Medieval Conduct Literature: An Anthology of Vernacular Guides to Behaviour for Youths with English Translations 9781442697614

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MEDIEVAL CONDUCT LITERATURE: AN ANTHOLOGY OF VERNACULAR GUIDES TO BEHAVIOUR FOR YOUTHS, WITH ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS

Medieval Academy Books, No. 111

Medieval Conduct Literature An Anthology of Vernacular Guides to Behaviour for Youths, with English Translations Edited by Mark D. Johnston With an Introduction by Roberta L. Krueger and Texts Edited and Translated by Kathleen Ashley Emily C. Francomano Mark D. Johnston Ann Marie Rasmussen Claire Sponsler Eleonora Stoppino Olga Trokhimenko

Published for the Medieval Academy of America by UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO PRESS Toronto Buffalo London

© The Medieval Academy of America 2009 University of Toronto Press Incorporated Toronto Buffalo London www.utppublishing.com Printed in Canada ISBN 978-0-8020-9832-0

Printed on acid-free, 100% post-consumer recycled paper with vegetable-based inks.

Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Medieval conduct literature : an anthology of vernacular guides to behaviour for youths, with English translations / edited by Mark D. Johnston ; with an introduction by Roberta L. Krueger ; and texts edited and translated by Kathleen Ashley … [et al.]. (Medieval Academy books; no. 111) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-8020-9832-0 1. Literature, Medieval. 2. Conduct of life in literature. 3. Civilization, Medieval. 4. Social history – Medieval, 500–1500. I. Johnston, Mark D. (Mark David), 1952– II. Ashley, Kathleen M., 1944– III. Series: Medieval Academy books; no. 111 PN6071.D5M43 2009

808.8'03530902

C2008-907932-9

University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial assistance to its publishing program of the Canada Council for the Arts and the Ontario Arts Council.

University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial support for its publishing activities of the Government of Canada through the Book Publishing Industry Development Program (BPIDP).

CONTENTS

Acknowledgments

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Introduction: Teach Your Children Well: Medieval Conduct Guides for Youths ix ROBERTA L. KRUEGER 1 The French Enseignemenz a Phelippe and Enseignement a Ysabel of Saint Louis 3 KATHLEEN ASHLEY

2 The Occitan Enssenhamen de l’escudier and Essenhamen de la donzela of Amanieu de Sescás 23 MARK D. JOHNSTON 3 The German Winsbecke, Winsbeckin, and Winsbecke Parodies (Selections) 61 ANN MARIE RASMUSSEN AND OLGA TROKHIMENKO

4 The Italian Reggimento e costumi di donna (selections) and Documenti d’amore (selections) of Francesco da Barberino 127 ELEONORA STOPPINO

5 The Castilian Castigos del rey don Sancho (selections) and Castigos y dotrinas que un sabio dava a sus hijas 185 EMILY C. FRANCOMANO

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The English How the Good Wijf Taughte Hir Doughtir and How the Wise Man Taught His Sonne 285 CLAIRE SPONSLER

Bibliography Index

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305

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The project of this anthology, like so many other felicitous collaborative endeavours in medieval studies, had its genesis in discussions among colleagues at the annual International Congress on Medieval Studies at Western Michigan University. At the 2003 Congress, members of the Medieval Academy of America’s Publications Board suggested the initial concept of an anthology of representative vernacular conduct texts, presented in pairs to illustrate the different teachings offered for youths of each sex. That original concept evolved into the plan of this anthology, which includes selections diverse not only in the sex of their intended readers, but also in the social class and nationality of those readers, as well as in the era, language, length, style, and format of the texts themselves. Any selection of this kind – especially in a field as vast as vernacular conduct literature – is necessarily arbitrary, but the editors hope that their choice of texts will appeal to a wide audience of both specialist and non-specialist readers, in particular those for whom most of these texts would remain unknown or inaccessible in their original language. For each pair of texts, a brief introduction provides essential background information about their authorship, manuscript tradition, and contents. Of course, all of these texts deserve (and have often attracted) much more extensive scholarly analysis; the bibliography lists the relevant scholarship cited in the introduction as well as works recommended for further reading. Where necessary, notes to the texts explain historical references and the known biblical, classical, or other medieval works occasionally cited by their authors. To the colleagues and their students who find this volume useful, the editors offer these texts for the pleasure of their continued study. The Universitaetsbibliothek of Heidelberg graciously granted permission to reproduce the illuminations from the famous Codex Manesse that adorn this

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German text. Preparation of the German texts received support from the Duke University Arts and Sciences Faculty Research Council. Selections from the Castigos del rey Don Sancho and the text of the Castigos y dotrinas que un sabio dava a sus hijas appear by kind permission of Iberoamericana Editorial Veuvuert and the Fundación Universitaria Española, respectively, with support from Georgetown University. The successful completion of this project would have been impossible without the ongoing encouragement of Dr Richard K. Emmerson, formerly director of the Medieval Academy of America. The editors thank him for his enthusiasm – and above all, for his patience – throughout this project. Other colleagues contributed valuable advice, suggestions, or support to the design and preparation of this anthology: Anne Clark Bartlett, Gary Cestaro, David F. Johnson, Roberta L. Krueger, Regina Psaki, and Paul Szarmach. The editors especially thank several colleagues who reviewed English versions of the Castilian, German, Italian, and Occitan texts, making many and detailed suggestions for improving these translations: Clara Pascual Argente, Steven Botterill, Marion E. Gibbs, William D. Paden, and Regina Psaki. The editors alone are responsible for any infelicities or errors that remain in their work.

INTRODUCTION: TEACH YOUR CHILDREN WELL: MEDIEVAL CONDUCT GUIDES FOR YOUTHS Roberta L. Krueger Men are obliged to instruct, rule, and supervise their children, and to give and bequeath to them teachings of good habits and rules by which they may consequently live and know God and themselves and set an example of good living for others. – Sancho IV, Castigos (Prologue, 10)

The guides to conduct in this collection are part of the vast outpouring of didactic literature for lay readers written in the vernacular literatures of Europe throughout the Middle Ages. Within chapters presenting selections from French, Occitan, German, Italian, Castilian, and English literature ranging from the midthirteenth to the late fifteenth centuries, instructions for each sex are paired together here. Such didactic works were arguably even better known by medieval readers than the more aesthetically refined genres of courtly lyric and romance. From the thirteenth century onward, vernacular guides to conduct flourished in courts and elite households throughout Europe, as manuscripts were passed among family members and new books were composed and conveyed through the generations in ever-widening circles of readers. Transmitting the precepts of classical ethics, Christian piety, and savvy behaviour in a variety of forms, these books conserved and rewrote the rules for good living to reflect changing socio-historical realities and to reach new audiences within different linguistic, geographical, and social contexts. As their production moved from royal and aristocratic courts to bourgeois households, conduct books played a major role in the spread of literacy, in cultural education, and in social mobility. PERCEVAL’S LESSONS To exemplify the rising fortune of guides to conduct in thirteenth-century culture, let us turn to an apparently unlikely source, Arthurian romance: Le Conte du Graal, written by Chrétien de Troyes in the 1180s, and Beaudous,

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composed by Robert de Blois in the mid-thirteenth century. Both portray scenes where young noblemen receive instructions from their mothers before venturing off to Arthur’s court. The authors’ presentation of these pedagogic encounters reveals much about the trajectory of medieval didactic texts. In Chrétien’s last Arthurian romance, the young Perceval, a country bumpkin, meets a group of awe-inspiring knights and is inspired to seek chivalric honour at Arthur’s court.1 Before the naive youth leaves home, Perceval’s mother offers wise counsel on appropriate courtly behaviour, particularly on relations with maidens and religious duties. Perceval rides away without bidding his mother good-bye and proceeds rudely to misapply her advice. Further along in the romance, the hero receives useful instruction on chivalry from a gentleman, Gornemant de Goort (lines 1275–1660); later still, he meets a hermit, his uncle, who provides lessons on spiritual concerns (lines 6268–6433). Thus, within the course of the romance, three adults impart principles of courtly, chivalric, and religious conduct to the young knight, each time in the form of discourse integrated into the story. As readers know, although Perceval fights valiantly, he applies the finer precepts of social behaviour imperfectly, with both comic and tragic consequences. Chrétien de Troyes appears to have died before he could demonstrate how Perceval fully absorbed his elders’ teachings and matured as a Christian knight; the Conte du Graal remains an enigmatic, unfinished tale that later romance authors would continue. Taking his inspiration from the Conte du Graal, Robert de Blois begins the romance Beaudous with a similar scene of maternal advice-giving.2 Before the eponymous hero departs to prove his valour at Arthur’s court, his mother ‘sweetly teaches and instructs’ him (lines 503–4). But whereas Chrétien incorporated his teachers’ brief lessons seamlessly into Perceval’s tale, Robert de Blois abruptly halts the narrative to insert distinct and relatively lengthy enseignements (instructions), separate poems that circulate independently of Beaudous in four other manuscripts and appear to have been written before the romance.3 Far less complex a tale than the Conte du Graal, the romance Beaudous functions perhaps primarily as a clever frame for showcasing Robert’s entire didactic oeuvre, including his Enseignement des princes, written for knights, and his Chastoiement des dames, for ladies. Beaudous is evidently a more compliant pupil than Perceval; the narrator tells us that he heeds all that his mother has recounted and ‘writes it in his heart’ (lines 509–10). A half century after Chrétien’s Conte du Graal, Robert de Blois’s romance heralds a new era in literary tastes and advertises an increasingly popular genre. By compiling his didactic poems within a romance and billing them as a mother’s invaluable enseignements, Robert presents the works themselves as essential tools in the education of aristocratic youth. Furthermore, the Enseignement des

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princes and the Chastoiement des dames are addressed separately to each gender, an increasingly common phenomenon from this point on. Although the works for men and women share common values, they diverge in tone and topic: the book for ladies includes discussion of dress, appearance, and etiquette that is absent from the work for knights, which enumerates the moral virtues of chivalry. Yet the works are compiled together in several manuscripts, where they participate in and help to shape the same courtly universe. Beaudous and the conduct books it encloses were obviously intended for a mixed audience of noble men and women. Readers are implicitly invited not only to cull advice appropriate for their gender, but also to engage in a kind of comparative analysis. The audiences’ reflection about gender might be further complicated by Robert’s inclusion of Floris et Lyriopé, a lengthy exemplum with Ovidian influences about a young man who cross-dresses as a woman to seduce his beloved (the future mother of Narcissus).4 Thus, even within the framework of a conventional romance, the spheres of ‘masculine’ and ‘feminine’ conduct are not as mutually exclusive as they might first appear. Robert’s books for princes and ladies are roughly contemporaneous with the texts that begin this volume, St Louis’s letters to his son Philip and his daughter Isabelle. Shortly afterward, Amanieu de Sescás composed a pair of ensenhamens (instructional poems) for a squire and a young lady in Old Occitan, and anonymous German authors composed the Winsbecke, in the voice of a father speaking to his son, and the Winsbeckin, in that of mother to daughter. The vogue for instructional writing in the vernacular spread not only among elite circles in France and Germany, but also in Italy and Spain, as evidenced by Francesco da Barberino’s Reggimento e costumi di donna and Documenti d’amore, and King Sancho IV’s Castigos. Conduct books also flourished in prosperous bourgeois households throughout Europe; the anonymous Castilian Castigos y dotrinas que un sabio dava a sus hijas and the Middle English How the Good Wijf Taughte Hir Doughtir and How the Wise Man Taught His Sonne attest to the genre’s perennial popularity with an ever-wider public of readers in the late Middle Ages. THE SOURCES AND EVOLUTION OF MEDIEVAL CONDUCT LITERATURE Books about the conduct of life have a long history in Western culture. The works in this volume flow from several virtually continuous literary traditions that extend back through the early Middle Ages to Roman and Greek antiquity and biblical times. The Bible’s Book of Proverbs and Ecclesiastes, as well as the parables of Christ, expounded moral, social, and religious principles that

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medieval moralists would later mine. Greek and Roman philosophers and moralists, writing on self-governance and on the ideal state, bequeathed a rich legacy to the Middle Ages. Drawing from scripture and adapting the teachings of pagan philosophers, the early church fathers laid the cornerstones of Christian discourse upon which later moralists would elaborate. Any and all of these sources might be tapped in subsequent didactic treatises. By its very nature, conduct literature develops conservatively, absorbing and transmitting traditional teachings, rather than breaking with the past. Citations from biblical, classical, and patristic authorities as well as from well-known proverbs and exempla recur repeatedly. As new works incorporate earlier precepts, through citation or paraphrase of revered authors, often unnamed or even misidentified, didactic treatises may appear as mosaics of familiar sayings, precepts, and stories wherein contemporary mentalities and ideas about social behaviour seem to be superimposed over ancient wisdom, as in a palimpsest whose layers have accrued over time. Among important sources and influences are the works of classical philosophers and poets (or texts adapted from them); writings of the church fathers and other pious texts; rules for monastic orders; and books of table manners.5 From these variegated roots grew the many branches of vernacular books that attempted to regulate conduct, first in royal and aristocratic courts, and then in bourgeois households: books of courtesy; mirrors for princes; arts of love; manuals of chivalry; and moral treatises in many forms, among them the guides to the conduct of life for young men and women that are presented in this volume. Despite their pagan values, classical writings on moral and political philosophy cast a long shadow throughout the Middle Ages, transmitted in Latin versions, translated into the vernaculars, copied into florilegia, and adapted into contemporary treatises. The works of Plato, Aristotle, Xenophon, Plutarch, Cicero, Seneca, and others provided the four classical virtues (courage, justice, prudence, and temperance) that would be adapted by Christian thinkers and formed a fundamental, if often unacknowledged base, for many guides to conduct of life.6 St Martin of Braga’s sixth-century Formula Vitae Honestae or De quattuor Virtutibus, an exposition of classical virtues often attributed to Seneca, circulated in well over one hundred manuscripts and numerous translations; it has been hailed as the first medieval ‘mirror for princes.’7 Later medieval mirrors, or treatises on government, such as those of John of Salisbury or Giles of Rome, drew heavily on classical theorists. Aristotle’s Nichomachean Ethics and Politics were translated from Latin versions into the vernacular in the fourteenth century.8 Prominent among adaptations of classical works, digests of Seneca’s teachings circulated in Latin and

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the vernacular throughout the Middle Ages (both as or with the abovementioned treatise and in other forms).9 One late antique Latin work deserves special mention. The Disticha Catonis, or Distichs of Pseudo-Cato, was a collection of four brief books containing twoline moral aphorisms in hexametrical verse, addressed by a father to his son, which preached common-sense virtues of foresight and self-control.10 The book was composed sometime between the second and fourth centuries by a pagan author, although Christian morality infused later versions; its author came to be identified (erroneously) as Cato the Censor, of legendary wisdom. The book moved steadily through European centres of education – courts, church schools, households – where it was prized as a teaching tool for Latin grammar.11 Pseudo-Cato’s simple, pithy verses could be easily memorized and their moral applications debated. The Distichs were copied in countless Latin versions, for many of the work’s more homespun manuscripts would have been well worn and discarded. Pseudo-Cato circulated in German, Old English, French, Middle English, Italian, and Castilian manuscript translations (as well as in other languages); multiple vernacular translations were printed throughout Europe before 1500, including four by Caxton. The Distichs continued to be taught in England through the eighteenth century; Benjamin Franklin published an English edition in Philadelphia in 1735.12 Medieval didactic writers cited Cato on innumerable occasions, with or without attribution; all must have been exposed to his moral formulations at some point during their education. The expression ‘As Cato said’ came to guarantee proverbial truth. In stark contrast to Cato, but no less influential, was the Roman poet Ovid. His witty and often cynical counsel on amorous relations in the Ars amatoria and Remedia amoris inspired translations, adaptations, and borrowings; his Metamorphoses would be mined for cautionary tales.13 Ovid’s notion of love as seduction and the transgressive sexuality of his characters troubled many medieval moralists. Clerics promoting Christian piety, female chastity, and fidelity in marriage would have opposed his ethical values; a monumental French translation of the Metamorphoses in the fourteenth-century attempted to allegorize the tales into Christian teachings.14 None of the authors in this volume could be considered Ovid’s slavish imitators. But no well-read person could have escaped an Ovidian encounter. Ovid’s deft mastery of language and his astute analysis of social relations provided valuable lessons about the power of words; these insights were passed on by medieval adaptors, with the result that ‘pagan’ Ovidian texts continued to play an important role in medieval education.15 Some medieval guides drew directly upon Ovid’s ‘rules,’ albeit cum grano salis (as in the Facetus and the Chastoiement des dames) or with a critical perspective. In the Winsbeckin, mother and daughter debate

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Ovid’s idea that lovers are victims of Venus’s capricious whims (stanzas 37– 9). Christine de Pizan denounces Ovid’s misogyny quite openly in the Cité des Dames (1405), a collection of exempla about virtuous women.16 Christian doctrine and religious piety permeated medieval conduct writings. Priests, monks, friars, and clerks doubtless had a hand in the production of many works, even when the author announces himself as a concerned parent. The Chevalier de la Tour Landry, for example, says that he asked ‘two priests and two clerks’ to help him with his book;17 indeed, his principle source was the Franciscan Miroir de bonnes femmes.18 The Good Wijf may have been written by a male cleric.19 Secular clerics, who were not ordained as priests or living in orders, were educated in church schools. Many authors or collaborators in the writing of moral treatises would have been well versed in scripture; religious treatises on virtues and vices; lives of the saints; and psalms and prayers; as well as collections of exempla used in composing sermons.20 Beyond the confines of the church school and cloister, where texts continued to be composed in Latin, a rich production of vernacular devotional works for the laity promoted spiritual practice: humble obedience to God; attendance at church; meditation and prayer; confession and penance.21 The principle that one could shape one’s behaviour for moral and spiritual improvement and for the well-being of the community, embraced and actively practised within religious orders, would have had an impact far beyond monasteries and convents. Piety is often the first value preached in medieval conduct books, however worldly their outlook. Christian doctrine and spiritual ideals and practices are never far from view. Among the earliest books regulating monastic life are St John Cassian’s fifth-century De institutis and St Benedict’s sixth-century Regula.22 The latter has been described as a marvel of ‘moderation and balance.’23 With careful consideration for religious practice, group life, and individual needs, the Benedictine rule attempted to regulate daily activities: prayer and manual labour, sleeping and reading, food and drink, dress and speech (or, more often, silence), as well as monastic governance. Bourgeoning monastic orders in the twelfth century prompted new works of instruction for novices, such as Hugh of St Victor’s De institutione novitiorum, which advocated restraint in dress, speech, gesture, and behaviour at the table. Jean-Claude Schmitt has emphasized the role Hugh’s work played in creating a culture of ‘discipline,’ whose meanings included irreproachable actions and mastery of a body of knowledge as well as penitential practice. As Schmitt describes the process, ‘The disciplined body and notably the disciplined gesture are not simply the expressions of a virtuous soul, they are in themselves the instruments of moral education of the young novice.’24

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As court life developed in close association with church-educated clerics, first in the Ottonian court in Germany, then in France, England, Italy, and Spain, the ideals of social, moral, and spiritual discipline would extend to lay society.25 From the twelfth century onward, books containing table manners reached audiences beyond the cloister, first in Latin and then in the vernacular.26 Petrus Alphonsi’s Disciplina clericalis, a collection of Western and Arabic fables and exemplary tales written by a Jewish convert to Christianity, included a section on eating customs.27 Anthropologists and cultural theorists have shown that rituals governing the preparation, service, and consumption of food are fundamental to social cohesion. It should not be surprising that rules about table manners and food consumption are at the earliest core of European conduct texts and are discussed in many of the selections presented here.28 Monks ate in silence while listening to pious texts. By contrast, daily meals and feasts in lay courts and households fostered sociability. The conversation between knights and ladies; the table service of squires for their elders; the procession of guests into the dining hall; and their placement at table were all events charged with significance. Lay treatises conveying instructions on table manners inevitably addressed much larger social issues; the genre of what some scholars call ‘courtesy books’ – concerned primarily with manners at table and service at court – appears to have emerged in the thirteenth century.29 A group of five short Anglo-Norman texts, each addressed to a child by a parent or elder, offers advice not only on etiquette at table but also on courtly behaviour and moral values (with much debt to Cato).30 Urbain li cortois, Edward, and Bon Enfant reflect the practice of sending young children from noble families to serve at a higher court.31 Their advice may seem rather rudimentary and not all that different from parental advice throughout the ages about being polite, keeping attentive, and playing by the rules. For example, the boy in Edward is advised to keep his hands still when speaking with a lady or gentleman (lines 91–2) and to accept correction willingly from his lord and master (lines 107–8). That such common-sense precepts would be set into writing reveals much about the role of such books in aristocratic and, later, bourgeois education. Whether written for noble pages, bourgeois apprentices, or simply for members of a family, medieval guides to conduct link learning to read and speak correctly with moral and social development. ‘Seez deboneir et curteise / Et ke tu saches bien parler fraunceys, / Car molt est langage alosé / De gentil home et mout amé’ (Be gracious and courteous / And know how to speak French well / For the language is much praised / By gentlemen and much loved) advised Urbain li courtois in the mid-thirteenth century (lines 17–20). In addition to table manners, counsel on decorous speech – and, for ladies, appropriate silence – will become staple fare in conduct texts. ‘Sins of the tongue’ are frequent targets.32

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From the thirteenth century onward, moral treatises were composed in European vernacular literatures in a remarkable range of forms, drawing upon the diverse origins described above, addressing themselves to different audiences. ‘Mirrors of princes’ addressed kings and the high nobility; books of chivalry targeted knights and their retainers; manuals of courtly etiquette addressed noble and bourgeois readers; and pious treatises abounded. Didactic literature exists in such a myriad of styles and forms – from brief verse dits to encyclopedic works such as Brunetto Latini’s Tresor – that it defies easy generic classification. Each text invites us to read it as a unique work, to attend to the relationship it calls up between the moralist and the listener or reader. BOOKS FOR BOYS AND GIRLS The works presented in this volume differ greatly not only in their linguistic, geographic, and historic contexts, but also in their formal qualities, as we shall see. Nonetheless, they share several common features that invite us to read them comparatively. Most of these texts, like the Conte du Graal and Beaudous, present their advice within the frame of a wise parent or elder instructing a son, daughter, or young person in the ways of the world. This framing device was extremely popular in medieval literature, being found in works that range from Psuedo-Cato’s Disticha; Dhuoda’s Carolingian-era Liber manualis (composed for her son William); the above-mentioned Anglo-Norman courtesy treatises; Petrus Alphonsi’s Disciplina clericalis; Ramon Llull’s Doctrina pueril and Libre de l’orde de cavalleria (written around 1280); Christine de Pizan’s Epistre d’Othea and her Livre des trois vertus (written in 1400 and 1405, respectively, for young members of the royal family); to Anne de France’s 1504 Enseignements for her daughter, Suzanne – in addition to all the works within this volume. Although the father/son device predominates, books for women are also framed by mother/daughter, father/daughter, and even husband/wife relationships. Sometimes the parent/child (or elder/youth) frame reflects a historical relationship, as in the treatises of Dhuoda, St Louis, Sancho IV, the Chevalier de la Tour Landy, Christine de Pizan, and Anne de France. In other cases, however, even when the author can be identified, the parent/child feature seems to be primarily a rhetorical device; this is probably so for Petrus Alphonsus’s Disciplina clericalis. Given the paucity of biographical information about most medieval writers, many purportedly ‘real’ author/reader relationships remain open questions. Did the bourgeois narrator of Ménagier de Paris, who addressed a long didactic compilation to his fifteen-year-old bride, actually write for his wife or is this intriguing marital relationship no more than a fiction?33

