Melayu Betawi grammar
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Xerox University Microfilms 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, Michigan 46106
76-16,436 IKRANAGARA, Kay, 1943MELAYU BETAWI GRAMMAR. University of Hawaii, Ph.D., 1975 Language, linguistics
Xerox University Microfilms,
Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106
MELAYU BETA\VI GRAMMAR
A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERS ITY OF HAWA II IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN LINGUISTICS DECEHBER 1975
By Kay Ikranagara
Dissertation Committee: George W. Grace, Chairman Soenjono Darjowidjojo Stanley Starosta Iovanna D. Condax Michael L. Forman Irwin Howard
iii
MELAYU BETAWI GRAMMAR ABSTRACT
This study is a generative description of "BetaHi" or "Melayu Betawi", a Malay dialect which is the vernacular of the Beta\'li ethnic group in Jakarta. of natural speech.
The description is based primarily on tape recordings The concentration of the study is on syntax.
The theoretical framework is a generative but nontransformational theory called "lexicase".
In this theory, case forms and case relations
are treated as properties of lexical items.
Generalizations about
relations between lexical items are captured by lexical rules. Particular attention is given in this study to derivation rules. It is concluded that the affixes of Betawi are best treated as completely derivational. rule:
A distinction is made between two types of derivation
completely productive and predictive derivation rules, and "word
formation analogies", Hhich are not completely productive and predictive, but which may represent the result of once productive rules. The classification of Betawi as a IIIalay dialect is discussed.
On
the basis of the historical and lineuistic evidence it is concluded that Betawi
~rose
as the result of a
lan6~age
shift to Malay, primarily by
speakers of languages closely related to the target language, such as Balinese, Javanese, and Sundanese. In the first chapter of the study, the historical background and sociolinguistic setting of Betawi are briefly described.
In the second
chapter the theoretical framework of the study is outlined.
In chapters
three through nine, the following aspects of the grammar are described
iv and discussed: phrase structure, case relations, case forms, verb subcategorization, derivation, morphophonemic rules, and phonology.
In the
final chapter, the olassification of Betawi is considered in the light of the linguistic evidence, and the contribution of the study to the development of lexicase theory is summarized.
v
TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract. • • •
iii
List of Tables •• 1.
Introduction. 1.1.
xv
..
Purpose and Scope •
....... ...
1
...
1
1.2. Historical Background • •
2
Sociolinguistic Setting •
4
1.3.1. Betawi and Bahasa Indonesia •
4
....
1.3.1.1. History.
4
1.301.2. Means of the Influence of Betawi on Bahasa Indonesia • •
7
1.3.1.3. Ways in Which Betawi Influences Bahasa Indonesia.
1.3.2. Ethnic, 1.4.
9
G~ographic,
and Social Variation.
Methodology •
11 13
leno~••
1.4.1.
Tape Recortiings of
1.4.2.
Tape Recordings of Natural Conversation.
14
1.4.3. Work With an Informant.
15 16
1.5. Conventions for Transcription and Translation of 17
Examples •• 2.
Theoretical Framework
19
Introduction. • •
19
The Lexicase Model. •
19
2.0
. ...
2.2.
Differences from Other Generative Models.
2.3.
Case Relations, Case Forms, and Case Frame Features in Lexicase Theory • • • • •
2.4.
....
Inflection and Derivation in Lexicase Theory ••
25
28
30
v.i Phrase structure in Betawi • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • Introduction • •
~
•
32
• • • • •
32
3.1'.
The Phrase structure Rules (PS Rules) • • • • • • • • •
32
3.2.
Some Constituents in the Phrase structure Rules • • • •
33
•
•
•
•
•
e
•
•
•
•
•
•
3.2.1.
Introducer (Intro). • • • ••
3.2.2.
Coordinating Conjunction. (Cocon) ••
3.2.3.
subordinating Conjunction (Subcon) ••
0
••••
35
3.. 2
Sentence Particle (SPa:pt)
•••••
35
3.2 5.
Determiner (Det) • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
36
3.2.6.
Adjective (Adj).
37
3.2.7.
Noun(N) • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
38
3.3. Expansion of the Phrase Structure Rules • • • • • • • •
40
0 40
0
0
•
••••••
•••••••••
0
~
••
0
•
•••••
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
33
34
3.3.1.
Statements, Questions, and Commands • • • • • • •
40
3.3.2.
Phrase structure Rule I • • • • • • • • • • • • •
43
3.3.2.1.
Compound Sentence •••
3.3.2.2.
Subordinate Clause • • • • • • • • •
3.3.2.3.
Subjectless Sentence • • • • • • • • •
••••••••
43
•
44
0
46
sentences • • • • • • • • • • •
46
Nonfinite Sentences • • • • • •
47
3.3.2.4.
Sentences With More Than One Subject ••
50
3.3.2.5.
Verbal and Verbless Sentences • • • • • •
51
3.3.2.6.
Verb Complements.
53
3.3.2.3.1.
3.3.2.3.2.
3.3.3.
0
0
Atmospheric and Existential
• ••••••••••
Phrase Structure Rule II • • • • • • • • Phrase Structure Rule III. • "
..
"
•
0
~
•••
54
•
•
55
•
•
vii
4. Case Relations in Betavli.
•
Q
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
eo.
•
.....·..........
Introduction • • • •
The Theml3 Case Relation • •
•
•
•
•
•
•
0
•
0
•
•
•
•
The Ag€:ntive Case Relation. • • • • • • • • • • • • •
4.3. The Dative Case Relation •
eo.
4.4. The Benefactive Case Relation •
•
•
•
•
n
0
0
•
•
65 66 70 71
• • • • • • • • • • •
74
4.5. The Instrumental Case Relation. • • • • • • • • • • •
76
4.6. The Comitative Case Relation.
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
0
•
•
78
•
•
•
•
8
•
•
•
•
•
•
79
4.7. The Locative Case Relation.
•
4.8. The Time Case Relation • •
• • • • • • • • • • • • •
82 83
...
• • • • • • • • • • • • • •
• • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
85
Introduction • • • • •
• • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
85
4.9. The Manner Case Relation. 5. Case Forms in Betawi
5.1. The Nominative Case
I~orm.
•
• • • • • • • • • • • • • •
·•
5.2. The Accusative Case Form. •
·• ·• ·• ·• •
85
II
90
• •
96
0 • 0 • • •
98
·•
99
• • 0 • • • •
100
The Manner Case Form • • •
• • • • • • • • • • • • •
100
Conclusion • • • • • • • •
• •
100
• • • • •
5.3. The Comitative Case Form. • • • • • • .. 5.4. The Locative Case Form.
·•
··•
• • • •
•
505. The Instrumental Case Form. • • • • • • • • • • • 5.6. The Benefactive Case Form • •
6.
•
65
·• • ·• •
•
•
0
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Subcategorization of Verbs in Terms of Case Frame Features in Betawi. • • • • • • • • • • •
• • • • • • • • • • • •
104
.........-........
104
6.1. Atmospheric Verbs • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
105
6.2. Existential Verbs
106
6.0. Introduction • • •
•
•
•
•
•
0
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
6.3. Active Nonbenefactive Nondative Verbs • • • • • • • •
107
viii Active Source and Goal Verbs (Nonbenefactive Nondativ6noObject). • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
0
108
Dative-object Verbs. • • • • •
0
•
•
•
•
•
•
u
•
•
•
•
109
6.6.
Benefactive Verbs ••
•
•
•
•
•
•
~
•
a
0
•
•
109
6.7.
Direct Passive Verbs • • • • •
•
•
0
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
110
6.8.
Dative Indirect Passive Verbs. • • • • • • • • • • • •
III
6.. 9.
Benefactive Indirect Passive Verbs • • • • • • • • • •
112
6.10.
Nonagentive Dative-Subject Verbs. • • • • • • • • • •
112
6.11.
Intransitive Dative Verbs • • • •
• • • • • • • • • •
113
6.12.
Instrumental-object Verbs. • ••
••••••••••
115
6.13.
Nondative Noninstrumental-object Verbs • • • • • • • •
116
Derivation in Betawi.
•
•
•
•
•
.... .......
Introduction • • • • •
•
a
0
•
•
•
~
4
•
•
7.2.
•
•
• • • • • • • • •
•
Problems in Describing Derivation in Betawi. •
7.1.1.
•
o
•
•
•
121 121 121
Derivation f Word Formation Analogy, and Inflection • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
121
Active and Passive Verbs
.... ............
123
Noun Derivation. • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
1 25
7.2.0. 7.2.1.
. ..·. ....... Word Formation Analogies (WFA) · . . . . . . . . Introduction • • • • • •
VlConcrete" VlFA. • • • •
7.2.1.2.
"Person" WFA.
• • • • • • • •
• ••••••••
1 25
125 125
• • •
127
"Abstract Result" WF'A.
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
0
•
128
7.2.1.4.
"Institution" HFA.
o
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
131
7.2.1.5.
"Banknote" vlFA. •
•
•
•
01
•
• • • • • •
131
7.2.1.6.
Definite Nume:rative Noun WFA • • • • • •
132
ix 7.2.1.7.
Time Point Noun HFA • • • • • • • • • •
133
7.2.1.8.
"Imitation" IVFA
• • • • • • •
133
Time Period Noun \VFA. • • • • • • • • •
134
...
7.2.1.10.
"Various" WFA
7.2.1.11.
Duration Time Noun WFA
7.2.1.12.
Personal Pronoun vWA •• "Unit" loWA ••
7.2.1.14. 7.2.2.
...• •
• • • • • • • • • ~
135
•
•
•
It
•
• •
136
•
•
•
•
•
•
136
e
..... ·.. ... ~
Demonstrative Pronoun vWA.
•
138
"
•
•
0
•
140
Completely Productive Noun Derivation Rules (ill)
. • • • • • •
•
•
0
•
•
•
141
Collective ill • • • • • • •
•
•
•
0
•
•
141
7.2.2.2.
Definite/Possessed ill • • • • • • • • •
143
7.2.2.3.
Numerative Noun TIR ••
146
7.2.2.4.
Familiar Name DR
•
..
•
•
0
•
147
• • • • • • •
147
• • • • • • •
148
• • • • • • •
148
·• • · •
148
..
7.3.1.
Word Formation Analogies • • • • Intransitive Verbs.
•
• • • • • • • •
Introduction ••
7.3.1.1.
•
147
7.3.0.
• •
•
• • • • • • • • •
Verb Derivation Rules •• • • • • • •
...•
•
.·•
7.3.1.1.1.
"Possessing" WFA. • • • •
7.3.1.1.2.
"Condition" \VFA
7.3.1.1.3.
"Somewhat" vlF'A.
7.3.1.1.4.
Inchoative WFA.
7.3.1.1.5.
"Together" vlFA. • • • •
·• • • · • ·• •
•
149
• • • •
150
• • • •
150
·•
•
152
7.3.1.1.6.
APproximative WFA • • • • • •
152
7.3.1.1.7.
ftC onsuming" \"WA • •
7 •3.1.1.8.
flUsing" \VFA••
·•
• • •
153
•••••••
154
x
"Producing"
• • • • • • •
155
Intransitivizing v&A. • • • •
155
7.3.1.1.11.
Reciprocal WFA. • • • • • • •
157
7.3.1.1.12.
Reciprocal-Distributive v&A •
158
7.3.1.1.13.
Habitual WFA. • • • • •
..
160
7.3.1.1.14.
Adversative Noninstrumenta1
~tFA.
..
v&A •••• • • • • • • • • •
161
7.3.1.1.15.
Adversative Instrumental WFA.
162
7.3.1.1.16.
"Possibi1itive", "Contradictive", and "Careless" WFA. • • • • •
Transitive Verbs • • • •
7.3.2.
..
164
• • • • • •
169
7.3.1.2.0.
Introduction. • • • • • • • ••
169
7.3.1.2.1.
"Removing" WFA • • • • • • • •
169
7.3.1.2.2.
"Providing" \oJFA. • • • • • • •
170
703.1.2.3.
"Putting" WFA. • • • • • • • •
171
7.3.1.2.4.
"Using" WFA • • • • • • • • • •
172
• • • • • • • • •
173
7.3.1.2.6.
Transitivizing WFA • • • • • •
173
7.3.1.2.7.
C~asative
WFA • • • • • • • • •
175
7.3.1.2.8.
Repetitive v&A.
• ••••••
177
7.3.1.2.9.
Intention HFA • • • • • • • • •
177
7.3.1.2.10.
Benefactive • • • • • • • • •
178
7.3.1.2.11.
Dative-Qbject WFA • • • • • •
180
Completely Productive Derivation Rules • • • • •
181
• ••••
181
• •••
183
Distributive DR • • • • • • • • • • •••
185
7.3.2.1.
Comparative DR. • • • • • ••
7.3.2.2.
Excessive DR. • • • • • • • ••
7.3.2.3.
xi
7.4.
7.3.2.4.
Direct Passive DR. • • • • • • • • • • •
187
7.3.2 .. 5.
Indirect Passive DR •• • • • • • • • • •
189
other Derivation Rules • • • • • 7.4.1.
• • • • • • • • • • •
191
• ••••••••••
191
7.4.1.1.
Sentence Adverb WFA. • • • • • • • • • •
191
7.4.1.2.
Frequency Adverb rWA • • • •
• • • • •
192
7.4.1.3.
Manner Adverb WFA. • • • • • • • • • • •
194
7.4.1.4.
"Unittl Manner Adverb WFA • • • •
7.4.1.5.
"Possibi1itive" , "Contradictive" and
Word Formation Analogies.
..
• •
195
"Careless" Adverb WFA. • • • • • • • • •
196
7.4.1.6.
Preposition l-JFA. • • • • • • • • • • • •
198
7.4.1.7.
Introducer IfFA •
• • • • • • • •
201
7.4.1.8.
Subordinate Conjunction WFA. • • • • • •
202
7,,4.1.9.
Indefinite vWA • • • • • • • • • • • • •
203
"And" Verb Compound I'lFA • • • • • • • •
204
"And" Noun Compound I'JFA • • • • • • • •
205
7.4.1.12.
"Or" Verb Compound WFA.
• • • • • •
205
7.4.1.13.
Adversative Compound WFA. • • • • • • •
206
7.4.1.14.
Title-Name Compound WFA • • • • •
.0.
207
•
0
•
•
Cl
•
Completely Productive Derivation Rules
8.
·•
7.4.2.1.
Adjective DR • • • •
7.4.2.2.
"Together" Adverb DR."
7.4.2.3.
Quote Noun DR
o.
•
.0.
••••
0
• • 0
•
208 208
••••••••
209
.
210
Patterns of Derivation of Major Categories • • • • • •
211
Morphophonemic Rules. • • • •
• • • • • • • • • • • • • •
215
8.0.
Introduction..
• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
215
8.1.
Noun Morphophonemic Rules • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
216
..
xii 219
other Morphophonemic Rules • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
224
Verb Morphophonemic Rules •• • • • • • • • • • • ..
9. Phonology • • • • • • •
• • • •
• • • • • • • • • • • • •
227
Introduction. • • • • • • •
• • • • • • • • • • • • •
227
. . . . .. . . • • •
230
Vowel Laxing and Laxing Assimilation Rules • • •
230
Tense Vowel Offglide Rule
•••••••••••
231
The "Final / a/" Rule • • •
•
The Vowel system. • • • • • •
9.1.2.
The Laryngeals • • • • • • 9.2.1.
Initial Position•• Medial Position.
•
•
~
•
~
•
•
•
0
•
•
•
•
232
• • • • • • • • • • • • • •
233
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
G
•
233
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
0
235
Final Position • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • Underlying Final /h/ • • • • • • • • • • Underlying Final Glottal stop.
•
•
('l
•
•
237
Underlying Final Vowel • • • • • • • • •
....
241
.......
241
Assimilation of /~ to /s/ • • • • • • •
244
other Rules. • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 9.3.1.
Shwa Epenthesis, Nasal Assimilation, and Consonant Deletion • • • • • • • • 9.3.1.1.
9.4.
9.3.2.
~
Loss • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
245
9.3.3.
/r/ Deletion. • • • • • • .. • • • • • • • • • •
246
Shwa Deletion. • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
246
Variable Rules. ••
•••••••••••••••••
248
•••••••••••••••••
248
9.4.0.
Introduotion.
9.4.1.
Constraints on APplication of Some Variable Rules in Betawi.
. .... . . . . . . . . . . . . ~
250
9.5. Comparison With Previous Treatments and Implications of This Treatment •
o
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
0
•
255
xiii
Comparison With Previous Treatments. • • • • • • The Vowel System. • • • • 9.5.1.2. 9.5.2.
Laryngeals...
255
• • • • • • •
255
• • • • • • • • • • • •
257
Underlying Final /a/ and /h/:
Historical
Considerations, Relation to Other Dialects, and Social Factors. • • • • •
10.
•
•
•
•
0
•
•
258
statement of Rules • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
259
Morpheme structure Conditions (MS Conditions) ••
259
Phonological Rules (p Rules) • • • • .. • • • • •
263
· . .. • • • • The Origin and Position of Betawi. . . . . . . • • •
Conclusion. • • 10.1.
• • • •
•
•
0
•
•
•
0
•
10 .. 1.0.
Introduction. • •
10.1.1 ..
Linguistic Evidence
0
•
•
•
•
• • •
• • • • • • • • • • • •
.. ..
•
e
• • ..
. ..
271 271 271
• • • •
272
· ..
272
10.1.1.1.
Basic Vocabulary • .. • .. • • • •
10.1.1.2.
Sound Correspondences ....
10..1.1.3.
Nonbasic Vocabulary
.• •
273
. • •
277
10.1.1.4.
Phonemic Inventory • • • • . . . . . .
279
10.1.1.5.
Phonological Rules • • • • • • •
280
10.1.1.6.
Derivation and Related Morphophonemic Rules •••
. ..
•
• • • • • • • • •
283
.. ..
286
and Other "Relatives lf • • • • • •
287
•
•
0
10.1.1.7.
"Complementizers"
10.1.1.8.
~
Prepositions..
0
.
• ••••••• • •
288
.
289
Possessive Phrases. • • • • .. • • •
289
Pronominal Prefixes and Passives. ..
291
10.1.1.10.
Pronouns
10.1.1.11..
Enclitic Genitive Pronouns and
10.1.1.12.
0
. ..
xiv Particles • • • • • • 10.1.2.
•
•
•
0
•
•
•
Implications of the Linguistic Evidence. • .. 10.1.2.1.
293
Betawi as a Malay Dialect • • • ••
293
Be'i;awi and Chinese. • • •
• • •
293
10.1.2.3. Betawi and Malayo-Portuguese Creole
294
10.1.2.4.
It
•
The Influence of Javanese, Sundanese, and Balinese. • • • • • •
0
•
•
•
•
Innovations in Betawi • • • • • • • 10.1.3.
293
298
•••••••
298
for Lexicase Theory • • •
299
APpendix A. • • • • • • • • • • • • • • .. .. • .. .. • • • • • •
304
APpendix B. • • • • .. • •
306
10.2.
Conclusion. • • .. • • • • ••
295
Implications of the
0
•
stu~
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Bibliography. .. • • • • • .. .. • • • .. .. • • • • • .. • • .. .. •
310
xv TABLES
Table 1
Page Correlation of Case Forms and Case Relations in Betawi. • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
2
101
Subcategorization of Verbs in Terms of Case Frame Features in Betawi .. • • • • • • • •
•
•
0
•
•
•
•
•
119-120
3
Distinctive Feature Composition of Sounds of Betawi
228
4
Frequency of APplication of Final /a/ Rule. • • • •
251
5
Frequency of APplication of /h/ Deletion. •
• •
252
6
Frequency of APplication of Final Glottal stop Epenthesis. • • • • • • .. • • • • • • • • • • • .. •
253
7
Basic Vocabulary Items of Betawi Not Cognate
It
•
~lith
the Usual Malay \'lords on the Swadesh 200-Vlord List. 8
Sound Correspondences:
Proto-Austronesian, Betawi,
and Javanese • • • • • • • •
9
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Results of Rules Related to Verbal Prefix
0
• • • •
275
'9 or mC}:D
in Betawi and Some Related Languages and Dialects • 10
274
282
Differences in Inventories of Affixes in Betawi and Some Related Languages and Dialects .. • • • • • • •
284
1 1.
1.1.
Introduct ion
Purpose and Scope of the study This study is a generative description of the lanGuage of the
Betaui etlmic gTOUp of Jakarta.
