholic morality

8.6 100.0

1.7

10.9

34.3

23.3

21.3

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to 1.7%). However, in both categories of the respondents, the percentage of those who believed that Catholic moral principles are sufficient and best represent morality were low, not exceeding 22% of the respondents at all survey time points. The morality of the intelligentsia was subject to deinstitutionalisation and individualisation. The national survey conducted between 2009 and 2016 showed that the belief that Catholic moral principles best and sufficiently represent morality was less common (a decline from 31% to 18%). The number of those who believed that most Catholic moral principles are right, but did not agree with all of them, and the right principles saw as insufficient for the human steadily increased. At the beginning, this opinion was shared by 36% of the respondents, as compared to 46% in the last survey time point. Also, in this case, the similarity to beliefs of the intelligentsia was recorded, both in terms of the percentage and the dynamics of changes. However, this similarity was mostly observed in the group of directors and executives. To make the attitudes on the relationship between religion (Catholicism) and morality more precise, the respondents were asked to express their opinions on the application of moral norms and values in state-school education. The results are presented in Table 8.4. In both categories of professions, the answers of the respondents clearly indicated that moral norms and values to be applied in state-school education should be accepted by both believers and non-believers, and should rely on with axio-normative rules derived from general humanism. Between 2013 and 2016, the number of directors and managers who expressed this opinion rose from 69.2% to 74.9%, while the number of creators and specialists increased from 60.9% to 68.1%. The number of those who recognised norms and values of Catholic ethics declined from 4.1% to 3.1% in the group of directors and managers, and rose from 9.7% to 9.8% in the group of creators and specialists. The opinions on Christian norms and values also changed, with an increase from 10.9% to 15.1% and a decrease from 15.4% to 12.0% respectively. This means that, in the opinion of the vast majority of respondents, state-school education should be free of axiology and religious norms. The opinion that prevailed among the respondents was that state-school education should be based on humanistic values and common principles recognised by both believers and non-believers. In 2013, 51% of the respondents expressed this opinion, as compared to 49% in 2016. In both survey periods, 14% of the respondents believed that state-school education should be based on Catholic axiology. Christian ethics was indicated by 13% of the respondents in 2013 and 11% of the respondents in 2016. In this case, the results for religiosity of the intelligentsia are also similar to the results for devotion of all Poles. However, it seems that the effects of secularisation are more evident in the attitudes adopted by intellectuals (Boguszewski, 2017, p. 9).

3.1 15.1 0.0 74.9

3.7 0.0 3.3 100.0

9.7 15.4 7.5 60.9

4.6 2.0 0.0 100.0

2013

0.0 1.9 100.0

4.6

68.1

3.6

9.8 12.0

2016

Directors, presidents, and Creative professions, managers of enterprises, college and university institutions, and state education professions, and local government engineers, doctors, administration lawyers, and teachers

Professional group and year of the survey

Directors, presidents, and Creative professions, managers of enterprises, college and university institutions, and state education professions, and local government engineers, doctors, administration lawyers, and teachers

Norms and values base on the Catholic ethics preached by the Church 4.1 Norms and values based on 10.9 the broadly understood Christian ethics Norms and values based on 15.8 ethics developed in different religions Norms and values based on 69.2 general humanism and common principles recognised by both believers and nonbelievers I have a different opinion on 0.0 this I have no opinion about this 0.0 No answer 0.0 Total 100.0

Categories of responses

Table 8.4 Opinions of the intelligentsia on moral norms and values to be taught under state-school education, gathered in 2013 and 2016 (in %). Source: Centre for Public Opinion Research (CBOS)

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Conclusions The statements of intellectuals obtained in representative surveys show that they are religious people. More than half of them consider themselves believers practising on a regular basis. Moreover, these attitudes became more common during the analysed period, with the cumulative percentages of believers practising on a regular and irregular basis at 82.4% and 84.9% respectively. Religiosity of the respondents was mostly reflected in selfdeclaration of faith and religious practices. In terms of faith and following the teaching of the Church, the respondents tended to display individualistic attitudes and selective devotion. Despite an increase in the percentage of people respecting the teaching of the Church, less than half of the respondents assessed themselves as believers adhering to its teaching. Those who considered themselves non-practising non-believers and denied faith and the authority of Church institutions were in the minority (not exceeding 9% in 2018). Religious practices, such as masses, services, and religious meetings, were fairly popular among the respondents. In 2018, the percentage of those who participated in them at least once a week ranged between 52% and 53.2%, which shows the increase. An upward trend was also observed in those who participated in religious practices once a week (with almost half of the respondents at the end of the period). The number of non-practising respondents fell, not exceeding 13%. The practice of daily individual prayer in 2015 was observed in 52.9% of the respondents. The percentage of those who prayed at least once a week ranged from 56.8% to 57.2%. The opinions on the relationship between religion and morality show that the respondents were inclined to stay away the institutions of the Church. Those who were convinced that religion should define norms and values were in the minority, accounting for 8.6% to 9.5% of the respondents in 2016. It was believed that the relationship between religion and morality is not necessary. More than 80% of the respondents shared this view. The opinion that the conscience is sufficient to justify morality also became more common. Catholic axiology was also not considered best and sufficient. The percentage of those who turned to it did not exceed 22% of the respondents. Finally, the opinions of the respondents about the principles to be applied in state-school education confirm the marginalisation of Catholic and Christian ethics. Education based on humanistic values, recognised by both believers and non-believers, was supported by 68.1% to 74.9% of the respondents. The popularity of this view steadily increased. Those who turned to Catholic ethics represented less than 10%. The results of the survey show that the respondents do not value religious (Christian or Catholic) ethics enough to offer it non-believers in school education. They are prone to abandon it in favour of general human values. Difficult as it may seem, for some reasons, human values are more important than Catholic ethics in education. To sum up, the morality of the analysed

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intelligentsia clearly moves away from the principles of institutional religion (Catholicism or Christianity) in favour of individual values supporting conscience-based decisions, and is subject to secularisation. Religiosity of the respondents is not homogeneous. It is mainly reflected in the faith and religious practices, such as individual prayer, and participation in mass, services, and religious meetings, and not in acceptance of religious, Christian, and Catholic morality. Morality is a dimension of devotion most profoundly affected by deinstitutionalisation processes. Religiosity is selective in nature, losing its institutional structure. It is clearly turned to individualism, undermining the authority of religious institutions and upholding its own decisions. This indicates the thriving social and cultural pluralism in Polish society and is in line with the main features of mentality of the intelligentsia, i.e. its intellectual flexibility and openness to a universalistic system of values (Domański, 2015, p. 189). The dynamics of changes in the devotion of the intelligentsia shows that its two basic features, i.e. selectivity and individualism, develop and contribute to strengthening self-built (deinstitutionalised) religiosity. However, the analysed community does not make sudden turn towards atheism, disbelief, or a radical detachment from the teaching of the Catholic Church or Christianity. Such attitudes are observed in a small minority. The respondents perceive religiosity as a cultural standard and believe that its relationship with various forms of religion is common in nature. This does not mean that religiosity fails to meet their spiritual needs or precludes contact with the sacred. This form of religiosity, seen as the property of a particular social stratum, is popularised by this social stratum and acts as a shining example in the mentality of the general public. Note that the intelligentsia (together with other segments of the middle class) represents the most valued forms and patterns. It tells lower classes which goals are worth achieving in one’s way to currently desired values, success and respect from others (Kurczewska, 1999, p. 338; Domański, 2012, p. 29). The condition of religiosity of the respondents resembles the religiosity of all Poles, also selective and individualised (Potocki, 2017, pp. 129, 132–135). These processes advance and affect not only morality but also faith. Some contents of the faith (most often eschatological) are rejected while other, interfering with the teaching of the Church, such as magic or astrology, start to be accepted (Boguszewski, 2012, p. 24; Boguszewski, 2015a, p. 11; Mariański, 2017, p. 115). As a result, faith becomes syncretic. However, it is not completely abandoned. This is evidenced by the low popularity of atheist, agnostic, and non-denominational attitudes in the whole society (Klimski, 2019, p. 16). The relatively recent institutionalisation of apostasy and media reports on people who used it also had a small influence on the attitudes to faith. Formal detachment from the Catholic Church is very uncommon (Miszczak, 2009, p. 116). However, in terms of morality, the Church has lost its status as a teacher of everyday ethics. Morality is essentially subject to

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personal internal decisions of conscience (Potocki, 2017, p. 195). Its alliance with faith is supported only by those who practise several times a week. Nevertheless, some of those who represent this category (30% to 35%) also support non-religious sources of morality. Emancipation mainly concerns the use of contraceptives, sexual intercourse before marriage, and divorce (Boguszewski, 2014, p. 16; Boguszewski, 2017, p. 11). The processes of transformation of faith and morality affect both young people and adults. However, morality transformations advance more rapidly in the youth (Mariański, 2017, pp. 119, 124, 128, 192). Poles also move away from frequent and regular religious practices (at least once a week). The concept of irregular and occasional religious practices is being promoted (Potocki, 2017, pp. 111–112). This applies to Sunday mass, the sacrament of penance, first communion, confirmation, and marriage (Mariański, 2011, pp. 116–136; Mariański, 2017, p. 153). From the perspective of the dominant model of Polish religiosity, failure to participate in the Sunday mass is a clear indication of loosened ties with the institution of the Church. The frequency with which young people practice on a regular basis is different than in adults by up to 20% (Mariański, 2017, p. 271). Moreover, a comparative number of young men and women attend Sunday Mass, even though women have shown greater involvement in this practice until recently (Mariański, 2017, p. 256). The decrease in participation in pious and obligatory practices is a key trend in Polish religiosity. Another important aspect of the religiosity of the intelligentsia is its individualism, particularly important in terms of class structure. In societies with long capitalist traditions, individualism is a feature of a developed middle class (with the intelligentsia as its segment as is the case in Polish conditions) (Domański, 1999, pp. 18–19, 22; Domański, 2012, pp. 53–82). Middle class is a stronghold of individualism and its main advocate. Individualism consists in making individuals independent of institutions, including religious ones (Churches). It presupposes the individual identification of the opportunity to shape personal axiological and normative hierarchies and lifestyles. It not only shapes the worldview, but also carries the conviction that the shape of life, possible successes and failures, education and occupation (and other important components of everyday life) are primarily the result of independent actions, efforts and decisions. Individualism expresses the belief that bread-and-butter issues primarily depend on individual decisions and actions. The individual is the only entity which may arrange these issues and take care of them in the best possible way (Domański, 1999, pp. 22, 23; Domański, 2012, pp. 8, 17–18, 22). Individualists do not construct their values, norms, patterns, and lifestyles from scratch. Instead, they choose them from a rich cultural palette. They either accept or reinterpret them forming their own worldview. Worldview is the result of the decision made by the individualist and not the tradition, social position or subordination to a particular institution. However, worldview of the individualist may be fully compliant with these traditional

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determinants. Individualism understood in this way lays the foundation for the development of middle-class society and a “solidified” market society (Domański, 2012, pp. 163–164). Individualism, highlighting consciencebased decisions and moderate conformism towards the institutions of the Church, is particularly visible in morality of intellectuals. However, the analyses do not provide a clear answer on what exactly individualism of the intelligentsia is, how advanced it is and how much it resembles the individualism of the developed middle classes. The results of the studies conducted in previous years suggest that the individualism of the intelligentsia is developing. In-depth analyses performed by M. Libiszowska-Żółtkowska show that the intelligentsia made less frequent references to religious criteria, such as merit or sin, if a particular situation required moral judgement. It preferred situational ethics to fixed, timeless principles. It was based on moral relativism (with the conscience as the main decisive authority) and the conviction that honesty, dignified behaviour, and the righteousness of life require something more than the mere implementation of Catholic ethics (Libiszowska-Żółtkowska, 2015, pp. 259–260). On the other hand, research on the social structure showed that the individualism of the Polish intelligentsia in morality was not as advanced as could be expected after years of transformation and domination of the model of selective religiosity. Nevertheless, Polish middle class presents an individualistic mentality. However, it is difficult to treat this class as its only stronghold and exclusive advocate (Domański, 2015, p. 194). It is reasonable to assume that individualism of the intelligentsia will develop, especially since the student population, i.e. the personal back of the future intelligentsia and the middle class, intensifies the processes of individualisation and widely disseminates selective religiosity (Klimski, 2018, pp. 161–180; Sroczyńska, 2018, pp. 87–114; Zaręba, 2018, pp. 139–160). Given the specific character of Polish religiosity and the history of the Polish intelligentsia, it can be assumed that in future, the intelligentsia will primarily form selective (possibly highly selective), individualised, and often syncretic religiosity. However, it is unlikely that it will completely abandon religion. As a standard-setter in society, it will probably promote ceremonial religiosity activated in important and difficult moments of life, tailored to personal needs, and slightly marked with certain contents of the Catholic faith (Klimski, 2019, pp. 29–32). It is quite likely that the intelligentsia will develop and promote this kind of devotion, especially since developed middleclass societies are not “anointed” only by prosperity. On the contrary, middle-class life generates a number of traumas, anxieties about the future, feelings of job insecurity, permanent competition, and the annoying belief that all hardships and failures must be dealt with by oneself (Domański, 2000, pp. 427–434). It is precisely this individualised religiosity, “anchored” in the authority of one’s conscience, that might serve as the panacea for these negative experiences of capitalism. Until now, in similar situations of danger

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and uncertainty, both the intelligentsia and other strata of Polish society have resorted to selective devotion. It is also possible that this form of religiosity will make the Polish intelligentsia distinct and thus highlight the special character of the entire middle class. Obviously, it is difficult to expect that the Polish middle class will be “a faithful copy of the original middle-class syndrome. Rather, it will constitute a different form, strongly modified by the distinctive features of the Polish context” (Domański, 2012, p. 11). The Polish context is still an area within which religion, clothed in its institutional and national costumes, plays one of the key roles.

Note 1 CBOS. A graph presenting the results of the survey on people’s participation in religious services, such as masses, offices or religious meetings, retrieved on August 5, 2020 from https://www.cbos.pl/PL/trendy/trendy.php?trend_parametr=praktyki_ religijne.

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Olczyk E., Henryk Domański: Nierówności społecznych nie da się zniwelować [interview with Henryk Domański, December 6, 2019], “Rzeczpospolita/Plus Minus”, retrieved on August 14, 2020 from https://www.rp.pl/Plus-Minus/ 191209629-Henryk-Domanski-Nierownosci-spolecznych-nie-da-sie-zniwelowac. html. Palska H., Między etosem inteligenckim a etosem klasy średniej? Styl życia i system wartości polskiej warstwy wykształconej w okresie transformacji systemowej, in: H. Domański (ed.), Inteligencja w Polsce. Specjaliści, twórcy, klerkowie, klasa średnia? Warszawa: Wydawnictwo IFiS PAN, pp. 325–360, 2008a. Palska H., Walka o kadry i pierwsze rzesze wykształciuchów. Nowa inteligencja w stalinizmie, in: H. Domański (ed.), Inteligencja w Polsce. Specjaliści, twórcy, klerkowie, klasa średnia? Warszawa: Wydawnictwo IFiS PAN, pp. 129–159, 2008b. Piwowarski W., Religia i Kościół, in: Z. Krawczyk & W. Morawski (eds.), Socjologia. Problemy podstawowe, Warszawa: PWN, pp. 275–290, 1991. Potocki A., O Kościele także socjologicznie, Warszawa: PWN, 2017. Rekłajtis E., Wstęp, in: E. Rekłajtis (ed.), Wybory wartości. Inteligencja polska u schyłku XIX wieku, Lublin: Oficyna Wydawnicza El-Press, pp. 5–6, 1996. Snopek J., Czyściec czy piekło? Miejsce polskiej inteligencji po 1989 roku na tle jej dziejów, in H. Domański (ed.), Inteligencja w Polsce. Specjaliści, twórcy, klerkowie, klasa średnia? Warszawa: Wydawnictwo IFiS PAN, pp. 103–128, 2008. Sroczyńska M., Kultura religijna nauczycieli. Studium socjologiczne, Kielce: Wyższa Szkoła Pedagogiczna im. Jana Kochanowskiego, 1999. Sroczyńska M., Delegitymizacja religijnego wymiaru intymności małżeńskorodzinnej w ocenie młodzieży studiującej, in: S.H. Zaręba & M. Zarzecki (eds.), Między konstrukcją a dekonstrukcją uniwersum znaczeń. Badania religijności młodzieży akademickiej w latach 1988–1998–2005–2017, Warszawa: Warszawskie Wydawnictwo Socjologiczne, pp. 87–114, 2018. Szczepański J., Inteligencja i społeczeństwo, Warszawa: Książka i Wiedza, 1957. Wciórka B., Polacy o swoich związkach z lokalną parafią. Opinie z lat 2005 i 2008, CBOS, BS/148/2008. Zaręba S.H., Uczestnictwo w kulcie jako kanał komunikacji z sacrum w projekcie płynnej nowoczesności, in: S.H. Zaręba & M. Zarzecki (eds.) Między konstrukcją a dekonstrukcją uniwersum znaczeń. Badania religijności młodzieży akademickiej w latach 1988–1998–2005–2017, Warszawa: Warszawskie Wydawnictwo Socjologiczne, pp. 139–160, 2018. Żarnowski J., Inteligencja w Polsce niepodległej, w epoce komunizmu na progu transformacji, in: H. Domański (ed.), Inteligencja w Polsce. Specjaliści, twórcy, klerkowie, klasa średnia? Warszawa: Wydawnictwo IFiS PAN, pp. 81–102, 2008.

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The sacred and the young: theoretical and empirical inspirations Maria Sroczyńska

Introduction The relationship between contemporary youth and the sacred is a very interesting subject in sociological studies. However, this issue is rarely discussed for many reasons. First of all, “the sacred” is a term which has religious and theological connotations. Therefore, its adaptation in social studies often arouses controversy. Secondly, adolescents are at special stage of their lives and are subject to two contradictory tendencies, i.e. the need to “root” and the need to experiment (Erikson, 1980). The current tendency is that adolescence lasts longer than before, up to the age of 30. In addition, young people lack adequate support from traditional socialisation circles, with the growing importance of the virtual world. As a result, as inhabitants of post-modernity, they often experience loneliness (Arnett, 2007). Sociologists who examine these phenomena primarily focus on contextual issues. One of the possibilities is that contemporary Western culture encounters the sacred and the vital areas of Transcendence or that it rampantly turns vaguer, blurred, and lacking significance under the influence of modernisation and globalisation processes. Alternatively, as Roberto Cipriani suggests, the sacred imperceptibly feeds social relations using axionormative cultural values and indirectly influences the shape of society (Cipriani, 2017). Also, patchwork scenarios are possible, such as the following: the religious sacred dissolves in popular culture and is “absorbed” by immanent and humanistic values, leaving only “scraps” of the sacred canopy, i.e. symbolic universe of meanings reaching transcendence, supposed to encompass and govern all other areas of social life (Berger, 1967). Nowadays, the “crumbs” of the sacred understood in this way become evident only through the microcosms of religious communities and existential individual strategies. Another approach, close to the study devoted to young people, is that the semantic field of the sacred is broadened and analysed in detail. In terms of reflectiveness and actions, young people strive to reach their “sacred things,” i.e. the most valued, personal, and often individualised things. DOI: 10.4324/9781003271994-12

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In this respect, the question to be answered is whether sociological studies are able to meet the methodological and empirical challenges regarding the sacred of the youth, its identification, and ways of its celebration.

The sacred in social sciences The definition of the sacred and the profane, introduced to sociology by Emile Durkheim, opened up a new interpretation and research opportunities. Durkheim claims that it is the society that creates religion and that the sacred takes the form of worship, rest, and mystery while secular aspects of reality (the profane) are commonplace and mundane (Durkheim, 1995). Religion expert Mircea Eliade stresses that homo religiosus believes in the existence of an absolute reality which transcends the world and at the same time sanctifies them and makes them “real” while the contemporary secular man is the product of the process of desacralisation of human existence (Eliade, 1963). Nevertheless, secular man is able to recall still alive – yet significantly reduced – remnants of religious behaviour, such as myth, ritual, initiation experience, and longing for the beginning (Możdżyński 2006, pp. 84–88). Sociologists are inspired by the discussion proposed by anthropologist Roy A. Rappaport, devoted to the nature of the sacred and the role of religion in the creation and maintenance of culture (Rappaport, 2012). He claims that the emergence of the sacred things resulted from the emergence of the linguistic code, necessary for the survival of humanity, put into the place of the genetic code. Therefore, the sacred is discursive, established, and legitimised by codified ritual practices which also absorb the emotional (non-discursive) experience of numinosum. This makes the structure stable at all levels of social life. Leszek Kołakowski and Roy Rappaport warn against deprecating the sacred, finding such activities destructive for culture en bloc, and especially for its symbolic layer (Kołakowski, 1984, p. 173; Rappaport, 2012). The blurring of the border between the sacred and the profane in contemporary societies may lead to degradation of culture. In view of immanent eschatology and ideologies suggesting that immersion in a “consumerist paradise” is the goal of life, the critical moments of human existence, namely birth, marriage, illness, and death, lose their cultural cohesion, i.e. the relationship between values and norms, and special social significance since the tension between the sacred and the profane is removed. The denial of sacred values facilitates the destruction of the environment and social ties, disrupts the balance of power structures, and significantly hinders the formation of coherent identities. Douglas Murray believes that diversity, ideology, and identity of contemporary Europe, with the superficial approach to respect and tolerance, block access to deeper layers of loyalty and threaten the survival of societies (Murray, 2017). The sociology of religion makes a distinction between the substantive sacred and the functional sacred. The former concerns one’s attitude to

The sacred and the young 131 religious faith, as well as the socially and culturally conditioned religiosity (Piwowarski, 1996, pp. 45–66). The latter assumes absolutisation of the humanistic perspective on the world of meanings and its “invisible,” subjective forms. It offers a barely coherent and optional sacred cosmos, and adopts private topics important for individual autonomy, such as familism, self-fulfilment, the ethos of mobility and sexuality (Luckmann, 1967). The sociologist Hubert Knoblauch, that christianity is being slowly substituted as the dominant cultural tradition (Knoblauch, 2003, pp. 267–274). The sacred and the profane can permeate each other and create liquid or hybrid forms (Mikołejko, 2014, pp. 11–17). Postmodern sacred embedded in pop culture becomes a simulacrum (Baudrillard, 2017). Transcendence is displaced by consumption which is hedonistic in nature and leads to regress. The consumer society as a whole sold all sense in exchange for prosperity and started to be harassed by senselessness (Baudrillard, 2017). However, the contemporary world is not totally transformed. Instead, it is deeply disappointed and turns both towards new forms of existential expression and tried and tested solutions anchored in cultural tradition (Wójtowicz, 2009, pp. 20–23). Sociologists try to place the sacred in the context of the human relations with oneself (inside one’s own self), with other people, as well as with products which embrace objectified awareness-related factors (values, norms, ideologies, beliefs, views, and symbols), and material factors still acting as carriers of meanings (Manterys, 1996). Values, understood as ideal states of things or goals of social and individual life, have a strong emotional connotation and are subject to social sublimation, i.e. elevation, as opposed to anti-values which are subject to social humiliation (Znaniecki, 2001, pp. 351–354). Values occur in the sphere of the sacred and are either hierarchical form (superiority vs. subordination) or horizontal (ex aequo) – as objects simultaneously desired but coming to the fore in a sharp way given a routine manner of experiencing everyday life. Values are typologised in a variety of ways and translated into indicators which, in empirical studies, may reflect individual, more autonomous groups of values or be holistic (Mariański, 2018a, pp. 315–323). The groups of values which are taken into account in this paper include in particular ultimate values (religious and humanistic) and values of the meaning of life (in terms of everyday life) which are strongly related with the values of collective life (fundamental and solemn values). These categories of values are not separable. They usually coexist on the sociologically accessible empirical level. The values which appear in one’s statements do not always correspond to those which one accepts or implements. According to Marcel, what matters is how values fit into existence because that is the only way they reveal their true dimension (Marcel, 2011, pp. 104–105). Therefore, for the issue discussed in this paper, it is necessary to specify the centre beyond which any claim is unjustified and easy to refute (Walasek-Jarosz, 2020, pp. 103–121).

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The contemporary axiological “market” has a great influence on individual decisions made by the participants of social life (Mariański, 2015, 877–882). The sociological, relational approach to values (ideals) combines a narrower and broader understanding of the sacred, as reflected in the normative level. The normative level manifests itself in ritual orientations and corresponding behaviours (Sroczyńska, 2012, pp. 189–210; 2013).

Socialisation aspects of contemporary Polish youth Social sciences researchers generally agree that it is difficult to draw boundaries between adolescence and adulthood for contemporary youth1. The concept of the “abandoned generation” assumes a deficit of socialisation impact, in particular the opportunity to learn social roles under the supervision and support of adults. This means that young people are overburdened with responsibility for their own fate (“do-it-yourself”), which is in line with the paradox of individualisation and the need to seek biographical solutions to systemic contradictions (Beck and BeckGernsheim, 2002). In the socio-historical period of high modernism, the individual is “self-insufficient” and objectively more and more connected with others at the global level of networks and institutions. Young people postpone the readiness to take on socially acceptable family and professional roles and to take responsibility for relationships with others and care for them. The concept of emerging adulthood proposed by Jeffrey Arnett is liminal, but the traditional meaning of rituals of transition gradually degrades due to hedonism and consumerism (Arnett, 2007). Individualism and subjectivism, typical of today’s postmodern society, preclude the emergence of a criterion which could be socially implemented to enable young people to leave the stage of experimentation (Lipska & Zagórska, 2011, pp. 9–21). Polish sociologists put emphasis on diverse yet disproportionate characteristics of identities of young people: hybridity, narcissistic orientation, interest in a number of positively assessed objects, and a phenomenon referred to by Wrzesień as “stimulus absorbers” (Wrzesień, 2015), staying away from materialism, desire to be useful to others, rejection of the “rat race” combined with orientation towards individual success, neo-tribalism, and rooting in the world of new media due to the emergence of weak forms of network socialisation. Young people (similarly to the oldest age group) often experience a sense of dissatisfaction with their social relations2. Episodic participation in rituals does not significantly modify the youth moratorium and cultural “suspension.” This is often accompanied by invalidation of information passed down from generation to generation, and the generational rebellion is replaced by solidarity of tolerance in family life (Szlendak, 2012, pp. 79–90)3. In modern society, the socialisation of young people, understood as adaptation to social life, is a complex phenomenon and challenge reinforced

The sacred and the young 133 by religious values. The transfer of religious values is increasingly affected by the inconsistency of the axiological message connected with expressive and pragmatic strategies. As a result, the discursive sphere of the sacred is ignored or selectively deprecated, e.g. in the doctrinal sphere. In addition, the personal experience of faith in the face of the irrational, e.g. connected with religious experience, is hindered. Until recently, the family was a “mediator” guiding adolescents through the patterns of behaviour proposed by other entities: school, peer groups, churches, or the media. Nowadays, in the face of anticipating socialisation (due to the huge influence of secondary institutions) and reversed socialisation (reversed roles between generations), religious attitudes require a broader social context and need to be strengthened by other actors, i.e. friends, acquaintances, siblings, significant adults (Sroczyńska, 2019, pp. 43–53). During adolescence, contacts with peers play a significant role. Religious faith and the related interaction rituals are strengthened or weakened under the influence of direct relationships with others who are actively engaged in religion and its institutional dimension, stay away from it or are reluctant to it (Collins, 2004). Similarly to other spheres of meaning and symbols, the contemporary religious sacred is under the strong pressure of diverse processes. Late modernity makes the world of individuals pluralistic and calls into question “obvious” things. On the one hand, it stays away from existing traditions and social structures that sustain them. On the other hand, it fosters integration tendencies and creates platforms of human reciprocity and community, based on, paradoxically, individual reflectiveness. Peter L. Berger emphasises that this area of research is fascinating due to a great importance of the process as whether or not it is subject to secularisation depends on various factors (Berger, 2009–2010, p. 95).

The sacred of the youth in light of quantitative research The identification of the presence of the sacred in social life can be either inclusive (functional) or exclusive (substantive), i.e. incorporated into institutional models of religion. The results of quantitative research suggest that young Poles are inclined to choose a “canopy of satisfactory objects with the possibility of choice.” They show interest in love, friendship, and successful family life (having children), and – at the same time – in high professional position, good remuneration, and peaceful life without problems or conflicts (Grabowska & Gwiazda, 2019). Adventurous life filled with entertainment, being useful to others, and satisfaction from sexual life are less important factors. The factors least important are achievements in the field of science and art, independence at work, and living according to religious principles. Surveys show that successful family life and having children are the values more preferred by girls (42%), regardless of what type of school the attend, and by boys attending technical schools

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(Mariański, 2018a, pp. 71–75). Among secondary school graduates, girls more than boys focus on moral values which refer to truth and affect social coexistence, such as goodness, love, helping others, truthfulness, honesty, wisdom, and religious sanctities. Following the views of the philosopher Max Scheler4, the studies of secondary school graduates at the end of the previous decade, confirm a higher axiological order in this respect (Brzozowski, 1995). The Scheler Values Scale (SWS), used to support the questionnaire, revealed that the perceptions of students from the Świętokrzyskie region and their parents are similar, especially in the category of moral values and secular sanctities centred around national community (Sroczyńska, 2013, pp. 100–120). Religious faith, expressed in both institutional and non-institutional dimensions, is the most common manifestation of the sacred identified by sociologists. The DIY mentality developed by generation of Millenials also reveals the willingness to shape religiosity in one’s own way. The convictions of young people aged no more than 26 now were subject to more dynamic changes. In 2010, nearly 90% of the respondents declared themselves believers, as compared to 83% in 2018. At the end of the first decade of the 21st century, over 10% of young people were unbelievers, as compared to 18% in 2018 (Grabowska, 2018, p. 175). Quite a significant number of school and university students from the Wielkopolska region (ranging between 40% and 50%) still see religious faith as a positive factor in various spheres of their lives, especially as an aid in critical situations. Critical and reluctant attitudes towards such functions are exhibited most often by people declaring themselves to be non-believers. Some young people, out of those who declare themselves religiously unsure or indifferent (ranging from 16% to 33%) regard religion as a necessary condition for an honest life or a factor which helps lead an honest life (Baniak, 2019, pp. 27–28). According to research carried out in 1988, 1998, 2005, and 2017, onethird of the students appreciated the importance of religion and religious faith as values which can be experienced personally, e.g. through a sense of proximity to God. The last 30 years have seen a decline in the importance of the role of faith as a factor providing support and sense of security5 and as a remedy for the threats of the modern world (Uklańska, 2020, pp. 115–124). The process of cultural change which accelerated at the beginning of the new century primarily includes religious and ecclesiastical elements expressed in public (e.g. participation in masses and services and identification with the religious community) and elements of private life of the individual (e.g. self-declaration of faith, religious beliefs, morality, and prayer practices). As shown by research conducted in the Lubelskie Province, young people do not show interest in sanctity, understood as the aim of individual life, and do not identify themselves with it. This means that the religious significance of this category of sanctity is in crisis (Miszczak, 2014). There is an increasing tendency to adopt fluid and fairly inconsistent systems of beliefs as a result of privatisation of the religious sphere and the slow

The sacred and the young 135 process of erosion of religious awareness, especially among the young generation. This tendency may also result from the processes oriented towards religious autonomy and creativity (Mariański, 2018b). Interestingly, young people see the Internet as a means of communication, and not as an autonomous space for expressing religiosity (Zarzecki, 2020, pp. 176–178; Sierocki, 2018, 283–285). In Polish society, new religious movements, sects, or heresies occur relatively rarely in collective life, especially as perceived by young Poles (Klimski, 2018, pp. 261–280). On the other hand, adolescents are “inherently” opposed to the social world they face and even if they are not radical in their views, they are sometimes inclined to open up to more fluid, “seeking” identities in the sphere of faith. Can the young generation see Catholicism as an important factor in axiological and normative terms, for preserving a religious myth and explaining basic existential questions to them? According to the European Social Survey (ESS 2014–16) conducted in 22 European countries, in people in the age category of 16–29 years old who do not identify themselves with any religion or denomination, Poland ranked second to last (17%), ahead of Israel6. The highest rates among young adults regarding non-religious attitudes were observed in the Czech Republic, Estonia, and Sweden (in the range from 75% to 91%) (Bullivant, 2018, pp. 6, 8). Currently, secularisation processes are accompanied by the slow opening to religion and religious awakening (desecularisation). The sacred is thought to move in different spheres of human life, and not disappear. In the face of rapid local changes (post-transformation) and global changes caused by a pandemic, a number of views on the role of religion and the Church in Polish society (especially in the context of young people) need to be rethought and reformulated. This is especially since the measurement of characteristics defining social phenomena, often unobservable and evaluated by expert judges, is subject to methodological doubts. “One should not resolve measurement problems (index) at the stage of research methodology or statistical approach as it is critical for the potential depreciation of quantitative research results” (Walasek-Jarosz, 2013, p. 147). It seems that this also applies to the sacred as it is an ambiguous category. Nevertheless, the results of the research should not be totally ignored, especially if they exhibit a significant degree of comparability. They encourage in-depth reflection on the way sociologists approach the designates of the sacred defined by axiological criteria. The importance of religious faith tends to decline in favour of other life values of young people. Also, the role of the sacred, both in the institutional framework and in the community dimension, seems to be depreciated. Although the Catholic Church keeps a watchful eye to changes in contemporary culture, as reflected in the current World Youth Day (WYD) project, multidimensional media support raises new challenges. New trends change the depth and meaning of the sacred and do not reduce the scope of relativism and indifference even though they make the religious message more

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attractive using the codes of pop culture language (Stachowska, 2019, pp. 533–534). Assuming that the Church is losing young people (Zaręba, 2020, pp. 102–103), the question is whether they also depart from the sacred or rather the sacred undergoes metamorphosis resulting from post-modern spirituality. Another, perhaps most probable, possibility is that the sacred manifests itself in a variety of ways through the coexisting “neo-tribes.”

The sacred of the youth in light of qualitative research This question remains unresolved, especially since the phenomenon of the sacred takes two forms, i.e. spirituality based to a certain extent on the transcendent and institutional dimension of religion (dogmatic and personal spirituality) and spirituality not associated with this dimension, oriented towards human good and human development (transgressive spirituality); the latter fits into the post-materialistic change in the field of consciousness. All the researchers can do is to describe the phenomenon of the sacred “in a clear way,” taking account of a wider cultural context. In this respect, both phenomenological and hermeneutic approaches seem to play a pivotal role. The former focuses on the symbolic reality used by individuals in social relations. It examines the world lived, the world of life (Lebenswelt), and deeply ingrained beliefs formed on the basis of mechanisms of socialisation, and constant reproduction of knowledge in everyday interactions (Mikiewicz, 2016, p. 207). The latter also attempts to reach the world of the inner experiences of the individual by accepting the language of metaphors, symbols and images (Czerepaniak-Walczak, 1997). This tendency is made legitimate on the basis of hermeneutics which assumes that metaphorical, blurred, and figurative concepts which fail to “close” reality reveal a multitude of associations and invite the discussion. This is especially since the experience of the sacred is personal and it is impossible to fully transfer it to others. The Polish sociology of religion provides a few examples of comparative approaches at the level of disciplines, theories, methodological and source approaches, and the work on Polish homo religiosus is a kind of exception. At the analytical level, homo religiosus appears in the context of the specific conditions of life of young people shaped by the system of beliefs and socialisation (Zimnica-Kuzioła, 2013). Students from Kielce and Kraków, who were subject to 111 narrative interviews, tend to believe that spirituality is one’s desire to realise higher values on the way to self-fulfilment while respecting the mystery of humanity. “The aim is to overcome all everyday problems and achieve a sense of happiness, sense of one’s own life, inner peace and complacency” (Mielicka-Pawłowska, 2017, p. 342). The meanings assigned to the notion of spirituality can be linked to two paradigms, i.e. religious and non-religious. The former is connected with the tradition of Polish Catholicism and subjective forms of faith. The latter refers to more semantically developed inner convictions of individuals

The sacred and the young 137 referring to the psyche, freedom, and morality (Mielicka-Pawłowska, 2017, pp. 341–349). Nowadays, young people more and more often equate sanctity with happy and successful life reflecting human potential and not with the relation with a transcendent reality (Zduniak, 2017, pp. 143–154). Young people believe that happiness “happens to be and not is in the clash of moments contrasting with everyday life” (Kotowski, 2017, p. 219). As suggested by the materials of popular culture available in three Slavic languages, the experience of happiness is contingent on individual desires of individuals and their subjectively interpreted choices (Kotowski, 2017, p. 219). Some researchers stress the lack of self-identification of young people as a communicative category. However, this does not mean that young people do not extract from their daily life certain common states of things that evoke strong, positive emotions. The young admire not only music, people, food, and nature, but also sunset (Fleischer, 2019, p. 186). On the other hand, they are delighted to be able to “move” symbolically to the created mythical reality corresponding to the so-called residual sacred. The experiences involving trans-reality under knightly movement, fantasy subculture, or techno seem to be highly valued nowadays, and the culturally created reality is much more than real for many young people (Zagórska, 2004, pp. 264–266). The qualitative research makes it possible to reconstruct the sacred reflected in orientations, attitudes, or identities. The sacred is viewed as existing in two intersecting continuums, i.e. inclusive vs. exclusive and individual vs. collective. Possibly inspirational in youth studies, there are three areas, in which the sacred is present. The first one (basic) centres around values which generate meaning. The second one (religious) is associated with Transcendence and concerns religious faith and religiousness. The third one (individualised) refers to spirituality and assumes both the existence of “something radically different” and something immanent, directed towards the person and their activity (Mielicka, 2006; Sroczyńska, 2013; Sroczyńska & Walasek-Jarosz, 2021, in press). The basic sacred is broadest in semantic terms. It is a residuum of one’s perceptions of what should constitute key points of reference in human life. The two remaining forms of the sacred, the religious one and the individualised one (spirituality), have common areas, “immerse” in the basic sacred and embody “the unusual” in usual everyday life. In the own research based on biographical sources (41 competition statements of school and university students from the Świętokrzyskie region), the attempt was made to match the categories of the sacred specified above with four types of identity occurring in young people, i.e. transmitted, moratory, diffused, and achieved (Sroczyńska, 2012, pp. 189–210). Transient or permanent characteristics of identities were identified based on the occurrence of significant elements of spirituality, including internal commitment to the discovered sacred and the experience of crisis (Krzychała, 2007, pp. 239–248; Sroczyńska, 2021). Youth identities are largely linked

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tomoratory and transmitted criteria, which corresponds to the basic and religious forms of the sacred, while to a lesser extent to the individualised form of the sacred (spirituality). Diffused and achieved identities are relatively rare. These conclusions should be treated with caution given that personality processes in adolescence are in statu nascendi.

Final reflections – inspirations In spite of the far-reaching transformation of the components of broadly understood sphere of religion and spirituality, it is clear that that the contact with the sacred has been initiated through rituals. We watch the ideals as if we “looked out the window,” outside the ordinary everyday life, and the values and meanings enrich our lives with their greatness. Eric Rothenbuhler believes that numinous contact with holiness is a better part of the life of all those of us who try to be honest, value the truth, and respond to the call for more loyalty, creativity, intelligence, or more good (Rothenbuhler, 1998). In contemporary Polish society, the values and ways of behaviour which provide a kind of generational continuity can still be transmitted in family life. This creates ritual competences giving a sense of bond and the possibility of celebrating the unusual. Until recently, the sociologists widely believed that it is impossible to stop or weaken the process of desacralisation of religious life, apparent in Christianity in a generational context (The Age Gap in Religion around the World, 2018). The virus pandemic, which reached the global scale at the beginning of 2020, is causing severe economic damage and affecting our behaviour. Various resources of the sacred are subject to specific tensions caused by the crisis. As a result, the importance of higher values, including religious and spiritual ones, is growing. Nowadays, “faith seeks to understand” with questions, such as “Why do I believe?” or “What do I believe in?” and at the same time the person generates self-reflection on the possibility of transgression. This leads to sacralisation of reality, e.g. in the form of various models of individual happiness. Interestingly, young people under 24 years of age (Onet readers) currently seek for the meaning of life more often than other age groups (44%) (40 procent Polaków więcej myśli..., 2020). In methodological terms, it is necessary to consider the relationship between quantitative and qualitative research strategies, and how they can be used in triangulation optics. The triangulation optics provides a holistic opportunity to approach the sacred approximately and to find it in the environment of adolescents and post-adolescents. Both collective and individual “languages” refer to the sphere of meanings attributed to “sanctities.” However, in the postmodern, individualised world, the burden of “translation” entails the risk of loss of certainty. Therefore, all the researchers can do is to describe these worlds “in a clear way” with references to environmental

The sacred and the young 139 contexts and cultural patterns corresponding to the values which can be “measured” in social sciences (Walasek-Jarosz, 2020, pp. 103–121). At the time of the pandemic and the Net Generation, nothing will be the same as before. To express opposition to the scenario of the Absolute and the individualised spirituality, attitudes and behaviour of young people are under even stronger pressure intended to provide substitute consumption objects, i.e. a quasi-mythical “remedy” for social anomie and solitude.

Notes 1 Persons aged 18–24 or 19–25 are sometimes referred to by researchers as the youth or young adults (Hildebrandt-Wypych, 2009, pp. 105–124). 2 Loneliness can become one of the more serious long-term problems due to the pandemic COVID-19 – cf. https://wgospodarce.pl/informacje/78511-zdrowie. Retrieved on April 24, 2020. 3 In addition, the likelihood of axiological similarity between young people and older generation increases (Ibidem). 4 Scheler believes that values represent an objectified hierarchical order. Hedonistic values are the values lower down in the hierarchy, followed by vital and spiritual values (beauty, truth, and good) and the sacred at the top. 5 The research shows that the percentage of respondents who perceive faith as a critical stabilising factor in the context of existential threats was decreased linearly from 38.9% in 1988 to 13.5% in 2017 (Uklańska, 2020). 6 According to ESS (2014–16), 83% of young adults in Poland are Christians, 82% of whom declare themselves Catholic (Bullivant, 2018, pp. 6, 8).