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Whether or not it corresponds to historical reality, the parent/child or elder/ youth frame works well as a pedagogical strategy. It enables the speaker to display authority, wisdom, and experience while, at the same time, adopting an intimate tone and flexible approach. At times, the parental or elder narrator can offer stern warnings and set forth firm rules; at other moments, he or she can profess understanding, sympathy, and a measure of indulgence for the reader’s youthful desires. Another common trait of the books included here is that they are addressed specifically to either a young man (son, prince, squire, or page) or a young woman (daughter or lady). Many medieval treatises imply that men were their target audience. Treatises of chivalry and mirrors for princes are obviously directed to those who would fulfil the exclusively male role of knight or feudal leader.34 Some works include separate chapters of instruction about women, although these might have been more for the benefit of husbands, fathers, and rulers than for the women themselves. Among early Christian writers, Tertullian, Jerome, Augustine, and Caesarius offered counsel to women, either to those destined to live in religious orders as ‘brides of Christ’ or to women who assumed the responsibilities of conjugal life.35 To women, church fathers preached pious devotion, chastity, absence of adornment and ornamentation, marital fidelity, and obedience, often praising virginity as the supreme feminine virtue. Although they viewed women as spiritual equals of men under God, these authorities tended to promote misogynist views of women as intellectually and morally inferior. Despite emphasis on women’s spiritual wellbeing and their positive roles in the family, conduct works addressed to women may reflect clerical attitudes about women’s submission and obedience to their husbands. As courtly culture began to articulate its ideology from the twelfth century on, moralists included more detailed analysis of advice about women. Etienne de Fougères’s Livre des manières, Vincent of Beauvais’s De eruditione filiorum nobilium, Philippe de Novare’s Quatre âges de l’homme, and Giles of Rome’s De regimine principum, for example, all comment specifically and substantially on women’s roles.36 Garin lo Brun’s Old Occitan Ensenhamen (late twelfth century), a 650–line poem, is one of the first books of vernacular instruction addressed specifically to a lady; the narrator claims to write it at her command. Garin’s treatise offers advice on proper dress, management of servants, courteous treatment of social equals, prudent behaviour with men – all topics that will become staples in books for women and will recur in the works selected here.37 In the mid-thirteenth century, as we have seen, St Louis and Robert de Blois both composed instructions for women, complementing works they wrote for

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men. King Louis IX’s letter for his daughter Isabelle circulated less widely than the letter he wrote to his son, Philip, which was enormously popular. Readers of Robert’s Chastoiement des dames and the Enseignement des princes and Amanieu de Sescás’s Essenhamen de la donzela and Enssenhamen de l’escudier evidently recognized these texts as companion pieces, since their works for the two sexes appear compiled together in the same manuscripts. The thirteenth-century Winsbecke and the Winsbeckin seem to be written by different authors and employ strikingly different rhetorical strategies; their inclusion in tandem in the three manuscripts that preserve complete versions encourages readers to compare their perspectives on male and female honour and courtesy. Francesco da Barberino wrote the Reggimento e costumi di donna at roughly the same time as (or perhaps a few years before) the Documenti d’amore. His lengthy works differ considerably in style, theme, and tone, yet both are preoccupied with questions of hierarchy and describe the nuances of relationships between ranks; they evoke the same social universe. Barberino’s Reggimento includes advice not only for noblewomen, but also for other women of other estates and conditions, including nuns, commoners, and servants. Barberino notes repeatedly that noble women are held to a higher standard of propriety than women of other classes, who may adjust the strictures of court society to fit a more flexible, open model of social relations. As literacy expanded during the later Middle Ages, instructional literature moved beyond the courts to bourgeois households to reach new audiences of girls and women. How the Good Wijf Taughte Hir Doughtir, from mid-fourteenth-century England, and the Castigos y dotrinas que un sabio dava a sus hijas, written in fifteenth-century Spain, both address women of the urban middle classes. Although many of these texts’ precepts are the same as those of their more courtly antecedents – notably in their insistence on the importance of women’s reputation, chastity, and marital fidelity – there is a new emphasis on women’s active participation in the running of the household. The daughter in the Good Wijf is advised to set a good example for her servants by pitching in when an important task demands it. The daughters in Castigos y dotrinas are expected to help with the financial management of the estate. Wives in the Castigos y dotrinas are even advised that the most effective strategy for dealing with an unfaithful husband is ‘que dexarés de administrar su hazienda, ca ésta es la cosa más justa con que por esto la muger puede amenazar a su marido’ (stop administering his wealth, because this is the most reasonable thing with which a wife can threaten her husband in such a case) (9.1). These texts reveal bourgeois women’s key role in household economies. Three works for women mentioned already deserve special attention for their prominence in late medieval culture and because they share common concerns

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with our texts. Geoffroy de la Tour Landry’s Livre du Chevalier de la Tour Landry pour l’enseignement de ses filles (1372), written by a provincial noblemen for the instruction of his daughters, circulated widely in manuscripts, and was subsequently translated and printed, among the earliest printed books, into English and German.38 Le Ménagier de Paris (ca. 1394), the encyclopedic compendium ostensibly addressed to the wife of the narrator, a wealthy urban householder, contains a version of the Griselda exemplum also included in the Castigos y dotrinas. Finally, Christine de Pizan’s Livre des trois vertus (1405) circulated in numerous vellum and paper manuscripts and was translated into Portuguese.39 As we have said, Christine addresses women throughout the social hierarchy, as does Barberino; her audiences range from the princess to the prostitute, who might earn an honest living as a washerwoman. Scholars of early modern literature sometimes use the term ‘courtesy books’ for books that counsel young men on how to act in service at court and ‘conduct books’ for those telling women how to behave, usually in a domestic context.40 This distinction does not seem particularly useful for the medieval period. Medieval books for women as well as for men offer advice about being in service, either in a court or a prosperous household. Some books for aristocratic women repeat many of the same precepts found in courtly texts for men, valuing equally loyalty, honour, and a good reputation, as the guides by Amanieu de Sescás demonstrate.41 Later bourgeois texts could share a common ethos, too, as we see in the Wise Man and the Good Wijf. Many works do tailor their remarks to the gender of their readers, however; books for girls and women might focus more on issues of appearance and sexual morality; texts for boys and men might pay greater attention to public behaviour and social standing.42 Nonetheless, even where authors might attempt to carve out separate spheres for the sexes and approach boys and girls with different sets of expectations and pedagogical approaches, proper gender roles do not emerge with clear-cut, mutually exclusive boundaries. Compiled in the same manuscripts or within manuscripts that contained other materials for different audiences, most conduct books would have been read by a range of readers over the years, men and women, elite and upwardly mobile.43 Such manuscript compilations invite us to view the ideals for young men and women in a comparative framework, even as we keep the distinct features of each text in view. CONDUCT BOOKS, MANUSCRIPT CULTURE, LITERACY, AND MORAL EDUCATION It is difficult to generalize about men’s and women’s education in medieval Europe during the three centuries spanned by these texts. Although literacy

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among the laity increased throughout the Middle Ages, education in reading and writing was far from universal; gender and social rank, as well as geographical location and political context, created different conditions for learning within households, schools, and universities.44 Elite boys and girls learn to read at court and in privileged households from their mothers or private tutors; boys learned to read in Latin and the vernacular at grammar schools in town and cities; there were urban schools for girls as well. The Third Lateran Council of 1179 declared that every cathedral church should provide a master to teach for free clerks of the same church and poor scholars.45 A partial register for the Parisian region in 1380 lists forty-one masters of schools for boys in Paris and twenty-one mistresses for girls.46 A description (possibly exaggerated) of Florence by a contemporary in the late 1330s claims to find from eight to ten thousand boys and girls learning to read.47 Beginning in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, universities throughout Europe offered advanced studies in theology and the liberal arts. Women were formally excluded from university instruction. Thus, by the 1200s, reading and – to a lesser extent – writing were an integral part of the education of aristocratic and bourgeois boys and girls. Nonetheless, moralists throughout the Middle Ages and well into the Renaissance regarded women’s literacy with some suspicion.48 Only a nun should learn to read and write, wrote Philippe de Novare; teaching laywomen to read enables them to exchange secret letters (with lovers) and allows the devil to tempt them to sin.49 Along these lines, the narrator in the Ménagier de Paris advises his wife to read in private only letters from her husband; correspondence with others should be read or written in public view – as, he claims, is common practice for the queens of France.50 Francesco da Barberino expresses ambivalence about reading on similar moral grounds in Part One of his Reggimento. Addressing his book to literate noblewomen as well as women of other classes, he advises that a young aristocratic woman learn to read so that she may rule, if she finds herself in charge of the estate. But Barberino expresses ambivalence about daughters of lesser social standing learning to read; he fears that literary activities might lead them more easily astray, by inviting them to imagine things they might not otherwise know or do. Despite such strictures, these manuals of conduct demonstrate that literacy and moral education were closely intertwined. Christine de Pizan advised that a young princess should learn to read ‘books of devotion and contemplation or ones dealing with good behaviour.’ Their effects were believed to be very different from dangerous texts – among them, presumably, certain courtly romances – containing ‘vain things, follies or dissipation’; these works must be avoided, explains Christine, since ‘the doctrine and teaching that the girl

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absorbs in her early childhood she usually remembers all her life.’51 Ramon Llull warns strongly against ‘vanitats, leges paraules, romansos’ (vain things, foul words, and romances).52 Medieval moralists and their audiences shared the belief that absorbing good habits from books could have a salutary effect on the conduct of life. The texts presented here were precisely the kind of books of ‘good behaviour’ that moralists expressly recommended. As tools for literacy and guides for social success, conduct books played a prominent role in the education of the laity. These manuals also attest to the growing importance of books within medieval households – as objects that could be willed and inherited, as repositories of valuable knowledge, and as vehicles transmitting moral principals that promoted aristocratic and bourgeois family identities and social prosperity.53 Inventories of royal libraries show that the most privileged families might have hundreds of books; the lower the social scale, the fewer books families would own – and presumably, the more prized each volume would be. Kathleen Ashley has described how a manuscript containing a copy of the Franciscan Miroir de bonnes femmes was passed along for generations within several Burgundian families whose rising social fortunes must have depended, in part, on the good reputation of the women in the family – an ethos promoted within the Miroir and a prominent refrain in many of the books presented here.54 Most medieval texts were transmitted in compilations with other materials, selected often for common thematic or generic concerns. St Louis’s letters to Philip were recopied in numerous manuscripts. Although there is only one extant copy of the didactic poems of Amanieu de Sescás, these were compiled within the famous Chansonnier d’Urfé, a treasury of troubadour lyrics. Among the relatively small number of manuscripts of the Winsbecke and Winsbeckin that survive, one pairing graces the magnificent Codex Manesse, a richly illustrated manuscript that also contains Minnesänger verse. One of the five manuscripts containing Good Wijf is a compilation of clerical texts that appears to be a friar’s handbook; Felicity Riddy speculates that this poem may have been used by mendicant friars in their pastoral care as well as by bourgeois women instructing young girls in service in their home.55 As Sponslor notes in her introduction below, the Good Wijf and the Wise Man are transmitted together in two manuscript compilations. Barberino’s complex Documenti, which appeals to a sophisticated literary audience, includes Latin translations and commentary. It is useful to keep in mind, then, that readers would have often encountered these works in a dynamic literary context, juxtaposed with other texts that might be playful and entertaining or morally uplifting. If conduct books were compiled along with other works – be they courtly lyrics or pious tracts – it is also true that the longer treatises function in themselves as

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anthologies of proverbs, verse, and exempla – biblical, classical, and historical tales – that occur in other venues. Among the samples included here, the two Castilian works are striking for their inclusion of well-known didactic materials. The tale of patient Griselda in the Castigos y dotrinas is one of the most widely disseminated exempla of wifely conduct in medieval literature, appearing also in numerous other versions in Italian (the original from Boccaccio), Latin (Petrarch), French (Philippe de Mézières and Christine de Pizan, among others), and Middle English (Chaucer, in the Clerk’s Tale), each time with a slightly different inflection, depending on the moral conclusion that the author hopes to draw.56 TEACHING TOOLS: FORM, NARRATIVE VOICE, RHETORICAL STRATEGIES The books may share the common goal of instructing young men and women, but their form, structure, and narrative strategies are quite diverse. From the short, pithy precepts of St Louis, composed in elegant cadences and devoid of exempla, to the complex prosimetrum, mixing verse and prose, of Barberino’s Reggimento and the fifty densely packed chapters of King Sancho’s Castigos, laden with exempla and venturing into theology and political theory, the formal aspects and pedagogic strategies of these works vary widely. Indeed, it would be impossible to categorize these works as belonging to a common literary family based on stylistic features alone. But it is precisely their variegated appearance – the variety of length, mode, and register; the mix of poetry and prose, of allegorical and mundane materials – that makes these conduct texts so ‘typical’ of medieval didactic literature. Moral treatises are found in an astonishing variety of shapes and sizes in medieval literature: as bestiaries, mirrors, fable collections, allegorical poems, and encyclopedic compendia, ranging from short dits to very long tracts. The stylistic contrast between the How the Good Wijf Taught Hir Doughtir, a concise ditty with memorable refrains, and the Castigos y dotrinas que un sabio dava a sus hijas, a formal prose decalogue of sober lessons – both of them later medieval texts destined for bourgeois female readers that impart similar advice about the household – is characteristic of the stylistic diversity and thematic commonality of much conduct literature. Although critics have tended to dismiss the formal qualities of much didactic literature as uninteresting, the texts included here are fascinating examples of the ways their authors deploy rhetorical tools to persuade their audiences. With remarkable variety, each book sets forth its own pedagogical strategies, gearing its lessons to a particular audience and set of problems. Framing

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devices, authorial interventions, dialogue, figurative language, proverbs, rhyme, repetitions, and exempla in great variety are among the tools used by the moralists to engage their readers, to hold their attention through sometimes lengthy disquisitions, and to make their lessons memorable. St Louis’s letters offer sober sentences in brief, pithy precepts that are devoid of exempla or figurative language. They are short enough to invite frequent rereadings and even memorization. These are essential ‘rules’ so immutable as to require no justification or elaboration. Their utterance by a royal narrator endows them with gravitas and power. They emphasize abstract spiritual and moral ideals and duties, rather than practical solutions to daily social life. In their insistence on the responsibility of the prince and princess to provide a good example, the letters to Philip and Isabelle resemble other ‘mirrors’ for princes and noble ladies. In a very different register, Amanieu de Sescás’s books emulate the style of troubadour poetry and evoke the pleasures and social complexities of courtly life, with some realistic touches. A blazing fire within a nicely decorated home, with red and white wine offered at table, sets the stage for discourse by the God of Love in the Enssenhamen de l’escudier; the poem offers advice on how to dress like a gentleman with modest means and how to select a horse, as well as on household service and on serving one’s lady. The Essenhamen de la donzela, set in lyric springtime as in numerous troubadour lyrics, portrays the poet as a love-struck aspirant for the regard of ‘the noblest woman ever seen.’ Within this frame, the narrator converses with a young lady who seeks his advice on how to live an honourable life that garners praise. De Sescás’s counsel for ladies blends practical tips (keep your fingernails clean; wash your hands after dinner) with advice on how graciously to deflect men’s unwanted advances. If Amanieu de Sescás’s poems seem to mesh together as companion pieces, the German Winsbecke and Winsbeckin poems, paired together in those manuscripts where they are found as complete texts, set up dynamic oppositions as well as intersections.57 Both the father/son and the mother/ daughter frame include the children’s responses to their parents. In Der Winsbecke, the father’s sober discourse includes praise of women, disquisition on the moral and practical responsibilities of knights, and promotion of the virtues of moderation and modesty. Yet this sound, conservative advice is criticized, by the son, as being preoccupied with the world’s illusions (stanza 58). In a surprising reversal of the convention that youth is more impulsive than old-age, it is the son who reproaches his father for his ‘sins and transgressions’ (stanza 61) and who blames him for ‘acting like a woman’ by crying during his utterance of contrition; the poem ends with the father’s solemn prayer.

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The mother/daughter dialogue in the Winsbeckin, a much more light-hearted piece, injects wit into a back-and-forth conversation. The mother cites a savvy romance character, Lunette, as an example of female virtue; the daughter later remarks that her mother speaks as one who has succumbed to Love. Mother and daughter agree on the honourable behaviour that defines female dignity; the poem argues that such principles must be embraced willingly by women themselves: ‘surveillance’ of women and male dominance are unwarranted (stanzas 2, 31). The Winsbeckin thus turns a clever, feminine twist on Ovidian love casuistry, which is preoccupied with men seducing women. The Winsbecke and Winsbeckin contain no extended exempla. However, they do make amusing comparisons of human nature with that of beasts; this is especially so in the Winsbecke, which frequently cites animal proverbs: the bird (stanzas 32 and 50); the donkey (stanza 33); the mouse (stanza 42); the cat (stanza 43); and the colt (stanza 46). ‘[E]z ist mir ane zwivel cunt / ez laufet selten wisiu mus / slaffender vohen in den munt’ (I know without a doubt / No wise mouse will ever / Run straight into the jaws of a sleeping fox) says the father, advising prudence (stanza 42). ‘[V]on nest ein vogel ze fruo geflogen / der wirt den kinden liht ein spil / die federn werdent im gezogen’ (A bird that has flown from the nest too early / easily becomes the plaything of children / who pluck its feathers) warns the mother (stanza 11). Sancho IV also draws on animal lore for his examples. Such imagery echoes the tradition of Aesopic fables, which were a staple in medieval education.58 Francesco da Barberino’s Reggimento purports to be written at the behest of a particular, albeit unnamed, beloved lady, who has requested a book on female conduct. The author complies with a lengthy, twenty-part response, punctuated by asides of the lover/narrator to his dedicatee; as in Amanieu’s Essenhamen de la donzela, the advice to young women is set within an amorous frame. Yet, where Amanieu makes his points with brevity and concision typical of lyric poetry and limits himself to the interactions of elite society, Barberino’s approach is prolix and his astute social analysis embraces a range of conditions. He seems as eager to impress a broad readership with his erudition, knowledge of medieval and classical models, ability to tell a story and to analyse social behaviour across ranks as he is to woo an individual lady. Barberino includes advice about women of all conditions; in this sense, he anticipates the Livre des trois vertus by Christine de Pizan (who may have known his work). An even more sophisticated discursive frame organizes Barberino’s Documenti d’amore for men. The allegorical poem includes a Latin translation and commentary. This work, too, pays special attention to hierarchy and to positioning oneself within it. Barberino’s astute advice on speech and his detailed portrayal of social interactions reveal a world that carefully scrutinizes behaviour.

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The length and textual complexity of the Reggimento and Documenti appeal to highly literate, leisured audiences for whom reading was a form of sociability as well as a means of socialization. These books convey a sense of the emerging elite urban Italian culture of the Renaissance that will spawn Castiglione’s Il Cortegiano and Della Casa’s Galateo. Like St Louis’s letter to Philip, King Sancho IV’s Castigos are written in the voice of a historical monarch to his biological son and heir; they, too, can be considered a ‘mirror for princes.’ Comparison of Louis IX’s letter and Sancho IV’s book reveals how elastic this medieval didactic genre could be. Sancho IV’s vast prose production (which may represent a collaborative effort with a clerk) amplifies the basic elements of princely virtue – fear of God, sober personal habits, justice, sexual probity, wise speech, prudence, and so forth – by means of an impressive arsenal of pedagogic tools: proverbs; animal analogies; biblical citations; Solomonic sayings and exempla; numerous exempla drawn from saints’ lives; historical incidents; classical stories; and miracles of the Virgin. These diverse citations and anecdotes add colour and occasionally drama to Sancho’s sober message. For example, to illustrate the benefits of faithful worship of Mary, the narrator recounts the story of a beautiful young nun, devoted to Mary, who was convinced by an evil knight to elope. As the nun attempted to flee through the choir, she was chastised by Mary’s statue and wounded by Christ, who leapt down from the Cross, chased after her and struck her down with his nailed hand, thus protecting her from sin (19.8–23).The survival of the book in eight manuscripts from the fourteenth to the eighteenth centuries demonstrates the appeal of Sancho IV’s didactic work. The Castigos y dotrina que un sabio dava a sus hijas present a paternal narrator who shapes his work very carefully to his stated pedagogic goal: he says that he will write a ‘short treatise’ with stories that have been carefully selected, so that his daughters may read the lessons ‘frequently’ and learn them well. Ten chapters present the fatherly hope that his daughters will be pious, charitable, obedient, chaste, modest, sober, frugal in managing household finances, watchful of their husbands’ enemies, peaceful, not jealous of their husbands, and that they treat their servants well. The length and placement of topics seems indicative of their relative importance: piety is first; practical domestic concerns are last; modesty and sobriety in dress, cosmetics, speech, company, and social activities – which are essential for maintaining a good reputation – constitute the fifth, most amply described instruction. The story of obedient Griselda is by far the longest exemplum in the text. The narrator seems preoccupied with behaviours to be avoided; his strategy is very different from that of the mother in Winsbeckin who engages in dialogue with a daughter who seems to have fully internalized the female concept of honour

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as her own. Yet this rather stern text ascribes to women considerable agency within the household and broader social world. We may read the father’s prohibitions against ornamentation and fashionable clothing and his warnings against attending festivities such as bullfights or jousts as indications that women exercised a degree of control over choice of dress and social outings. The father expects his daughters to play an active role in administering household wealth, as we have seen. The concluding chapter on servants demonstrates the importance of women’s management of household relations within the domestic economy. How the Good Wijf Taughte Hir Doughtir and How the Wise Man Taught His Sonne employ similar methods to reach their bourgeois audiences. Rather than cast their poems as the direct words of father or mother to son or daughter, their respective narrators report what the ‘wise man’ or the ‘good wife’ said to their children: ‘Listen, lords, and you shall hear / How the wise man taught his son / Pay good attention to this matter / And learn it if you can’ (Wise Man, lines 1–4). As reported discourse – recounted, as Claire Sponsler notes, with ‘jaunty rhythms and catchy refrains’ – the parental teachings take on an air of proverbial wisdom, whose truths seem apt for a great number of households. The books share a common core of values espoused by virtually all the texts collected here: they promote piety, prudent speech, modest dress, sobriety, and so forth. They ask readers to eschew idleness, debauchery, and other sins. Yet these texts also evoke distinct social worlds, self-contained households situated within or nearby town centres, which present dangers as well as economic opportunities. The son is advised against taverns, sites of gaming and ‘letcherie.’ The ‘dear daughter’ is warned not to drink away the profits she may have gleaned from selling wool, and she is forbidden to attend wrestling matches or cock shootings. As in the Castigos y dotrinas, such prohibitions provide a glimpse – however coloured by the narrator’s fears – of the diversions that may have tempted medieval men and women into town. The books also subtly portray distinct attitudes about marriage and gender roles within the family. The son is advised to seek a wife with the qualities the good wife promotes (‘meek, courtous, and wise’) rather than to marry for money alone; he is told to treat his wife with respect and to avoid hasty anger in his interactions with her. The Wise Man offers no advice on courtly ‘love service’ or dire warnings about the wiles of women. Rather, the narrator promotes the ‘peace and quiet’ of a harmonious couple within a ‘happy marriage,’ thereby foreshadowing ideals of the middle class family that conduct books of later eras will develop. The Good Wijf, similarly, spends relatively little time advising the daughter on matters of sexual propriety. The maternal narrator advises against ‘sin, villany,