[11hose vlho identify themselves as ~
BatavTi (children or people of Batavia, the old name of Jakarta) refer to their lanGuage as Jolcarte, B'cltavTi, or Malayu
B~ta\·Ii.
The term
"Betavli" Hill be used here for convenience. The description is based primarily on to,pe recordings of vernacular speech, supplemented by
\'101'1::
Hith an informant (Gee section
1.4). Betmli is particularly important because of its influence on Bahasa Indonesia, the national language of Indonesia (see section
1. 3.1) •
It is also of interest as an example of a dialect 'Vlhich
apparently arose primarily through language shift by native speakers of langUe.1.ges very closely related to the target lan[;uage (see section
10). The theoretical frWne\'lork on 1'lhich this study is based is a generative theory of case gT3mmar Hhich may be called "lexicase ll •
It
has been developod by starosta (1971a, 1971b, 1971c, 1973a, 1973b, 1974, 1975), rraylor (1971), Li (1973), Kullavanijaya (1974) and Clark (1975), in studies of English, Sora, Japanese, Rllicai, Thai and Vietnamese. grammar.
It is less pmverful than transformational theories of
In this theory, case relations and case forms are marked on
lexical items, and generalizations about relations between sentences are captured by redundancy rules and derivation rules. Particular attention is paid in this dissertation to the subject of derivation rules.
This study finds that the prefixes, suffixes and
reduplication processes of Betawi are all derivational rather than
2
inflectional. Some other aspects of the grammar are only Gutlined here.
But
this description is far more complete than the only previous description of Betawi, Muhadjir's brief (1964) article, "Dialek Djakarta". In this introductory section, the historical background and sociolinguistic setting of Betawi are sketched, and the research methods used are explained. summarized. scribed.
In section 2, the theoretical framework is
In sections 3-9, aspects of the granunar of Betawi are de-
Based on this description, some conclusions about the origin
and classification of Betawi are discussed in the final section. 1. 2.
Historical Background The following summary of the historical evidence relating to the
origin of the Betawi language is based on Milone's (1966) dissertation, Ctueen City of the East:
the Metamorphosis of a Colonial
Capital, and Castle's (1967) article, Itrrhe Ethnic Profile of Djakarta". When the Dutch made Batavia the chief base of their East Indies operations in 1619, the area was sparsely settled. encourage settlement from Java.
The Dutch did not
The free settlers remained generally
outnumbered by slaves.
An important early source of slaves was the
mainland of South Asia.
These slaves were already cultural hybrids
using a form of Portuguese as a lingua franca.
But after the 17th
century, this area was no longer a source of slaves.
A Portuguese-
based creole continued to be used in Batavia until the 18th century, when it died out, leaving some remnants in the port area of
TUb~
(described in Schuchardt 1891) and leaving many loan ''lords to Betawi.
3 The most important source of slaves from the eighteenth century on was East Indonesia, especially Bali.
The Portuguese-based creole is
reported to have been being replaced by a form of Malay as the lingua franca of Batavia from the middle of the eighteenth century.
Malay had
long been a language of the ports throughout Indonesia, and apparently viaS
adopted by the diverse Indonesian groups in Jakarta to communicate
among themselves and with the foreign population.
A distinct Jakartan
dialect is reported as the lingua franca of the city from the beginning of the nineteenth century, although no description is available from an early period. The composition of the population of the city near the beginning of the nineteenth century is known from the census of 1819.
There were
14,139 slaves (Bali being the predominant source of slaves), 11,845 Chinese, 7,720 free Balinese, 3,331 Javanese and Sundanese, 3,151 Malays (from other islands of the archipelago as well as the Malay peninsula), 2,208 Europeans, and smaller numbers of other Indonesian groups and Arabs. Nineteenth-century Batavia was a strictly stratified society. law treated the population as three castes:
The
Europeans; foreign Asians
(including Chinese, Arabs, and Indians); and Indonesians.
Each group
was required to wear identifiable national costume and exhibit certain kinds of deferential behavior in relation to the highest caste, the Europeans. Dutch.
The Europeans were also the only group allowed to
spe~c
In terms of economic power, the Indonesians occupied the
lOVlest position. By the middle of the nineteenth century, descendants of the diverse Indonesian groups had lost their identity to a new ethnic identity, the
4 ~ Bataw~.
The distinctive features of this ethnic group could be
seen in many areas of life:
religion, customary law, the position of
women, drama, music, ceremonies, dress and architecture.
Their native
language was the distinct dialect of Jclcarta, Betawi. The 1930 census showed that the anak Bqtawi made up about
501~
(778,953) of the population of the city, with Sundanese (494,547) and Javanese (142,563) the next largest groups.
Since this period, Betawi
has continued to be in close contact with Sundanese and Javanese, the languages of the largest number of recent immigrants to Jclcarta. In section 10, aspects of the grammar of Betawi will be compared \vith languages
\'li th
vlhich it has been in contact, and its classi-
fication as a Malay dialect and linguistic evidence on the contribution of other languages to its development will be discussed.
1.3. Sociolinguistic Setting 1. 3.1.
Betawi and Bahasa Indonesia
1.3.1.1. History J.i'rom 1867, the children of Indonesian aristocr3.ts \"lere allovled to enroll in Dutch language schools especially reserved for them. J~carta,
of course, had no indigenous aristocracy.
The elite of Indo-
nesia came to speak primarily Dutch and regional languages. When Bahasa Indonesia (literally 'Indonesian language') was proclaimed by the 1928 Youth Council as the national language of Indonesia, it was no more than an ideal (Alisjahbana 1971:181).
The
choice of Malay as the basis for the new national language viaS influenced by its long history as a lingua franca in the archipelago (Alisjahbana 1971:180). The speech in which it
It was not the native language of the elite. W8Z
proclaimed as the national language was in
5 fact made in Dutch (Halim 1972: 13).
A magazine, Pudjangga Baru
('The New writer'), was founded as a rallying place for those committed to the ideal. This beginning sounds very different from the typical pattern which Bloomfield (1933:483) describes for the origin of standard languages: In most instances they have grown out of the provincial types of standard that prevailed in the upper class of the urban center that became the capital city of the unified nation. The unique dialect of the capital city, Betawi, was not the language of the upper class, nor vlas Betmli a "provincial standard". The language of the surroundinG province was Sundanese. A pattern closer to the Indonesian one vlas the origin of standard German as described by Bloomfield (1933:483): In other instances, even the center of origin is obscure. standard German is not based on any one provincial dialect, but seems to have crystallized out of an official and commercial type of speech th~G developed in the eastern frontier region. It was not created, but only helped by Luther's use in his bible translation. If1ode~n
As in the case of standard German, the origin of Bahasa Indonesia is somewhat obsClU'e.
The dialect of Riau Nas considered to be the source
of the school language, developed and spread through teachers and books especially from the teacher training college in Bukit Tinggi (Alisjahbana 1965: 521).
The influence of
~Ijnangkabau was
important at
an early stage because most of the teachers of Bahasa Indonesia and many writers Here from that area (Muhadjir 1971a) as vlell as important officers of Balai Pustaka, the government printing house (Teeuw 1962). The vlorks of certain early writers were very important.
Alisjahbana's
granunar (first edition 1948) which has been a school standard, was
6
based especially on the
l~itings
of H. A. Salim, Sanusi
Dayoh, and Imam Supardi (Alisjahbana
Pane~
Hatta,
1971:148).
Through use in government and education, the neH national language came to stand in a diglossia relationship with the regional languages.
':J.1he psychologica.l correlates of this situation ha.ve been
discussed in Alisjahbana
(1954) and Anderson (19 66 ). A. A.
a lecture at the University of Indonesia December by Alisjahbana
Fo~(er, in
4, 1950, (quoted
1954=7), spoke of the domain of Bahasa Indonesia as
the rational, that of the regional languages as the emotional. Alisjahbana
(1954:7) suggests that the regional languages symbolize
the atmosphere of the society of the nevi age.
The importance of such
attitudes in the development of the language can be seen in Tanner's
(1967) case study of language use among the Indonesian elite, consistently shoHing the "formal", "neutral" or "democratic" connotations of Bahasa Indonesia as the reason for its choice as a medium (Tanner
1967:23, 24, 32). But in succeeding generations the clear diglossia situation has begun to disappear (e.g. Soepomo
1974). As the national language
tw(es over more informal and casual functions it is particularly Betawi which serves as a source for the developing casual lect.
As
Tanner puts it: Certain gaps in the functional range of Indonesian LB~1asa Indonesiy are rapidly being filled as the language adapts itself to the increasing burdens of popular use. (Tanner
1967:29) The importance of the influence of Betawi on Bahasa Indonesia is repeatedly noted:
(Betawi is referred to in various articles as
Jalcartanes e , Bahasa Jw(arta ('Jakarta language'), Omong Djakarta
('Jakarta speech') or Melaju Betawi ('Batavian MalClJ" , ). is the old spelling for "J akarta" •
"Djakarta"
Bahasa Indonesia mClJ" be referred
to in English as "Indonesian".) Of considerable importance since World War II is the influence of the Javanese and Sundanese languages and J~cartanese (a dialect of MalClJ") on the development of the Indonesian language. It is important to consider how much these influences are accepted within the standard language, and how widespread the acceptance is outside of Java. (Rubin and Kridalaksana 1972: 24) ••• 10gat Dj~carta ini ternjata telah memegang peranan penting dalam pertumbuhan bahasa nasional Bahasa Indonesia. Pengaruhnja didalam bahasa suratkabar terutama jang terbit di Djakarta, semakin besar. [it is clear that this dialect of Jakarta has an important role in the growth of the national language Bahasa Indonesia. Its influence in the language of the newspapers, primarily those published in Jakarta, continues to groVl;] (Muhadjir 1971b) Bahasa2 daerah lain terutama bahasa Djavla, Sunda dan lebih 2 lagi dialek "Melaju Betm'li" kini menghamburi kata 2 bahasa Indonesia. LPther regional languages, particularly Javanese, Sundanese and most especially 'lJ3atavian Mal~t1 now fill out the vocabulary of Bahasa Indonesia.:} (Muhadjir 1971a) It is only in the melting pot of Djakarta that Indonesian has developed and shown its creativity in the post revolutionary years. The main aspect of Djakarta's influence on Indonesian has been the gTowing incorporation of the so called Bahasa Djakarta or at least major parts of it, into th8 national language. (And.erson 1966:107) Curiously we are badly informed on the spoken language of Jakarta. We do not dispose of documentation of any degree of adequacy on the historical components of this language, its structure or vocabulary. This is all the more deplorable, since this language of the capital city of the country, vli th at present more than three million inhabitants, inevitably exercises an ever increasing influence on BuI. (Teeuw 1961:45) 1.361.2.
Means of Influence of Betavli on the National Language
Important means of the spread of the influence of Betavli to other regions are newspapers, magazines, radio, movies and the move-
7
8 ments of individuals to and from Jakarta. The newspapers of the capital city can be found in the major cities allover Indonesia.
In the regular nevIS articles, vTritten in
Bahasa Indonesia, many vocabulary items from
Beta~'li
times even bTammatical forms like the verbal affix and 1971b gives many examples).
appear, and some-
~
(Muhadjir 1971a
There are usually special sections:
political satire, jokes, comics and short stories, in a style even more strongly influenced by BetavTi, and employing many of its "markers" ("features
~'Jhich
have acquired social meaning":
see Labov 1970: (6)
for humorous or sarcastic effect. The new movie industry carries Betawi or Betawi-influenced speech to the regions.
Bernafas Dalam Lumpur (1970), Bunga2 Berguguran
(1972), and Dul, An~c Betawi (1973) were popular films which attempted to use the colorful dialect of the city.
And every town seems to have
its movie theater where even the villagers of the area come to spend their holidays. The radio also spreads Betawi. gamb~
Len0l) (Betawi theater) and
karomoj (BetavTi music) as vlell as taJJc programs such as Pole Ani:
"Kang Gado-Gacio" may be heard on Radio Republik Indonesia. karom~
A gamban
singer, Benjamin, who sings in Betawi, is also popular on the
national scene. Visits to and from Jakarta are probably an important spreading features of Betawi speech.
For example, the
NaY
m~\V
of
students
who come to attend courses in the schools of the capital city pick up the slang of the students of Jakarta, heavily influenced by Betawi (Anderson 1966:107, Kahler 1965:512).
9 1.3.1.3.
Ways in Which Betawi Influences Bahasa Indonesia
What is borrowed in this way may be isolated elements of what is spoken as a native language by the
~
Batawi.
Tanner (1967: 29) notes:
in this group considered themselves to be using slang when, within an ongoing conversation of daily Indonesian, they utilized certain characteristic Dj~artan expressions. It was not necessary to consistently use the Dj~cartan accent, to spe~ whole sentences in the Dj~arta dialect, or to know much about internal stylistic differentiation in that dialect. Appropriate supplementation of conversational Indonesian with Dj~artan words and phrases was sufficient. These expressions were exceedingly informal, intimate and often rather coarse. They have no precise counterparts in ordinary or standard Indonesian. Spe~cers
Dj~arta
As well as the borrowing of vocabulary, the influence of Betawi on the casual speech of speakers of Bahasa Indonesia may be phonologi-
L eJ often appears 'l'lhere standard Bahasa Indonesia has final L aJ or shvla appears in final syllables where Bahasa Indonesia has .£aJ (e .g. ~ 'have' and datan calor syntactic.
For example final
'come' in place of Bahasa Indonesia
~
'have' and datc:n 'come').
The
Betawi forms of the active verbal prefix appear in place of the Bahasa
-
Indonesia ones, and the distinctive Betawi suffix in is used.
Even the
Betawi pronouns ~ 'I' and ~ 'you', and ~ (Bahasa Indonesia (incl.)') meaning 'we (excl.)' or 'I' are used. particles dg,;)'
£,
~
etc. is very common.
t
we'
The use of the sentence
Vocabulary items are es-
pecially from the young people like pacaran 'going together, a romantic relationship', from fashion like vocabulary of corruption:
gondr~'long hair
(on boys)', from the
natut' chiseP (with both literal and figu-
rative English meaningo) and crime:
nol~
'steal', as well as coarse
vocabulary. Wolff's (1972) teaching grammar of Bahasa Indonesia for English spe~cers
includes many examples of the Betawi-influenced casual speech
10 of educated speakers, and the speech of educated speakers with those of the lower classes in Jru(arta. Labov (1970:46 suggests that "there are no single style speakers". The developing casual style of Bahasa Indonesia fills out its stylistie repertoire. Anderson (1966:107) characterizes attitudes toward the use of Betawi elements in informal speech by speakers of Bahasa Indonesia: Particularly for the younger generation of politicians, officials and students, Bahasa Dj~carta in slightly refined form, has become a normal mode of social intercourse. Its popularity clearly derives from its intimate, jazzy, cynical character, which forms a satisfying counterpo.int to the formal, official Indonesian of public communication. Tanner's case study of elite sperucers shov1s that
"Dj~carta
slc:mg"
is used when the sperucer vlishes to communicate familiarity and cas~lness
(Tanner 1967: 22 , 23, 30).
Performances of J~carta
Sh~cesp~'s
works in Bahasa Indonesia in ihe
Art Center have used the most formal language for the noble
characters, the most coarse Betavli-influenced language for the clmms and servc:mts. I,luhadjir (197la) concludes that the influence from Betm-Ti can only be considered an enrichment of the national lm1guage. Betawi is clearly not spreading at the expense of the national language.
Regional and foreign languages are also influencing
Bahasa Indonesia, and regional varieties of the national language are also being formed.
But at present Betawi is one of the strongest
influences on Bahasa Indonesia in the sense that it is providing elements of a more casual variety for the standard language. At the same time Betawi itself is stigmatized as an inferior
11 language to be eradicated by "good" Bahasa Indonesia.
IntervieW's with
high school teachers in Jakarta carried out by Ida Parasibu, a graduate student at the University of Indonesia in 1912, sho\1ed that the teachers felt it to be a problem in the classroom.
They referred both
to those who spoke Betawi as a first language and those whose first language was different, but whose Bahasa Indonesia was influenced by Beta\1i. There is probably a continum situation between Betawi and Bahasa Indonesia in Jakarta.
The study of this continum, and the
study of the casual speech of speakers of Bahasa Indonesia in other areas of Indonesia are subjects of much interest for further study. 1.3.2.
Ethnic, Geographical, and Social Variation
Ethnic, geographic and social factors are all marked by linguistic differences in Jakarta.
While the study of these differences
is beyond the scope of this dissertation, some of the types of differences which are popular lcnowledge arc indicated below. The speech of various etanic groups in Jakarta is occasionally parodied in the len02) (Beta\1i folk play).
Certain features considered
characteristic of Chinese speakers, such as the possessive phrase of the form "possessor-pune-possessed" (e.g. ~ puEe ~ 'my house') or the substitution of a lateral ~1-7 for trilled ~r-7 are parodied by actors representing Chinese landlords.
For a Javanese character, the
Javanese nonverbal politeness behavior which accompanies speech and the "heavy" (lm'lered larnyx: overemphasized.
Catford 1961) stops are humorously
Another stereotype is the speech of the balande
(Dutchman or VTesterner).
Mustofa, of the Ikatan Lenong Jakarta
12 (Jalcarta "Lenong" Association), in his portrayal makes the foreigner's stringing together of Malay words almost incomprehensible, hilariously
-
substituting words (e.g. Sude makan doktar? doctor?' for
~ ~ dokt~r?
'Have you eaten the .
'Have you gone to the doctor?') and
shows the foreigner uncomprehend.ing of the rudeness conveyed in the form of address used to him by a ruffian.
The actual speech of such
groups in Jrucarta today has not yet been studied as far as I know. Some features of natural speech recordings of speakers of Arabic descent in Jakarta, such as the use of personal pronouns
~
and ente
and the frequent use of Arabic loan words and pronounciations, were noted by Jasmin Sahab, a graduate student at University Indonesia in 1972.
Sperucers representing these other ethnic groups found in
Jakarta today were not included in this study. That there are speech differences corresponding to geogTaphical areas of Jrucarta is also a matter of popular knowledge.
strong final
~h-7 and glottal stop pronounciations were said to be typical of out-
lying areas of Jakarta by my primary informant, and in a tape recording of natural conversation in Kebon Pala district, speakers spontaneously note a striking difference between their speech and that of other areas of Jrucarta: the final shwa in place of final ~e-7 (~ }cabanakan ! 'He use too/very much
1'). A dialect sur-
vey of Jrucarta has recently been carried out by C. D. Grijns of the University of Leiden in cooperation with the Lembaga Bahasa Nasional (National Language Institute).
On the basis of preliminary results
of the survey, districts which appear to represent the most widespread "standard" lect, including one area vlhich shmvs a distinct areal (phonological) feature (Kebon Pala) were selected for this
13 study.
The
spe~cers
whose natural conversation was tape recorded
vmre from Jatinegara (Cipinang Kebon Pala.
Ciped~
and Cipinang Besar), and
The primary informa.nt \Vas from P0Jom:,>::r:.gan.
The
lenong groups recorded were from Jatinegara. Due to historical circumstances, the greater part of the lower classes
~
Batawi are for the
(see Castles 1967:200-204).
As they are relatively little exposed to education and the mass media, their lcnowledge of the national language is limited (see e.g. University of Indonesia 1974:6, 7).
To the extent that the social
situation is changing, they will be exposed to Bahasa Indonesia.
The
Betawi dialect may eventually be completely replaced by Bahasa Indonesia or a local variety of it.
In this study, hOVlever, the
informants 1vere all of the lm'ler classes, \vith relatively little exposure to Bahasa Indonesia. I think that the description attempted here of the vernacular speech of the BetavIi ethnic group, as spoken by native selected areas of
J~arta,
with little knowledge of
spe~ers,
B~lasa
from
Indonesia,
is an important prerequisite to the study of many other aspects of the complex sociolinguistic situation in
1.4.
J~carta.
Methodology The research for this dissertation was carried out from January
1972 to August 1973 in
J~arta.
As Labov (1970:50-51) has pointed out, there are various difficulties for traditional linguistic methods in languages. native
u.eE~lj.ng
vIi th stigmatized
In the traditional linguistic "intervievl" situation, the
spe~er
may produce prestige forms he does not normally use.
If pressed to produce nonprestige forms, he may produce stereotyped
14 forms \ihich are simply a collection of the "most different" or "worst" sentence types. Therefore, several methods were used to obtain data on the vernacular.
Tape recordings were made of lenoj' \-Ihich, as explained
be1o\-l, are a souroe of vernacular speeoh.