References Arnett J.J., Adolescence and Emerging Adulthood. A Cultural Approach, New Jersey: Pearson Education, 2007. Baniak J., Wpływ religii na kształtowanie postawy opartej na uczciwości, moralności, poczuciu sensu życia i szczęścia w świadomości polskiej młodzieży, “Przegląd Religioznawczy”, no. 3 (273), pp. 3–30, 2019. Baudrillard J., The Consumer Society: Myths and Structures (published in association with Theory, Culture & Society), London: Sage Publications Ltd, 2017. Beck U. and Beck-Gernsheim E., Individualization, Institutionalized Individualism and its Social and Political Consequences, London-Thousand Oaks-New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2002. Berger P.L., The Sacred Canopy: Elements of a Sociological Theory of Religion, New York: Doubleday, 1967. Berger P. L., Refleksje o dzisiejszej socjologii religii, “Teologia Polityczna”, no. 5, pp. 89–100, 2009-2010. Brzozowski P., Skala Wartości Schelerowskich – SWS. Podręcznik, Warszawa: Pracownia Testów Psychologicznych, 1995. Bullivant S., Europe’s Young Adults and Religion. Findings from the European Social Survey (2014–16) to inform 2018 Synod of Bishops, Rome: Benedict XVI Centre for Religion and Society, 2018. Cipriani R., Diffused Religion. Beyond Secularization, London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017.

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10 The spectre of secularisation: against equating church indifference with religious indifference Egon Spiegel The following thesis focuses the present attempt of a positive interpretation of the secularization phenomenon: Regardless of gloomy conditions and developments in the world, it progresses – under humanitarian aspects – in the sense of an increase in humanity. This also there, where we determine profanization or secularization processes. An increasing church indifference, expressed by mass leaving from the church (in Germany), must not be equated with a religious indif‐ference. From a socio‐ or relationship theological perspective, it may even be assumed that religiosity is in fact – invisibly – increasing. At‐tempts to define secularization processes in terms of content suggest the question whether – in an analytically sober view and apocalyptic‐believing perspective – they not only do not describe departures, but even mark paths to a “city without a temple” (Acts 21:22‐24). At the very least, they challenge self‐critical reflections within the church and suggest creative options for action. Provided that the Christian churches face these challenges, they can fulfill their social task anew in the sense of a “second naivety” (P. Ricoeur).

Leaving the church – the symptoms and seismograph of a systemic imbalance Less than 20 years ago, when I lectured as a titular professor at the University of Warmia and Mazury (UWM), Faculty of Theology in Olsztyn, Poland, I predicted developments in society and the church that have now occurred at the exact the point that I had anticipated that time. Presenting this against the background of my experiences in post-war Germany, I received mainly weary smiles from the back rows of the auditorium – where seminarians along with the younger and older candidates for priesthood made themselves comfortable. In contrast, the lay theologians, who studied theology from the perspective of becoming teachers and mostly sat in the front row, reacted with concern. From a religious or church sociological perspective and against the background of the historical developments in Germany, I had predicted partial, landslide-like faults in the church life of the Polish population (indeed, more recent studies by Janusz Mariański show an even more differentiated picture today [cf. Mariański, 2014a, DOI: 10.4324/9781003271994-13

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2014b]). Against the same background, similar things can be said for the situation of Islam in Germany. While current secularisation forces and their effects in Poland can be compared with current developments in Islam and the mosque communities in Germany (cf. Ceylan, 2014), the developments in German official churches are a useful historical perspective in revealing similar situations and can provide a meaningful comparison. Referring to seminaries in general, not only to the Olsztyn seminary, I also expressed the assumption, which was then unsupported, that some candidates for priesthood enter a seminary because of their fear, acknowledged or unacknowledged, that, under the conditions of impending competition in an open society, they would be unable to secure work when competing against their peers. This, I suggested, was the reason why some seek the security of a priestly existence. Indeed, if you can leave the seminary as a priest, you have not only taken care of your future security, but you can enjoy it from a socially privileged position right from the start. You are put in charge of a community and, in this kindergarten, you can behave with assurance with individuals and groups in the community; indeed, you become the boss, on the same level as a mayor or a headmaster. Many cannot get past someone in this position – right up to certain death, in fact especially then, for who does not want to be properly buried at the end of their days. Not only is the church traditionally best at doing this; in many places it has, so far, been the only one able to carry this out. Although this does not prevent many members from turning their backs on the church, it still motivates the majority to remain in the church, and not only in Germany or in Poland. As can be seen from the statistics (cf. www.kirchenaustritt.de), almost 150,000 people have left the Roman Catholic Church every year since 1990. With the Evangelical Church in Germany, the numbers are even higher. This trend is expected to continue for both of these churches. It can be assumed that the number of members will continue to gradually decrease in the near future – indeed, the churches can only hope that it will not start to increase exponentially. In relation to the total population in Germany, the number of members of the Roman Catholic Church decreased from 35.4% to 27.7% between 1990 and 2018. That is more than 20% over approximately 30 years. It is likely that only an extremely small percentage of those children who have left will re-enter the former church of their parents, or another church, or even feel that they belong to a religious community or officially associate with one. Nevertheless, neither the threat of punishment in hell, nor the shocking experience of the incomprehensible widespread sexual violence of church leaders against the smallest and most vulnerable of their flock, have primarily contributed to the fact that, in Germany, so many members have left the Roman Catholic Church each year. Instead, the real fear of not being able to die worthily (that is, provided with the sacrament of death) and be buried ecclesiastically. The more transparent and effective service offered by funeral parlours – including professional psychological and pastoral care

The spectre of secularisation 145 for the bereaved as well as a stylish farewell party for the deceased, that resembles a divine service – surely is more influential in people’s choice to leave the church than anything else. Thus, the greatest competition for the churches, in general terms, would come from funeral homes that are able to fulfil the grief- or funeral-specific potential that the church provides. The same applies to another rite of passage, the wedding ceremony. If it were not for the exclusive ambience of a church – the traditional organ playing, the white wedding dress, the pastor’s speech and the touching public marriage promise, simply the whole well-rehearsed rite and its contexts, the church would, once again, have gambled away its congregations in this field. So here, too, it continues to survive through concessions, even though the declines are getting stronger. And, if ecclesiastical loss does not seem strange to the bride and groom, this is increasingly the case in relation to the participants. This not only plays into the increasing acceptance of the civil wedding, but also the so-called free wedding ceremony. Moreover, it is often trained but unemployed theologians who provide this service outside the churches and thus reinforce the exit trend. In the meantime, it is predominantly the phenomena of secularisation or profanation that are sawing off the sacred branch on which the church stands. However, loss of credibility for other reasons – for example, sexual violence against children and young people entrusted to the representatives of the church (Spiegel, 2012) or abuse of church taxes and donations (in particular, the wasteful expenditure of a German bishop of the Limburg diocese) has been shown to have led to large swathes of people leaving the church in Germany, but these do not even play a central, decisive role. Certain occurrences, such as scandals, may precipitate people into leaving the church, but it is the conditions created by an intellectual environment and associated with social and personal developments that can be described as secularisation. Anyone who leaves the church for whatever reason (such as one of those indicated above) and refuses to pay church tax, (in the case of Germany, an official administrative declaration exempts them from this) decides to do so against the background of long-term emotional distancing. The reasons for the departure are rooted in a narrative, rooted in breeding ground of inner reservations, church indifference, increasing distance from the church, along with criticism of the church and a latent hostility towards that church that may have been going on for some time. Church departures are not random occurrences; they can result from an extensive and intensive engagement with the church and one’s own attachment to it. Because this is the case, the perceived causes may not be the real problem, but rather underlying, deeper conditions. And it is to this that secularisation processes can be assigned. Conversely, the conditions can be seen in the larger context of a secularisation process. Leaving the church is an expression of secularisation in that it refers to the church, its ties with social actors, and the church’s place in society due to the eroding of church traditions and privileges, rather than an explicit expression of personal independence regarding “religion” and “religiosity.”

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What has already happened in Germany – the beginning of the phase of detraditionalisation of denomination and religion in relation to Christianity and its churches – is taking place almost simultaneously in relation to Polish Catholicism and Islam in Germany. Those responsible are happy to deceive themselves with supposed encouragement from young people, who, they point out, participate in church services (Sunday service and Friday prayer, respectively). In both countries, the current slowness of the (significant) decline in participation can be attributed to the influence of family or to social control (including the threat of withdrawing monetary support). Another motive is simply that young people like to meet with their peer groups after the service. This is especially true for Muslim youth who live in a diaspora situation. In the Catholic milieu, the participation of young people in large events specifically addressed to them (from pilgrimages to World Youth Day) is often cited as a positive sign. However, here, too, it is true that, for the young people, the focus is often on the encounter rather than an interest in the opportunity to explicitly worship in an event in the classic sense. However, the fact that the meeting “in itself” can be seen as a kind of worship and, therefore, at least implicitly, a success in the eye of the organisers, is explicitly valid when interpreted accordingly later in this article. However, where the processes of dissolution are already well advanced, the church establishment has protected itself against an impartial perception and interpretation of the processes and conditions involved. Yet, wherever such processes are still in the initial phase, such as in Poland, they protect themselves against any (fundamental) criticism in the same way. Thus, the establishment enjoys the design and implementation of alternative services by young priests involving the participation of young people, it tolerates liturgical pop music (although it secretly prefers other forms), it welcomes participation in so-called early and late shifts and congregations in Taizé circles, and finds refuge – if there is no alternative and the “evaporation” of churchliness can no longer be denied – in the elite model of the “small flock.” Within the confines of its existence in a clerical bubble, the church establishment in Germany has ignored the workers for decades, again and again, as they have women, as well as the intellectual and prophetic forces within their own ranks. Under all power systems, the church is particularly meticulous in tracking down oppositional forces in its own ranks and, as early as possible (so as to prevent even the beginnings of disaffection); it uses various methods to undermine the inner church audience, indeed, to silence, discredit and defame them. The smallest deviations from the given mainstream are punished and the relevant actors are labelled as dissidents. There is no shortage of informers and encouragement from claqueurs. And, if those actors who are labelled as dissenters still advance their agenda, they are pushed even further out of the church as people who are dividing the system. There are neither administrative courts nor unions within the church. Recognising the need for these would counteract the

The spectre of secularisation 147 pious claim that the system is thoroughly just and that its representatives cannot be at fault. Unlike companies subject to the economic laws of the free market, the ecclesiastical-clerical establishment does not worry about bankruptcy, but trusts in the internal dynamics of the religious needs of their flock and the continual expression of religiously motivated dependency in the form of ongoing financial support. Numerous social privileges, not least valuable real estate as well as other material possessions, guarantee a carefree life in the bubble. The church system is increasingly cloistered, particularly in regard to the discovery of sexual abuse within the church. Public outrage not only impacts on the sexual abuse, but also the manner in which the abuse has been consistently covered up. The fact that some of the abuses have become public are only half-heartedly reappraised, or that only individual abuse cases are often sat on, underlines the durability of the large church system and the ignorance and arrogance of the largely clerical establishment within it. The criticism Jesus expressed regarding the rabbinate has lost none of its topicality. It is religious systems that – as if by natural law – always result in the same excesses everywhere. Or – conversely – it is always and everywhere the same type of person who legitimises, strengthens, and increases their will for power, which is exaggerated in the context of religion. The theory and practice that occupies a person on a religious path aiming to optimise human life (together) cannot escape the rules of the game of appropriation and exercise of power that are governed by domination and violence. In the area of tension that lies between its original pure idea, on the one hand, and the shortfall due to counter-productive attempts at the point of realisation, on the other, the religious system is threatened by modifications that are sometimes drastic to the point of dissolution. But even this cannot be ruled out – that there is a kind of “back to” in the preference for the powerful system and a concrete return to that, whether in a stable or rudimentary form that still exists. Simply because there is security through requirements of conforming to this system – especially with regard to the standardisation of living together – this not only reduces the complexity of living but, also and above all, the personal effort needed to undertake a personal path through everyday life. This includes the deployment of creative forces to pave the way for innumerable challenges and to continuously coordinate with others, who also strive, beyond questioned and for the most part stored standards, to re-orientate themselves on the “market’ of meaning that life and the world design offers. It is worth taking a look at the influx of believers that evangelical churches in the United States and Brazil have experienced. Many do not feel able to cope with the complexity of social living conditions right from the start; others cannot endure them in the long run. Meanwhile, others tire in their attempts to shape life and the world in ways that they personally consider sensible and responsible, and instead seek security that the great cultural (religious) or

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political systems promise them through the tempting offer of traditional, well-tried and well-considered ways of coping with life. With this in mind, it could be worthwhile for the churches, as large systems, to simply sit out the current developments. However, people grow away from the church more easily than they join it again. Once the chain between two generations is broken, there is hardly any way back for the next generation. A point of criticism to those who have outgrown the church of their parents or grandparents, however, is that their desire to reinvent the wheel again, to want to reinvent it at all, can also be an outgrowth of hubris, an irrational rebellion, and self-esteem. This problem could be solved if the church, as a large system, would give the individual actors within it greater room for reflection and design.

Religion – erosion of a cultural system This is not the place to begin to outline the history of religion. Above all, the genesis of religion per se – if it has one as such, one that occurred at a special point in human history, that was not a product of human nature and, therefore, is an anthropological constant – would be difficult to elaborate and describe in such a way that it would not only be convincing in the case of a particular religion, but would also be a generalisation with regard to religion per se. In the context of our topic, however, one particular point is of interest, i.e. the later (!) development of religion; in this case, early Christianity. This does not prevent a relatively reliable, empirical and thus also historical analysis. The development of institutionalised religiosity, through individual spirituality, to comprehensive secularisation, as marked by the following overlapping phases, is fairly obvious. In Western industrialised countries, it is the Christian churches as large institutions that are not only increasingly being questioned, even by large parts of the older generation, regarding meaningfulness and trust but, as far as the middle and younger generations are concerned, they no longer represent a benchmark of meaningful existential offerings as aids to life and world design. The topic of the church is settled for them without their even criticising it. Instead of being approached militantly (as in Germany in the 1960s and 1970s), the churches are simply ignored. Church sociologists speak of church indifference in the sense of having no interest in it. There are dioceses in which not even a single candidate for the priesthood is ready to embark on a cleric’s career each year. What can again be interpreted positively from the perspective of churches is an interest in the appearance of dignitaries and churches as interesting museum objects among a few. Even religious education specialists can, in a publication of teaching materials for religious instruction, overlook that Christmas – and not Easter – is described as the central festival of Christians. To stay with the example of Christmas, this is still celebrated worldwide as a welcome event, but less in

The spectre of secularisation 149 the awareness of its spiritual contents than as a welcome break in a busy working life. Other Christian festivals in the administration of the major churches are overtaken and displaced by festivals, such as Valentine’s Day or Halloween, without any relation to the church’s annual cycle. Instead of carol singers, smaller or larger groups of children and teenagers move from house to house for “trick or treat” in Halloween costumes. In this way, young people discover festivals that are not described by the church and instead they ritualise and organise themselves. The market is not uninterested in this and pushes the new festivals, for instance, the flower shops on Mother’s Day. A midnight meeting on Walpurgis Night on the Brocken in the Harz is increasingly more appealing than Candlemas. A trip to Stonehenge and a festival there promises and offers a bigger kick than a pilgrimage to Lourdes with a Eucharistic service. Much of Advent and Christmas is due to pre-Christian and non-Christian traditions and customs, which were incorporated into Christian tradition and so experienced religious intensification. Other religious festivals have discovered secular groups for themselves, occupied them and functionalised them for their own purposes. The struggle between the sacred and the profane can be studied in a specific way as the struggle for the sovereignty of interpretations of festivals. A formula is presented below with which the tension indicated here can be resolved constructively and secularisation does not have to be interpreted as completely different from religiosity and religion. Semester after semester, I have questioned the consistently Catholic participants in basic courses that I, as a university professor for theology, have offered students aiming to become religion teachers at various universities, regarding how they carry out their Sunday duty – in other words, how they obey the church’s command to attend a service on Sunday (and on church holidays). The way the survey is conducted is extremely simple and of course anonymous. After a short introduction, I ask the students to write a single number between 1 and 5 on a small piece of paper. Anyone who regularly fulfils their Sunday duty writes a 1 on the sheet; those who occasionally skip it and so go about three times a month, writes a 2. Those who see their fulfilment of duty in the 50-50 area, that is only participate in the service every other Sunday, note a 3; those who only sporadically or rarely attend the Sunday service – a 4; and those who hardly ever attend (for example, only for a Christmas mass or a wedding) or never – a 5. The students are told not to discuss the question with each other and to write down the number that corresponds to their self-assessment, covering their answer with a hand. Then, while the papers are being collected and evaluated with regard to the frequency of the respective numbers, I let the respondents estimate the result. Although I assure them that the students in my events are not under church observation, I know from various follow-up interviews that, regardless of anonymity, in order to rule out any reprisals, one or two gave a more favourable assessment than the magisterium had noted. The bottom line is that the result (see Table 10.1) would not correspond entirely to reality,

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Table 10.1 Sunday practice: the students of Catholic Theology at the University of Vechta in Germany Year/ Semester of the survey

Number of respondents

2018 2017 2015 2012 2009 2008 2003

38 41 46 56 39 57 64

1 1 1 2 0 5 7 Regularly (every Sunday)

0 7 1 8 1 4 5 5 3 14 5 8 5 5 Not always Fifty/fifty (3 times (every a month) 2nd Sunday)

8 19 18 17 16 32 39 Sporadically, rarely

22 12 22 27 6 7 8 Never or as good as never

Source: Own source.

but rather, in regard to the Church’s command and its fulfilment (which is mandatory for teachers of Catholic theology in particular), it would be more positive than the real situation. My experience is also that students who aspire to become grammar school teachers, with the aim of providing religious instruction in primary and secondary schools, are more distant or more critical than their fellow students with regard to the highly binding Sunday schedule. In the courses, I refrained from carrying out similar studies regarding the personal acceptance of celibacy, confession, and the dogma of the Pope’s infallibility. By the way, (1) in my opinion, the survey results can be generalised with a few restrictions for everyone who studies theology for teaching in public schools in German-speaking countries. I have not been able to record any significantly different results in surveys at other universities as part of various teaching assignments. (2) The students I interviewed are particularly interested in theology and usually want, which is their expression of career choice, to give religious instruction in connection with their church. They, therefore, get involved in a very special – existential – way with their Roman Catholic Church and their Christian religion. (3) Even if they do not “practice” almost at all, and, therefore, do not meet the conditions of a church teaching license, the church has no choice but to grant them the so-called Missio canonica. The church has no other religious teachers than them; She has no choice if She wants religious education to be given. (4) The future teachers of religion may not only be described as ecclesiastically distant not only with regard to their Sunday practice, but also most likely with regard to their attitude towards various positions of their church, but they are possibly a far more important link between their church and the entrusted children and adolescents

The spectre of secularisation 151 as the few who meet the ecclesiastical requirements in every respect and without restriction, but who stand on a high pedestal unattainable for the pupils, i.e. in other words, are incomprehensible and unreachable with regard to both their orthopraxy and their orthodoxy. (5) The ecclesiastical magisterium may complain about this reality unless it simply closes its eyes and thinks constructively about the measures of rapprochement (in Germany, the so-called mentoring has been introduced for the time of study), and it may also, in terms of repression and sanctions, address the problem of distance from the church. University programmes that not only do not want to do justice to the students, but are also willing to accept their religious or ecclesiastical reality (including their theological or religious knowledge, their individual beliefs, their worldviews, etc.) as the starting point for research and teaching, cannot avoid identifying their respective religious locations and, correspondingly, reflecting them through well-designed study content (Spiegel, 2003). After all, university lecturers are no different from religious teachers of public schools, who – according to the current teaching of religious education and didactics – have to base their teaching on the students’ biographies. The 1960s politicisation of the student body was followed in the 1970s and 1980s by spiritualisation. And, like that, they developed a force that shaped that time. No less significantly, the church saw itself as a haven for clearly defined religiosity and the organisation of religion that was challenged by diffuse or anarchic, pluriform spirituality. Spirituality, whatever that may or may not have meant, had a hard passage in these times, but it became increasingly socially acceptable, especially in its Buddhist variants. As a late effect of the opening, the Roman Catholic Church was generally able to absorb and integrate new spiritual elements. Spirituality lost its diabolical connotations just as pop music became increasingly tolerated regardless of Gregorian music and organ playing in niche (youth services). Against the background of certain traditions, the Church should not have had a difficult time with the advent of new spiritual movements. The history of the church is characterised by mystical movements throughout, but also by the tensions between them and the magisterium. Mystics are difficult to contain. They remain uncertain factors as individuals and as a group, both in terms of their negative theology (cf., for example, Meister Eckehart, 1969) and their practice (cf., for example, Zen meditation); they ultimately escape any predictability. The Church has known spirituality as long as it has existed. And, just as long, spirituality has been neglected by the establishment and treated more like an intra-church virus. Whereas the three decades before the turn of the millennium were characterised by the emergence of spiritual movements outside and within the church and churches and, thus, also by a tension between religiosity in the traditional ecclesiastical sense, on the one hand, and spirituality, on the other, the decades after that have been rather determined by increasing secularisation. The church no longer sees itself compelled to deal with

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spiritual movements but is challenged by profanation tendencies and secularisation processes, as well as the associated growing disinterest in the church. Against this background, the time of grappling with partly militant atheistic and anti-clerical currents, and the ensuing struggle with spiritual movements, appears in completely new light. Namely, that there was at least a grappling with concrete opponents at the time, while today there is neither one nor the other, rather there is disinterest; and where there is no interest, there are no opponents and no more arguments. The indifference that the church is currently facing in Germany affects her more than any atheistic or anti-clerical militancy. Of course, the periods, as they have been outlined roughly above, cannot be determined in time exactly and certainly cannot be separated from one another. Each one overlaps and exists through the succeeding period. And that is why the current trend – that of detraditionalisation, profanation, and secularisation – will not be the last and, like all the others, will only be temporary. As in the case of all the previous periods, the church perceives itself as being attacked by these forces and becomes defensive instead of taking the challenge positively and seeing it as an opportunity. It is becoming apparent that secularisation will be followed by a strong need for renewed interpretations of life and the world, for meaningful content as well as for targeted education – especially under the conditions of secularisation. Moreover, it can be expected that old traditions will point to the inherent eternal truths that are to be questioned anew; thus, secularisation and religion can come together again at this point, enabling an organic, substantially valuable mutual growth. The same applies to a new definition of the church as a large hierarchical institution and the balancing of this large scale organisation, on the one hand, with the so-called church from below as a conglomerate of grassroots-like movements and grassroots democratic structures, on the other. From a different perspective, the church will have to be more involved in religion – specifically, the Roman Catholic Church in the Christian religion, and inevitably it will lose one or the other profile, but will also contribute to the entirety of Christianity. This, in turn, will inevitably have to do without profiling in interreligious dialogue. The organisation “Religions for Peace” (operating since 1961), the “Parliament of the World’s Religions” (established 1893), and also the “Prayer for Peace of Assisi” (1986, 1993, 2002, 2011) as a papal initiative, will be fundamental to forming the future relationships between religions. Against this background, there will be no reason for a religiously based “clash of civilisations.” At their edges, the individual religions cede profiles and fade as they inevitably grow together. By engaging in this process, however, they secure their existence as an ultimately indispensable potential for shaping life and the world. Thus, the selfwithdrawal of religions will be the price for the existence of religion itself in the large scale globalisation under the conditions of secularisation. The emergence, existence and promotion of fundamentalisms on all sides only

The spectre of secularisation 153 confirm, in a contradictory manner, the certainly complex growing together of religions, which many believers cannot understand. If fundamentalist currents in terrorist attire seem to be proliferating, it is because these are usually politically-motivated or psychologically-induced phenomena rather than truly religious ones. Here, the will to power only experiences religious exaggeration. A robust judgment regarding the relationship of religions to one another cannot be made from focusing on fundamentalist currents, least of all fundamentalist terrorism.

Religiosity – realignment of an existential connection If secularisation aimed to eliminate religion (as a sociological structure) and thus also religiosity (as an individual mental orientation), it would deny the (socio-)anthropological constant that humankind has had always and everywhere; that the fascinosum of our own relationship experiences seeks to be interpreted and expressed, and in this context to discover any kind of dynamic (in this case, divine power) through which to be described or named. Indeed, interactions in the form of encounters and relationships affect people far more than questions about the universe, life beyond death or the meaning of life. What really counts, and most touches us existentially, is the ubiquitous experience of relationship behaviour and actions. It overshadows all other phenomena and urges interpretation and, therefore, reflection; myths and fairy tales, biblical stories and extra-biblical literature, art, sports, and the media rank around them. Relationship experiences are the focus of attention in philosophy and theology, not least in the social sciences. Life in a relationship is an essential foundation of life. There is no life without relationships. And relationships that go beyond themselves are – in terms of the didactics of religion – symbols in which evidence and transcendence coincide (sym-ballein) and evidence reveals transcendence. In the search for manifestations of religiosity and religion, or traces of them, the empirically-oriented, inductive didactics of religion does not initially look at the traditional insignia of religiosity and religion, but at their starting point – the relationship. Only then does it open up, or open up to, a dynamic inherent in the relationship and with it a huge agglomeration of religious insignia and emblems, of classic religious symbolism. I want to illustrate this with an investigation that Heiner Barz carried out on young people three decades ago. When asked what happiness means to them, they consistently refer to relationship experiences, i.e. they focus on love/partnerships and friendships/closeness, while religion comes only at the very end of the scale (Barz, 1992, p. 102). From a narrow perspective of the sociology of religion, the respondents would have to be classified as extremely remote from religion. However, according to a special understanding of the socio-theology of religion and sociology, this is not the case. While, according to the classic

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sense, they are not explicitly religious, however, the connection is implicit and even – in a certain sense – explicitly religious. This interpretation presupposes that relationship processes, especially as suggested by the adolescents, can be qualified as religious per se insofar as they owe themselves to a transcendent relationship-creating power. In Christian religious terminology, relationships are symbols of God. God occurs in relationships. Relationships, to refer to Martin Buber, are places of God’s epiphany and theophany (Buber, 1954; cf. Heyward, 1987). In the meantime, God acts in a deductive or downward theological way as the Third, that is, as a kind of Third Power. A sober socio-theological view (Spiegel, 2008) reveals the theologically opened vertical (God) in the sociological horizontal relationship. This view is far from new. It is urbiblical and runs like a thread through the entire biblical tradition. If the relationship between the horizontal and vertical reflected here is correct, if people, young people, relate primarily to relationships, whenever they engage in relationships, then they give – nolens volens – space for the dynamics inherent in them, then they realise the potential of a relationshipbuilding active power, whether or not they see it and express it as such. In this respect, a new-born baby is religious at the time of its first auditory contact. It opens up a space of interaction with the confidence that there will be a process open to everyone. The question of whether someone is religious or not does not arise at that point; nor does it find an answer whereby the respondent can point to religious action in the classic sense, that is, to the use of devotional objects or the provision of religious emblems, rather ostensibly and quite far from these ideas, or to engage in relationships. Seen in this way, the young people interviewed by Barz are religious in a very special way and now not only implicitly, but explicitly. It would, therefore, also be wrong to speak here only of an “invisible” religiosity, as I did in an earlier article. Moreover, it would be downright catastrophic if the clear preference for relationships indicated by adolescents, who clearly describe themselves as indifferent to church matters on the basis of how they position themselves on the scale between relationships and religion (and are thus perceived as such by outsiders), was to be perceived as religious indifference. However, from the perspective of the sociology of religion developed here, the young people can, indeed, be described as religious. From a religious education perspective, it would be completely unfounded to make the analytically unsustainable assumption that, simply because they are unable to identify with what religion means to them traditionally, young people not only lack an increased interest in dealing with religion, but have become indifferent to religion. To do so, they would be excluded from an examination of what religiosity and religion could mean in particular, and thus deprive themselves of the opportunity to encounter a wealth of interpretations of life and the world that could benefit their productive, constructive and creative designs.

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Secularisation – profiling religious maxims For an adequate understanding of secularisation (Liu & Spiegel, 2015), the religious qualifying of encounter and relationship is fundamental, even where this appears to have no connection to religion. Against this background, if the context that opens up (or reveals) transcendence, as evidenced in the relationship, can be agreed, then all secularisation processes that can be associated with certain forms of encounter and relationship are inevitably and inherently the forms of religiosity and religion. Even more, under these conditions, secularisation would in reality not actually be secularisation; rather, it would only describe the absence or lack of religious categorisation in the classical sense. Indeed, under certain circumstances, by detaching from self-referential qualifications, from norms and terminologies that have grown over time, partially adopted without reflection and hardly understood, secularisation would actually bring us closer to what religiosity and religion mean than the traditional explanatory patterns of religion (and church). In fact, numerous movements that could be said to fulfil ancient religious or church maxims originated in a secular form. The International Declaration of Human Rights came into being against the resistance of the Roman Catholic Church. However, it not only contains an abundance of noble Christian norms; it also breathes the spirit of the message of Jesus. The Convention on the Rights of the Child is based on a decadeslong initiative originating in Catholic Poland. Tolerance and acceptance regarding the questions of homophilia, transsexuality, and such-like, understanding for people whose marriage or cohabitation has failed, mercy in judgment about suicide, resistance to the death penalty, commitment to political prisoners, resistance to war, advocacy for climate protection and animal rights, and much more are often not only found outside of church and religion, they are also perceived from church positions or discredited in the name of religion. The integration of other believers in the context of refugee work does not primarily take place in church circles, but in sports, in music clubs, and in dance clubs. The life of Jesus, and before him that of Moses, is due to a successful escape. The prolongation of this experience, and the resulting empathy for those seeking protection, in many cases, seems to be ascertainable outside of declared religion and church rather than within. And yet the roots of the initiatives outlined here must go deep into religion and the church. The activities, movements, organisations, associations, and clubs that appear in secular form actually feed from the wellspring of religious beliefs. It is often non-religious or non-church groups that not only represent unreligious or unchurch ethical norms against resistance from the religions and churches in question, but also maintain them and develop them to ethical heights. In line with Karl Rahner, who once spoke of having to rediscover the word God from elsewhere and fill it with content

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(Rahner, 1984, pp. 55–56), it may be said of religion and the church that they may have lost their own ethical maxims but – through the current secularisation processes – can rediscover them. Against the background of the view of secularisation attempted here, it can be concluded that the worldwide fading of religion – for instance, in Thailand 1,000 Buddhist monasteries are currently being closed down, churches in Germany are being desanctified and sold – can be perceived as a loss only to a limited extent. If, what religion should actually accomplish, is carried out elsewhere and fulfilled by others, then the developments may not only balance each other, but may weigh particularly heavily on one that is characterised by secularisation. However, the whole issue would not be about the evaporation of religion insofar as the maxims of religion would be fulfilled in the course of secularisation. This, in turn, would actually correspond to the old vision of the “city without a temple,” which we owe to the revelation of John (Rv 21, 22). Since the religious maxims are fulfilled, there is no longer any need to speak of them and therefore no places for their proclamation. The fading of religions into the wide horizon of secularisation and profanation also provides an opportunity with regard to interreligious dialogue; especially with regard to the urbiblical vision of a holy pilgrimage of all peoples to Zion and the ideal of the Pentecostal Church in which everyone can understand everyone else, or the ground-breaking Pauline elimination of the border between Jews and Gentiles (Gal 3, 28). In the context of secularisation, religions are challenged not only to learn to understand each other, rather than just to tolerate and accept one another, but to appreciate each other and value each other’s specialities, after all, and even more so than divisions, there are countless similarities that connect and join them. Thus, due to its inherent humanism, secularisation does not only prove to be a vicarious agent of religion and the churches. It also challenges them to reconsider their content and to represent it externally. If it accepts the requests and constructive initiatives of secularisation as challenges, religion can grow through this process. Secularisation grounds. Thus, it could be good for religions.

Outlook The UWM Olsztyn’s Professor for religious education Cyprian Rogowski has aptly described the future field of tension in regard to Polish conditions: There is no doubt that the Catholic Church in modernising Polish society has to redefine its point of view both with regard to public institutions and in relation to individual social groups. Of course, the first question that arises is whether the Church is capable of getting involved in all of

The spectre of secularisation 157 these difficult problems that an ever-changing world brings with it. Second, a lot depends on how the Church in Poland will respond to the challenges of social modernisation and post-modernisation. (…) Not only the forces of secularisation, but also the quality of their forms of evangelisation can have an impact on the future of religion and the church – not in confrontation with postmodern culture, but in dialogue with it, while maintaining its Christian identity. (Rogowski, 2016, p. 537) With regard to the relationship between (school) religious instruction and (ecclesiastical) catechesis, it should be added that, since there are numerous overlaps in content, the strict distinction between these two forms of instruction that has been established in Germany since 1974, should be aimed for and implemented. For example, religious instruction in schools could be given explicitly in the context of the increasing secularisation processes in Poland, and fundamental questions about religiosity and religion could also be dealt with. The Roman Catholic Church and the Protestant churches could – in addition, and in depth – contribute their own specific content and religious positions within the framework of catechesis or Christian instruction given within the church.

References Barz H., Postmoderne Religion. Die junge Generation in den Alten Bundesländern.Jugend und Religion, vol. 2, Opladen: Leske + Budrich, 1992. Buber M., Elemente des Zwischenmenschlichen, in: M. Buber, Die Schriften über das dialogische Prinzip, Heidelberg: Schneider, pp. 255–284, 1954. Ceylan R., Cultural Time Lag. Moscheekatechese und islamischer Religionsunterricht im Kontext von Säkularisierung, Wiesbaden: Springer VS, 2014. Eckehart M., Deutsche Predigten und Traktate (J. Quint, trans.), München: Carl Hanser, 1969. Heyward C., Und sie rührte sein Kleid an. Eine feministische Theologie der Beziehung, Stuttgart: Kreuz, 1987. Liu C. & Spiegel E., Peacebuilding in a Globalized World. An Illustrated Introduction to Peace Studies, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2015. Mariański J., Moralność w kontekście społecznym, Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy Nomos, 2014a. Mariański J., Praktyki religijne w Polsce w procesie przemian. Studium socjologiczne, Sandomierz: Wydawnictwo Diecezjalne, 2014b. Rahner K., Grundkurs des Glaubens. Einführung in den Begriff des Christentums, Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1984. Rogowski C., Glaube und Bildung in der säkularen Welt. Überlegungen aus polnischer Sicht, in: C. Böttigheimer & R. Dausner (eds.), Vaticanum 21. Die bleibenden Aufgaben des Zweiten Vatikanischen Konzils im 21. Jahrhundert, Freiburg – Basel – Wien: Herder, pp. 526–537, 2016.

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Spiegel E., “Lehramt Theologie – das Studium kannste vergessen!” Berufseffizient elementarisieren – ein hochschuldidaktischer Orientierungsrahmen, Kevelaer: Butzon & Bercker, 2003. Spiegel E., Soziotheologie, in: T. Kläden, J. Könemann & D. Stoltmann (eds.), Kommunikation des Evangeliums. Münster: LIT, pp. 183–193, 2008. Spiegel E., Sexualisierte Gewalt in der römisch-katholischen Kirche – erste Annäherungen an ein Symptom, in: E. Kos (ed.), Kirchenkrise als Chance, Münster: LIT, pp. 115–163, 2012.

11 Spiritual values of university students in contemporary Ukrainian society: a sociological discourse Yuriy Pachkovskyy Introduction The new discourse of human values is of particular interest as an important factor that should set the course for the development of modern society. The modern era is characterised by radical changes in all spheres of human life and is defined by many sociologists as postmodern. The presence of a number of contradictory tendencies, especially in relation to social changes under the influence of globalisation, total computerisation, and the unification of masses, places on the agenda the importance of an analysis of the axiological context and its place in the analysis of social changes of the postmodern era. New challenges which face modern society require particular attention, especially in regards to the problem of spirituality, in which, in our view, several research imperatives should be distinguished, i.e.: •

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Spirituality under modern conditions is regarded as an important element in the analysis of social change and worldview. According to P. Bourdieu, the spiritual life of society is a symbolic struggle over the perception of the social world, which is able to take various forms (Bourdieu, 1994). Accordingly, in society, spirituality is “woven” into the analysis of such dimensions as the correlation of material and spiritual (both in cognitive systems and in the activity sphere of realisation of values); individual and collective (as a reflection of the measure of sociality); passive and active (innovative); emotional and rational (in different contexts: self-determination, life strategies), as well as the relationship between dependence and freedom (including freedom of choice). Spirituality is the basis of the spiritual world of the individual, which is defined as an integral qualitative characteristic of the diversity of valuenormative, ideological, religious, political, identification, and other cultural models of the social subject (individual or group), which are a component of the structure of perception, judgement, and behaviour, and is a product of the influence of a particular socio-cultural environment. In addition, the spiritual world is a kind of “coordinate DOI: 10.4324/9781003271994-14

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•

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Yuriy Pachkovskyy system” of the subject, placing it in the space of local-global, nationalsupranational, ideal-real, individual-social, traditional innovative, etc. Spirituality is a significant component of human activity and behaviour, aimed at the formation of a high moral environment, semantic and value prerequisites for its spiritual and cultural development. To a large extent, the peculiarities of the spiritual manifestations of human activity are revealed through such concepts as “spiritual activity,” “spiritual purpose,” “spiritual practices,” “spiritual resources,” “spiri­ tual potential,” “spiritual culture,” and “spiritual capital.” Spirituality here acts as a quality of human being, which includes active, effective knowledge, which is accompanied by volitional actions of man in the realisation of the set goals. Spirituality is a value in situations of freedom to choose the meaning of human existence. Spiritual choice as a category is of particular importance here because it is correlated with the appreciation of being. The process of spiritual choice includes both creativity and the attribution of values. At the same time, spiritual choice is accompanied not only by experience, responsibility, but also by the non-guarantee of success. Choice is the end result of value reflection and can be interpreted as its phenomenon. Spirituality is a variable over time because its formation and develop­ ment depend on the conditions of socialisation of the individual, the influence of culture, religion, education and upbringing. Variability in time as a trait of spirituality gives birth to its new forms. In particular, the sociology of the problem of “new spirituality” (Mariański, 2013, p. 148), which is a new style of post-modern spiritual culture, is actively discussed in sociology because it is democratic and as transcending the boundaries of institutional religions (often defined as opposition to traditional religion), connected with the processes of individualisation and sub intensification, self-development, and internal perfection.

The problem of spirituality is multidimensional: from the search for the meaning of one’s existence to the creative self-realisation of the individual. Spirituality is inseparable from the society and the values that govern it. The synthesis of spiritual and values gives rise to an axiological dimension, which is reflected in the category of “spiritual values,” whose value is constantly growing in the context of the present because it puts on the agenda the problem of moral and spiritual responsibility of a person for his own actions (tolerance, respect for others, etc.), finding one’s place in the system of social and philo­ sophical coordinates that determine the further progress of humanity.