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and blame’; cautions her daughter not to be a ‘loose woman’; she warns against speaking with men, who may deceive women with their pleasing words, and counsels against accepting men’s gifts. But the wife’s marital fidelity is, doubtless, a given; the poem focuses its energies elsewhere. Like the Wise Man, the Good Wijf neither promotes the niceties of ‘love’ nor decries the horrors of adultery; rather, it envisions the smooth relationship of husband and wife within the household and explains how to avoid domestic disturbance: ‘Pleasing and meek words / Can slake anger / My dear child’ (lines 43–5). The Good Wijf, like the Castigos y dotrinas, emphasizes women’s work and contributions to the household economy. The daughter is enjoined to manage the servants judiciously, to stay constantly by their sides to make sure that work is completed properly, to pitch in with the chores as need be, and to provide servants’ wages on pay day. Advice about prudent management of financial resources – do not spend or borrow excessively – points, again, to the important contributions of women to household economics in late medieval Europe. From St Louis’s letters, written for his royal children, to the Castilian Castigos y dotrinas and the Middle English Wise Man and Good Wijf poems, written ostensibly for bourgeois families and their servants, conduct texts extended their reach over ever-widening circles of readers. Despite their apparently conservative values, the books attest to – and helped to foster – the fluidity and transformation of social class.59 Princely mirrors and treatises on courtly conduct may have been read by those eager to emulate the comportment of their superiors; a bourgeois treatise could have spread the values of economic partnership in marriage and of social respectability to those who worked as servants within urban households. THE LEGACY OF MEDIEVAL CONDUCT BOOKS With the advent of printing in the mid-sixteenth century, books on the conduct of life reached an even greater number and a more varied range of readers. Adaptations and translations of medieval instructional treatises were among the earliest books in print.60 Combining a renewed interest in classical authors with a sharp appreciation of the strategies of social distinction, Renaissance humanists produced works that have remained classics in our own day, among them Castiglione’s Il Cortegiano and Erasmus’s De civilitate morum puerilium. Until recently, there was a tendency for cultural historians to see a sharp break between Renaissance humanism and the writings of medieval moralists and to dismiss much didactic writing from the Middle Ages as less sophisticated than later work. Norbert Elias, for example, vaunted the merits of Erasmus’s treatise

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over medieval conduct books, which he portayed as rather simplistic tracts on crude manners.61 But a stream of recent scholarship on medieval conduct books – in the form of editions, critical studies, and translations such as those in the current volume – has valorized their significance, not only in the evolution of European manners, but also as works that are compelling in their own right. A team effort led by Alain Montandon has engaged in producing a collaborative history of treatises of savoir-faire; medieval conduct books have rightly claimed the starting position, introducing a long line of offspring and new branches.62 The prose and poetic texts presented here attest to the variety, rhetorical complexity, and important social function of medieval guides to conduct. For students of medieval culture, conduct books open a window onto cultural mentalities, one that foregrounds social relations, domestic life, and moral and spiritual values. They offer a perspective that is, in some respects, more down to earth than the view afforded by courtly romances and troubadour lyrics; on the other hand, their views on the sanctity of marriage and on women’s duties within the household seem idealized compared to the fabliaux. It is important not to read didactic treatises as snapshots or accurate reflections of medieval society or to assume that their prescriptions for ideal behaviour were faithfully enacted by readers. The books convey how their moralist narrators wished social life might be organized and ordered; they portray fantasies of domestic order and fears of shame and failure. The works provide precious testimony of attitudes towards marriage, education, sexuality, dress, domestic life, social justice, age, class, economic resources, and a host of other issues. Read in the light of the social history of their respective geo-linguistic settings, analysed in tandem with contemporary literature or material culture, conduct books help to flesh out our understanding of the contexts in which medieval social identities were shaped. Works like those in this volume continued to circulate in the Renaissance and early modern period, changing their form and content as they adapted themselves to new publics and socio-political realities. Cultural historians have shown how conduct books allow us to trace shifting patterns of sociability; the rise and fall of courtesy and courtliness in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance; the emergence of a bourgeois ethos in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries; the creation of a new concept of civility in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; the proliferation of etiquette manuals in the Victorian period; the construction of the self-made man in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries; the valourization of women’s roles in the twentieth century; and the profusion of manuals of self-help in all aspects of personal life throughout the modern and contemporary period.63 In each age, literature on the conduct of life seeks to promote particular modes of social interaction, to define means

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by which individuals can seek distinction and earn ‘cultural capital’ (as the sociologist Pierre Bourdieu has defined these notions),64 and to provide solace and a sense of order in the face of life’s uncertainties. So it is with the texts assembled here, which partake in Western culture’s ongoing project of attempting to ensure the good life and improve the soul through the written word. The literature of European sociability and the history of European manners were well underway in the Middle Ages, as the following pages abundantly demonstrate.

NOTES I thank Kathleen Ashley and Mark Johnston for their useful suggestions for these pages and Mark, in particular, for additional bibliographic references. Any errors are my own. 1 Chrétien de Troyes, Le Conte du graal ou le roman de Perceval; for an English translation, see The Complete Romances of Chrétien de Troyes, trans. David Staines, 339–449. 2 Robert de Blois, Beaudous, in Sämmtliche Werke, 1. 3 For a useful critical edition, with commentary, see Robert de Blois: son oeuvre didactique et narrative, ed. Fox. 4 On Robert’s problematization of gender roles in Beaudous, see Krueger, Women Readers and the Ideology of Gender in Old French Verse Romance, 156–82. 5 For further insight on the multiple sources and strands of medieval conduct texts, particularly in French, see Roussel, ‘Le legs de la Rose.’ The following analysis of sources is especially indebted to Roussel and to Schmitt, La Raison des gestes. Schmitt’s study of the discipline of speech and gesture in medieval European culture demonstrates the key role played by didactic literature. 6 For an overview of influential classical treatises, see Pons, ‘Les fondements rhétoricophilosophiques des traités de savoir-vivre italiens du XVIe siècle.’ Most of the classical works Pons discusses were known in Latin versions and vernacular translations throughout medieval Europe. On Cicero’s relationship to medieval conduct works, see Mark D. Johnston, ‘Ciceronian Rhetoric and Ethics.’ 7 Schmitt, La Raison des gestes, 71. For an edition of the works of St Martin of Braga, see Opera Omnia, ed. Barlow. On the medieval mirror for princes, see Krynen, L’Idéal du prince et pouvoir royal en France à la fin du Moyen Age (1380– 1440); Bell, L’Idéal éthique de la royauté en France au Moyen Age; and Born, ‘The Perfect Prince.’ 8 See Sherman, Imaging Aristotle. 9 See, for example, Oswald, ‘Les Enseignement Seneque’; and Meersseman, ‘Seneca maestro di spiritualità nei suoi opuscoli apocrifi dal XII al XV secolo.’

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10 The standard edition remains Disticha Catonis, ed. Boas and Botschuyver. Recent useful editions and studies of the vast Catonian literature include Le livre de Catun, ed. Hunt; Disticha Catonis in graecum translata, ed. Ortoleva; and Roos, Sentenza e proverbio nell’antichità e i ‘Distici di Catone.’ For an English translation and an overview of Cato’s pervasive influence, see Chase, The Distichs of Cato. 11 On the use of Disticha Catonis as a classroom text, see Gehl, A Moral Art, 107–22. 12 Chase, The Distichs of Cato, 11. 13 Much has been written about Ovid’s immense medieval legacy, which extends not only to translations and adaptations of the Ars amatoria and the Remedia amoris, but also to recastings of tales from the Metamorphoses and to countless borrowings and allusions in lyric, romance, and didatic literature. For an overview, see Allen, The Art of Love; Desmond, Ovid in Medieval Culture; Hexter, Ovid and Medieval Schooling. 14 Ovide moralisé, ed. de Boer. See Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Reading Myth. 15 See the discussion of ‘medieval Ovidians’ in Gehl, A Moral Art, 178–201. 16 Christine de Pizan, The Book of the City of Ladies, Book II, chapter 54. 17 Geoffrey de la Tour Landry, Le Livre du Chevalier de la Tour Landry pour l’Enseignement de ses filles, 4. 18 As first noted by Grigsby, ‘A New Source of the Livre du Chevalier de la Tour Landry.’ On the Chevalier’s book, see Gendt, L’Art d’éduquer les nobles damoiselles: Le Livre du Chevalier de la Tour Landry. 19 See Riddy, ‘Mother Knows Best.’ 20 Useful surveys in English of particular traditions from this vast literature include Fleming, An Introduction to the Franciscan Literature of the Middle Ages; Kienzle, The Sermon; Newhauser, The Treatise on Vices and Virtues in Latin and the Vernacular; and Tubach, Index exemplorum. 21 See, for example, Blumenfeld-Kosinski, The Vernacular Spirit; and Bartlett and Bestul, Cultures of Piety. 22 For English translations of these classics of Christian spirituality, see Cassian, The Institutes, trans. Boniface Ramsey; and The Rule of Saint Benedict, trans. Doyle. 23 Jacques Le Goff, as cited in Roussel, ‘Le legs de la Rose,’ 6. 24 Schmitt, Raison des gestes, 176; translation mine. 25 On the inculcation of courtly values among European lay elites, see Jaeger, The Origins of Courtliness; and Scaglione, Knights at Court. 26 For editions of several short poems about table etiquette in Latin and French with discussion of poems in other languages, See Glixelli, ‘Les contenances de table.’ 27 Petrus Alphonsi, The Disciplina Clericalis of Petrus Alfonsi, 150–1. 28 For a highly readable analysis, see Visser, The Rituals of Dinner. 29 A fine analysis of advice about diet and food consumption in a representative late medieval conduct book is provided by Sponsler, ‘Eating Lessons.’

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30 On the evolution of Latin and vernacular courtesy books from the twelfth to the fifteenth centuries, see Nicholls, The Matter of Courtesy, 145–201. 31 For editions and commentary, see Parsons, ‘Anglo-Norman Books of Courtesy and Nurture’; citations are to this edition. Among numerous other editions, diverse treatises in English on ‘manners and meals,’ including an edition of How the Good Wijf Taughte Hir Doughtir and How the Wise Man Taught His Sonne, are found in Furnivall, The Babees Book. 32 For a thorough analysis of sinful speech acts as represented in clerical and monastic writings, see Casagrande and Vecchio, Les Péchés de la langue. See also Johnston, ‘The Treatment of Speech in Medieval Ethical and Courtesy Literature.’ 33 Le Mesnagier de Paris, ed. Brereton and Ferrier. 34 For discussion and edition of a representative manual of chivalry, see Kaeuper and Kennedy, The Book of Chivalry of Geoffroi de Charny. 35 For an enumeration and brief analyis of medieval didactic works addressed to women, including those of the church fathers, see Hentsch, De la littérature didactique s’adressant spécialement aux femmes. 36 Women’s roles are examined by Fougères, Le Livre des manières, stanzas 243–313; Vincent of Beauvais, De eruditione filiorum nobilium; and Novare, Les Quatre âges de l’homme, chapters 21–32; 86–94; 161–91; 182–6. There is no modern edition of the widely circulated De regimine principum of Giles of Rome (Aegidius Romanus); see, however, Giles of Rome, ‘Li Livres du gouvernement des rois,’ Book II, 1–21; and The Governance of Kings and Princes, Book II, chapters 1–24. 37 Garin lo Brun, Ensenhamen, 41–107. 38 Le Livre du Chevalier de la Tour Landry pour l’enseignement de ses filles, ed. Montaiglon. 39 Christine de Pizan, Le Livre des trois vertus; The Treasure of the City of Ladies, or the Book of Three Virtues, trans. Lawson. 40 For example, in his introduction to early modern English treatises for women, William St Clair describes courtesy manuals as teaching ‘strategies to negotiate, and rise above, social boundaries,’ while conduct books ‘advised on how to keep women safely confined within gender boundaries’; St Clair and Maassen, Conduct Literature for Women 1500–1640, 1:xxi. 41 On the elaboration of courtesy as a ‘common code of aristocratic conduct’ in Amanieu de Sescás, see Johnston, ‘Gender as Conduct in the Courtesy Guides for Aristocratic Boys and Girls of Amanieu de Sescás.’ 42 For an analysis of gender differences inscribed in representative English books, see Dronzek, ‘Gendered Theories of Education in Fifteenth-Century Conduct Books.’ 43 On this point, see Ashley, ‘The Miroir de bonnes femmes: Not For Women Only? 44 Gehl, A Moral Art, an excellent study of lay education in the schoolrooms of fourteenth-century Florence, provides an analysis of the principles and practices

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of medieval pedagogy that can doubtless be applied, with variation, to other venues as well; Ruth Mazo Karras supplies a good account of social behaviour within the male-dominated universities in From Boys to Men, 67–108. Among many other works treating medieval education and literacy after 1200, see Thorndike, ‘Elementary and Secondary Education’; Thompson, The Literacy of the Laity in the Middle Ages; Riché, ‘Sources pédagogiques et traités d’éducation’; Orme, From Childhood to Chivalry; Derville, ‘L’alphabétisation du peuple à la fin du Moyen Age’; Verger, Les gens de savoir; and Saenger, ‘Reading in the Later Middle Ages.’ Thorndike, ‘Elementary and Secondary Education,’ 401. Verger, Les gens de savoir, 52. As reported by Giovanni Villani; see Gehl, A Moral Art, 20. On the persistence of these views into the Renaissance, see Timmermans, L’accès des femmes à la culture, 19–59. Novare, Les Quatre âges de l’homme, 16–17. Le Mesnagier de Paris, 151–3. Christine de Pizan, The Treasure of the City of Ladies, or the Book of Three Virtues, trans. Lawson, 68. Llull, Doctrina pueril (91.5), 175. On the role of books in women’s lives in particular, see Bell, ‘Medieval Women Book Owners.’ See Ashley, ‘Miroir de bonnes femmes.’ See Riddy, ‘Mother Knows Best.’ For comparative analysis of some medieval versions of Griselda as they appear in conduct books, see Krueger, ‘Uncovering Griselda.’ Rasmussen, ‘Fathers to Think Back Through.’ On Aesopic fables and moral commentary in medieval education, see Wheatley, Mastering Aesop. For the way that a late medieval courtesy book appeals both to aristocratic readers whose values it reinforces and to urban professionals who might appropriate those values, see Amos, ‘“For Manners Make the Man.”’ For example, William Caxton offered translations or versions of both Ramon Llull, The Book of the Ordre of Chyualry, and Geoffroy de la Tour Landry, The Book of the Knight of the Tower. Elias, The Civilizing Process, 53–84. Among the many works edited by Montandon from this project, see especially Bibliographie des traités de savoir-vivre en Europe; Dictionnaire Raisonné de la Politesse et du Savoir-Vivre du Moyen Age à nos Jours; Pour une histoire des traités de savoir-vivre en Europe; and Traités de savoir-vivre en Italie. Among the many works that analyze these issues, see Armstrong and Tennenhouse, The Ideology of Conduct; Arditi, A Genealogy of Manners; Bell, How to Do It;

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Kelso, Doctrine for the Lady of the Renaissance; and Doctrine of the English Gentleman in the Sixteenth Century; Hull, Chaste, Silent, and Obedient; Carré, The Crisis of Courtesy; Bryson, From Courtesy to Civility; Curtain, Propriety and Position; Leavitt, Catharine Beecher to Martha Stewart, A Cultural History of Domestic Advice; and Wouters, ‘The Integration of Class and Sexes in the Twentieth Century.’ 64 Bourdieu, Distinction.

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MEDIEVAL CONDUCT LITERATURE: AN ANTHOLOGY OF VERNACULAR GUIDES TO BEHAVIOUR FOR YOUTHS, WITH ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS

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1 THE FRENCH ENSEIGNEMENZ A PHELIPPE AND ENSEIGNEMENT A YSABEL OF SAINT LOUIS Kathleen Ashley

INTRODUCTION In contrast to many other conduct texts which appear in a single manuscript and whose influence cannot be traced, the thirteenth-century letters of the French king Louis IX to his son Philip and daughter Isabelle circulated widely and were immensely influential due to the reputation of their author. During his lifetime, Louis was a formidable moral force, dedicated to reforming the administration of his kingdom and modelling Christian rulership. He died in 1270 while on crusade in Tunis, and immediately the royal confessors and historians launched a concerted effort to document his virtuous life and make a case for canonization. Even his son and successor, Philip, on the day after his father’s death, wrote a letter defining his father’s legacy as that of a Christian king. Twenty-seven years later, in 1297, ‘Saint Louis’ was canonized. The letters, in particular the Enseignemenz (Teachings) addressed to his son Philip, formed part of the canonization effort and became a permanent part of the myth of the saintly king. The History of the Letters In his biography of the king, Dominican friar Geoffrey de Beaulieu, Louis IX’s confessor, reports that the king used to end the day with his children by giving them moral advice. He was a devoted father who saw to it that all were well educated in French and Latin, girls as well as boys. According to Beaulieu, Louis wanted to leave such teachings for his male heir and his other children. Before his final illness, he therefore wrote a letter in his own hand, the Enseignemenz, which Friar Geoffrey says he translated from French into Latin after the king’s death and included in the biography he wrote. There also existed a letter of

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advice to his daughter Isabelle, said to be his favourite child, although Geoffrey did not reproduce it. Louis claims in the letter to Isabelle to have written it ‘in his own hand’ – in other words, it is a holograph text. Documents (like wills) written by the author’s own hand were given the greatest legal force in medieval society, but Louis also gives a personal reason for producing the two letters, claiming that his children would take the advice more seriously if they knew it came from their father directly. The holograph copies of the letters have been lost, and the multiple extant copies of the letter to Philip are ‘copies of copies, translations of translations.’1 In fact, when the papal bull on the canonization of ‘Saint Louis’ appeared in 1297 – twenty-seven years after the king’s death – it acknowledged the existence of innumerable versions of the Enseignemenz. Scholars have divided the huge number of manuscripts of Louis’s letter to Philip into several long versions of the text and many short versions, the latter descended from the first translation of the king’s holograph into Latin by Geoffrey de Beaulieu. Recopying the brief version became one of the tasks of the scriptorium dedicated to producing historical works at the Abbey of SaintDenis. Saint-Denis was the burial site of French kings and, throughout the Middle Ages, was one of the institutions that produced and maintained the royal ideology. The various long versions of the letter to Philip have equally complicated and problematic histories. Two long French versions appear to have been translated independently from a Latin text. One of them is found in a work of William of Saint-Pathus, the long-time confessor to Queen Marguerite, wife of Louis IX. After the king’s death, William was asked to write a biography, in which he included for the first time not just Philip’s letter but also that to Isabelle. The other long version of Philip’s letter was found in the volume referred to as ‘Noster’ in the Chambre de Comptes in Paris – a collection of the most important documents in the royal archives (now Bibliothèque Nationale Ms lat. 12814). In addition to these two, there is a text of the Enseignemenz included in the Memoires, yet another biography of the king by Jean de Joinville (1309) that Queen Marguerite commissioned. As the editor of Joinville, Natalis de Wailly, noted, this tradition emphasized the political advice in the Enseignemenz. Joinville also tells us that Louis gave his son the Enseignemenz on his deathbed. However, this is likely posthumous mythologizing, a representation of the saintly king’s ‘good death,’ as Paul Binski suggests.2 My translation uses the editions of David O’Connell, who bases the letter to Philip on the long ‘Noster’ version and the letter to Isabelle on a late thirteenth-century Picard version (now Bibliothèque Nationale Ms fr. 25462).

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Mirrors for Princes King Louis’s letters are examples of a well-established medieval didactic genre, the mirror for princes, which advised rulers on behaviours proper to their station in life. In common with other works in the genre, Louis discusses the need of the ruler for self-discipline, magnanimity, and counsel from trusted advisors. His interest in the genre is suggested by the fact that during his reign he had commissioned the production of five other ‘mirrors.’ Whether addressed to the prince or the princess, such texts articulate standards of conduct for the aristocrat who is expected to play a leadership role in society. These ‘teachings’ were copied and recopied, appearing in historical and devotional texts used by aristocrats. Although Louis’s letter to his son was the more visible text, the letter to his daughter had its own significant trajectory of influence on other works of conduct addressed to aristocratic women. For example, when Anne de France writes a letter of moral instruction to her daughter Suzanne de Bourbon in 1504-5, she draws on Louis’s letter to his daughter. Contents of the Letters King Louis’s letters are deeply imbued with the traits that the thirteenth century associated with royal saints. The king is the builder of the French monarchy and of the Christian polity; he is a penitent and a man of conscience, reflecting the influence of the mendicants who were his religious advisors. Written sources that the king drew on were, predictably, the Bible, the writings of the church fathers, and writings by contemporary medieval theologians like Vincent of Beauvais. Louis also incorporated into his letters the oral counsel of his grandfather, Philip Augustus, references to his mother Blanche of Castille’s advice, and his own life experience to produce works whose tone – despite their elevated aspirations – is direct and remarkably intimate. As their editor David O’Connell has noted, the two letters contain many identical phrases and sentences.3 These identical passages articulate Louis’s Christian piety based on the idea of God’s love and the king’s dedication to a life of virtue and upright behaviour in all domains, personal and public. What comes through in both letters is a spiritual integrity and warmth that contemporary historians and hagiographers also attribute to King Louis. Sections offering similar advice serve to highlight the subsequent differences between the letters to son and daughter, that is, between what a royal male and a royal female need to know and do. Isabelle is uniquely urged to obey her father, mother, and husband, although only when their counsels are

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in line with God’s will. King Louis here echoes other medieval women’s conduct texts, which give the woman moral authority to disobey her husband if the command is evil. The instructions call attention to Isabelle’s role as social example, especially in her dress and decoration, where moderation is counselled. On the private side, Philip is admonished to love and honour his mother and to be guided by her advice. He is also to take the place of his father in tending to the care and advancement of his brothers. However, it is Philip’s role as potential royal successor to his father that mainly shapes the sections of his letter that differ from Isabelle’s. Louis says he hopes that, based on an upright life, his son will be worthy of the holy unction with which kings of France were anointed. Two themes predominate: first, the need for honest counsel to avoid bad decision making, and second, the need to make every effort to bring peace, both within the kingdom and externally. Good relations with the church are to be maintained, and the king’s power to award benefices and administer the kingdom should be exercised with rectitude, always rewarding virtuous people and being careful not to oppress the poor. Louis also instructs Philip to administer his finances with the same moderation, that is, not to collect or spend money wrongfully or in excess. Compared with many other works of conduct literature, the letters of King Louis to his son and daughter put the interior spiritual life first, always emphasizing that pure intentions should guide external behaviours.

NOTES 1 Langlois, La vie spirituelle, 24. 2 Binski, Medieval Death, 35–6. 3 Connell, The Instructions of Saint Louis.

Ce sont les enseignemenz que Monseigneur saint Loys fist a son ainsne fils Phelippe

These are the teachings that Monseigneur Saint Louis wrote for his eldest son Philip

1 A son chier filz ainzné Phelippe salut et amitié de pere.

1 To his dear eldest son Philip, friendly greetings from his father.

2 Chiers filz, pour ce que je desirre de tout mon cuer que tu soies bien enseignié en toutes choses, je pense que je te face aucun ensaingnement par cest escript; car je t’oÿ dire aucunes foiz que tu retendroies plus de moy que d’autrui.

2 Dear son, since I desire with all my heart that you be well taught in all things, I think I will give you some instruction in this text, because I have heard you say several times that you retain more from me than from others.

3 Chiers filz, je t’enseingne premierement que tu aimmes Dieu de tout ton cuer et de tout ton pouoir, car sanz ce nulz ne peut riens valoir.

3 Dear son, I instruct you first to love God with all your heart and all your strength, because without that nothing has any value.