Tape recordings of
monitored natural conversations were also made.
ll.'I1-
There was also work
with an informant as a final step, but the language of the tapes was the basis for the elicitation, and. her contribution
\-las
basically
filling in rare forms, and giving her judgments and intuitiona, as discussed below. 1.4.1.
Tape recordings of lenon
lenon, Betawi drama, is a form of improvised folk play.
The actors
are not professionals, but make their livings in jobs typical cf this group:
as vendors, servants, pasuru (office boy/ janitor), or drivers
of opl.!rt (mini-buses), buses, or becak (trisha\'lS).
A leno) group, such
as the Rindu 14alam (, Longing for Night') troupe, is loosely formed under a leader.
On an occasion such as a circumcision, the group may be hired
to provide entertainment.
A raised platform is set up in the kampoD
(urban village or urban quarter).
X/lernbers of the group gather in the
early evening and based on the number of actors available that night, decide on one of a number of \-rell-knotffi story outlines, and dole out parts.
The plots are laid in Jakarta and invo Ive
ka.mpo~
people.
A
typical plot involves the defeat of a gang of ruffians (often the henchmen of a Chinese or Dutch landlord) by the pious Muslim hero and his friends.
Other characters usually involved are old people and
young heroines. match.
The climax is usually a pancak-si1at (self-defense)
The play lasts all night.
All the dialogue is completely
15
improvised. Recently some of these plays have been performed in the Art Center, and on
J~arta's
television.
J~(arta
They are shortened and briefly
rehearsed, and will no doubt eventually show other adaptations to the nev1 media. A number of these plays were recorded at the Art Center and in the karn p
'3
(see APpendix A). I\larnat, the son
of the leader of the Rindu
Walam troupe, 1°laS hired to assist in transcribing, by clarifying Vlhat was on the tape for °liranscription. The language of the plays is not that of a playv,Tight, as in the Hest, nor an archaic or high language like that of many forms of drama in Asia.
The plays concern kampoJD people, they are performed by non-
professionals, they are completely improvised, unrehearsed, and last an entire night.
That the language is natural vernacular, and not a
specialized stage language,
vlaS
confirmed by general observation and
recordings of unmonitored natural conversation. 1.4.2.
Tape recordings of Natural Conversation
Since an outside observer or tape recorder may be disruptive of normal patterns of speech in this group, it was necessary to use surreptitious recording to obtain samples of urunonitored natural conversation.
Before using the material, the
ahvays asked.
spe~(er's
permission was
Since the assistants v1ho were doing the recording 1-18re
friends and neighbours of those recorded, there 1'laS no difficulty, and some of the
spe~ers
1vere hired to assist in the transcription by
clarifying v1hat vlaS on the tape. Two assistants, who Here graduate students of the Department of Anthropology of the University of Indonesia, Jasmin
S~lab
and Sujai,
did the tape recording.
16
Both had had linguistic training and had lived
for several years in the areas in which they worked.
They were both
natural members of the groups they recorded, which consisted of their ovnl neighbours.
Jasmin, who often uses her O\Vll tape recorder to play
music, did not tell the respondents it was running. his book bag. kampo~
Sujai put his in
An advantage for recording natural conversation in the
is that there is no traffic, so such background noise is not a
problem (although conversations of passersby and vendors do interrupt). I,Iuch social life takes place out of doors, and during the fasting month groups sat outside talking all night, giving many opportunities for recordings of good quality in the clear night air. The Betavli.
spe~cers
were lcno\Vll to the assistants as native
spe~cers
of
The backgrounds of the six spea.kers recorded for one-half
hour to three hours are summarized in APpendix A.
'llhey \'lere recorded
chatting in homes, on verandas, on open pathvmys in the lcamp@, or at corner coffee shops.
The topics viere generally current difficulties
and opinions, or accounts of experiences with family members or employers. Sujai hired some of the
spe~cers
he recorded to assist him in
transcribing his tapes (clarifying what was on the tape for transcription).
The tapes made by Jasmin
S~lab
in Jatinegara were transcribed
by me with the assistance of r.Iamat of the Rinclu l(Ialam troupe
1.4.3.
0
Hork \'1ith an Informant
The purpose of vlOrk \'lith an informant was to fill in gaps in the tapes in paradigms and rare syntactic forms, to check predictions made on the basis of analysis of the language of the tapes, and to elicit her jUdgments and intuitions.
The judgments and intuitions of the
native speaker are considered part of the data to be accounted for.
17 The work was carried out from January through August 1973 in l'leekly or twice weekly sessions. The primary informant, Bu Siti, is a member of the Ikatan Lenong Jakarta (Jakarta "Lenong" Group) and often joins the Rindu 1I181aJ11 troupe. She appeared in three of the len03 recorded, and an additional tape \-Ias made of her ohatting with a neighbor, Salmine, also of the Ikatan Lenong Jakarta.
Bu Si ti is in her forties, and comes from the Pejompongan
district of Jakarta. Pejompongan.
As far back as she knows, her family is from
Her husband works as a night watchman.
She had no
schooling, is illiterate, and reports herself 'to speak only Betawi. Her only contaot
~nth
the mass media is to listen to gamban karomoj
(Beta~li music) and len09 on the radio.
She i'1as an excellent informant
as she :'s extremely patient, likes to talk, and is imaginative 8.I."'1d adept at creating dialogues to illustrate the use of a form. it easy to judge forms as, for example
II
something
l'le
She found
dOll't say",
"something people on the outskirts of Jakarta say" (pijgiran • on the edge'), "something upper-class people say" (gadean 'too big'). When I checked predictions with her, I might be told that a sentence or form never
ocourr~; had
an unexpected meaning; frequently occurred; or
ltlas rarely used, but could be used in such and such a context, sometimes resorting to quite imaginative situations. Basically, the attempt in the following chapters is to describe the vernacular speech of the tapes, informed by the informant sessions, and general observation.
1.5 Conventions for the Transcription and Translation of Examples The Betmn examples in the follol'1ing sections are from the tape recordings of lenoj or natural conversations, and in a fet'1 cases, from the informant sessions.
There is no standard orthography for Betawi..
Therefore, for convenience, in all sections but section
9, Phonology,
18
examples are given in a transcription which is phoemic except that the usual orthographic conventions of capitalization and punctuation are used. Hhile tense, gender, number and sometimes person are only optionally indicated in BetavTi, they are required for English translations.
The follovTing convention is adopted.
'I'ense, gender, number
and person in the English sentence translations are those provided by the original context of the Betav1i sentence.
'1'hus it must be noted that
the translations provided are often not the only ones possible for the Beta1JTi sentences in isolation.
noV/ever, the kind of multiple glossing
vThich 'i'Jould othervrise be necessary is extremely unvTielc1y.
For example,
sentence (1) be 10\'1 , rather than being translated vTi th the confusing 'this/these is/are/\'1as/Viere/v1ill-be his/her/their house/houses' is translated \'lith the tense, number and gender provided by the original context of the Beta\'1i example. ( 1)
Ini this
,..)
rumene house (def/pos)
die. he
This is his house. Certain words in BetaV/i V/hich have no precise lexical counterparts in English are indicated in the literal item-by-item translation only by their vlOrd class in parentheses, such as (Spart) "sentence particle" and (Intro) "introducer". section.
Their meanings are described in the syntax
'11he free English translation is meant to be a grammatical
sentence of English vrith as nearly as possible the same meaning as that of the BetaVTi sentence in its original context.
19 2. 2.0.
Theoretical Framework
Introduc-t ion 'Ilhe theoretical model u..sed in this study is the "lexicase" model
of grammar, as developed by starosta (197la, 1971b, 1971c, 1973a, 1973b, 1974 and forthcoming), Taylor (1971), Li (1973), Kullavanijaya (1974) and Clark (1975). Much of the research in syntactic theory since Choms];.y (1965) has resulted in the development of more pOYleri'ul theories, uith a corresponding 1Veakening in their predictions about possible erammars and languages.
In relying on derivation and
subcateGori~ation rules,
less pOVlerful devices than transformational rules, to capture the relationships behleen sentences, the lexicase theory restricts rather than increases
the pm'ler of the theory, and meJ;:es very strong claims
about the form of a grammar. In treating' case relations as features of lexical items, the lexicase theory accounts for ll'illmore's basic claim, that "for the predicates provided in natural lan[,suages, the rules that their arguments play are tween from an inventory of role types fixed by grammatical theory" (Fillmore 1971a: 376) • In this section, the components of a grammar in the lexicase model are described.
Differences from other generative models are summarized,
and the notions of case form, case relation, and case frame features in lexicase 'l;heory are introduced. 2.1.
The Lexicase Model The components of a CTarnmar in the lexicase model C1re the phrase
structure rules, the lexicon, and the phonological component. fJ.1 he phase structure rules are a set of context free rewriting
20
rules.
They generate trees indicatinG the hierarchial relationships
between sentence constituents.
They contain all the information
necessary for the insertion of lexical items from the lexioon.
The
information in these representations is necessary for the insertion of lexical items in two WaYs: (1)
The syntactic category features marked on the lexical item
must match the terminal category node illlder which the item i8 to be inserted. (2)
Lexical items can only be inserted if no contextual features
are violated.
The contextual features in the lexical entries are
stated in terms of sister
cate6~ries,
and so the hierarchial informa-
tion the phrase struoture rules give is necessary to identify which categories are sisters. The phrase structure rules in this model are a GTeatly simplified version of Chomsky's (1965) phrase structure rules.
They include only
syntactic constituents, and all grammatical categories such as question, imperative, auxiliary, etc. are treated as features of lexical items. This brinf,J"S the phrase structure rules closer to a formalization of the structuralist immediate constituent analysis than phrase structure rules in other generative frameHorks. The lexicon includes both lexical entries and sets of lexical rules.
Each lexical entry is a set of features.
include phonological, syntactic, be predicted by redill1dancy rules.
~~d
The lexical entries
semantic information that cannot
Thus they include phonological
representations; grammatical category features, such as L+NJ(noun) j semantic features~ such as §stativi/; relation features, such as
FAG'£!
case features-both case
(agentive), and case form features,
t
such as [::GT]
[;mfl
-J
21
(nominative); and case frame features, such as (Case and case frame features will be discussed in
section 2.3.) There are several types of rules included in the lexicon:
re-
dundancy rules, derivation rules, subcategorization rules, and morphophonemic rules.
These lexical rules fill in redundant features of
lexical items, expand abbreviated items, and state generalizations about related lexical items. formational rules.
These rules are less powerful than irans-
They cannot manipulate trees in any way, and cannot
refer to linguistic context, except in terms of contextual features of lexical items, which refer to heads of sister constituents.
(The
head of a construction is its obligatory constituent.) Redundancy rules are rules which capture the general characteristics shared by many lexical items. features of lexical items.
The rules specify redundant
For example, in Be'tawi, the rule:
-[;Acrf] -[;BEi} -[;IN§] -GCOrjJ states that a verb which does not allow a theme actant (an "atmospheric verb", see section
6),
also does not allow agentive, benefactive, in-
strumental, or comitative actants.
Redundancy rules are ordered rules.
They apply before derivation rules, and reapply to the output of the derivation rules. In this study, a distinction between two types of derivation rules is made.
One type is the productive derivation rule.
rules derive new items from items listed in the lexicon.
These
The new
items are specified with the feature Gderi7 (derived) and are then
22
part of the lexicon, and subject to other lexical rules. derivation rules ar'e
compl~tely
Productive
productive and the meanings of the
derived items are completely predictable on the basis of the old items. An example of a productive derivation rule in Betawi is the rule: +V
+derv +stative +comparative
+V
+stative + G·:NlII L+THM
J
+r+NM' L+TBMJ
This rule states that given a stative intransitive verb in Betawi there is a corresponding derived comparative stative intransitive verb, which shares all the same features, but which has the additional meaning 'more (V),, and which is specified as L+deril. exa~ple
An
of a derived comparative verb in Betawi is Sidean 'bigger',
derived from gade 'big'.
A morphophonemic rule gives such derived
comparative verbs the affix
~.)
Derivation rules are
v~itten
with a
fletched arrow, as shown above. The second type of derivation rule is the word formation analogy. These rules state the analogous patterns on the basis of which one set of items is related to another.
Both the derived items are listed in
the lexicon, but one is specified as L+deril.
In some cases, these
rules may reflect derivation rules which were once completely productive, although the result of competing derivation rules may be patterns different from the original rules.
In other cases, they reflect
patterns on which words are derived which may nevp,r have been completely productive. An example of a word formation analogy in Betawi is the
23 rule:
~
L+il The
rul~
II"
states that
G
J
+derv N +person
!2:
some verbs there is a corresponding noun which
shares the same features but uhich refers to iperson who (V)s or is characterized by (V), and which is specified as derived. listed in the lexicon.
Both items are
An example of a derived "person" noun in
Beta\'1i is p-ambohon 'liar, cheater' from bohog 'lie, cheat'. morphophonemic rule gives the prefix
~
(A
to sueh derived person verbs.)
In this study, \-lOrd formation analogies are written with a double barred arrow, as shown above, indicating that they are directional, although they are not completely productive rules. Derivation rules are unordered.
They apply before subcategorize.-
tion rules. Subcategorization rules give information about the subcategories in the gra.mma.r.
An example of a verb subcategorization rule in
Betawi is the rule:
The symbol
± distinguishes subcategorization rules from other types of
lexical rules. subcategory
This rule Sa3S that a verb may belong either to the
+
or to the subcategory
-(§Ni!>.
An example of a
verb belonging to the +(§mjJ) suboategor~~ in Beta\"si is ~ •go', a verb \-shich allo\'1s a subject, and an example of a verb belonging to the
-(§Ni!>
subcategory in Beta\'li is u,ian 'rain', an atmospheric verb,
\-shieh takes no subject.
Subcategorization rules are ordered rules.
Morphophonemio rules are ordered rules \'1hich give the phonological shape of a form if certain syntactic or morphological features
24 are present and indicated in the environment.
Inflectional morphopho-
nemic rules are associated with individual derivational rules, and new phonological shapes given by deri.vational morphophonemic rules may be carried over in further derivation. An example of a morphophonemic rule in Betawi is:
anJ
JV
V
J
r+derived L:t-comparative
/ This rule gives a verb which is derived as a comparative verb the suffix an.
The lexical rules operate on lexical entries to produce fully specified lexical items. The lexical items are inserted into the trees generated by the phrase structure rules wherever they are syntactically compatible. The result is syntactic representations which are fully specified with all the syntactic and lexical information necessary to serve as input to the phonological and semantic components. The phonological rules operate on the syntactic representations producing fully specified phonological representations. The semantic interpretation the grammar.
com~onent
is not considered part of
It will not be dealt with in this study.
It presumably
contains rules which interpret the sentences produced by the grammar on the basis of the information given by the syntactic representations, and the context of situation, which includes linguistic, "real world", and "imagined world" contexts, presuppositions, beliefs, and knowledge of participants.
Thus the semantic component deals with the "appro-
priateness" of a sentence, in the context of situation, while the grammar determines only the "grammaticality" of a sentence.
So a
25 sentence in Betawi like: 1. Die cuci piri pake po?on. she wash dish with tree She \-lashed the dishes with a tree. is considered perfectly grammatical, although it is only rarely appropriate (for example, when it refers to a giantess). 2.2.
Differences From Other Generative Models The lexicase model differs from other generative models in the
following characteristics: (1)
It has no deep structures and no transformational component. As case features and semantic features are marked on lexical items
and the relationship between lexical items are shown by derivation and subcategorization rules, the (surface) syntactic representations contain
en~ugh
information to show grammatical relations between sentences
and to serve as input to the contextual semantic interpretation component.
As there are no distinct deep structures, no transformational
component is necessary.
Generalizations \-lhich are accounted for by the
transformational rules in other generative models are accounted for by the use of lexical rules.
The main burden of the description is
shifted from the powerful transformational component of other generative models to the lexicon. Below is an example of how the interrelationships between two constructions are relationship
sho,~
bet~een
by the features on the lexical items.
The
the following two sentences is captured by the
marking of features on the verb ,~ 'write (active)' and ditulis , write (passive)', and the nouns surat 'letter' and ~ (a name).
26 (1) Siti
l1ulis
[:~'l J
surat
itu.
+'i-In,\ J [+N+AC+TI-ll"l~ +AGT. +V
+AGT o(F a
,all'.
eFk
~
+THMJ +G"AC ~.
J
8"Fm
Siti 'tv.r'ote the letter.
( 2) Surat
[+N
~DETJ
~
+NJ,i +THIJi
SF k
ditulis
itu
Siti.
J
+V
rm'lj
+AC +N +AGT
+THM lS'F.
[ O(F
J
a
tAC~ ;;~T +derv ~
m
The letter was
~~itten
by siti.
In this example, the two verbs share all their semantic features,
't( II'
• m
Their relationship is captured by a derivation rule which states that an ac;entive may be derived as a passive verb (passive
=
a verb
derived from an active verb l-lhich does not folloH the accusative case hierachy:
f:VrH1r;]
see section
6).
The noun surat has the Same case relationship
(theme) to the verb in each sentence.
The noun §.ill has the
same case re1ationshiP0AG17 (agentive) to the verb in each sentence.
J!i P:J
and
/iF;;
represent the identical selectiona1 restrictions
imposed by both verbs on their ae;entive and them0 actants respeetiYlly.
F II'a J and
IfFkJ represent the semantic features of the aeentive
and theme aetants '\-lhieh are interpreted as appropriate or not in
.27 accordance l'li th ''lhether they meet the restrictions imposed by and
ffil'i!.
fflll;J
These specifications formally ShOH the relationship of the
tHo sentences; the relationship between the two verbs ~ the fact that the nouns have the same case relationship to the verb in each sentence, and the fact that the same selectional restrictions are imposed on the subject (nominative actant) of the active verb and the object (accusative actant) of the passive verb, and vice versa. (2)
The semantic component is outside of the realm of the grammar. In this model semant ic features are an important part of the
lexicon.
The semantic
interpret~~ion component,
outside of the grammar,
is assumed to interpret the fully specified syntactic representations in conjunction vlith the context of situationo
This reflects the claim
that the "appropriateness" of sentences, involving judgments of the normality of extra-linguistic situations, is not in the province of the crammar.
(3)
Case forms and case relations are treated as features of lexical
items. In contrast to Fillmore's (1969:365-6) appToach, in which case relations are
~epresented
in the deep structure as grammatical cate-
eories or Jackendoff's (1972:25-43) approach, where "themEl.tic relations" are handled by rules of semantic interpretation operating on deep structures, lexicase treats case forms and relations as features of lexical items.
An advantage of this approach is that since case
relations appear in the fully specified (surface) syntactic representations , neither deep structure nor the pOvlerful are necessary.
transformational component
The advantages of this solution to handline: case
relations and some ans\V'ers to objections raised to this approach are
28 discussed in starosta (1975).
(4) Case forms as well as case relations are treated as drawn from a limited universal set. Although the study of covert case relations "ms initiated in the framework of generative grammar by Fillmore (1968, 1969), the study of the ways these case relations can be realized has been neglected.
Case
relations may be realized overtly in a number of "lays, including noun or pronoun affixation or suppletion, prepositions and postpositions, word order, verb affixation, and noun auxiliaries.
It is normal for
a single case form to realize more than one case relation. (1973b) discusses cross language generalizations about
starosta
6~oupings
of case
relations which can be neutralized by a single case form.
2.3.
Case Relations, Case Forms, and Cuse Frame Features in Lexicase
Theory. Case relations may be defined as "gTamnmtical relations contracted by nouns "1hich express the nature of their participation in the process of state represented in the sentence" (Anderson 1971: 10).
rrhey are
drarm from a universal set of perhaps a dozen case relations. Case relations are realized in various languages by various devices.
The manifestations of case relations ("case markers") can be
gTouped into a set of case forms, also
dr~1n
from a limited universal
set. For convenience, case relation features are symbolized here by three letter abbreviations, Le.
GAC1£l:
agentive, and case form
features by one or two letter abbreviations, i.e.
Gr~:
nominative.
'11he terms subject and object, used as short terms for nominative actant
and accusXGive actant respectively, refer to case forms in this study.
An actant is a constituent of a sentence or a prepositional phrase.
~ihich
is a noun phrase
The actant acts as a unit in carrying a case
relation and case form in a sentence.
In a noun phrase, the case
relation and case form of the actant is determined by the case relation and case form features of the head noun.
In a prepositional phrase,
the case relation is determined by features of the head noun, the case form by features of the preposition. Case relation features are specified on nouns.
Both nouns and
prepositions are specified with case form features.