Spiritual values: definition, main content, and the approaches to classification The spiritual values, according to M. Scheler (1957), are detached from the realm of the physical and material. M. Scheler was one of the first to make

Spiritual values of university students 161 the scientific division of spiritual values into: (a) the values of pure knowledge; (b) the values of the just and the unjust (lawful and unlawful, sense of hierarchy and justice); and (c) aesthetic values (beauty – ugliness). M. Scheler’s ideas in the 80s of the 20th century were developed by the Polish philosopher J. Tischner (1982) who also speaks of lower (vital and hedonistic) and higher values. Spiritual and religious values occupy a special place among the highest values. According to J. Tischner, spiritual values are of a lasting nature and fit into the Platonic triad of values, i.e. Truth, Good, and Beauty. In Tischner’s understanding, spiritual values (i.e. truth, justice, and freedom) are always important; they give a deeper feeling than the satisfaction of vital values. That is why they resemble a feeling of happiness. To do this, you can be a sick person who suffers pain, but happy because spiritual values have been realised. However, spiritual values need more justification. A person who dedicates him- or herself to truth, justice, or freedom may ask him- or herself why I am doing this. Justifying its behaviour, a person is able to turn to God if s/he is a believer; otherwise – to the Fatherland, History, that is, to values of the highest order. A. Grzegorczyk, another Polish researcher, focuses on a deeper un­ derstanding of the nature of spiritual values. A. Grzegorczyk uses the formal-logical division of values, distinguishing values of one’s own structure, values of connection with others, values of connection with the environment (extra-terrestrial or interpreted impersonally), and values of connection with the totality of being (numerical). He adds to his division of values the precious states that we want to experience and want to be experienced by other people. The author proposes to emphasise the congratulatory and spiritually valuable states. Welcoming to him are those states that strengthen our biological existence, single (individual) or collective (family, national), and also those that contribute to our life expansion. These are certain conditions of our body that contribute to the preservation of the body, its health and strength. Spiritually valuable are those states which, above all, are valued through knowledge. In the area of cognition, we value the enrichment of knowledge (obtained mainly through the acquisition of new information), the understanding (obtained through the ordering of knowledge), and the increase in the likelihood of questionable information. In addition to knowing how self-esteem of the human person is felt, self-possession, inner harmony, and life sequence. We consider our attitude to other people spiritually valuable when we are guided by a sense of equality, respect for all human beings, as well as by kindness, justice, care, and love (Grzegorczyk, 1993, pp. 95–101). A comprehensive classification (structure) of spiritual values was proposed by the Ukrainian psychologist M. Boryshevskiy, distinguishing moral, civic, ideological, ecological, aesthetic, intellectual, and valeological values (Boryshevskiy, 1997). Somewhat modified structure of spiritual values is offered by E. Pomytkin (Pomytkin, 2006, p. 45), referring to them not only as the aesthetic, civic (humanistic), environmental values mentioned above, but

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also the values of self-knowledge, self-perfection, and self-realisation of personality. In our view, a multilevel analysis of spiritual values, taking into account micro-, meso-, macro-, and mega-level dimensions in the analysis of the social system is considered productive, which opens the way to con­ sidering them as important factors that permeate the whole system of not only human existence but a public organisation. Therefore, it is suggested to consider spiritual values as values of personal, group, institutional, and universal (civilisational) order. Spiritual values of personal order are values that are important and determining for the spiritual development of the in­ dividual. Group spiritual values are values that define and regulate the system of interpersonal and interpersonal relationships that have developed in the process of group interaction and are crucial for the formation of a social spiritual and moral atmosphere. The spiritual values of the institutional order are values that are important for a particular society, nation, people, and state. They define mutual social responsibility in society, giving social rela­ tions spiritual content, moral, and legal order. The spiritual values of the human order are values that have universal (civilisational, cultural) sig­ nificance (e.g. justice, humanity, humanism, freedom, love, faith, hope, wisdom, beauty, good, life, happiness), and their scope is not limited to a particular country. The fundamental feature of spiritual values for society is their integrative function. The unity of values in most members of society is the basis for its stability. It is possible to speak of spiritual value only when we ask ques­ tions about why human activity is being carried out, or what the meaning of achieving certain goals, aspirations, and intentions are. Therefore, the sphere of spiritual values includes the meaning of life, love, good, evil, etc., that is, the meaning of general moral categories. Spiritual values play the role of the axiological soil of choosing needs, interests, experiences, goals, plans, ways of realisation, and consequences of activity. It should be noted that today there is a fairly wide range of definitions of spiritual values. In particular, in contemporary Ukrainian scientific discourse, we find the following definitions (definitions) of spiritual values. Spiritual value is valuable, important, and significant for a person and a social group in the spiritual sphere (moral principles, political ideas, patriotic experiences, etc.) (Moskalets, 2004, p. 8). Spiritual values are the so-called self-worthy, meaningful means of survival of mankind, fixed by the experiences of beauty, the imitation of well-being, social ideals, and moral standards; all that is called human values (Voropaeva, 2011, p. 364). Spiritual values are humanistic life orientations that inspire a person to act, influence one’s personal choices, help one to overcome negative

Spiritual values of university students 163 traits, create a need for justice, respect for humans and dignity, and promote moral and ethical relations (Husakivs’ka, 2011, p. 125). Spiritual values are the pinnacle achievements of humanity, which in everyday life are transformed into value orientations that govern the behaviour of the individual (Mukomel, 2012, p. 17). Spiritual values are the constructive guidelines of human consciousness that determine the norms of personal behaviour and have an individual and social basis, are the basis for solving the question of the purpose of man, the meaning of life, the highest achievements of mankind, the higher vital values that determine the success of society (…) (Shkirenko, 2012, p. 7). The problem of spiritual values is multifaceted and covers almost all di­ mensions of human existence: from personal and activity-normative out­ look to civilisational and cultural. Therefore, the field for the theoretical analysis of spiritual values is quite different and represents virtually the entire spectrum of basic categories that describe the activity-transforming and world-view nature of man (Figure 2.4.1.). Spiritual values are in­ separable from the individual (the personal dimension of human existence) because it is its achievements, intrinsic traits, beliefs, and processes of un­ derstanding, in particular such concepts as good and evil, charity, beauty, faith, responsibility, duty, and so on. In other words, this is what person­ ality owns, what it receives in the process of knowing or communicating. Spiritual values are a kind of intrinsic qualities (traits) of a person, which correlate with universal values, find their expression in significant life si­ tuations. On the other hand, virtues (inner) are associated with the per­ sonality, which are inseparable from the consciousness of man and govern his actions that he adheres to throughout his life. To a large extent, virtues as human internal imperatives are the basis of moral laws, principles, and values. In Christianity, in particular, virtues are equated with spiritual va­ lues. They determine, first of all, the attitude of man to the higher world, to God, and through him – to other people. In relation to these core values, they believe; they have faith, hope, and love (Shevchuk, 2010, p. 845). Important personal virtues include prudence, justice, courage, and restraint. Being human is to do good and to show moral qualities in everything (Figure 11.1). Another aspect of the analysis is the consideration of spiritual values in the categories of activity (activity-normative dimension) since spiritual va­ lues are the result of spiritual activity that underlies Christian life. In ad­ dition, spiritual values are the result of spiritual (positive) practices that influence personality formation. The active aspect in the analysis of spiritual values is to consider them in the categories of goals that a person sets for himself, giving them the values of life orientations, appropriate motivation, and there is also a special emphasis on her daily life, full of manifestations

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Figure 11.1 Theoretical planes– dimensions of the analysis of the category “spiri­ tual values”.

of charity and love for others. An important element of analysis in this context is the normative component of spiritual values because they are called to fulfil a regulative role in human existence. Hence, their con­ sideration is often in the categories of moral (spiritual) norms, normative systems, behaviours, relevant rules, and “domestic law” that govern the individual. Complementing this understanding of spiritual values is to consider them as a guide (spiritual orientation), which sets the overall strategy for the behaviour of the individual in society, laying the founda­ tions of his attitude to himself and others, determining the place in the system of human relations. Spiritual values are not only norms, but also principles, ideas, beliefs, in­ tangible attitudes, and “supreme” values, which are usually not compro­ mised and contribute to personal development and moral and spiritual growth (worldview dimension). In this sense, we find the most meaningful definitions of spiritual values. On the basis of principles and ideas, viewpoints of the world are formed. Spiritual values as a spiritual world are a worldview of a person, which in certain circumstances becomes a means of forming a personality, making it more resistant to life’s trials. In this plane, the view develops that spiritual values are a set of factors that influence not only the human outlook, but also the core of morality and the basis of belief. Another plane of analysis of spiritual values is their consideration as the property of many generations, as an important cultural component of society, because culture itself is the subject field of their formation (civilisational and cultural dimension). Spiritual values represent the aspects important to the human being outside the material world, i.e. what accumulates human

Spiritual values of university students 165 values. In the applied aspect, it finds a way out in considering spiritual values as the main factor (means) in the education of man and his socialisation. Each of these dimensions holds a special place in the system of formation of spirituality. In the early stages of personality formation, the personal and activity-normative dimension, which is connected with the formation of the individual in the process of socialisation, is first and foremost important. At much later stages of personal development, the weight of ideological di­ mension increases and, for an already mature individual, civilisation and cultural aspects surge up. Accordingly, the formation of spiritual values is a complex mechanism for the creation of above all spiritual needs and mo­ tives, high moral goals and meanings of being a person, who is responsible for his or her actions and actions before him- and herself, the community, and society. Therefore, spiritual values counteract narrow selfish interests and utilitarian-pragmatic values.

Spiritual values of Ukrainian students – experience of empirical researches In the current conditions of Ukrainian society, spiritual values are an im­ portant element in shaping the outlook of a young person. This process is influenced by several factors related to the systemic transformation of Ukrainian society in the path of market and political transformation, as well as to the formation of a new educational policy in a country where, in particular, the student body is the main driving force in the formation of a new educational space, based on openness to knowledge, student mobility, and responsibility for the country’s future. However, it is worth noting here a number of other conditions that have both direct and indirect impact on the spiritual sphere of the individual and society in general, namely: •

The lengthy process of post-communist transformation of Ukrainian society has proved ambiguous and complicated, which is conditioned by the influence, above all, of vital values on all social life. The problem of poverty, the low standard of living, the high rates of labour migration abroad defer their mark on the organisation of daily human life. According to the Ukrainian sociologist E. Golovakha, the experi­ ence of reforming the economy and political system of modern Ukraine is due, first of all, to the mismatch of values and norms of social life with modern civilisational requirements (Golovakha, 2013, p. 130). An analysis of the dynamics of the value orientations of the population of Ukraine in the first decades of independence showed that there was an increase in the vital values that form the core of the value consciousness of citizens. The importance of educational and cultural growth values has not been adequately acquired, and the importance of the syndrome of certain civic, democratic, and market values is also significantly lost (Misyutina, 2011, p. 230).

166 •

•

•

Yuriy Pachkovskyy The modernisation process that has embraced Eastern European countries and, including Ukraine, has raised the important question, i.e. Can all Eastern European societies achieve the level of development and material well-being of Western countries under one universal cultural programme? The answer to this question remains open. Studies of the modernisation of individual societies demonstrate the peculia­ rities of national cultural programmes; in particular, values that do not change under the influence of economic development and increase in the well-being of the population (e.g. as in Russia). On the other hand, the dependence of moral and spiritual values on economic factors is ambiguous since the spiritual component is largely determined by the system of values of the family in which the person is nurtured, the moral principles of his or her authority, teaching, values traditions of society, the mentality of the people, etc. (Savelyev, 2013, pp. 136–137). Despite the ambiguity of the impact of the economic situation on the change of the value system in the Ukrainian society, the high level of declared religiosity in the country draws attention. It is worth noting that the religiosity of Ukrainian society at the declared level is one of the highest in the European sphere. According to the Razumkov Centre (Kyiv), the level of religiosity in Ukraine as of 2018 remains quite high and averages 72%. This is 5% more than in 2013 and 14% more than in 2000. Over the last 15 years, the number of non-believers has decreased from 12% to 5%. Convinced atheists constitute approxi­ mately 3%. Generation of “independence,” i.e. young people who were born in the period of Ukraine’s acquisition of statehood, have a significant influence on the creation of new value systems. In this regard, particular attention of Ukrainian researchers is focused on the student body as the most active socio-cultural community, which generates and presents the latest ideas, advanced views, and is a supporter of European values. With regard to the analysis of the spiritual component and spiritual values of the student body in recent years, the number of empirical researches has increased, which states the following tendencies: the concept of “spirituality” is realised by the student in three semantic fields: morality, intellect, and religiosity. In addition, students are still critical of their own level of spiritual development (Statinowa & Kushchenko, 2011). Students who prefer spiritual values are characterised by the desire for moral satisfac­ tion in all areas of their lives, self-improvement, preserving the unique­ ness and identity of their personality, the realisation of their creative opportunities, and establishing friendly relationships with others. On the other hand, it is noted that spirituality is one of the essential factors of non-constructive youth behaviour (Kravchuk, 2017). It is shown that the potential of the student’s spiritual development is connected, first of all, with self-awareness, character, intelligence, communication, and person­ ality orientation. Defending one’s own beliefs and fighting for a better

Spiritual values of university students 167 future in the state, according to the student body, requires self-sacrifice, high moral, and spiritual qualities (honesty, kindness, and responsibility) (Bilyk & Chemerys, 2014), as well as a willingness to risk and reject conformism (Shestakovskii, 2015). To a large extent, the problem of the formation of spiritual values depends on the state of the spiritual culture of the youth. It is emphasised that higher education today is not only the key to economic prosperity, but also becomes an important factor in the spiritual security of society; a factor that is one of the defining aspects of the formation of high spiritual value systems (Krotyuk & Malyarchuk, 2012). Moreover, recent events related to the Dignity Revolution have demonstrated the high potential of spirituality in Ukrainian society, the desire of student youth to be creators of their own destiny. Our own research experience has shown that the problem of spiritual values in the university students environment is ambiguous enough, which requires a number of clarifications. First of all, due to the lack of a single agreed defi­ nition of spiritual values, a sufficiently wide range of thoughts can be traced in their definition and categorisation. In our case, in the expert survey of representatives of the educational and spiritual-religious spheres (N = 90, 2012), who deal directly with the problems of spirituality among the youth, 56 categories of values of spiritual orientation were identified (Pachkovskyy & Blikhar, 2017, p. 65). The first-place winner, by the number of elections, was the value of “Love” (44.4%), the second – “Humanity” (40.0%), and the third – “Honesty” (36.7%). Among other spiritual values, experts noted the following: “Respect for human dignity” (33.3%), “Courtesy” (30.0%), “Religion” (27.8%), “Mutual support” (27.6%), “Sincerity” (27.1%), “Sacrifice” (26.7%), and “Honesty” (25.6%). The lowest rating positions were held by such values as “Calm” (6.7%), “Trust” (6.5%), “Solidarity” (4.4%), “Courage” (4.4%), “Will” (4.1%), “Life” (4.0%), “Happiness” (3.3%), “Autonomy” (3.2%), and “Language” (3.0%). Despite the diversity of spiritual values offered, practically all experts expressed their opinion on their importance for becoming a student and developing Ukrainian society in the near future. As an example, here are some expert statements on this subject: It is difficult to overestimate the value of spiritual values. They act as instruments of social regulation in society; they are an intermediary linking the behaviour of a person with his or her important instincts with ideals. Without the study of spiritual values, and even more without life according to these values, human development is impossible because without these values people are directed to degradation. Because it gives an opportunity to at least roughly evaluate possible options for the development of society in the next 20–25 years, when

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Yuriy Pachkovskyy current students reach middle age, take on leadership positions and the burden of decision-making. It is important because it is a fundamental component of the human personality. After all, the dominant values in today’s youth will shape our society in future. By studying the spiritual values of young people, we can learn about their inner world and what is relevant to youth now – materiality or spirituality. Studying the spiritual values of the modern student youth is very important because being in the present sinful circle makes a young man easily fall off the feet and easily tempted by evil people. What our society will be like tomorrow depends on what our youth is like today. Therefore, spiritual values should be prioritised over other types of values. The spiritual landmarks of today are extremely blurred. Student youth is the most vulnerable section of society, for which blurring is given; ambiguity can become a factor in the violation of identification and thus the formation of spirituality, including various social deviations. Each person will sooner or later face different situations or problems. Due to spiritual values, s/he will be able to act properly in every situation. Student youth is an intellectual, purposeful part of the population of the country; its spiritual and moral level is a decisive factor in shaping not only every individual but the whole state.

The research also disclosed a different understanding of the essence of spiritual values of students. For example, in our research, which was con­ ducted with young people of Ivan Franko National University of Lviv (N = 580, 2013), for some, spiritual values are intrinsic qualities inherent in a person who influence their behaviour (23.4% of the respondents); for others, it is a comparison of their benchmarks with God’s industry and God’s commandments (20.3%); for others, it is the observance of moral standards (17.9%); the experience of virtue manifested in daily life (14.1%); a set of specific views and ideas that are crucial in education (12.2%); beliefs that a person is guided in making important decisions (98%). This interpretation of spiritual values is close to students’ under­ standing of such a basic concept as “spirituality” with which they associate the human inner world, state of mind, and inner harmony (52.9%); a set of moral and cultural views (36.2%). Considering the structure of spiritual values mentioned above (Boryshevskiy; Pomytkin), students believe in moral (66.7%), self-improvement and self-realisation (45.2%), religious

Spiritual values of university students 169 Table 11.1 Factors affecting the development of the students’ spiritual values in contemporary Ukrainian society* Factors Rating factors from 1 to 7 Family Person Friends, colleagues Beloved person Internet, social networks School/University, etc. Religion

Average value

Rating factors from 8 to 14

Average value

3.65 3.59 3.49 3.34 3.03

Press, radio, television Literature and art Teacher Country Famous personalities

2.77 2.61 2.34 2.14 2.00

2.94 2.84

NGOs Student group curator

1.86 1.66

Note: The average value of the impact of the above-mentioned factor was determined on a scale: 4 – very influential, 3 – affecting, 2 – not very influential, 1 – completely unaffected, 0 – difficult to answer.

(39.7%), and intellectual (35.3%) values. For a deeper understanding of the mechanisms that have a regulating influence on the formation of the spiritual values of a young person, we present some results of our survey (Pachkovskyy & Blikhar, 2017) among students of Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, Lviv Polytechnic National University, and Ukrainian Catholic University (N = 788). Thus, Table 11.1 presents the factors that exert the greatest and least influence on the development of the spiritual values of youth. In the opinion of the students themselves, the most sig­ nificant influence is exerted by the factors of their immediate environment and the circle of communication, namely family, the person itself, friends, a loved one, the Internet and social networks, as well as the educational in­ stitution where they study. The smallest is a student group curator, public organisations, a well-known personality, and the state. Religion, as a factor of influence, took the middle ground. To a certain extent, a similar situation is with regard to religiosity, which does not occupy the first position in the list of important qualities that should be brought up in children in the fa­ mily. According to sociological research, the rating of such qualities has remained unchanged for many years. The first three positions are occupied by such social qualities as hard work (78%), responsibility (68%), as well as tolerance and respect for others (59%). Religion ranks only ninth/tenth (Dokash, 2016). Given the interest in the problem of spirituality and spiritual develop­ ment, at the empirical level (based on self-esteem judgements), three types of personality were distinguished: “spiritual-passive” (representatives of this type are practically not interested in the problems of spirituality) (5.7% of the respondents), “spiritual-potential” (reflecting on the problems of the inner world and the meaning of life) (59.0%), and “spiritually-active”

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(striving on a continuous basis to improve their inner world and help others, clearly aware of the meaning of their life, aimed at self konalennya and ongoing spiritual development) (35.3%). Most students of the spiritual-potential personality type were among students of Ivan Franko National University of Lviv (62.4%) and representatives of Lviv Polytechnic National University (60.8%), while there were half as many students of Ukrainian Catholic University – 36.9%. The spiritual-passive personality type was found in only two educational establishments: 4.1% (Lviv University) and 9.0% (Lviv Polytechnic). Most representatives of the spiritually active personality type were among the representatives of the Ukrainian Catholic University (63.1% vs. 33.5% of the Lviv University students polled and 30.2% of the Lviv Polytechnic). It is worth noting that students at this higher education institution are more focused on spiritual development (72.6%), while students in classical and technical universities are more oriented towards intellectual and professional development (Figure 11.2). In the course of spiritual development, the interviewed stu­ dents, above all, understand the awareness of the meaning of their lives and the ability to empathise. Formation of the spiritual component in modern conditions is a multilevel process that involves relations in the system “environment of higher educa­ tion institution-teacher (curator)-student.” Each of these components has a special place in the educational process. Regarding the environment of the higher education institution, this is perhaps the most important factor in­ fluencing the development of spiritual values according to the interviewed students of the Ukrainian Catholic University, 47.6% of whom answered

Figure 11.2 Orientation of Ukrainian students. Source: Acronyms: UL – Ivan Franko National University of Lviv; PL – Lviv Polytechnic National University; UKU – Ukrainian Catholic University.

Spiritual values of university students 171 with the unambiguous “yes” (42.9% of the respondents answered “rather yes”). According to this average, students in the classical and technical fields of study were not so categorical (31.6%), although they recognised the im­ portance of the environment of the educational institution for their spiritual self-improvement (45.5% chose the “yes” option). On the other hand, the interviewed students of the aforementioned educational institutions expect a more significant influence on the process of forming the spiritual component of the personality from the teachers-curators of student groups directly. On average, 76.9% of the students surveyed indicated this expectation. Among the qualities that should be given to the teacher-curator students are respect for human dignity (tolerance, restraint, humanity); industry; the desire to selfimprove and develop their outlook; patriotism (adherence to national tra­ ditions); interest in art in its various manifestations. On the other hand, students today expect the following actions (in the order of their importance and relevance for the interviewed student youth) from curators (mentors): assistance in adapting to the conditions of study at the university; formation of a healthy moral and psychological climate in the student group; involve­ ment of students in participation in scientific, cultural, sports, and public events of the faculty and the university; organisation of work according to the education of students’ cultural skills, assimilation of universal, national, civic, spiritual, personal values; control of educational activity, attendance of classes, timely performance of current attestation. In addition, it is found that about two-thirds of the students surveyed believe that the curator should promote their spiritual development. Most of the students at Lviv universities are very positive about the introduction of a special course in spiritual and moral education (56.8% of all respondents). Other findings related to the problem of spirituality and spiritual values revealed by the study include the following: •

•

Modern education is considered by students as an important factor in the spiritual development of the individual. This is especially evident in the responses of students of the Ukrainian Catholic University (66.7% of the respondents). For the surveyed students of Lviv University and Lviv Polytechnic, this figure was respectively 40.3% and 42.2%. The students were quite self-critical in assessing the level of develop­ ment of their own spirituality. Half of them (49.5%) stated that today the level of spirituality of young people has decreased compared to the youth of previous generations. In their view, youth are more concerned about their own material enrichment. Only 15.4% of those polled believe that today young people are becoming better and more educated. According to the interviewed students, the modern graduate of a higher education institution should be, above all, responsible, speak a foreign language, be communicative, and hardworking. The least valued in the student environment are arrogance, dishonesty, and stubbornness.

172 •

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Yuriy Pachkovskyy For students of classical and technical studies such values as “health,” “family well-being,” “self-improvement and self-development,” and “personal freedom” were among the most significant. For students of theological studies, “faith in God,” “faithful and reliable friends,” “health,” “spiritual development and enrichment” were the most im­ portant. In addition, European values, such as “respect for human dignity” (74.6%), “justice” (61.5%), “peace and tranquillity” (60.7%), and, the most important for the Lviv student body, “Freedom” (58.1%) and “democracy” (54.3%) were essential. Only 6.5% of Lviv students surveyed believe that the figure of a teacher of a higher education institution has no influence on the formation of spirituality in the youth environment, thus paying attention to its importance in the educational process. The modern teacher is char­ acterised as a moral authority, who, by their own example, express respect for the student, demonstrate an ability to listen to student needs and aim at their own self-development and self-improvement.

Conclusions In modern academic discourse, in particular sociological, there is a sig­ nificant increase in the attention of researchers to the problem of spiritual values, which put on the agenda their analysis as a social phenomenon, which is involved at all levels of human existence. What is the reason? First, spiritual values are seen as a product of activity (above all, an inner, focused on personal, and intra-individual understanding of good and evil). Secondly, spiritual values are a kind of guidelines that guide the meaning of being human, a social group, and a society. Third, spiritual values are in­ separable from the normative and moral regulation of human behaviour and interpersonal relationships. Fourth, spiritual values are the highest achievements of humanity, and in this sense their integrative value in constructing a model social reality is manifested. Fifth, spiritual values act as inner beliefs, as a result of long-term socialisation and the process of educating a person in a particular sociocultural environment. Concerning Ukrainian realities, there has been a kind of renaissance in the last 10 years regarding research, especially with regard to university students, who have been one of the main “locomotives” of social changes in the country. Studies have shown that the formation of the spiritual component of a young person is a complex process in which a number of complex factors are involved. Such factors include not only the immediate environment and social networks, but also the educational environment of the higher educa­ tion institution, which is called, according to modern conditions, not only to provide the necessary knowledge to students, but also to educate them as well-developed individuals with high levels of spirituality. In this process, spiritual values fulfil an intermediate, connecting link, designed to lay the foundations on the path to self-improvement and self-fulfilment, as well as to

Spiritual values of university students 173 define strategic orientations aimed at creating a high moral atmosphere in society. In our view, spiritual values are what inspires one to not only selfperfection alone, but also to an active world-view activity aimed at creating one’s own and non-personal spiritual environment on the basis of the cultural and civilisational progress of mankind.

References Bilyk L. & Chemerys I., Dukhovno-moral’ne vykhovannya student·s’koyi molodi – zaporuka rozvytku natsiyi, Naukovi zapysky Natsionalʹnoho universytetu “Ostroz’ka akademiya”, Seriya: Psykholohiya i pedahohika, 27, pp. 11–13, 2014. Boryshevskiy M., Dukhovni tsinnosti yak determinanta hromadyans’koho vykho­ vannya osobystosti, “Tsinnosti osvity i vykhovannya”, Kyiv: APN Ukrayiny, pp. 21–25, 1997. Bourdieu P., In Other Words: Essays Towards a Reflexive Sociology, (M. Adamson, trans.), Redwood City: Stanford University Press, 1994. Dokash V., Plyuralizm, polikonfesiynist’ ta rozvynuta relihiyna merezha – faktory poperedzhennya mizhkonfesiynykh konfliktiv (za rezul’tatamy sotsiolohichnykh doslidzhen’), “Relihiya ta sotsium”, 3–4 (23–24), pp. 130–138, 2016. Golovakha E., Modernizatsiya y zmina systemy tsinnostey v ukrayins’komu suspil’stvi (Materialy kruhloho stolu), “Ekonomika i prohnozuvannya”, 1, pp. 130–131, 2013. Grzegorczyk A., Życie jako wyzwanie. Wprowadzenie w filozofię racjonalistyczną, Warszawa: IFiS PAN, 1993. Husakivs’ka S., Dukhovni tsinnosti u formuvanni osobystosti maybutn’oho vy­ khovatelya DNZ, “Problemy zahal’noyi ta pedahohichnoyi psykholohiyi”, 4 (XIII), pp. 120–126, 2011. Kravchuk S., Psykholohichni osoblyvosti dukhovnykh tsinnostey ta nekon­ struktyvnykh form povedinky v yunats’komu vitsi u polityko-pravoviy sferi v umovakh voyennoho konfliktu, “Naukovyy visnyk Khersons’koho derzhavnoho universytetu. Seriya Psykholohichni nauky”, 3: pp. 104–108, 2017. Krotyuk V. & Malyarchuk S., Dukhovna bezpeka suspil’stva ta osvita, “Visnyk Natsional’noyi yurydychnoyi akademiyi Ukrayiny im. Yaroslava Mudroho”, 14, pp. 57–66, 2012. Mariański J., Sekularyzacja desekularyzacja Nowa duchowość. Studium socjolo­ giczne, Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy Nomos, 2013. Misyutina V., Sotsial’ no-ekonomichna nerivnist’ ta zmina tsinnisnykh oriyentatsiy ukrayintsiv, in J. Balakireva (ed.), Determinanty sotsial’no-ekonomichnoyi ner­ ivnosti v suchasniy Ukrayini: monohraf. Kyiv: NAN Ukrayiny, In-t ekon. ta prohnozuv, 2011, retrieved from http://ief.org.ua/docs/mg/90.pdf Moskalets V., Psykhologhija relighiji, Kyiv: Akademvydav, 2004. Mukomel S., Dukhovni tsinnosti yak zaporuka uspishnoyi profesiynoyi diyal’nosti, “Pedahohichnyy visnyk”, 1 (spets. vyp.), pp. 17–19, 2012. Osoblyvosti relihiynoho i tserkovno-relihiynoho samovyznachennya ukrayins’kykh hromadyan: tendentsiyi 2010–2018 rr, Kyiv: Razumkov Centre, retrieved from http://razumkov.org.ua/uploads/article/2018_Religiya.pdf.

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Pachkovskyy Y. & Blikhar M., Do problemy dukhovnykh tsinnostey u sotsiolo­ hichnomu dyskursi, “Visnyk L’vivs’koho universytetu. Seriya sotsiolohichna”, 11, pp. 54–68, 2017. Pomytkin E., Psykholohija dukhovnoho rozvytku osobystosti, Kyiv: Nash chas, 2006. Savelyev Y., Emansypatsiyni tsinnosti’ i ‘spromozhnist’ vyboru’ v rozuminni mod­ ernizatsiyi. Modernizatsiyni protsesy ta transformatsiya tsinnostey, (Materialy kruhloho stolu), “Ekonomika i prohnozuvannya”, 1, pp. 136–138, 2013. Scheler M., Phänomenologie und Erkenntnistheorie, “Gesammelte Werke”, 10, pp. 120–130, 1957. Shestakovskii A., Radicalized Europeans? The values of Euromaidan participants and prospects for the development of society, “Russian Politics & Law”, 53 (3), pp. 37–67, 2015. Shevchuk Z., Osoblyvosti psykholohichnoho zmistu dukhovnykh tsinnostey oso­ bystosti ta yikh rozvytok u vykhovnomu diapazoni, “Problemy suchasnoyi psy­ kholohiyi”, 10, pp. 842–852, 2010. Shkirenko O., Psykholohichnyy zmist dukhovnykh tsinnostey i kul’tury osobystosti maybutn’oho profesionala, 2012, retrieved from http://lib.iitta.gov.ua/5995/:5. Statinowa N. & Kushchenko O., Priorities and valuables of modern students, “Visnyk KNTEU”, 3 (77), pp. 107–117, 2011. Tischner J., Myślenie według wartości, Kraków: Znak, 1982. Voropaeva V., Formuvannya dukhovnykh tsinnostey yak substantsiyna osnova stanovlennya osobystosti v umovakh kryzovoho sotsiumu, “Sotsial’ni tekhnolo­ hiyi”, 51, pp. 364–373, 2011.

12 Contemporary religiosity in practice: experiencing religion Stella Grotowska

Introduction Although the post-Yalta order described as the Iron Curtain that divided Europe is long gone, the countries of Western and Eastern Europe differ greatly in how they perceive religion (Eastern and Western Europeans Differ on Importance of Religion, Views of Minorities, and Key Social Issues, 2018). Western Europe is religiously diverse while Poland is homogeneous. Western Europe is secularised while Polish society is attached to religious traditions and attends religious practices relatively frequently. However, the religiosity of Poles is gradually changing, becoming more subjective, individualised, and perceived as an individual’s inner experience. The study discussed in this paper is exploratory in nature. Its aim is to reconstruct and analyse selected aspects of religious experience present in the media discourse in Poland. This issue seems interesting for several reasons. Firstly, the importance of religious experience grows with the sensation-seeking approach, common in contemporary culture (Schulze, 1992). Secondly, although religious life in Polish society is subject to deinstitutionalisation, Poles see religion as an important element of their everyday lives. Thirdly, the research centres are interested in specific dimensions of religiosity of Polish society, including in particular general declarations of faith and religious practices. This paper is based on the discourse analysis of selected Polish-language websites and desk research relevant to the issue. The discussion is limited to the dominant religion, i.e. Catholicism.

Religious landscape of contemporary Poland Upon the collapse of communism and the transformation processes in Central and Eastern Europe, the perception of religion has changed. In particular, the rules governing the relations between the state and the Church, and between the dominant and minority churches, have been redefined, and new religions and institutions have been founded (Borowik, 2012, p. 11). Liberalisation of religious law at the turn of the 1980s and DOI: 10.4324/9781003271994-15

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1990s led to a dynamic growth of religious associations since both the religions already present in Poland and new religious movements from abroad, embedded in traditions which significantly differ from Christianity, were registered (Ciecieląg, 2016, p. 10). Despite these tendencies, Polish society is one of the most homogeneous European societies in terms of religiosity and nationality. In 2018, 91.9% of the population identifies with the Roman Catholic Church while followers of other religions account for 1.7% of people aged 16 or over. The Orthodox Church, the second largest church in Poland, represents 0.9% of the population, while members of Protestant churches, Jehovah’s Witnesses, and Greek Catholics account for 0.3%, 0.2%, 0.1% of the population, respectively (GUS, 2018, p. 1). Polish society is attached to religious tradition. In 2018, more than 91% of adults (aged 16 or over) describe themselves as believers and 11% are persons undecided but attached to the religious tradition or seekers. Indifference to religion is declared by less than 6% of the respondents and non-believers account for 3% (GUS, 2018, p. 2). Religious practices also remain at a high level in Poland. The percentage of those who participate in religious rituals at least once a week is twice higher than in Romania, Italy, or Turkey, and three times higher than in the UK, Spain, and Slovenia (Boguszewski, 2012, p. 157). Almost half of Poles aged 16 or over participate in masses or services at least once a week; 17% do it 1 to 2 times a month and 26% do it during religious holidays or less often. Six percent of the population does not participate in collective religious practices at all (GUS, 2018, p. 3). Since 1989, the public sphere has experienced unprecedented diversity. However, the pluralism has resulted from anomie and chaos rather than the growing popularity of minority religions. Poles experience the destruction of normativity, i.e. the disintegration of social norms and applicable rules of conduct. Therefore, it is not surprising that conflicting views on fundamental issues, including both legal and constitutional matters and world views, are present in the social consciousness (Kojder, 2016, p. 188). The majority of Poles (49%) express positive opinions about the activity of the Roman Catholic Church, but a considerably large number of Poles (41%) negatively assess it (CBOS, 2020, p. 18). The religiosity of Polish society is characterised by selectivity. The relationship with Catholicism, as declared by almost 92% of adults, is not tantamount to common acceptance of religious beliefs. Only 56% of the respondents truly believe in personal God (CBOS, 2015, p. 2); 70% believe in the Last Judgment, heaven, and miracles beyond human knowledge; 69% believe in the immortality of the human soul; 62% believe in the resurrection; and 56% believe in hell (CBOS, 2015, p. 8). Individualisation of religion can be assumed as another result of anomie. In the period from 2005 to 2010, the percentage of those who believe “in their own way” increased by 14 percentage points while the percentage of believers declaring their faith and

Contemporary religiosity in practice 177 following the indications of the Church decreased from 66% to 46% of (CBOS, 2018 p. 4). The selectivity and individualisation are accompanied by a different perception of the hierarchy of the Catholic Church. There is an increasing tendency for Poles to negatively assess the Catholic Church. Since 2013, the percentage of positive opinions about the activities of the Catholic Church has fallen by 7 percentage points (CBOS, 2020, p. 18). In the period from 2014 to 2019, the percentage of people claiming that the situation of the Catholic Church in Poland is good decreased by 16 percentage points, reaching 53% (CBOS, 2019, p. 2). As the study shows, according to the public opinion, the Catholic Church in Poland is currently facing serious problems: 60% of the respondents indicate paedophilia, 37% indicate political commitment of the Church, 29% indicate the decrease in religiosity and decisions to walk away from the Church, 20% indicate homosexuality of priests (CBOS, 2019, p. 4).

Everyday life in the sociology of religion The social practices analysed in this paper fall within the context of everyday life. As proof of this, note that contemporary culture puts emphasis on everyday life and the decay of extraordinary values. The examples of such an attitude are loss of uniqueness of the events held according to the calendar, lack of reflection on ultimate goals in everyday life, trivialisation of space, routine character of common everyday matters and greater importance put on fun (Golka, 2009, pp. 66–67). The sociology of everyday life is a theoretical framework strongly supporting the research on contemporary societies, “since it becomes impossible to predict serious structural, systemic, functional changes today, in order to understand social and cultural changes, we may have to focus on ordinary person” (BoguniaBorowska, 2009, p. 12). Social practices of everyday life can be treated as indicators of trends and mechanisms acting at the macro-structural level as “a kind of upward links” (Drozdowski & Mateja, 2009, p. 366). In the sociology of religion, religious experiences embedded in everyday life are a subject of the “lived religion” approach. In the approach adopted by Meredith McGuire, religions are discussed in broad terms, based on how individuals live and experience them in their life at a particular time and context. According to McGuire, this approach makes a distinction between the experience of individual and institutionally defined religious beliefs and practices. The key concept of lived religion is subjective experience and the belief that it is real. The subjective experience is possible thanks to the support of plausibility structures (McGuire, 2008, p. 12). Robert Orsi believes that the relationship between religion and everyday life is permanent rather than incidental in nature, implying that religion is inseparably connected with the reality of everyday life. He indicates several factors important for understanding religious practices, including the following:

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Stella Grotowska Cultural constraints determining the boundaries of feelings, desires, and fantasies of individuals, Social structure and social experiences, e.g. marriage, kinship, obligations governed by law, social expectations, and access to the desired resources, Tensions and conflicts within particular structures (Orsi, 1997, p. 7).

Another aspect of lived religion is highlighted by Nancy Ammerman. She claims that the experience of non-experts, i.e. people who do not earn their living by dealing with religion or creating religious texts, is most important from the perspective of everyday life. Daily practices fall outside religious institutions and related events. This does not mean that the institutional dimension of religion is disregarded. Institutional religion is explored to the extent people who are not professionally engaged in it make use of it in their life. Everyday religion can occur both in the private and public sphere, and manifest itself both in the daily routine and crisis situations interrupting the routine (Ammerman, 2007, p. 5). The issues addressed by researchers in this respect include the experience of transcendence, alternative religious practices, superhuman reality relations, and emotions (Orsi, 2005), as well as self-presentation techniques used by actors in everyday life and the related activities (Ammerman, 2003).

Research method The study discussed in this paper uses a method based on netnography, assuming that the Internet experiences provide information on important aspects of life of wider community (Kozinets, 2010), which sees the Internet as a space for communication, promotion of social patterns, and opinionshaping. This forms a discourse which is understood in this paper as a communication event composed of three dimensions, i.e. the use of language in particular social circumstances, transmission of ideas, and social interaction (van Dijk, 1993, p. 10). The area of research covers the information portals that users, journalists, and social researchers describe as right-wing or conservative, which is because Catholic websites in the Polish-speaking Internet are fairly unpopular, with only 15% of Internet users visiting them (CBOS, 2016, p. 1). Conservative portals constitute a natural environment for the Roman Catholic religion in Poland as they refer to and express its worldview assumptions. The study focuses on the socio-cultural discourse of a particular worldview community. The assumption made here is that the portals chosen set knowledge boundaries and acceptable religious and secular beliefs, establish the hierarchy of values, and define aesthetic and moral principles in their message. The analysis focuses on the discourse of religious (Catholic) experiences expressed in the statements published between 1 January 2019 and

Contemporary religiosity in practice 179 15 May 2019 on the three portals with the highest number of users and views, i.e. niezalezna.pl, telewizjarepublika.pl, wPolityce.pl (https://www. wirtualnemedia.pl/artykul/serwisy-prawicowe-wyniki-w-2018-rokuwpolityce-pl-i-niezalezna-pl-ze-spadkami-mocno-w-gore-niedziela-pldorzeczy-pl-i-salon24-pl). Ten randomly selected texts in which religious experience was the main theme are used in the study. The statements were delivered by people who achieved considerable success in their life activity areas, i.e. six athletes, two singers, an actor, and a director. In sociological terms, they act as role models rather than celebrities. In this paper, these statements are understood as the implementation of discourse as defined by Ruth Wodak (Wodak, 2011, p. 18). The terms “statement” and “text” are used interchangeably. The review of materials collected and the development of concepts reflecting the meaning of data were carried out several times in different categories, from more specific to more abstract and analytical. The data was studied using different theoretical frameworks in line with the principle of theoretical triangulation (Denzin, 1978). The extracts from media publications presented in this paper are for illustrative purposes and to make the reader “tune into” this profession.

Religious experience in conservative portals Religious experience can be explored either from a narrower or broader perspective. The former includes experiences of religious masters. The latter refers to religious beliefs and reference frameworks, commitment, and emotions. This perspective makes it possible to explore religious meanings in everyday life (Hovi, 2004, p. 47). The concept of experience in religious research seems promising as it puts together the dimensions of social reality, often separate, and goes beyond dualism of subjectivity and objectivity. The semantic field of experience includes contact with the actual world. Sensory experience precedes conceptual development, but does not necessarily induce it or determine its forms and results. Experience understood in this way is close to pragmatism and philosophy of life of Dilthey who sees experience as an individual and subjective event, albeit subject to expression, communication, and objectivity (Nycz, 2006, pp. 12–16). Experience can also be reflected in testimony, i.e. in forms of transfer of possessed knowledge using linguistic or other means, e.g. by a particular way of behaviour or way of being (Nycz, 2006, pp. 12–16).

Subjectivity, intersubjectivity, and institutionalisation The religiosity of people classified as role models is primarily characterised by institutionalisation of religion; their religious activities rely on Catholicism. A former IBO light heavyweight world champion indicates four factors of his

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religiosity followed on a daily basis: a deep faith in God, efforts to deepen his knowledge of Catholicism, religious practices, i.e. prayers said at significant moments of his life, and wearing religious symbols (Tau cross, tattoo) to express his relationship with God. I wear a Tau cross. I have been wearing it for some time when fighting. Actually, wearing it is part of my everyday life. It symbolises a deep faith in Jesus Christ. I came upon it when I browsed the Internet. I was impressed by its history. I also have a tattoo on my body saying “God Give Me Strength” (…). I prayed before every fight. I do not follow the Church particularly closely, but the relationship between me and God is strong (retrieved on February 14, 2019 from https://wpolityce.pl/ sport/433900-fonfara-o-wierze-relacja-miedzy-mna-a-gora-jest-silna). The statement above shows that subjectivity is not contrary to institutionalisation of religion. The experience of faith does not entail the necessity to immerse in unspecified beliefs and rituals, on the edge of institutionalised religions or beyond them. Instead, it consolidates the relationship between the believer and the religious tradition. Religiosity is a personal experience shaped collectively (Berger & Luckman, 1991, pp. 39–40). Religiosity of the man quoted above is multidimensional and embedded in institutionalisation of the Catholic Church in terms of intersubjective meanings, but lacks the community dimension; he clearly keeps his distance from the hierarchical structure of the Church. Another person presented in the media discourse describes his healing experience as follows: When I played ball, my nasal cartilage moved (…). I was lying in the club sauna. Suddenly, peace overwhelmed me. I started to feel a grinding sound in my head as if my nose started to move. After a while, it stopped. Then I heard a voice in my heart, saying: “See if you like it.” I got up and came to the mirror. My nose was swollen. I try to move it. It was stiff. I came to Father Radomir. I said that (…) it happened through the intercession of Saint Charbel, a hermit who was given the grace of doing miracles. Father Radomir confirmed that miraculous healing occurred (Retrieved on March 3, 2019 from https:// wpolityce.pl/sport/436351-byly-pilkarz-legii-zostal-pomocnikiemegzorcysty). The man seeks to identify himself with a particular Church. Following his religious experience, he consults it to obtain its acknowledgement. The authenticity of the miracle is confirmed by a Catholic clergyman. Religious experience is rooted in community understood as a carrier of lived theology while the religious elite decides whether the experience is legitimate and provides theological interpretations (Wilcox, Wald, & Jelen, 2008, p. 875).

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Testimonies of faith in light of institutional religion Some of the texts quoted in this paper can be classified as testimonies. They take various forms. The statement below reflects the general declaration of faith. The article quotes a teenage singer, the winner of the 2018 Eurovision Junior Song Contest, declaring her relationship with institutional religion. Roksana Węgiel visited Jasna Góra Monastery together with her mother. Despite a demanding tour schedule, the young artist found time to give a wonderful testimony. “I am glad that I could come back here again. Faith is very important to me. I experience God’s care,” said Roksana (Retrieved on February 9, 2019 from https://wpolityce.pl/ kultura/433251-swiadectwo-roksany-wegiel-wiara-jest-dla-mniebardzo-wazna). The experiences of a sportswoman quoted below are fairly similar. She publicly presents religious symbols she wears, and demonstrates her attachment to them during sports competitions. Ewa Swoboda became the 60-metre indoor European champion in Glasgow (…). Before she ran for gold, she kissed the cross on a chain and crossed herself. Interestingly, the European champion does it before each start (Retrieved on March 3, 2019 from https:// wpolityce.pl/sport/436308-znak-krzyza-przed-biegiem-po-zlotopiekneswiadectwo-swobody). Another testimony is given by a football player. He gives his testimony through sharing knowledge, both in linguistic and non-linguistic terms, e.g. through his lifestyle. His activities are directed towards both members of his group and the social environment in a broader sense. The testimony described by the football player is closely related to his religious experience, i.e. a feeling of closeness to God and help from the Holy Spirit. Citko repeatedly gave a testimony of his faith. “You have to confront the people, admit your faith and tell your story. Tell them who I was before and who I am now. This happened in Białystok, my home town, in a hall crowded with people. There were also my friends and acquaintances who knew different sides of me. I think that the Holy Spirit helped me a lot. This is telling about the living God. It is often the case that people confess their faith in a traditional way: prayer, mass, Easter and Christmas, but do not truly believe that God is a living God. It is not that simple. Everyone has to find their own way to figure it out,” he concludes (Retrieved on April 4, 2019 from https://wpolityce.pl/ sport/441134-pilkarz-nie-zgodzil-sie-na-aborcje-choc-namawial-golekarz).