4 Tu te dois garder de toutes choses que tu quideras qui li doient desplaire, a ton pouoir, et especialment tu doiz avoir ceste volenté que tu ne faces pechié mortel pour nulle chose qui puist avenir, et que tu te lairoies avant touz les mambres tranchier et la vie tolir par cruel martire que tu le feïsses a escient.

4 You should guard yourself, as much as possible, against all things that you think would displease him, and above all you should have the will to avoid mortal sin no matter what happens; and you should let your limbs be cut off and your life taken by cruel martyrdom rather than sin knowingly.

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5 Se Nostre Sire t’envoie aucune persecution ou de maladie ou d’autre chose, tu la dois souffrir debonnairement, et l’en dois mercier et savoir hon gré; car tu doiz penser que il l’a fet pour ton bien. Et si doiz panser que tu as bien deservi et ce et plus, se il vousist, pour ce que tu l’as pou amé et pou servi et que tu as maintes choses faittes contre sa volenté.

5 If Our Lord sends you any persecution or illness or other thing, you should suffer it graciously and thank him and be grateful for it, because you should believe that he did it for your good; and so should think that you have deserved it, this and more if he wanted, because you have loved him too little and served him too little and done a great many things against his will.

6 Se Nostre Sire t’envoie aucune prosperité ou de santé de corps ou d’autre chose, tu l’en doiz mercier humblement et doiz prendre garde que tu de ce n’empires ne par orgueil ne par autre mesprison; car c’est moult grant pechié de guerroier Nostre Seigneur de ses dons.

6 If Our Lord sends you any prosperity or bodily health or other thing, you should thank him humbly and should take care that you are not the worse for it, whether through pride or another failing, because it is a great sin to be hostile to Our Lord for his gifts.

7 Chier filz, je t’enseigne que tu t’acoustumes a souvent confesser et que tu eslises touz jours telz confesseurs qui soient de saincte vie et de souffisent lettreüre, par qui tu soies enseingniez des choses que tu doiz eschiver et des choses que tu dois faire, et aies tele maniere en toy par quoy ti confesseur et ti autre ami t’osent hardiement enseignier et reprendre.

7 Dear son, I instruct you to accustom yourself to confess often and always to choose such confessors who are of holy life and of sufficient education, by whom you will be taught those things that you should avoid and those things that you should do; and be of such a demeanour that your confessor and your other friends dare boldly to teach and reprimand you.

8 Chier filz, je t’enseigne que tu oyes volentiers le service de sainte Esglise, et quant tu seras ou moustier, garde toy de muser et de parler vainnes paroles. Tes orisons di en pez, ou par bouche ou par panser, et especialment soies plus en pez et

8 Dear son, I instruct you willingly to hear the services of Holy Church, and when you are in church keep yourself from dawdling and from speaking idle words. Say your prayers quietly, either aloud or in thought, and especially while the

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plus ententiz a oroison tant comme li corps Nostre Seigneur Jhesu Crist sera presens a la messe et une piece devant.

body of Our Lord Jesus Christ is present at the mass be quieter and more attentive to prayer, and a little beforehand.

9 Chiers fils, je t’enseigne que tu aies le cuer piteus envers les povres et envers touz ceus que tu cuideras qui aient meschief ou de cuer ou de corps et, selon le pouoir que tu avras, les sequeur volentiers ou de confort ou d’aucune aumosne.

9 Dear son, I instruct you to have a compassionate heart toward the poor and toward all those you think suffer hardship, either of the heart or of the body, and aid them willingly either with comfort or some alms, according to your ability.

10 Se tu as aucune mesaise de cuer, di la a ton confesseur ou a aucun que tu cuides qui soit loyaus et qui te sache bien celer, pour ce que tu la portes plus en pez, se ce est chose que tu puisses dire.

10 If you have any heartsickness, if it is something you can talk about, tell it to your confessor or to someone you are sure is loyal and who will guard your secret, so that you can bear it more easily.

11 Chiers filz, aies volentiers la compaingnie des bonnes gens avecques toy, soient de religion, soient du siecle, et eschive la compaingnie des mauvez, et aies volentiers bons parlemens avec les bons; et escoute volentiers paller de Nostre Seigneur en sarmons et en privé. Pourchaces volentiers les pardons.

11 Dear son, willingly keep good people in your company, whether clerics or laymen, and avoid the company of bad ones, and willingly have good conversation with the good, and listen willingly to talk of Our Lord in sermons and in private. Willingly seek indulgences.

12 Aime le bien en autrui et hé le mal.

12 Love the good in others and hate the evil.

13 Et ne seuffre mie que l’en die devant toy paroles qui peuent genz attraire a pechié. N’escoute pas volentiers mesdire d’autrui.

13 And do not allow anyone around you to use words that may attract people to sin. Do not listen willingly to bad things about others.

14 Nulle parole qui tourt a despit de Nostre Seigneur ou de Nostre Dame

14 Do not in any way allow words that tend to denigrate Our Lord or

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ou des sains ne seuffre en nule maniere, que tu n’en praignes venjance. Se il estoit clerc ou il estoit grant personne que tu ne deüsses justicier, feïsses le dire a celui qui le porroit justicier.

Our Lady or the saints without taking vengeance. If the offender is a cleric or such an important person that you cannot try him, report it to someone who can judge the case.

15 Chiers filz, pren te garde que tu soies si bons en toutes choses par quoy il appere que tu recognoisses les bontez et les honneurs que Nostre Seigneur t’a faittes en tele maniere que, se il plaisoit a Nostre Seigneur que tu venisses au fez et a l’onneur de gouverner le royaume, que tu fusses dignes de recevoir ia saincte unction dont li roy de France sont sacré.

15 Dear son, take care that you are so good in all things so that it appears that you recognize the goods and honours that Our Lord has given you and that, if it pleases Our Lord to give you the task and honor of governing the kingdom, you may be worthy of receiving the holy unction with which the kings of France are anointed.1

16 Chiers filz, se il avient que tu viengnes au royaume, gardes que tu aies les vertus qui affierent a roy, c’est a dire que tu soies si droituriers que tu ne declines de nulle droiture pour nulle chose qui puit avenir. Se il avient que il ait aucune querelle d’aucun povre contre aucun riche, soustien plus le povre que le riche, jusques a tant que tu en saches la verité, et, quant tu entendras la verité, fai le droit.

16 Dear son, if it should occur that you become king, take care that you have the virtues that befit a king; that is, that you are so just that you do not swerve from what is right, no matter what might happen. If there should be any quarrel of a poor against a rich person, support the poor more than the rich, until you know the truth and, when you understand the truth, do justice.

17 Et se il avient que tu aies querelle encontre aucun autrui, soustien la querelle de l’estrange devant ton conseil, ne ne fai pas semblant d’amer trop ta querelle jusques a tant que tu cognoisses la verité, car cil du conseil en pourroient estre doubtiz a parler contre toy, laquele chose tu ne doiz pas voloir.

17 And if it happens that you have a quarrel against anyone else, bring the quarrel before your council; do not appear to love quarrels too much until you know the truth, because those of the council may hesitate to disagree with you, a thing you should not want.

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18 Se tu entenz que tu tiengnes riens a tort ou de ton temps ou du temps de tes ancesseurs, tantost ie rent, combien que la chose soit grant, ou en terre ou en deniers ou en autre chose. Se la chose est obscure, par quoy tu n’en puisses savoir la verité, fai tele paiz par conseil de preudomes par quoy l’ame en soit du tout delivrée et i’ame de tes ancesseurs; et combien onques que tu oyes dire que tes ancesseurs aient rendu, met touz jours peine a savoir se riens y a encor a rendre, et se tu le treuves, tantost le fai rendre pour ia delivrance de t’ame et des ames de tes ancesseurs.

18 If you learn that you have acquired something wrongly, either in your time or in the time of your ancestors, return it, no matter how large (in land or in money or other goods); if the case is obscure, so that you cannot know the truth, make peace by a council of honest men so that your soul and the souls of your ancestors will be delivered from punishment; and when you hear that your ancestors have made restitution, make an effort to know if there is anything more to give back, and, if you find it, then return it for the deliverance of your soul and the souls of your ancestors.

19 Soies bien diligent de faire garder en ta terre toutes manieres de genz et especialment les personnes de sainte Esglise; ceuz deffens, que l’en ne leur face tort ne force, ne en leurs personnes ne en leurs choses; et je te vueil ci recorder une parole que dist li roys Phelippe, mes ayeus, si comme un de son conseil me recorda, qui disoit que il l’avoit oÿe. Li roys estoit un jour avec son conseil privé – et y estoit cil qui la me recorda – et li disoient cil de son conseil que li clerc li fesoient moult de tort et que l’en se merveilloit commant il le souffroit. Et il respondi: ‘Je croi bien que il me font moult de tort; mès quant je pense aus honeurs que Nostre Seigneur m’a faittes, je vueil mieuz souffrir mon dommage que faire chose par quoy il venist esclandre entre moy et sainte

19 Be very diligent to care for all kinds of folk in your land, and especially the people of the Holy Church; defend these people so that no one does them wrong, either by force against their persons or their goods; and I want to record here a saying that King Philip,2 my grandfather, said, as one of his council reported to me, who said he had heard it. One day the king was with his privy council – and the one who repeated it to me was there – and those of his council said that a cleric wronged him and they marvelled how he endured it. He replied: ‘I truly believe that he does me wrong; but when I think of the honours that Our Lord has done me, I would rather suffer this harm than do anything by which slander would come between me and Holy Church.’ I

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Esglise.’ Je te recort ce pour ce que tu ne soies pas legiers a croire nullui contre les personnes de sainte Ysglise; ainz les doiz honnorer et garder si qu’il puissent faire le Service Nostre Seigneur en pès.

report this so that you do not lightly believe anything against the clergy; instead you should honour them and take care that they can serve Our Lord in peace.

20 Ainsi t’anseigne je que tu especialment aimmes les genz de religion, et les sequeur volentiers a leur besoing; et ceus que tu cuideras par qui Nostre Seigneur soit plus honorez et servis, ceuz aime plus que les autres.

20 Therefore, I instruct you to especially love the clergy, and help them willingly with their needs; when caring for those by whom Our Lord will be more honoured and served, love those more than the others.

21 Chiers filz, je t’enseigne que tu aimes ta mere et honores et que tu retiegnes volentiers et faces ses bons enseignemens et soies enclins a croire ses bons conseilz.

21 Dear son, I instruct you to love and honour your mother3 and willingly retain and follow her good instruction, and be inclined to believe her good counsels.

22 Tes freres aimes et vueilles touz jours leur bien et leurs bons avancemens, et leur soies en leu de pere a euz enseignier a touz biens, mès gardes que, par amour que tu aies a nullui, ne declines de droit faire ne ne faces chose que tu ne doies.

22 Love your brothers4 and always seek their good and their proper advancement, and take the place of a father to teach them all good, but be careful that, from your love for someone, you do not avoid doing what is right or do something that you should not.

23 Chiers filz, je t’enseigne que les benefices de sainte Ysglise que tu avras a donner, que tu les doingnes a bones personnes par grant conseil de preudomes; et il me samble qu’il vaut mieuz que tu les doignes a ceuz qui n’avront nules prouvendes que ce que tu les doignes aus autres; car tu trouveras assez de ceus qui riens n’ont, se tu les quiers bien, en qui il sera bien emploiez.

23 Dear son, with regard to the benefices of Holy Church that you have to give, I instruct you to give them to good people following the serious counsel of honest men; it seems to me better if you give them to those who do not have any prebends rather than give them to others; because you will find enough of those who have nothing, if you try hard, by whom the prebend will be well employed.

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24 Chiers filz, je t’enseigne que tu te gardes a ton pouoir que tu n’aies guerre a nulz crestiens et, se l’en te fait tort, essaie pluseurs voies pour savoir se tu porroies trover voie par quoy tu peüsses recouvrer ta droiture avant que tu feïsses guerre, et aies entencion que ce soit pour eschiver les pechiez qui se font en guerre. Et se il avient qu’il la te couvigne faire, ou pour ce que aucun de tes hommes se defausist en ta court de droit prendre, ou que il feist tort a aucune yglise ou a aucune povre personne ou a quelque personne que ce fust et ne le vousist amender par toy, ou pour autre cas raisonnable pour quelque chose que ce fust qu’il te couvenist a faire guerre, commande diligemment que les povres genz qui coulpes n’ont en forfet soient gardez que dommage ne leur viegne ne par arson ne par autre chose; car il t’affiert mieuz que tu contraignes le maufeteur par prendre les seues choses ou ses villes ou ses chastiaus par force de siege. Et garde que tu soies bien conseilliez, avant que tu meuves nulle guerre, que la cause soit moult raisonnable, et que tu aies bien sommé le maufetaur et tant atendu comme tu devras.

24 Dear son, I instruct you to take care, as much as you are able, not to make war against any Christians; and, if someone does you wrong, try various ways to see if you can find one by which you can recover your rights before making war, and make whatever effort it takes to avoid the sins caused by war. And if it happens that you must make war, or if any of your men fail in your court to do right, or wrong is done to a church or to a poor person or to anyone whomsoever and it cannot be set right by you, or because of some other reasonable case for making war, diligently command that the poor people not involved in the misdeed are not hurt by arson or otherwise; because it behooves you more to constrain the malefactor by taking his things or besieging his towns or his castles. And take care that you are well counselled before you begin any war, that the cause is very reasonable, and that you have warned the malefactor and waited the appropriate length of time.

25 Chiers filz, je t’enseigne que les guerres et les contenz qui seront en ta terre ou entre tes hommes, que tu mettez pene de les apaisier a ton pouoir; car c’est une chose qui moult plest a Nostre Seigneur; et mes sires saint Martin nous a donné moult

25 Dear son, I instruct you that, in the case of wars and discords that occur on your lands and between your men, you take pains where possible to calm them; for this is one thing that pleases Our Lord very much, and my lord Saint Martin5 has

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grant exemple, car il ala pour mettre pais entre les clers qui estoient en son arceveschié, au temps qu’il savoit par Nostre Seigneur qu’il devoit mourir, et lui sembla qu’il metoit bone fin en sa vie en ce faire.

given us a great example, because he made peace between the clerics who were in his archbishopric at the time when he learned from Our Lord that he was going to die, and it seemed to him that he would make a good end to his life in doing so.

26 Chier filz, pren te garde diligemment que il ait bons bailliz et bons prevoz en ta terre; et fai souvent prendre garde que il facent bien droiture, que il ne facent a autrui tort ne chose que il ne doient. De ceus mesmes qui sont en ton hostel, fai prendre garde que il ne facent a nullui chose que il ne doient, car, ja soit ce que tu doies haïr tout mal en autruy, tu doiz plus haïr le mal qui vendroit de ceus qui de toy avroient le pouoir que tu ne doiz des autres, et plus doiz garder et deffendre qu’il n’aviegne.

26 Dear son, take diligent care that there are good bailiffs and good provosts in your land; and make sure always to take care that they do right, that they do no wrong nor anything that they should not. Of those that are in your household, take care that they do nothing that they should not, because even though you should hate all evil in others, you should hate even more the evil that comes from those who hold their power from you, and you should guard and defend against it even more.

27 Chiers filz, je t’enseigne que tu soiez touz jours devoz a l’Yglise de Romme et a nostre pere l’Apostole, et li portez reverence et honeur si comme tu doiz a ton pere espirituel.

27 Dear son, I instruct you to be devoted daily to the Church of Rome and our apostolic father, and show the reverence and honour toward him that you owe to your spiritual father.

28 Chier filz, donne volentiers pouoir a genz de bonne voulenté qui en sachent bien user, et met grant pene a ce que li pechié soient ostés en ta terre, c’est a dire li vilain serement et toute chose qui se fait ou dit a despit de Dieu ou de Nostre Dame ou des sains: pechiez de corps, jeu de dez, tavernes et les autres pechiez. Fai ce abatre en ta terre sagement et en bonne maniere. Les hereges a ton

28 Dear son, give power willingly to people of good will who know how to use it well, and take great care that sin is rooted out of your country, such as foul swearing, and all things done or said in denigration of God or Our Lady or the saints: sins of the body, dice games, taverns, and other sins. Destroy them in your land wisely and well. As much as possible, chase heretics

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pouoir fai chacier de ta terre et les autres males genz, si que ta terre en soit bien purgiée, si comme tu entendras que il sera affaire par sage conseil de bonnes genz.

and other bad people from the land so the country is well purged, as you understand that it should be done from the wise counsel of good people.

29 Les biens avances par tout ton pouoir; met grant pene a ce que tu saches recognoitre les bontez que Nostre Seigneur t’avra faitez et que tu l’en saches mercier.

29 Advance the good with all your power; take great care that you know how to recognize the goodness that Our Lord has done to you so that you know how to thank him.

30 Chiers filz, je t’enseigne que tu metez grant entente a ce que li denier que tu despendras soient en bon usage despendu et que il soient pris droiturierement. Et c’est un sens que je voudroie moult que tu eüsses, c’est a dire que tu gardasses de foles mises et de mauveses prises et que tes deniers feussent bien pris et bien mis; et cestui sens t’enseigne Nostre Sires avec les autres sens qui te sont profitable et couvenable.

30 Dear son, I instruct you to pay close attention so that the money you spend is spent for good uses and is rightfully collected. There’s a good sense that I very much want you to have, namely, that you keep yourself from foolish spending and wrongful taxes and that your money is well collected and well spent; and this good sense Our Lord teaches with the others that are profitable and acceptable.

31 Chier filz, je te pri, que se il plaist a Nostre Seigneur que je trespasse de ceste vie avant toy, que tu me faces aidier par messes et par autres oroisons et que tu envoiez par les congregations du royaume de France pour faire demander leurs prieres pour m’ame, et que tu entendes a touz les biens que tu feras que Nostres Sires m’i doint part.

31 Dear son, I beg you, if it pleases Our Lord that I leave this life before you, that you help me with masses and by other prayers and that you contact the congregations of the realm of France to ask their prayers for my soul, and all the good that you do, do in such a way that Our Lord gives me a share.

32 Chier fils, je te doing toute la benoïçon que pere puet et doit donner a fil, et pri Nostre Seigneur Dieu Jhesu Crist que il, par sa grant

32 Dear son, I give you all the blessing that a father can and should give to a son and pray Our Lord God Jesus Christ that he – from his great

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misericorde et par les prieres et par les merites sa benoite mere vierge Marie et des anges et des archanges et de touz sains et de toutes saintes, que il te gart et te deffende que tu ne faces chose qui soit contraire a sa voulenté, et que il te doint grace de faire sa voulenté si que il soit serviz et honorez par toi, et face il a moy et a toy par sa grant largece si que, après ceste mortel vie nous puissons venir a lui a la vie pardurable la ou nous le puissons veoir, amer et louer sans fin. Amen.

mercy, and through prayer, and by the merits of our Blessed Mother Virgin Mary and the angels and the archangels and all the saints, both male and female – protect you and keep you from doing anything against his will, and that he give you grace to do his will, so that he is served and honoured by you, and may he grant to me and you by his great largesse, that after this mortal life we may come to him in the eternal life where we can see, love, and praise him without end. Amen.

33 A lui soit gloire, honeur et louange qui est un Dieu avec le Pere et le Saint Esperit sanz commencement et sanz fin. Amen.

33 Glory, honour and praise be to him who is God with the Father and the Holy Ghost, without beginning and without end. Amen.

NOTES 1 A tradition of the French monarchy since the Merovingians, who apparently introduced the practice in their coronation ceremonies. As Louis indicates, it became an important symbolic manifestation of royal authority. 2 Philip II Augustus ruled from 1180 until 1223. 3 Marguerite of Provence (1221–95) married Louis IX in 1234. 4 In addition to Louis IX, only four of the other sons born to Louis VIII survived into adolescence: Robert (1216–50); John Tristan (1219–32), Count of Anjou and Maine; Alphonse (1220–71), Count of Poitou and Auvergne; and Charles Etienne (1226–85), Count of Anjou and Maine. 5 This is presumably Saint Martin (316–97), bishop of Tours, a patron saint of the realm whose cult generated an extensive legenda of exemplary deeds and miracles.

Chi apres sunt escrit li enseignement ke li bons rois Sains Loÿs escrist de sa main a ma Dame Ysabel, sa fille, qui fu roine de Navarre

Hereafter are written the teachings that the good king Saint Louis wrote in his own hand to my lady Isabelle, his daughter, who was queen of Navarre

1 A sa chiere et amee fille Ysabel, roine de Navarre, salus et amistié de pere.

1 To his dear and beloved daughter Isabelle, queen of Navarre,1 friendly greetings from her father.

2 Chiere fille, pour che que je quit ke vous retenrés plus volentiers de moi pour l’amour que vous avés a moi, que vous ne feriés de pluisours autres, j’ai pensé ke je vous fache aucuns enseignemens escris de ma main.

2 Dear daughter, since I believe you will retain things more willingly from me, out of love for me, than you would from various others, I thought I would produce some teachings for you, written in my own hand.

3 Chiere fille, je vous enseigne que vous amés Nostre Signeur de tout vostre cuer et de tout vostre pooir, car sans chou nus ne puet riens valoir. Nule cose ne puet estre amee ne si droiturierement ne si pourfitablement. Ch’est li sires a qui toute creature puet dire: ‘Sire, vous estes mes Diex. Vous n’avés mestier de nus de mes biens.’ Chou est li sires qui envoia son fill en terre et le livra

3 Dear daughter, I instruct you to love Our Lord with all your heart and all your strength, because without that nothing has any value. Nothing else can be loved so justly or so profitably. He is the Lord to whom every creature may say, ‘Lord, you are my God. You do not need any of my goods.’2 He is the Lord who sent his son to earth and allowed him to die to deliver us from the death of hell.

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a mort pour nous delivrer de la mort d’infer. 4 Chiere fille, se vous l’amés, li pourfis en sera vostres. Mout est la creature desvoiie qui aillors met l’amour de son cuer fors en lui ou desous lui.

4 Dear daughter, if you love him the profit will be yours. The person whose love is placed elsewhere than in him or beneath him is very misguided.

5 Chiere fille, la mesure dont nous le devons amer, si est l’amer sans mesure. Il a bien deservi que nous l’amons car il nous ama premiers. Je vaurroi ke vous seussiés bien penser as oevres ke li benois Fius Diu fist pour nostre raenchon.

5 Dear daughter, the measure by which we should love him is to love without measure. He deserves our love because he loved us first. I desire that you know well how to reflect on the deeds that the blessed son of God did for our ransom.

6 Chiere fille, aiiés grant desirier coument vous li puissiés plus plaire et metés grant entente a eschiver toutes les coses que vous quiderés qui li doient desplaire. Especiaument vous devés avoir cheste volenté que vous ne feriés pechié mortel pour nule cose qui peüst avenir, et ke vous vous laisseriés anchois tous les membres trenchier et la vie tolir par cruel martire que vous le fesissiés a ensient.

6 Dear daughter, may you greatly desire to please him and try hard to avoid all things that you think would displease him. Above all you must have the will to avoid mortal sin no matter what might happen and to let all your limbs be cut off and your life taken by cruel martyrdom rather than sin knowingly.

7 Chiere fille, acoustumés vous a souvent confesser et eslisiés tous jours confessours qui soient de sainte vie et de souffissant lettreüre par qui vous soiiés ensignie des coses que vous devés eschiever et des coses ke vous devés faire. Et soiiés de tel maniere par quoi vostre confessours et vostre autre ami vous osent hardiement ensignier et reprendre.

7 Dear daughter, accustom yourself to confess often and always choose confessors who are of holy life and of sufficient education, by whom you will be taught the things you should avoid and things you should do. And be of such a demeanour that your confessor and your other friends dare to boldly teach and reprimand you.