In Betawi, all
noun phrases in prepositional phrases are in the accusative case form (see section 5.2). Example:
Die he
:bali buy
~~~J
ikan fish
~N
J
+AC +THM +AGT He bought fish for me.
bakal for
~~J
gue. me
+AC J GN+BEN
Abbreviations: Case forms: NM: nominative AC: accusative B: benefactive
Case relations: AGT: agentive TBM: theme BEN: benefactive
In this sentence, the prepositional phrase bakal
~
'for me' consti-
tutes an actant which is in the benefactive case form and relation:
~~ENl
Verbs are specified with case frame features.
The case frame
features indicate which cases are allowed or required to cooccur with the verb.
These features subclassify verbs into groups.
A
lexicase model case frame differs from a Fillmorean (1968) case frame in several ways.
Lt
A (I)
27,
In place of a single unanalyzable case frame, such as lexicase case frames are in the form of individual
30 selectional features which apply to features on heads of sister constituents.
This permits separate manipulation in terms of cooccurrence
restrictions and allows (1) predication of occurrence of one case frame feature in terms of others by redundancy rules, (2) statement in derivational rules of only those parts of case frames that are changed, with the assumption that the rest are unchanged, and (3) ordering of subjectivalizat:i.on
~'li thout
starosta 1973b:100-lOl).
transformations, by redundancy rules (see A lexicase case frame also states the case
forms vri th which an item may occur, as
~'lell
as the case relations.
The case frame features may specify that a verb must occur Hith a particular case, for example [t.BEEl (benefactive), by using a positive feature, i.e.
+[t.BEJf];
using a negative feature, i.e.
that it cannot occur \'lith that case by
-§BEff];
vlith that feature optionally, i.e. order of the case
featU1~e
or that it allOl'1s an actant
+(§BElV) •
Hith respect to the verb is specified, the
blank indicates the position of the verb, i.e. verb), or
+§BEW _
Hhen the positional
+_
+_
[;1097.
(after the
(before the verb).
Prepositions also carry case frame feattITes. Betavri the preposition
[t.BEil
For example, in
.92:. 'at' has the case frame feature:
This means it obligatorily occurs before a noun 1'1hich
carries the location case relation. Nouns also carry case frame features, although this has not been fully worked out yet for any language.
rrhis vlOuld account for case
relations in verbless sentences, and Hithin noun phrases. 2.4.
Inflection and Derivation in Lexicase Theory Li (1973: 234) suggests the follovring characteristics of inflection
31 as opposed to derivation: (1) that inflection does not change the syntactic class of the form, (2) that an inflectional affix cannot be carried over from one part of speech to another,
(3) that the form, meaning, and semantic properties are nearly completely, if not one hundred percent, predictable,
(4) that an inflected form is not subject to any further derivation. In addition, inflectional morphophonemic rules must apply after all derivational ones, and inflectional rules are obligatory. By these criteri 9 in English, the ing form deriving gerundive nouns from verbs, is a derivational affix, as the item changes syntactic class.
But the verbal suffix
~
indicating the third person
singular present tense, and the past tense suffix
~
are inflectional.
By these criteria there are very few, if any, affixes in Betawi which may be considered inflectional. further in section 7.
This question is discussed
32 3.
Phrase structure in Betawi
Introduction
3.0~
In this section, the phrase structure rules (ps rules) posited for Betavli are stated and discussed.
The phrase structure component
of lexicase theory is discussed above in section 2.1.
In 3.1, the PS
rules for Betawi are given, in 3. 2 , some of the constituents of the rules are discussed, and in 3.3, various sentence types generated by the rules are described and exemplified.
3.1.
The plrrase structure rules (ps rules) The phrase structure rules posited for generating possible
grammatical strings in Betawi are stated below.
A list of abbreviations
used follmvs.
PSR I S •••• (eoeon)S S
(Intro) S
(subcon)S NP PP Adv SPart Voe
NP
PP Adv SPart Voc
PSR PP
PSR III NP •••• eocon NP NP (Det)
(Adj)
N
(Det)
33 Abbreviations: sentence introducer coordinating conjunction subordinating conjunction noun phrase prepositional phrase adverb sentence particle vocative verb preposition determiner '3.djective noun
S
Intro cocon subcon NP
PP Adv SPart Voc V P
Det Adj N
Conventions: The superscript n indicates that the constituent is iterative. means that Y is iterative.
n
x•••• Y 3.2.
Some Constituents in the PS rules.
3.2.1.
Introducer (Intro).
IntroducerB may occur at the beginning of all types of sentences. Examples are tapi(~e) 'but', jadi(~e) 'so, therefore', abis(~e) 'so in that case', lagi(ffe) 'moreover, besides', m:Jfe(ne) 'therefore, that's vlhy', poko~e 'the point is, in summary', name~e 'that means, that is',
om::9-om5 'by the way'. (see section
Many of them are derived from nouns or verbs
7.4.1.4). The suffix
~e which also derives definite nouns
suggests that they might alternatively be treated as derived nouns in various case relations. Examples: ( 1)
Abis die ka mane? to where
so-- he
22 where did he go?
34
(2)
Majte saye pul~ sia!)-si~. therefore I come home late, in the afternoon That's
wAY
I came home late.
Name~e
S1a'? kan masi say~ . that is, that means (pron) (SPart) still love
That means you still love me.
(4)
N
Pokokne gue p~en tao, diri lu slamat, ~1. the point~ I want know self you safe not The thing is, I want to know if you are all
right~
Interjections which occur independently ma..y also serve as introducers of sentences.
Examples are l£ serving as a delayer,
for attention, £ expressing surprise, ~
~
~
calling
expressing dismay, ayo and
expressing an imperative meaning 'come on, let's (go)'.
Examples: ni analt ka mane? E e '(intro) ()ntro) this child to 'Vlhere
( 5)
Where did the child go?
o rupe~e mulutrre £h it seems mouth(def/pos) Qh, it seems your mouth is
( 6)
panu nasi. full rice full of rice.
£il2.
( 7)
pul5 • come-on go-nome
Come on, let's gu home.
3.2.2.
Coordinating Conjunction (Cocon).
Some
coordinat~ng
tapi
ape 'or'
conjunctions in Betawi are:
~oconJ
'but' ~coconJ
ame , and' C
Gftll7
:'"
ape is derived from the noun ape 'what'. word.
~
is derived from the preposition
1
Gil
It is specified as a question ~
specified as occurring bet'Vleen noun phrases.
'with'.
~
'and' is
There is no direct
35 translation of English 'ffild' for sentence coordination. Bahasa Indonesia
~
'and' does not
in Betawi.
OCCtU'
The Malay and
Sentences may be
intonationally treated as one with no conjunction (see section 3.3.2.1).
3.2.3. Subordinating Conjunction (subcon) Subordinating conjunctions in Betawi may be inherent or derived. Wxamples of inherent subordinating conjunctions are karne 'because', sambil 'while, supaye 'in order that', when'.
~
'provided',
~
'iff
Examples of derived subordinating conjunctions are ~lamene
'while', s~apanne 'when', s3abis~e 'after', sdb~lunne 'before', ,...) 'after', sa1 ag~ne 0..,) saudene
01 e'.
'wh~
Derived subordinating conjunctions
are derived from verbs or adverbs (see section
7.4.1.8). The suffix
~e 'Vlhich is also the definite noun suffix, suggests that these forms
might alternatively be treated as derived time nouns which allow sentence complements.
They are also similar to prepositions, except
that they are followed by sentences while prepositions may be followed by noun phrases.
Subordinate clauses may also occur without a sub-
ordinating conjunction (see section 3.3. 2 • 2).
3.2.4. Sentence Particle (SPart) Sentence particles:
~,l.f:.,~, ~" ~, ko?, 7a h, and ~
express feelings and attitudes of the speaker, such as surprise, indifference, discomfort, uncertainty, urging.
The meanings of these
particles are discussed in detail in terms of conversational postulates in Ilaranagara
1975a.
There are restrictions on the position of occurrence of some of these particles.
~,d~,
si,
~
and
~
never occur before the verb
unless preceded by a noun, adverb, or subordinate clause.
These five
particles are specified vii ih the feature Gnonini tia~ and a redundancy rule states that when verbs are preceded by such a particle, the particle must be preceded by a noun, adverb or subordinate clause. It is possible for more than one sentence particle to occur in a sentence. Example: (1) Tapine bilang dulu arne siMiun but tell first (prep) Miun But you 3.2~5.
~
tell Miun first,
(Sfart)
~?
(§.Part)
~?
Determiner (Det)
The determiners in Betawi are (i)ni 'this, the (near)' and (i)tu 'that, the (far)'.
Unlike English determiners, the determiners in
Betawi may occur with pronouns and commonly occur with possessive phrases and common names.
They may occur both before and after a
noun phrase, as in example
5.
Examples: ( 1)
anak ni child this, the this child, the child
( 2)
saye ni I this, the I
( 3)
anak lu itu child you that, the your child, that child of yours
(4)
Ayati tu Ayati that, the Hayat i (name)
( 5)
ni anak ni this, the child this, the this child, the child
:fJ
37 The determiners in Betawi are specified as L+definiti! (definite = "assumed by spealcer to be knovffi to hearer ll ) .
Nouns in Betavd may be
derived as Ltdefinitil (see section 7.2.2.2).
derived~ · '+ nouns may + de f ~n~lJe
occur with or without determiners.
~
Examples:
( 6)
analfue child(def/pos) the child/my, your, our, his, her, their child
(7)
ana1c~e
itu child (def/pos) that/the
that, the child/my, your, our, his, her, their child The determiners, being definite, also serve as something like subject markers in Betawi, as the subject noun phrase of a sentence in Betawi must be definite (see section 3.2.6.
5.1).
Adjoctive (Adj) Adjectives are illilerent or derived.
Derived adjectives are
from stative intransitive verbs (see section 7.4.2.1).
Only quantifying
adjectives may precede the noun as specified by a redundancy rule (RR (1) below).
Examples of quantifying adjectives are babarape
'few', ba~ak 'many, much', saban 'every, each', tiap-tiap 'every, each',
~mue
'all' and numerative
~djectives.
Redundancy rules
( (2), (3), belm·/) specify that certain quantifying adjectives, e.g. tiap-tiap',
sa~n,
bab9rape,do not occur before uncountable nouns, and
quantifying adjectives do not occur after a noun. as nouns may follm·/ other nouns:
(Nwneratives dorived
see section 3.3.4.)
Redundancy rules relating to quantifying adjectives: RR (1)
RR (2)
J
f+N
38
[-E J ~ -E- t;:'JJ Adj +Quan +count
l.:-count
RR (3)
_
Examples: Nonquantifying:
( 1)
Lu analc tolol. you child stupid You are a stupid child.
Quantifying: (2)
Saben ari die dat every day he come lIe comes every day.
(3)
Ude due-pulu tMn labi. already tVIent;>r year more It has been more than tuent;y years.
Some aspects of proper names and pronouns in BetmJi Hill be discussed beloH. Proper human names in BetavJi may be derived compounds consisting of an inherent proper name and a title. or position in the family.
111he title may be a job title
F'amily titles are also used for those of
similar ae;e and status of such a fnmily member (in relation to the spealcer) • Example:
rna?
, mother'
(name)
Sentence:
( 1)
r.Ia~-B;u,¥U:~
l~a-Buyung
kan karje di sane. (Spart) vTOrk at there
Ma-Bu,yung "TOrks there.
IIIa~-BU;YU')
(name)
39 Proper human (or animate) names may also be derived with the prefix ~, for familiar and informal reference. Example:
Puase
(name)
siPuase
(name)
Sentence:
( 2)
Lu ja1)an kasi siPuase. you don't give (~) Don't give it to Puase.
Pronouns in Beta't'li are of two types, inherent and derived.
Inherent
pronouns in Betawi are: (s)aye
~
~:J
~Sh
J
-adr -polite +intimate , I'
, I'
-kite
-lu
, we'
+adr -polite +intimate , you'
[+SkrJ +adr
Skr
IT
die
J
r-SkrJ L:-adr , he, she'
While (s)aye and ~ may be accurately characterized as L=plura17, the other pronouns sometimes vary. ~ !.+plura17.
~ and ~ are usually
L=p lura17,
But ~ is sometimes used as Eplura17, EFildresseil,
and ~ and ~ are sometimes used as !.+plura17. Derived pronouns are derived from certain titles.
These derived
pronouns function syntactically as pronouns (see section 7.2.1.11). They may refer to any person.
As mentioned in section 1, the English
translations provided are based on the original context of the sentence. Examples:
-
.
na~
native wife of European
( a)ba')
older brother
,..., .
na~
I, you, she (of, by or to native Hife of European)
(a)b~
I, you, he (slightly older man)
40 Sentences: ,...;>
(3) 'Nai
mao napu. (pron) want sweep
1. (4)
want to sweep
Kan (bf© mao s~mbay~. (SPart) pron) want pray Didn't you want to go pray?
3.3.
Expansion of the Phrase Structure Rules
3.3.1..
Statements, Questions and Conunands
Sentences having different types of illocutionary force in Betawi may have the saJIle syntactic structure. The structure of content questions in Betawi is the same as that of statements, but they contain lexical items 1'1hich are specified in the lexicon as
+Q
(question words), such as:
siape
~
kapan
barape +V
+stative + quant ibying +Q 'what'
'or'
'who'
, rihere' , when'
p;;)gimane
~
AdV
+MAN
J
:~ause
'how many, ' how' hOlt1 much'
k:mape
t-AdV
~
J
+lvIAN +cause +Q
'why'
The fact that the "focus-presupposition" sentence type (see section
3.3.2.5) with the question word as subject is preferred to questions t'1here the question word functions as subject or object of the verb, is not accounted for here.
This is simply a preference, as sentences like
(1) below are perfectly grammatical and normal, as are the more frequent "focus-presupposition" examples such as (2).
41 Examples: (1)
Ju -,~liatin ape?
you
look at
what
What are you looking at?
11
V
( 2)
r
i8tiatin
lu you
ape what
ook at
diliatin? Ape ya.!) i'lhat i'lhich be looked at \'That are you looking at?
(Iit:
Hhat is being looked at?)
I
V
I
ape \'That
ya~
"Thich
diliatin be looked at
The syntactic structure of yes/no questions is also the same as that of statements.
They are frequently of the form S(cocon)S (see
example (3) beloH) \vhere the second S consists only of a negative verb (see section 6.13) such as
~
'not' or
Examples:
(3)
Lu ikut a.!)ga1 ? you accompany not Are you going along or not?
S
~
NP
IL
you
V
Lcut
accompany
b~lUl1
'not yet'.
42
(4)
Lu ikut? you accompany Are you going along?
~V
NP
I
I
lu you
ikut accompany
'Ilhe structure of commands is the same as that of statements, but they may contain imperative verbs.
Verbs are specified as either
[;imperativi] or Eimperativij by the follo\·ling rule: SR (1)
EvJ
-~
Imperative verbs do not take the prefix
-B
certain verbs derived frcm nouns (Gee section 8, verbs can and often do have subjects.
except in the case of V)ffi
(1)).
They may be stative or passive.
Examples:
( 5)
Lu it)C~t ye. you remember (SPart) You rememlJcr!
Active transitive: ( 6)
Pili de ya~ mane. choose (SPart) whJ.ch where Choose which one.
Derived from noun with obligatory prefix: (7) ~opi de, ~opi have-coffee (SPart) have-coffee
Have some coffee, have some coffee. stative:
( 8)
•
N
Capatan do~ k~rJaanne more-fast (Spar~work(def/pos) l~ork
faster'.
(lit:
Imperative
Let your work be faster.)
43 Passive: Ni dipega~ do~ this hold(pas) (SPart)
(9)
Hold on.
(lit:
Let this be held.)
A few items are lexically specified as ftimperativil, such as ja~an
'don't' and the interjections (a)yo and
~
'come on, let's
j~ is specified as allowing a verb complement (see section
(go),.l
Examples: ( 10)
Lu jc:!)an sator ame siAyati. you don't pay/deposit (prep) Ayati Don't give the money to Ayati.
( 11)
Ayo. Come-n Come on.
The follcming' universal ru.le states that imperative verbs imply second person subjects (Li 1973:220):2 1m (4)
3.3.2.
--? -r+llJ1Vl l lwadet:J
Phrase structure Rule I Some of the possible types of sentences which may be generated
by phrase structure rule I are discussed and exemplified in this section. 3.3.2.1.
Compound Sentences
PSR I allows several choices.
The first one, S •••• (cocon)S gives
44 compound sentences.
An example of a compound sentence is:
Saye mao bawe Ne~si tapi a~ga~ dikasi. I want take Nancy but not give(pas)
(1)
I wanted to take Nancy but wasn't allowed.
r-?~ I I, saye I
mao \'lant
Je~si
bawe take
i-------___ .r ~ ~
cocon
Nancy
t
tapi but
i.) !)ga? not
dikasi give(pas)
In the following example, the two sentences are treated as one intonationally, although no conjunction is present: .-J ,.).
Saye ya..!) nari, die ya.!) nan~. I \'lhich dance, he \'lhich sing
( 2)
I dance and he sings~ (lit: is the one who sings.)
------
ll~P
I am the one who
N
, V
saye
y~
wInch
I
3.3.2.2.
I.
nar~
dance
and he
s
/~S
I
N
d~nces
die he
L \'lh~ch
I I ?rani V
N
sing
Subordinate Clauses
The second choice in PSR I allows the choice of (subcon)S, which gives sentences vlith subordinate clauses.
An example of a sentence in
45 Betawi with a subordinate clause is: lakiEe pula~ a~a Nhen/if husband(def/pos) come-home not
(1) Kalo
parne ade di rume ever,once be-present at house
When her husband comes home, she's never at home.
~---V "1) Ad("~P
s
sub con
N("v kalo Vlhen/if
/~
P
1I ~
parne ever ,once
lakine pula..!) husband come-home ( def/pos)
NP
1
ade di beat present
rume house
Subordinate clauses in Betawi may also occur without a subordinating conjunction. Examples: Dat&~
(2)
come
siAyati, ma?-Leha p~giQ Ayati Leha go
t'Then Hayati comes, Leha leaves.
~~IP------V
V~P I
dat~~
come
(3)
N
N I.
.
L.-Leha IJeha
s1Ayat1 hayati
p~gi
&,'0
Die cari Miun, mao minte duit. she look-for I\Iiun want ask money She is looking for Miun because she \'Iants to ask for money. B
die she
cari look-for
Miun I:liun
mao want
minte
ask
money
(4)
Dde samare-mareite arne tataxe a.!)Sa1 bole bagitu. already angry(contra) (prep) neighbor not allow like-that Althou~h
46
you are angry at the neighbors, you may not do that.
s
-------~~V 1?P
I
P/"'"YP
V
1'J
samare-mare~e
J0ta~ge
u e arne already angry(contra) (prep) neighbor
bole allow
bagitu do that
In example (3) samare-mare~e is a derived contradictive verb, discussed in section 7.3.1.1.16.
3.3.2.3.
Subjectless Sentences
PS rule I allm·lS sentences \'7i thout a subject.
There are some
verbs Hhich are specified in the lexicon as not allovling subjects, such as atmospheric and existential verbs. sentences Hhich do not allovI subjects.
Some embedded sentences are also li'olloVIing are examples of
types of sentences which do not alloH subjects.
3.3.2.3.1.
Atmospheric and Existential Sentences
Certain verbs referring to natural phenomena are specified in the lexicon as not allowing subjects, such as ujan 'rain', panas 'hot, dinin 'cold', nouns £inin,
(~an)
~
'coo 1'.
~
'wind',
':Phey may have corresponding
or nonatmospheric verbs which alloH subjects (panas,
~dam).
They alloH time, location, and manner actants.
Existential sentences are sentences with the existential
-
verb ade 'be
, exist'.
Both existential ade and possessive
ade 'to have' are considered to be derived from the location
47 verb ~ 'to be present, be at'.
The existential verb ~ is specified
in the lexicon as not allowing a subject. Examples: (1)
Ujan si. rain (SPart) It i-laS raining (that's 'V!hy).
v.----~~Pa.rt I
I
ujan rain
si (SPart)
(2) S~kar~ ade bis, ade model-model gandal~an. nOiv exist bus, exist model/kinde various) transport
Adv
N
sa ara..!} nm'l
3.3.2.3.2.
ade exist
Dis bus
ade exist
model-model kinds (various)
I
gandaran transport
Nonfinite Sentences
Certain embedded sentences also do not alloH subjects.