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There is no subjectivity vs. objectivity or individuality vs. institutionalisation dichotomies in the testimonies. The testimony means demonstrating one’s attachment to institutional religion (wearing Catholic symbols, visiting a holy place). Religious experience understood as a “contact with the living God” may constitute part of the testimony.

Religious experience as the basis for religious coping Religion has a great impact on well-being as it shapes lifestyles, strengthens social integration, provides social support and psychological resources, evokes positive emotions, and establishes rules. Religious involvement and belonging to religious groups reduce the likelihood of deviant and risky behaviours, e.g. illegal or resulting from chronic diseases (Sherkat & Ellison, 1999, p. 373). Many researchers see the phenomenon of religious coping through the prism of contacts with religious institutions, church practices, participation in the life of a religious community, and inclusion in social networks (Krause, 2008; Lim & Putnam, 2010; Huijts & Kraaykamp, 2011). In addition to the social correlates of religiosity, the concepts of divine interaction and existential certainty are examined (Ellison, 1991). Religion is one of the possible coping strategies (Mattlin, Wethington, & Kessler, 1990, p. 106). It is claimed that the strategy of turning to religion is used in response to traumatic events, such as long-term illness or the loss of loved ones, and it is unlikely that it will be used in the case of job loss, conflict with the law, financial difficulties, and other practical matters (Mattlin, Wethington, & Kessler, 1990, p. 110). Research conducted from the functional perspective leads to the conclusion that the consequences of social support in the Churches as a result of individual needs and well-being can be both positive and negative (Krause, Chatters, Meltzer, & Morgan, 2000; McFadden, Knepple, & Armstrong, 2003; Krause, Hayward, Bruce, & Woolver, 2014). In this paper, the concept of religious coping is understood as “the way a person uses his or her religiosity (in all of its possible varieties of expression) to cope with stress factors that arise in life” (Landmark, 2015, p. 59). In the data used in this paper, religious experience constitutes the basis for religious coping. This may seem surprising since the concept of experience is based on openness and the ability to question the current state of reality and deny previous expectations. Experience may be traumatic in nature as it makes people aware of their limited ability to predict and uncertainty of their plans (Gadamer, 1989). Note, however, that the persons whose statements were published in conservative portals have always been “immersed” in the Catholic tradition and got used to it, which means that tradition prevails over openness. They adopt two out of three coping styles defined by Pargament, i.e. collaborative and deferring (Pargament, 1997). The concept of collaborative strategy

Contemporary religiosity in practice 183 is reflected in the text devoted to a 1,500-metre run indoor Polish 2019 record-holder. Faith in God gives Lewandowski strength so that he can break records. He donated the prize for his performance in Toruń to charity. He highlights the values that are often forgotten today. He often emphasises that his faith in God gives him strength. His motto is a quote from the Book of Isaiah that he put on his website: “But those who hope in the Lord will renew their strength. They will soar on wings like eagles; they will run and not grow weary, they will walk and not be faint” (Retrieved on February 7, 2019 from https:// wpolityce.pl/sport/432900-wiara-w-boga-daje-lewandowskiemu-siledlatego-bije-rekordy). Religious experience referred to by the athlete quoted above makes it possible to overcome difficulties and one’s own weaknesses. It is perceived as a trigger or impulse for action rather than a constraint for human activity. The concept of cooperative style assumes that man has to cooperate with God to be able to overcome difficulties. This strategy is based on human activity and interaction with God. The attitude of another person, a director, is different. His religious experience is also based on coping with external difficulties. In the parable, man asks Christ, “I noticed that during the saddest and most troublesome times of my life, there was only one set of footprints. I don’t understand why, when I needed You the most, You would leave me?” Christ says: “When you saw only one set of footprints, it was then that I carried you.” The difficulties I suffered in my life made me believe that I was alone. The truth is that I had His support. I had someone to carry me through the most difficult moments of my life (Retrieved on November 14, 2019 from https:// wpolityce.pl/spoleczenstwo/421091-wojewodzki-w-narozniku-temato-wierze-zbyt-trudny). The deferring coping strategy applied by the person quoted above assumes human passivity and trust in divine omnipotence. The responsibility for solving one’s own problems is transferred to God. Studies on religious coping show that the use of this strategy gives unequivocal results. Any strategy based on religious coping can have a positive or negative impact on well-being and the quality of life. According to Pargament, “religious coping can be a double-edged sword, with people who orient their lives more closely to religion experiencing more of the costs as well as the benefits of religious involvement” (Pargament, 2002, p. 57). However, in the analysed texts, religious coping is assessed as a positive factor only.

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Interaction with God The collected materials also include prayers. In this paper, prayer is understood as a social interaction between a particular person and the image of an actor or, in subjective terms, a real holy person or God. Such interaction may include various forms of expression, including dialogical statements, words of worship, and requests for help or forgiveness (Sharp, 2010, p. 419). Below, there are two examples of interaction with God, included in the collected materials. Football player: I wrote a prayer. This is my own prayer, heart-to-heart. I put it in my prayer book, only for myself. I said it every day. “Lord, You can do anything You want. With You, nothing is impossible. Show us your mercy, Lord, and do a miracle for us” (Retrieved on April 4, 2019 from https://wpolityce.pl/sport/441134-pilkarz-nie-zgodzil-sie-naaborcje-choc-namawial-go-lekarz). Singer: I am a villain now coming to Jesus (…) as a villain, I come here and ask you: do you love me like this? How the f*ck you love me like this? Is it true that you will love me like this? (Retrieved on November 14, 2019 from http://telewizjarepublika.pl/agnieszka-chylinska-wszczerym-wywiadzie-przez-lata-oklamywalam-jezusa,72656.html). The statements quoted above differ significantly in communication terms. However, there are two common points. The first one is emotional involvement (although emotions are different). The second one is individualism: both persons shape their interaction with God on their own. The former writes his own prayer while the latter turns to God in an unconventional way.

Conclusions The discourse of Polish conservative portals shows that religious experience is part of contemporary Polish religiosity. This paper is not exhaustive on the issue. It is intended to present only the most distinctive patterns. Given the exploratory nature of the study, the conclusions and directions for further research may be indicated. Religious experience referred to in the texts above has the following qualities: 1

2

It is direct; it is gained personally by subjects and not heard by them (from different places and people, such as school, church, family members and friends), and thus is real. It is individualised and oriented towards individuals; it represents the interaction between two subjects: man and God, with no direct references to other people or social institutions, and man is able to shape his experience, for example by creating his own prayer.

Contemporary religiosity in practice 185 3 4 5

6 7

It goes beyond the sensation; it encourages reflection and specific action in everyday life, at least in some cases. It is perceived in an unequivocally positive way. It is institutionalised; it is reflected by Catholic symbols, is available in Catholic churches, is expressed in contacts with the Catholic community, and is “consulted” with a Catholic clergyman (intervention of the ecclesiastical hierarchy is not obligatory and does not always occur). It extends the boundaries of privacy (the testimony becomes public). It is timeless and universal; descriptions of religious experiences do not contain contextual and particularistic elements and thus are not attached to time and place.

The analysis of media publications on religious experiences also reveals the lack of two topics widely discussed in the sociology of religion. The first is the differences in the religiosity of men and women. Numerous studies indicate that such differences exist while the right-wing media do not mention them at all when referring to religious experience. The second is national and family ties. Both in social consciousness and sociological analyses, religion in Poland is perceived as an institution accompanied by secular social institutions: family and nation. These concepts are not included in the materials analysed in this paper.

References Ammerman N., Religious Identities and Religious Institutions, in: M. Dillon (ed.), Handbook for the Sociology of Religion, Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, pp. 207–224, 2003. Ammerman N., Introduction: Observing Modern Religious Lives, in: N. Ammerman (ed.) Everyday Religion. Observing Modern Religious Lives, Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 3–18, 2007. Berger P.L. & Luckman T., The Social Construction of Reality. A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge, London: Penguin Books, 1991. Bogunia-Borowska M., Codzienność i społeczne konteksty życia codziennego, in: M. Bogunia-Borowska (ed.), Barwy codzienności. Analiza socjologiczna, Warszawa: Scholar, pp. 7–29, 2009. Boguszewski R., Religijność i moralność w społeczeństwie polskim: zależność czy autonomia? Studium socjologiczne, Toruń: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, 2012. Borowik I., Ciągłość i zmiana w obszarze religii. Wprowadzenie, in: I. Borowik (ed.), W poszukiwaniu ciągłości i zmiany. Religia w perspektywie socjologicznej, Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy Nomos, pp. 7–18, 2012. CBOS, Kanon wiary Polaków, 29, Warszawa, 2015. CBOS, Korzystanie z religijnych stron i portali internetowych, 93, Warszawa, 2016. CBOS, Religijność́ Polaków i ocena sytuacji Koś cioła katolickiego, 147, Warszawa, 2018. CBOS, Public Opinion Research Center, Situation of the Roman Catholic Church in Poland, Warszawa, 2019, retrieved on November 9, 2019 from https://cbos.pl/ EN/publications/reports.php.

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CBOS, Oceny działalnoś ci instytucji publicznych, 121, Warszawa, 2020. Ciecieląg P., Wyznania religijne w Polsce w latach 2012–2016, Warszawa: GUS, 2016, retrieved on October, 29, 2019 from http://www.stat.gov.pl. Ciecieląg P., Bieńkuńska A., Życie religijne w Polsce. Wyniki Badania spójności społecznej, “Informacje Sygnalne”, Warszawa: GUS, 2018. Denzin N.K., The Research Act: A Theoretical Introduction to Sociological Methods, New York: MacGraw-Hill, 1978. Drozdowski R. & Mateja B., Strategie eksplanacyjne socjologii codzienności. Lista obietnic i problemów, in: M. Bogunia-Borowska (ed.), Barwy codzienności. Analiza socjologiczna, Warszawa: Scholar, pp. 362–371, 2009. Eastern and Western Europeans Differ on Importance of Religion, Views of Minorities, and Key Social Issues, Pew Research Center, 2018, retrieved on October 10, 2019 from https://www.pewforum.org/2018/10/29/eastern-andwestern-europeans-differ-on-importance-of-religion-views-of-minorities-and-keysocial-issues/. Ellison C.G., Religious Involvement and Subjective Well-Being, “Journal of Health and Social Behavior”, 32 (1), pp. 80–99, 1991. Gadamer H.-G., Das Erbe Europas, Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1989. Golka M., Czy jeszcze istnieje nie-codzienność?, in: M. Bogunia-Borowska (ed.), Barwy codzienności. Analiza socjologiczna, Warszawa: Scholar, pp. 65–76, 2009. Hovi T., Religious Conviction Shaped and Maintained by Narration, “Archive for the Psychology of Religion”, 1 (26), pp. 35–50, 2004. Huijts T. & Kraaykamp G., Religious Involvement, Religious Context, and SelfAssessed Health in Europe, “Journal of Health and Social Behavior”, 1 (52), pp. 91–106, 2011. Kojder A., Pobocza socjologii, Warszawa: Oficyna Naukowa, 2016. Kozinets R.V., Netnography. Doing Etnographic Research Online, London, Los Angeles, New Delhi, Singapore, Washington DC: SAGE Publications, 2010. Krause N., Aging in the Church: How Social Relationships Affect Health, West Cohshohocken, PA: John Templeton Press, 2008. Krause N., Chatters L.M., Meltzer T. & Morgan D.L., Negative Interaction in the Church: Insights from Focus Groups with Older Adults, “Review of Religious Research”, 41, pp. 510–533, 2000. Krause N., Hayward R.D., Bruce D. & Woolver C., Satisfaction of Spiritual Needs and Self-Rated Health among Churchgoers, “Archive for the Psychology of Religion”, 1 (36), pp. 86–104, 2014. Landmark M., Religious Objects and the Coping Process: Case Studies on Prayer Cloths as Transitional Objects in Religious Coping, “Archive for the Psychology of Religion”, 1 (37), pp. 54–83, 2015. Lim C. & Putnam R.D., Religion, Social Networks, and Life Satisfaction, “American Sociological Review”, 6 (75), pp. 914–933, 2010. Mattlin J.A., Wethington E. & Kessler R.C., Situational Determinants of Coping and Coping Effectiveness, “Journal of Health and Social Behavior”, 1 (31), pp. 103–122, 1990. McFadden S.H., Knepple A.J. & Armstrong J.A., Length and Locus of Friendship Influence Church Members’ Sense of Social Support and Comfort with Sharing Emotions, “Journal of Religious Gerontology”, 15(4), pp. 39–55, 2003. McGuire M.B., Lived Religion: Faith and Practice in Everyday Life, New York: Oxford University Press, 2008.

Contemporary religiosity in practice 187 Nycz R., O nowoczesności jako doświadczeniu, in: R. Nycz & A. Zeidler-Janiszewska (eds.), Nowoczesność jako doświadczenie, Kraków: Universitas, pp. 12–16, 2006. Orsi R.A., Everyday Miracles: The Study of Lived Religion, in: D.D. Hall (ed.), Lived Religion: Toward a History of Practice, Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, pp. 3–21, 1997. Orsi R., Between Heaven and Earth: The Religious Worlds People Make and the Scholars Who Study Them, Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005. Pargament K.I., The Psychology of Religion and Coping: Theory, Research, Practice, New York: The Guilford Press, 1997. Pargament K.I., God Help Me: Advances in the Psychology of Religion and Coping, “Archive for the Psychology of Religion”, 1(24), pp. 48–63, 2002. “Polskie Badania Internetu, Badanie Gemius/PBI” Polscy internauci w marcu 2019, retrieved on April 20, 2019 from http://pbi.org.pl/raporty/polscy-internauci-wmarcu-2019/. Sharp S., How Does Prayer Help Manage Emotions?, “Social Psychology Quarterly”, 4(73), pp. 417–437, 2010. Schulze G., Die Erlebnisgesselschaft. Kultursoziologie der Gegenwart, Frankfurt, New York: Campus Verlag, 1992. Sherkat D.E. & Ellison C.G., Recent Developments and Current Controversies in the Sociology of Religion, “Annual Review of Sociology”, 25, pp. 363–394, 1999. van Dijk T., Elite Discourse and Racism, Newbury Park: Sage, 1993. Wilcox C., Wald K.D. & Jelen T.G., Religious Preferences and Social Science: A Second Look, “The Journal of Politics”, 3 (70), pp. 874–879, 2008. wPolityce.pl i Niezalezna.pl ze spadkami odświeżalności – mocno w górę Niedziela.pl, DoRzeczy.pl i Salon24.pl, retrieved on April 21, 2018 from https://www. wirtualnemedia.pl/artykul/serwisy-prawicowe-wyniki-w-2018-roku-wpolityce-pli-niezalezna-pl-ze-spadkami-mocno-w-gore-niedziela-pl-dorzeczy-pl-i-salon24-pl. Wodak R., Wstęp. Badania nad dyskursem, in: R. Wodak & M. Krzyżanowski (eds.), Jakościowa analiza dyskursu w naukach społecznych, (D. Przepiórkowska, trans.), Warszawa: Oficyna Wydawnicza Łośgraf, pp. 11–50, 2011.

13 Religious experience as a dimension of religiosity: Polish youth in the world of experience Remigiusz Szauer

Introduction Religious experience, understood as a component of religious commitment, is extensively explored by sociologists, also in the institutional framework. The researchers who studied this issue include Susan Blackmore, David Hufford, Sabino S. Acquaviva, Robert N. Bellah, Peter L. Berger, Ursula BoosNünning, Franz X. Kaufmann, Michael Schibilsky, Rodney Stark, and Paul M. Zulehner. The issue fits into the discussion which centres around the transformations of religiosity and spirituality triggered in Poland in 1989. The research conducted so far reveals certain features of religiosity of Poles, i.e. public religious practices, strong attachment to tradition, and the role of generational transmission of religious patterns, albeit with a clear detachment from the moral teaching of the Church. The emphasis is put on manifestation of religiosity through regular Sunday services, pilgrimages, and participation in religious movements while spirituality, personal religious experience, and knowledge play a lesser role (Piwowarski, 1977; Mariański, 1991, 2008; Baniak, 2005). The research shows a strong emotional attachment to the faith of the ancestors and ritualism, on the one hand, and selective interpretation of religion, especially truths of faith or moral norms, on the other (Baniak, 1990). Recently, more and more young people negatively assess the position of the Church and criticise her activities (CBOS, 2018, p. 6). Emilia Zimnica-Kuzioła claims that sociology is reluctant to discuss the issue of religious experience as it is extremely difficult to describe it precisely from the research point of view and clearly articulate observable indicators (ZimnicaKuzioła, 2014, p. 75). According to the research on religious experience by Janusz Mariański, over 57% of high school and university students notice a relationship between religious faith and everyday life, and about 52% of respondents find religious faith helpful in their lives. Much fewer young people (28%) claim that they experienced the closeness of God. This happens most often in difficult and critical situations, in everyday life, during personal or community prayer, in situations which show that prayers were answered or during mass. According to J. Mariański, the declaration of faith and believing do not necessarily translate into personal and transcendence-related DOI: 10.4324/9781003271994-16

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experiences, and a great number of young people separate religious faith from other spheres of their lives and do not invoke it in difficult moments of life (Mariański, 2018, p. 192). When examining the dimensions of religious experience in this social category, the researchers also pay attention to symptomatic manifestations of invisible religiosity. The supporters of this model of religiosity emphasise that the way to God leads through personal faith and religious experience rather than socially recognised forms of religion (Dębski, 2005, p. 134).

Religious experience in the sociological studies The issue of religious experience is a subject of broad investigation in both religious and sociological studies. Rodney Stark and Charles Y. Glock, American researchers and originators of the multidimensional concept of religiosity, claim that experience is yet another dimension, in addition to religious practices, ideology, religious knowledge, and moral views, which leads to a direct, subjective contact with a transcendent reality that one believes in. Rodney Stark classifies religious experience into feelings, perceptions, and sensations which the individual or the religious group uses to contact a transcendent reality (Stark & Glock, 1968, p. 14). This is in line with the classical definitions of religious experience, primarily the one proposed by William James. He believes that religious experience is not only a conscious reflection on religious activities and feelings, but also an intense, short-lived, and inexpressible feeling affecting one’s perception and way of thinking (James, 2009, p. 202). According to Rudolf Otto, it is irrationality and affectivity that is a source of religion. Contact with the sacred evokes admiration and enchantment, and brings peace and concentration, but can also cause shocks and convulsions of the soul (Otto, 2017). Joachim Wach emphasises that experiencing applies not only to the spiritual dimension and mental states, but also to the physical dimension reflected in a feeling of calm, muscle relaxation, or spiritual sleep. This is because the experience of prayer is not only verbal in nature (Wach, 2017, p. 175). William L. Rowe defines religious experience as a state in which one feels the direct presence of the divine (Rowe, 2007, p. 69). The guidance on how to interpret religious experience is proposed by Randall Collins, originator of the theory of interactive rituals, a model closely associated to the one adopted by Emile Durkheim. Collins emphasises that religious cult unites people around a common sacred experience. Physical presence in the same place, physical isolation and separation from the outside world, joint concentration of attention on a given object or activity, and being in the same mood as others, even if there are only a few of them, are all the factors which make the religious rituals interactive (Collins, 2004, p. 107). One of the difficulties is to answer the question whether the quantitative measurement of indicators of religious experience, available in the multidimensional models of Stark and Glock, Ursula Boos-Nünning, or

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Władysław Piwowarski, for example, sufficiently reflects the religious experience attributable to respondents. James V. Spickard points out that research approaches in sociological analyses of religious experience are diverse and not fully developed. Following William James and Max Schleiermacher, he claims that religion is best grounded in sentiments, not in ideas, because sentiments are experienced directly and remain unstructured by thoughts and actions. This type of affectivity goes beyond the discourse. For example, people experience a sense of total dependence on God, i.e. a feeling which by no way can be placed within the boundaries of everyday life. This means that religion cannot be disproved by arguments which undermine its ideological foundations or by critical remarks towards the Church or any religious affiliation because it effectively draws on the experiences of its followers. Spickard follows the researchers specified above and comes to the conclusion that religious ideas make sense only to the extent that they can express human experience in a symbolic form. Therefore, it is hard to determine the truthfulness of religious experience, and much easier to specify its degree of intensity and how it gives meaning to the ideas contained in the doctrine (Spickard, 1992, pp. 110–111). What literature finds difficult about sociological analysis of the dimensions of religious experience is the study of real-time “experiencing” of the religious experience, i.e. its physical, mental, and emotional components. Therefore, the analysis centres around the linguistic representations of religious experience. This approach focuses on how the experience makes sense for its recipient and not on phenomenological description of sensations (Yamane, 2000, p. 173). Margaret Poloma studied, in conjunction with sociodemographic variables, the indicators of personal relationship with God through the prism of the following factors: the frequency of personal prayer, the degree to which prayer requests are answered, one’ own states experienced as a result of one’s gift of prophecy or gift of tongues and slain in the Spirit. She studied the impact of religious experiences on the whole life of the respondents. She used both qualitative and quantitative methods to study the empirical dimension of religion and identified factors which might prove that religious experience has an influence on human behaviour (Poloma, 1989, p. 80). To sum up, sociology developed a variety of approaches to define and conceptualise religious experience as one of parameters of religiosity.

Own research methodology The aim of this paper is to characterise the religious experience with reference to contemporary youth and the conditions which shape it. To this end, the following detailed hypotheses have been formulated: H.1. Religious experiences of respondents are associated with self-declaration of religious faith; the deeper the religious faith, the more diverse and intense the religious experiences. H.2. Religious experiences of young people are

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associated with self-declaration of religious practices; the more frequent the religious practices, the more diverse and intense the religious experiences. H.3. Age is the most important independent variable; the younger the person, the more intense the religious experience. H.4. The younger the respondent is, the greater the need to experience religious experience in interaction with other representatives of the peer group. For the quantification of the relationships between multiple variables, a multiple regression coefficient has been used for the study sample. The study was carried out in the period from September 2016 to May 2018 and covered the institutions obtained from the sampling frame of secondary schools and universities of northern Poland (Zachodniopomorskie Province, Pomorskie Province, and Wielkopolskie Province). The study sample was determined using a two-stage random-quota sampling. Due to the size of the population of secondary school students, the samples and sampling frame were arranged based on the list of secondary schools in three provinces. The basic sample included 22 institutions representing, on the pro rata basis, three types of schools, i.e. secondary schools of general education, specialised secondary schools, and technical secondary schools. In each institution, class sections were identified. The identified sections were assigned to the set based on their profile, following the order specified in the school documentation. The university sampling covered universities operating in the provinces. Three samples were drawn. The study was carried out at the Koszalin University of Technology, the Pomeranian Academy in Słupsk, and the Stanisław Staszic University of Applied Sciences in Piła. The sampling frame was prepared for each university. The faculties and institutes were assigned the respective field of study. In order to avoid difficulties related to the age variable, only the studies starting after secondary school graduation were included, and only full-time studies were included. The questions in the questionnaire centred around the following categories: presence of God in everyday life, help of God in everyday life problems, trust in God, and mercy of God through forgiveness of sins. The respondents also answered questions about their participation in charismatic meetings, retreat, meetings with the supposed healers, prophets, or broadly understood charismatics, and how these meetings and the related experiences influence their personal religious faith. In-depth interviews were also conducted to obtain valuable source material. The interviewees were given the opportunity to share their religious experiences. Presentation of the results involving religious experience contains a quantitative component to illustrate the distribution of answers which confirm or deny the occurrence of religious experience and a qualitative component to describe the feelings and sensations of religious experience. Sociodemographic characteristics of secondary school and university students participating in the study is based on their gender, type of school/ university and place of residence. In addition to the questionnaire interviews, in-depth interviews were conducted with persons who, having completed the questionnaire, declared their willingness to participate in the interview. In

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total, 1,204 questionnaires, 30 individual in-depth interviews, and 15 focus group interviews were used to analyse the research results. The quantitative research involved 706 women and 498 men, corresponding to 58.6% women and 41.4% men, out of the total population. By type of education, 863 secondary school students and 341 university students were included, which corresponds to 71.7% and 28.3% of the total population. First-year students of secondary schools account for more than one-third of the respondents (35.2%). Secondary-school graduates, first-year students, first-degree thirdyear students represent 39.5%, 14.4%, and 10.9% of the population, respectively. The majority of the respondents (over 61%) come from urban communes while the respondents which come from rural communes account for 38.5%. With respect to independent variables, the following factors were used as a point of reference for the analysis of the empirical material: self-declaration of religious faith, religious practices, frequency of personal prayer, and frequency of confession. Almost half of the respondents (45.9%) define themselves as believers, and 5.8% as great believers. This means more than half of the respondents expressed their identification with faith. Out of the remaining group, almost 50% young people had difficulties in determining their attitude towards religious faith, 8.1% expressed religious indifference, and 10.1% defined themselves as nonbelievers. Quite a large group (every fifth respondent) were religiously undecided but attached to religious tradition. Eleven per cent of the respondents say they are religiously unsure. In terms of self-declaration of religious practices, the respondents defining themselves as practicing on an irregular basis, at least several times a year, constitute the most numerous group (34.6%). Respondents practicing during holidays and family celebrations account for 27.3%. Those who practice every Sunday represent 17%. Almost every tenth respondent say they participate in masses more often than on Sundays, and 11.3% described themselves as non-practicing. Almost every third person (29%) does not pray, 10.9% of the respondents pray every day, 15.1% pray once a week, and 43.4% pray rarely, only if needed. Confession, at different frequencies, is regarded as an important component of religious life by more than 76% of the respondents. Seventeen per cent of the respondents confess more often than once a month, 7.3% confess once a month, 33.4% confess several times a year, 9.6% confess once a year, 22.8% confess once a few years, and 25.2% say they do not confess.

Dimensions of religious experience in young people Experience of the presence of God in light of the declarations of respondents If human religiosity is understood as faith in the presence of God based on experience, young people have strongly negative feelings in this respect, i.e. 11.5% of the respondents experience the presence of God while 82.2%

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say that they do not experience it at all. Experiencing the presence of God is expressed more often by women (21%) than by men (13.3%). The feeling of the presence of God is mostly confirmed by first-year secondary school students. There are significantly less students of the final year who gave positive answers to this. The rate of first- and last-year university students who confirm the feeling of the presence of God is much lower than the average from the remaining years. The presence of God is confirmed by inhabitants of villages and small towns coming from families whose members are believers and practicing persons. However, as many as 72% of the respondents who say that members of their families are believers and practicing persons do not feel the presence of God. Among great believers, 61.4% feel the presence of God while 38.6% do not. In the group of believing respondents, the majority of them (72%) do not feel the presence of God while 28% said they do. There are few religiously unsure, undecided, and indifferent who feel the presence of God. None of the non-believing respondents said they feel the presence of God in the institutional model of religiosity. However, this does not mean that they did not experience other forms of spiritual life. Nevertheless, this issue was not covered by the study. On the one hand, the respondents describe the feeling of the presence of God as something natural, connected with their entire lives or a particular religious experience, e.g. pilgrimage, confession, or prayer. On the other hand, they perceive it as something subject to change, not always perceptible, and requiring reflection, concentration, or act of awareness. The feeling of the presence of God manifests itself in the feeling of the help of God in solving problems. Those who are great believers or converts, speaking on Internet fora or giving their testimonies during the services, feel the help of God in everyday life in the face of particular problems. In particular, they have the sense of efficacy of prayers and are able to accept difficulties as they perceive it as a kind of life challenge: I know that God helps me in my daily problems. I knew that especially when I prayed for my father who abuses alcohol. Actually, he keeps drinking, but not so much. After he had the accident at work, he became more restrained. He got a little scared. And I started to perceive his drinking in a slightly different way. I feel that I can withstand much more. On the other hand, I do not try to get involved. I especially avoid domestic arguments. A communion intention for this helped me a lot (W3, M, 19).1 Other examples illustrate the situations in which the individual stopped praying and practicing due to the lack of feeling of the help of God: There was no point in praying. You ask for something and then things go differently, or get worse. Isn’t it stupid? I’ve experienced it several times in my life. Of course, there are things you can do nothing about as a human. But in general, you have to solve problems on your own (W12, K, 19).

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Note that some respondents feel the presence of God through the prism of the grief for their harm and suffering. Grief to God is expressed for various reasons. Firstly, young people are aware of suffering and evil in the world. The question frequently asked in this respect is: If God exists, why is there suffering? Secondly, the respondents try to rebel against their own suffering, such as pain or trauma due to illness, disability, powerlessness, accident, or material loss. Thirdly, most common, the resentment results from the loss of a loved one, e.g. death or leaving due to divorce or breakup. Note that there are few statements of this type. The majority of respondents (over 80%) are unable to indicate the examples of the presence of God in their lives. They do not experience it at all. The relation between self-declarations of faith and the feeling of the presence of God in daily problems is not clear (R = 0.189; p < 0.05). However, the frequency of prayer is an important indicator. Among those who pray, the presence of God is confirmed by 74% of the respondents who do it every day and 50% of those who do it once a week. For less frequencies of prayer, the rate is even lower. The regression coefficient is positive (R = 0.655), which means that there is a strong correlation between variables. Religious experience in light of trust in God Religious faith is supposed to be experienced based on trust in God. Students were asked about this dimension of religious experience and how they understand it. Trust in God was confirmed by 13.6% of the respondents; 76.3% do not experience trusting in God and every tenth person has difficulties with self-determination. The highest level of trust is reached by first-year secondary school students (37.4%) and last-year university students (24.8%). Trust in God decreases in first-year university students and secondary school graduates. The highest level of trust in God is observed in respondents coming from cities with more than 30,000 inhabitants (28.4%) and cities with up to 10,000 inhabitants (25%). The lowest level of trust is exhibited by respondents from towns with up to 30,000 inhabitants (82.3%). In terms of religiosity of the families of the respondents, young people from families which practice and believe, say that they do not experience trust in God (over 65%) even though the rate of trust is relatively highest. Those who practice during holidays do not experience trust in God at the level of 79%. In other categories, this rate is more than 90%. Believers tend not to experience trust in God (35.6% of them trust in God vs. 64.4% do not). Among practicing persons, those who practice more frequently than once a week on Sunday tend to trust in God (62.7%) while 37.3% of them do not. In those who practice every Sunday, the numbers are quite opposite (31.2% of them experience trust in God while 68.8% do not).

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According to the statements of the respondents, trust in God results from the following factors: •

A sense of security in life when thinking about the future

Respondents say that they experience trust in God when they calmly think about the future, even if they sometimes feel fearful or uncertain (42.9% indicated this reason). •

A sense of certainty because of the qualities of God

This also includes experience of religious faith due to the attributes of God (32.6% indicated this reason). •

The need to give God the burdens

Respondents say that they feel the need to give God all their problems and wait for signs from the powers of God (they refer to particular matters and attempt to solve them in the context of the future). Trust in God is also often reflected in belief in the efficacy of prayers. •

Calm approach to life crises

Respondents look for trust in God when they experience critical and difficult moments; this refers to dilemmas and crises experienced by the respondents (24.5% indicated this reason). The Church indicates that unity with God and trust in God are reflected in personal prayer and confession. The correlation between the level of trust in God and the frequency of these practices is moderate (R = 0.496; p < 0.005). Experience of the mercy of God and forgiveness of sins According to theologians and clergy, faith is primarily strengthened by the sense of God’s love, mercy, and goodness experienced through the sacrament of penance. During the Extraordinary Jubilee of Mercy held at the turn of 2015 and 2016, the pope emphasised that every Catholic should personally experience the mercy of God by knowing the truth about their sins, accepting the forgiveness of God, and helping those in need (Francis, 2015, section 6). The fact of experiencing the faith in the mercy of God and the forgiveness of sins seems essential for the analysis of religious experience. The trends are similar to the previous ones. The mercy of God and forgiveness of sins is experienced by less than one-fifth of the respondents while 76.1% of them do not experience it. The experience of the mercy of

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God is more frequently present in spiritual life of women (27.3%). Men tend not to have special experiences connected with the mercy of God and forgiveness of sins (81.1%). In terms of declaration of religious faith, the experience of the mercy of God and forgiveness of sins is mostly indicated by great believers (70%). In other categories, 37.4% of believers, 10.4% of religiously unsure, and 8% of religiously undecided experienced the mercy of God and forgiveness of sins. Religiously indifferent and non-believers had no such experience. There are also different proportions among those who declare the participation in religious practices. The mercy of God and forgiveness of sins is experienced by 53.4% of those who practice more frequently than once a week on Sunday (and is not by 46.6% of them), 39.5% of those who practice on Sunday (and is not by 60.5% of them), 26.9% of those who practice on an irregular basis (and is not by 73.1% of them), 15.2% of those who practice during holidays (and is not by 84.8% of them), 4.8% of those who practice during family events (and is not by 95.2% of them), and 0.7% of non-practising respondents (and is not by 99.3% of them). Based on the data cited, the experience of the mercy of God and forgiveness of sins is primarily connected with confession. In terms of the frequency of confession, the respondents provided the following answers: the mercy of God and forgiveness of sins is experienced by 45% of those who confess at least twice a month while 55% of them do not experience it even though they confess relatively often. This means that some of the respondents who confess more often than once a month do so because they do not feel the forgiveness of sins and mercy they expect. Among those who confess once a month, 48.9% of them say that they experience it while 51.5% of them do not. In this case, the rate of frequency is highest, which means that the practice of confession is strongly correlated with the spiritual state. Among the respondents who confess on the first Fridays of the month, 35% of them confirm the experience of the mercy of God and forgiveness of sins while 65% of them do not. The distribution of answers among those who confess several times a year is similar. The mercy of God and forgiveness of sins is experienced by 19.8% of those who go to confession once a year and 15.8% of those who go to confession once every few years. Only 5.5% of the respondents who do not confess say they experience the mercy of God and forgiveness of sins, which may mean their open attitude towards non-institutional spirituality. It seems that the majority of young people practising confession are motivated by their spiritual assumptions or socialisation habits more than by the experience of closeness to God through mercy and forgiveness of sins. Nevertheless, this experience is observed in more than 30% of the respondents who confess more often than once a year. The statements of the respondents about the experience of mercy and forgiveness of sins can be construed as either the result of emotions evoked by the confession itself or as the reflection of their experiences they feel

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having obtained the sacramental forgiveness of sins. The latter case refers to the emotional state after confession: Once I have confessed my sins, I feel like I have lost 50 kilos; especially if I have not confessed for a long time. I don’t like confession, but the feeling of being so light afterwards is so cool. I feel like a new person. My heart is filled with joy and blissful peace (W4, M, 17). Obviously, it is difficult to determine to what extent this is the result of the mercy of God, and not the experience of the practice of confession which encourages sincere talking about intimate, sometimes very embarrassing, matters. However, there is a clear demand for this sacrament given that two-thirds of the respondents use it to experience the action of God. However, this applies to the minority. Over 70% of the respondents did not have such experiences. The more frequent the confession, the more frequently the respondents have such experiences in their spiritual lives. The regression coefficient is positive, with moderate correlation between these variables (R = 0.452; p < 0.05). Young people who go into confession perceive the mercy and forgiveness of sins as an important experience that frees them from guilt. Many of them strengthen their faith and build their self-esteem as a person loved by God. However, most respondents do not feel this experience. This can be due to their reluctance, routine approach to regular confession, permanent sense of guilt, or fear of divine condemnation. Religious experience during charismatic meetings Another phenomenon which should be examined in conjunction with religious experience is the “hall effect.” The next issue the respondents were asked is how the so-called charismatic meetings impact their spiritual lives. The charismatic meetings are usually held in sports halls or similar rooms accommodating from several 100 to several 1,000 people. A total of 83.8% of the respondents said that they had not participated in such meetings because they did not know about them or were reluctant to participate in them. The participation was mostly confirmed by secondary school students: 16.4% of the respondents, of which 8.2% had positive feelings about it, 5.2% had negative feelings, and 3% felt neutral. The most frequent phrases the respondents used to express positive remarks are as follows: nice atmosphere due to the lack of solemnity induced by a church building and opportunity to dance and talk with friends, curiosity about previously unknown spiritual phenomena, joy, euphoria, and freedom from problems during the received prayers. The latter characteristically results in the slaying in the Spirit, or resting in the Spirit, a behaviour which organisers attribute directly to the power of the Holy Spirit. At some point, most people were inclined to regard it as a proof of the existence of God. The

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respondents primarily focused on highly emotive experiences: “I can feel something so what I do is filled with God’s presence. If I can feel nothing, there is no God.” Below is the example of such an attitude: Finally, I felt God. I had problems with faith because the prayers seemed pointless to me. As if I talked to the wall. I dropped my burden. I said what was in my heart, and then I wept for half an hour (W3, K, 17). The respondents also emphasise that the feeling of a strong presence of God does not necessarily entail the need to redefine one’s previous attitudes towards religious life. This is often due to the lack of harmony between personal religious faith and sacramental, institutional, or ecclesiastical values. The immediate and highly intense religious experience, construed by the participating respondents as an experience of the presence of God, does not require prior preparation. It is available for those who participate in the congregation and come to the leader, either priest or lay person. The leader raises his hands and says the so-called intercession prayer. This experience is often so strong that the respondents wish to feel it again, e.g. by repeating the prayer. Mass is always boring and monotonous. I’m not able to concentrate on it. But here, it is different. I just didn’t want to get up when I fell. I tried to repeat it, but I failed (W11, K, 17). Some participants of the meetings attempt to stay away from the sacramental forms proposed by the Church and demand new solutions, similar to those offered in hall meetings, for example. The participants believe that the phenomenon of resting in the Spirit, resulting in one’s falling on the floor, is attributable to the strength of the charisma of the priest or leader leading the prayer of worship. This conclusion has been obtained from the focus group interviews. The respondents who were unable to “rest” were usually disappointed or jealous, or concluded that something did not work; others simulated their behaviours or they were subject to psychological manipulation: I was very impressed at the beginning. I even thought I was a convert. But then when I recovered after the retreat, it all seemed strange to me. I really don’t know what it was. I looked it up a bit on the Internet. They say it may have nothing in common with religion. Perhaps trance, hypnosis, or anything like this. Pure psychology, nothing more (W12, M, 19). Undoubtedly, the question which requires extensive research is to what extent the generation brought up in the religious current based on sensations will participate in the life of the Catholic Church, express a positive attitude towards the sacramental current, take up religious practices, or choose to live the consecrated life. Obligatory and optional religious practices, participation in religious organisations and the number of vocations will be key indicators

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used in forecasts. Since the first decade of the 21st century, they tend to decline. They show that religious life undergoes transformations which result from the experiential current, different in nature from the doctrinal and sacramental dimensions, and focus on subjective and temporal values.

Conclusions Most young people from the three provinces of north-western Poland do not experience any form of the presence of God. It is hard to make a clear distinction between those who try to induce the experience and those who try to be religiously engaged. Note that the lack of deepened spirituality is largely exhibited by believers, even though the religiously unsure, undecided, and indifferent still predominate in this respect. Based on the hypotheses mentioned earlier, the conclusions are as follows: 1

2

3

Faith is not a prerequisite for the presence of religious experience. The correlation coefficient R = 0.233 indicates that the correlation between declaration of religious experience and declaration of religious faith is rather weak. However, the regression coefficient is positive. This is because young people tend to believe that God is present but not interested in the fate of the world or a particular person. Certain dimensions of experience are closely related to practices. Following the terminology used by William Rowe, the religiosity is filled with uncertainty as it lacks ordinary, everyday experience. However, a large group of respondents do not regard it as a fundamental existential issue since they find religion peripheral. Moreover, the immediate and highly intense religious experience is often described as elusive and assessed based on the criteria of aesthetics and sensuality (“I like it/I do not like it”) or evidence (“This proves that God exists”). The respondents, who were not asked about euphoria or ecstasy, rarely highlighted the need to experience it. Secondary school students participating in hall meetings or similar religious gatherings often see it as the only opportunity to have contact with intense religious feelings, whether experienced or observed. However, they do not decide to participate in such forms of practising. Religious experience is most largely carried out via regular participation in the cult practices. The average level of correlation between religious practices and the experience of God is R = 0.589. The age of the respondents is significantly related to the level of intensity of religious experience, with the correlation coefficient amounting to R = 0.786. The older the respondent, the more diverse their religious experience. Sex is a variable that does not have great significance (R = 0.344) both in secondary school and university students (R = 0.542), although the distance between the sexes increases significantly. Women students attach more importance to religious experiences than men.

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Remigiusz Szauer Secondary school students express a greater need for religious experience in their peer group. However, this is because they want to take advantage of the opportunities offered by the intense and immediate experience, and not because they desire to be permanently included in the religious community and create bonds.

While sensations are a critical element of religion and play a pivotal role in adolescence, the level of their intensity and their impact on the lives of the respondents remain unclear. Modern youth is a generation based on sensation stimulation in the structures of everyday life, and this translates into religious engagement. Stimulation of sensors, also in religiosity, results more from the emotional arousal, curiosity, and desire to try something new, and not from the intention to redefine one’s life or choices. As a result, affectivity goes with occasional expression of religiosity in religious practices, subjectivity is accompanied by privatisation of certain areas of religion and morality, while the perception of religion as a remedy to heal the wounds of everyday life is reinforced by the efforts to adapt religion to current needs. Young people walking away from religious practices constitute a pastoral challenge, and the Church has to try to find the way to stop this trend and make the manner the religious teachings are communicated more attractive. With the sensation-oriented approach, a religious institution has a chance to attract attention and enter the social market of sensations. Agnieszka Zduniak emphasises that the events are mainly based on emotions, from reflection through joy to euphoria, although they are elusive and transient by nature (Zduniak, 2010, p. 62). In terms of religion, they constitute a positive incentive, but rarely stimulate regularity. In the face of religious doubts, the need to immediately satisfy one’ desires, combined with the need to be loved, understood, and accepted, translates into the strong need to confirm the existence of God, albeit without special and long-lasting efforts.