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8 Chiere fille, oiiés volentiers le service de sainte Glise, et quant vous serés u moustier, gardés vous de muser et de dire vaines paroles. Vos orisons dites en pais ou par bouche ou par pensee, et especiaument entrués con li cors Nostre Signour Jhesu Cris sera presens a la messe, soiiés plus en pais et plus ententieve a orison, et une pieche devant.

8 Dear daughter, willingly hear the services of Holy Church, and when you are in church keep yourself from dawdling and from speaking idle words. Say your prayers quietly, either aloud or in thought, and especially while the body of Our Lord Jesus Christ is present at the mass be quieter and more attentive to prayer, and a little beforehand.

9 Chiere fille, oiiés volentiers parler de Nostre Signour en sermons et en privés parlemens. Toutevoie privés parlemens eschivés fors que de gens mout esleues en bontés et en sainteés. Pourcachiés volentiers les pardons.

9 Dear daughter, listen willingly to talk of Our Lord in sermons and in private conversations. Always avoid private conversations unless the people are outstanding in goodness and in sanctity. Willingly seek indulgences.

10 Chiere fille, se vous avés aucune persecution ou de maladie ou d’autre cose en quoi vous ne puissiés metre conseil en bone maniere, souffrés le debonairement et en merchiiés Nostre Signeur et l’en sachiés bon grei. Car vous devés quidier ke ch’est pour vostre bien et devés quidier que vous l’aiiés deservi et plus se il vausist, pour chou que vous l’avés pau amé et pau servi et avés maintes coses faites contre sa volenté.

10 Dear daughter, if you have any persecution or illness or other things for which you cannot get helpful advice, suffer it graciously and be grateful to him for it, because you should believe that it is for your good, and that you have deserved it and more if he wanted, because you loved him too little and served him too little and did a great many things against his will.

11 Se vous avés aucune prosperité ou de santé de cors ou d’autre cose, merchiiés ent Nostre Signeur humelement et l’en sachiés bon grei; et vous prenés bien garde que de chou n’empiriés ne par orgueil ne par autre mesprison, car chou est mout grans pechiés de guerroiier Nostre Signour pour l’ocoison de ses dons.

11 If you have any prosperity or bodily health or other thing, thank Our Lord humbly for it and be grateful to him for it; and take care that you are not the worse for it, either through pride or some other failing, because it is a great sin to be hostile to Our Lord as a result of his gifts.

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12 Se vous avés aucune mesaise de cuer, dites le a vostre confessour ou a aucune autre personne ke vous quidiés qui soit loiaus et ki vous doive bien cheler, pour chou ke vous le portés plus en pais, se ch’est cose ke vous puissiés dire.

12 If you have any heartsickness, if it is something you can talk about, tell it to your confessor or to any other person you consider loyal and who will guard your secret, so that you may bear it more easily.

13 Chiere fille, aiiés le cuer piteus vers toutes gens ke vous entenderés qui soient a meschief ou de cuer ou de cors et les secourés volentiers ou de confort ou d’aucune aumosne, selonc chou ke vous le porrés faire en bone maniere.

13 Dear daughter, have a compassionate heart for all the people who you know suffer misfortune, either of heart or body, and help them willingly either with comfort or alms, according to your means and inclination.

14 Chiere fille, amés toutes bones gens, soient de religion, soient du siecle, par qui vous entenderés ke Nostres Sires soit honnerés et servis. Les povres amés et secourés, et especiaument cheus qui, pour l’amour Nostre Signour, se sunt mis a povreté.

14 Dear daughter, love all the good people, whether clerics or laymen, by whom you know that Our Lord is honoured and served. Love and help the poor and especially those who, for the love of Our Lord, have voluntarily chosen poverty.

15 Chiere fille, prenéz vous garde a vostre pouoir que les femmes et l’autre mesgnie qui repairent plus souvent et plus secretement avec vous soient de bone vie et sainte, et eschivés a vostre pouoir toutes gens de malvaise renommee.

15 Dear daughter, take care as much as you can that the women and the rest of your household who stay with you most often and most privately are of good and saintly life, and avoid as much as possible all people of bad reputation.

16 Chiere fille, obeïssiés humelement a vostre marit et a vostre pere et a vostre mere es coses qui sunt selonc Dieu. Vous devés chou volentiers faire pour l’amour que vous avés a aus et assés plus pour l’amour Nostre Signour qui ensi l’a ordené a cascun selonc chou qu’il

16 Dear daughter, humbly obey your husband and your father and mother in everything that conforms to God. You should willingly do it out of the love that you have for them and even more for the love of Our Lord who thus ordained to each as was suitable. Against

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affiert; contre Dieu vous ne devés a nului obeïr.

God’s wishes you should not obey anyone.

17 Chiere fille, metés grant paine que vous soiiés si parfaite en tout bien que chil qui orront parler de vous et vous verront i puissent prendre bon example.

17 Dear daughter, take great pains to be perfect in all qualities so that those who hear talk of you or see you can take you as a good example.

18 Il me samble qu’il est bon ke vous n’aiiés mie trop grant sourcrois de reubes ensamble ne de joiaus selonc l’estat ou vous estes; ains me samble miex que vous fachiés vos ausmosnes au mains de chou qui trop seroit, et me samble qu’il est bon que vous ne metés mie trop grant tans ne trop grant estuide en vous parer ne achesmer. Et prenés garde que vous ne fachiés outrage en vostre atour, mais tous jours vous enclinés anchois devers le mains que devers le plus.

18 It seems proper to me that you not have a great surplus of dresses or jewels according to the estate you occupy; rather it seems better that you do your almsgiving less than excessively, and it seems right to me that you not devote too much time or too much effort to dressing and adorning yourself. Take care not to offend by your attire, but always tend toward less rather than more.

19 Chiere fille, aiiés un desirier en vous ki jamais ne se departe de vous, ch’est a dire comment vous puissiés plus plaire a Nostre Signour, et metés vostre cuer a chou ke se vous estiés chertaine que vous ne fuissiés jamais guerredounee de bien que vous fesissiés ne punie de mal que vous fesissiés, si vous devriés vous garder de faire cose ki despleüst a Nostre Signeur, et entendre a faire les coses qui li plairoient, a vostre pooir, purement pour l’amour de lui.

19 Dear daughter, may you have a desire that never leaves you, which is to say, how you might most please Our Lord. Set your heart such that, even if you are certain that you will never be compensated for your good acts nor punished for the bad that you do, you avoid doing anything that would displease Our Lord. Learn to do the things that will please him, according to your ability, purely for love of him.

20 Chiere fille, pourcachiés volentiers orisons de bones gens et m’i

20 Dear daughter, willingly seek the prayers of good folk and join me in

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acompagniés; et se il avient k’il plaise a Nostre Signour que jou trespasse de cheste vie devant vous, je vous pri que vous pourcachiés messes et orisons et autres biens fais pour m’ame.

this. And if it should please Our Lord that I pass from this life before you, I pray you to seek masses and prayers and other good works for my soul.

21 Je vous commant que nus ne voie chest escrit sans mon congiet, excepté vostre frere.

21 I command you to let no one see this writing without my permission, except your brother.3

22 Nostre Sire Diex vous fache bone en toutes coses autant comme je desir et plus assés ke je ne saroie desirrer. Amen.

22 May Our Lord God bring you good in all things as much as I desire and even more than I would know how to desire. Amen.

Chi finent li commandement ke li rois sains Loÿs fist a ma dame Ysabel, sa fille, qui fu roine de Navarre.

Here end the commandments that the king Saint Louis made for my lady Isabelle, his daughter, who was queen of Navarre.

NOTES 1 Isabelle (1241–71), second daughter of Louis IX and Marguerite of Provence (1221–95), married Theobald II of Navarre in 1255. Both her husband and her father died during the ill-fated Eighth Crusade to Tunis in 1270. 2 Psalm 15:2. 3 Presumably Philip III, to whom Louis addressed the companion Enseignemenz a Phelippe.

2 THE OCCITAN ENSSENHAMEN DE L’ESCUDIER AND ESSENHAMEN DE LA DONZELA OF AMANIEU DE SESCÁS Mark D. Johnston INTRODUCTION The many references to historical personages and events in the work of Amanieu de Sescás indicate clearly that he wrote between 1278 and 1295. However, despite the diligent efforts of Martí de Riquer and subsequent scholars, who have identified almost all of the personages mentioned in Amanieu’s poems, we know almost nothing else about him. He was obviously an aristocrat, and probably entering the last decade of his life when he wrote his two poems of advice on courtesy, the Enssenhamen de l’escudier (Instruction for a Squire) and Essenhamen de la donzela (Instruction for a Young Lady). His surname suggests that he was from Gascony, where records document several individuals with similar given and family names in the thirteenth century. However, the poet refers to the king of Aragon as his lord near the end of the Essenhamen de la donzela (line 672). From this reference, modern Catalan scholars have claimed Amanieu for their own national literary tradition, but the debate over his origin in fact remains open. Identification of the author has not advanced significantly beyond the conjectures summarized by Cluzel almost fifty years ago,1 despite the addition of further documentary evidence by Saverio.2 Whether Amanieu came from north or south of the Pyrenees, he was clearly an accomplished courtier, familiar with many aristocratic households throughout the Crown of Aragon and the Midi. His two poems invoke real contemporaries as models of courtesy and he explicitly claims to teach a knowledge of courtly conduct acquired from his familiarity with their courts. Amanieu wrote both of his poems in Old Occitan, imitating the style and forms of the earlier troubadour poets of southern France. His work is typical of the Occitan poetry produced by many, usually upper-class, writers in late thirteenth-century Languedoc and Catalonia, who cultivated the troubadour lyric as a kind of classicized vernacular tradition. Both of Amanieu’s writings

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on courtesy, along with a few other lyric compositions, survive in only one manuscript: Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale Ms fr. 22543, ff. 145v–6r. Known as the ‘Chansonnier d’Urfé’ (or ‘Chansonnier R’) of the troubadour lyric corpus, this manuscript is one of several great collections of troubadour poetry compiled around Toulouse in the early fourteenth century, when the upper classes of Languedoc sought to institutionalize the old troubadour lyric as their native literary tradition. The title rubric for the Enssenhamen de l’escudier calls its author ‘aquel meteis dieu d’amors’ (the very god of Love), an allegorical abstraction commonly used to personify the spirit of courtesy in general. This honorific designation clearly suggests that Amanieu and his poetry enjoyed some esteem as guides to courtesy among the readers of the chansonniers. Since Amanieu is also one of the latest writers included in the Chansonnier d’Urfé (according to the analyses of Tavera and Zufferey),3 it is possible that some of its compilers had known him personally or had heard of his reputation. The chansonniers of this era also created the genre classification of ensenhamen for poems of advice. They are likewise the only source for two similarly titled works by the twelfth-century troubadour poets Garin Lo Brun and Arnaut Guilhem de Marsan. Consequently, we have no way of knowing whether copies of those earlier ensenhamens were available to Amanieu de Sescás and whether he regarded his own compositions as contributions to this particular genre (well described by Monson).4 His two poems certainly offer an epitome of the advice found in both earlier and later guides to courtesy: Amanieu discusses household service, table etiquette, gesture, demeanour, hygiene, combat, clothing, and, especially, courtship. The latter topic receives particular attention in his Essenhamen de la donzela, which provides model speeches for a young lady to use when addressing courtly suitors. From Amanieu’s highly synthesized presentation, it is impossible to know whether he confected his advice from existing guides to courtesy or simply relied on his own experience, as he claims. The Essenhamen de la donzela concludes with a list of contemporary aristocratic ladies who might serve as living exempla of courtly virtues, thus reinforcing the role of direct imitation in learning courtesy. Both of his poems present courtesy as a strictly secular code of behaviour: they make virtually no mention of Christian piety or ethics. The two texts employ similar narrative formats. Each opens with the narrator (identified as Amanieu) in an archetypical courtly setting: the Enssenhamen de l’escudier takes place during a Christmas feast, where a young squire approaches Amanieu and requests advice; the Essenhamen de la donzela is set in a springtime garden, where a young lady seeks him out for

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instruction. His reply to each youth comprises the body of each poem. The Enssenhamen de l’escudier and the Essenhamen de la donzela thus resemble many other guides to conduct that represent advice delivered by a father to a son or by a mother to a daughter. The title rubric for the Essenhamen de la donzela includes a small illustration of Amanieu seated on a bench, as described in the poem, instructing the lady, whom he addresses three times later as ‘Marqueza’ (literally ‘marquise,’ but perhaps simply her name). Although the narrator is clearly not the parent of either the squire or the young lady, Amanieu de Sescás may have written these poems for readers who were his wards or young relatives, a circumstance that future archival research might elucidate. The Old Occitan version presented here copies the sole extant manuscript text, following where necessary the emendations of Sansone, whose edition is the only reliable modern printing of Amanieu’s two poems. All previous editions, based on the nineteenth-century transcription of Karl Bartsch, include extensive emendations, while omitting portions of each poem. The text appears exactly as found in the Chansonnier d’Urfé, but with abbreviations and numbers (written as Roman numerals in the manuscript) expanded, and modern punctuation added. Conjectural readings (indicated within square brackets) are necessary to complete some sixty lines that have become illegible, due to damage in the manuscript. The editor gratefully acknowledges the assistance of Professor Mary Frances Brown, who kindly loaned me her microfilm of the Chansonnier d’Urfé, to facilitate comparison of Sansone’s edition with the manuscript. The transcription of Amanieu’s poems in the Chansonnier d’Urfé includes numerous apparent mistakes in copying and uncertain spellings or word forms. In the Essenhamen de la donzela, the most obvious lapses include lus appearing for lunhs (23), dena for dona (25), anieu for aniei (56), truepch for truep (179), congut for conogut (269), and dels for bels (515); line 109 is too short, while line 113 is too long, to scan correctly; several lines (especially 25–7 and 254–9) are very obscure or simply appear garbled. In the Enssenhamen de l’escudier, comensems appears for comensem (12), levar for levat (19), and fy for sy (335); aquels afars (33) and leugeyra (134) do not match the rhyme pattern of the poem, while line 174 is too short to scan correctly. The English translation of these imperfect texts strives to provide a line-byline rendering that will, if sometimes awkwardly, allow the reader unfamiliar with Old Occitan to recognize key terms in Amanieu’s original work. The sense of some lines remains uncertain; for these, the English version relies on the best conjectures of the many scholars who have studied these texts since the nineteenth century.

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Mark D. Johnston NOTES

1 See Cluzel, ‘Amanieu de Sescars: troubadour catalan?’ 2 See Saverio, ‘Cartulari e trovatori.’ 3 See Tavera, ‘Le Chansonnier d’Urfé et les problèmes qu’il pose’; and Zufferey, ‘La partie non-lyrique du chansonnier d’Urfé.’ 4 Monson, Les ensenhamens occitans.

So es l’enssenhamen de l’escudier que fe aquel meteis dieu d’amors

E•l temps de Nadalor, cant vent ab plueia cor e par la neu e•l glatz e•l freitz yverns gilatz, mi remenbra que fo qu’estav’en ma [maso] gent ab mos escudiers. E parlem d’alegriers e d’armas e d’amor. E car chascus de lor entendro en amar, comensems a parlar lo jorn de mans afars. El foc fo netz e clars e l’ostal gen palhatz, e, per aver solatz, aguem vis clars e ros. E menbra•m que fom nos ient levar de maniar. E com hom vol parlar d’amor, cant n’es cochatz, us fis enamoratz donzels venc s’en pres mi: ‘Senher,’ fetz sel, ‘hom di que vos sabetz d’amor may de nulh amador

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This is the Instruction for a Squire made by the very God of Love

At Christmastime, when the wind blows with rain and snow and ice appear and the cold frozen winter, I recall how it was that I was in my home, comfortably with my squires. We spoke of rejoicing and of arms and of love. Because each one of them was intent on love, we began to speak that day of many matters. The fire was bright and clear and the house freshly strewn with straw, and, for recreation, we had white and red wines. I remember that we had happily arisen from eating. Since one is eager to speak of love, when he feels the urge, a fine lovestruck youth came up to me: ‘Sir,’ he said, ‘they say that you know more of love than any other lover

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ses letras c’anc fos natz. Vos, que non es letratz, sabetz d’amor com nais e don ve e com pais aissels que•l son sosmes. E car tot cant que n’es sabetz d’aquels afars, volem vieur’e renhar pel vostr’ensenhamen. Per que•us prec, c’al pus gen que poiretz, ensenhatz mi e•ls autres, sie•us platz, qu’em al vostre servir, com nos puscam chabir entre•ls avols e•ls bos, que neys vostres garsos veg totz enamoratz. E totz hom a cuy platz tal vida deu aver captenens’e saber com sia bevolgutz, amatz e conogutz per paubres e per ricx.’ E yeu dissi•l: ‘Amicx, sapchatz que yeu volria aver, s’a Dieu plazia, le sen que vos dizetz. Mar, la fe que•m devetz, no•us enuey s’ie•us o dic: iamay nulh vostr’amic no sobrelauzetz tan que laus li torn a dan ni•n sembletz messongiers. C’ap que fos vertadiers, le laus es perilhos, car, per un o per dos que diran que vers es, seran cinquanta e tres que•us diran que mentetz.

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without schooling ever born. You, though not schooled in Latin, know how love is born, from whence it comes, and how it feeds those subjected to it. And since you know everything about these matters, we wish to live and act according to your instruction. So I beg you, as courteously as you can, to teach me and the others, please, who are in your service, how we can find our place between the bad and the good,1 for among your lads I see that all are in love. Anyone who desires such a life should have manners and know how to make himself welcome, beloved, and renowned among poor and rich alike.’ I replied to him: ‘Friend, know that I wish I had, God willing, the wisdom that you say. But, trust me – do not be upset if I tell you this – never, ever offer a friend such fulsome praise that the praise harms him and makes you seem dishonest. Even when true, praise is dangerous, because, for every one or two who say something is true, there are fifty-three who will tell you that you lie.

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E d’aquo no ve pretz al lauzat ni a vos.

From this comes no merit for the one praised nor for you.

Mar s’es volontairos de vostr’amic lauzar, o d’autres faitz parlar de ver o de mentir, ab semblan de ver dir comensatz e finetz, amic. Car be sabetz c’om deu gen colorar sos faitz et al parlar deu gen metre color. Si com li penhidor coloro so que fan, deu hom colorar tan paraulas ab parlar c’om no•l puesca reptar per razo ni maldir.

But if you wish to praise your friend, or to discuss other matters truly or falsely, speak the semblance of truth when beginning and finishing, my friend. For you know well that one should nicely describe one’s deeds and when speaking one should nicely add ornament. Just as painters embellish what they make, one should embellish sufficiently one’s words when speaking so that no one can criticize him or find fault with him for any reason.

S[o] que•us yey fag auzir e dig e chastiat, es car m’avetz lauzat aitan c’om no•us en cre qu’ieu aia tant en me de be com vos dizetz. Enpero, si voletz que•us do cosselh veray, volu[n]tiers lo•us daray a segon mon saber. Ieu no puesc ges aver, bels amicx, tan de sen ni tan d’entendemen com obs agra, so say. Mar de manta gens ay vist lor chaptenemens. Homes flacx, bels e gens ay vist, e ricx malvatz, e de paubres cochatz,

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What I have made you hear and said in rebuke, is because you praised me so much that no one would believe that I am as accomplished as you say. However, if you want me to give you true advice, I will gladly do it according to what I know. I can never have, dear friend, as much wisdom nor as much understanding as would be necessary, that I know. But I have seen the manners of many people. Weak men made handsome and courtly, I have seen, and the rich become evil, and the desperately poor,

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larcx e franx e ioyos. Et ay vist [e]ntre nos, – e cre vos o veyatz – c’om savis e menbratz aprendia d’autruy sen, de pus fol de luy. E si vos aprendetz de mi, may en podetz valer, segon que•m par. Premier vos vuelh preiar c’aiso c’auziretz dir sapchatz gen retenir, si que no-us oblit ges. C’us nessis malapres an aital estamen que•us escotaran gen paraulas e razos e novas e sermos e so c’auziran dir. E ca•n ve al partir, [c’om aura gen fenit,] de re c’aio auzit a lor no menbr[a] res. E vos no vulhatz ies semblar aital mainada. Ni no aiatz erga[da] ab nulh home faichuc, nessis ni [ma]lastruc ni fol, car quie-us veiria ab lor se cuiaria fossetz d’aital manieira. Ni no aiatz leugeyra lengua per escarnir, ni no vulhatz maldir, car mestiers deschauzitz es e•n rema aunitz totz homs que n’uza gaire.

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acting generous, noble, and happy. And I have seen among us – and believe that you do too – how a wise and sensible man learns wisdom from another, even from one more foolish than he. If you learn from me, you can become more worthy, it seems to me. First I want to ask you to learn to retain well everything you hear said, and not forget anything. For some ignorant fools have the habit of listening politely to your words, arguments, reports, speeches, and what they hear said. But when the time comes to leave and one has finished nicely, they remember nothing of what they heard. You should never want to be like that troupe. Also, don’t keep company with anyone troublesome, stupid, unlucky, or foolish, because whoever sees you with him will think that you are like him. Do not let your tongue be quick to disparage or eager to criticize, for it is shameful behaviour and brings scorn on anyone who does it too much.

Enssenhamen de l’escudier and Essenhamen de la donzela

Ni no siatz bauzaire, messongier ni traire, que sapchatz Dieus aire tot home traidor. Mas si voletz honor e vieur’e•l segl’onratz e voletz estr’amatz per donas e grazitz, larcx e francx et arditz siatz e gen parlans, azaut e gent portans. E vostri vestimen sian azaut e gen, faitz al vostre garan. E si de drap prezan no podetz rauba far, pus gen la faitz talhar de l’avol que del bo, per so que ien s’esto e•n sembletz de bel talh. Si bona rauba•us falh, qu’en siatz sofrachos: caussas e sabatos, sench’e bors’e cotel aiatz azaut e bel. Pueys seretz gen vestitz si•l cap es gen garnitz d’aquo que si cove, amicx. E gardatz be que rauba descozuda no portetz, que rompuda esta pus bel’assatz: c’om par mal essenhatz cant porta descozutz sos draps, e•ls romputz no falh mas no poders. Ies non es grans sabers qui•l bel fay gen estar,

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Do not be deceitful, lying, or traitorous, for you should know that God hates all traitors. But if you desire honour and to live honoured in this world and want to be loved by ladies and esteemed, be generous and noble and brave and well spoken, dignified and gracious. Your clothing should be pleasing and fine, cut to your figure. If you have no expensive cloth to make clothing, then have it cut nicely from something less than the best, so that it looks good and you appear well dressed. If you lack good clothing, you should accept this: but let your shoes and footwear, belt, purse, and knife be the finest you can have. After that, you will be well dressed if your head is finely adorned with something suitable, my friend. Be very careful not to wear unkempt clothing, for anything torn is lovelier by far: one appears ill-bred when wearing unkempt clothes, but torn ones simply cannot be helped. It never takes great skill to make something lovely look nice,

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mar qui-s sap gen portar de so que bel non es par azautz e cortes. C’aital mestier se fay a tot home que v[a]y seguen cortz e domney. Que, per la fe que•us dey, fort cove hom sabens, qui vol esser iauzens de donas e d’amors e de mantas colors tanh sos sabers, sia fis, per que sers e matis, semanas, mes et ans, vuelh siatz fis amans a vostra don’aisi que•us truep tot iorn acli a far sas voluntatz. E si nulh sieus privatz podetz en [loc] vezer, faitz li tan de plazer que de vos port lauzor: lauzor engenr’amor may c’una sola res. E sabetz que vers es c’om ama de cor fi femna que anc no vi, sol per auzir lauzar. Femna, segon que•m par, ama de l’eys semblan. Per que•us devetz aitan esforsar d’esser pros, larcx e francx e ioios, adreg e conoissens, tro qu’en parlo las iens auzen lieys cuy am[atz]. E lay on la veiratz, no siatz esperdutz

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but one who knows how to wear well what is not lovely appears pleasing and courtly. Such manners befit any man who is following the court and courtship. Now, by my faith, it strongly befits a wise man, who wishes to enjoy ladies and love, and the many qualities2 befitting his wisdom, to be true, so that by night and day, for weeks, months, and years, I urge you to be a true lover to your lady, so that she always finds you ready to do her will. If you meet a friend of hers in any place,3 be so pleasant to him that he will sing your praise: praise engenders love more than any other thing. So know it is true that a man can love wholeheartedly a woman whom he never saw, just from hearing her praised. A woman, it seems to me, loves in the same way. So you should strive to be so brave, generous, noble, happy, clever, and knowledgeable, that people will speak of it when the one you love is listening. Now whenever you see her, do not hesitate

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de dir com es vencutz per s’amor e conques.

to say how you are vanquished and conquered by love for her.