]lo11owing
Kul1avanijaya (1974), I posit the fol1ovring rules, which specify that verbs are either finite or nonfinite, and that nonfinite verbs do not a11o'Vl subjects:
SR (2)
~vJ
~
HR (7)
~init]~
[±finit.:J
[- +N101J
48 N'onfinite verbs are required or allowed in oertain embedded sentences such as verb complements.
~
-
r;finittiJJ.
nonfin!te verbs.
Some verbs have the selectional feature
This means that they' take sentence complements with
'l'he missing s'abject of the embedded sentence is
unders'tood as referring to the subject or objeot of the matrix verb depending on features of the matrix verb (of'. J ackendoff 1972:
178-226) •
For example, the verb usahe 'try' is speoified with the feature bsubject-contro17, which means that its complement's missing subject is understood as identical to its subjeot.
The verb
~
'order, tell'
has the feature bobject-controg, which means that its complement's
missing subject is understood as identical to its object.
The
oorresponding pasaive verb disuru 'ordered, told' has the feature bsubject-controg, as specified by the passive rule. auxiliary verbs are verbs t-lhich
requir~
Negative and
nenfinite sentence complements
0
Such features of verbs relating to sentence complementation ffiC33' be predicted by semantie-syntautic features, such as those posited for transitive verbs in Thai by KullavanijB\Ya (1974). Examples:
( 1)
Die usahe ambil ati lag! she try ta..lte heart again 0
She tries to attract him again•
-----;;:;= NP V I
....J....!
1)
_-----7~
NP
N
I
V·
N die she ""....
usahe try
:I
I I
-- -tries- =to a.ttraet him ..,.,'" again.
She
NP
I
N
ambil take
I
ati heart
lEigi
again
49 Mpo'?-Leha suru die tU.:lguin siMiun~ Leba order he await Miun
(2)
Leba told him to wait for Miun.
NP---~P
NP
I
N
I
J
I I I
Mpo?-Leba Leha ...
~I
t' " ~gtlln
';U" S.LJ,llJ.un
await
- '"
lriiun
Leha told him to wait for Miun. Die disuru tt~guin siMiun. he order{pas) aWa.1t Miun He was told to 1-mit for Miun.
-
------~--------r---~
NP
I I die
:
N
'-
I
N
------------- -
N
:
disuru order(pas)
he
""'
~p
NP------
tU!Jgtlin await
I I
-- -_
...
I
siMiun Miun
,.'
He was told to 'tiait for Jlliun.
ja~an balcal suse-ati. (pron) don't will troubled, sad
'Nai
(4)
Don't be troubled, sad.
v
N
I N
nai (pr~) ,
bakal
j~an
don't
--------------
--
Don't be troubled, sad.
vall
_ It:: ~
I I I
suse-ati troubled, sad
50 3.3.2.4. Sentences with More Than One Subject PS rule I allov1s sentences
~'lith
more than one subject.
allows a very common sentence type in Betawi: nOill1
pl~ases
This
sentences with two subject
in vUlich the second is a possessed attribute of the first.
In the lexicase theory, two nouns in the same case relation to a verb such as those in the examples below (the subject nouns are in the theme case relation in these examples) must be coreferential.
In these
sentences, the second nOill1, as a possessed attribute of the first, is considered to be eoreferential i·Tith the first in the sense that it is included in it. ( 1)
Die dandan~e bagus. she dress/make-up(def/pos) pretty Her dress /mruce-up is pretty. pretty.) S
yr------~ YP
(She, her dress/mruce-up is
~
N
N
lie she
Aandananffe dress/make-up(def/pos)
( 2)
Die s~kar~ lakirte siape? she nOv1 husband( def/pos) i'lho Who is her husband now?
(She, now who is her husband?)
_ _=:::::::::====--LNP
I
Adv
NP
I
N
I{ d1i.e she
I
b agus pretty
sQkar~
now
I .,.)
1ruane husband( def/pos)
~p
l~
I.
s~ape
Hho
5J.
(3) Aba.!)
mintene bafl'ak amat ba!). (pron) asking(def/pos) many very (voc)
You ask very many things. very many.)
(lit:
You, your requests are
NP------N::P:::::::::.:::::===t ~d'--V-----'110C
I
I
N
N
L
I.
tv baflak mJ.n t ene request(def/pos) many
au~
you
(4)
am~t
very
baYJ (voc)
Miun talat, makanfie. Miun late eat(def/pos) I\Iiun ate late. ( lit:
Niun, his eating vlas late.)
~----~ V
Nl.5""
I
~----r
N
I
Ihun Idiun
talat late
I
N
makanne eating(def/pos)
3.3.2.5. Verbzl and Verbless Sentences PS rule I al101'lS the choice of verbal or verbless sentences. Verb types in Betawi are discussed in terms of case frame features in section 6,
Verb Subcategorization.
Phrase structure rule I allows for two types of verbless sentences. One type has a noun phrase as head of the construction, the other a prepositional phrase. constituent.)
(The head of a construction is its obligatory
An example of a verbless sentence vli th a noun phrase as
52
head of the construction is: (1)
siPuc~se ora~
gile. person crazy
Plmse
Puase is a crazy man.
-
,
NP H
N
I,
I
ora'f) man
s~Puase
Puase
crazy
The common "focus-presupposition" sentence type is a verbless sentence \'lith a n0U11 phrase as head, the noun phrase head being of the structure N S (see section
3.3.4).
Example:
( 2)
Ape ya~ dilamunin? 1'lhat 1'iFiich 1'lOrry-about( pas) Uhat are you 1'lOrried about? \'lOrried about?) s
( lit:
Hhat is it that is beinG
-----St
"1IP
ape Nhat
ya.!) 1'lhich
,r
d ~'l amun~n
1'lOrry-about( peLS)
Exrunples of the second type of verbless sentence, with a prepositional phrase as head, are:
(3)
1ni bcl(al lu. this for you This is for you.
:r ini this
C' d
53 (4)
Die arne siPuaae. he (prep) Puase He is with Puaee.
NP
I I
N
arne (prep)
die he
(5)
siPuase Puase
pegine naek delman. going( der/pos) by horsecart He went by horsecart.
(lit:
His going was by horaecart.)
~ j
P
N
I N
3.3.2.6.
pegine
naek
going( def/pos)
by
I
delman horsecart
Verb Complements
PS rule I allows sentences with verb complements.
A verb comple-
ment is an embedded sentence 'toJhich is a sister oategory of a v.erb, both of \"lhioh are direotly dominated by S.
A verb may require the verb of
its complement 'to be either finite or nonfinite.
As described above
in section 3.3.2.3.2, a nonfinite verb does not allOW a subject.
The
missing subject is understood as coreferential with the subject or object of the matrix verb, according to features of the matrix verb.
54 ]Example of verb \'J'hich requires a finite verb complement:
( 1)
Gue tao lu ude batempel ame Nai-Dasime. I know you already attach (prep) Dasime I
~
you and Dasime are attached.
~
r
V
N
p~I
I
lu you
tao know
gue I
ude b9tempel already attach
l
N
a e Nal-Dasime (prep) Dasime
The subject of verb complementation will not be treated in this study.
Kulavc:mijaya (1974: 24 2-319) deals '\'lith this subject in a lexi-
case framework for Thai transitive verbs.
3.3.3.
Phrase
structur~
Rule II.
Phrase structure rule II states that a prepositional plrrase consists of a preposition and a nOUl1 phrase, or a preposition and a sentence.
Examples of prepositions '\'lith noun phrases axe provided in
section 4, Case Relations. is belov1.
An example of a preposition Hith a sentence
Like verbs, prepositions must carry features
the types of sentences they alloH.
~'lhich
predict
55 Example:
(1)
Aye dari 'Dari aba~. I from look-for (pron) I was looking for you.
NP --
NP
N
N
I I
I
I
a;re
dari
I
from
"",
I
I I
'nari look-for
I
aba') (pron)
/
~------------------
3.3.4- Phrase structure Rule III
Phrase struoture rule III allows several different choices. of them are N NP and N s. The expansion of PS rule III as N NP allows various types of noun phrases like the examples below:
(1)
setan kartu cdki devil card gambling (kind of card game) devil of
(2)
It
cakiIt cards
Kwita!) child Kwitang (place name)
a.nak
person from Kwitang tuka!) sado worker horsecart horsecart driver Noun phrases containing a counter noun follo\'.ring a head noun:
(4)
bares s~letar rice one-liter a litar of rice
(5)
~am
due biji chicken two thing
t\'10 ohickens
Two
56 Noun phrases consisting of a noun and a numerative noun:
(6)
taon due-pulu yea:r tVlenty in (19)20
Possessive phrases:
(7)
anak(ne) lu ( i tu) child(def/pos) you that your child
Noun plU'ases containing a relative phrase:
(8)
surat ya~ ditulis Siti letter vTliicb vTrite Siti letter
v~itten
by Siti
r:Phe expansion of PS rule III as N S gives noun phrases \"lith the relative noun complement.
~
as head.
It is the only noun which allows a sentence
A redundancy rule specifies that other nouns do not truce
sentence complements.
The relative noun
~
has the features:
ya!)
d
+rel N
O
-_Gil
This specifies that constituent.
~
may not have a nOlm as a sister head
According to PS rule III, as a noun,
~
may be modified
by a prepositional plU'ase, sentence, adjective, or determiner.
The
feature [trey means that ~'Then ya:f} modifies a noun, it is understood as coreferential vTith it, and that the subject or a sentence follovTing ~
is understood as coreferential
with~.
sentence m~ be finite or nonfinite.
The verb in the embedded
If it is nonfinite (does not
allovT a subject) the missing subject is understood as coreferen'l;ial with~.
If it is finite (allows a subject), the subject is
51 interpreted as coreferential \'lith
~
in the sense that it is
included in it, as a possessed attribute. Examples:
(9)
surat ya') ditulis Siti letter which write(pas) Siti letter which was written by Siti
N
~-----NP ,- -- .- -
!
N
:
sur at
al)
I
letter
wh:Lch
I
'"
}':
f
....
(10)
------
r------NP
1
N I
di ulia write(pas)
Siti Siti
I
"
anak yaj nulis surat child wh:Lch write letter child who wrote a letter
~-
NP
I
L
N
c hild
"
"
--------
ya,\ \'lhi:Ch f.' I . ,, ..... ---;' --
I
surat letter
58 (11)
Ba.!j-Miun Ya, binii'le due Miun wh~ch wife(def/pos) two Miun whose wives are two
N
I
N
B-----~TP I
I
I
N
N
I
Ya~
surat letter
'\'lh2.ch __ J I~
fl:-.. ~
- - --
- - - -- --
,~_*
Siti Siti
__ . .
J
nulis \oJ!'i te
60 It might be proposed that there are some exceptions to this restriction, in examples like
(15),
where the verb in the embedded
sentence is directly preceded by a pronoun and takes no prefix.
(15)
surat letter
y~
wh~ch
ibu tulis (pron) write
letter which was written by me The translation \vith a passive verb in the embedded sentence is meant to illustrate that the Betawi verb in the embedded sentence is a passive verb.
(However the English passive, especially with a ,ro-
nominal agent is a very marked construction.
Differences in the use
of the active and passive in English and Betawi are discussed in section
7.1.2.) The arguments for considering the type of sentence
embedded in the noun phrase example in section
(15)
as passive are discussed
5.2. Such examples have a nonfinite passive verb, one
vlhich has a missing subject, in the embedded sentence. subject in example
(15)
~
is coreferential with
1J.1he
missing
'vlhich' and '-lith surat
'letter'.
~p ~--
, \
surat letter
'""'- ,
ya-?
I
,
vlli~ch I~
, ...... - -
-- -- - -
~
,
""
,.
--
..,. "
.ibu (pron)
.",.-
Thus such exwnples are not counterexamples to the general rule that is ahvays coreferential Hith the subject of the embedded sentence.
~
61 y~
may also occur as the head of a nonmodifying noun phl.'ase,
as in examples
(16)
(16)
and
(17).
Gue mao ya) ini. I want wh~ch this I l'Jant this one.
l'
P
l~t mao vlant
(17)
l
I
ini this
ya~ wh~ch
Kaga? ade y~ nam'C)nin. not exist vl111C11 befriend, accompany 'llhere is no one Hho g-oes vIith him.
N
~
lJ
--....,;"..$(-~)
N ] +derv +institution
ifFA (4) states that for certain verbs there are corresponding nouns vii th the meaning •the institution of doing or bringing about (V)'. Morphophonemic rules give such derived nouns the prefix suffix §g.
~
and
A few items are specified as exceptions to the morphophonemic
rule giving the prefix
~,
taking E!::. optionally.
and specified as taking the prefix
(See section 8.4,
liME
~,
or
(2), (4), (6).)
Examples:
.
,..)
cari
look for
pancar~an
means of livelihood, way of making a living
karje
work
(pa)karjaan
job
married
pQkawinan
wedding, marriage
clean
p~mbersian
a cleaning
barsd. Sentences: ( 1)
Kalo ade pamb~sian di jalan, taf\kap ni anak ni • if/when exist cleaning at street ca~ch this child this When we have a
(2)
st~eet
cleaning, let·s catch this child.
Pa £rcarian kite em~ manci~. making-a-living we really, of-course fish
Our means of livelihood of course is by fishing.
7.2.1.5.
"Banknote" Hord Formation Analogy
vlFA (5)
)
)
$
(
; ;
)
(
WFA (7) states that for certain nonstrict location verbs there are corresponding derived nouns meaning 'at the time of action of Morphophonemic rules give such derived nouns the prefix
(V)'.
~
and
definite suffix r1e (see NNR (5), (8)). Examples: dato)~
come
sadatQ~ne
at the time of coming
sampe
arrive
sQsampeffe
at the time of arriving
p~gi
go
sep~gine
at the time of going
masuk
enter
s';)masukne
at the time of entering
Sentences: ( 1)
die,saye PQgi. go at-time-coming he I
SQdataj~e
When he came, I left.
( 2)
7.2.1.8.
die ka kamar, saye p~gi. S~masulate go I "e,t-the-entering he to room When he entered the room, I left. "Imitation" Hord Formation Analogy
1'1FA (8)
>
$'
-
J
+N +derv Uimitation
vWA (8) states that for certain nouns there are corresponding
derived nouns with the meaning 'imitations toy, pseudo (N)'. Morphophonemic rules reduplicate these forms, and give them the
134 suffix
~
(see NMR (1), (6) ).
Examples: anak
child
anak-anakan
doll
mobil
car
mobil-mobilan
toy car
guru
teacher
guru-guruan
pseudo-teacher, imitation teacher
jago
champion
jago-jagoan
pseudo-champion, imitation champion
Sentence: ( 1)
Bulcan saye jago-jagoan. not I imitation-champion.
Jago b~ner. champion real, true
I'm not an imitation champion.
I'm a real champion.
7.2.1.9. Time Period Noun Word Formation Analogy
r+N Lttime
J
period of day
J
+derv +N +time [ +period
WFA (9) states that for certain nouns representing a time period of the
d~y
there are corresponding derived time nouns meaning 'in the
(time period of day)'.
A morphophonemic rule reduplicates such
derived nouns (see m'ffi (1) ). Examples: pagi
morning, early
pagi-pagi
in the early morning
sia,
afternoon, day
sia.9-sia~
in the day, afterroon
sore
late after
sore-sore
in the late afternoon
malam
evening, late, night
mal~ m-mala m
late at night, in the evening
135
Sentences: ( 1)
Pagi-pagi dat~~~e. early-in-the-morning coming(def/pos) You come early.
( 2)
Malam-malQm baru die pul~. late-at-night newly he come-home He comes home late at night. "Various" Word Formation Analogy
7.2.1.10
\'lFA (10)
> WFA
(l~
,
;if
)
J
+derv N +various
IT
states that for certain nouns there are corresponding
derived nouns meaning 'various types of
(N)'.
A morphophonemic rule reduplicates these forms (see NMR (7) ). Examples: talor
egg
tQlor-tQlor
buntut
tail(bone)
buntut-buntut
various kinds of eggs, i.e. fried, omelets, etc.
Sentences: (1)
Jual telor-telor. sell various-eggs He sells various kinds of egg dishes.
( 2)
Ini buntut-buntut ape ni? this various-tailbones what this What kinds of tailbones are these'?
various kinds of tail (bones) i.e. beef, lamb, etc.
7.2.1.11.
136
Duration Time Noun Word Formation Analogy
~'JFA (11)
J
r+N l2: time
)
+N +derv +time +duration +unit
)
;
WFA (11) states that for certain nouns which represent periods of time there are corresponding derived nouns meaning 'for a wI01e (N)'. Morphophonemic rules give such derived nouns the prefix suffix ~ (see ~m
(5),
~
and
(6) ).
Examples: mi!)gu
week
sam~guan
for a (whole) week
bulan
month
s~bulanan
for a (whole) month
mal~m
night
samalem-(malem)an
ari
day
s ~ari-( ari) an
for a (who Ie) night for a (whole) day
Sentences: ( 1)
Aba~-IvIiun
Miun
lu ni sami~guan ~a? you this for-a-week not
ade di rume. present at house
(Your)Miun hasn't been home(now) for a week.
( 2)
Saye cape, saarian jalan. I tired for-a-d~y wallc,go I am tired, vlalking/going the \"1hole d~y.
( 3)
Gue ase sabulanan, a,sa? barenti-barenti, lu tao. I sharpen for-a-month not stop(distrib.) you know I sharpened it for a month without stopping.
7.2.1.12. ~'JFA
Personal Pronoun Hord Formation Analogy (12)
>
Jl
'9'
)
+~er~
U
+pers +pron
vWA (12) states that for certain nouns which may be used as titles
(see vJFA (56)), there are corresponding derived personal pronouns.
These
137 derived personal pronouns function syntactically like inherent personal pronouns. t~ces
They may occur directly before the passive verb, and the verb
no prefix (see section
5.2).
Example: ( 1)
bawe. Bara!) itu ria? thing that (pron) take
~N
J ~N J
+AC +NM +AGT +THIi1 Those things were taken by me. This type of construction occurs only with nonpronominal noun phrases. These pronouns refer to first, second, or third person.
It would be
possible to consider them all third person, and state that in Betawi it is customary to refer to oneself and the addressee in the third person.
As stated in section 1, throughout the text English trans la-
tions are provided in terms of the original context of the example. These pronouns are derived from kin terms, or words describing types of people.
Like other pronouns, they have important connotations
for status and familiarity.
As there is no change in phonological shape,
no morphophonemic rule is needed. Examples: na?
mother
'lla1
pronOlLn for older woman
rna?
mother
rna?
pronoun for older woman
ua?
uncle
ua?
pronoun for older man
(a)ba!)
older brother
(a)ba~
sodare
brother
sodare
mpo?
older sister
mpoi'
non(i)
European girl
non(i)
pronoun for slightly older man pronoun for man of equal age pronoun for slightly older woman pronoun for European girl
tuan
European man
tuan
pronoun for European man
138 Sentences: ( 1)
".
Na'? juge ~'a1 bise nasehatin. (p;on) also not can advise Even I can't advise him.
( 2)
Ab~
batane tQrus-tQr':!) ame non ye. ~ron)ask openly (prep) TPron) (SPart)
1. ask openly of you. ( 3)
Ua1 m~kin tue ni. IP!on) increasingly old this,now ~
is getting older.
"Unit" vJord Formation Analogy vJFA (13)
+N
t
~~~~:y J )~--~'~7(~~) +measure +classifier
[;~um
J
WFA (13) states that for certain time, place, measure, money, or classifier nouns or numeratives, there is a corresponding derived noun with the meaning 'one, a single, a whole (N or num)'.
The nonbound
countable nouns can also alternatively occur with the numeral
~
'one', as well as other numerals. A morphophonemic rule gives such derived nouns the prefix
~
(see NMH (5) ). Examples: Time: seari
a day, a vlhole day
ari
day
tadi
a time just past
!cali
a time
s~kali
one time
jam
hour
sr,)jam
one hour
satadi
a period of °liime just past
139 taon
yea:r
sQtaon
one yea:r
bulan
month
sQbulan
one month
mi~gu.
week
sem~gu.
one week
Place: kampu!)
a:rea of city
a whole kampung, one kampung
25 rupiah
one 25 rupiah (note)
Money: ri~git
Measure: gini
this (size)
sagini
a bit so big, this big
dikit
small (amt. )
sadikit
a little bit
poto~
slice
sapoto~
a slice
te~e
middle
s~te~e
one half (hour, day)
pa:ro
half
s&paro
one half
pasi
section (of fruit)
s~pasi
one section (of fruit)
liter
sQlet~r
one liter
letar
Classifier: ora~
person
sQora~
one person
biji
thing
SQbiji
one thing
Numerative: -ratus
hundred
sQratus
one hundred
-ribu
thousand
s~ribu
one thousand
-b~las
-teen
Sentences: (1)
Pali~
sQjam saye karje. at-most one-hour I work I' 11 "lork at most an hour.
eleven
140 SQkampoJ) Jomp~an anti pade dat~. one-kampong Jompongan later all come
(2)
All of Jompongan kampong will come.