Note 1 Symbols in brackets indicate interview number, sex, and age of the respondent.

References Baniak J., Religijność miejska w warunkach uprzemysłowienia i ruralizacji na przykładzie Kalisza. Studium socjologiczne, Kraków: Wydawnictwo Miniatura, 1990. Baniak J., Jaka naprawdę jest religijność i moralność młodzieży polskiej z początku XXI wieku?, in: J. Baniak (ed.), Socjologia religii. Religijna i moralna kondycja młodzieży polskiej. Mity i rzeczywistość, series: Socjologia Religii, vol. 3, Poznań: Wydawnictwo Wydziału Teologicznego UAM, pp. 7–2, 2005.

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CBOS, Religijność Polaków i ocena sytuacji Kościoła katolickiego, Research Report no. 147/2018, retrieved on September 25, 2019 from https://www.cbos.pl/ SPISKOM.POL/2018/K_147_18.PDF. Collins R., Interaction Ritual Chains (Princeton Studies in Cultural Sociology), New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2004. Dębski M., Przejawy niewidzialnej religii w religijności młodzieży akademickiej, in: J. Baniak (ed.), Socjologia religii. Religijna i moralna kondycja młodzieży polskiej. Mity i rzeczywistość, series: Socjologia Religii, vol. 3, Poznań: Wydawnictwo Wydziału Teologicznego UAM, pp. 127–149, 2005. Francis, Misericordiae vultus, Wrocław: Wydawnictwo TUM, 2015. James W., The Varieties of Religious Experience: A Study in Human Nature, New York: Seven Treasures Publications, 2009. Mariański J., Religijność w procesie przemian. Szkice socjologiczne, Warszawa: Instytut Wydawniczy Pax, 1991. Mariański J., Kościół katolicki w Polsce w kontekście społecznym. Studium socjologiczne, Warszawa: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 2018. Mariański J., Emigracja z kościoła. Religijność młodzieży polskiej w warunkach zmian społecznych, Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL, 2008. Otto R., The Idea of the Holy. An Inquiry in to the Non-rational Factor in the Idea of the Divine and its Relation to the Rational, (J.W. Harvey, trans.), Athens: Pantianos Classics, 2017. Piwowarski W., Religijność miejska w rejonie uprzemysłowionym. Studium socjologiczne, Warszawa: Biblioteka Więzi, 1977. Poloma M.M., Assemblies of God at Crossroads: Charisma Institutional Dilemmas, Knoxville: University Tennessee Press, 1989. Rowe W.L., Philosophy of Religion: An Introduction, Wadsworth: Cengage Learning, 2007. Spickard J.V., For a Sociology of Religious Experience, in: W.H. Swatos (ed.), A future for religion? Trend in social analysis, Newbury Park, CA: Sage, pp. 109–128, 1992. Stark R. & Glock Y.C., Dimension of Religious Commitment, in: American Piety: The Nature of Religious Commitment, Berkeley: University of California Press, pp. 11–19, 1968. Wach J., Types of Religious Experience, Christian and Non-Christian, Charleston: Forgotten Books Publisher, 2017. Yamane D., Narrative and Religious Experience, “Sociology of Religion”, 2(61), pp. 171–189, 2000. Zduniak A., Religia jako event? Wielkie imprezy masowe a doświadczenie religijne współczesnego człowieka, in: J. Baniak (ed.), W poszukiwaniu sensu. O religii moralności i społeczeństwie, Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy Nomos, pp. 49–66, 2010. Zimnica-Kuzioła E., Doświadczenie religijne – perspektywa teologiczna i socjologiczna, “Collectanea Theologica”, 2(84), pp. 61–78, 2014.

14 The attitude towards Jehovah’s Witnesses in Poland in the light of innovation and religious selectivity Marcin Choczyński Introduction: genesis and history of Jehovah’s Witnesses The religious sect of Jehovah’s Witnesses dates back to the second half of the 19th century. It was founded with the start of the so-called Bible Student movement in 1870. The movement was initiated by Charles Taze Russell (1852–1916) who struggled with the crisis of faith and identity at that time. He decided to establish a new religious denomination constituting a syncretic mixture of the existing religions. The movement was institutionalised in 1914 with the registration of the International Bible Students Association in London and this was the first official name identifying the movement. The name currently used, i.e. Jehovah’s Witnesses, was adopted by Joseph Franklin Rutherford, Russell’s successor, at the international congress in Columbus, Ohio, on 26 July 1931. Rutherford is widely regarded as a cofounder of the contemporary community of Jehovah’s Witnesses (Bagiński, 2004, p. 15). Charles Taze Russell, with his preaching activity, initiated the religious movement while its current name and all the features attributable to corporation were adopted only after his death. Historically, the Bible Student movement coincided with social unrest in America in the second half of the 19th century, i.e. during the industrial revolution. The transition from traditional to modern society, analysed in depth by classical sociology, was also a driver of change in religiosity and spirituality. The 19th century, introducing consolidation and stabilisation in American society, was sometimes very turbulent (assassinations of presidents, the Civil War, or the abolitionist movement). At that time, slavery and industry resulted in huge fortunes while social unrest was accompanied by religious disintegration of emigrants who only started to form a young American society. Mass migration of people of different denominations weakened their faith and links with the then European religious centres. Catholics staying far from Vatican represent the most notable but not the only example of such divergence. Also American Protestantism “abandoned” its European roots, i.e. reformation movements of Lutheranism, Calvinism, and Hussitism. As a result, different religious sects and movements were formed, new and eclectic in their nature, often based on a kind DOI: 10.4324/9781003271994-17

Attitude towards Jehovah’s Witnesses in Poland 203 of pragmatic agency and the search for new axiological foundations (Danielewicz, 1999b, p. 223). At that time, full of social unrest and anomie, the Bible Student movement was established. The aim of the movement was to study in depth the Scriptures while ignoring traditional theological interpretation. In terms of Protestantism, different American religious denominations representing, in a sense, the branches of Protestantism were formed. They include Methodist and Adventist churches which believe in the doomsday and the Second Coming of Jesus Christ (Stark & Iannaccone, 1997, pp. 134–135). Like in Europe, the transition from agriculture-based activities to industrial civilisation led to gradual transformation and more frequent negative phenomena. The frequent and rapid negative phenomena weakened the general sense of security, and threatened social order and well-being in the newly-formed American society. The millenarian trends reflecting the belief that the end of the world is imminent revealed decadent attitudes and social discouragement due to difficult living conditions in the 19th century. The Protestant members of society began to seek answers to their questions, in the Bible, including their concerns about the end of civilisation. “They all expected to find a key in the Bible to know the times or dates” (Bagiński, 2004, p. 23). These circumstances and the growing number of new prophetic testimonies significantly changed the perception of religion. As a rule, new religious denominations and sects are established based on the activity of guru, i.e. the charismatic initiator, thinker, and leader. Charles Taze Russell, a founder and originator of the Bible Student movement, descending from a Presbyterian family, was also this kind of person (Bagiński, 2004, p. 19). Initially, he did not exhibit rhetorical or messianic tendencies. However, as his biography suggests, the attitude of a religious leader was developed only later in his life. The loss of his mother with whom he had a strong bond was the turning point in his life. During his grief, he began to read the Holy Scripture and analyse in depth the Word of God. Note that he had no theological knowledge as he did not graduate from any specialist school. Despite his Protestant roots, he did not believe in predestination. In general, his activities were largely labile. “Although he changed his religion several times, he did not find what he was looking for. Ultimately, based on the religions he met and his personal desires, he created the religion adjusted to his dreams and expectations” (Marzec, 2002, p. 6). Initially, he joined Adventists and adopted their belief that there is no hell, and the concepts of immortal soul and the Second Coming of Jesus Christ (Bagiński, 2004, pp. 19–20). The principles of Adventism formed the foundation for the later beliefs of Jehovah’s Witnesses. Charles Taze Russell had his seat in Allegehny, his hometown, and then in Pittsburgh. In 1879, he started to publish the magazine “Zion’s Watch Tower and Herald of Christ’s Presence” containing his sermons and articles. The promotion and defence of his theology was one of the main pillars

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of the later activities of Jehovah’s Witnesses (Fels, 1996, p. 8). Brooklyn in New York, with the characteristic “Watchtower” sign identifying all the followers of Jehovah’s Witnesses, displayed near the famous bridge for many years, is the most famous seat of Jehovah’s Witnesses. Until the end of the 20th century, there were two official branches of Jehovah’s Witnesses, in Pennsylvania and in New York, both founded by Russell. After 2000, they were merged into one structure to avoid corporate-related accusations (Bagiński, 2012, p. 60). The headquarters of Watch Tower is the place from which the directives are transferred to the respective zones, branches and districts while congregations serve as elementary units (quasi-parishes) (Domagała, 1976, p. 9). Currently, the centre of the sect is based in Warwick, in New York State.

Main dogmatic principles and institutional organisation of Jehovah’s Witnesses The source literature mostly classifies Jehovah’s Witnesses as a sectarian group, Adventist as well as chiliastic and electionistic in nature, based on the belief in selectivity of salvation, derived from the characteristic the 19thcentury unrest affecting religion and civilisation (Danielewicz, 1999a, pp. 36–41; Wańka, 2013, p. 313). However, “a more detailed analysis of the religious doctrine of Jehovah’s Witnesses reveals three other factors, in addition to Adventism, known in the history of religion, i.e. the GnosticManichaean doctrine, the Arian doctrine, and the Judaic legalism” (Piegza, 1994, p. 21). The central concept of Jehovah’s Witnesses and, in principle, the basis of their dogmatics is to criticise and reject dogmas and organisation of the Church, and its teaching in the field of morality, ethics, and axiology. Their opposition to Christianity in its current form is confirmed by the fact that they propose a redefined, “authorial” and “true” way of reading the Scripture, with their own, private and unique, interpretation of the Scripture as was initially postulated by the Bible Student movement. Such an approach has close links with the legacy of the Reformation and opposition to ecclesiastical authorities, including opposition to the official interpretation of faith in terms of theological sciences. The concept of Anti-Catholicism, and even antipapism, which is one of the distinctive features of American Protestantism, was adopted by Jehovah’s Witnesses. The sect of Jehovah’s Witnesses stresses their opposition to the ecclesiastical institution, consecrated life, rites, and symbolism. Their powerful hatred towards the Catholic Church is also expressed in that they see Her as a contemporary Whore of Babylon (Bielec, 2017, pp. 20–21). Characteristically, they seem to reject the tradition of the Fathers of the Church and the Council resolutions claiming that it is inconsistent with the God’s original plan (Czapiga, 1996, pp. 11–18). The rejection of the legacy of the Church means the freedom of interpretation of the Word of God and

Attitude towards Jehovah’s Witnesses in Poland 205 the possibility of using it for particular interests. Jehovah’s Witnesses are a religious movement based on restorationism, i.e. the need to return to primary, apostolic, pre-ecclesial Christianity. As was mentioned above, the legacy of the Reformation and the resulting interpretation of the Word of God are the key factors necessary to understand the preaching activities of Jehovah’s Witnesses. Protestant Bibles draw on different materials. They do not contain all holy books (the so-called deuterocanonical books) and are devoid of footnotes intended for explaining more difficult and complicated passages. These solutions allow greater freedom in the interpretation of biblical texts. Additionally, the Reformation advocated the right of each believer to understand the holy texts in their own way (the so-called libero esame). As a result, Protestantism has a multitude of factions and confessions. There is no theological consistency since it is believed that theology does not follow current problems and is too strongly associated with the institutional Church (Bagiński, 2004, p. 18). Such an understanding of the basis of faith affected the interpretation matters. The movement opposed to well-established religious practices, both in the 15th and 19th centuries. Paradoxically enough, the tradition of Jehovah’s Witnesses derives from the opposition to the traditional approach to ecclesiastical religion. This applies particularly to Catholicism, although the movement also shows its individuality against Protestant denominations. It uses different names for doctrinal matters and the Gospel. For example, the translation of the Old Testament used by Jehovah’s Witnesses is referred to as the Hebrew Scriptures while the New Testament is called Greek Christian Scriptures (Jehovah’s Witnesses, 1989, p. 4). Another important remark is that Jehovah’s Witnesses see death as the end of human existence. They do not believe in purgatory as it is not mentioned in the Scripture. They approach the essence of salvation in a numerical way, stating that “the one hundred and forty-four thousand chosen ones will live in heaven, while other saved ones will live in paradise on earth after the resurrection of the bodies and will be free from suffering” (Krawczyk, 2017, p. 102). In terms of nomenclature, they define Jehovah as the only legitimate name of God, transcribed in the following way: YHWH – YAHWEH – JEHOVAH. The transcription is based on the Greek translation (in which letter h is not used). The biblical studies show that imposing the use of only one name for God is unjustified. Jehovah’s Witnesses do not accept any other names of God, such as Lord, Creator, or Father (Bagiński, 2012, pp. 63–65). According to the theological interpretation of the Catholic Church, Jehovah is an incorrect name. Note that specific nomenclature, introduced as a result of the attempts to reinterpret the Word of God or any other religious text, is generally used by sects and new religious movements. Obviously, the new language is introduced for affiliation reasons and to stand out from other groups. Moreover, the new names provide a greater sense of uniqueness and exclusivity.

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In addition to introducing Jehovah as the only name of God, there are a number of other distortions, e.g. the distortion of the meaning of biblical words in the translations of the Old and New Testament used by Jehovah’s Witnesses. Particular verses of the Gospel are modified to legitimise the ongoing activities of the Watch Tower Society. As a result, Jehovah’s Witnesses can freely shape their position in discussions with Catholic theologians because the sources they use are modified according to their needs (Elkowicz, 2004, pp. 18–19). Modified words, changed word order and style, and lack of references to the findings of classical editions of the Bible (Vulgate, the Millennium Bible) are the factors which strengthen the perception inconsistent with the Church interpretation. This is particularly because Christian meanings and symbols are interpreted in a reverse way. The Jehovah’s Witnesses completely reject the clergy and images of saints. In particular, they do not use the cross in their worship as they do not regard it as a symbol of Christianity. They claim that Christ died at the stake and not on the cross, referring to the Roman forms of crucifixion (Podolski, 1996, pp. 19–21) and the transcription from Greek (Wronka, 2005, pp. 11–12). Note, however, that the original meaning of the cross was rejected only after the death of Charles Taze Russell, the originator of the Bible Student movement. Jehovah’s Witnesses do not celebrate Christian holidays and the only event they solemnly commemorate is the socalled Memorial corresponding to the Lord’s Supper. They believe that this is the only event God commanded to memorialise by saying “this in remembrance of me” (Marzec, 2002, p. 55). The Memorial is celebrated once a year in the Kingdom Halls, i.e. special rooms in which the Jehovah’s Witnesses hold their ordinary meetings. Another significant deviation from the ecclesiastical theology is, inter alia, the rejection of the following dogmas: sanctity of Christ, communion of saints, Marian devotions, Trinity and the role of the Holy Spirit. The role of Jesus Christ is also somewhat depreciated as he is associated or identified with the defence of God’s name and not with the salvation of man (Reynolds, 2003, pp. 33–39). The rejection of the salvific nature of Christ is quite symptomatic given that Jehovah is the only master. Jehovah’s Witnesses also reject all sacraments except baptism which is undergone by adults by full immersion in water. The ritual of baptism traces back John the Baptist. In addition, there is no fast in any form (Reynolds, 2003, p. 44). Jehovah’s Witnesses broke ties with the Church and do not participate in conventional services and masses. They do not exhibit religiosity and do not participate in religious practices. The extremely important concept used in their activities is how they preach about the end of the world. This concept perfectly fits in the tradition of prophetic millenarianism initiated by Charles Taze Russell, the founder of the Bible Student movement. Jehovah’s Witnesses believe that the apocalypse does not apply to them and regard themselves as the only rightful people. The obligation to preach the truth about the end of the

Attitude towards Jehovah’s Witnesses in Poland 207 world is imposed on every single Jehovah’s Witness (Lesiak, 2017, pp. 41–42). Note that the arguments assuming decadence and the collapse of civilisation are clearly highlighted in the doctrine of almost every sect. This is because such an approach ensures cohesiveness. With reference to Jehovah’s Witnesses, providing the successive dates of the end of the world was rather preposterous in nature and exposed the Bible Student movement to accusations of non-fulfilment of the prophecies, leading to the crisis of the whole community due to the departure of those who ceased to believe in the doctrine (Penton, 1997, p. 56). The most controversial practices of Jehovah’s Witnesses include their ban on blood transfusions (Rajtar, 2014, p. 104). Jehovah’s Witnesses claim that blood reflects man, his habits, weaknesses and immoral practices. “Again, this is due to the bold approach to the interpretation of the Scripture in the Brooklyn headquarters which assumed that the verses on the ban on animal blood should also include the ban on human blood, including blood transfusion” (Podolski, 1996, p. 33). This is another rule which does not trace back to Charles Taze Russell and the beginning of the Bible Student movement. It was introduced in the 1940s. Changes in the views for particularistic interests are also visible in the approach to other bioethical issues, such as transplantation (prohibited in 1967–1980) and vaccination (prohibited in 1931–1952). The Watch Tower Society is an organised structure using directives for management activities. “The Governing Body of Jehovah’s Witnesses is a proper name describing the council which exercises authority over all structures of the movement. It was established in 1944 after the death of J. F. Rutherford, the second president of the Society (in office from 1916 to 1942). In 1881–1944, the Watch Tower Bible and Tract Society (…) acted as a corporation” (Piegza, 1994, p. 11). Charles Taze Russell was the leader of the Bible Student movement in 1886–1916, followed by Joseph Franklin Ruthenford in 1917–1942. The next Presidents of the Watch Tower are as follows: Nathan Homer Knorr (1942–1977), Frederick William Franz (1977–1992), Milton George Henschel (1992–2000), and Don Alden Adams (2000–2016). Currently, the post is held by Robert Ciranko (from 2016). Note that “the transition from charismatic to institutionalised formula of witnessing took place during the term of office of Knorr” (Krawczyk, 2017, p. 24). At that time, the Governing Body was also reformed and the way the sect operates was globally improved, in particular by introducing smaller units, such as branches and districts (Krawczyk, 2017, p. 24). Knorr established a missionary training centre called the Gilead School, facilitating global expansion (Wańka, 2013, p. 314). The institutional organisation of the movement of Jehovah’s Witnesses draws on the corporation rules. Its gatherings operating in different countries have an ordered hierarchical structure. The main entity, the Watch Tower Society, is a supervisory authority which oversees the doctrine and publications of Jehovah’s Witnesses. The gatherings of Jehovah’s Witnesses are

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called congregations (similar to the tradition in Protestant churches). The congregations serve as the basic organisational units. A single congregation is managed by the congregation servant holding the status of the governor of the community. The congregation servant is appointed by the Watch Tower Society. After incorporation, the congregation is organised according to the subject area; the location for preaching work is determined and biblical literature, including other necessary reference materials, are provided. The congregation servant is described as the most zealous and prudent member of the congregation. His duty is to ensure the continuity of the activities of the community of Jehovah’s Witnesses in a given area. He is primarily responsible for the organisation of religious gatherings in the Kingdom Hall. To a certain extent, Kingdom Halls operate for affiliation purposes. The congregation servant oversees all matters of the group and sets an example by his zeal and commitment. He is an intermediary between the Society and the members of the congregation. He oversees the congregation’s correspondence with the Society and other congregations. He also organises and supervises the preaching activity. His control function, which is to ensure that the meetings are held in accordance with the guidelines of the Society, is a measure of his work (Domagała, 1976, p. 12). According to the Society, the communities of Jehovah’s Witnesses can also be extended. If the congregation of Jehovah’s Witnesses in a city exceeds 200 people, separate units are created and additional servants in charge of the units are appointed. There are also city servants acting as a coordinating and advisory body, but with no authority over the congregation servants. With the extension of the community of Jehovah’s Witnesses, further positions are established, such as the assistant congregation servant whose main task is to prepare a report on the preaching activity of the members of the congregation, revisit and conduct home Bible study. Other ministerial functions are also introduced, including the following: “Watchtower” Study Servant (prayers, songs, reading of “The Watchtower” and comments), Book Study Conductor (organisation of service centres, supervision of the collective book study attended by about 15–20 people, determining the assembly site before field service), Ministry School Servant (supervision of the public preaching study), MagazineTerritory Servant, and Literature Servant (excluding magazines). There are also elders and ministerial servants (Domagała, 1976, p. 12). The institutional character of the movement shows that cult organisation imitates hierarchical religious organisations. There are no priests, but servants in the congregation can be treated as an informal, quasi-priestly model (Bielecki, 2018, pp. 133–134). As can be seen, the institutional solutions are introduced to make the sect similar to common religions. The Watch Tower Society publishes its own translation of the Holy Scripture and series of magazines. The most famous magazines include “The Watchtower” and “Awake!” The texts published in the magazines use arguments in support of the views of Jehovah’s Witnesses. The publications of

Attitude towards Jehovah’s Witnesses in Poland 209 Jehovah’s Witnesses are present in public space, e.g. on Polish streets as is frequently the case. Interestingly, the findings communicated in newer editions of “The Watchtower” and “Awake!” are inconsistent with the older ones and it is necessary to reinterpret the previous testimonies and falsify own texts from the past (Elkowicz, 2004, p. 16). The authors do not sign their names to the texts to give the impression of consensus and full agreement of the members of the editorial office of the Watch Tower Society. When referring to the practices of Jehovah’s Witnesses, their approach to social responsibility should not go unnoticed. This issue is the subject of a number of studies aimed at challenging the concept of civic responsibility. The Jehovah’s Witnesses claim that their total loyalty to Jehovah frees them from any civil and civic responsibility (Fels, 1996, p. 87). They oppose compulsory military service, the duty to carry a gun and service for the country. The religious conversion which takes place when joining the movement can be seen as a key factor for religious affiliation. “The more dramatic and irrevocable the break with the family tradition is, the stronger the assimilation in relation to the new cult. The assimilation also depends on external conditions affecting the religious movement” (Libiszowska-Żółtkowska, 1996, p. 180). The ostracism experienced by Jehovah’s Witnesses is all the more evident in Poland as they are in conflict with the Catholic Church. To sum up, Jehovah’s Witnesses are an example of a convertism-based sect carrying out missionary activities (missions, preaching). Its main aim is to preach the Second Coming of the Christ and the perspective of the end of the world (Adventism, millenarianism). The system of beliefs of Jehovah’s Witnesses is very syncretic in nature, updated each time by the Governing Body. Their religious doctrine presupposes reductionism which leads to the rejection of the divinity of Christ, the Resurrection, the dignity of Mary, sacraments, and worship of the saints. They also assume that they are chosen by God and thus are the only ones to be able to attain the salvation. The number of “the chosen ones” is constantly verified according to the current trends (Bednarski, 2014, pp. 46–47). Other distinguishing features which should be mentioned include fanaticism and totalism for affiliation, the use of manipulative techniques in recruitment, and aversion towards former members (Krawczyk, 2017, pp. 25–26).

Selectivity and religious syncretism vs. the doctrine of Jehovah’s Witnesses The above discussion shows the modality and contextuality of the dogmatics of Jehovah’s Witnesses, adapted to the current social context, global trends of thinking, and mental condition of postmodern people. It is clear that Jehovah’s Witnesses, like other sect-like congregations, offer contemporary individualised societies the return to the sense of community, beliefs based on more primitive attitudes and the feeling of uniqueness resulting from the possibility of participating in a special current of faith seen

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as the only true and intended for “the chosen ones” (Szczepańska et al., 1996, p. 262). Note that virtually all dimensions of selectivity are reflected by pragmatic attitudes towards the reading of the Word of God and the distortion of its meaning. This individualistic pragmatic approach, developed in the United States, resulted in the legacy and the rejection of wellestablished religious values and traditions (Cipriani, 2000, p. 189). The rejection of the Church, i.e. a religious institution that governs both the dogmatics and the social dimension, means the rejection of universalism and the expression of religious dissent. From the perspective of the sociological theory of religion, such activities of Jehovah’s Witnesses are in line with the popular phrase “believing without belonging” (Davie, 2010, pp. 197–201). Jehovah’s Witnesses developed their own interpretation of faith and denied virtually all previous achievements of the Church regarding the development of theological thought (Chesed, 2008, p. 7). They rely on the Protestant tradition of self-understanding and individual approach to Bible studies. Such an attitude inevitably leads to individualistic tendencies rooted in Protestantism (Mariański, 2008, p. 100). Restorationism, i.e. the belief that the primary Christianity should be restored, led to the assumption that religion is a means by which all social and environmental phenomena can be explained and legitimised. The doctrine based on restoration is also reflected in the prophecies of Jehovah’s Witnesses, which remained unfulfilled. Jehovah’s Witnesses follow the particularistic interests and constantly attempt to compensate for the obstacles they face. The Watch Tower Society created a religion with an unquestionable image considering it to be ultimate, somewhat narcissistic and infallible (Casanova, 2005, pp. 103–104). The notable examples of this are the attachment to prophetism and the rejection of the cross as a symbol of the Passion of Christ, documented in both biblical and exclusively historical sources. All other dogmas of Jehovah’s Witnesses, such as the rejection of sacraments, holidays and dogmas, including the Holy Trinity dogma, worship, including Marian devotions, prophetic millenarism and controversial approach to medical practices, e.g. blood transfusions (Krzysztofek, 2015, p. 291), stem from the selective approach to religious elements. This form of faith, constituting a conglomeration of values and based on selectivity, can be seen as a typical religious eclecticism (Zielińska, 2009, p. 95). Note that the careful selection of dogmas confirms and strengthens the current message of the Watch Tower Society and emphasises the objective of the organisation, which is primarily to increase the number of followers and the assumed profits from the distribution of publications. The concept of the Second Coming, which is the core message based on chronological calculations in the Scripture, is a good example here (Danielewicz, 1999b, p. 109). Władysław Piwowarski, an outstanding Polish religious sociologist, described the conscious acceptance of religious selectivity as a model of “the Church of the Choice” (Wahlkirche) as opposed to the traditional concept of “the Church of the People.” The new model is based primarily on the

Attitude towards Jehovah’s Witnesses in Poland 211 awareness of belonging and the authenticity of religious contemplation (Piwowarski, 1996, p. 269). With the extensive preaching activities, Jehovah’s Witnesses show that their community is authentic and reflects the ideals of primary Christianity. At the same time, they skilfully communicate their own interpretation of the Word of God in their message. Based on indepth biblical studies, they try to convince others to follow them. This shows how Jehovah’s Witnesses adapt to the contemporary model of non-church religiosity focused on spirituality rather than the institutional dimension (Choczyński, 2016b, p. 163). Paradoxically, the entire tradition of the Bible Student movement and the sect of Jehovah’s Witnesses is based on religious innovation, new elements in interpretation, creative constructionism of own history, and defining the goals and the role of the movement against other religions. This means that the practices of Jehovah’s Witnesses serve primarily to preserve a specific image of the world, provide the interpretation for it and make certain actions legitimate. Such an approach makes their existence valid and legitimate (Berger, 2005, pp. 61–62). This is possible because theological theses are subject to efficient selection or new concepts are established to meet the purposes of the Governing Body.

The approach to Jehovah’s Witnesses in Poland Jehovah’s Witnesses are considered to be typical representatives of the religious sect in Poland. Their missionary activity over the years, home visits, and repetitive behaviours produced a fairly consistent image of their operation in Polish public opinion. This can be proven by the labels used in the public sphere, such as kocia wiara, kociarze or kacerze, the latter less common in the contemporary Polish language. It is suggested that the term kocia wiara, literally meaning “the cat’s faith,” is a paraphrase, i.e. a polonised version of the term kacerz meaning heretic, apostate, or sectarian. Polish traditional rural communities may have incorrectly established a relationship (by means of paraphrase) between the term kacerz and the German term Katze meaning cat. The equivalents of Polish kacerz are Ketzer in German and kacier in Czech. Another – more popular – explanation for the use of the term “cat’s faith” is that the missionary activity of Jehovah’s Witnesses, based on door-to-door visits, is somehow similar to the lifestyle of cats. Yet another explanation comes from the fact that Jehovah’s Witnesses do not actually celebrate the Sacrament of Marriage. The lack of church weddings was a trigger for another cat-related label. Life of the people who lived in informal, nonsacramental relationships and cohabitations was described with the term na kocią łapę, i.e. the traditional Polish expression literally meaning “based on a cat’s paw.” Due to all these circumstances and connotations, kocia wiara is a label permanently attached to Jehovah’s Witnesses1. Another Polish, currently less common, name for Jehovah’s Witnesses is Jehowici. The term głosiciele, meaning preachers, is also sometimes in use.

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Jehovah’s Witnesses have been present in Poland for almost a century and are currently seen as something natural and a permanent element of the rich tradition of Polish religiosity. They can be found in the streets almost every day to promote their publications. It would be very hard to find a single Pole who did not receive a home visit from them at least once. The term kocia wiara, as explained above, have also been permanently assigned to Jehovah’s Witnesses. The head office supervising and coordinating the activities of Jehovah’s Witnesses in Poland (the so-called Branch Office) is located in Nadarzyn, a village near Warszawa. The institutionalised activity has been carried out in Poland since 1921 which is when the first office was established. The start of their operations dates back to 1913. In the interwar period, the activity was further professionalised. In the period of the Polish People’s Republic, the activity was carried out in conspiracy following the arrests in the early 1950s. The official registration took place after 1989 (Rzędowski, 2004; Miłosz, 2009; Bielecki, 2016). Note that Jehovah’s Witnesses is not the only denomination following the tradition of the Bible Student movement. Similarly to the United States, there are other branches of the original Bible Student movement in Poland which rejected the reforms of Joseph Franklin Ruthenford. They include Stowarzyszenie Badaczy Pisma Świętego [Association of Bible Researchers], Zrzeszenie Wolnych Badaczy Pisma Świętego [Association of Free Bible Researchers], Związek Badaczy Biblii w RP [Union of Bible Researchers in Poland], and Świecki Ruch Misyjny Epifania [Laymen’s Home Missionary Movement]. There are also ephemeral communities based on the Bible Student movement, independent of the ones mentioned above and spatially dispersed (Słomski, 1997, pp. 14–45). The survey on the attitudes of Poles towards people of other faiths shows that Jehovah’s Witnesses are considered to be full members of society. The respondents do not have a strong aversion to them. The particularly strong acceptance for Jehovah’s Witnesses is visible in colleagues and acquaintances (more than 80% of positive responses). A greater distance is kept from a Jehovah’s Witness who became part of the immediate family as a daughter-in-law or son-in-law (about 45% of positive responses, which is more than twice as low as above) (Roguska, 2012, p. 5). However, these attitudes do not lead to fixed patterns of behaviour, stigmatisations, or discriminations if compared to the pejorative label of kocia wiara presented above. The respondents did not show almost any signs of aversion or closed attitudes towards Jehovah’s Witnesses. Jehovah’s Witnesses are labelled as a sect in Poland, but individual members are appreciated for their diligence, dedication to the common cause, and – to a certain degree – organisational skills. On the other hand, there are a number of former members of the sect who start to reveal a number of facts discrediting the Watch Tower. The sect is rejected and criticised more and more frequently, both doctrinally and institutionally.

Attitude towards Jehovah’s Witnesses in Poland 213 Although the estimated number of the members of the Bible Student movement in Poland is not high, amounting to about 130,000 (Wańka, 2013, p. 314; Krawczyk, 2017, p. 24), they mark their presence in the Polish religious life, inter alia, through permanent preaching and tireless efforts to visit houses of potential followers. Their missionary activity has even its stereotypical dimension as the sect is believed to be the embodiment of an awkward yet harmless door-to-door tradesman, a figure of speech, or even a simulacrum. Nowadays, Jehovah’s Witnesses tend to operate more often in the streets, putting up their stalls with the press and own publications. The above discussion on Jehovah’s Witnesses certainly requires in-depth, independent sociological research, both in quantitative and qualitative terms. The obstacles to this are inaccessible character of the sect and little information on internal relations, limited to testimonies of former members. The data obtained from former members are not fully reliable because they may not be objective in their opinions. The activity of Jehovah’s Witnesses in Poland is even more unique given the huge influence of the Catholic Church combined with past and present Polish statehood, or even the cultural script of Polish identity in general. That is why the practices of Jehovah’s Witnesses are understood in different ways, and anti-Catholic rhetoric is sometimes not effective. The adaptation of Jehovah’s Witnesses to the Polish cultural field is also hampered by their clearly visible individuality, a sense of loneliness in a foreign environment and belonging to the global community of Jehovah’s Witnesses (Grzywa, 2006, p. 226). Despite the discrepancies, Jehovah’s Witnesses operate in Poland and are free to run their business. However, their activity, though well-established and labelled, is likely to remain marginal, both now and in the near future.

Conclusions Jehovah’s Witnesses is a religious movement, operating for more than a century, present in many countries and societies (Beckford, 1975). The movement skillfully adapts to current social conditions and religious metamorphoses, providing its followers with an attractive offer of participation. This can be confirmed by the constant number of preachers, the stability of the faith and extensive missionary, preaching and organisational activities. Among all the features of Jehovah’s Witnesses, there are some making the movement strikingly similar to other sects, i.e. leadership, preaching, obedience, directive approach to management, and permanent fear of aversion expressed by co-followers (Solak, 1992; Hookway & Habibis, 2013; Rient, 2015). In view of the above, the history and organisation of Jehovah’s Witnesses is largely similar to another American sect, the Church of Scientology (Choczyński, 2016a, p. 264). The similarities primarily include the organisational structure and the adaptation of the axiological interpretation to the current context resulting from the corporate goals, e.g. distribution of religious publications or purchase of land and property.

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Jehovah’s Witnesses are extremely selective in defining religion and religiosity, reinterpreting virtually all achievements of modern science. Another key point is that the Scripture is treated Scripture somewhat anecdotally and instrumentally, and interpreted according to the ongoing needs of the Watch Tower. Jehovah’s Witnesses make excellent use of contemporary metamorphoses of religion and spirituality, and draw on their fundamental values to convince others to follow them. Similarly to the first years of the sect, the concepts of civilisation collapse, decadence, or implosion are presented to make others aware of the dangers and legitimise the activities of the sect. In the face of the constant crisis of human identity, the search for new solutions, and individual spirituality, Jehovah’s Witnesses describe themselves as an attractive and human-friendly rock of well-being strengthened by apocalyptic visions. To sum up, the message conveyed by Jehovah’s Witnesses is conventional and literal in nature. They adapt dogmatic interpretation to the current needs, including the particularistic interests of the Watch Tower Society. The literature refers to the evanescence of the faith of Jehovah’s Witnesses, highlighting its transience and ephemerality. On the other hand, Jehovah’s Witnesses represent a solid community, the “long-term structure,” as it might be called, which means that the model of religious innovation works well in practice.

Note 1 See discussion on gazeta.pl – Dlaczego Świadków Jehowy nazywają „kocią wiarą”? [Why Jehovah’s Witnesses are called the “cat’s faith”?], retrieved on August 5, 2019 from http://forum.gazeta.pl/forum/w,721,116404179, 116404179,Dlaczego_swiadkow_jehowy_nazywaja_kocia_wiara_.html

References Bagiński E., Świadkowie Jehowy. Pochodzenie – historia – wierzenia, Kraków: Wydawnictwo Karmelitów Bosych, 2004. Bagiński E., Siewcy kąkolu. Historia i wierzenia Świadków Jehowy, Kraków: Wydawnictwo Karmelitów Bosych, 2012. Beckford J.A., The Trumpet of Prophesy: A Sociological Study of Jehovah’s Witnesses, New York: Wiley, 1975. Bednarski W., Porównanie nauk świadków Jehowy, Tychy: Maternus Media, 2014. Berger P.L., Święty baldachim. Elementy socjologicznej teorii religii, (W. Kurdziel, trans.), Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy Nomos, 2005; original release: Berger P.L., The Sacred Canopy: Elements of a Sociological Theory of Religion, New York: Doubleday, 1967. Bielec C., Świadkowie Jehowy. Geneza i ocena krytyczna, Sandomierz: Wydawnictwo Diecezjalne i Drukarnia, 2017. Bielecki M., Polityka państwa polskiego wobec Świadków Jehowy w okresie PRL i po przemianach ustrojowych. Zarys problematyki, “Przegląd Prawno-Ekonomiczny”, 3, pp. 28–50, 2016.

Attitude towards Jehovah’s Witnesses in Poland 215 Bielecki M., Status osoby duchownej w związku wyznaniowym Świadkowie Jehowy w Polsce, “Studia z Prawa Wyznaniowego”, 21, pp. 123–144, 2018. Casanova J., Religie publiczne w nowoczesnym świecie, (T. Kunz, trans.), Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy Nomos, 2005; original release: Casanova J., Public Religions in the Modern World, Chicago-London: Chicago University Press, 1994. Chesed N., Inny Jezus, inny duch, inna ewangelia. Kluczowe doktryny Świadków Jehowy w świetle Biblii, Osielsko: Koncept Design, 2008. Choczyński M., Eksplikacja eklektycznej formy religijności na przykładzie scjentologii, in: S.H. Zaręba & I. Borowik (eds.), Tradycja i innowacja w polu refleksji socjologii religii, Warszawa: Kontrast, pp. 261–276, 2016a. Choczyński M., Selektywność dominantą religijności w społeczeństwie ponowoczesnym, in: I. Borowik, A. Górny & W. Świątkiewicz (eds.), Globalny i lokalny wymiar religii. Polska w kontekście europejskim, Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy Nomos, pp. 162–175, 2016b. Cipriani R., Sociology of Religion. An Historical Introduction, New York: Aldine de Gruyter, 2000. Czapiga T., Igraszki przed dniem Armagedonu. Świadkowie Jehowy, Szczecin: Ottonianum, 1996. Danielewicz Z., Między kościołem a sektą, vol. 120, Warszawa: Biblioteka Więzi, 1999a. Danielewicz Z., W oczekiwaniu na Paruzję. Nauka Adwentystów Dnia Siódmego i Świadków Jehowy, Lublin: Reakcja Wydawnictw KUL, 1999b. Davie G., Socjologia religii, (R. Babińska, trans.), Kraków: Nomos, 2010; original release: Davie G., The Sociology of Religion, London: Sage Publications, 2007. Dlaczego świadków jehowy nazywają “kocią wiarą”?, discussion on gazeta.pl forum, retrieved on August 5, 2019 from http://forum.gazeta.pl/forum/w,721,116404179, 116404179,Dlaczego_swiadkow_jehowy_nazywaja_kocia_wiara.html. Domagała Z., Czy nauka świadków Jehowy jest zgodna z Biblią?, Lublin: Kuria Biskupia, 1976. Elkowicz A., Krótka historia zmian nauki Świadków Jehowy, Warszawa: Kompas II, 2004. Fels G., Świadkowie Jehowy bez retuszu. Wydanie poprawione, Niepokalanów: Wydawnictwo Ojców Franciszkanów, 1996. Grzywa J., Religijność Świadków Jehowy w Polsce, “Nomos Kwartalnik Religioznawczy”, 22–23, pp. 117–133, 1998. Grzywa J., Funkcjonowanie zborów Świadków Jehowy w środowisku miejskim w Polsce – analiza socjokulturowa, “Studia Etnologiczne i Antropologiczne”, 9, pp. 223–236, 2006. Hookway N.S. & Habibis D., Losing My Religion: Managing Identity in a PostJehovah’s Witness World, “SAGE Journal of Sociology”, 0 (0), pp. 1–14, 2013. Jehovah’s Witnesses in the Twentieth Century, New York: Watch Tower Bible and Tract Society of Pennsylvania, 1989. Krawczyk R., Podstawowe prawdy wiary w świetle Biblii. Nauczanie Kościoła a przekaz Świadków Jehowy, Siedlce: Wydawnictwo Diecezji Siedleckiej Unitas, 2017. Krzysztofek K., Stanowisko Świadków Jehowy wobec wybranych współczesnych procedur medycznych w świetle prawa polskiego, “Studia z Prawa Wyznaniowego”, 18, pp. 287–310, 2015.

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Lesiak M., Inny świat, Brzezia Łąka: Poligraf, 2017. Libiszowska-Żółtkowska M., Świadkowie Jehowy w III Rzeczypospolitej – case study, in: I. Borowik & W. Zdaniewicz (eds.), Od kościoła ludu do kościoła wyboru. Religia a przemiany społeczne w Polsce, Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy Nomos, pp. 176–185, 1996. Mariański J., Tożsamości religijne w społeczeństwie polskim, in: I. Borowik, M. Libiszowska-Żółtkowska & J. Doktór (eds.), Oblicza religii i religijności, Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy Nomos, pp. 93–109, 2008. Marzec Z., Służba boża Świadków Jehowy, Kraków: Wydawnictwo Księży Sercanów SCJ, 2002. Miłosz J., Świadkowie Jehowy w PRL – uznani, zwalczani, tolerowani, “Człowiek i Społeczeństwo”, 29, pp. 112–135, 2009. Penton J.M., Apocalypse Delayed: The Story of Jehovah’s Witnesses, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1997. Piegza J., Świadkowie Jehowy. Geneza i struktura kontestacji religijnej, Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy Nomos, 1994. Piwowarski W., Socjologia religii, Lublin: RW KUL, 1996. Podolski C., Największe oszustwa i proroctwa Świadków Jehowy, Gdańsk: Mispol, 1996. Rajtar M., Krew jako ciało ‘obce’ i ‘indywidualne’. Krew i biotożsamość na przykładzie Świadków Jehowy w Niemczech, “Etnografia Polska”, 58 (1–2), pp. 101–116, 2014. Reynolds R., Kim są Świadkowie Jehowy?, (H. Dymel-Trzebiatowska, trans.), Gdańsk: Exter, 2003. Rient R., Świadek, Warszawa: Fundacja Instytut Reportażu, 2015. Roguska B., Społeczne postawy wobec wyznawców różnych religii, Research Report no. BS/130/2012, Warszawa: CBOS, 2012. Rzędowski J., Świadkowie Jehowy w PRL, “Więź”, 4, pp. 80–95, 2004. Słomski W., Badacze biblijnych tajemnic, Warszawa: MIX, 1997. Solak R., Prorocy z Brooklynu. Wspomnienia byłego Świadka Jehowy, Toruń: Dabar, 1992. Stark R. & Iannaccone L.R., Why the Jehovah’s Witnesses Grow so Rapidly: A Theoretical Application, “Journal of Contemporary Religion”, 12 (2), pp. 133–157, 1997. Szczepańska H., Szczepański A. & Kunda T., Pismo Święte przeczy nauce Świadków Jehowy, Ząbki: Apostolicum, 1996. Wańka A., Świadkowie Jehowy, in: E. Gigilewicz (ed.), Encyklopedia Katolicka, vol. 19, Lublin: TN KUL, pp. 313–315, 2013. Wronka A., Świadkowie Jehowy, Radom: Polskie Wydawnictwo Encyklopedyczne Polwen, 2005. Zielińska K., Spory wokół teorii sekularyzacji, Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy Nomos, 2009.