E si l’en pren merces per vostre gen servir, tan que•us denh obezir d’aiso don la preiatz, enaisi la [selatz] c’om no puesca saber que•us aia fag plazer. Ans, on may vo•n fara, diguatz que no•us en fa, si nulh be•us enqueria. E per privatz que•us sia, re no sapcha negus, ni dinnatz ni deius. Sabetz per que•us o dic? Car trastug siey amic e trastug siey paren vos seran malvolen lo iorn que er saubut, e sol per aquel brut vos perdretz lieys e lor. E perdretz may alhor donas, que no•us tenran may per fizel aman, que ies dona no vol amador pec ni fol, ni leugier de parlar, per que•us vuelh essenhar d’amor enquera may.

If she takes such mercy on you for your fine service that she deigns to comply with what you ask her, you should keep her secret so that no one knows how she has pleased you. Instead, when she does most for you, say that she does not, if anyone asks you about it. And no matter how close she is to you, let no one know anything, be he well-fed or hungry.4 Do you know why I tell you this? Because all her friends and all her relatives will despise you the day that it is known, and from that rumour alone you will lose her and them. And you will lose also other ladies who will never consider you a true lover, for a lady never wants a foolish or unwise lover, nor loose-tongued, which is why I want to teach you even more about love.

Si vostra dona•us fay plazer seladamen, que vos, cubertamen sirven e ses vantar, le sapchatz enansar tan gen et far auzir sa valor, que grazir la fassatz als pus pros.

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If your lady gives you pleasure secretly, you, covertly serving and without boasting, must learn so nobly to exalt and to praise her merit, that you make her esteemed among the best.

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E s’ela•us fa gilos e•us en dona razo, e•us ditz c’anc re no fo de so que dels huelhs vis, diguatz: “Don’ieu suy fis que vos dizetz vertat, mar yeu o ai somiat enaisi, so m’albir.” Autreiatz lo mentir enaisi coma•l ver, c’aisi poiretz aver s’amor, ab que vulhatz esser de cort privatz e de guerra totz iorns, c’aital es lo soiorns que vol amor e pretz. E si d’aisso•us giquetz e•us en faitz nonchalens, ies non es fort sabens d’amor, c’om deu uzar co[rt]z per se melhurar, qu’escola es dels bos. En cort pot hom los pros triar entre•ls malvatz. E mans nessis e fatz i veso de bel sen, e•n sabo far pus gen lor faitz en totas res. E n’es hom pus cortes e gen apairiatz; e n’es horn pus prezatz; e n’es pus conogutz e pus aperceubutz. Per que•us cosselh e•us man que cortz siguetz aitan tro sapchatz so qu’ie•us dic. Pero no•us say tan ric (don m’es greu) que seguir

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If she makes you jealous and justifies it to you, telling you that there never was what you saw with your own eyes, say: “Lady, I am sure that you speak the truth, but I have dreamed it so, I suspect.” Accept her lie as well as the truth, and thus you can keep her love, provided you strive to be known at court and always at war, for such is the life required by love and honour. If you give that up and become indifferent toward it, surely you are not very skilled at love, since one should use the court to better himself, because it is the school of merit. The court sorts out the worthy from the worthless. Many fools and idiots become wise there, by learning to improve their behaviour in every way. There one becomes more courtly and well connected; there one becomes more esteemed; there one becomes better known and more appreciated. So I advise and urge you to follow the court until you learn what I tell you. But I know you are not so rich (which pains me) that you can

Enssenhamen de l’escudier and Essenhamen de la donzela

puscatz cort ses servir senhor que y vuelh’anar. E vos devetz uzar e servir tal senhor que vuelha fort honor et auzid’e bobans, e que sos pretz enans e sels qui•lh serviran. E que•l serviretz tan com sos pretz durara, e leu e gent e pla, nueg e [i]orn ses esdenh. May vos quier e•us esse[nh] que no siatz ricos d’estar a ginolhos mentre qu’es escudiers, may servetz voluntiers, que may vo•n prezaran tug aissels que•us veiran e sela cuy amatz. Vostre senhor sapchatz enansar enaisi que trastot son pretz fi faitz auzir say e lay. E siey mestier savay sian ien rescondut, e li melhor sauput a tot vostre poder. E gardatz be c’al ser li siatz al colcar e•l mati al levar, si escudier y cove. Mas pro vetz s’endeve que no vol escudier senher, cant ab molher se colgu’o ab amigua. E lay, tro que•us o digua,

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frequent the court without serving a lord who wants to go there. So you should accept and serve the kind of lord who seeks high honour and renown and glory, and whom his merit exalts as it does those who serve him. Serve him as long as he is worthy, readily, nobly, and fully, night and day without discontent. Now I require and instruct you not to disdain being on your knees while you are a squire, but rather to serve willingly, for you will gain esteem from all who see you, and from the one you love. For your lord, you should learn to exalt him so that all his noble qualities you make known far and wide. His bad qualities should remain well hidden, and the better ones known, to the best of your ability. Be careful in the evening that you are there when he retires and in the morning when he rises, if he needs a squire. But it often happens that a squire is unwelcome to a lord, as when he lies with his wife or his mistress. Then, until he calls you,

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no•s tanh c’anetz a luy, ni en loc on enuy fassatz ni desplazer, c’om deu segre•l plazer de son capdel e far. Mar be•l deu hom mostrar lo falhimen, fy yes, per so c’om no pot ies aver tal sobresen que tot son falhimen conogua, so m’albir, per que•l devetz be dir le falhimen, si•l fay. E so que ien l’estay devetz dir atressi, per que mielh se desvi del mal e siega•l be. E no li•n diguatz re si no seladamen e•n cosselh belamen; e creza•us en, si•l platz. E si n’es tan privatz que•us creza voluntiers, no siatz lauzengiers, ni marritz ni gilos si•ls autres companhos son pus privatz de luy, ni, ab que be•us enuy, re non fassatz parven, car senher a sa ien deu son poder partir: los us deu obezir e•ls autres melhurar. A•ls que no pot donar deu far de si privatz ab ioy et ab solatz, e•ls abras e•ls percol per que mens n’ayo dol,

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you should not go to him, nor anywhere that you might cause bother or displeasure, for one should seek the desire of his lord and do it. However, one should show him a mistake, if there is one, since one can never be so conscientious that he recognizes every mistake, in my opinion, which is why you should explain well the mistake, if he makes it. What is right for him you should explain as well, so he can better avoid evil and pursue good. But never tell him any of this except in private and through gracious counsel; he will believe you, if it pleases him. If you become so close to him that he believes you willingly, do not be a flatterer, nor aggrieved or jealous if other courtiers are closer to him, nor, even if it bothers you, show it in any way, for a lord must share his power among his people: some he must indulge and others promote. Those whom he cannot reward he must draw close to him gladly and in companionship, embracing and welcoming them so they do not resent it,

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e colguar iosta si mielhs que vos ni que mi, a cui dona ricx dos, car dreg es e razos. E no•us deu enuiar si•l senher•s fai amar a sa gen e grazir, ans l’en devetz servir de melhor cor ades. E si a, luenh o pres, guerra, si Dieu vos sal, amicx, aiatz caval leu e fort e corren, entro set ans, saben e drechurier al fre e que no•us fassa re ponher, cant er sazos. E caussatz esperos b[e] ferms e be causans, cambieiras benestans, cols frachis e cuychals. E•l braguier si’ai[t]als que no y calh’esmendar, e gambaysso d’armar mol e fort et espes. E trastot vostr’arnes – gorgiei[r’ e] ca[p]e[l], ponhs, e ausberc e perponhs – que•us sia totz de talh. E gardatz que•l capmalh faitz lassar per mesura, et que vostra sentura sia fortz per armar ab cotel de tranchar e d’armas tot e[ssem]s. E ies en aquel temps l’espaza no•us oblit e faitz tener forbit

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and setting them beside him higher than you or me, whom he rewards richly, for this is just and right. Do not be annoyed if the lord becomes beloved and praised by his people, but rather serve him even more wholeheartedly. Wherever there is a war, may God help you, my friend, get a horse that is agile, strong, and fast, no more than seven years old, smart and responsive to the reins without making you spur him when necessary. Wear spurs that are sturdy and well fitted, appropriate leggings, a neck-guard and thigh-guards. The bracer should be such that it needs no adjustment, and the gambeson soft, strong, and thick. Your entire suit – gorget, helmet, gauntlets, hauberk and pourpoint – must fit you. Take care that your neck-mail is laced loosely, and that your belt is fully equipped with a sharp knife as well as other weapons.5 At these times never neglect your sword or to polish

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vostre capel de fer. E mandatz l’escuder qu’el gar de rovilhar l’ausberc e•l capel clar e•l fer de vostra la[ns]a. E c’aiatz [re]menbrans[a] de gardar vostr’a[r]ney, si trossa ni cor[r]ey y falh ni ardalhos, mentre qu’es lezeros a l’ostal costa•l foc. C’om se cui’aver loc mantas vetz de pauzar, que•l cove a levar del lieg enans de iorn, c’aisi cove soiorn qui sierf senhor guerrier. Per qu’ieu vos prec e•us quier que, si avetz coman d’armar, vos cochetz tan que nulhs enans de vos no si’entre•ls arsos. E si venetz en loc d’armas, faitz aital ioc qu’els defor e dedins diguo que no•us es fins d’armas, enans avetz desobre totz lo pretz e•l laus sobre•ls melhors. E cant vostra valors er enaisi certana, senhor on fin pretz grana vos donaray cortes, un comte gent apres de cuy m’azaut e•m pac, En B[ernartz] d’Astarac, car a totz los mestiers que lunh pros cavayers

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your iron helmet. Order the squire to allow no rust on your hauberk, shining helmet, or the tip of your lance. Remember to inspect your gear, for any truss or strap or buckle that is missing, while you relax at home by the fire. One often imagines having a chance to rest, yet must arise from bed before daybreak, for such is the life of one who serves a warrior lord. This is why I beg and urge you, if you receive the call for battle, to hasten so that no one is in the saddle before you. When you enter the field of combat, put on such a show that everyone around6 says you are not playing at arms, but rather deserve honour above all others and praise above the best. When your valour is thus demonstrated, I will commend you to a courtly lord from whom true honour sprouts, a count nobly bred who delights and pleases me, Bernard d’Astarac, for he has all the traits that any worthy knight

Enssenhamen de l’escudier and Essenhamen de la donzela

aia mestier ab si. Qu’ie•us autrey e•us afi que crestias non es – coms ni ducx ni marques ab dos tan de poder – que tan sapcha valer. Per qu’ieu vos tramet lay e diguatz li, sie•us play, can le tenretz espas: “N’Amanieu de Sescas, senher coms, vos saluda et manda•us que creguda es vostra valor tan qu’el a cor e talan tostems de vos servir. Et a•m mandat a vos venir a vos com a senhor, qu’ieu, per la su’amor, vos serves tostenps may. Et ieu servir vos ay tan can la vida•m dur, so•us faus ser[t] e seg[ur], mentre vos c[a]valhatz.” Enaisi vuelh diguatz al pros comte valen, qu’ieu say que, luy sirven, conquerretz pretz prezan e lieys cuy ama[t]z tan, escudier gen apres.’ Amen

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ought to have. I promise and swear to you that no Christian man – no count nor duke nor marquis with twice as much power – knows how to be so noble. This is why I will send you there and you should tell him, please, when you have a moment with him: “Amanieu de Sescás, lord count, greets you and declares that your renown has grown so much that he aspires and desires to serve you always. He has sent me to you to approach you as a lord, so that I, for love of him, might serve you always. And I will serve you as long as my life lasts, this I assure and swear to you, as long as you ride as a knight.”7 I want you to speak thus to the good, worthy count, for I know that by serving him you will win high praise and the one you love, as a squire rightly trained.’ Amen

NOTES 1 Apparently meaning those who are ‘bad and good’ in their knowledge of the rules of courtesy. 2 The exact sense of this line is unclear.

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3 The addition of loc (place) seems necessary to make sense of the text. 4 This is apparently a proverbial phrase meaning something like ‘whether great or small.’ 5 The exact identification of all the apparel and gear mentioned in lines 384–401 is uncertain, in part due to damage in the manuscript, which makes some readings conjectural. 6 Literally ‘outside and within.’ As in line 230, this is apparently a proverbial phrase meaning something like ‘one and all.’ 7 Due to damage in the manuscript, the reading of these lines is conjectural.

Aiso es l’essenhamen de la donzela d’en Amanieu de Sescas

This is the Instruction for a Young Lady of Sir Amanieu de Sescás

En aquel mes de mai, cant l’auzelo son gai e chanto pels boissos, estava cossiros d’amor que•m destrenhia, car vezer non podia lieys que•m ten en poder, en sazo que lezer agues et ardimen c’al sieu gai cors plazen pogues dir, ses terror, com li port bon’amor lial e pur’e fina, et en cal dissiplina m’a tengut pus chauzi son gen cors car e fi, que•m ten en grieu turmen.

In that month of May, when the little birds are happy and sing through the woods, I was pondering the love that tormented me, because I could not see the one who holds me in her power at a time when I would have the opportunity and the courage, before her gay, pleasing person, to say without fear how I bear good love for her, loyal, pure, and true, and in what torment she has held me since I first saw her fine, dear, and noble person, which holds me in grievous torment.

E cugiey veramen del tot esser ganditz ad amor e fugitz, que pus no•m destreisses e que ia no•m tengues lus tems may pro ni dan, can Dieu fe son coman. Dena dossa, dara•us que prenha bo repaus

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Now I truly thought that I had completely escaped from love and fled, that it would assail me no more and never again bring me either good or ill at any time, when God gave his command. Sweet lady, will he grant you good repose for

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s’arma qu’en Paradis? Mas per aitals camis m’a mos astres menat, c’amors m’a encontrat et a lassat e pres e liat e conques del tot en tot mon cor, si que may, a nulh for, non l’en poirai mover. Et a•l mes en poder de la iensor c’om veya, qu’enaisi senhoreya sos sens e sas beutatz co•l solelh par clartatz sobre tot’autre lum, qu’en un bel gran volum no poiria hom escrir, qui tot volia dir, les bos aibs qu’en lieis so. Per qu’ieu del tot mi do e m’autrey e m’offier al sieu cors plazentier, gay, cortes, senhorieu. E tenia•m pessieu un iorn com la poiria vezer et en cal guia, per un dimars mati, que s’en venc en cami una plazen donzela. Et anieu yeu vas ela com sel que n’a dezir, lai on la vi venir, saludar, et ilh me. E mantenen pres me pel ma, ab un esgart plazen, e trais m’a part sezer sus un bancal. E fom per cominal luenh dels autres assatz.

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his soul except in Paradise?1 But along such paths my star has carried me, that love has found me and has exhausted and captured and bound and conquered so completely my heart, that never, in any way, will I be able to remove it. And it has placed it under control of the noblest woman ever seen, for so surpassing are her good sense and her beauty, like the sun surpassing every other star in brightness, that in a great lovely volume one could not write everything one might wish about the good qualities that are in her. So I give myself completely and dedicate and offer myself to her charming person, happy, courteous, and all-surpassing. I was pondering one day how I could see her and in what way, on a Tuesday morning, when there came my way a charming young lady. I approached her as one who would say, there where I saw her come, greetings, and she to me. Then she grasped me by the hand, with a charming look, and took me aside to sit upon a bench. We were together very far from all others.

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E com sela cuy platz bels solatz avinens e•s fa a totas gens que la [vezon grazir], comenset] me a dir: ‘N’Amanieu de Sescas, ies no•m siatz escas de so qu’ie•us vuelh querer. Vos devetz be saber c’almonia e merces e sens e valors es cuy donzela essenha a vieure co•s captenha e co•s gar de falhir e per que•s fay grazir e com es pus [prezada]. E car no soy senada si com mestier m’auria, quier vos, per cortezia et en vertut d’amor [e] per vostra valor, c’aissi•m donetz cosselh com voletz m’aparelh a menar bona vida, avinent e grazida e ses avol renom, si que de mi port hom bon lau e mal no•n digua.’ Et yeu dissi•l: ‘Amigua, si•m don Dieus alegrier, fort ai gran dezirier que, ab far et ab dir, vos pogues tan servir que•us vengues d’agradatie. Et auray alegratie si cosselh et aiuda, on fossetz mentauguda, e bel essenhamen,

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Like one who enjoys friendly and charming conversation and who is gracious to everyone that sees her, she began to tell me:2 ‘Sir Amanieu de Sescás, please don’t be grudging3 about what I want to ask you. You must know well that charity and kindness and sense and valour are what teach a young lady to live, how to behave, how to avoid offence, how to become esteemed, and how to be most praised. Now since I am not as knowing as I ought to be, I ask you, for courtesy’s sake and by virtue of love and by your valour, to give me counsel on how you wish me to prepare to lead a good life, pleasing and esteemed, and without bad report, so that everyone will accord me high praise, and speak no ill of me.’ So I said to her: ‘Friend, as God gives me joy, I have a great desire to be able to serve you in word and in deed and thus please you. And I will be delighted if you take from my wisdom any counsel and assistance and good instruction

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aviatz pel mieu sen. Enpero vos avetz may de sen per un detz que yeu, et es vertatz. Mas qui pus es senatz may vol e•l quier! E cosselh vos premier que siatz matinieira cascu iorn, que premieira vos levetz que vostra dona, enaisi que, sie•us sona, vos truep gent adobada e vestid’e caussada. Et enans que•us cordetz, lau que•l bras vos lavetz e las mas e la cara. Apres, amigua cara, cordatz estrechamen vostres bratz, ben e gen. Ies las onglas dels detz tan longuas non portetz que y paresca del nier, bel’ab cors plazentier. E sobretot gardatz que la testa•us tenhatz pus avinen de re, car so c’om pus ne ve devetz may adzautir. E deuriatz blanchir vostras dens totz matis, et enans c’om vos vis far tot cant dig vos ai. E devetz aver may un bel clar mirador en que vostra color remiretz e la fassa; s’i a ren que•us desplassa

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from which you earn renown.4 However you have ten times more sense than I, and this is true. But one who is wise desires and wants more! So, first I counsel you to rise early every day, and awaken earlier than your lady, so that if she calls you, she will find you nicely dressed in clothes and shoes. And before you lace up, I advise you to wash your arms, your hands, and your face. Then, dear friend, lace up tightly your sleeves, well and nicely. Never let your fingernails become so long that any dirt appears there, beautiful, gracious one. And above all take care to keep your head and face as attractive as possible, since what one sees most you should make most pleasing. You should also whiten your teeth every morning, and before anyone sees you do all I have told you. You should have as well a nice clear mirror to check your complexion and your face; if anything in it displeases you,

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faitz y emendazo, bela.

correct it there, pretty one.

E sera•us bo que•l mati ses dangier aiatz so c’a mestier vostra don’al levar. E no y devetz anar tro•l capdel s’er levatz, s’ab vostra dona iatz, si no que•us apeles. Mar lay iretz apres sa voluntat saber. Si•l vendra a plazer de levar, e dressatz li gen et aprestatz sa raub’ans que•us o man. Et aporta•l denan, ans que•s leu del costil, agulh’e sed’e fil, com se puesca randar, e pench’a penchenar, et aiso don cundir volra et abelir sa test’en aquel iorn. E no•us partretz entorn, say que l’auretz servida, entro s’er gen vestida.

Also it behooves you in the morning without delay to have what is necessary for your lady upon her rising. But you should not enter until the master has arisen, if he lies with your lady, unless she has called you. Then you enter afterwards to know her wishes. If it pleases her to arise, address her politely and prepare her clothing before she asks you. And bring to her, before she arises from bed,5 a needle, and silk and thread, so that she can ready herself, and a comb for combing, and whatever she wishes for adorning and beautifying her head that morning. Do not leave there, where you have attended her, until she is suitably dressed.

E can levada sia, portatz li, bel’amia, en la ma le miralh, per remirar si falh corda, borrel ni benda on calha far esmenda. E can s’er gen randada, aiatz li aprestada aigua fresqua e clara on sas mas e sa cara

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Then when she is ready, lovely friend, bring her a mirror in hand to see if there is missing any cord, tie, or trim that needs mending. Once she is suitably dressed, have ready for her fresh and clear water to wash her hands

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puesca rezensar tan c’om re de malestan no y truepch; e aiatz lo prest un bel toalho on sas mas e sa fatz s’echuc; e pueys gardatz que tug siey vestimen estian d’avinen, si que nulh apres vos no sia tan ginhos que re no y puesqu’esmendar. E pueis poiretz intrar en sala o issir. E quie•us vay aculhir, bela, e quie•us saluda, com gent aperceubuda, ab semblant amoros siatz de bel respos. Fe que devetz a me, donzela, que per re no•us cochetz de parlar, ni, cant iretz, d’anar, mar de pas, belamen. De vostr’esgardamen, vos man, cant al mostier seretz per lo mestier e per la mess’auzir, que•ls huelhs sapchatz tenir de folamen gardar, mas ios o vas l’autar, si gandir y podetz. E lay no bastiretz parlamen ni cosselh, qu’ieu pel vostre sen velh en bona chaptenensa. E can faitz de plazensa, siatz per tot grazida. Enpero, s’az ichida,

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and face, so that nothing unseemly is found there; and have ready a pretty towel to dry her hands and face; and then ensure that her entire dress is pleasing, so that no one after you could discern anything to improve in it. Then you can enter the hall or go out. Now, to anyone who meets you, pretty one, or anyone who greets you, as one well-bred, with a friendly face, give a pretty reply. Trust me, young lady, never speak in haste, nor, when you go out, walk any way but slowly and gracefully. Regarding your gaze, I command you – when in church for a service or to hear mass – that you know to keep your eyes from glancing around foolishly, and instead lowered or toward the altar, if you can manage it. Also, do not strike up there a discussion or conversation, for I observe your good sense in good conduct. And when you amuse yourself, it should be wholly decent. However, when in public,

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vol deguna solatz, lau c’ab sela n’aiatz et ab sels que•l voldran, e no sobreguaban, que torne ad enuey, ab nueiza ni ab bruey, car donzela cridiva non es fort agradiva ni l’esta d’avinen. E li pus conoissen dizon que non es bel.