(3)
Saye ude suru s~kali. I alrea~ order one-time I
(4)
alrea~
told you one time.
f;Iema", di dal:am sam~ ini, bole dikate saye makan ~a? really at inside one-week this may say(pas) I eat not napsu. have-appetite Really it may be said that all this
7.2.1.14.
It ve had. no appetite.
Demonstrative Pronoun Word Formation Analogy
HFA (14)
~iFA
~
{+Detl l±.demJ
)
{ l
)
J
+derv +N +pron [ +dem
(14) states for determiners there are corresponding derived
demonstrative pronouns.
Since there is no change in phonological shape,
no morphophonemic rule is needed. Determiner: (1)
Pronoun:
Ade ape si have \'1hat (SPart)
.1E:
~
buruj? bird
(2)
Ke?, (voc)
&
~
k~ti~gian.
~
is too high.
that too-high
What is wrong with that bird?
(3)
~
burUl) nunjukin ade pQti di atas air. bira- show be-present box at top water
This bird is showing
l~
that there is a box on the water.
(4)
Ini bakal lu. this for you This is for you.
The demonstrative pronouns are often used in a very general way as time or location nouns, i.e. ~ 'this(time, place) here, now' and ~ 'that (time, place), there, then' much as ~
may be used in a very general sense.
English~, ~,
there, and
141
Examples: ( 1)
Ni rupene dikasi persenan !cali &, this, here it-f:leems this, here be-given tip perhaps ni ame nai. this, here (prep) (pron) Here now, it seems he
( 2)
\'laS
given a tip by her.
Lu lagi kQcilin ni. you presently get-smaller this,here Now,here, you are getting smaller. lni gue sab~n jalan ronde, kQtQmu lu di jalanan. this, here I every go round meet you at street ~,
(4)
every time I make
my
rounds I meet you on the street.
Tu, kQpukul de yB:!:l satu. that ,there hit (SPart) which one There, one of them was hit.
(5)
Lu si kait~man bon~r ~ si. you (sPart) too-black really that,there (SPart) There, you are really too dark.
7.2.2. 7.2.2.1.
Completely Productive Noun Derivation Rules Collective Derivation Rule
DR (1) +N -pron -proper -unit -def
)~-----J)
J
tN +derv -I-collective
IT
DR (1) states that given a noun which is not a pronoun, proper noun, unit noun (see WFA (12)> or definite noun (see DR (2)), there is a corresponding derived collective noun.
This rule is completely productive
and the meaning of the derived noun is completely predictable.
However,
forms which are already reduplicated are blocked from undergoing this rule (see section 7.1.1).
142 Underived nouns in Betawi are neither collective nor uncollective. By convention, glosses are generally given as English singular nouns. Collective nouns may not follow numerals in Betawi as specified by the following redundancy rule:
RR (5)
N
~
+derv
J
)
+collectiv~
Examples:
man/men two men
ora¥) due ora!:)
[- GNumJ_J
ora~-ora!)
* due
or a~-ora.!)
men t'VlO men
This redundancy rule states that a derived collective noun has the feature
~ [±NumJ
--J ' that is, it may not occur after a numeral.
A morphophonemic rule reduplicates such derived nouns (see
l~l
(7)).
Examples: ora1)
person
or~-ora')
people
anak
child
anak-anak
children
rume
house
rume-rume
houses
duit
money
duit-duit
money (collective)
bir
beer
bir-bir
(bottles of) beer
clothes
pake an-pake an
clothes (collective)
Derived: pakean Sentences: ( 1)
J adi
ora~-orao
80
people
pade kanal ye. all know (SPart)
So people all know you.
( 2)
Anak-anak di mane 8 Dkar ~? Children at where now Hhere are the children now?
143 (3)
BaXiak juge rume-rwne di sini sQkara!) ye. many also houses at here now (SPart) ~here
(4)
are many houses here now.
Duit-duit aje ;)~ga? jUduin. money (collective) only not forget He doesn't even forget my money.
( 5)
bir-bir a~a? dik~luarin. that (bottles-of) beer not put-out
Tu
You didn't put out those beers. 7.2.2.2.
Possessed-Definite Derivation Rule
DR (2)
>
>
N
-~
+ +derv (+possessed) +definite
G
DR (2) states that given a noun or verb there is a corresponding derived noun which may be possessed and is specified as definite. All nouns and verbs may be derived as either nouns or just L+definitil nouns.
I+possessedl L±.definite J
This rule is completely productive and
predictive, and applies to all nouns, including inherently definite ones (such as pronouns and proper nouns) and all verbs. the noun derived from a verb is 'the/her/his (V)'.
The meaning of
(etc.) action or state of
Where English uses sentences Hith verbs, Betawi often uses
verbless sentences with such nouns derived from verbs as subjects. A morphophonemic rule specifies that such derived nouns have the suffix ne (see mill! (8) ).
144 Examples derived from verbs: bring
bawe'lle
bringing(def/pos)
pQgi
go
pagitte
going(def/pos)
ade
have
adelte
having(def/pos)
mare
angry
N marene
being angry(def/pos)
it~m
black
it amIte
being black(def/pos)
p~nt~
important
p.mti')rte
being important(def/pos)
boto
pretty
botoffe
being pretty(def/pos)
mikirin
think about
mikirinrie
thinking about(def/pos)
n:i:llor
lay( eggs)
n310rne
laying (eggs) (def/pos)
Derived:
Sentences: ( 1)
p~girle
waldu kapan? going(def/pos) time
vlhen did he go?
( 2)
Mare~e si Q~ga1 sabrape. being-angry(def/pos) (SPart) not so-much
He wasn't very angry. ( 3)
Emat) adene di ta~an siape ni? really having(def/pos) at hand who this Whose hand is it in?
(4)
Itdmfie tu anak! being=black(deffpos) that child HmV'
(5)
dark that child is!
S~gitu
botone. that-much being-pretty (def/pos)
She is so pretty. (6)
N~lorne
di mane
aje
ye?
l~ying(def/pos) at where just (SPart)
Where do they lay their eggs':
145 Saye bi!lgu~ mikirille ni ame anak. I confused thirucing=about(def!pos) this with child
(7)
~tr
thinking about
my
child is confused.
Examples Derived from nouns: anal~e
anak
child
ora.!)
man
ini
this
Siti
Siti
Sitine
Siti(def/pos)
die
he/she/they
diene
he/she/they(def/pos)
pakean
clothes
pake~e
clothes(def/pos)
analc-anak
children
anak-an~e
children(def/pos)
ala~an
obstacle
ala~anne
obstacle(def/pos)
kar jean
vlOrk
kQrjeanne
work(def/pos)
pikiran
thought
pilciranne
thought(def/pos)
omo~an
speech
omo~~e
speech(def/pos)
kamatian
death
kamati~e
death(def/pos)
child(def/pos) man(def/pos)
o oN ~n~ne
this( def/pos)
Derived:
Sentences:
(8)
Ni rumeite siSamiun. this house(def!pos) Samiun This is Samiun's house. Mao ka rume tamenIie na1 ye. want to house friend(def!pos) (pron.) (SPart I vlant to go to
my
friend's house.
(10) Ape ala~~e? what obs acle(def!pos) i'lhat is the obstacle?
(11) KQrjene
di p~~gir kali. work(def!pos) at edge river
The work is beside the river.
146 Pikiranne pade kura~. thinking(def!pos) all lacking
( 12)
He is a half-wit Gue p~rcaye omona~.e. I believe speech(def!pos)
( 13)
I believe his words. Ini soal kamati~e Eai-Dasime. this problem death(def!pos) Dasime
( 14)
This is the problem of Dasime's death. Ini pakeadrte bagus? this clothes(def!pos) beautiful, nice
( 15)
Are these clothes nice? SiDulo cari calane~e itu. Dulo look-for pants(def!pos) that
( 16)
Dulo is looking for those pants. Biarin de diene mao maen. leave-it (SPart) she(def/pos) warrl play
( 17)
Never mind,
~
wants to play.
Ora1) !te ~~ga1 ade di II urne • person(def!pos) not present at home
( 18)
r:Phe person isn't home. Hawe!te di~in. weather(def!pos) cold The weather is cold. Nurnerative Noun Derivation Rule DR (3) )
)
~~erJ
l;nurnJ ~~
(3) states that for a nurnerative verb there is a corresponding
derived numerative noun.
Since there is no change in phonological
shape, no morphophonemic rule is needed.
147 Examples: Verb: (1)
Bini gue ~. l>life I tvro My wives are two.
Derived noun:
(2)
Die lair taon due-pulu. she born year tvrenty She was born in
~.
Derived quantifying adjective: (3)
(DR (11) )
Bole dibila~ ude due-pulu taon. may say(pas) already t\'lenty year It may be said, already twenty years
7.2.2.4.
Familiar Name Derivation Hule
J
DR (4)
+N
+proper N +animate
IT
)
+~;vv
+proper +animate +familiar
DR (4) states that given a proper animate name there is a corresponding derived familiar name. names the prefix
~
(see
r~ffi
Dulo
Example:
A morphophonemic rule gives such derived
(9) ).
(name)
siDulo
(name, familiar)
Sentence: ( 1)
siDulo pan ude lame nu~guin lu. Un, (name) (name, fam) (sPart) already long await you Un,
~
has been waiting for you a long time.
7.3. Verb Derivation Rules 7.3.0.
Introduction
The verb derivation rules posited for Betawi are discussed in tvlO
148
7.3.1.
parts:
Word Formation Analogies, 7.3.2. Completely Productive
Derivation Rules.
First rules deriving intransitive verbs, and then
rules deriving transitive verbs will be given.
7.3.1.
Hord Formation Analogies
7.3.1.1. 7.3.1.1.1.
Intransitive Verbs "Possessing" viord Formation Analogy
\'IFA (14)
I+N
J
Gconcrete
,-
»,
)"'--_-JJr(_~" 7
+V +derv +possessing +
(r;~~J)
vWA (14) states that for some concrete nouns there are corresponding
derived intransitive verbs meaning 'to have, possess, or be characterized by (N)'. A morphophonemic rule gives such derived verbs the prefix
E!E.
(see VIlill (6) ). Examples: bini
vlife
babini
have a wife
rume
house
b~rume
have a house
ti1)kat
level, story
b~ti')kat
have a second story, level
kumis
mustache
bekumis
have a mustache
camba~
beard, sideVlhiskers, sideburns
bacamba~
have beard, sideHhiskers, sideburns
jodo
partner for marriage
b~jodo
have a partner for marriage
149 Sentence: SQkara~
(1)
now
ude berume. already have-house
They have a house noVT.
7.3.1.1.2.
"Condition" Hord Formation Analogy
tWA (15)
~~ondit ion]
+V
>
»'I»
)
+derv +condition +
(~~~~J)
VWA (15) states that for certain nouns which represent conditions
there are corresponding derived intransitive verbs meaning 'to have or be in (condition)'. A morphophonemic rule gives such derived verbs the suffix
~
Examples: co!)ek
ear infection
have an ear infection, deafness
S\'1eat
s\'1eaty
Sentences: (1)
Anal
+derv
+using i~A
derived
(21) states that for certain nouns there are corresponding intr~~sitive
verbs meaning 'to use (N)'.
It applies to nouns
representing things which can be used as tools. A morphophonemic rule gives such derived verbs the prefix (see VMR (1) ). Examples: sapu
broom
pacul
hoe
~
napu
sweep
macul
hoe
Sentences:
( 1)
E ude pagi, 1u mao macul ajga1 ? (intro) already morningJQu want hoe not It is already morning, do you want to hoe or not?
( 2)
Lagi napu mpo? presently sweep (voc) I am sweeping.
~
155 7.3.1.1.9.
"Producing" \'lord F'ormation Analogy
HFA (22)
[N J
)",--~( rif'-'---i' 7
+V +derv +
[;~~~J
+producing vWA
(22) states that for certain nouns there are corresponding
derived intransitive verbs meaning 'to produce
(N)'.
A morphophonemic rule gives such derived verbs the prefix
~
(see mm (6) ). Examples:
anak
egg
bat~lor
to lay an egg
child
b;:)ranak
to bear a child
Sentences:
(1)
a
ema~ ude bdt~lor. oh really already lay-egg
Oh, it has laid an egg.
(2)
Siape Ya, baranak? who wh~ch give-birth VIho is having a baby?
7.3.1.1.10.
Intransitivizing Word Formation Analogy
HFA (23)
+V +derv +
[+NM +THj.1 ] .«F.
~
-
[+AG~pJ
(F. refers to semantic features.) ~
vWA (23) states that for certain agentive verbs there are
corresponding derived intransitive verbs.
The subject of the derived
156 verb has the same set of permitted semantic features as the agentive actant of the source verb. A morphophonemic rule gives such derived verbs the prefix bQr ( see VIlill (6 ) ). Examples:
aye at
lift
pikir
think
bQpikir
think (intrans.)
decorate, dress, make up
barias
dress, make up (intrans.)
decorate, dress, malee up
badandan
dress, make up (intrans.)
depart, leave (intrans.)
Derived: iasin dandanin Sentences: Transitive Source Verbs:
Intransitive Derived Verbs:
(1) Hi bar~ b~rat baner. this thing heavy very
(2)
Qjga? bise dia kat sendiri. not can lift alone This is very heavy. lift it myself.
mane? -to vlhere
~
I can't
Lagi iasin rume~e presently decorate house(def/pos) bakal tQrime tamu. for receive guest She is decorating, fixing up the house to receive guests.
Tu pade mao b~r"illkat that all will leave
Hhere are you all
(4)
~!
Die lagi b~rias. She presently dress, malce up She is getting dressed, made up.
157 7 .3.1.1.11.
Reciprocal 'Vlord Formation Ana}.ogy
tWA (24) +V
>
+derv ~ (
:rm~~1) GAGT]
vWA (24) states that for certain agentive verbs there are corres-
ponding derived intransitive verbs l1ith the meaning 'to mutually (V)'. The subject of the derived verb has the same set of permitted semantic features as the agentive actant of the source verb. The subject of a reciprocal verb which does not have a comitative actant is interpreted as plural. There are some verbs uhich appear to be derived by this rule for which there are no source verbs in the lexicon. A morphophonemic rule gives such derived verbs the prefix £!£ (see VIill (6) ). Examples: pukul
hit
bapukul
hit (recip)
cium
kiss
bacium
kiss (recip)
b~ant~m
fight (recip)
b~(j
fight (recip)
)kalai
bl;)gaul
socialize (recip)
Sentences:
( 1)
J adi tuan
so
m:,
ude tao saye sari" bagaul arne (pron) already knovl that I often socialize(recip) (prep)
analdle Neli. child(def/pos) Neli So he knows that I am seeing his daughter Neli.
158 (2)
A, lu pikir gue a.9ga't bararli b~')lc~lai. ah you thinlc I not brave, dare fight(recip) Ah, you think I don't dare fight with
7.3.1.1.12.
him~
Reciprocal-Distributive Word Formation Analogy
vlFA (25)
+V
+V
+derv +reciprocal-distributive
'VlFA (25) states that for certain verbs there are corresponding derived intransitive verbs with the meaning 'to mutually do/be (V) repetitively or for an
~xtended
period of time' •
l'lhen the source verb is transitive, the subject of the derived verb has the same set of permitted semantic features as the agentive actant of the source verb.
The subject of a reciprocal verb which does
not have a comitative actant is interpreted as plural. Morphophonemic rules give the form
~
(from
optionally before derived distributive reciprocal verbs are reduplicated and given the suffix
~
~
v,~rbs.
'play') Such derived
(see milli (2),
(3),
Examples: cium
kiss
(maen)-cium-ciuman
tubruk
collide
(maen)-tubruk-tubrukan keep colliding(recip)
tarik
pull
(maen)-tarik-tarikan
keep pulling(recip)
tulu~
help
(maen)-tuIU!)-l;ulu~an
keep helping(recip)
pukul
hit
(maen)-pukul-pukulan
keep hitting(recip)
ba?rci
hate
(maen)-banci-b~~cian
hate(recip)
keep kissing (recip)
(9) ).
159 liat
see
(maen)-liat-liatan
keep looking at(recip)
cari
look for
(maen)-cari-carian
look for(recip), play hide and seek
jujur
honest
(maen)-jujur-jujuran
be honest(recip)
asik
absorbed
(maen)-asik-asilean
be absorbed( recip )
baek
good
(maen)-baek-baekan
be good to(recip)
mare
angry
(maen)-mara-maraan
be angry( recip)
Sentences:
( 1)
Tadi maen-mara-maraan. before mutually-angry
sakar~
now
die ude maen-baek-baelq;n tu. he already good-to(recip) that
Before they vlere always angrY at each other. friendly to each other again.
( 2)
Now they are
0, lagi cium-ciuman. oh presently keep-kissing(recip) Oh, they are kissing. tu anale k~nape de tubruk-tubrukan (intro) that child why (SPart) keep colliding(recip)
E,
t&gitu. like-that Hhy do those children keep running into each other like that?
(4) You be honest I'lith me in return.
( 5)
ICo? lu tarik, saye tarile, ko~ maen-tarik-tarilean. (SPart) you pull, I pull, (sPart) keep=pulling(recip) You are pulling, I am pulling, we are pulling against each other.
( 6)
Tulujin die, kalo ude, baru die tul~ lu. help he, if/when already, just-completed he help you Itu namene maen-tulu~-tulunan. that name(def/pos) help(recip) You help him and when you finish, he helps you. is called helping each other.
That is what
160 7.3.1.1.13.
Habitual Word Formaiion Analogy
\WA (26)
+V +
+V +derv
m~~J)
> ,'.,
EAG~
)
+
(~:~J) [±AGT]
+habitual
tWA (26) states that for certain intransitive verbs there are corresponding derived intransitive habitual verbs meaning 'to (V) habitually' • Morphophonemic rules reduplicate such derived verbs and give them the
suffix~.
A few such verbs must be individually specified as
exceptions to the reduplicating morphophonemic rule (see milll
(2), (9)>.
Examples: tidur
sleep
tidur-tiduran
sleep all the time, lie around
ena1
)
+V +derv +adversative GAGT] +
m:·J)
WFA (27) states that for certain nonstative nonagentive verbs, there are corresponding derived intransitive verbs meaning 'to suffer, undergo (V)'.
The action of the derived verb is usually adversative,
unintentional, and unexpected. If the source verb is an atmospheric verb, the subject is a
nevI
addition to its case frame, as the atmospheric verb is subject1ess.
If
the source verb is intransitive its case frame is unchanged. Morphophonemic rll1es give such derived verbs the prefix ka and suffix ~ (see ~illt (4), (9) ). Examples: Atmospheric: ujan
rain
kQujanan
get caught in the rain
panas
hot
k~panasan
get hot, suffer heat
di~in
cold
get cold, suffer cold
Intransitive: sleep
tidur
k~tiduran
fall asleep unintentionally
Sentences:
( 1)
Ua1 k~ujanan. (pron) get-caught-in-rain He was caught in the rain.
( 2)
Ema~
lu ude k~di)inan bQgini. really you already get-cold like-this
You really got cold.
162
(3)
Ni anal gue kQbal'1e ame taman. thing I be-t~cen by friend My things were taken by my friend.
(7)
Die ketubruk s9pede kali. he be-hit bicycle perhaps He l-las hit by a bicycle perhaps.
7.3.1.1.16.
"Possibilitive", "Contradictive" and "Careless" Verb Word Formation Analogy
HFA (29)
+v
:dm~~'rJ) {j;AGT]
t
+POSSibilitiveJ +contradictive +careless
vWA (29) states that for certain verbs there is a corresponding
165 derived intransitive verb with one of these meanings: Possibilitive:
,~o
be as (V) as possible, (V) as well or as much as
much as possible', often 'vith the added implication 'under the circumstances' Careless:
'to (V) carelessly, randomly, as you like'
Contradictive:
'so (V) as one is, so/as much as one does (V)'.
For transitive verbs, HFA (29) is intransitivizing.
The subject of the
derived verb has the same set of permitted semantic features as the subject of the source verb.