15 From orality to the Internet: transformations of religious communication in Polish miracular communities Maciej Krzywosz Introduction – characteristics of Polish miracular religiosity Until the 1980s, it seemed that, with scientific progress, phenomena referred to as miracles would cease to happen and eventually disappear from modern societies, together with religion. Social sciences were dominated by the secularisation paradigm (Davie, 2007, pp. 46–66), assuming the twilight of religion and the constant disenchantment of the world. However, with the crisis of the concept of modernity, it is increasingly undermined (Stark, 1999b). Nowadays, sociologists of religion speak increasingly less about the end of religion and more often about deprivatisation (Casanova, 1994) or desecularisation (Berger, 1999). Miraculous phenomena are still a very interesting component of religious life, especially of popular Catholicism understood as an ordinary, everyday religiosity that can be seen, felt, and heard (Altermatt, 1989). These events include commonly understood miracles, such as weeping icons, revelations of Mary and Jesus (known as Marian apparitions and Christophanies), and inexplicable atmospheric phenomena, such as the Miracle of the Sun in Fatima in 1917. Social sciences were more critical of these events than of religion as such. They were often treated as medieval relics, and people experiencing them were perceived as having psychopathological problems (Stark, 1999a, p. 287). Due to the strong ideologisation of social sciences, there was hardly any research based on the social approach to miracles in post-war Poland. With the development of a socialist society, they were supposed to naturally stop arousing the interest of modern masses liberated from “religious superstitions”. Few texts which tried to analyse miraculous phenomena using sociological or anthropological categories were censored and could not be published in the Polish People’s Republic (Hemka & Olędzki, 1990, p. 14, note 1). Only after the political transformation in 1989, the scientific study of miracles and their cultural and social significance was initiated (Czachowski, 2003; Zieliński, 2004; Krzywosz, 2016a), consciously ignoring the question of their theological truthfulness.

DOI: 10.4324/9781003271994-18

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Miracular religiosity has certain characteristics (Krzywosz, 2007, pp. 255–257). First of all, it focuses on supernatural phenomena perceived as direct divine interventions. People involved in miracular religiosity look for supernaturality and miracularity devoid of everyday and commonplace character. However, these phenomena are empirical in nature. For example, thousands of people witnessed the Miracle of the Sun or weeping icons. Despite strong emotions, these events are often free from grandeur and highness. This is due to the belief that miracles are an integral part of reality in spite of their unusualness. They are not perceived as a violation of scientifically established natural laws, which is how theology saw it before. They are unusual, yet not unfamiliar. However, not every unusual event is a miracle. According to Hemka and Olędzki, an event can become a miracle if it complies with the traditional conceptual system (Hemka & Olędzki, 1990, p. 9). Flying saucers or crop circles will not become miracles because they are inconsistent with the Polish religious culture. Moreover, Polish miracular religiosity cannot be attributed solely to folk or peasant religiosity. As a result of the post-war processes of urbanisation, industrialisation, and mass migration to cities, this religiosity is present in different social strata and constitutes an important element of modern Catholicism (Królikowska, 2016). The question of whether or not a miracle is approved by the Catholic Church is not crucial for miracular communities. It can be assumed that miracular religiosity is clearly non-institutional. However, given the influence of the Catholic Church on the entire Polish religious life, believers in miracles hope that a religious institution will recognise them in a certain form. This chapter discusses how the religious communication of the Polish miracular communities in post-war Poland has evolved. Until the end of the 20th century, the oral form prevailed, whereas recent decades have been affected by the influence of new media, especially the Internet. The traditions of several sociological subdisciplines, including historical sociology, the sociology of religion, and the sociology of the media, are taken into account in this chapter.

Miraculous phenomena in post-war Poland in the media context After the Second World War, Poland became a country dependent on the Soviet Union and had to put into practice the principles of atheist communist ideology. As a result, the new state quite quickly started to fight against religious life and its institutions. On the other hand, despite the changes initiated by the communist authorities, religion still played a significant social role in Poland. Folk religiosity with a strong Marian cult was the primary model of religious life. Miraculous events have constituted, and still constitute, an integral part of this tradition (Krzywosz, 2016b).

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The miracle of Lublin in 1949 The miracle in the Lublin Cathedral was the first of the socially significant miraculous phenomena in the Polish People’s Republic. On 3 July 1949, the copy of the icon of Our Lady of Częstochowa started to leak a dark substance interpreted by many as Mary’s tears (Ziółek & Przytuła, 1999). Father Malec, who witnessed the events, described his emotions in the following way: I looked at the image and noticed dark drops moving from the right eye, flowing down the cheek towards the Swedish scars. It was powerful how people were in ecstasy, moaning, and crying, so I also got down on my knees, together with others, and started to cry with great emotion. More and more people gathered and an increasingly celebratory mood took hold of the place. People were praying and calling out: “Holy Mother, you are crying.” I could hear people moaning, weeping, and calling (…). People were crying and screaming out loud. The rapture was so great that no one would be able to outshout anyone. (Ziółek & Przytuła, 1999, pp. 135–136) The news about the weeping icon quickly spread among the inhabitants of Lublin and reached other regions of the country. Thousands of pilgrims began to come to the city. The local bishop Piotr Kałwa appointed a commission to explain this phenomenon. His pastoral letter of 6 July 1949 specifying its findings reads as follows: The results of the Commission’s work to date do not constitute the basis for the assumption that the phenomena which took place in our Lublin cathedral were miraculous and supernatural (...) no such signs have been found. Therefore, it is even more advisable to stay calm and do not disturb the balance of mind. (Ziółek & Przytuła, 1999, p. 34) The letter did not influence the behaviour of believers. The faithful constantly came to Lublin en masse. At the time of increased persecution of the Church and increasingly harsh Stalinist terror, Crying Mary was a clear supernatural sign for them. The Communist authorities interpreted the miracle of Lublin as an intentional political action of the Church in the struggle to preserve the religious awareness of the Poles. They quickly took steps to eradicate it. The tragedy that occurred in front of the cathedral on 13 July was to their advantage. The panic-stricken crowd crushed a young girl to death and severely hurt several other people. This gave the authorities an excuse to take prosecutorial action against the Lublin clergy and to organise anti-Church

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propaganda rallies. Seeing what actions the authorities are prepared to resort to, the Church decided to calm the public mood. In August, the cathedral was temporarily closed. When it was reopened on 12 August 1949, the liquid previously seen in the image disappeared. The miracle of Lublin was dissolved. From the outset, the Communist authorities accused the Church of deliberate promotion and dissemination of information about the miracle. However, the analysis of published sources completely refutes the conviction of the authorities. The information on the miracle was primarily disseminated by laypeople. They were overwhelmed by the unusualness, as described by Father Malec. Speech was the main medium used to convey information. As a result, oral communication prevailed. This was due to at least three reasons. Firstly, the percentage of illiterate people in Poland after World War II was still high. According to the data obtained in 1950, 1,131,000 people (5.8% of the Polish population aged over 10 years of age) were illiterate, of which 885,000 people were rural residents (Landy-Tołwińska, 1961, pp. 94, 104). In the then Lubelskie Province, the percentage of illiterate people was even higher, amounting to 9.8% (Landy-Tołwińska, 1961, p. 101). Secondly, technological development was slow. Printing and magazine reproduction, especially after the war, were still very limited. Thirdly, even if there were technical possibilities, rewriting and duplication of texts about the miracle of Lublin, for example, on carbon paper, it was contrary to the repressive law and subject to many years of imprisonment. The prison sentence was imposed on Janina E. Markiewicz, who had drawn up a letter calling on the authorities not to interfere in religious matters and hung copies in the streets of Lublin. She was arrested by the secret police and sentenced to 6 years in prison (Ziółek & Przytuła, 1999, pp. 217–229). Oral communication reveals strong emotions, high credibility, empathy, and commitment (Ong & Hartley, 2012, pp. 45–46). Witness accounts of the miracle of Lublin confirm this thesis: When I went to the cathedral for Sunday Vespers, I saw people behaving strangely in front of the church. They were excited. Some of them cried. I asked: “What happened?” They answered my question with a question: “Don’t you know that Our Lady of Częstochowa is crying bloody tears in the cathedral?” Moved by this news, I went to the church. (Ziółek & Przytuła, 1999, p. 248) Other people also reacted quickly to oral information about the miracle. Bolesława Paradowska, an apprentice in a restaurant, described that day in the following way: “Our Lady’s face was changed. It was simply alive. That’s the impression I had. That’s how I remember it today (…). It was also felt in the atmosphere. People cried, sang, and prayed loudly” (Ziółek & Przytuła, 1999, p. 25). Undoubtedly, the atmosphere surrounding people

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in the cathedral, influenced their experiences and emotions, and the subsequent verbal messages about the miracle. Their subsequent declarations about the truthfulness of the miracle sounded highly credible. The behaviour of the people who believed in what the witnesses said or personally experienced the miracle of Lublin could convince others. A woman arrested as a Home Army soldier learned about the miracle from a prison officer: “At five o’clock in the morning, a crying prison officer opened the door to the cell. We asked her why she was crying. ‘Our Lady is crying in the cathedral. That’s why I am crying,’ she replied” (Sołtysiak, 1992, p. 122). The credibility of the personal, emotional message translated into the rapid dissemination of information about the weeping image, even among holidaymakers who learned the miracle from their relatives. Next, they shared this information with their families coming from different parts of Poland (Ziółek & Przytuła, 1999, pp. 26–27). The information spread so quickly that the communist authorities suspected the organised activities of the clergy. The accusations had to be answered by Bishop Zdzisław Goliński, who said: “News of actual or imaginary extraordinary phenomena spread extremely quickly (...). The first news was spread orally by travellers” (Ziółek & Przytuła, 1999, p. 39). The published materials, i.e. official and personal documents, suggest that the use of media other than the spoken language to promote the miracle of Lublin was rare. Literate people disseminated this information by letter. Their message could also be strongly emotional. The excerpt from a letter of 7 July 1949 reads as follows: On Sunday, 3rd of this month (...), a drop of blood began to flow from above the eye. The face of the Blessed Virgin was covered with more and more new bloody traces, and tears shine in her left eye to this day (...). Mum, do you understand the enormity of the grace that has flowed into Lublin and us, its inhabitants? Mum, it’s been already three times that I’ve seen it for myself, and so has Dad. Every day, the crowds of pilgrims come here day and night; more and more people. (Błasińska, 2019, pp. 14–15) However, a written religious message probably did not have the same effect on the recipients as a verbal message. This was particularly because this type of communication left trace evidence that could have fallen into the hands of the secret police. Therefore, written communication was probably not as significant as verbal (Ziółek & Przytuła, 1999, pp. 68–69). There were also attempts to use typescript to promote the miracle of Lublin, for example, “Nie rzucim Chryste świątyń twych” [Christ, I Will Not Leave Your Temples], a poem of 1949, which was transcribed in 12 copies. However, it was confiscated by the secret police and its author was sentenced to 1.5 years in prison (Ziółek & Przytuła, 1999, p. 70). The title is a remake of “Rota” [The Oath] by Maria Konopnicka, a well-known

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patriotic song. Therefore, even though it was typewritten, it seems that it should be treated as a manifestation of traditional oral culture. Marian apparition in Zabłudów in 1965 With the political thaw of 1956 and the mitigation of communist terror, miraculous phenomena began to reappear in the public space. The miracle of Zabłudów in 1965 was the most significant miracle at that time (Krzywosz, 2016a). On 13 May, Jadwiga Jakubowska, a 14-year-old girl, experienced the apparition of the Virgin Mary in a meadow near Zabłudów. She called for prayer and conversion, and promised Jadwiga that her sick mother would recover. At first, her parents did not believe her, but the next day, her mother felt better and was the first to believe her daughter. Another Marian apparition took place on Sunday, 23 May. On that day, about 50 people gathered in the meadow. Our Lady appeared to the girl once again and promised to appear in a week’s time, 30 May. Other people did not see Our Lady but clearly felt her presence and witnessed the Miracle of the Sun. The fact that a great number of people experienced it encouraged the efforts to consider the apparition true. In addition, the information about the event started to spread extremely fast. The news of the miracle quickly spread outside the town and transmitted from mouth to mouth began to transform into a myth about a bedridden mother, her holy daughter and miraculous healing. In the afternoon of May 30, thousands of people, mainly from Podlasie, gathered in the meadow to participate in the promised revelation. In the vicinity, the communist authorities deployed large troops of the Motorised Reserves of the Citizens’ Militia (ZOMO) which attacked civilians (Krzywosz, 2022, p. 155). They were equipped with batons, grenades, tear gas, and firearms. People paid them back, throwing stones at militia vehicles. Since pilgrims outnumbered the ZOMO troops and the losses suffered were significant, the troops withdrew after 6 p.m. On that day, Jadwiga Jakubowska was also in the meadow and experienced a private revelation. However, it seems that the victory over the large militia forces took on a symbolic meaning (defend of revealing Mary against impious communism) and was perceived by the pilgrims as another miracle. In June and July, pilgrims from Podlasie and also other places of Poland arrived at Zabłudów. The news of miraculous healings attracted the sick and the unhappy. However, due to the lack of new Marian apparitions, the critical attitude of the clergy towards them and, above all, the repressions of the communist authorities who imposed a ban on visiting the place of the apparition, the pilgrim movement ceased to exist. The miracle of Zabłudów spread using the same means of communication as in the case of the miracle of Lublin. However, how quickly the information was shared is quite interesting. At first, only the closest family of Jadwiga believed in the apparition. Other inhabitants of Zabłudów were sceptical. The information about the apparition spread outside the village only after the apparition of

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23 May during which some people experienced the presence of Our Lady. It reached Białystok, the capital of the province, a place to which many inhabitants of Zabłudów commuted to work every day. The news of the apparition was also spread in the villages and towns of the Białystok region by inhabitants of other parts of Podlasie. The subject was often discussed on local trains and buses. The events which took place on 30 May, i.e. the victorious confrontation with the ZOMO troops, spread the miracle throughout Poland. This shows that the miracle of Zabłudów was dominated by direct oral communication, sometimes through the developing telephone network and letters, often confiscated by the secret police. A visual message was also used. At the place of the apparition, photographs of the Zabłudów meadow were sold along with the poem “Dzieweczka z miasteczka” [A Girl from the Town] transcribed many times. The text was written by Emilia Michałowska in June 1965. After the text was distributed, she was arrested for 3 weeks. Although the poem, reproduced using carbon paper, was repeatedly rewritten by pilgrims, it took the form of a song. Therefore, it can be considered as a manifestation of the traditional oral culture. The meadow was a primary source of dissemination of information about the Marian apparition. In June and at the beginning of July, pilgrims visited this place without limitations and exchanged information about miraculous events. They sang the song “Dzieweczka z miasteczka” together and expected more miracles. There is no doubt that the atmosphere in this place had an impact on the religious experience and thus on the credibility of the subsequent messages about miracles. In addition, the strong dominance of the verbal religious communication consolidated the Zabudów Miracular Movement; a social movement intended to prepare for new Marian apparitions (Krzywosz, 2016a, pp. 319–378). As noted by Ong, “Primary orality fosters personality structures that in certain ways are more communal and externalized (...). Oral communication unites people in groups” (Ong and Hartley, 2012, p. 68). Jadwiga’s parents, Maria Jakubowska and Zygmunt Jakubowski, played a significant role in disseminating information. The very presence of Maria Jakubowska, who looked healthy and thus healed, was a proof for the truthfulness of the Marian apparition and her statements about it. In the secret police archive, a stenographic record of Jakubowska’s conversation with the pilgrims survived: Mother said: “I was sick and now I feel better, but I suffer from people.” People gathered called out: “You should be proud of your daughter.” The question was asked: “How long have you been ill, and what have you suffered from?” The mother answered: “10 years from a few diseases and dehydration. I visited a lot of doctors, but they couldn’t help me. And now it’s gone. I wish everyone good health like me.” (AIPN Bi 0037/46, 1965, p. 314)

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Information about the miracle was also disseminated by letter, similarly to the miracle of Lublin. Note, however, that the letter could have been enriched with other religious objects in this case. There was at least one letter accompanied by a “plant stem from a bunch that was held by a girl during the apparition” (AIPN Bi 0037/43, 1965, p. 228). Oława apparitions between 1983 and 2002 Events in Oława were the most important revelations in the 1980s that attracted tens of thousands of pilgrims (Zieliński, 2004). On 8 June 1983, Our Lady appeared to Kazimierz Domański in the allotment garden and said: “I have healed you. You will heal the sick” (Pawlak & Moszkowski, 1997, p. 35). On 4 October, she appeared again and said that: “Whoever comes to this place will receive the grace of healing and God’s blessing, but only if they have strong faith” (Pawlak & Moszkowski, 1997, p. 35). From that moment on, he began to heal people, and many pilgrims from all over the country came to Oława. The communist authorities decided to take repressive measures. Militiamen checked the identity of people coming to Oława. Strong spotlights were directed at those who prayed at night and fines were often imposed. However, these measures were not effective. Domański was the only hope for the terminally ill and the actions of the authorities could not stop them. The faithful continued to make pilgrimages to Oława. From the very beginning, the Catholic Church hierarchy was very sceptical of the activities of the visionary. On 20 January 1986, a special statement of the Episcopate Press Office was published: The investigation conducted by the competent church authorities revealed that there are no grounds for treating these alleged apparitions [in Oława] as supernatural phenomena. Therefore, the bishops ask the secular and monastic clergy and the faithful to stop gathering in Oława and supporting these alleged apparitions. (Pindel, 1998, pp. 160–161) Although the communist authorities and the Church fought against the apparitions, Domański managed to survive that period. After the political transformation, the future of the apparitions was not compromised. In the 1980s, the communist authorities were Domański’s main opponent. After the transformation, the local bishop Henryk Gulbinowicz was the one who was most critical of the apparitions. In 1999, he imposed church penalties on Domański and the people associated with him. The popularity of Oława among pilgrims started to decline, and the death of Domański in 2002 accelerated this process. In 2005, the shrine built by the visionary was handed over to the Catholic Church. Initially, the Oława apparitions were mostly communicated in a traditional oral way. However, very soon after that, the believers in miracle

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started to use printing and audio transmission. In the 1980s, the text of the first 35 apparitions was reproduced and unofficially published in a brochure entitled “Niebieska Królowa Pokoju apeluje z Oławy do Polski i świata” [The Blue Queen of Peace Appeals from Oława to Poland and the World]. As a novelty, tape cassettes were used for a short time, with the recorded voice of 21-year-old Krystyna speaking as Mary (Kamiński, 2018). They could be purchased in the area of allotment gardens, which is where Domański operated, and this seems to be an example of secondary orality (Ong & Hartley, 2012, pp. 133–135). In the 1990s, multipage, richly illustrated books started to be published with the revelation messages received by the visionary. This was possible due to the greater availability of printing techniques and the abolition of censorship. The information about revelation could be freely disseminated. These improvements were important for several reasons. First of all, Polish miracular communities were introduced into the “Gutenberg Galaxy”, the typographic culture. Secondly, the messages received by the visionaries increased in number and were extended. Thirdly, the messages could be translated into foreign languages (Speckbacher, 1990) and diffused across the world (Laurentin, 1995). In the second half of the 1980s and early 1990s, a great number of visionaries appeared. Following Domański and his supporters, they started to publish their revelations in print. This includes the publications of Stefan Ślipek from Ruda (Ślipek, no data available) and Krzysztof Czarnota from Okonin (Orędzie miłości, 1996).

The Internet as a communication tool of contemporary miracular communities In the 21st century, the digital revolution and the development of the Internet reached miracular communities. It can be concluded that they also transitioned from oral and written culture to electronic and digital forms (Apolito, 2005). Using the typology developed for studying religion online (Young, 2004, pp. 93–94), it seems reasonable to analytically divide Polish miracular communities into two types in terms of their online activity. The first category includes Internet websites that provide information about miraculous events (religion online). The second group encompasses interactive forms designed to build and maintain a kind of community (online religion). The former includes websites presenting the famous Eucharistic miracles of Sokółka1 (2008) and Legnica2 (2013). The analysis of the parish websites content shows that they are strictly for information purposes. There are no message boards or spaces intended for sharing information on the graces received. Books of miracles, widely used in various Catholic shrines (Cekiera, 2016), still exist as manuscripts, i.e. belong to the chirographic culture. The Sokółka and Legnica websites are slightly differ from each other in that the Legnica website enables the user to upload prayer intentions by filling in a

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special form. This may result from the intention to bring a miracle closer to the community of Internet users. However, the prayer intentions are hidden, and it is not possible to pray “together”, which is what other religious websites offer. The websites devoted to miracles or revelations that took place in the Polish People’s Republic were, and still are, made available for information purposes. The website which promoted the Oława apparitions, with excerpts of Domański’s messages and a photo gallery, finally disappeared in 20183. This strongly suggests that Oława apparitions are no longer present in Polish religious life. The website of Katarzyna Szymon (1907–1986), a well-known Silesian visionary and stigmatist, similar to the non-existent Domański’s website yet much more extended, is still in operation4; in 2016 was the last time it was updated. However, it seems that the sustainment and promotion of the cult of Szymon will continue. There are still people who try to initiate her beatification process. Note that the creators of the website, run in 15 languages, seek to popularise the visionary internationally. Szymon’s website is purely for information purposes, and its main function is to promote her cult. The website of Legion Małych Rycerzy [Legion of Small Knights Association] founded by the visionary Zofia Grochowska (1931–2009)5 is updated on a regular basis. Grochowska’s visions were mainly inner in nature. However, she also had the gift of miraculous healing, which made her and the movement she founded popular. Her movement survived despite her death, an event that triggers a moment of crisis in any newly established social movement. The website contains current information about retreats, field structures and moving testimonies, which shows that it is mainly for information purposes while active participation is not possible. It seems that a space for active participation is made on the Facebook page. However, in spite of the various posts shared on a regular basis, the page is not particularly popular. There are usually no comments under the posts, and the number of followers liking the page in August 2019 amounted to 7466. This low activity is probably caused by the age of the association’s members; most of them are women over 50 years old (Łubińska, 2006, p. 404). From the beginning of the activity, the founder sought to receive support from the Church and obtain formal acceptance of the movement. Therefore, the association’s website does not publish any information about contemporary, controversial revelations or miracles that could lead to tensions in this respect. However, an external link leads to a website with information about various miracles and revelations, including those firmly rejected by the Catholic Church in Poland7. This includes the Oława apparitions discussed above and the activities of the suspended Father Natanek. The content posted on the website includes multimedia files, e.g. audio recordings of the revelations of Katarzyna Szymon or Zofia Grochowska. However, the website precludes active participation and commenting on the files posted. This means that it is for information purposes.

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The website with a meaningful name “in defence of faith and tradition” is the only website partly devoted to contemporary miraculous phenomena indirectly associated with the Church8. It takes the form of a blog, which means that commenting on the posts is, in principle, possible. It mainly promotes the concept of Father Adam Skwarczyński, who preaches the imminent Second Coming of Christ, Medjugorie messages, and other private revelations. It also contains information about miracles attributed to Padre Pio and Saint Charbel Makhlouf, the latter increasingly popular in Poland. The website enables adding comments and posting publicly available prayer intentions. It most resembles online religion as a place with a stirring of community in the virtual world.

Conclusions This paper presents how the use of media means for religious purposes by communities and people engaged in miracular religiosity has evolved over time. It centres around historical and sociological perspectives with references to the events of post-war Poland. More broadly, the phenomenon discussed here falls within the studies on Polish society’s religious culture conducted, among others, by Stefan Czarnowski (1956) and continued in the post-war period by Edward Ciupak (1973). They believe that sensualism, ritualism and sociocultural dimension are important features of folk religiosity, originally identified with the rural environment. Nowadays, the term describes everyday Catholicism of broad masses of people; it has no folk connotations and is not marginal (Sroczyńska, 2000, pp. 253–270). The first socially important miracle in the Polish People’s Republic took place in Lublin in 1949. Its believers mainly used a natural medium, i.e. oral communication and letters. Although the means used were modest, the information about the miracle spread rapidly throughout the country. This was caused by the pessimistic public mood (due to the fear of aggravation of Stalin’s terror) and the power of the message given by witnesses of the miracle. The subsequent miraculous events were still largely based on emotional oral communication, with its pros and cons, despite the increasing use of new media technologies, such as photographs and carbon paper copies. The miracular communities adopted the typographic culture only after the Oława apparitions, dating back to the Polish People’s Republic and continued after the political transformation. Miraculous events could be widely promoted and last longer in time and people’s awareness. However, with these changes, the power of the message declined because it was transferred indirectly through print. The presence of miracular communities in cyberspace has certainly further consolidated the existence of miraculous events in the public consciousness. In contrast, the ease of promoting religious content has considerably weakened the power of the message (both individually and collectively) as compared to a direct verbal message evoking strong emotions through facial

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expressions and gestures. This is why the Internet is usually used for information purposes and not to encourage participation. Personal experience, not mediated by any media, plays a pivotal role in the promotion of miraculous events. The electronic transmission opportunities are limited in terms of making the miracular spirituality experiences evident. It can only be used to disseminate, in a secondary way, personal testimonies and related information. This type of communication will be still in use, albeit as a secondary tool or service, inferior to direct religious experiences in the real world.

Notes 1 www.sokolka.archibial.pl/wydarzenie_eucharystyczne (retrieved on May 20, 2019). 2 www.jacek-legnica-sanktuarium.pl/info/wydarzenie-eucharystyczne (retrieved on May 20, 2019). 3 https://web.archive.org/web/*/http://olawa.p.az.pl/* (retrieved on August 9, 2019). 4 www.katarzynaszymon.pl (retrieved on May 10, 2019). 5 www.mali-rycerze.pl (retrieved on May 9, 2019). 6 www.facebook.com/Rycerz1960 (retrieved on August 9, 2019). 7 www.prorocykatolik.pl (retrieved on August 9, 2019). 8 https://wobroniewiaryitradycji.wordpress.com (retrieved on May 8, 2019).

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Davie G., The Sociology of Religion, Los Angeles, London: SAGE, 2007. Hemka A. & Olędzki J., Wrażliwość mirakularna, “Polska Sztuka Ludowa”, 1 (44), pp. 8–14, 1990. Kamiński J., Cud na działkach, “Gazeta Oławska”, 2018, June 8, retrieved on August 12, 2019 from https://gazeta-olawa.pl/historia/77955-cud-na-dzialkach/. Królikowska A.M., Beliefs in Manifestations of the Supernatural as an Element of Contemporary Religiosity, “Opuscula Sociologica”, 4, pp. 45–61, 2016. Krzywosz M., Fides quaerens miraculum. Na styku mistyka i Kościoła, in: W. Pawluczuk (ed.), W co wierzymy?, Łomża: Oficyna Wydawnicza “Stopka”, pp. 251–261, 2007. Krzywosz M., Cuda w Polsce Ludowej: Studium przypadku prywatnego objawienia maryjnego w Zabłudowie, Białystok: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Oddział w Białymstoku, 2016a. Krzywosz M., Sociological Aspect of Miracles and Apparitions in Contemporary Poland, “Przegląd Religioznawczy – The Religious Studies Review”, 4 (262), pp. 43–56, 2016b. Krzywosz M., The Secret Police and the Marian Apparition: Actions of the Polish Security Service Against the Miracle of Zabłudów in 1965, in: J. Kapaló & K. Povedák (eds.), The Secret Police and the Religious Underground in Communist and Post-Communist Eastern Europe, London and New York: Routledge, pp. 148–175, 2022. Landy-Tołwińska J., Analfabetyzm w Polsce i na świecie, Warszawa: Wiedza Powszechna, 1961. Laurentin R., Multiplication des apparitions de la Vierge aujourd’hui: Est-ce elle? Que veut-elle dire?, Paris: Fayard, 1995. Łubińska D., Religijność kobiet ze Wspólnoty Małych Rycerzy Miłosiernego Serca Jezusowego, in: K. Leszczyńska & A. Kościańska (eds.), Kobiety i religie, Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy Nomos, pp. 395–418, 2006. Ong W.J. & Hartley J., Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word (30th anniversary edition; 3rd edition), London, New York: Routledge, 2012. Orędzie miłości, Okonin, 1996. Pawlak B. & Moszkowski W., Iskra Bożego Pokoju z Oławy, Wrocław: Arka, 1997. Pindel R., Proroctwa nie lekceważcie, wszystko badajcie: Objawienia prywatne w świetle słowa bożego, Kraków: Wydawnictwo M, 1998. Sołtysiak G., Cud w Lublinie. Tropy, “Karta”, 9, pp. 121–136, 1992. Speckbacher F., Botschaften an den Seher Domanski: Offenbarungen Jesu und Mariens, St. Andrä-Wördern, Altötting: Mediatrix-Verl, 1990. Sroczyńska M., Fenomen religijności ludowej w Polsce – ciągłość i przeobrażenia, in: W. Zdaniewicz & T. Zembrzuski (eds.), Kościół i religijność Polaków 1945–1999, Warszawa: ISKK SAC, pp. 253–270, 2000. Stark R., A Theory of Revelations, “Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion”, 2 (38), pp. 287–308, 1999a. Stark R., Secularization, R.I.P., “Sociology of Religion”, no. 3 (60), pp. 249–273, 1999b. Ślipek S., Orędzia Matki Bożej z Rudy koło Sieradza. Przekazywane od 13 listopada 1985 roku do 6 stycznia 1995 roku [no data available]. Young G., Reading and Praying Online: The Continuity in Religion Online and Online Religion in Internet Christianity, in: L.L. Dawson & D.E. Cowan (eds.), Religion Online: Finding Faith on the Internet, New York: Routledge, pp. 93–106, 2004.

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Zieliński A., Na straży prawdziwej wiary: Zjawiska cudowne w polskim katolicyzmie ludowym, Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy Nomos, 2004. Ziółek J. & Przytuła A., Represje wobec uczestników wydarzeń w Katedrze Lubelskiej w 1949 roku, Lublin: Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL, 1999.

Archival sources (Institute of National Remembrance in Białystok) Institute of National Remembrance in Białystok, Plany operacyjnych przedsięwzięć Służby Bezpieczeństwa i Milicji Obywatelskiej w sprawie kryptonim “Ada,” Part II. AIPN Bi 0037/43, 1965. Institute of National Remembrance in Białystok, Informacje uzyskane z Milicji Obywatelskiej. AIPN Bi 0037/46, 1965.

16 A scapegoat or a modern devil? The analysis of Catholic press discourse on “gender” and “genderists” (on the examples of “Niedziela” and “Tygodnik Powszechny” weeklies) Barbara Ober-Domagalska Introduction Although the issue of “gender” has long been explored by the Catholic Church, the interest in this subject in Poland has increased since 2013, which is when Archbishop Józef Michalik suggested the link between sexual exploitation of children, the lack of parental love, and the promotion of – what they call it – the ideology of gender. In the eyes of the Bishop, gender and genderists have become a public enemy threatening the foundations of social order and the Catholic system of values protecting family and in­ nocent children. The issue of gender risk was quickly picked up by the Catholic media which tried to explain to people the meaning of the foreignsounding word in their own way. Many people treat the media as a source of knowledge about the surrounding social world, including gender. The issue of gender is explored by researchers from various research disciplines, including sociology which recognised its significance in the 1970s (Oakley, 1972). In sociological terms, gender is a social construct that requires from us to behave like a woman or a man and that has been imposed on us in the process of socialisation. Gender is the “cultural su­ perstructure” of the biological sex constituting the “base.” It represents a certain set of characteristics and behaviours specifically expected from a woman or a man in their social functioning (Titkow, 2011). There are three areas of analysis in gender research. The first area focuses on cultural forms of discrimination against women and men (Acker, 1992, p. 566). The second area concentrates on research on human sexuality and sexual realisation (LGBT). The third area centres around the queer (Q), with research on groups with unidentified gender identity (Richardson & Wearing, 2014). In gender studies, both women and the LGBTQ commu­ nity are seen as discriminated groups. Therefore, the LGBTQ studies are focused on identification of oppression suffered by these groups. In recent decades, the roles attributed to women has changed in Western Europe – from limiting their roles to the roles of wives and mothers to DOI: 10.4324/9781003271994-19

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equating the rights of men and women in education, access to the labour market, and sexual freedom (Inglehart & Norris, 2003, p. 34). These changes, together with the interest in the LGBTQ community, can be identified with the second-wave feminism which led to a crisis of the pa­ triarchal family and the transformation of roles in the family in postindustrial countries (Castells 1997). This was contrary to the expectations of the conservative part of the society which, at different levels of ideolo­ gisation, exhibited its attitudes (Pasamonik, 2015). In Poland, as in other countries of the European cultural sphere, gender is an area of interest, research, and political disputes (Bradley, 2007; Seidman, 2014). The distinction can be made between “real gender” and “imagined gender” (Bachryj-Krzywaźnia, 2016). The former concerns a scientific analysis of the concept of gender carried out at universities. It can be also presented in a public discourse or in the press, based on the scientific cri­ teria. By contrast, the focus on critical, often ideologically biased arguments in press discourse constitutes imaginary gender. The aim of this paper is to look at the perception of cultural gender in the discourse of the Polish Catholic press.

Gender from the perspective of the Catholic Church in Poland According to the CBOS studies, in 2018, 86% of Poles considered them­ selves believers and practising Catholics, of which only 36% on an irregular basis. Almost half of Poles (45%) followed the rules of the Catholic Church (Boguszewski, 2018b). They recognised the problems faced by the Catholic Church. However, 48% of the respondents positively assessed its activity and 36% negatively (Głowacki, 2019). Hence, it can be concluded that Poles are still strongly attached to the Catholic Church. The people’s attachment to the Church is also deeply grounded in the symbols they find extremely important. One of them is the concept of the “Pole-Catholic” (Heinen & Portet, 2009), which shows that Catholicism is a strong marker of national identity (Davie, 2006). Another one is the idea of the Polish Mother greatly influenced by the cult of the Virgin Mary (Warner, 1983; Greeley, 1977). The Polish Mother devotes her life to the family and bringing up her children in the spirit of traditional Christian values1. The third one, extremely important for Poles, is family (Heinen & Portet, 2009). During 123 years of occupation and 44 years of the Soviet regime, family was the carrier of religion, language, and national tradition. Yet another one is St. John Paul II. As much as 97% of the CBOS respondents assess the Pope positively (Badora, 2018). Moreover, 69% of Poles say that they are guided by the teachings of the Pope (Boguszewski, 2018a). These four symbols, i.e. the Pole-Catholic, the Polish Mother, family, and John Paul II, may affect attitudes towards gender, especially of those who follow the Catholic Church as a determinant of moral norms and values.

A scapegoat or a modern devil? 233 Due to the strong attachment to symbols, the discussion on gender may generate a sense of threat and concern about them. In light of the above, the question is raised whether those who promote gender are stigmatised and considered a “modern devil” or treated as a “scapegoat”?

Gender and genderists – a scapegoat or a modern devil Scapegoat is an individual or social group that becomes the target for anger or frustration of another individual or social group (Hogg & Vaughan, 2010, p. 268). The aggressor may discharge the tension, as a substitute, on an in­ dividual or group, they perceive as disliked or weak (Aronson, Wilson, & Akert, 2013, p. 394), or, on the contrary, too strong and threatening them (Newman & Erber, 2002). The sense of threat is most often caused by the struggle for the same resources (Gemmill, 1989) or attack on the desired values (Allport, 1954). Hence, a scapegoat is chosen from among the “strangers” to unite one’s own group and place the guilt outside of it (Staub, 1999). René Girard sees the concept of scapegoat in a specific way. He assumes that human behaviour is governed by the pursuit of the same goods, the socalled “mimesis of misappropriation.” If certain goods belong to another entity, we begin to desire them and see this entity as an obstacle for us to possess them. This causes conflicts. The community must punish the guilty party which unclearly possesses the goods the community considers valu­ able (Girard, 1983). The scapegoating mechanism is accompanied by stig­ matisation in a variety of forms. The first stereotype is the crisis of indifferentiation, i.e. identification of a difficult situation which may threaten the society. The causes for the crisis include epidemic and any situation in which values and norms important for a given community are threatened. Piotr Jakubowski treats the removal of religious symbols which define Christian identity of Europe as an example of contemporary options for this stereotype (Jakubowski, 2017). The second stereotype is accusation, i.e. finding the scapegoat guilty of the crime. The accusation includes crimes committed against (1) socially recognised authorities, (2) vulnerable individuals with special rights in the community, (3) sexual taboos, and (4) religious taboos. All the crimes fall into one category; they attack the foundations of social order (Girard, 1982). The individual or group accused of these crimes are alleged to have a negative influence on the community. The intention itself poses a threat to the community and gives rise to a distinction between “we” and “they” (Girard, 1982). The third stereotype defines the criteria for the selection of the scapegoat. The chosen victims include minorities, individuals with visible physical disabilities, and people perceived as socially advantaged due to their status characteristics (Girard, 1982). The fourth stereotype occurs when the group commits the acts of violence to avert a crisis. Aggression can take different forms. Nowadays, physical

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forms can change into more sophisticated ones (Woźniak, 2001). For ex­ ample, in press discourse, aggression may be verbal (hurtful words, in­ citement to violence, or suggestions to solve problems with violence), physical, symbolic (exclusion), or discursive (stigmatisation to spark fear and moral disgust towards the scapegoat (Jakubowski, 2017). Woman – the witch and the devil The Bible translations stress how dangerous and godless women are, leading to misogynist attitudes (Sir 25:24). Women are the cause of evil and temptation for men, starting from exile from Paradise (Gen 3). This image of a woman was strengthened by the Fathers of the Church, including Tertullian, who described Eve as the “devil’s gateway,” and Thomas Aquinas, who believed that women might have a special talent for witch­ craft. The Kabbalah tradition emphasises the role of Lilith considered the first woman. Lilith did not accept Adam’s physical and sexual domination. Her behaviour was opposed to God’s will and thus she was driven out of Paradise and became a demon (Arsal & Yavuz, 2014). It might be assumed that she was the first woman and at the same time the first scapegoat ever. The Gospels tell us that Christ had a very positive attitude towards women (John 4). However, women were and still can become scapegoats, especially if accused of witchcraft (Chaudhuri, 2012; Debré 1997; Karlsen, 1998; Parker & Aggleton, 2002). “Malleus Maleficarum” shows that witches have a strong relationship with the devil and bear his marks in the form of various deformations (Haught, 1990, p. 76). The Polish tradition represents the devil in a ste­ reotypical way. The devil takes on a human form and is sometimes per­ sonified as a stranger, usually a German (Benedyktowicz, 2000) or a Jew (Cała, 2005), with deformations of the body or Western fashion clothing (Bystroń, 1960; Głażewska, 2017). The devil is identified with evil and moral corruption, in opposition to God (Russel, 1999, pp. 60–61). According to Ewa Głażewska, gender meets all criteria for being the modern devil (Głażewska, 2017). However, from the logical point of view, it seems incorrect because gender is not a subject. Still, whether those who teach or promote gender can be perceived as a modern devil or scapegoat can be the subject of study.

Research method and analysis The discourse can be significantly affected by the social context (Pawliszak and Rancew-Sikora, 2012). Based on the analysis of the social context, the following general and specific research questions were formulated: 1

Do genderists meet the criteria for being recognised as a scapegoat in the Catholic press discourse?

A scapegoat or a modern devil? 235 1.1 Does the Catholic press hold genderists culpable of the threat gender poses to the existing norms and values? 1.2 Are they accused of the crime against socially recognised autho­ rities, such as the Pope? 1.3 Are they accused of the crime against the vulnerable individuals with special rights in the community, such as women or children? 1.4 Are they accused of the crime against sexual taboos, such as rape, paedophilia, incest, sodomy, and homosexuality? 1.5 Are they accused of the crime against religious taboos, such as desecration of religious symbols, e.g. the Virgin Mary? 1.6 Has the Catholic press incited to, or threatened to commit, acts of aggression? 2

Do genderists meet the criteria for being recognised as the modern devil in the Catholic press discourse? 2.1 Does the Catholic press highlight their ugliness, deformations (also metaphorically), strangeness, and close ties with the de-Christianised West? 2.2 Does the Catholic press identify them with evil incarnate and corruption?