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Sobrecot ni gonel, que•us sia conogut, no portetz descozut, ni lunh autre vestir. E si voletz bastir solatz de iocx partitz, no•ls fassatz descauzitz, mas plazens e cortes. Can vendres, bela res, sobre taul’al maniar, lau que•us fassatz portar aigua fresca denan. Le vi atrenpatz tan que ies no•us fassa mal. Car dona res no val, ni donzel’atressi, pus se cargua de vi, ans es mestiers ontos. E•l for luxurios nais d’aquel, et assatz d’autres mestiers malvatz qu’ieu non dic ni diria. Sobremaniar, amia, ies vostre conpanho ni•ls autres deviro

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if another lady wants company, I approve you joining her and any others who wish, but not shouting, which becomes annoying, nor loudly and noisily, because a loud young lady is not at all pleasant or attractive. The most knowledgeable say it is not pretty. Your jacket or tunic you should never knowingly wear unfastened, nor any other clothing.

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And if you seek amusement in games of debate,6 do not make them improper, but pleasant and courteous. When you come, pretty one, to eat at the table, I advise you to have fresh water brought before you. Mix your wine so that it will not harm you. For a lady is worthless, and a young lady too, when loaded with wine, which is shameful behaviour. Lustful conduct results from it, and many other evil deeds which I will not and would not mention. Overeating, friend, among your companions or the others around,

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non anetz covidan. Car non par benestan c’om covit home sa. Mar sel que denan n’a be vuelh maniuc, si•l platz. Pero, s’il n’a pertratz denan faitz az auteza, el covitz er pegueza. Et el per sa vostr’onor, sie•us falho servidor, que vos talhetz premieira que vostra conpanhieira. Pero, si conpanhs es, fort sera malapres si no ser vos e si. Ies adreg no•l noiri so maestre veramen. Mal noyrit mal apren et es leu congut! E can veiretz vengut temps de taulas levar e de las mas lavar, ni veiretz rezensada vostra don’e [lavada], refrescatz vostras mas, que•l lavar es fort sas apres maniar e netz. Et aiatz totas vetz al lavar conpanhia, si podetz, que no sia mal iutiat per negu ni per vayr ni per bru. E cant iretz sezer, vuelh vos aperceber que•us en anetz pus bas, si podetz, a nulh cas de vostra don’aitan.

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you should never encourage. For it is unseemly to urge a healthy man to overeat. Instead, what he has before him, I want him to eat, if it pleases him. But if there were not enough provided, the offer would be wicked.7 Also it is to your honour, if there are no servers, for you to cut before the lady beside you. However, if a man is there, he is very rude if he does not serve you and himself. He was never instructed properly by his teacher, indeed. One badly taught, badly learns, and is easy to recognize. Now when the time comes to remove the tables and to wash hands, and you see your lady clean and washed, rinse your own hands, because washing is very healthy and cleanly after eating. And always be sure to wash with companions, if you can, in order to avoid criticism from anyone, light or dark.8 And when you go to sit, I want you to observe that you are below, if possible, and in no case at the same level as, your lady.

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Que ab lieys d’un garan no siatz vostre vol. E s’aizina•us o tol, aian doas o dos entre de lieys e vos. Si podetz, ab bel gienh, bela, may vos ensienh. Si en aquela sazo negus homs vos somo e•us enquier de domney, ies, per la vostra ley, vos no siatz estranha ni de brava conpanha. Defendetz vos estiers ab bels ditz plazentiers. E si fort vos enueia son solatz e•us fa nueia, demandatz li novelas: “Cals donas son pus belas, o Gascas o Englezas, ni cals son pus cortezas, pus lials ni pus bonas?” E s’il vos ditz “Guasconas,” respondetz ses temor “Senher, sal vostr’onor, las donas d’Englaterra son gensor d’autra terra.” E s’il vos ditz “Engleza,” respondetz “Si no•us peza, senher, genser es Guasca,” e [metrer l’etz] en basca. Si apelatz ab vos dels autres conpanhos, que•us iutien dreg o tort de vostre desacort. E negus que•us enquieira no•us truep mala parlieira, neys s’era enemicx

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Being on a par with her should not be your desire. And if chance keeps you from this, have two ladies or gentlemen between her and you.9 If you are capable, and skilful, I will teach you even more, pretty one. If at some time any man woos you and wants to court you, never, in accordance with your rules, be a rude or ungracious companion. Respond instead with pretty and pleasant words. And if he bores you or his company tires you, pose some new question: “Which women are most lovely, the Gascon or the English, and which are most courteous, most loyal and most true?” Now if he says “Gascons,” reply without fear, “Sir, with all respect, the ladies of England are more gracious than those of other lands.” And if he says “English,” reply, “I’m very sorry, Sir, the Gascon is more gracious,” and you will put him on the spot. Then if you summon some other companions, they can render judgment in your dispute. Let no one who approaches you find you speaking ill, even if he is an enemy

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de totz vostres amicx. Car, si com es grazitz hom cant es afortitz contra sos mals guerriers, er grazitz a sobriers vostre pretz ab bo laus, s’es cortes’e suaus et humil et plazens a totas bonas gens. C’om no•us conosc’orguelh, donzela, qu’ieu no vuelh siatz de brau respos. D’autras defensios podetz far avinens, sie•us play, may de cinc cens, ses dir deschauzimens e ses far falhimens. E sie•us ven d’agradatie, per vieur’ab alegratie, c’aiatz entendedor, no•l devetz per ricor chauzir ni per rictat, c’om may a de beutat mens val si•l pretz no y es. E rictat no val ges tan com grat de la gen, per que•l devetz plazen chauzir, de dreg paratie. E sie•us fay omenatie, deu vos dir enaisi: “Ma dona, •l cors de mi e•l cor e•l pessamen, mo saber e mo sen, prenc yeu aisi de vos, bela, et autrey vos, c’a trastota ma vida seretz per mi servida lialmen, ses enian.

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of all your friends. For, just as one earns praise when he is relentless against his worst foes in battle, so highly esteemed will be your repute, with high praise, if you are courteous and sweet and humble and pleasing to all good people. So that no one thinks you proud, young lady, I ask that you never respond harshly. Other defences you can use charmingly, if you wish, more than five hundred, without speaking rudely or committing an offence. Now if it should please you, to live more happily by taking a suitor, you should not choose him for wealth or riches, because the greatest beauty is worthless without merit. And wealth is not worth as much as people’s esteem, so you should choose someone charming, of true nobility. When he pays homage to you, he should speak to you thus: “My lady, my whole person and my heart and my mind, my wisdom and good sense, are beholden to you, pretty one, and I assure you, that for all my life I will serve you loyally, without deceit.

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E•us gardariey de dan e d’ant’a mon poder, e metrai mon saber en vostre pretz aussar. E vulhatz sufertar per merce, bel’amia, qu’ieu per tostenps may sia faitz al vostre servir.” E vos devetz li dir: “Bels amicx, fort mi platz l’omenatge que•m faitz, e ia a Dieu no plassa qu’ieu autr’aimador fassa. S’enaysie•us truep lial, enaisi, si Dieu mi sal, mi trobaretz sertana vas vos, ni ges trefana, camiairitz ni leugeyra. Ans vos serai entieira, lials et amoroza. E lay qu’ieu sia espoza e m’aion maridada, soi fort encoratiada que•us renda guazerdo azaut e bel e bo del servir que•m faratz e•l donney que•m servatz, lialmen, ses biais. E no•us yesca del cais res a ma desonor, car perdriatz m’amor e•l servizi e•l temps. E val trop may qu’essems siam de voluntat.” Si com vos yey comtat, vos devetz autreiar, lialmen ses falsar, bon’amor anbeduy.

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I will guard you from danger and disgrace with my utmost power, and I will devote all I know to exalting your reputation. Consent to accept mercifully, lovely friend, that I forever will be devoted to your service.” Then you should say to him: “Lovely friend, I am very pleased by the homage that you pay me, and may it never please God that I take another lover. If I find you this loyal, so, God help me, you will find me true toward you, never dishonest, fickle, or frivolous. Rather I will be yours entirely, loyal and loving. And when I become betrothed and they have married me, I am very committed to granting you a reward noble, lovely, and good, for your service done to me and the courtship that you paid me, loyally, blamelessly. So let there fall from your lips nothing that might dishonour me, for you would lose my love, and your service and your time. It matters most that we are together willingly.” So as I have explained, you should pledge, loyally and honestly, true love for one another.

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E que prendatz de luy ioiels et el de vos. E cant er amoros e vos enamorada, siatz tan essenhada, sie•us fazia demanda fola otra guaranda e metia sa ponha que•us tornes a vergonha, que, per tot cant anc vis, vostre sen no•us falhis que•us agues en acort. Pieitz seria de mort si y faziatz may re d’aiso qu’ieu dig vos e, mas tan que tenetz lo en bona sospeiso. E sie•us ama fort, bela, dementre qu’es pieusela, el no •us deu re querer que•us torn a desplazer, ad anta ni a dampnatie de tot vostre linhatie. Pero, sie•us es lials, vos li siatz aitals, que ia negus que•us venha per retengut no•s tenha de vos al departir, car no devetz sofrir entendedor mar u. C’anc no n’amet degu nulh amar ne volc dos. E say que venran vos mantas vetz preiadors de diversas colors. Chascus amans deviza de preiar a sa guiza. L’us preia regardan e l’autre sospiran e l’autre per messatie.

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May you enjoy his gifts10 and he yours. But when he becomes impassioned and you in love, be prudent enough, if he demands from you some folly off limits and makes an effort to bring shame upon you, that, thanks to all you have ever seen, your sense will not fail so much that he gets you to agree. It would be a sin worse than death if you ever did anything that I have told you, except to keep him rightly waiting. If he loves you a lot, pretty one, while you are a maiden, he should ask nothing of you that would cause you displeasure, or dishonour, or harm to your whole family. But, if he is loyal to you, you should be likewise to him, for now no one else who comes to you should consider himself accepted when leaving you, because you should allow no more than one suitor. For no one ever loved who wanted to have two. Now I know that for you will come often suitors of different kinds. Each lover prepares his entreaty in his own way. One entreats by staring and another by sighing and another by messenger.

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Aquel fa gran otratie c’al mens o sabon trey e fa contra sa ley drechurieira d’amor. C’on pus son sabedor may y a de perilh. Com deuria al filh selar et a son paire sidons fizels amaire, cant ama ses enian. En so que•us ai denan dig vos vuelh retornar – a•ls que•us venran preiar. L’us vos dira: “Ai, bela! pel rey que•l mon capdela e per vostra proeza e per la gentileza qu’en vos es, vos requier cosselh, car gran mestier, ma bel’amia, n’ay. Dona, plus d’un an ay una nafra portada, c’anc nulha femna nada, ni hom de maire natz, de mi no fon privatz tan que ren conogues. Mas eras m’es tan pres del cor e•m toqu’e•m ponh si que, iosta ni lonh, no truep fi ni repaus. E qui fort es malaus a talan de guerir. E no puesc revenir, dona, per ma crezensa, ni puesc aver guirensa ses vos, c’ap un esgart m’avetz lansat un dart ins el cor enaisi que pres soy de la fi. Et auretz mi estort

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The latter commits a great insult for at least three know of it, which is against the right law of love. For where more are in the know there is greater danger. Hence both son and father should be unaware of the true lover’s lady, when he loves without deceit. Now I want to return to what I told you before – to those who come entreating you. One will say: “O pretty one, by the king who rules the world and by your prowess and by the nobility in you, I ask your counsel, for I am in great need of it, my lovely friend. Lady, for over a year I have born a wound, that no woman alive nor any mother’s son was close enough to me to know at all. But now it is so close to my heart, touching and piercing me, that near or far, I find no rest or peace. One who is gravely ill desires a cure. And I cannot recover, lady, by my faith, nor obtain any cure without you, for with one look you have pierced me with an arrow in the heart, so much that I am near my end. But you will save me

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com de perilh de mort si•m retenetz per vostre.” E sel c’aissie•us demostre e•us preia, Na Marqueza, respondetz, com corteza, en aquesta manieira: “Si•m don Dieus ioy’entieira, bels amicx, tan vos vey avinen vas domney, azaut et agradieu, cortes et esforsieu e savis e ginhos e de belas faissos! E ies aiso no•s sela qu’e•l mon non a donzela ni dona ni pieusela tan bona ni tan bela, si voli’escudier amar o cavayer, que no fos fort onrada s’era enamorada de vos e vos de lieys. E si no fos l’autrieys qu’ieu ai fag a selui don ies mos cors no fuy ni•l sieu no•s part de me, ses cosselhar de re vos retengra per mieu. Mar ia nulha, ni yeu, non ama valor fina c’a dos amar s’aclina. Ni ama de cor fi sel que a doas s’acli, dels amicx, so sabetz. E pus amar voletz, queretz tan say et lay tro lo cor aiatz iay d’una ses parselier.”

from mortal danger if you accept me as your own.”

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To one who presents himself thus and entreats you, Lady Marqueza,11 respond with courtesy in this way: “May God grant me perfect joy, dear friend, because I find you so gracious in courtship, noble, pleasing, courteous, devoted wise, knowledgeable, and attractive! It is no secret that there is no young lady in the world nor lady nor maiden so good or so beautiful, seeking a squire or a knight to love, who would not be highly honoured to be in love with you and you with her. Were it not for the vow that I have made to him from whom I stray not, as he strays not from me, without any hesitation I would take you as my own. But neither I nor any woman values a good reputation who agrees to love two men. Nor does one love wholeheartedly who agrees to love two women, dear friend, as you know. So since you desire love, search far and wide until your heart has found joy from a lady without a rival.”

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Si negus vos enquier, aissie•us poiretz defendre. E, si•m voletz entendre e m’avetz entendut, auretz pretz a saubut e sen veray e sert. E si sel que s’espert vos preiar autruy, respondratz a seluy que•s fara messatgiers: “Amicx, fort es leugiers e de paubre saber. E far m’etz a saber il que say vos envia. Si•m faitz messatiaria vos ni aItre per el, que iamay vos ni aquel no cug n’aiatz enveya. E nulh temps may no•us veya per aquela razo, car no•us seria bo ni bel aI departir.” Aquel devetz fugir de vos com un aura. Mar sel que•us preiara per sa eysa persona [no•us] conosca felona [en] respos ni vilana. [E] l’altre que s’afana [de] servir e sospira [can] vos ve e•us remira [dossamen], c’als non ditz, [sia] gent aculhitz [per] vos ab alegrier, [e] non ges a sobrier, [mas] coma l’autra gen. E que viva languen,

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If anyone courts you, you can defend yourself thus. And, if you endeavour to understand me and have comprehended me, you will have both renowned merit and true good sense. If someone who is desperate entreats you through another, respond thus to the one who acts as messenger: “Friend, you are very foolish and of poor judgment. You must let me know who sends you here. If any message comes to me from you or anyone else on his behalf, neither you nor he ever, I think, are serious about it. Do not let me ever see you again regarding this matter, or it would not be good for you or pretty when you leave.” You should drive that man away from you like a fool.12 But the one who entreats you in person should not find you cruel or uncouth when replying. And the other who aspires to serve you and sighs when he sees you and gazes at you sweetly, saying nothing, should be well received with joy by you, though never too much, but rather like anyone else. Let him live languishing,

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pus ardimen li falh, sofertan son trebalh, si•l pareis bo ni bel, donzel’ab cors isnel! E deuriatz apenre com rennet, can fon mendre, la comteza corteza de Rodes, gent apreza. Que•l pros coms Cumenies, sos paires, qui l’apres, l’ensenhet enaisì c’anc nulh temps no falhi. E •l pros coms veramen no fec anc falhimen en trastota sa vida, per c’a melhor auzida de nulh comte dal mon. E dirai vos la fon d’onrada chaptenensa ab verai entendensa – la Rogest’Araguaza, que a valor conqueza e sen ab bon albir si gardan de falhir. Don ressembl’a sa maire e•l comte son paire, que anc re no n’issi mas esmerat e fi. Aiatz en remenbransa Na Guilhelm’ab ondransa, ma dona de la Ilha, qui Dieu fa maravilha per lieys en tal manieira c’a totas es sobrieira de bels essenhamens ab bos entendemens. E dic vos que deguna,

Mark D. Johnston

560

565

570

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580

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since he lacks daring, suffering his travail, if this seems fine and well to him, my lissom young lady! Now you should learn how the courteous countess of Rodez, nobly raised, behaved when she was young. For the good count of Comminges, her father, who raised her, instructed her so well that she never erred. The good count truly never made a mistake in all his life, and so has greater renown than any count in the world.13 I will also tell you the source of all honourable behaviour and true insight – Lady Rogesta of Aragués,14 who has attained merit and well-reputed wisdom by avoiding error. In this she resembles her mother and the count her father, since nothing ever came from him that was not polished and fine. Remember with honour Lady Guillelma,15 my lady of the Isle, for God works wonders through her in such a way that she surpasses all in good teaching and good understanding. And I tell you that no one,

Enssenhamen de l’escudier and Essenhamen de la donzela

blancha, saura ni bruna, iove ni ansiana, mielhs ni gen non s’afana de far faitz agradieus. Per que pobles e Dieus l’amon, car tan gen renha e car tan gen essenha. Tan gent a essenhada Na Tieborcx, sa conhada, que tug siey vestimen e siey chaptenemen son fis et esmeratz com l’aur en la fornatz. Un’autra n’a noirida tan gen Na Marguarida – la bela Na Guordo – qu’ieu cre que•l sera bo tostenps may tan can viva e n’er pus agradiva. Altra Guilhalma say pus auta, que•us dirai – la filha d’En Guasto. C’ab sa bela faiso a tans bos aibs conques de tot nostre paes. Guascuenh’e l’encontrada n’es fort illuminada, car lo sieus cors grazitz y fo natz e [noiritz]. E deuriatz saber com se sap mantener la bela Na Costansa de Foys [e com s’enansa e com es bel’e bona], que de say Barsalona, ni de lay atretan,

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white, blonde, or brown,16 young or old, strives better or more nobly to do pleasing deeds. Therefore God and the people love her, for she behaves so nobly, and so nobly teaches. So nobly has she taught Lady Tiburge,17 her sister-in-law, that all her apparel and her conduct are fine and polished like gold from a furnace. Another was raised very nobly by Lady Margarida – the lovely Lady Guordo – which I believe will benefit her always, as long as she lives, and make her even more pleasing.18 I know another Guilhelma even nobler, whom I will recall to you – the daughter of Lord Guasto.19 With her lovely ways she has attained such good customs from our entire country that Gascony and the region shine brightly thanks to her, for her gracious person was born and raised there.20 And you should know how to manage yourself like the lovely Lady Costanza of Foix21 and how she excels in beauty and goodness, for from here to Barcelona and from there beyond,

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no cug n’isto ni an donzela mielhs apreza. Aprendetz, si no•us peza, [com renha ma Piusela d’Armanhac, que•s capdela ab sen et ab mezura, c’anc nulha creatura] no fo pus gracioza. E de Na Mascaroza d’Astarac aprendetz com d’onor e de pretz creys, mont’e dertz e pueia. E nulh temps no s’enueia de plazers dir e far, e sap gen conquistar honor e no si tarda. E vuelh que•us prendatz garda las qu’ie•us ai mentaugudas, com son en pretz vengudas per penre bon usatie en lor enfantilhatie. E si faretz, so crey, car, de deguna ley, nulha mielhs no [s’aizina], tan jove ni tan nina, d’aver sen e manieira azaut’e plazentieira. Car, enaisi com es le rey Aragones montatz [sobre•ls] pus fortz d’onor per son esfortz, vos vey sobrar de sen las del vostre ioven per sobrebon atur. E prec Dieu que•us melhur en totz faitz, Na Marqueza. De nulh’Aragoneza

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630

635

640

645

650

655

660

665

I think there is no young lady more accomplished. Learn, if you please, the conduct of my Piusela of Armagnac,22 who conducts herself with sense and moderation, for no creature ever was more gracious. And from Lady Mascarosa of Astarac23 learn how in honour and esteem she grows, rises, excels, and ascends. She never tires of speaking and acting pleasantly, and knows how nobly to achieve respect quickly. Now I want you to consider these whom I have mentioned to you, for they have achieved esteem by acquiring good habits in their childhood. And so shall you, I believe, for among no race does anyone possess, while such a young girl, a sense and a manner both noble and pleasing. For, just as the king of Aragon24 exceeds all the most honoured by his efforts, I see you surpass in sense other young girls of your age through excellent preparation. And I pray God that you improve in all ways, Lady Marqueza. Among the Aragonese

Enssenhamen de l’escudier and Essenhamen de la donzela

ni de las Catalanas no say las pus sertanas. Mar lay vuelh enviar Falconet lo ioglar al rey, cap de valor, d’Arago, mon senhor, que•m digua, si•l sap bo, ab N’Artal d’Alago et ab sos Catalas, e•l coms Enpurias, enperaire d’amor. Et al procurador quier que•m diguo, si•ls play, de las donas de lay, oc, e de las donzelas las melhors cals son elas, Na marqueza; e can dichas las me auran e saubram lor manieira, aprendatz volontieira de las melhors issemple.’ Amen

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and Catalan women I do not know which are better. But I wish to send there Falconet the jongleur,25 to the king of Aragon, the acme of valour and my lord, so he will tell me, if he thinks it right, along with Lord Artal of Alagó26 and his Catalans, and the Count of Empurias,27 the Emperor of Love. To the procurator28 I want them to tell, if they wish, from among the ladies there, and also the young ladies, which ones are the best, Lady Marqueza; and when they have named them to me and we know their ways, eagerly study the example of the best.’ Amen

NOTES 1 The exact sense of lines 23–7 is uncertain. The apparent copyist’s errors of lus for lunhs and Dena for Dona suggest that there is some corruption of the text. The ‘God’ mentioned here may presumably be the God of Love. 2 The reading of lines 69–70 is conjectural, due to damage in the manuscript. 3 A pun, rhyming the author’s surname with escas (scarce, stingy, grudging). 4 Literally ‘from you which might be mentioned’ (on fossetz mentauguda), but presumably in the sense of praised or renowned. 5 The exact kind of bed or couch indicated by costil is unknown. 6 Amanieu probably refers to the popular courtly pastime of witty debates about problems of love and manners, like the example described below in lines 293–322. 7 The precise sense of lines 252–8 is uncertain. 8 Another proverbial expression or popular idiom, perhaps literally equivalent to the

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9

10

11 12 13

14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21

22 23

24 25 26 27 28

Mark D. Johnston Castilian phrase ‘Christian or Moor’ (meaning ‘everyone’) or perhaps simply meaning ‘none at all.’ This passage refers to the practice of seating guests by rank at banquets, usually on long benches stretching in both directions away from the host’s place at the centre. The higher one’s rank, the closer one sat to the host, so to sit ‘below’ someone else meant to sit further away from the host. The very rare term joiels literally means ‘jewels’ (and even etymologically ‘little joys’), but its exact reference here as a term of courtly behaviour is unclear, and perhaps deliberately so. Marqueza (Marquise) may be the young lady’s title or simply her given name. The exact readings of lines 543–53 are uncertain, due to damage in the manuscript. Amanieu describes Mascarosa, daughter of Count Bernard VI of Comminges and second wife of Count Henry II of Rodez; she died in 1292. For the sources of these and subsequent historical identifications, see Riquer, Història de la literatura catalana 1:186–93. Little is known about this noble woman. This is probably Guillelma de Durfort, wife of Jourdain V de l’Isle; she lived until 1307. Another proverbial expression or popular idiom for ‘everyone,’ like the one used in line 282. Tiburge de l’Isle Jourdain, married first to Gautier du Fossat, Lord of Bramerague, and later, by 1327, to Count Bernard IV of Astarac. The Lady Guordo is unknown, but Margarida is probably the daughter of Count Roger-Bernard III of Foix; she died before 1324. This is probably Guillelma de Moncada, daughter of Viscount Gaston of Béarn; she was betrothed to Prince Peter of Aragon in 1291. Amanieu’s particular reference to Gascony tends to support the assumption that he was also from that region. Costanza was the daughter of Count Roger-Bernard III of Foix and Margarida of Moncada, sister of the Margarida mentioned in line 608. She was betrothed to Prince James of Aragon in 1278, but eventually married in 1297 Jean de Lévis, Lord of Mirepoix. She lived until at least 1332. Piusela (or Capsuelle) was the daughter of Count Gerard V of Armagnac and Mathe de Béarn, and wife of Count Bernard VII of Comminges. The ruling family of Armagnac included both a mother and daughter of this name in the thirteenth century, but the basis for their identification with the household of Astarac is unclear. Presumably James II of Aragon (ruled 1291–1327). Perhaps the same jongleur documented in a royal safe-conduct letter of 1284. The nobleman Artal served as a counsellor to King James II of Aragon. Ponç Hug IV was Count of Ampurias from 1277 to 1313. Amanieu perhaps means his emissary, the jongleur Falconet.