Semantically this seems to mean that while
the source verb involves an actor and an object, in the derived verb the action of the verb is not applied to any clear cut object.
It has
just done as well or as much as possible under the circumstances. Morphophonemic rules reduplicate such derived verbs, and give them the prefix ~ and suffix 'lle (see VM.H (2), (5), (8) ).
A
feV!
items must
be specified as not allowing reduplication, or allowing it optionally. Examples: "Possibilitive": g;lde
big
sa gQde-g~de?le
be as big as possible
jalas
clear
s Qj~las-j~lasne
be as clear as possible
aycat
lift
s ~ajcat-~katrte
lift as much as possible
bantu
help
sQbantu-bantune
help as much as possible
gore,
fry
sQgore~ -(gor~)r'1e fry as much as possible
tao
Imovl
s~tao-taorie
as much as one knows
ade
have, be
s9ade-adelle
do vlith what there is, do 'vith vlhat one has
166 Sentences: (1)
Saye manci') , biar dapQt ya.:l s~g~de-g~dene. I fish let get wh1ch as-big=as-possible When I fish, maY I get one as big as possible.
( 2)
SQj~las-j~lasne
( 3)
de, as-clear-as-possible (SPart) Be as clear as possibl!!:, when SQbantu-bant~e die help-as-much-as-possible she kura~ sebat. not-enough healthy She helps as she can.
(4)
s~a~t-aifatne
asal mao bila~in. when want speak you want to speak. de, die lagi (SPart) she presently
She is not well. aje
de,
sadapatne.
Lif~-muoh-as-possibleonly (SPart) as-much-as-able
Just lift l'lhat you can, as much as you are able. (5)
(6)
(7)
Ye ~rejle aje. (intro) fry -aJ3-much-as-possible only Just fry as much as you can, as much as you are able. SatadOe saye, die mao dat_~o as-far-as-know I he will come As far P..m I kno";-1, he is coming. S~kara1J si die saade-adene now (SPart) she do-with-what-there-is,do-with-what-ehe-has aje. only No\·, she just does
lin
th l'1hat she has.
"Careless" belok
turn
sabelok-beloICne
dej~r
pinjam
hear bOrrOl'1
sa dejQr-dejdrne sapinjam-pinjamne
liat pulcul
see hit
S
vWA (30) states that for certain nouns there are corresponding
derived agentive verbs meaning 'to take (N) out of something'.
These
verbs are derived from nouns which represent items which are undesirable in some context. Examples: bulu
feather
buluin
to defeather
kulit
skin
kulitin
to skin
170 kutu
louse
kutuin
to delouse
j~t
beard
j~gutin
to pullout beard hairs
uban
gra;; hair
ubanin
pullout gra;; hairs from
Sentences: ( 1)
(2)
Gue kutuin. lu. Mari come-here you I delouse Come here, I'll delouse you.
°oh you lu lagi ubanin kapale. presently pull-out-grsy-hairs-from head Oh you are pulling out gray hairs.
7.3.1.2.2.
"Providing" vlord Formation Analogy
WFA (3 1 ) )
'I
)
+V
+derv +
([±AGT])
+providing WFA (31) states that for certain nouns there are corresponding derived agentive verbs meaning 'to provide something or someone wit}l (V)'.
These verbs are derived from nouns which represent nouns which
are desirable in some context. Examples: s80'U!'
vegetables
s80'U!'in
provide vegetables
kopi
coffee
kopiin
serve coffee to
te
tea
tein
serve tea to
air
water
airin
to ''later
rume
house
rumein
to house
atop
roof
atapin
to roof
tajin
starch
tajinin
to starch
ravlat
care
raHat in
care for, talce care of
obat
medicine
obatin
treat, give medicine to
171 Sentences: TuluT-n de baj, at~pin rume sayee help (SPart) (voe) ~ house I
(1)
Help
!22!
my house.
Passive: (2)
Ni anak makan, kalo ~a? bise dis §Y}U' in , ~~ this child eat if not can provide-vegetables not bise makan. can eat( pas) When this child eats, if he isn't given vegetables, he can't eat.
(3)
Ude dikopiin b~lun? already serve-coffee(pas) not-yet Have they been served coffee yet or not?
7 -3.1.2.3.
"Putting" vlord Formation Analogy
)
l (
)
+V
+derv +
(~arJ)
+putting WFA (34) states that for certain nouns there are corresponding derived verbs meaning 'to put something in (N)'.
These verbs are
derived from nouns which represent something which can act as a container or enclosure. Examples:
0'
pocket
kantojin
to pocket
kotak
box
kotakin
to put in a box
karu,
bag
karu~in
to put in a bag
dindi~
I'm 11
dindi!)in
to wall (in)
kur':j
cage
kuru!)in
to cage
botol
bottle
botolin
to put in a bottle
k'aranja~in
to pui in a basket
kant
k;)I'anjaj basket
172
Sentences: ( 1)
Kurut,\in tu buru. cage that bird ~
that bird.
Pas~ive:
( 2)
siArun kalo die dat~ b~arti jiwe~e gue kantotin. Arun if he come mean life(def/pos) I pocke (pas) If Arun comes, I'll pocket his life. "Using" Hord Formation Analogy
\'lFA
(3 2 )
>
)
+V +derv
AdV +derv +manner +together
)
G
J
DR (12) states that for derived "together" verbs (section 7.3.1015) there are corresponding derived manner adverbs with the meaning '(num) together'.
Since there is no change in form, no morphophonemic rule
is needed. Examples: br'dmpat
four together
Sentences: ( 1)
Maen cari-carian b~due. pl~ hide-and-seek two-together They are playing hide and seek together.
( 2)
S~e
I
kan abis nagi pajak ni badue arne Kome.!). (SPart) just collect tax this two-together (prep) Komeng.
I was just collecting taxes together with Komeng.
210 7.4.2.3.
Quote Noun Derivation Rule
DR (13) +derv +quote
'>>---~>
DR (13) states that for
+AC +THM
any quotable sound there can be a cor-
responding derived noun Nhich serves as a direct "quotation" object.
Some verbs are specified as quote verbs with the features This specifies that such actants may folloH the verb.
E-(t;~oteJ)J
Other verbs
are specified as not allm-ling such objects by the redundancy- rule: RIt (9)
.,
G-v J
[
- [+N
lJ
L:t-quot~
Such a constraint is probably universal (see starosta 1973b:l03). Examples: ( 1)
Lantas anak child then
~
raje kine
tane ask
"Mao will
.-/
ka mane
ratu parempuan?" to Hhere queen lady
~... ~ lJ~J +derv
N
+Nlil ]
+AGJll
+C1uote
+AC +rrI-1II1
Then the prince asked "Hhere are you going, Lady
( 2)
Banak ora.!) many person
J
kasi-tao arne tell (prep)
:J:Ye I
G~ ] 8-DA'll ~~C]
I:~~I'I GAGJll
b~taman die ude he alrea~y friendly
~
arne siPuase (prep) Puase
~?ueen?"
ni, this
+N ] +AC
~
+IJ:11l1;1
do. (SPart)
:!~~~~~:::::;--- _ /
+AC
+rl'Ilr.I
l:Iany people tell me this,
;;,;h;,;.e...;;;i,;;;.s...;;;.f;;,.r,;;;;i,.;.e_n_d~ly:.:... _~;.:.n.;;;;,.t.:.;-l;,;;,l~P:.:u:;;;;a:;.:s:.;;.e.
-
211
7.5. Some Derivation Rules Which May Be Collapsed: Patterns of Derivation of Major Categories In this section some rules which apply to major categories are collapsed.
The importance of categories such as noun and verb is con-
firmed by their appearing in the description of the class of items which may serve as source items for many derivation rules.
In addition, some
categories based on case frame, and semantic features such as "stative" repeatedly function in the description of the source items for derivational rules.
The different patterns of derivation of these types of
lexical items are shown by collapsing the rules which apply only to them, ignoring the finer subcatergorization features, such as L;concretil, L;timil, etc. which appear in only one or two rules. ( 1) ')>---.",",'.'1-'--'7~
+N +derv +imitation +time period +various +durat ion +unit +collective +pers pron
+V +derv +Possessing ( +condition +consuming +using +producing +removing +providing +acting +putting +AdV +derv [ +unit 'rhis rule is a summary of many rules.
]
It ignores the finer
features of sub categorization of nouns which serve as input to some
212 rules.
It shows the pattern of noun derivation.
Not all nouns may
be derived as all the types of derived items listed above, but any item which serves as a source item for any of the rules included in this rule is a noun.
( 2)
+V
+derv +inchoative ~ +some'tihat +comparc:-tive { :f-eXCeSS1ve +AdV ] [ +ma,n
J
rtAdj L+derv This rule is a summary of several rules.
It shows the distinctive
pattern of derivation of stative intransitive verbs.
An item which
serves as a source item for the rules included in this rule is a stative intransitive verb. +V
+V
+
+derv
G:IJ EACTJ
t
+transi~iViZing
"'--_-f-J,..I r I} --~> 7
t
+oausat1ve +habitual
S
J
+N +derv +time point This rule is a summary of several rules.
It shows the distinctive
pattern of derivation of intransitive verbs (those restricted to stative intransitive verbs above may also be added).
Not all
intransitive verbs may serve as source verbs for all of the rules summarized, but any item which serves as source item for one of these rules is an intransitive verb.
213
(4)
'>
(
+N +derv +Num
)
(
(+banknote} l+definite
J
~
:~erv
(+approxirnativel l+together j
This rule is a summary of rules applying only to nurnerative verbs. ( 5)
GV ([~AGT JU)--+-J-lI---;.)
+V +derv +repetitive +intention +
GACJ BEN
(benefactive)
+
GJ
( dative-object)
+
G +THM
+
+DNII G
+
AC DNIJ
ID1
]
,+
[rAGT] ( pass~ve .)
]
+
GAG'l~ (indirect
~ID1 ] +BEN
+
Mij
This rule is a summary of several rules.
passive)
GAGTJ
It ignores some finer
features of subcategorization of the source verbs for some rules.
Not
all agentive verbs may be derived by all of the rules summarized.
But
any item "Thich serves as a source item for any of these rules is an agentive verb.
214
(6) //
)
+N +derv +concrete ~ +person [ +abstract result +institution
+V +derv +intrans itivi zing +reciprocal +reciprocal ~istributive +possibilitive +careless +contradictive +adversative +distributive -l.-Adv +derv +possibilitive +contradictive ( +careless ...+ together
This rule is a summary of many rules.
It
ShO\ffl
j
the distinctive
pattern of derivation of verbs (those restricted to stative intransitive agentive verbs ShovID on the previous pages may be included).
Not
all verbs can serve as source items for all the derivations included. But any item which serves as a source item for any of the rules included in this rule is a verb.
8. 8.0.
215
Morphophonemic Rules
Introduction Morphophonemic rules specify the phonological shape of a form which
has certain syntactic or morphological features. morphophonemic rules for Betawi are stated. tional (see section 7.1.1).
In this section, the
These rules are all deriva-
Derivational morphophonemic rules apply
whenever an associated derivational rule has applied.
In the case of a
morphophonemic rule associated with a vWA, the rule simply states a generalization about lexical items which are listed in the lexicon.
In
the case of a morphophonemic rule associated with a productive derivation rule, the rule specifies the phonological shape of the lexical entries predicted by the abbreviated lexical items and the derivation rule. So for example, both a verb /baek/ 'good' and a derived noun /krasaan
institution:
This rule gives the prefix
I
to derived time point, duration and
~
unit nouns. Examples: unit:
s eleta-r
one liter
duration:
s-aarian
one day, a whole day at the coming
time point:
+derv +concrete j+personl
)
I±NMR 6
J
+abstract result +institution +imitation +banknote +durat ion This rule gives the suffix
~
to derived concrete, abstract result,
institution, banknote, imitation, and duration nouns, and derived person nouns vlhich are specified as
t~ing
this rule.
218
Examples: concrete:
maenan
toy
person:
p;)~opian
coffee addict
abstract result:
k~baekan
goodness
imitation:
mobil-mobilan
toy car
banknote:
s~ratusan
a hundred (bill)
duration:
saarian
a vlhole day derv (+ +col~ective)
IU
)
J
J
l+var~ous
Tllis rule reduplicates derived various and collective nouns. must be ordered after
morn
It
(2)-(6).
Examples: various:
t
~lor ...t~lor
collective:
p~)aco-p~aco
people who confuse things
p;}ncarianPdncarian
vlayS
k»baekankabaekan
goodness, kindness
maenan-maenan
toys
)
+ne] N
various kinds of eggs
I
0
f making a living
This rule gives the suffix ne to derived definite nouns. must be ordered after }IDffi (1)-(6).
J
!+derv [j-definite
It
219
Examples: hawene
weather(defjpos)
mobil-mobila.n.rIe
toy car(defjpos)
.....
pa.9acone
person who causes confusion(defjpos)
p~rlcaria.n.ne
way of making a living(defjpos)
kabaeka.nne
goodness(defjpos)
b
This rule gives the prefix Example: 8.2.
NGsi ::: ~
r+derv ] L±familiar
I
to derived familiar names. (name, familiar)
siDulo
Verb Morphophonemic Rules
VMR (1)
+derv +inchoat ive +using
V[
fC[~~!Jr J l: ~mperat~ ve
This rule gives the prefix; to verbs derived as inchoative, using, and consuming verbs, and to nonimperative active agentive verbs. Examples: inchoative:
jacilinjk~cilin
become small
using:
macul
use a hoe
consuming
jopi
drillic coffee
nonimperative agentive active:
mukuljpukul
hit
220 VMR (2)
[XJV
+derv +someivhat +habitual +possibilitive +contradictive +careless +distributive +reciprocal distributive
)
This rule reduplicates derived habitual, somewhat, possibilitive contradictive, careless, distributive, and reciprocal-distributive verbs. Examples: some~lhat:
(ka)mare-marean
reddish
habitual:
tidur-tiduran
lie around all the time
possibilitive:
s~gede-gadene
as big as possible
contradictive:
s~boto-botone
as pretty as she is
careless:
s~belok-belokne
turn aimlessly
reciprocaldistributive:
maen-mare-marean
be angry at each other constantly
maen-maen
play(dist)
distributive:
~
VMR
•
N
•
narJ.-narJ.
look for(dist)
(j a) b dli-b aliin (see P rule XIII)
buy( dist)
(3)
(~ti~~~wei1 i LE.( J
)
[±AGr])J
This rule gives the suffix
~
to derived inchoative verbs
agentive verbs and to underived agentive verbs. underived verbs.
~d
It is optional for
221
Examples: inchoative:
gddein
become big
removing:
kutuin
delouse
providing:
obatin
give medicine, treat
acting:
musuin
oppose, act as enemy
using:
sapuin
s'tieep
putting:
kanto~in
pocket
transitivized:
marein
get angry at, scold
causative:
mandiin
bathe (someone)
repetitive:
pukulin
hi·~
intention:
liatin
look at
benefactive:
baliin
buy (ben)
dative-object:
pinjomin
lend
underived:
bunu/bunuin
kill
agentive~
derived:
VI@ (4)
V[maen-
V[
repeatedly
I~
derv
J
+reciprocaldistributive
This rule gives derived reciprocal distributive verbs the form ~~.
The verb
meaning
'pl~r'
Example:
~
means 'play', but in these derived verbs the
is not longer necessarily present. maen-mare-marean
be angry at each other constantly
222
VIiffi ( 5)
v~·
V [
This rule gives the prefix and excessive verbs.
~to
=
I ~~gli~:~i~ve}]
derived adversative, somewhat,
It is optional for derived somewhat verbs.
E..'talor
to lay an egg
intransitivized:
bapikir
to think, be thinking
reciprocal:
b~pukul
to hit each other
223 VMR (8)
v[
)
+derv +( G-AGifj)
V [di=
- [+NM
l
/:tAGTJ - ~pronJ +AG +AGT This rule gives the prefix
& to derived passive agentive verbs,
except when preceded by pronominal agentive actants in the accusative case form. Examples: direct passive:
dib~li
bought
indirect passive:
dibdliin
bought (ben)
+derv
/~
+contradJ.ctJ.ve [+careless
U
+POSSibi~it~Vej
This rule gives the suffix ne to derived possibilitive, contradictive, and careless verbs. Examples: possibilitive:
aB
big as possible
contradictive:
s aboto-botone
as pretty as (she) is
careless:
s db e10k-beloklle
turn aimlessly +derv +condition +somevlhat +approximative +reciprocal distributive +habitual +adversative +comparative +excessive
)
This rule gives the suffix
~
to derived condition, somewhat,
approximative, reciprocal distributive, habitual, adversative,
224 approximative, comparative and excessive verbs. Examples: condition:
co~ekan
have an ear infection
somevlhat:
k'Jmare-mare an
reddish
approximative:
due-puluan
around tiolenty
reciprocal distributive: maen-mare-marean be angry at each other constantly habitual:
tidur-tiduran
lie around all the time
adversitive:
k~ila~an
lost, have something lost
k~ila~an-buku
have a book lost
gddean
bigger
comparative:
too big
excessive:
8.3.
other Morphophonemic Rules
AMR (I)
Adv[X] Adv
)
+derv +frequency +manner +unit +possibilitive +contradictive +careless
This rule reduplicates derived frequency, manner, unit, possibilitive, contradictive and careless adverbs.
This rule must be ordered
before AIm (2) and AMR (3). Examples: frequency:
sari-sarine
daily
manner:
baek-baek
carefully
unit:
satu-satu
one by one
possibilitive:
sQgade-g~dene
as big as possible
contradictive:
s
careless:
s dmao-maone
~jao-jaone
,....
as far as, although far as one iVants
225 AJilR
(2)
Adv
[
Adv [s~ =
)
This rule gives the prefix
~
+derv
~
frequencY ] +unit +possibilitive +contradictive +careless
to derived frequency, possibilitive,
contradictive and careless, and sentence adverbs.
This rule is optional
for sentence adverbs. Examples: frequency:
sa WaktU-vlaktU
sometimes
possibilitive:
sa gade-g adene
as big as possible
contradictive:
s ~jao-jaone
as far as, although far
careless:
"" samao-maone
as one wants
sentence adverb:
(ea)batulne
actually +derv +SAdv frequency } +possibilitive +contradictive [ +careless
.$eJ Adv
This rule gives the suffix
~
to derived frequency, possibilitive,
contradictive, careless and sentence adverbs. Examples: frequency:
. '" sari-sarJ.ne
daily
possibilitive:
sagdde-gadene
as big as possible
contradictive:
sajao-jaone
as far as, although far
careless:
samao-maone
as one vlants
,sentence adverb:
s~b;jtulne
actually
subcon ~m (1)
subcon
[
--....,
This rule gives the prefix Example: sub con/Intro rm (1)
Stl b 'dl
~
226
subconl§ is affected by the presence
or absence of some feature in the environment, that element acts as a
249 variable constraint and is placed in angled brackets in the environment to the right of the slash.
Thus a following vowel at morpheme boundary
favors the operation of the final epenthetic glottal stop rule in Betmvi, andCOlLStrains vlhat would otherwise be free varia"bon.
( 1)
¢
)
/
_cons] -syl -cont [ -son
V _ _+(V)
(1) states that an epenthetic glottal stop variably appears at morpheme boundary after a vOHel, more often before a vO\"lel than elsel'There. To establish relations of order among constraints and vleigh one more heavily than the other, Greek letters may be placed to the upper left of the angled bracket indicating the relations of more or less. Thus (2) expresses the rule in Betavli that an epenthetic glottal stop appears variably at morpheme boundary after a vOIvel, more often before a like vOHel than before an unlike vOHel.
( 2) ( \
_cons]) -syl
/
[ -SOl1 -COllt
This approach implies that the speaker can identify not only optional rules, but which linguistic factors favor rule operation, and the hierarchical order in vlhich they are ranked. Kiparsky (1971:603) suggests that instead of being learned, such frequencies may be predictable from general substantive constraints such as those based on phonotactic factors.
For example, final
250 consonant deletion may be expected to be more frequent before a consonant than before a vONel, so that CVCV sequences in the output are favored. Kiparslcy's vie1'l vTOuld be compatible \'1ith stampeian natural phonology in which many "rules" of generative phonology are seen as universal tendencies1'lhich may be suppressed in particular languages.
It may be
that the regularities described here as "variable rules" may ultimately be shown to be reflections of universal phonotactic factors. No nongrammatical (stylistic, social class, age, geographical or etllllic) constraints are introduced in the variable rules in this description.