The language studies indicate that language influences the way we think and perceive reality (Ahearn, 2016; Everett, 2012). The media which use language can influence, i.e. create or limit the level of knowledge, identity, and relations of their readers in various social contexts (Pawliszak & Rancew-Sikora, 2012). Therefore, it is necessary to analyse the thematic structure, i.e. assess the cohesion of the text, including the intentions, knowledge, and views of its sender, and learn about discursive practices created by the sender (van Dijk, 1997). In this paper, the model of the press analysis proposed by Gerbner is used for analysis (Gerbner, 1973). The model consists of the following steps: (1) Existence: list of topics in gender-related texts; (2) Priority: determination of the order of importance of the topics to reconstruct discourses, identify networks and references between them, and place them in a specific time context; (3) Axiology: analysis of the values related to the topics. It is ne­ cessary to define how gender and genderists are assessed and to analyse the discursive strategies used in the text as a source of conscious or unconscious persuasion to the readers (van Dijk, 2000); (4) Relation: analysis of the most complex associations in the text and synthesis of the results obtained in the previous steps. The analysis identified the discourse structures. To examine how the Catholic press discourse describes gender, two weeklies were selected, i.e. “Niedziela” (referred to below as N) and “Tygodnik Powszechny” (referred to below as TP). N is a socio-cultural weekly which can be perceived as a traditional and conservative source of

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information. It is associated with Fr. Rydzyk, a Redemptorist and a founder of a very conservative and opinion-forming Radio Maryja station. Every week, it is sold in more than 100,000 copies and another 30,000 are dis­ tributed in churches during masses2. A week after the paper edition, a free version of the weekly is published on the Internet. TP also focuses on sociocultural issues. However, it is seen as a progressive, intellectual, and liberal source of the Catholic thought. In TP, the texts of great intellectuals, not only those who are descended from Catholicism, were published. It is dis­ tributed in 27,440 copies and ranked 6th among opinion weeklies3. It is also available on the Internet, but free issues are published a few months later. The weeklies were selected intentionally. The criterion for selection was that they have to be popular among Poles and present different world views on socio-cultural issues. If only one weekly was selected, the dis­ course would be uniform and thus the image of gender in the Catholic press in Poland could be distorted. To illustrate the discourse more clearly, a longer period of time was taken into account, i.e. from January 2013 to July 2019. This made it possible to observe how the views on gender presented in the Catholic press evolved in time. The first step was to find articles with the term “gender” in the title, headings, and content. In total, 307 gender-related articles in N and 147 gender-related articles in TP were collected, as shown in Figure 16.1. The priority step revealed that the articles took different forms. Both weeklies published texts devoted exclusively to gender, especially when the subject was raised by the hierarchy of the Church. The issue of gender was raised most often at the turn of 2013 and 2014, after Archbishop Michalik’s famous speech, and between March and May 2015, at the time when the ratification of the anti-violence convention and the introduction of sexual education to schools were widely discussed. In these cases, gender was the main topic; while in other cases, it was rather a side issue. The analysis revealed two discourses. N strongly promoted the “fightagainst-gender discourse” and used the strategies based on imagined rather than real gender. TP developed a more evolutionary form of the discourse, starting from the explanation of what gender is from the scientific point of view and ending with the role of women in the Catholic Church. This means that it is centred around real gender (Bachryj-Krzywaźnia, 2016).

The fight-against-gender discourse in “Niedziela” Texts published in N are concise and easy to read (can be read in a few minutes). As a rule, they reveal a high modality, supported by some inter­ esting discursive strategies, such as metaphors. The vast majority of texts are about people and Bible-related events or human misfortunes. Gender is also supposed to be understood as a misfortune. It is compared to Armageddon, Sodom and Gomorrah, modern Herod, the new inquisition, Caligula, and the Ottoman Empire, for example:

Figure 16.1 Distribution of articles on gender in “Niedziela” and “Tygodnik Powszechny”.

A scapegoat or a modern devil? 237

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Barbara Ober-Domagalska This new ideology that runs rampant around us mainly causes spiritual havoc for the time being, but, in terms of far-reaching consequences, it will lead directly to Armageddon, bringing about the biological destruction of humanity (7/2013).

In some cases, the perception of gender resembles the Aldus Huxley’s fu­ turistic vision of the world or a fatal disease: This is one of the main sources of spiritual bacteria and viruses circulating in our culture. Genderism can even be given the “honour­ able title” of “spiritual AIDS” of our times. For just as the HIV viruses weaken the human immune system, so do the gender viruses weaken its ability to think critically (24/2013). In the N discourse, the strategy of nomination of the concept of gender evolves from gender philosophy, through gender ideology, dominant ideology, “these” communities, cultural revolution, dictatorship of re­ lativism, to new Bolshevism or Marxism, social engineering, ideology of indulgence, dictatorship of minorities, new atheism, new totalitarianism, and the Holocaust. However, gender is mostly called genderism or ideology: What is the gender philosophy? Generally speaking, it is a doctrine that eliminates gender differences. However, this definition is vague (41/2013). Suffice it to say, it runs a huge campaign of hostility against the family, father, mother, and children, with the lack of respect for the sanctity of life from conception to natural death or the intrusive promotion of the so-called gender ideology which disturbs the recognition of the truth about the gender identity of men and women (41/2013). The texts published in N contain strong links between gender and homo­ sexuality, sodomy, abortion, child sexualisation or paedophilia, Bolshevism, Leninism, socialism, Marxism, Hegelianism, atheism, and Nazi Germany. There are frequent references to international organisations, such as the European Union, the European Parliament, the UN, and the WHO. All of them are supposed to evoke in readers an unpleasant feeling of strangeness in relation to gender. Today’s atheists want to throw Christian values out of the minds of Europeans because they believe that only industry, the economy and banks can make people happy. That is why this approach is now widely used in various, often frivolous EU instructions incompatible with nature, logic, and common sense. And here is an example: gender. We

A scapegoat or a modern devil? 239 cannot accept such a model of Europe. It was proposed to us by contemporary European Union officials who do not know the real problems of the residents of Europe (4/2019). “Niedziela” states that contemporary Europe, and Poland in particular, is in a state of crisis for which the ideology of gender is responsible. It is also responsible for social and moral decline: Genderism ideologists promote and impose, with impunity, the slogans that are contrary to the laws of nature. They promote same-sex “marriages,” even though the Polish constitution explicitly protects marriage as a union between a man and a woman. It is clear that they attempt to harass and summon those who dare to defend a healthy morality and warn against moral relativism, being opposed to the ideologies of liberalism. No one cares about unemployment, and the shutdown of Polish shipyards, mines, and sugar factories. By contrast, we call the emigration of young and educated people, suicidal for nation, a success. The health service continues to collapse. We are still helpless in the face of corruption and the lack of social and political culture (21/2015). The texts also frequently refer to the crimes against moral authority (the Church), symbols important for the Poles and having special rights (family, children, and women), sexual taboos (sexual education), and religious ta­ boos (desecration of religious symbols): Thanks to modern techniques of artificial insemination, a child can have the genetic material of 4 people, i.e. have 4 biological parents, and two “social” parents. We do not know what the long-term conse­ quences of this genetic chaos will be in terms of the physical and mental health. Unfortunately, women are the victims of these procedures as this great business revolves around their bodies (25/2013). Masturbation will teach your child self-confidence. Your child will be protected from harassment if they learn about sexual practices and techniques. In fact, this will promote premature arousal of sexual desire, removal of shame and elimination of all moral norms (26/2013). The loudest attacks of this ideo-offensive include blasphemous car­ icatures of the Icon of Our Lady of Częstochowa, mockery of the Blessed Sacrament at the parade of equality in Gdańsk, and, most recently, the so-called Ecumenical Mass during the LGBT march in Warszawa (25/2019). These strategies may be called contr-SEPs actions as the consequences of the implementation of the ideology of gender are publicised (Czyżewski et al.,

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2010). They draw on the so-called transferred authorities (Lepa, 2008, pp. 90–92), e.g. church authorities, while setting gender issues aside. Arguments and predications are often supported by not clearly defined statistical data or case studies that stimulate readers’ imagination. In ad­ dition, the heuristics of availability is shaped, making individual cases ap­ pear to be widespread (Pratkanis & Aronson, 2001): At the same time, the results of research showing the destructive effects of gender are ignored. The studies prove, in particular, that young people who postpone sexual activity until adulthood are healthier and have higher scientific achievements. They are also less likely to fall into poverty and more often create lasting relationships (40/2013). In 2006, the German police broke into the Plett’s house with an order to take the children away from their parents and arrest the adults. The reason was that the family took their offspring from school. And they did so because they did not want their children to be taught masturba­ tion at school, the advantages of having several sexual partners, and the fact that it does not matter whether someone is born a boy or a girl because sex can be changed according to one’s needs (40/2013). N extremely frequently refers to the power of genderists and their acts of persecution committed against Catholics: Genderism ideologists promote and impose, with impunity, the slogans that are contrary to the laws of nature. They promote same-sex “mar­ riages,” even though the Polish constitution explicitly protects marriage as a union between a man and a woman. It is clear that they attempt to harass and summon those who dare to defend a healthy morality and warn against moral relativism, being opposed to the ideologies of liberalism (…). Note that social engineering processes and brainwashing are very advanced. And right behind them, there are people preparing laws, educational programmes, and international conventions (21/2015). The situation of Catholics is compared to the Nazi crime against the Jewish people. One can have the impression that N sees Catholics as the scapegoat of Europe’s alliance with genderists: Who knows – perhaps Europe’s Crystal Nights against politically incorrect Catholics are coming… (25/2015). The rhetoric of war is used very frequently. The articles make references to the ongoing cultural war between Christians, seen as defenders of values and morals, and corrupt moral relativists represented by the ideology of

A scapegoat or a modern devil? 241 gender. The discourse contains a number of references to the military action against Christians and the need to fight against genderism in this respect: First and foremost, everyone should act and fight in their own country. Secondly, the European resistance network should be established (25/ 2013). We are living in a time which needs courageous knights of Christ, new crusaders among the laity, ready to defend what is sacred, the heritage of the last two thousand years brutally eradicated in Europe (41/2018). (…) Never before has the Church been attacked and persecuted as much as today (…). Therefore, what Maciej Bodasiński says is extremely important: Lay down your life to Her as Her fight against Satan is most effective. Become a warrior of Mary (1/2014). Each reference to Satan or devil suggests that gender is the Satan’s work: Archbishop Henryk Hoser, a doctor, bioethicist, and faith teacher, said that gender is worse than Marxism. The struggle for the truth about man is most important and most difficult today. It is a fight against a very strong opponent: the devil. The devil “prowls around like a roaring lion looking for someone to devour” (1 P 5, 8)4 (28/2015).

The scientific discourse in “Tygodnik Powszechny” Texts published in TP are much longer than N texts. They often use complex scientific language which the average reader can find difficult to understand. They have a low modality. They often take the form of reporting and lack metaphors, although the gender discourse is described as a “horror film” in the Catholic press (51–52/2013). It is also noted that gender is persecuted today just as Jews or the feminist movement used to be (44/2013). The discourse developed in TP has a greater variety of views on gender. Opinions are inclined towards being critical of the institutions of the Church. In the opinion of female authors, descended from feminism, the Church wrongly interprets the essence of gender. Gender described as a theory is the most frequent strategy of nomination in TP. However, a dis­ tinction is made between scientific (academic) gender and its pop-culture version, i.e. genderism: Gender theory assumes that we are born with biological characteristics differentiating males and females but become men and women through the process of socialisation. How we perceive the fact of being male or female, accepted and implemented by us, depends on the culture we live in, which shapes our identity. Gender does not ignore the biological

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Barbara Ober-Domagalska grounds of our identity (sex), but makes a distinction between them and cultural considerations. It is about something relative, placed in a specific time and culture, and therefore subject to change. The fear and opposition to this freedom and self-aggrandisement is highlighted in the papal speech of Benedict XVI who speaks of a man questioning his nature (2/2013). Gender is an opportunity while genderism is an ideology. Gender centres around socio-economic transformations which cause changes in social roles of men and women in society. By contrast, genderism is an ideology based on the belief that gender is more important than sex. The theses it formulates include the limitation of parental power (with the assumption that the words “mother” and “father” should be excluded and replaced with “parent I” and “parent II”), sex education in kindergarten (including education on masturbation and homosexual relationships), early education on contraception, etc. (49/2013). Thus, gender and genderism have as much in common as science and scientism (2/2014).

The discourse does not accept extreme attitudes of both gender and the Church. Other strategies of nomination of gender in TP include social phenomenon and philosophy of gender. The term “ideology of gender” is used only as a quotation from the Catholic sources. TP sometimes identifies gender with gender equality and feminism as it makes references to feminist theologians, such as Elizabeth Johnson, Elizabeth Schusser Fiorenza, and, notably, Simone de Beauvoir. The strategies of argumentation and predication used in TP are com­ pletely different from those used in N. TP believes that the Catholic Church does not understand what gender is. Its attitude is anachronistic and shaped by lack of knowledge and willingness to understand the theory of gender. The Church also ignores the view of women: Archbishop Paglia has announced these topics have to be addressed, even if it is a “kairos for the magisterium of the Church.” We should also listen to the Catholic feminists as they are familiar with the theory and use it in their discussion. Their voice should not be ignored (2/2013). The bishops further state that the Church does not discriminate against women and opposes this discrimination. The problem is that the letter was written by… men! Nuns clean churches, cook for priests, decorate altars, and, alternatively, do charity work, sometimes talking to the media on this occasion. By contrast, monks run nationwide magazines and sometimes hold court to the media talking on topics loosely related to theology or religion in general (3/2014).

A scapegoat or a modern devil? 243 The articles published in TP suggest that the gender-related threat discussed in other Catholic weeklies is a red herring not to talk about the real pro­ blems of the Catholic Church, such as paedophilia. TP believes that the Church annuls these problems in the process of sepisation (Czyżewski, Dunin, & Piotrowski, 2010). The opponents of the ideology of gender do not only ignore the problem of discrimination against women, inseparably associated with gender, but also wrongly link this term with pornography, prostitution, and… paedophilia, which shifts responsibility from priests to the mysterious genderist mafia (51–51/2013). Have the Church learnt its lesson? The activities of the Church designed to highlight the phenomena barely related with paedophilia and present gender as a threat are seen as avoiding responsibility for a specific evil, which is like scoring an own goal (16/2015). The claims made in TP are authenticated by the so-called real authorities (Lepa, 2008, pp. 90–92), often professionally engaged in gender issues. The statements are supported by statistics to confirm their truthfulness. However, as was mentioned above, the average reader may consider lan­ guage too complicated: In Poland, only 1% of men take parental leave while in Sweden – over 90%. The new EU directive proposes four months’ leave for fathers only, but our Senate recognised that this is a threat to freedom, promotion of gender, and the beginning of Islamisation (35/2018). This attitude is an example of the opposition effect, a psychological mechanism in which “any attempt to correct misconceptions is counterproductive, strengthening them in the subjects.” With an untouchable agenda of beliefs, any attempt to refer to the facts that contradict it will be considered an attack on it rather than a search for the truth (more about this in “Reason Damping” by Jakub Dymek, issue No. 5/2017). This effect is clearly seen in both gender and homosexuality disputes (7/2017). TP journalists published notice that the Catholic press uses the rhetoric of war (44/2013). However, TP does not accept such practices. For example, it does not presuppose the relationship between gender and the devil. Base on TP texts, it may be assumed that gender and researchers dealing with it sometimes become the victims of prejudice due to the lack of sufficient knowledge on the issue. Diachronically, there are significant differences between the discourses. The fight-against-gender discourse used in N is periodised. Figure 16.1

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shows that over six and a half years, there were periods of increased interest in gender among weekly writers. However, note that the discourse has not changed over time. It has been using the same strategies and saw gender as a threat to the existing norms and values. The TP discourse is subject to a certain kind of evolution. Initially, it focused on a scientific explanation of what gender is. Next, it made an attempt to explain the role of women in the Catholic Church. Finally, it presented the view of how gender can po­ sitively contribute to the experience of faith and morality in the Catholic Church.

Conclusions The analysis performed in this paper provides some interesting conclusions. Two discourses have been identified, i.e. the fight-against-gender discourse prevailing in N and the scientific discourse used in TP. The way gender issues are perceived and defined in both weeklies differs significantly. N identifies gender with the LGBTQ struggle for redefinition of normality and sexual revolution. TP tries to explain the complexity of the phenomenon, raising the issues of cultural discrimination against women and the need for their equal rights, also within the Catholic Church. The N discourse shows fear of gender. This is consistent with the results of the study conducted by BachryjKrzywaźnia (2016) who analysed the discourse in “Gość Niedzielny,” and the conclusions drawn by Dorota Pankowska (2014) and Katarzyna Brzoza (2016). The analysis of TP discourse conducted in this paper does not confirm the common belief that the entire Catholic press is negatively oriented to­ wards gender issues. TP makes a distinction between academic research on gender and its “pop-culture version,” sometimes ideologically involved in imposing its position on others as much as some Catholic conservatives. To answer the question of whether genderists meet the criteria for being recognised as scapegoats in the Catholic press discourse, it is necessary to separate both discourses. The N discourse, gender, and its supporters are presented as a threat to existing norms and values. They are considered responsible for the destruction of symbols which are important for the Polish nation. There are no examples of the crimes against the socially re­ cognised authorities. However, N provides numerous examples of the crimes against family, women, children and their sexuality, the spread of sexual depravity, the destruction of religious symbols, and the departure from national traditions. Genderists are identified as obvious enemies and are accused of numerous attacks on Catholics, their norms and values. N calls for the defence against gender. Based on Jakubowski’s model of violence in the press discourse (Jakubowski, 2017), the model present in the N discourse takes the form of hurtful words even though it does not ex­ plicitly call for direct violence. It also takes the symbolic form (it excludes genderists from the “we” community) and the discursive form (it stigma­ tises genderists to arouse fear and moral disgust in readers). Based on the

A scapegoat or a modern devil? 245 criteria presented above, genderists can be regarded as the scapegoat in N. However, this is not the case in TP which rather tries to explain what gender is and how the philosophy of gender can contribute to changing the Church. Gender and genderists cannot be regarded as the modern devil, which is in line Głażewska’s findings (Głażewska, 2017). Neither N nor TP make such references, although N introduces the idea of following alien Western patterns, and the effect of the Evil. The analysis covered the period until July 2019. Immediately after the study was finished, a new discussion on gender sparked in the media. This time, the discourse centred around LGBT. Therefore, it can be assumed that it is clarified. However, further research is required to prove this.

Notes 1 Retrieved on November 21, 2019 from https://ekai.pl/niedziela-jeden-znajpoczytniejszych-tygodnikow/. 2 Retrieved on November 21, 2019 from https://ekai.pl/niedziela-jeden-znajpoczytniejszych-tygodnikow/. 3 Retrieved on November 21, 2019 from https://www.wirtualnemedia.pl/artykul/ sprzedaz-tygodnikow-opinii-sierpien-2019-roku-gosc-niedzielny. 4 Retrieved from https://biblia.deon.pl/rozdzial.php?id=1053.

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17 #witchesofinstagram: How does social media spread spirituality, witchcraft, and pagan movements? Marta R. Jabłońska Introduction The Internet has shifted from the static presentation of information to producing and sharing one’s own content freely, and due to social media spread very dynamically (Hollenbaugh, 2019). The new generation, i.e. youth born in the late 1980s and mid-1990s, are described as Millennials, generation Y, generation Me, Me, Me, wired, or net generation. Along with their younger companions iGens (born after 1995), they are the first for whom the Internet has been present throughout all their lives so far (Ståhl & Kaihovirta, 2019; Herring, 2008; Prensky, 2006). They are increasingly turning to social media for information. As social media provides oppor­ tunities for communication, self-presentation, and identity development to challenge traditionally conservative cultural–historical practices, their role in forming online behaviour is a vital topic for various researchers (Hurley, 2019). With its growing popularity, Instagram is proved to exert a sig­ nificant impact on people’s social life and society’s culture (Kasheev & Golovko, 2019, p. 83) as well as being used to both follow and challenge social norms (Kavakci & Kraeplin, 2017, p. 850). Today, as Instagram plays an increasingly important role in socialisation, it is no longer sur­ prising that it has started to enter into spirituality and religion. Young people seem to turn away from traditionally dominant religions like Christianity. According to the Christian Post (Showalter, 2018), the practice of witchcraft has grown significantly in recent decades. Even though the US government does not regularly collect detailed religious data, it has been estimated that there may be 1.5 million potential practicing witches across that country (Singh-Kurtz & Kopf, 2018). Concerning the rest of the world, the growing popularity of witchcraft may have spread to millions. This has brought a significant boom in the popularity of witch­ craft and associated pagan religions presence online, also on social media. A popular hashtag #witchesofinstagram has already been used on Instagram over 3.3 million times, #witch surpassed 9.2 million, #pagan exceeded 3.3 million, and #wicca – more than 2.6 million times1. This phenomenon raises the following questions: DOI: 10.4324/9781003271994-20

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Is this phenomenon caused by young people who are already involved in spirituality that is now firmly placed in mainstream culture or are we witnessing a reborn of pagan religions due to widespread online communication? Is social media a trigger for real spirituality? Is an online, free, worldwide communication a tool to put forth a real number of witchcraft practitioners or is it a marketing tool to promote a spiritual aesthetic? Is this phenomenon limited to the United States or does it spread all over Europe as well?

In search of answers, the author of this paper conducted an analysis based on the most popular hashtags concerning witchcraft and Wicca religion as well as those being less religious and spiritual but more “business” and “marketing” ones. These statistics were used to finding an answer to the above questions. Professional, services for an analysis of social media content were used as well as data directly from Instagram. The latter were employed for verifying a question if the popularity of witchcraft and Wicca on Instagram is more likely caused due to the growing popularity of these movements or to marketing strategies of companies that try to profit from a blooming witch aesthetic. The paper is organised as follows: the first section describes Wicca and witchcraft as well as the current state of the art concerning scientific lit­ erature on that topic. The second section presents materials and methods, while the next one presents the results of the study. The following section consists of discussion, avenues of future research, and final conclusions.

Wicca and witchcraft in the modern world Wicca is a modern, Earth-centred religion with roots in ancient shamanic practices. It is a very peaceful, harmonious, and balanced way of life, promoting oneness with the divine and all which exists. Its practitioners, Wiccans, honour the life-giving and life-sustaining powers of Nature through ritual worship and a commitment to living in balance with the Earth. The deities of Wicca are the Goddess and the God, who are the female and male essences of the all-encompassing life force responsible for all of creation, including the cycles of life and death on Earth. Wicca is technically classified as a Pagan religion, though not all Wiccans would identify as Pagans, and plenty who identify as Pagans are not Wiccans. According to the Celtic Connection Council & Staff, who are the founders of wicca.com, Wicca is “a modern Pagan religion with spiritual roots in the earliest expressions of reverence for nature. Some major identifying motifs are: reverence for both the Goddess and God; acceptance of reincarnation and magick; ritual observance of astronomical and agricultural phenomena; and the use of magickal circles for ritual purposes” (Wicca, 2019). In the

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above-mentioned definition, the way of writing the word “magic” sets apart. As it is not a mistake, the spelling “magick” with an additional letter “k” on the end is intentional. It started with Aleister Crowley (1875–1947), the founder of the Thelema religion. Crowley gave several reasons why he used the term. First, to differentiate what his practice from stage, infantile magic tricks. Nevertheless, the main reason was that he considered magick to be anything that moves a person close to fulfilling their ultimate destiny, so called True Will. According to this definition, any action, mundane or magical that helps fulfil one’s ultimate destiny is magick and does not have to be metaphysical (Beyer, 2019). Crowley’s work influenced other religious founders such as Wicca’s Gerald Gardner. Gerald Brosseau Gardner (1884–1964) brought Wicca to public atten­ tion. Interested in magic, folklore, and mythology, he was the author of several books on this topic. Gardner formed his own Bricket Wood coven and, in turn, initiated many Witches. Today, his tradition is called Gardnerian Wicca or Gardnerian witchcraft. In his book “The Meaning of Witchcraft,” he provided a derivation for the word Wicca: “As [the Dane and Saxon invaders of England] had no witches of their own, they had no special name for them; however, they made one up from “wig” an idol, and “laer,” learning, “wiglaer” which they shortened into “Wicca,” It is a curious fact that when the witches became English-speaking, they adopted their Saxon name, “Wica” (Phillips, 2004). It is interesting that in Gardner’s book the word is spelled with a single “c;” what is more, the word “Wicca” (an Old English word for “sorcerer” or “diviner”) was not applied to these forms of the Craft until the practice had spread to the United States. Wicca is based upon the reconstruction of pre-Christian traditions originating in Ireland, Scotland, and Wales and its origins were considered to be Witchcraft. The pioneers of modern Witchcraft did view themselves as Witches. Nowadays, some Wiccans identify as Witches, while others do not. Furthermore, Witchcraft has elements that overlap with Wicca. A witch is a practitioner of folk magick, particularly that kind relating to herbs, stones, colours, wells, rivers, etc. It is used by some Wiccans to describe themselves and nowadays this term has nothing to do with Satanism. For Wiccans who do not consider themselves Witches, the reason is usually that they do not practice magic. They worship the Goddess and God, celebrate the turning of the Wheel of the Year, and live in harmony with nature, but they do not seek to harness the natural energies at work in the Universe to bring about desired change in their lives. Therefore, these Wiccans are not Witches (Wicca, 2019; Wicca living, 2019). To sum this up, not all Wiccans perceive themselves as witches; either, not all witches are Wiccans. Though, they all can be perceived as Pagans. A modern witch may be defined as someone who actively practices magical rituals or spells, has a spiritual connection, and worships the Pagan gods (although it is not obligatory).

#witchesofinstagram 251 There are various books on Wicca and witchcraft written by their practitioners and followers. They are a good source of knowledge on Wicca and witchcraft. Unfortunately, when concerning the impact of the Internet and social media on spirituality, witchcraft, and pagan movements, a number of scientific papers remain relatively poor. After a Web of Science and Scopus database analysis, only eight matching records were found, ranging from 2002 to 2017 (search was ranged up to 2019). However, the issue of growing popularity of witchy and pagan move­ ments online is extremely popular on the Internet. A Google search on the “growing popularity of witches” presents 1,720,000 results, “witches on­ line” – 91,900,000, and “wicca online” – 20,600,0002. Of course, one should remember, that not all of these results may adhere to the topic itself. Recent years have brought few works on witchcraft and Wicca online, signalling an influence of the Internet on practising them. Klassen (2002) studied cyber covens and the ways the Internet allows solitary Witches to practice their earth-based religion online. Krueger (2004) claimed that since the early 1990s, religious movements appeared on the Internet and in­ troduced new forms of communication in ritual and dogma. For the Wicca religion, it encourages the development of fragmentary and syncretic forms of religion. Berger and Ezzy (2007) wrote about the development of Neo-Paganism from its start in England during the 1940s, through its growing popularity in the decades that followed, and up to its contemporary presence on the Internet. Though dispersed and disorganised, Neo-Pagan communities, virtual and real, are shown to be an important part of religious identity. The same authors (2009) also emphasised the role which the Internet played in the formation of contemporary religious identity. They have written that representations of Witchcraft on the Internet (among others) provide a mediated form of social interaction that sustains the plausibility of Witchcraft as a religion. It also helps the young to develop and legitimate their beliefs and practices and develop their Witchcraft persona. A year later, they argued that there are indications that the phenomenal growth of Witchcraft and Paganism during the late twentieth and early twenty-first century may be slowing (Berger & Ezzy, 2010). They suggested that witchcraft is now entering a new phase, a phase of consolidation with less intense participation by members. Berger (2011) described contemporary Witches (perceiving them also as Wiccans) as not devil worshipers but members of what they define as an earth-based religion, in which the goddess or goddesses and the god force or gods are venerated, nature’s yearly cycle of seasons is celebrated, and magic is practiced. The paper emphasises that various groups of Neo-pagans read the same books, attend many of the same festivals, and interact on the Internet. Lewis (2015) claimed Paganism changed from a movement based on face-to-face interactions to a community of physically-separated in­ dividuals interacting within a virtual world.

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One of the most interesting pieces of research was the one described by Fennell & Wildman-Hanlon (2017) who conducted a study about the children of contemporary Paganism and the first generation of converts. They found that 45% of the tested sample continued to practice Paganism as adults, and a further 25% remained spiritually Pagan. Moreover, chil­ dren and adolescents, who were very religious Pagans, were much more likely to remain members of the religion as adults, controlling for age, gender and sexual orientation. They also found that children who grew up in more specifically defined Pagan paths, such as Wicca or Druidism, were more likely to remain Pagan and in those paths, than children who were raised in more vaguely defined ways, such as “eclectic Pagan.”

Materials and methods I selected the most popular hashtags concerning witchcraft and Wicca religion as well as those being less religious and spiritual but ones which were more connected to “business” and “marketing.” The first group was associated with Wicca and witchcraft practitioners, while the second one with sellers of witchy aesthetics. By analysing their statistics, I tried to find an answer to the question if the popularity of witchcraft and Wicca on Instagram is more likely being caused due to a growing popularity of these movements or to marketing strategies of companies that try to make profits based on an upsurge in the witch aesthetic. The services hashtagify.me and brand24 were used, which are services for a professional analysis of social media content. Data were col­ lected between 16 April 2019 and 16 May 2019. While investigating further if hashtags from both groups overlaps (i.e. in situation when a practitioner is also the owner of a shop), the second analysis was performed. As many as 237 Instagram accounts, found ran­ domly, described as linked to Wicca and witchcraft were evaluated con­ cerning their hashtags, description, and content to assign them to one of three groups: Wicca, witchcraft, and business. Each account could refer to one, two, or three groups. In the last case, it could be Wiccan perceiving oneself as witch and running a witchy aesthetic business.

Results Social media reach The first group was #witchesofinstagram consisting of hashtags concerning Wicca and witchcraft movements, i.e. #wicca, #pagan, #witch, #witchcraft, #magick, #witchessociety, #witchesofinstagram, #pagansofinstagram, and #wiccansofinstagram. Throughout the period of analysis, these hashtags reached 102,000 volume of mentions and their social media reach was esti­ mated at 290,000,000 users. 42,000 posts were assorted as positive, while 18,000 as negative. The most trending hashtags associated by brand24

#witchesofinstagram 253 software with this group were #witch, #witchesofinstagram, #witchcraft, #pagan, #wicca, #magick, #wiccan, #tarot, #pagansofinstagram, #magic, #witchy, #crystals, #love, #witchythings, #occult, #witches, #instawitch, #goth, #wiccansofinstagram, and #art. The most influential authors were verified in a search for big companies, and deemed unassociated with pagan practices. Such authors in the first group consisted of Walt Disney Studios, House Beautiful, Sephora, Daily Mail, Zoom TV, and The Times of India. Figure 17.1. presents the social media reach graph for the period of analysis. The second group was #witchaesthetic, hashtags concerning Wicca and witchcraft from a marketing approach, i.e. #witchaesthetic, #witchstyle, #etsywitches, #witchfashion, #solitarywitch, #instawitch, #witchystuff, and #witchy. This group amounted to 23,000 volume of mentions, 49,000,000 social media reach, 8,666 positive mentions, and 2,778 negative ones. The most trending hashtags relating to this group were #witchy, #witch, #witchesofinstagram, #witchcraft, #pagan, #wicca, #witchythings, #ma­ gick, #tarot, #goth, #Magic, #crystals, #wiccan, #witches, #witchyvibes, #gothic, #witchaesthetic, #occult, #gothgirl, #pagansofinstagram. Among the most influential authors, unassociated companies, such as the magazine Cosmopolitan, were found. Figure 17.2. presents the social media reach graph for the period of analysis. The third group called #Yule were hashtags concerning Wicca Sabbaths, i.e. #Samhain, #Yule, #Imbolc, #Ostara, #Beltaine, #Litha, #Lammas, and #Mabon. As compared to the previous groups, these hashtags reached 9,530 volume of mentions, 14,000,000 social media reach, 3,521 positive mentions, and 669 negative. The most trending hashtags relating to this group were #samhain, #ostara, #pagan, #witch, #danzig, #belatne, #witchcraft, #belatine, #witchesofinstagram, #misfits, #spring, #wicca, #easter, #glenndanzing, #celtic, #magic, #halloween, #themisfits, #art, and #nature. Among the most influential authors, un­ associated companies, such as the magazine Travel + Leisure and The Telegraph, were found. Figure 17.3. presents the social media reach graph for the period of analysis. Most active locations Unsurprisingly, one of the most active locations was the United States. Still, several European countries also occurred as presented in Tables 17.1–17.3. Context of discussion The context of the discussion was presented in the following Figures 17.4–17.6. Thanks to text mining services offered by brand24 software, it was possible to extract a general context of the published post. Green frames present words associated mainly with shopping and marketing.

0

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PREVIOUS PERIOD

16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 Apr Apr Apr Apr Apr Apr Apr Apr Apr Apr Apr Apr Apr Apr Apr May May May May May May May May May May May May May May May May

Social media reach graph

Figure 17.1 Social media reach graph for #witchesonstagram hashtags group (own evaluation using brand24).

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254 Marta R. Jabłońska

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Social media reach graph

Figure 17.2 Social media reach graph for #witchaesthetic hashtags group (own evaluation using brand24).

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Social media reach graph

Figure 17.3 Social media reach graph for # Yule hashtags group (own evaluation using brand24).

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256 Marta R. Jabłońska

#witchesofinstagram 257 Table 17.1 Most active locations for Group 1 #witchesofinstagram

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Country

Mentions

Reach

United States United Kingdom Germany Poland Canada Italy Australia France Spain Russia

898 211 121 85 83 75 71 56 32 32

933 168 192 94 209 116 53 73 33 22

149 601 447 236 930 102 001 873 234 906

Table 17.2 Most active locations for Group 2 #witchaesthetic

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Country

Mentions

Reach

United States United Kingdom Italy Poland Indonesia Brazil Germany Canada France Spain

1 917 713 400 257 222 191 181 158 149 126

1 700 715 246 180 270 120 184 242 137 68

000 189 870 940 560 899 150 499 669 077

Table 17.3 Most active locations for Group 3 #Yule

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Country

Mentions

Reach

United States United Kingdom Indonesia Italy Spain Norway Australia Ireland Canada Mexico

270 107 59 55 50 50 40 38 38 37

298 501 683 10 9 39 15 23 205

444 900 193 341 685 448 925 732 155 898

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Figure 17.4 Context of discussion for group 1 #witchesofinstagram (own evalua­ tion using brand24).

Figure 17.5 Context of discussion for group 2 #witchaesthetic (own evaluation using brand24).

Perception of modern witch on Instagram To understand how the phenomenon of witchcraft has spread over Instagram, it is important to see the users’ perspective. That is why in the following table definitions and descriptions of modern witches and witch­ craft are presented based on the data gathered directly from Instagram accounts (Table 17.4).

#witchesofinstagram 259

Figure 17.6 Context of discussion for group 3 #Yule (own evaluation using brand24).

Table 17.4 Definitions and descriptions of witch and witchcraft from Instagram accounts A witch can only function properly as a healer and protector when she truly understands how fragile humans are. A witch must always seek to understand rather than be understood. To walk the path of the wise is to sacrifice every sense of entitlement. @conjurings_of_a_witch Witch. A man or woman who is aligned with their own infinite, ancient nature. A healer. A wiseman or woman. A co-creator with the Universe and a believer in the magical sacred divinity of themselves and all beings. Autonomous, somebody who aligns with the cycles, seasons and power of the Earth and Moon through ritual and communion, their physical bodies and Mother earth, are one. The Moon speaks to them. The trees speak to them. The animals speak to them. The ancients speak to them and they live inside them. Their powers are many times infused with love, the oneness that is with all of Nature and her creatures. Once hunted for their powers, but now at the time of the earth’s greatest need, they rise. @1solitary.witch A Witch is a person who takes responsibility for her own transformation through acts of creativity, ritual, and focused intention. She speaks the language of symbols and lives in luminal space. – Pam Grossman. @hedgewitchgoddess Witchcraft is an empowering practice that any person can learn, cultivate, and personalize. It is all about stepping outside of our mundane world and choosing to take on a perspective of mysticism and reverence for nature, life, and the energetic forces of this world. @witchwaymagazine (Continued)

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Table 17.4 (Continued) Spellwork is a form of creation. Manifesting the invisible and the imaginable into real life verifiable forms, through perfectly natural means. Dacha Avelin @oldworldwitchcraft Magic is not a hocus pocus way of bending the laws of nature to suit your needs. The magic of Witchcraft is to raise and channel energy that is within you to bring it in harmony with the nature to achieve desired results. @1solitary.witch “I am a nature loving, spell casting, God and Goddess worshiping, potion making, Moon loving, Witch. We worship both the God & the Goddess (…) Both are seen as important on earth, the universe & in the spiritual realm. It has nothing to do with any religion or beliefs.” @hedgewitchgoddess A witch is a person who uses the natural order of the universe to align it with their own intentions. As a witch, you use your magick to manipulate the energy around you using various tools (herbs, crystals, etc.) to produce your desired intent. @ceremonialwitchcraft A Witches word is worth more than gold for only truth from our lips shall be told. We do not deceive or lie as the mortal man, for we live by the truth, that is our stand. We say what we mean, and do what we say, for the truth is a Blessing given freely each day. Truth is not something everyone can see, yet truth is our bond, as we stand Blessed and free. @ceremonialwitchcraft You cannot define witchcraft for it lives in the soul and no two souls are the same. @alittlebitofmagick Eclectic Witch. An individual approach in which the witch picks and chooses from many different traditions and creates a personalized form of witchcraft that meets their individual needs and abilities. They do not follow a particular spiritual path, religion or tradition, but study and learn from many different systems and use what works best for them. @canadian_maple_witchery Witches. Old souls, protectors of the earth, defenders of the right, speakers of the truth, guardians of the animals, lovers of the rivers, worshippers of the moon, followers of the sun, seekers of enlightenment, believers in equality, practitioners of magic, protesters for nature, warriors against darkness, fighters against ignorance, and voices for victims. @ceremonialwitchcraft A Pagan is someone who honors nature. They follow guidelines drawn out by natural occurrences. Such as the seasons, Moon and Her phases (she is the female Goddess), and the Sun (he is the male God). In Paganism there are many Gods and Goddesses. Representing nature, or a planet. Paganism is a term to mean a person who follows nature beliefs such as Wicca, Hinduism, Shamanism, Druidism and many others. A Witch is someone who practices witchcraft: chanting, incantations, potions, crystals, herbalism, tarot cards, divination, palmistry and other ways. He or she is not a Satanist, they don’t believe in Satan. That is a Christian creation. A Wiccan is someone who is a Pagan. That could practice witchcraft but is under no obligation to do so. Wiccans follow the phases of the moon. Doing rituals and Magick during the phase that it’s in. in Wicca the Moon is the Goddess and the Sun is the God. In Wicca there are eight holidays referred to as Sabbats. Celebrated when the four seasons change. Including the two solstice and the two equinoxes. @autumn_phoenix1

#witchesofinstagram 261 Table 17.5 Instagram accounts related to Wicca, witchcraft, business approach (N = 237) Wicca

Witchcraft

Business

15

170

127

The following table presents the results of the analysis of the Instagram account which aims to associate each account with up to one of three ca­ tegories: Wicca, witchcraft, and business. Among these accounts, only three were associated together with Wicca and business, while 163 were linked to witchcraft and business at the same time. Sixty-four were marked as pure business, without any spiritual or religious associations (Table 17.5).

Discussion In the timeframe of the period of analysis, hashtags concerning Wicca and witchcraft movements gained the biggest social media reach; those associated with a marketing approach were following next, while the group related to Sabbats was last. Still, it is important to remember that many of the trending hashtags were distinguished by text mining software, which were related to two or three groups; for example: #witch, #witchy, #witchcraft, #witch­ esofinstagram, #pagan, or #magic. As simply, those descriptions are linked to all three of the analysed groups in terms of content; they are also highly popular on Instagram so their usage is justified when striving for social media reach. This part of the analysis shows the growing popularity of these movements on Instagram without strict contradistinction of content. The share of business and marketing content may be visible in an analysis of the content of posts, where words associated with these terms were the most popular in the second group of hashtags (cf. Figures 17.4–17.6). The share of most influential authors being companies without any relations to spiritual or religious movements shows that witchy aesthetic is used by large companies for marketing purposes (i.e. Sephora, Cosmopolitan, or Walt Disney). Although Wicca and witchcraft movements are highly spread in the United States (which was also supported in the above results), there are several European countries with high activity on these topics on social media, i.e. United Kingdom, Germany, Poland, Italy, France, Spain, Ireland, and Norway. This shows that these movements are not limited to North America alone. Several conclusions can be drawn from an analysis of definitions and descriptions of Wicca, witch, and witchcraft posted by Instagram users. First, there is a strict distinction between pagan, Wiccan, and witch. Not all pagans are Wiccans; not all Wiccans are witches. But all Wiccans are pa­ gans and witches may be practitioners of any or no religion at all. The

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picture of a modern witch is not associated with Satan at all; the elements of peaceful, close to nature, and respecting other beings rights are especially outlined. It is a movement of living according to the cycles of the natural seasons. The posts mainly related to Wicca mention other Gods and Goddesses. Although modern witches, especially Wiccans, gather into covens, and even virtual ones emerge, the solitary and individual aspects of the practice are also often emphasised. The part of the analysis concerning 237 Instagram accounts showed that the majority of this sample was associated with witchcraft, which was fol­ lowed by business. The smallest group concerned pure Wiccan accounts. Although a significant share of business accounts, the vast part was run by persons possessing small businesses declaring to be a Wiccan or a witch. Only 64 accounts were related to sales without any mention of their owners. This study has limitations. Data for the hashtags analysis were gathered on a monthly basis due to the constraints of free services software. The results show a growing popularity of these phenomena but could be easily biased if – for example – were analysed in a period close to a Sabbat. The analysed Instagram accounts were found randomly, which means by using Instagram recommendation algorithms, as there are no databases of whole witches, pagans, and Wicca Instagram users. Despite those limitations and a lacking of scientific literature on this topic, the results show a deeper view of Wiccan, and witchcraft movements on Instagram. The final conclusions are as follows: • • •

• •

Instagram is a tool for promoting and spreading content on witchcraft and Wicca. The popularity of these movements on Instagram is growing. Separation of religious movements and marketing approaches is highly difficult. Similar hashtags are used in both cases. Also practicing witches and Wiccans may run their small businesses. The presence of companies that are using analysed hashtags strictly for selling/marketing purposes is visible. The presence of Wicca and witchcraft movements on Instagram is present not only in the United Sates but in numerous European countries as well.

Notes 1 As at September 2019. 2 As at September 2019.

References Berger H., Witchcraft and Magic: Contemporary North America, Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011.

#witchesofinstagram 263 Berger H. & Ezzy D., Teenage Witches: Magical Youth and the Search for the Self, Piscataway, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2007. Berger H. & Ezzy D., Mass Media and Religious Identity: A Case Study of Young Witches, “Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion”, 48, pp. 501–514, 2009, retrieved from 10.1111/j.1468-5906.2009.01462.x. Berger H. & Ezzy D., Witchcraft: Changing Patterns of Participation in the Early Twenty First Century, “Pomegranate: The International Journal of Pagan Studies”, 11 (2), pp. 165–180, 2010, retrieved from 10.1558/pome.v11i2.165. Beyer C., The Difference between Magic and Magick, “Learn Religions”, 2019, re­ trieved on September 13, 2019 from learnreligions.com/magic-and-magick-95856. Fennell J. & Wildman-Hanlon L.A., The Children of Converts: Beyond the First Generation of Contemporary Pagans, “Social Compass”, 64 (2), pp. 288–306, 2017, retrieved from: 10.1177/0037768617704165. Herring S.C., Questioning the Generational Divide: Technological Exoticism and Adult Constructions of Online Youth Identity, in: D. Buckingham (ed.), Youth, Identity, and Digital Media, Massachusetts Institute of Technology: The MIT Press, pp. 71–92, 2008. Hollenbaugh E.E., Privacy Management Among Social Media Natives: An Exploratory Study of Facebook and Snapchat, “Social Media + Society”, 5 (3), 2019, retrieved from: 10.1177/2056305119855144. Hurley Z., Why I No Longer Believe Social Media Is Cool…, “Social Media + Society”, 5 (3), 2019, retrieved from 10.1177/2056305119849495. Kasheev O.V. & Golovko V.Y., Instagram Network as Part of the Social Environment, “Vestnik Slavianskikh Kultur-Bulletin of Slavic Cultures-Scientific and Informational Journal”, 52, pp. 83–91, 2019. Kavakci E. & Kraeplin C.R., Religious Beings in Fashionable Bodies: The Online Identity Construction of Hijabi Social Media Personalities, “Media, Culture & Society”, 39(6), pp. 850–868, 2017, retrieved from: 10.1177/0163443716679031. Klassen C., Cybercoven: Being a Witch Online, “Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses”, 31(1), pp. 51–62, 2002, retrieved from: 10.1177/0008429802031 00104. Krueger O., The Internet as Distributor and Mirror of Religious and Ritual Knowledge, “Asian Journal of Social Science”, 32(2), 2004, retrieved from: 10.11 63/1568531041705077. Lewis J.R., Becoming a Virtual Pagan: ‘Conversion’ or Identity Construction?, “Pomegranate: The International Journal of Pagan Studies”, 16 (1), pp. 24–34, 2015, retrieved from: 10.1558/pome.v16i1.19480. Phillips J., History of Wicca in England: 1939 to the Present Day, 2004, retrieved on September 13, 2019 from http://geraldgardner.com/History_of_Wicca_Revised.pdf. Prensky M., Don’t Bother Me Mom – I’m Learning!, St. Paul, MN: Paragon House, 2006. Showalter B., Witches Outnumber Presbyterians in the US; Wicca, Paganism Growing ‘Astronomically’, “Christian Post”, 2018, retrieved on September 12, 2019 from https://www.christianpost.com/news/witches-outnumber-presbyterians-in-the-uswicca-paganism-growing-astronomically-227857/. Singh-Kurtz S. & Kopf D., The US Witch Population has seen an Astronomical Rise, “Quartzy”, 2018, retrieved on September 12, 2019 from https://qz.com/quartzy/ 1411909/the-explosive-growth-of-witches-wiccans-and-pagans-in-the-us/.

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Ståhl M. & Kaihovirta H., Exploring Visual Communication and Competencies through Interaction with Images in Social Media, “Learning, Culture and Social Interaction”, 21, pp. 250–266, 2019, retrieved on September 13, 2019 from: 10.1 016/j.lcsi.2019.03.003. Wicca, retrieved on September 13, 2019 from http://wicca.com/celtic/wicca/ definitions.htm. Wicca living, retrieved on September 13, 2019 from http://wiccaliving.com/.

Index

AB-Aktion (Nazi) 107 Académie des Inscriptions et des Belles Lettre 29 accusation (finding scapegoat guilty of crime) 233 Acquaviv, Sabrino S. 188 Adams, Don Alden 207 adolescence and adulthood, boundaries between 132 Adorno, Theodor 17–18 Adventism 204 Adventist 203 African 66 age and intensity of religious experience 199 Alexander, Jeffrey C. 17, 31 American Covenant (Gorski) 31 American Protestantism 202–203 American transcendentalists 91 Ammerman, Nancy 178 Anquetil-Duperron, Abraham Hyacinthe (1731-1805) 29 anthropology as “more” 23 anti-Catholic rhetoric 213 Anti-Catholicism 204 antipapism 204 The approach to Jehovah’s Witnesses in Poland in light of innovation and religious selectivity (Choczyń ski) 11–12 The approach to Jehovah’s Witnesses in Poland in light of innovation and religious selectivity (Choczyń ski) approach to Jehovah’s Witnesses in Poland 211–213 genesis and history of Jehovah’s Witnesses 202–204 main dogmatic principles and institutional organisation of Jehovah’s Witnesses 204–209

selectivity and religious syncretism vs. doctrine of Jehovah’s Witnessess 209–211 Aquinas, Thomas 234 Archbishop Paglia 243 Arendt, Hannah 19 Arian doctrine 204 Arnold, Matthew 20 “Art as a Cultural System” (Geertz) 27 “Awake!” 208–209 Babauta, Leo 94–97 Bachryj - Krzywaźnia, M. 244 Baert, Patrick 1 Bailey, Edward I. 90, 93 baptism 206 Barthes, Roland 30 Barz, Heiner 153 Bataille, Georges 21 Bathélemy, Abbé Jean-Jacques (17161795) 29 Baudrillard, Jean 17, 19 Bauman, Zygmunt 92 Beauvoir, Simone de 242 Belgium 106 Bell, Daniel 17, 19 Bellah, Robert N. 61, 188 Benedict, Ruth 26–27 Benedict XVI 242 “Benedicting” ethnography 27 Benjamin, Walter 17–19 Berger, Peter 34–35, 46, 55, 133, 188, 251 Beyer, Peter 1 Białystok, Poland 223 Bible Student movement 202–203, 206–207, 212–213 Blackmore, Susan 188 Bławatska, Helena 91

266

Index

blood transfusions, ban on 207 Boas, Franz 26 Bokszań ski, Z. 47 Boldt, Laurence G. 91 Book Study Conductor 208 Boos- Nünning, Ursula 188–190 Borowik, Irena 1–2, 7, 33–44, 48 Boryshevskiy, M. 161 Bourdieu, Pierre 17, 20, 22–23, 27, 159 Brazil 147 Brazil and Catholicism 37–38 breathworks 98 Bricket Wood coven 250 bricolage or à la carte religion 67 “Bring Purpose & Mindfulness to Your Work” (Babauta) 95 British Mass Observation 21 Bryan, Turner 17 Brzoza, Katarzyna 244 Buber, Martin 154 Buddha 90 Buddhism 1, 66, 151, 156 see also “The Miracle of Mindfulness” – between the discovery of the sacred in everyday life and secularization of the practice of meditation (Kasperek) Burkert, Walter 28 Cage, John 91 Calvinism 202 Campbell, Colin 90 capillary phenomena 2 Carreira da Silva, Filipe 1 Casanova, José 33, 35, 63 Casanova’s concept of public religion first approach 35–38 second approach 38–42 Casanova’s theses from Central European perspective 42–44 Catholic Church 11–12, 29, 37–38, 66, 107, 110–112, 117, 119–123, 125, 135–136, 139n6, 146, 149–150, 155–156, 175, 177–180, 182, 185, 195, 198, 224–227 see also A scapegoat or a modern devil? The analysis of the Catholic press discourse on “gender” and “genderists” (on the examples of “Niedziela” and “Tygodnik Powszechny” weeklies) (OberDomagalska); Metamorphoses of religiosity in Poland – post-modern spirituality or religious morality?

(Mielicka-Pawłowska); Roman Catholic Church; The approach to Jehovah’s Witnesses in Poland in light of innovation and religious selectivity (Choczyń ski) Catholic Church Statistics Institute and the Department of Sociology, Cardinal Stefan Wyszyń ski University 51 Catholic Church Statistics Institute (www.ibskk.pl) 77 Catholic morality 117–121 “cat’s faith” 211 Celtic 66 Centre for Mindfulness in Medicine, Health Care and Society 90 Centre for Mindfulness Research and Practice, Bangor University 97 Centre for Public Opinion Research (www.cbos.raporty.pl) 77–78, 105, 112 Chakrabarti, Chandana 79 Chałasiń ski, Józef 26 charisma, democratisation 60 charismatic meetings, experience of 197–199 Choczyń ski, Marcin 11–12, 202–214 “the chosen ones” 209–210 Christian Churches 74 Christian festivals, secularisation of 148–149 Christian Post 248 Christianity 1, 55 Christophanies 217 Church, as support mechanism 183 church attendence of religious study participants 149–151 church indifference 148 “the Church of Choice,” model of 210–211 Church of Scientology 213 Cipriani, Roberto 2–3, 129 Ciranko, Robert 207 Ciupak, E. 48, 227 “clash of civilisations,” religiously based 152 Coeurdoux, Gaston-Laurent 29 Collège de Sociologie 21 Collins, Randall 189 common sacred experience 189 “Common Sense as a Cultural System” (Geertz) 27 comparative linguistics, practice of 28–29

Index 267 The concept of public religion in the context of the development of the sociology of religion – the perspective of the Central and Eastern Europe (Borowik) 7 The concept of public religion in the context of the development of the sociology of religion – the perspective of the Central and Eastern Europe (Borowik) Casanova’s concept of public religion - first approach 35–38 Casanova’s concept of public religion - second approach 38–42 Casanov’s theses from Central European perspective 42–44 distinction between private and public based on sociology of religion 33–35 introduction 33 confession and experience of God 196–197 Connor, Steven 18 conscience-based decisions, moving toward 123 Constitution, 1934, Brazil 37–38 Contemporary Introduction to Sociology: Culture and Society In Transition (Alexander, 2008) 17 Contemporary religiosity in practice – experiencing religion (Grotowska) 11 everyday life in the sociology of religion 177–178 interaction with God 184 introduction 175 religious experience as the basis for religious coping 182–183 religious experience in conservative portals 179 religious landscape of contemporary Poland 175–177 research method 178–179 subjectivity, intersubjectivity, and institutionalisation 179–180 testimonies of faith in light of institutional religion 181–182 contexts of the issue (Cultural sociology of religion.) 28–30 contra-SEPs actions 239–240 counselling boom 92 COVID-19 pandemic 138 Croatia 42, 44

cross, as symbol of Christianity 206 Crowley, Aleister (1875-1947) 250 cult practices and religious experience 199 cults 61 “cultural anthropology” 25 cultural centres as centres of culture 19 cultural construction, defined 20 cultural forms of discrimination 231 cultural history 23 cultural identity and 78 cultural religion 61 Cultural sociology of religion in the perspective of comparative religion (Wójtowicz) 7 contexts of the issue 27–30 cultural sociology 17–21 culture and cultures 23–27 strong programme 21–23 cultural sociology: sources, fields, research directions 17–21 culture concept of 24 cultures: transforming the concept 23–27 as “other” 21 self-expression of 19 as social process 22 and society, separation of 20 as sociological object 18 as theoretical category 26 as whole of beliefs and practices 26 culture, sociology of 26 “culture against culture and religion against religion” 80 Culture and Anarchy (Arnold, 1869) 20 Culture and Imperialism (Said) 20 “culture of noise” 90 cyberspace, miracular communities in 227–228 Czarnowski, Stefan 227 Czech Republic 135 Daily Mail 253 Daisetsu Teitaro Suzuki 91 Davie, Grace 35, 63–64 Decalogue 77–78 decomposition and crystallisation 19 democratic systems and Islam 39 deprivatisation, theory of 38, 217 Derrida, Jacques 24 desecularisation, theory of 5, 217

268

Index

“Desiderata” (Ehrmann) 96 detraditionalisation of denomination 146 “devil’s gateway,” Eve as 234 Dilthey, Wilhelm 179 The Disciplinary Revolution (Gorski) 31 “discourse” 25 Documentationes (Mauss, 1930) 21 dogmas, rejection of 206 Domań ski, Kazimierz 224 Douglas, Mary 22–23 Durkheim, Émile 21–22, 30, 33, 61, 130–132, 189 Durkheimian functionalism 22 Dymek, Jakub 243 “Dzieweczka z miasteczka” [A Girl from the Town] (Michałowska) 223 “easternisation of the West” 90 “ecclesiastical socialisation” and morality 79 eco-morality 80–81 economic values of sacrum 22 Ehrmann, Max 96 The Eighteenth Century Confronts the Gods (Manuel) 29 Elementary Forms of Religious Life (Durkheim, 1912) 21 Eliade, Mircea 30, 130–132 end of the world 206–207 Estonia 135 ethnocentrism, danger of 55 ethos of the intelligentsia 110–111 Eucharistic miracles of Sokółka1 (2008) and Legnica2 (2013) 225–226 European Social Survey (ESS 2014–16) 135 Evangelical Church 64, 66, 144, 147 “experiencing” of the religious experience, realtime 190 Extraordinary Jubilee of Mercy 195 Ezzy, D. 251 face of spirituality in modern societies 68–70 Fairbanks, Sandra J. 79 faith and religious experience 199 faith and societal changes 2 faith as critical stabilising factor 139n5 faith of the ancestors and ritualism, strong attachment to 188 Father Malec 219–222 Father Natanek 226

Feldman, Byron 29 female authors and opinions of the Church 241 feminist spirituality 66 Fennell, J. 252 fight-against-gender discourse in “Niedziela” 236–241 Fiorenza Elizabeth Schusser 242 Flanagan, Kieran 74 Foucault, Michel 22, 24, 30 “foundation myth” 38 Fr. Rydzyk 236 France 261 Franz, Frederick William 207 French Church-State separation model 41 Freud, Sigmund 30 Friedland, Roger 31 Fry, A. 86 Gardner, Gerald Brosseau (18841964) 250 Gardnerian Wicca or Gardnerian witchcraft 250 Gebhardt, Winfried 57 Geertz, Clifford 22, 24, 27, 30 Gelder, Leslie van 96 gender and genderists a scapegoat or a modern devil 233–234 gender and Marxism 241 gender and religious experience 199 gender and the Catholic Church 231 gender as modern misfortune 236–241 gender from the perspective of the Catholic Church in Poland 232–233 Gerbner, G. 235 Germany 261 see The spectre of secularisation: against equating church indifference with religious indifference (Spiegel) Giesen, Bernard 17 Gift (Mauss, 1923) 21 Ginsberg, Allen 91 Girard, René 233 Głażewska, Ewa 234, 245 Glock, Y. Charles 46, 85, 189 Gnostic - Manichaean doctrine 204 God, interaction with 184 God, name of 205–206 Goliń ski, Bishop Zdzisław 220 Golovakha, E. 165 Gorski, Philip 31 “Gość Niedzielny” 244 Greek Catholic 176

Index 269 Grochowska, Zofia (1931–2009) 226 Grotowska, Stella 10–11, 175–185 “The Grounded Challenge: Practice Mindfulness with Your Difficulties” (Babauta) 95 Grzegorczyk, A. 161 Gulbinowicz, Henryk 224 “Gutenberg Galaxy” 225 Habermas, Jürgen 39–40, 42–43 Halbwacs, Maurice 23 Hall, John R. 23 Hall, Stuart 17 hashtags, concerning Wicca and witchcraft 252–253 “havitus” 25 Hebrew Scriptures and Greek Christian Scriptures 205 Heelas, Paul 94, 98 Hemka, A. 218 Henschel, Milton George 207 Hervieu-Léger, Danièle 35, 61, 63–64 Hinduism 1 historical view on the intelligentsia 106–109 holiness 61 holistic milieu 98 homo religiosus 77, 86–87, 130, 136 Hoser, Archbishop Henryk 241 House Beautiful 253 “How to Be Mindful All the Time” (Babauta) 95 Hufford, David 188 human sexuality and sexual realisation (LGBT), research on 231 Hunt, Lynn 23 Hussitism 202 Huxley, Aldous 238 “ideology as a Cultural System” (Geertz) 27 ideology of gender 231 “imagined gender” 232 immanence/transcendence code 59 Implicit Religion 9 individualisation of spirituality 3 institutional religion 63–64 institutionalisation and deinstitutionalisation of religions and their consequences 57–58 institutionalised religions 69 intelligentsia and the Catholic Church in Poland

111 definitions of 106 Libelt theory on role of 105 planned extermination of in Poland 107–108 Polish perception of 105 intelligentsia, worldview and religiosity of 109–112 Intelligenzaktion (Nazi) 107 interactive rituals, theory 189 International Bible Students Association in London 202 International Declaration of Human Rights 155 internet and miracular communities 225–227 Interpretations of Cultures (Geertz, 1973) 24–25, 27 invisible religion 93 Iogna-Prat, Dominique 29 Ireland 261 irrationality and affectivity, as source of religion 189 Islam 1, 20, 31 Italy 261 Ivan Franko National University of Lviv 168–170 Jabłoń ska, Marta R. 12–13, 248–262 Jakubowska, Jadwiga 222 Jakubowska, Maria 223 Jakubowska, Zygmunt 223 James, William 189–190 Jasna Góra Monastery 181 Jehovah’s Witnesses 11–12, 176 see also The approach to Jehovah’s Witnesses in Poland in light of innovation and religious selectivity (Choczyń ski) John the Baptist 206 Johnson, Elizabeth 242 Jones, Sir William “Oriental” 28–29 Judaic Legalism 204 Judaism 1, 55 Kabat-Zinn, Jon 90–91, 93, 95–97, 99 Kaelberg, Lutz 30 Kapleau, Philip 91 Kasperek, Andrzej 9, 90–100 Katyń , mass murders in 107 Kaufmann, Franz X. 188 Kędzierska, Katarzyna 95, 97 Kendal Project 98

270

Index

Kerouac, Jack 91 Kingdom Halls 206, 208 Klassen, C. 251 Klimiski, Wojciech 9–10, 105–126 Kluckhohn, Clyde 26 Knoblauch, H. 62, 68–69, 131 Knorr, Nathan Homer 207 kocia wiara 212 Kołakowski, Leszek 29, 130 Konopnicka, Maria 220–221 Kosalin University of Technology 191 Koseła, K. 48 Kroeber, Alfred 26 Krok, D. 48 Krueger, O. 251 Krzywosz, Maciej 12, 217–228 Lamont, Michele 23 Lang, Andrew 30 “law of nature” 87n2 Legion Małych Rycerzy [Legion of Small Knights Association] 226 levels of manifestation of public religion 36 Lévi-Strauss, Claude 30 Lewis, J. R. 251 LGBTQ communities, as discriminated groups 231–232 LGBTQ struggle for normality 244 Libiszowska-Żółtkowska, M. 124 Liebelt, Karol 105–106 Lilith and Kabbalh tradition 234 Lincoln, Bruce 30 line Snel Method “Attention, it works!” 98 Lipiec, Józef 83 Literature Servant 208 “lived religion” 177 Local Knowledge: Further Essays in Interpretive Anthropology 27 loneliness and COVID-19 139n2 “On the Love of the Homeland” (Liebelt) 106 Loy, David 91 Lubin, Poland 219 Luckmann, Thomas 2, 34–35, 60–61, 67–68, 70, 93 Lukács , Georg 17 Lutheranism 202 Lviv Polytechnic National University 169, 171 Macedonia 44 Magazine- Territory Servant 208

“magick” with an additional letter “k” 250 Malinowski, Bronisław 26 “Malleus Maleficarum” 234 Mann, Michael 22 Manuel, Frank E 29 Marcel, G. 131 Marian apparition, Zabłudów, 1965 221–224 Marian apparitions 217 Marian cult 218 Marian devotions 210 Mariań ski, Janusz 2, 8, 48, 52, 66–75, 78–80, 84, 143, 188–189 Markiewicz, Janina E. 220 Marxism–Leninism, passive and conformist assimilation of 107–109 mass culture, phenomenon of 19 Matthes, Joachim 55 Mauss, Marcel 21 MBCT (Mindfulness-Based Cognitive Therapy) 92 McGuire, Meredith 177 “McMindfulness”(Purser & Loy) 92 McWorld morality 81, 84 Mead, Margaret 26 “The Meaning of Witchcraft” (Gardner) 250 The Meanings of Social Life: Cultural Sociology (Alexander, 2003) 17 mediator, family as 133 “Meditation for Beginners” (Babauta) 94 Medjugorie messages 227 megalomania of auto-infinity, postmodernity 19–20 mercy of God and forgiveness of sins, experience of 195–197 Merton, Thomas 91 Metamorphoses of religiosity in Poland – post-modern spirituality or religious morality ( Mielicka-Pawłowska) 9 Metamorphoses of religiosity in Poland – post-modern spirituality or religious morality? (Mielicka-Pawłowska) consequential dimension of postmodern religiosity 85 introduction 77 morality and religion 78–81 perception of the post-modern sacred vs. morality 81–83 spirituality from the ethical point of view 83–85

Index 271 metamorphosis, defined 2 Metatoretical dimension of social and religious metamorphoses 7 Methodist 203 Meyer, John 22 Michalik, Archbishop Józef 231 Michałowska, Emilia 223 Mielicka-Pawłowska, Halina 9, 51–53, 77–87 “mimesis of misappropriation” 233 Mindful Awareness Research Center 90 mindfulness, defined 91–92 Mindfulness Based Living Course (MBCL) 98 “Mindfulness. Business & Life” 91, 98 mindfulness from the perspective of implicit religion 91–93 “mindfulness revolution” 90 “The Mindfulness Revolution” (Shambhala) 90 Mindfulness-Based Stress Reduction (MBSR) programme (Kabat-Zinn) 90–91, 95–96 Minimalism 91 Ministry School Servant 208 miracle of Lublin, 1949 219–222 “The Miracle of Mindfulness” – between the discovery of the sacred in everyday life and secularization of the practice of meditation (Kasperek) introduction 90–91 mindfulness from the perspective of implicit religion 91–93 Polish “mindfulness revolution” 93–99 “The Miracle of Mindfulness” – between the discovery of the sacred in everyday life and the practice of meditation secularisation (Kasperek) 9 “The Miracle of Mindfulness” (Thich Nhat Hanh) 92, 95 Miracle of the Sun 222 Miracle of the Sun in Fatima, 1917 217 miracular communities see From orality to the Internet – transformations of religious communication in the Polish miracular communities (Krzywosz) miracular religiousity 218 Missio canonica 150 model of traditional ecclesiastical religiosity 77

Modern directions of development of religion and spirituality – an attempt at systematisation (Zduniak) 8 institutional religion – weakened but not compromised 63–64 institutionalisation and deinstitutionalisation of religions and their consequences 57–58 introduction 55–56 privatised religiosity, non-religious spirituality, and cultural religion as contemporary dimensions of the religious field 58–63 modernism, theory of 35 Moral Majority 35–36 moral principles and religion 117 moral relativism 78 morality and personal decisions of conscience 123–124 morality and religion 78–81 “Morality and Spirituality in the Contemporary World” (Chakrabarti and Fairbanks) 79 Motorised Reserves of the Citizens’ Militia (ZOMO) 222 Müller, Max 30 multidimensional concept of religiosity 189 Murray, Douglas 130 mystics 151 “Nacional-Catolicismo” 37–38 neo-institutionalism 22 “neutral sacred” 81–82 New Age 66 “new social history” 23 new spirituality 4, 49–50, 52, 60 defined 71 esoteric immersion in oneself 72–73 as extremely individualised and subject to change 72 inner self-improvement 72 “little transcendence” 72 non-religious concepts used as tools for transcendence 72 as post-religious spirituality 72 as process of individualism 71 religious faith transformed in belief in self 72 as socio-cultural megatrend 71 New spirituality as a social and cultural megatrend (Mariań ski) 8, 71–74 face of spirituality in modern

272

Index

societies 68–70 introduction 66–67 trying to identify a new spirituality 71–74 new spirituality, new theory of 3 “Niedziela” 235–236 “9 Mindfulness Rituals to Make Your Day Better” (Babauta) 95 non-religious and atheists 70 North America 261 Norway 261 numinosum 130 Ober-Domagalska, Barbara 12, 231–245 occult movements 13 Oława apparitions between 1983 and 2002 224–225 Olędzki, J. 218 From orality to the Internet – transformations of religious communication in the Polish miracular communities (Krzywosz) characteristics of Polish miracular religiosity 217–218 internet as communication toll of contemporary miracular communities 225–227 Miraculous phenomena in post-war Poland in the media context 218–225 From orality to the Internet. Transformation of religious communication in the Polish miracular communities (Krzywosz) 12 Orientalism (Said, 1978) 20 Orsi, Robert 177 Orthodox 66, 176 Otto, Rudolf 189 Our Lady of Częstochowa 219 Oxford Mindfulness Centre, Oxford University 97 Pachkovskyy, Yurity 10–11 Padre Pio 227 Paganism and the internet 249–252 Pankowska, Dorota 244 Pantheism and panentheism, as religion of post-modernity 84 Paradise, exile from 234 Paradowska, Bolesława 220 parareligious practices, adoption of 46 Pargament, K. I. 48

Paris 106 “Parliament of the World’s Religions” (established 1893) 152 Parsons, Talcott 22 Parsons’ doctrinal functionalism 23 Pasek, Z. 60 Pawluczuk, w. 49 Pentecostal movement 63–64 People’s Church, 1970 37–38 perception of modern witch on Instagram 258–262 The Performance of Politics Obama’s Victory and the Democratic Struggle for Power (Alexander, 2010) 17 personal identity as private phenomenon 35 Philosophische Kultur (Simmel, 1911) 18–19 Pirsig, Robert M. 91 Piwowarski, Władysław 48, 190, 210 Platonic triad 161 Podlasie, Poland 222 Poland Catholics in 37 Jehovah’s Witnesses in 11–12. S ee also The approach to Jehovah’s Witnesses in Poland in light of innovation and religious selectivity (Choczyń ski); The approach to Jehovah’s Witnesses in Poland in light of innovation and religious selectivity (Choczyń ski); The approach to Jehovah’s Witnesses in Poland in light of innovation and religious selectivity (Choczyń ski) metamorphoses of religiosity in. See Metamorphoses of religiosity in Poland – post-modern spirituality or religious morality? (MielickaPawłowska) “mindfulness revolution” 93–99 new spirituality in 73 relationship of politics and religion 44 religions in 42–43 religiosity in. See Religiosity of the Polish intelligentsia at the beginning of the 21st century (Klimski) religious landscape of 11 systemic transformation in 51 witchcraft in 261 Youth Meetings in Lednica 64 see also A scapegoat or a modern devil? The analysis of the Catholic press

Index 273 discourse on “gender” and “genderists” (on the examples of “Niedziela” and “Tygodnik Powszechny” weeklies) (Ober-Domagalska); From orality to the Internet – transformations of religious communication in the Polish miracular communities (Krzywosz); Religious experience as a dimension of religiosity – Polish youth in the world of experience (Szauer); religious landscape of contemporary Poland; The sacred and the youth – theoretical and empirical inspirations (Sroczyń ska) “Pole-Catholic” 232 Polish conservative portals, discourse of 184–185 Polish Mindfulness Association (PTM) 91, 97 Polish “mindfulness revolution” 93–99 Polish Mother (cult of the Virgin Mary) 232 Polish People’s Republic 94, 107–109, 212, 217, 226–227 Polish “Solidarity” 37–38 political power and symbolic representations of 22 Pomeranian Academy, Słupsk 191 Pomytkin, E. 161 post-modern forms of morality 77 post-modern pan-morality 81 post-modern religiosity and spirituality 86 post-modern religiosity, consequential dimension of 85 post-modern sacred vs. morality, perception of 81–83 “post-modernity,” defined 77 post-secular society, concept 40 power and the church 147 Poznań circle 106 pragmatic behavior of culture and society 28 prayer 184 prayer, experience of 189 “Prayer for Peace of Assisi” (1986, 1993, 2002, 2011) 152 Prentiss, Chris 91 Presbyterian 203 presence of God, experience of 192–194 presence of the divine 189 Primitive Culture (Tylor, 1871) 20 private and public, distinction between 33–35

privatisation of religion 67 privatised religiosity, non-religious spirituality, and cultural religion as contemporary dimensions of the religious field 58–63 The Promise of a Cultural Sociology (Alexander, 1992) 17 Protestant churches 157, 176, 202–205, 208, 210 Protestant denominations, individuality against 205 Protestant tradition 210 psychologism 18–19 Public Religions in the Modern World (Casanova, 1994) 33 Purser, Ronald 91, 98 queer (Q), research on 231 Rahner, Karl 155–156 Rappaport, Roy A. 130 Razumkov Centre 166 “real gender” 232 “Reason Damping” 243 “re-enchantment of the world” 5 Reformation 204–205 relationship experiences 153–154 religion as a changing reality 55 as coping strategy 183 cultural religion 61 dechristianisation 57 decline in 35–36 defined 56 De-institutionalisation of religion and its consequences 59 Dimensions of relations in religion 56 erosion of a cultural system 148–153 functioning in the public sphere 40 and globalization 2–3 institutional 57, 62–64 Institutional religion and its impact on relational dimensions 57 invisible 2 lived 11 and mythology 29–30 and national and family ties 185 “positive accommodation” of religion 41 privacy of 34 private 33 public 33 public, in democratic systems 38

274

Index

public spheres, religion in 36 religon and politics, separating 41 social space of 5, 30 state as tolerant of religion 39 as sui generis phenomenon 30 vicarious 35, 64 religion, sociology of 130–131 religion and norms of morality 122–123 “Religion as a Cultural System” (Geertz) 27 “Religions for Peace” (operating since 1961) 152 religion/sociology of morality, sociology of 71 religiosity as booming worldwide 55 Church as haven for 151 condition of 123 defined 48 difference between men and women 185 diffused, pilgrim, fragmented, and diverse 66 dispersed 61 DIY mentality of Millenials 134 and education 112 high level of declared value, Ukraine 166 map of 55 new syncretic forms of 56 parameters of 115–117 as personal experience shaped collectively 180 privatised 58–63 rate of change 51 ritualistic 62 vs. spirituality 48 and spirituality as areas of sociological research 48–51 syncretic 58–59 syncretic religiosity 4 see also Contemporary religiosity in practice – experiencing religion (Grotowska); From orality to the Internet – transformations of religious communication in the Polish miracular communities (Krzywosz) religiosity - realignment of an existential connection, realignment of an existential connection 153–155 religiosity and morality, links between 82–83

religiosity and spirituality, overlap of 68–69 Religiosity of Polish intelligentsia at the beginning of the 21st century (Klimski) 9–10 religiosity of the intelligentsia contemporary trends 112–121 Religiosity of the Polish intelligentsia at the beginning of the 21st century (Klimski) historical view on the intelligentsia 106–109 introduction 105–106 religiosity of the intelligentsia contemporary trends 112–121 worldview and religiosity of the intelligentsia – overview 109–112 religious religious morality superceded 36 religious pluralism 3–4 religious and non-religious spirituality in empirical research 51–53 religious autonomy and creativity, process toward 134 religious citizens and the state 39 religious enquiry 3 Religious experience as a dimension of religiosity – Polish youth in the world of experience (Szauer) 188–189 dimensions of religious experience in young people 192–199 religious experience in the sociological studies 189–190 Religious experience as a dimension of religiosity. Polish youth in the world of experience (Sauer) 11 religious experience as the basis for religious coping 182–183 religious experience in conservative portals 179 religious experience in the sociological studies 189–190 religious experience in young people, dimensions charismatic meetings, experience of 197–199 mercy of God and forgiveness of sins, experience of 195–197 presence of God, experience of 192–194 religious experience, trust in God 194–195

Index 275 religious experience of contemporary youth, study 190–192 religious morality 112 religious movements 59 religious practices among Poles 122, 124 religious studies, bias in 30–31 religiousity, and Bible Student movement 202 resacralisation and respiritualisation, spiritual experience as 84 results most active locations 253 social media search 252–253 reversed socialisation 133 rhetoric of war and genderism 240–241 Rhys, T. W. 91 Richardson, Robert D. 29 The Rise of Modern Mythology, 1680–1860 (Feldman & Richardson) 29–30 rites de passage 10 Rogowski, Cyprian 156–157 Roman Catholic Church 37–38, 42–43, 144, 150–152, 155, 157, 176 Romantics 111 “Rota” (The Oath) (Konopnicka) 220–221 Rothenbuhler, Eric 138 Rowe, William L. 189 Russell, Charles Taze 202–203, 206 Russia, religions in 44 Rutherford, Joseph Franklin 202, 207, 212 Sacrament of Marriage 211 sacred, colloquial understanding of 81–82 sacred, understanding 81–83 The sacred and the youth – theoretical and empirical inspirations (Sroczyń ska) final reflections - inspirations 138–139 introduction 129–130 sacred in social sciences 130–132 sacred of the youth in light of qualitative research 136–138 sacred of the youth in light of quantiative research 133–136 socialisation aspects of contemporary Polish youth 132–133 sacred in social life 133 sacred in social sciences 130–132

sacred of the youth in light of qualitative research 135–138 sacred of the youth in light of quantitative research 133–136 sacred universe, reduction of 46–47 Sacrum and the youth – theoretical and empirical inspirations (Sroczyń ska) 10 Said, Edward 20, 30 Saint Charbel Makhlouf 227 sanctus 82–84 Sapiro, Lara 91 scapegoat, criteria for selection 233 A scapegoat or a modern devil? The analysis of the Catholic press discourse on “gender” and “genderists” (on the examples of “Niedziela” and “Tygodnik Powszechny” weeklies (OberDomagalska) 12 A scapegoat or a modern devil? The analysis of the Catholic press discourse on “gender” and “genderists” (on the examples of “Niedziela” and “Tygodnik Powszechny” weeklies) (OberDomagalska) fight-against-gender discourse in “Niedziela” 236–241 gender and genderists a scapegoat or a modern devil 233–234 gender from the perspective of the Catholic Church in Poland 232–233 introduction 231–245 research method and analysis 234–236 scientific discourse in “Tygodnik Powszechny” 241–244 woman - the witch and the devil 234 Scheler, Max 134, 139n4, 160–161 Scheler Values Scale (SWS) 134 Schibilisky, Michel 188 Schleiermacher, Max 190 Schwartz, Barry 22–23 scientific discourse in “Tygodnik Powszechny” 241–244 Second Coming of Jesus Christ 203 secondary students and religious experience 200 sectarian group, Jehovah’s Witnesses as 204 secularisation of Christian festivals 148–149

276

Index

phenomena of 145 profiling religious maxims 155–156 theory of 4–5, 33–35 thesis of 35–38 secularisation as “modern myth,” as “modern myth” 67 secularised morality 111 secularistion processes and the Church 151–152 Seidman, S. 232 self-declaration of faith and religious practices 113 self-transcendence 96 Semantic Meditations 98 Sephora 253 Sewell, William H. Jr 23 sexual abuse in the church 147 Shambhala 90 Sheldrake, Philip 74 Shoshanna, Brenda 91 Sikhism 1 Simmel, Georg 17–19 “Simplicite” (Kędzierska) 95 Skrzypiń ska, Katarzyna 68 Skwarczyń ski, Father Adam 227 Ślipek, Stefan 225 Slow Movement 91 Smelser, Neil 17 Smith, Jonathan Z. 30 Snow, David 22 social memory and national mythology 22–23 Social Performance: Symbolic Action, Cultural Pragmatics and Ritual (Alexander, 2006) 17 socialisation aspects of contemporary Polish youth 132–133 Socrates to Euthyphor, question of 82, 86, 87n1 Soyen Shaku 91 Spain 261 Spain and Catholicism 37–38 The spectre of secularisation: Against equating church indifference with religious indifference (Spiegel) 10 The spectre of secularisation: against equating church indifference with religious indifference (Spiegel) leaving the church - the symptoms and seismograph of a systemic imbalance 143–148 Outlook 156–157 religion - erosion of a cultural system

148–153 religiosity - realignment of an existential connection 153–155 secularisation - profiling religious maxims 155–156 Spickard, James V. 190 Spiegel, Egon 10, 143–157 “Spiritual Revolution” 98–99 spiritual values 161–172 spiritual values: definition, main content, and the approaches to classification 160–165 Spiritual values of the University students in the contemporary Ukrainian society – a sociological discourse (Pachkovskyy) 10–11 spiritual values of Ukrainian students – experience of empirical researches 165–172 Spiritual values of university students in contemporary Ukrainian society – a sociological discourse (Pachkovskyy, Yriy) introduction 159–160 spiritual values: definition, main content, and the approaches to classification 160–165 spiritual values of Ukrainian students – experience of empirical researches 165–172 spirituality as basis of spiritual world of individual 159–160 and Bible Student movement 202 as component of human activity and behaiour 160 defined 66–67 definitions of 3 described by Polish youth 136–137 as element in the analysis of social change and worldview 159 extra-religious, secular, without God, without religion, transgressive, natural, autonomous, self-spirituality, non-religious and atheist spirituality 66 map of 55 and meaning of human existence 160 new, defined 60 as a new paradigm in sociology 53 non-religious 60–61 subjectivity of 59–60 variable over time 160

Index 277 spirituality, sociology of 46 spirituality from the ethical point of view 84–85 “spirituality market” 73 Spirituality vs. religiosity as an impetus to the discussion on the change factors in the contemporary sociology of religion (Zaręba) 8 introduction 46–47 religiosity and spirituality as areas of sociological research 48–51 religious and non-religious spirituality in empirical research 51–53 “spiritually-active” 169–170 “spiritual-passive” 169 “spiritual-potential” 169 Sroczyń ska, Maria 10, 129–139 St. John Paul II 232 Stań czuk , M. 3 Stanisław Staszic University of Applied Sciences, Piła 191 Stark, Rodney 46, 85, 188–189 Stepan, Alfred 39, 41–42 Stephens, Thomas (1549-1619) 29 “stimulus absorbers” 132 Stowarzyszenie Badaczy Pisma Świętego [Association of Bible Researchers] 212 Strong Programme 18 Strong Programme: inspirations, main theses, perspectives 21–23 subjectivity, intersubjectivity, and institutionalisation 179–180 Sufism 59 Surzykiewicz, J. 3, 49–52 Sweden 135 Świecki Ruch Misyjny Epifania [Laymen’s Home Missionary Movement] 212 Swindler, Ann 22 Switzerland 106 Swoboda, Ewa 181 Synder, Gary 91 Szauer, Remigiusz 11, 188–200 Szidt, Wilhelm 30 Sztompka, Pieortr 17 Szwed, Anna 42 Szymon, Katarzyna 226 Tertullian 234 testimonies of faith in light of institutional religion 181–182 Thelemas religion 250

Theosophical Society 91 Thich Nhat Hanh 92, 94–96 Third Reich 107 Thoresen, C. 48 Tilly, Charles 22 The Times of India 253 Tischner, J. 161 tools, theory of 22 traditional moral values, defence of 36–37 transability 42 Transcendence 9, 49, 60–61, 63, 66–73, 79–84, 86, 129, 131, 137, 153, 155, 178 Transformations of religiosity and spirituality in the society at risk – an attempt at diagnosis 9 transpersonal and intrapersonal transcendence 86 “true ego” 61 trust in God, experience of 194–195 trying to identify a new spirituality 71–74 Turner, Victor 22 “twin preference” 42 twin toleration 39, 41–42 “Tygodnik Powszechny” 235–236 Tylor, Edwar Burnett 20 Ukraine see spiritual values of Ukrainian students – experience of empirical researches Ukrainian Catholic University 169–171 understanding, search for, and politics 43 United Kingdom 106, 261 United States 42, 61, 147, 210, 212, 249, 261 University of Birmingham 24 University of Warmia and Mazury (UWM), Faculty of Theology in Olsztyn, Poland 143 USSR 107 Voluntary Simplicity Movement 91 Wach, Joachim 189 Wagner-Pacifici, Robin 22 Wahl, Julia E. 96–98 Walt Disney Studios 253 Wargacki, Stanisław A. 73 Watch Tower Bible and Tract Soceity 207 Watch Tower Society 11–12, 205–208, 210, 212–213

278

Index

“The Watchtower” 208–209 “Watchtower” Study Servant 208 Watts, Alan 91 Web of Science and Scopus database analysis (on witchcraft) 250 Weber, Max 22, 30, 33 wedding rites 145 Węgiel, Roksana 181 “western secular superstitions” 38 Whore of Babylon, Catholic Church as 204 Wicca and witchcraft in the modern world 249–252 Wicca religion 249 Wiccans, defined 250 Wilcox, Joel 82 Wildman-Hanlon, L. A. 252 Williams, Raymond 17 witch, defiined 250 #witchesofinstagram. How does social media spread spirituality, witchcraft, and pagan movements? (Jabłoń ska) 12–13 #witchesofinstagram. How does social media spread spirituality, witchcraft, and pagan movements? (Jabłoń ska) discusses 261–262 introduction 248–249 materials and methods 252 results 252–261 Wicca and witchcraft in the modern world 249–252 Wittgenstein, Ludwig 22 Wnuk, Marcin 86 Wodak, Ruth 179 Wójtowicz, Andrzej 7, 17–31, 48

woman - the witch and the devil 234 women, as discriminated group 231–232 Woodhead, Linda 94, 98 World Youth Day (WYD) 135 Wrzesień , W. 132 Yinger, J. M. 61 Zabudów Miracular Movement 223 Zaręba, Sławomir H. 8, 46–53 Zduniak, Agnieszka 8, 55–64, 200 Zelizer, Viviana 22 “Zen and the Art of Falling in Love” (Shoshanna, Brenda) 91 “Zen and the Art of Happiness” (Prentiss) 91 “Zen and the Art of Making a Living” (Boldt) 91 “Zen and the Art of Motorcycle Maintenance” (Pirsig) 91 “Zen and the Art of Running” (Shapiro) 91 Zieliń ska, Katarzyna 42 Zimnica-Kuzioła, Emilia 188 Zinnbauer, B. J. 48 “Zion’s Watch Tower and Herald of Christ’s Presence” 203–204 Znaniecki, Florian 26 Zoom TV 253 Zrzeszenie Wolnych Badaczy Pisma Świętego [Association of Free Bible Researchers] 212 Zulehner, Paul M. 188 Związek Badaczy Biblii w RP [Union of Bible Researchers in Poland] 212