This is because, as discussed in the introduction, the
description is based on the vernacular speech of a particular group of people, restricted by etllllic group, class, age and area. The description of the vernacular of such speakers in a necessary preliminary to the study of the extremely complex variation in speech in JaJcarta due to nongrammatical factors.
9.4.1.
Constraints on APplication of Some Variable Rules in Betavli.
The tables beloH shoH frequencies of application of some variable rules in BetE'..Vli in the speech of my prima.ry informant Bu Siti and four other members of the Rinclu Malam lenong troupe, based on tape recordings. '1'he
actual nwnber of instances in each cellon the tape is reported in
parentheses after the percentage, \'lith number of applications to the left of the slash and number of total instances to the right. fm-l
In the
cases Hhere the results in a particular cell axe not sic;nificant
to the .05 level, -the results are reported but starred.
251 Table 4 Frequency of APplication of Final /a/ Rule
~ S pealcer:
Percent raised to
L eJ
+C
:1;t:-
+V
1.
Mustopo
100 (5/5)
93 (22/24)
2.
Eu Siti
100 (9/9)
93 (100/107)
00 (0/5)
3.
Naserin
100 (8/9)
92 (24/37)
00 (1/10)
4.
Salmine
89 (8/9)
80 (24/30)
13 (1/8)
5.
Sunaye.t
*57 (4/7)
62 (33/55)
10 (1/10)
1----
-)tOO
(0/4)
The tape recording of the lenoD Nyai Dasime (see APpendix A) used here so the data on several speakers may be compared.
\'laB
The chart
shows that final /a/ is raised to ["eJ more often word finally and before a suffix beginning with a consonant than before a suffix beginning Nith a vowel for each spealcer. with a consonant is /na/ (variably stU'f'ace
The only suffix beginning
iff£!) ,
and the only
suffixes beginning \'I1ith a vowel are /an/ and /in/. I am not stU'e what the phonological factors operating here are. The use of the symbols V and C might be misleading, as
-~he
only
suffix beginning with a consonant is /fta/, which becomes surface
iPi7,
and perhaps a ~;nd of assimilation is involved in this environment,
rather than (or in addition to) the suffix-initial consonant. For some speakers, the rule seems to operate categorically before a suffix beginning with a consonant, and never to operate before a suffix beginning with a vowol.
252 Table 5 Frequency of Application of /h/ Deletion
~
+0
#
V1
+V 2
V1
+V l
Spea1~er:
Bu Siti
*100 (2/2)
93 (13/14)
69 (9/14)
10 (1/10)
In the case of /h/ deletion, since the forms involved are very rare in some environments, I was only able to use the data from tapes of elicitation sessions with Bu Siti in which such forms where introduced.
The chart shows that for Bu Siti /h/ deletion operates more
often at \iord boundary and before a suffix beginning with a consonant (the only suffix beginning with a consonant is jna/), than before suffixes beginning \iith vowels (/in/ or /an/).
The loss of a consonant
finally or b"efore another consonant is a very common rule, and maJ'" be seen as an instance of the tendency to maximize the optimal CV syllable structure.
/11/ deletion also seems to operate more often'
between unlike vowels than between like vowels
0
It might be that the
constraint here involves a resistance to deletion in the enviornment where £hJ serV(lS to differentiate t\·ro like sounds, something like \'lhat seems to be operating in the case of glottal stop epenthesis, discussed below.
253 Table 6 Frequency of APplication of Final Glottal stop Epenthesis
Percent of elottal stop Environ-
~
( 1)
(2)
( 3)
(5)
(4) V
#
Vl_+V l
Vl _+V 2 Vl _+V 3
90
29
12
04
04
80
( 36
(3/26)
(2/15)
(10/233)
( 2/48 )
(35/48 )
91
13
11
06
02
77
( 11/12)
(1/8)
(1/9)
(1/4 8 )
( 23/30 )
(-i)
V
(6)
(-;j
#
a_#
Speaker
Bu Siti
/4 0 )
Salmine
. (16/27 8)
(1)
=
Ma, i+i
(2)
c::
u+i, e+i, o+i, e+a,
(3)
= a+i,
0+&
i+a, U+a
For epenthetic glottal stop, the tapes of Bu Siti and her neighbor Salmine tAlking together at home i1ere used since they were of better quality than the 1enoJ tapes and reliable transcription of the occurrence of glottal stop could be made.
In the case of glottal
stop epenthesis, it appears that the constraint in the cases of
254 environments
(1)-(5) ( (6) is discussed below) is a matter of polarity
or degree of difference between the vowel at morpheme boundary and the following sound.
When these are most alike, i.e. like vowels, the
glottal stop is most likely to appear. the unlike vowel combinations less likely to occur.
When they are less alike, i.e.
LUy, fey, LOy, L8Y, £Oil,
it is
It is even less likely between the polar
oppositions of the vowel combinations
Lail,
LI~, and ~~.
The
appearance of glottal stop is least likely when the following sound is least like the preceding one, ioe. before a consonant or word boundary. In this case it may also be seen as the tendency to maximize the CV syllable structure. The exception is the case of the high frequency of glottal stop after
jaj
in word final position (environment (6) )0
This may
be related to the fact that the final offglide rule does not apply to
jaj,
as to other tense vowels in final position. This rule does not follo'Vl the "unmarked" pattern of a single
environmental feature affecting rule frequency in a probabilistically uniform way (Cedegren and Sankoff
1972:44-45). It appears that in
this case the preceding and following environment interact and act as a single factor.
255 9.5.
Comparison Hith Previous Treatments and Implications of lJ.'his Treatment
9.5.1.
Compa.rison l'Iith Previous Treatments
9.5.1.1.
The VOHel System
I\Iulladjir (1972) a.ccounts for the differences bet'\"leen his description (Huhadjir 1964) of the vO\'lel system of Betavd, in '\"lhich he describes a phonemic inventory of seven vOVlels, and Kahler's (1966) description, 'Vlhich describes a phonemic inventory of eleven vOI'lels t basically on the 8TOunds that the material used by Kahler represented several subdialects.
The description of the vOl'lel system of Betmli
in this study Generally agrees vlith I;Iuhadjir' s, except that only six underlyinc; vOHels are posited, in contrast to Muhadjir's seven phonemes.
The difference betHeen this description and r.Iulladjir t s is
due to the fact that the structuralist framel"lork in vlhich IV1uhadjir Horked requires tHo separate vOI'Jel phonemes (in liIuhadjirts orthography ~
and 1:.) to account for the existence of pairs like (in his
orthography) gule 'kind of soup' and gul~ t sugar' vlhich the informant perceives as different. In generative theory, underlying representations may be completely neutralized under certain circumstances (perhaps constrained by the " alternation condition" (Kiparksy 1973: 10), '\'lhich at least in intention apparently does not apply to the final /a/ rule in BetavIi).
1J.1his
allOl"lS the description of distinct underlying forms Vlhich fall together on the surface. Those forms I'lhich have final
1:
in IiIul1adjir's orthography are
considered in this analysis to have underlying final /a/, 'Vlhich may be
256 realized on the surface as
L e J.
To test whether the surface forms
actually fall together with underlying final /e/ forms so as to be indistinguishable, a perception test was given to the primary informant, Bu Siti.
Bu Siti was tape recorded pronouncing several examples of
minimal pairs in a neutral :frame. does not read.
The :frame
\'laB
Picture cues were used as Bu Siti
simply"..!!!!
" ('This is _ , ) .
The
\rords \'tere not presented as minimal pairs but as part of a longer list.
The pairs were: (underlying forms) /gule/ 'kind of soup',
jgula/ 'sugar'; /bole/ 'allowed', /bola/ 'ball'; /sampe/ 'arrive', /sampah/ 'garbage' (underlying /h/ is usually lost in word final position as discussed in 9.2.3.1).
When these minimal pairs were
replayed to her, Bu Siti could not consistently distinguish between the forms l'Tith underlying /a/ and forms with underlying lei, as they were neutralized as ~eJ. When Bu Siti was asked about the difference between the members of the such minimal pairs, however, she responded that they l'rere pronounced differently.
In contrasting them, she tended to give the
underlying /e/ form a final offglifle, and the underlying /a/ form a glottal stop release, (nondistinotive: differentiating them as, for example: I:gule(?)] 'sugar'. than the other.
see section 9.2.3.2) maximally /J;uleiJ 'kind of soup', versus
She noted that the offglide form was "longer"
The underlying /a/ form with an offglide pronounciation
was rejected (for example:
*/J;u.leiJ
'sugar').
This may be described
by saying that the offglide rule is ordered before the final /a/ rule. Only underlying final /e/ may have a strong offglide.
This dis-
tinguishes final /e/ forms from underlying final /a/ forms.
The
distinction is not "difficult to learn" because the final /a/ rule
257 is a vaJ... iable rule, and the underlying form sometimes appears on the surface. Bu Siti observed that pronunciation 'i'lith final £:aJ Has "another "my of saying the same thing" for 1Ulderlying
/£1,/
forms, e.g. j;,culil
'sugar', but not for underlying /e/ forms, e.g. *t:~l~ 'kind of soup'. The generative description accounts for all of the follOi'ling facts 1'lithout positinG
(ill
additional underlying vO\'lel:
(1) The speaker's intuition that the final S01Ulds in such minimal pairs (pairs uith lillderlying final /e/ versus underlying final /a/) are different. (2) The fact that such pairs may be pronounced indistinguishably in natural speech as ~e-7. (3) The fact that the underlying /e/ form may be pronounced \'lith an offglide:
FiJ,
uhile the 1Ulclerlying
/£1,/
form may not.
(4) '1l he fcwt that final ~aJ variably appears on the surface in the underlying /a/ forms, especially before certain suffixes. 9.5.1.2.Lar~lgeals
J.lu11adjir (1964:34,37) and H
+son +cont
rI / _
= [icons]
-lateral P rule XIV states that an /r/ at prefix boundary is deleted
before a consonant.
The only prefixes meeting the structural
description of the rule are /barf and /par/. P Rule XV:
Shwa Deletion [+son l L±consJ
-high -low
J]
+back
+nas +cons
-round [
-vOi~J -str~cil
P rule XV states that shwa may be variably deleted between an initial consonant and a following liquid, or an initial /s/ and a following nasal or nonstrident consonant$ word boundary or after a prefix.
This rule applies either at
270 Notes to Section 9
Ihl
171
~he specifications for "sonorant" and "low" for and here follow Chomsky and Halle's (1968:302, 305) definitions of these features, although not their practice on pp. 303 and 307. Schane (1973:29) also lists laryngeals as L=sonorani7. 2Alternatively, rather than having an ordering restriction, the vowel laxing rule could be stated so as not to apply before semivowels. 3Alternatively, a rule of loss of a nasal before another nasal, ordered before the shwa epenthesis rule, might be posited. This would allow simplification of the assimilation rule, but it would add to the number of rules required. I do not have any real evidence for one solution over the other.
271 10. 10.1
Conclusion
The Origin and Position of Betawi
10.1.0.
Introduction
As mentioned in the introductory section (section 1.1), Betawi appears to be a dialect which resulted primarily from language shift by speakers of languages closely related to the target language.
In
section 1.2., historical information on the origin of Betawi was summarized, and it 'tfas stated that following the presentation of Betawi grammar which is the main objective of this dissertation, linguistic evidence concerning classification of Betawi as a Malay dialect and the role of other languages in its development would be considered.
The discussion of this linguistic evidence follows.
First I will summarize the evidence which does not depend on the description of Beta't'1i provided here, that of vocabulary and sound correspondences. Malay
Vii th,
This evidence clearly places Betawi as a dialect of
hOvlever, many loanvlords from languages with which it has
been in corrtact. The following sections viill compare aspects of the grammar of Betavii, as described in this study , with "classical" (see below) Malay, showing some differences from Malay, some similarities to Javanese, Sundanese, and Balinese, and some apparent innovations. The implications of these findings will then be discussed. By "classical" Malay is meant the language of the Malay classics, such as the Se,jarah Melayu (1758) and the Hikayat Hang fruah (1762). It is generally considered to be derived from the dialect of Hiau and Johore (e.g. Teeuw 1961:43).
Winstedt (19 27:4) states that all his
272 examples are taken from these works of literature, and his description will be the basis for references to classical Malay in this section. The reason for using classical Malay as a point of departure is simply that other Malay dialects have been poorly documented (Dhlenbeck 1971:62) except for the modern standard languages Bahasa Indonesia and Bahasa Malaysia.
(These
~~e
considered dialects of a single language, which
is called "J.1alay" as it is descended from "Old Malay".)
Hhere relevant
I will note 1'J'here Bahasa Indonesia, Bahasa Malaysia, or (as far as is knOl·m) other Malay dialects differ from classical Malay (based on MacDonald and Soenjono 1967, Hassan 1974, BrOl~ 1956, Hendon 19 66 , Hussein 1973, and informants named in APpendL~ A3).
The references
to Javanese, Balinese, and Stu1danese are to modern standard varieties (based on Horne 1961, Kersten 1948, Robins 1953a, 1953b, 1957, 1959, 19 6 5, and 1968 and informants named in A3). languages, closely related to Malay.
These are all independent
A more complete comparison
refer to earlier material on these languages.
~rould
I will also refer to
Hinstedt (1927:177-180) on Bazaar Malay, a trade pidgin, Shellabar (19 1 3) and Nio Joe Lan (1961) on Chinese-Malay, and Schuchart (1891) on Malayo-Portuguese creole. 10.1.1. 10.1.1.1.
Linguistic Evidence Basic Vocabulew.;y
On the Swadesh two htu1dred vrord list (minus snow, ice, and freeze), about 93~~ of the Betawi words are cognate with the usual Malay vrords. In contrast, only about 43% of the Betavli vlords are cognate with Sundanese, 3~~ vlith Javanese, and 36% with Balinese.
The 93% cognate
score with Malay clearly plar;es Betawi as a dialect of Malay on the
273 basis of basic vocabulary. The words not cognate with the usual IvIalaJT words on the list are given in Table 7·.
Most of them appear to be cognate l'Iith other IiIalaJT
words, a fevl are from Javanese, Sundanese, or Balinese, and three from Chinese. 10.1.1.2.
Sound Correspondences
Malay (Riau dialect) and Javanese were among the languages used by Dempvrolff (1934) to reconstruct Proto-Austronesian.
Table 8 compares
the reflexes of Proto-Austronesian in Betawi with the reflexes in MalaJT and Javanese given by Dempwolff (with the changes suggested by Dyen 1953a for the laryngeals and the orthography suggested in Dyen 1971).
Betavli
differs from Javanese, and follows Malay, in correspondences for *T, *D, *n,
,*iw, and *h between like vowels, and in lacking vowel coalescence.
Hhere Betavli differs from Malay it usually ShOHS the Javanese correspondence:
final *au:o; final 1:-aJT:ej *e in final syllable:e ; initial
*q:¢: initial and final 1~h:¢.
The only cases in which the Betawi
correspondence is not the same as either Javanese or Malay are: *a in final position: e ; *q in final position: ¢; and *k in final position:k. However internal synchronic evidence requires positing underlying forms which are id.entical for all three languages in the first tvl0 cases, and perhaps underlying forms vlhich are identical for MalaJT and Betavli in the last case.
1
(No examples are available in Betawi for a single case: *g
in final position.) This evidence does not seem to contradict that of basic vocabulary, although there are nine correspondences which differ from those of (Riau) MalaJT.
These differences do not seem to be so great that they
214 Table 1. Basic Vocabulary Items of Betawi Not Cognate \'1ith Usual r.ialay Word on Swadesh 200 Word List -""-----
Gloss
1. and
Malay
Betawi
(Possible) Source of Betawi
~
~
Bazaar 1I1alay ~ 'with' from classical Malay barsama 'together' , root: classical Malay sama 'same,similar' from Sa.'ii'SiCrit •
- -_ ..
- - - _.. _-_ .. _"
_._-
----'
b~sar
gada
Javanese, Sundanese, and Balinese gade 'big'.
~
rnampus
classical Malay mampua ' die (of animals)' •
4. dull
tumpul
puntul
5.
t~li8a
kupi
~
Holckien ~ - - - - - - - ---
mdmbunuh
mampusin
E 3. die
------- -- -'--- -
!
i
I
ear
6. I
!
-'._-
I I
1. kill
I
i Balinese puntul 'dull'.
Javanese and Balinese k~ 'ear' •
J
I
i
I
1 _ '_ _ " _ _ _ _ _
------ - - - - - - - _ .
.•
~~--~----_.-
Is'
I
mother_
I
I
9. say
I
--_._- ---.-..
I
,
I
~
'I'
root: Malay mampus 'die (of animals) , suffix: Balinese (n)in ' (causative)' • N.
~
rial'
Mandarin Chinese n~a9 'mother, wife, girl'
b~rkata
omoD
Javanese, Sundanese, Balinese ~ , say'
i
!
Chinese
i
- - - - _ .._ - - - - - - - -
..
~--------_
__ ._.._..._-
I
110. \'1e( excl.) :
~
I
I
kite rJ1alay kita 'we (incl.)' • (axcl. and incl.)
I
I
-.--" ---- ---"--'r I
i
I~· t'lhen ..
.--
._---- ---------.---
bila(mana)
-
\
I
-_ .. - .... _----_ .. ,_ _--
-"
112. with
..
de]an
Javanese kapan 'when'.
kapan
---------v- - - _ . _ - _ .. ~
I
I
;
I I
t=---
--_ ...._--
-----------_._---- ._--._-._-- -_... -_. __ .__ ._-
e~kau,~
113. you
-----Possible I
I
1. 2.
----
--_._---~-_
-
.--_.--
-
lu
...
"
--
.. _...•
-
---
Bazaar Malay ~ 'l'lith' from classical Malay b~rsama 'toe;ether~ , root: classical Malay ~ 'same, similar' from Sanskrit Holckien Chinese lu 'you'.
...
--~--~-~~._
_-_.-
Irregular Cognates:
not
- there----- ----
tidak, bukan _.. __.- - ---. .a;i.jm, .aao.a
- _.. -
_... -
Cljear , lCaga? ._- ._.
"
-
.ao.ua.
.
~.
_._._--
perhaps irregular development from Malay tidak 'not' • .
-
.
~.-
..
~ - _
.
Malay ~ 'there' , perhaps influenced by Javanese kono 'there'.
275 Table 8 Sound Correspondences:
Proto-Austronesian, Betawi, and Javanese
The correspondences for Mal~ and Javanese are according to Dempwolff (1934) except for the laryneals, which are according to Dyen (1953). Javanese also has neutralization of voiced and voiceless stops finally so I have added that (see Horne 1961:xxxiii). r:J.1he orthography is that suggested by Dyen (1971:23). Mal~
Javanese
m
m
m
n
n
n
n
,.....
n
,-.J
n
Ii
tV
~
~
~
~
b
b -p
b -p
w/b -p
d
d -t
d -t
d -t
D
d -r
d -r
D -t
z
j
j
j
j
d -t
d -t
r -r
g
g -?
g -q
g-q
p
p
p
P
t
t
t
t
T
t
t
T
s
s
s
s
c
c
c
c
k
k
k-q
k-q
1
1
1
1
r
r
r
r
R
r
r
¢
PAN
Be tawi
m
n
,-vowel coalescence-
276 Table 8 (continued) PAN
Betawi
Malay
Javanese
a
a e
a a
a 0
ev ~
e'"' a
e eu
u,o 0
u,o 0
u,o 0
i,e e
i,e e
i,e e
finally e final syllable u final closed syllable i final closed syllable
u
aw
aw
-0
aw -al'1
aw
ay
ay -e
ay -ay
ay -e
uy
i
i
i
hi
i
i
yu
1'1'
W
W
VI
Y
Y
Y
Y
~
¢
(h)
¢
11
¢
¢
vowel coalescence v01-1el coalescence vOVlel coalescence
~h
(h) h h
¢
¢
¢
¢
h
initial final
VI_VI VI_V 2
h
q
initial final
VI_VI VI_V2
h h
-0
277 might not have developed in an isolated Malay dialect, although the similarity with Javanese suggests that there might have been influence from Javanese (and perhaps the closely related languages Sundanese and Balinese, although I do not have their correspondences).2 10.1.1.3.
Nonbasic Vocabulary
A characteristic of pidgins is their reduction of vocabulary. 1'1instedt (1927: 178) \'1I'ites of Bazaar IJ1alay that "it uses the simplest synonym in place of the rich vocabulary of the race". native
spe~(ers,
Betavli, having
is by definition not a pidgin, and may be contrasted
to "foreigner talk" in Ja1