3 THE GERMAN WINSBECKE, WINSBECKIN, AND WINSBECKE PARODIES (SELECTIONS) Ann Marie Rasmussen and Olga Trokhimenko

INTRODUCTION The father/son poem known as Der Winsbecke and the mother/daughter poem known as Die Winsbeckin were written some time during the thirteenth century. They are part of a flourishing tradition of Middle High German advice literature, which is also represented by the popular, monumental, rhymed advice compendium entitled Der Welsche Gast (The Visitor from Italy), by Thomasin von Zerclaere (ca. 1186–ca. 1235), the first book of which is directed at boys and girls. In Der Winsbecke, a father advises his son on how to conduct himself in a virtuous, God-fearing manner in the world (stanzas 1–56 in the standard edition by Leitzmann/Reiffenstein, and called ‘The Old Poem’); the son responds with a short but energetic rejection of his father’s worldliness (stanzas 57–61; 64); to which the father responds in turn with prayer-like praise for the spiritual retreat from the world that he and his son will now undertake (stanzas 62–3; 65–80), the stanzas from 57 on being called ‘The Continuations.’ In Die Winsbeckin, a mother and daughter engage in a give-and-take dialogue about the perils, attractions, and attributes of love, with the mother speaking slightly more stanzas than the daughter. Both texts contain echoes of gnomic verse1 as well as references to Arthurian romance, most notably Parzival (ca. 1200–10), written by Wolfram von Eschenbach, and Iwein (ca. 1204), written by Hartmann von Aue. Die Winsbeckin and Der Winsbecke are anonymous compositions. Stylistic and intellectual criteria indicate that they are also composite works written by different authors. Nevertheless, those surviving medieval manuscript witnesses containing complete texts (as opposed to fragmentary remains) always contain a version of Der Winsbecke that is somewhere between fifty and eighty stanzas long and that includes both the so-called ‘Old Poem’ and ‘The Continuations,’ as well as a version of Die Winsbeckin (in the standard edition,

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forty-five stanzas) that is somewhere between thirty and forty stanzas long. In short, regardless of who wrote which parts of these texts and when (facts which are and will doubtless remain unknown), medieval patrons, audiences, and scribes understood them to be a single, unified ensemble. If these texts are anonymous, what is the origin of the names ‘Der Winsbecke,’ which literally translated means ‘The Knight or the Man from the place called Winsbach,’ and ‘Die Winsbeckin,’ which literally means ‘The Lady or the Woman from the place called Winsbach’? These medieval names appear as headings on the illuminations that accompany the poems in the Codex Manesse (Heidelberg, Universitätsbibliothek, cpg 848), one of the most famous illuminated manuscripts of the Middle Ages (see figures 1 and 2), whose 426 folios contain nearly 6,000 verses of medieval German poetry (mostly love poetry) organized by author. The Codex Manesse can be viewed in its entirety (images and text) online at the website of the Heidelberg University Library (http://digi.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/cpg848). At the top of folio 213r, which is an image of an older man speaking to a youth, is written in red, ‘Der Winsbeke’; below it and also on the next folio, 213v, which contains text, is written in a later medieval hand ‘vo(n) Winsbach.’ Similarly, at the top of folio 217r, which is an image of a married woman in a headdress speaking with a girl, is written in red ‘Diu Winsbekin.’ One hundred and thirty-seven of the one hundred and forty poets represented in the Codex Manesse have magnificent author portraits like those for our texts, marking that portion of the manuscript where their verse is collected. The composition of German language love poetry was considered a refined aristocratic pastime in the Middle Ages, and many of the authors represented in the Codex Manesse are known historical persons. For other poets represented in the manuscript, however, no evidence of their historical existence survives; some are surely fictional. The search for evidence to corroborate the Codex Manesse’s attribution of our texts has yielded meager results. The name ‘Der Winsbecke’ appears only once in another medieval source, a lengthy didactic poem by Hugo von Trimberg entitled Der Renner, which might predate the Codex Manesse by a few years. It is in a list of names: ‘Greed, gaming, and whoring, fickleness and bad German have possessed so many lords that they have completely forgotten the songs once sung by the noble lords von Botenloube and von Morungen, von Limburc and von Windesbecke, von Nîfen, Wildonie and von Brûnecke, Master Walther von der Vogelweide – I pity those who would forget them’ (lines 1179–88). None of the other manuscripts or fragments containing these poems transmit these names. Yet from the time Moriz Haupt first edited these texts according to modern philological principles in 1845 (they have, in fact, been discussed by German intellectuals and scholars since the seventeenth

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Fig. 1 Cod. pal. germ. 848, folio 213r from Die Winsbecke. Reproduced courtesy of University Library Heidelberg.

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Fig. 2 Cod. pal. germ. 848, folio 217r from Die Winsbeckin. Reproduced courtesy of University Library Heidelberg.

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century)2 until the 1970s, the scholarly consensus was that the name ‘Der Winsbecke’ referred to a real author who wrote what Haupt dubbed ‘The Old Poem’ (stanzas 1–56), while the name ‘Die Winsbeckin’ was a fiction based on the name ‘Der Winsbecke.’ Only in recent years has the belief in a real, though shadowy, ‘Knight of Winsbach’ been set aside. In the first fifty-six stanzas of Der Winsbecke a father instructs his son in the exemplary fulfilment of various civic and religious roles, giving instruction on respectable behaviour in a variety of subjects concerning knighthood, in which weaponry, tournament etiquette, and courtliness are discussed; household management and political etiquette; religious decorum; and guidelines on how to think about women, which draw on pro-feminine tropes that are found throughout medieval literature.3 There is pragmatic advice about getting along with fellow members of the ruling class, in which specific instructions about participating in assemblies and giving advice remind modern readers of the intensely face-to-face nature of medieval politics. All these activities are examined from the point of view of êre (honour) (see discussion below). From stanza 57 onward, the tone of the poem abruptly shifts. In response to these teachings, the son roundly denounces his father’s worldliness, advocating instead a mutual, spiritual retreat from the world. The father immediately and joyfully agrees. The final thirteen stanzas are the father’s prayer and confession, replete with references to biblical stories and saints’ lives and legends, and ending with a legal testament that endows with land and rights the hospice to which he and his son will withdraw. Die Winsbeckin does not assert a place for women in the worlds of religion or politics. Rather, the mother/daughter dialogue is about love, more specifically, about sexual desire and courtly norms. Die Winsbeckin has literary references to Arthurian romance and to Ovid, and (in marked contrast to Der Winsbecke) a number of humorous moments as well. The mother teaches her daughter how to recognize, acknowledge, attract, accept, or manipulate male desire according to the rules of ‘polite’ (meaning courtly) society; the daughter responds variously with obedience, knowingness, and indignation. As in much medieval love poetry, love, or desire, is understood as an external force that assails both men and women and against which one is virtually helpless. And as in most medieval literary representations of mothers and daughters, the socialization and the sexualization of women are inextricably linked. One interesting issue taken up by the poem is the problem of what medieval German texts term huote, usually translated as ‘surveillance’ or ‘guardianship,’ in which aristocratic men set a guard on their daughters and wives in order to ensure the women’s honour, that is to say, their chastity. Numerous mentions and critical discussions of this practice, the most famous of which

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occurs in Gottfried von Strassburg’s Tristan (lines 17817–18114), suggest that these literary debates resonated strongly in lived experiences of the medieval German nobility. The mother in Die Winsbeckin takes a strong position against the practice of huote, advocating that women be trusted to exercise selfrestraint (see stanzas 31–4). The two opening stanzas of the version edited and translated here, which are unique to the manuscript Berlin, Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz, mgf 474, also argue fiercely against huote, protesting that many of the men who guard their women’s virtue (often it seems by beating them) are utterly lacking in virtue and moderation themselves. Might we see in these two stanzas a kind of proto-feminist indictment of the double standards governing men’s and women’s behaviour? There are still those who believe that medieval people were deeply pious and serious, entirely lacking a sense of the comic. The partial survival in two manuscripts of a late medieval parody of the father/son poem, Der Winsbecke, contradicts this notion. Because of the fragmentary nature of the evidence we have selected for translation only five stanzas that most closely parody the ideas in the original text. Everything the father teaches is turned on its head: the son should act the fool in public; drink, boast, cheat, lie, and always run away from trouble; beware of women, who are, as the father says, full of deceit; and never, ever keep a secret. A Note about the Translation We gratefully acknowledge our debt to Richard A. Anderson’s dissertation from 1984, which contains a translation of Der Winsbecke and an outstanding grammatical and interpretive commentary.4 Our translation aims to render the texts into fluent and readily comprehensible modern English that will sit easily with modern readers and make the medieval world view transparent to them. Of course and inevitably, the attempt to make a medieval text understandable within the conceptual framework of modern English has meant that a number of poetic and stylistic hallmarks of the medieval German text have been sacrificed. For example, in the German text, the word êre (honour) recurs throughout the text, so that the very sonority of the word functions as a kind of repetitive poetic motif underscoring the conceptual unity of the poem. To consistently translate êre as ‘honour’ would have preserved this poetic trait, but at a cost. Such reiterations are not pleasing to most English speakers. Even more seriously, the conceptual territory covered by these two terms hardly overlaps. To translate êre consistently as ‘honour,’ a term that in modern English connotes an individual’s inner sense of integrity, fails to render adequately the medieval world view encompassed

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by êre, which primarily connotes an individual’s prestige or reputation in the world, functioning somewhat like modern American notions of ‘cool.’ The word zuht poses a similar challenge. Corresponding to the modern German noun die Zucht, meaning ‘breeding, discipline, punishment,’ the medieval German word, diu zuht, has a much wider and more positive field of meaning, and signifies another key concept of medieval elite self-fashioning, the virtue of self-restraint. Yet the ideal embodiment of zuht differed for elite men and women. For this reason, when zuht is used to refer to a man, it has been translated as ‘self-control, self-discipline, restraint,’ but when it is used to refer to a woman, it is translated as ‘courteous behaviour,’ ‘modesty,’ or even ‘chastity.’ A Note about the German Version Der Winsbecke and Die Winsbeckin are preserved in a small number of manuscripts and manuscript fragments. The three oldest manuscripts preserve both texts together and are also the most complete: the Codex Manesse (Heidelberg, Universitätsbibliothek, cpg 848) from ca. 1305–40; Berlin, Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz, mgf 474, from 1323 (formerly Tübingen mgf 474); and the Weingartner Liederhandschrift (Stuttgart, Württembergische Landesbibliothek, cod. HB XIII.1,) from ca. 1290–1310. The edition and translation presented here follow Berlin mgf 474, a compilation manuscript whose main texts are the medieval German heroic epic, Das Nibelungenlied, and the rhymed couplet text, Die Klage (The Lament) that always accompanies Das Nibelungenlied in the medieval manuscript transmission. Der Winsbecke and Die Winsbeckin occupy the last folios of the manuscript. Three choices for the German version presented themselves: the most recent standard edition (third edition) from 1962 by Albert Leitzmann and Ingo Reiffenstein, based on Leitzmann’s prior editions; the version in the Codex Manesse; and the version in Berlin mgf 474, which is considered the best manuscript and which is the basis for the Leitzmann/Reiffenstein edition. All secondary literature is based on Leitzmann/Reiffenstein, which furthermore standardizes spelling and grammar according to established scholarly practice, creating a Middle High German text that is easily readable. These are considerable advantages. Further, Leitzmann/Reiffenstein follows Berlin mgf 474, and for Der Winsbecke Berlin mgf 474 differs little from the Codex Manesse. However, Leitzmann/Reiffenstein’s version of Die Winsbeckin assembles stanzas from the three early and complete manuscripts into a composite text. In the decades since Reiffenstein published the third edition, the scholarly consensus on editorial practice has moved away from producing such composite texts, adopting instead the norm of adhering as closely as possible to a single

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manuscript witness. This is the principle for the texts in this volume, and so our edition and translation should be based on one of the two best manuscripts. But which one? It was tempting to use the Codex Manesse, whose fine illuminations accompany this chapter. However, the text in Berlin mgf 474 is, quite simply, better all the way around. Because that manuscript is the chief manuscript for the published edition, the differences between our text and the standard edition are not too great. They can be summarized as follows: First, the spelling and grammar of Berlin mgf 474 reflect a northern Bavarian dialect; the edition’s standardization of the Middle High German has been set aside. Second, Berlin mgf 474 has at times different word choices in comparison with the standard edition, where Leitzmann/Reiffenstein at times chose (for excellent reasons) a variant reading from a different manuscript. Nevertheless, these small differences do not in general affect the overall meaning of a stanza (exceptions are discussed in the explanatory notes). Third, Berlin mgf 474 gives titles to all of the stanzas. Relegated to the variant readings in the edition, they are restored here. Leitzmann and Reiffenstein believed (and probably rightly) that the stanza titles were not a part of the original poem, because only Berlin mgf 474 has them. Yet for precisely that reason they represent an interesting example of a practical, scribal intervention that gives us a sense of the text being read, interpreted, and used. Fourth, the edition of Der Winsbecke includes two extra stanzas (edition, stanzas 68 and 79). Because neither stanza is in Berlin mgf 474, they are not included here. Finally, Die Winsbeckin in Berlin mgf 474 differs substantially in its beginning and its ending from the standard edition. By following Berlin mgf 474 we have restored to the poem the two opening stanzas, found only in Berlin mgf 474, that are uniquely spoken in a collective female voice. At the same time, our edition does not include the final mother/daughter dialogue concerning lofty love and low love (edition, stanzas 38–42), which is transmitted in three other manuscripts. Nor does it include the edition’s final two stanzas (43–4) eludicating the mother’s second and third rules of love, which is transmitted in one other manuscript. None of these stanzas is found in Berlin mgf 474. Interested readers are referred to the Leitzmann/Reiffenstein edition. Only two late manuscripts preserve a total of eighteen, often partial stanzas of the Winsbecke parody, for which no complete version survives. For the five parody stanzas selected for inclusion here, we have followed Leitzmann/Reiffenstein. A ten-line non-indented stanza has been chosen. The stanzas are numbered consecutively. Stanza numbers in parentheses correspond to stanza numbers in the standard edition. Berlin mgf 474 contains no punctuation or modern diacritical marks, a practice followed here. We have resolved scribal abbreviations and modernized letter

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forms in the following manner. Consonants are those in the manuscript, except that Ǖ is abandoned in favor of s. Readers familiar with modern German are hereby reminded that initial Middle High German (MHG) c corresponds to modern German k (thus, MHG can = modern German kann), and that final MHG z corresponds to modern German s (MHG waz = modern German was). Regarding vowels, no circumflex accents or other diacritical marks are used to denote length. Instead, æ in the manuscript is represented as æ; ӽ is abandoned in favour of unaccented a when it represents a long monophthong as in m΁zze (standard MHG maze); ӽ is presented as au when it represents a diphthong au/ ou (as in t΁gen, MHG augen/tougen); vocalic v is consistently represented as u; e e Ĥ is represented as uo; u is represented as ue; o is represented as oe; iv is reprei sented as iu; and ӿ and u are represented as a diphthong iu.

NOTES 1 2 3 4

See Trokhimenko, ‘Gedanken sint vrî?’ See Rasmussen, ‘Fathers to Think Back Through.’ See Blamires, The Case for Women in Medieval Culture. Anderson, ‘Der Winsbecke.’

Der Winsbecke

Der Winsbecke

1 Ditze buoch heizzet der wertlich rat Ein wiser man het einen sun der was im liep als manger ist den wolt er leren rehte tuon und sprah also ‘min sun du bist mir liep ane allen valschen list bin ich dir liep sam du mir so volge mir ze dirre vrist die wil ich leb ez ist dir guot ob dich ein fremder ziehen sol du weist nicht wie er ist gemuot

1 This is the Book of Worldly Counsel A wise man had a son whom he loved, as is often the case. He wished to teach him the right way to live in the world, and so he spoke as follows: ‘My son, I love you dearly and sincerely. If I am as dear to you as you are to me, then do as I say, now, for as long as I am alive. It is for your own good. Were a stranger to educate you you could never know his true intentions.

2 Wie man got furhten sol fur elliu dinch Sun minne reiniclichen got so can dir nimmer missegan er hilfet dir uz aller not nu sih der werlte gaugel an wie si ir volgær triegen can und waz ir lon zem iungsten si daz soltu sinneclich verstan si wigt ze lon ein swinden lot der ir ze willen dienen wil derst libes und der sele tot

2 That one must fear God before all else Son, love God with a pure heart. Then nothing will go wrong for you because he will help you out of any trouble. Observe the trickery of this world and how she1 is known for deceiving her followers. Look at the reward she gives in the end. Now bring your reason to bear on this!

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She measures out a harsh reward. He who wishes to serve her devotedly is dead in body and in soul. 3 Wie daz mensch swindet als daz brinnend kerzzen lieht Sun merche wie daz kerzzen lieht die wil ez brinnet swindet gar gelaube daz dir sam geschiht von tag ze tag ich sag dir war des nim in dinen sinnen war und riht hie din leben also daz dort din sel wol gefar swi hoh an guot wirt din nam dir volget niht wan also vil ein linin tuoch fur din scham

3 That human beings wane like the light of a burning candle Son, observe how the candle vanishes away while its flame burns. Believe me, the same thing happens to you day after day. I am telling you the truth. Take this into your mind and conduct your life in this world so that your soul will fare well in the next. No matter how much wealth is attached to your name, you are accompanied there by nothing more than a loincloth to cover your shame.

4 Wie man almuosen sol geben Sun gip im der dir hat gegeben und aller gabe hat gewalt er git dir noch ein immer leben und ander gabe manicfalt mer danne laubes hab der walt wil du nu caufen disen hort in sinen hulden dich bihalt und sende guote boten fur die dir dort vahen witen rum e daz der wirt zuo slah die tiur

4 That one must give alms Son, give to him who has given to you and has power over all things. Besides, he is giving you eternal life and other manifold gifts, more than there are leaves in the forest. Now if you wish to gain this treasure, stay in his good graces and send good messengers ahead who will reserve ample space for you before the Host slams the door.

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5 Wie wertlich wistuom ist gen got ein torheit Sun alliu wisheit ist en wiht die herzzen sin ertrahten can hat er ze got der minne niht und siht in niht mit vorhten an ez sprach hie for ein wiser man daz dirre werlt wisheit si vor got ein torheit sunder wan da von so riht dinen sin daz du in sinen hulden lebst und laz dich aller ding an in

5 That worldly wisdom is foolishness toward God Son, all the wisdom that the heart can fathom is a mere nothing if one does not love God and look on him with awe. A wise man once said that the wisdom of this world is, without doubt, foolishness before God. Therefore focus your mind and spirit towards living in his grace, and trust him in all things.

6 Wie man geistlich leben eren sol Sun geistlich leben in eren hab daz wirt dir guot und ist ein sin des willen kum durch niemen ab brinc in ze diner gruobe hin ez wirt an sælden din gewin en ruoch wie die pfaffen leben du solt doch dienen got an in sint guot ir wort ir werc ze crump so volg du iren worten nach ir wercken niht oder du bist tump

6 That one should honour the religious way of life Son, honour the religious way of life. This is prudent and will serve you well. Let no one distract you from this but rather hold fast to it until you die. Your salvation will benefit from it. Pay no attention to the way priests and clerics live, for you are serving God through them. If their words are good but their deeds crooked, then be guided by their words, not their deeds, or you are a fool.

7 Wie man den pfaffen sol sprechen wol Sun ez was ie der layen sit daz si den pfaffen truogen haz da sundent si sich ser mit ich can niht wizzen umbe waz ich wil dir raten ferre baz

7 That one ought to speak well of the clergy Son, the laity has always felt hatred toward the clergy, But they sin greatly because of this and I do not understand why they do so.

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du solt in holt mit triuwen sin und sprich in schon und tuostu daz so mag din ende werden guot und wirt ze lone dir beschert gotes lichnam und sin reinez bluot

I will advise you much better. Be sincerely devoted to the clergy and speak well of them. If you do this, then your end may well be good, and the body and pure blood of Christ will be accorded to you as a reward.2

8 Wi er ein muotig sol sin mit siner konen Sun ob dir got fueg ein wip nach sinem lob ze rehter e die soltu han als dinen lip und fueg daz ez so biste daz iur bæder wille ge uzse einem herzzen und darin waz wil du danne wunne me ob daz geschiht in triuwen pfleg sæt aber diu werre ir samen dar so muezen scheiden sich die weg

8 That one should live in concord with one’s wife Son, if God should grant you a wife in righteous marriage according to his commandment, cherish her as you would yourself and make sure to arrange things so that your two wills proceed from one heart and return to it. What more delight could you wish for than if this were to come about through mutual devotion? For if quarrelling were to sow its seed, then your paths would diverge.

9 Wi er tagen minne sol helen Sun du solt sinneclichen tragen verholen din minne vingerlin din taugen niht den tumben sagen daz zwein ist reht ze wit ist drien la dich niht uber gen den win den soltu so ze huse laden daz din vind iht spotten din ahte uf die zungelær niht di werren zewischen friunden tragen und daz in Judas aht geschiht

9 That one should conceal secret love Son, it is prudent to wear a ring from your beloved in a concealed place and not share your secret with foolish people, for what is right for two goes too far with three. Do not let wine overpower you. Drink measured amounts at home, and your enemies cannot mock you. Pay no attention to those with loose tongues, who cause quarrels among friends, for they act and think like Judas.

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10 Wie man sol guetlih und mit witzen antwurten Sun swer bi dir ein mære sag mit worten ims niht under brich und swer dir sinen cumber clag in scham uber den erbarm dich der milt got erbarmt sich uber alle die erbarmich sint den wiben allen schon sprich ist ienert einiu sælden fri da bi sint tusent oder mer den tugent und ere wonet bi

10 That one should answer affably and wisely Son, if someone is telling you something, do not interrupt him with words. If someone shares his sorrows with you reluctantly, take pity on him, for bountiful God takes pity on all those who take pity on others. Speak courteously of all women. For every one of them who lacks grace there are a thousand or more in whom goodness and honour dwell.

11 Wie man guetiu wip eren sol Sun wil du zieren dinen lip so daz er si unfuoge gram so minne und ere guotiu wip der tugent uns ie von sorgen nam si sint wunne ein bernder stam da von wir alle sin giboren er hat niht zuht noch rehter scham der daz niht erkent an in der muoz der toren einer sin und het er Salamones sin

11 That one must honour virtuous women Son, if you wish to refine yourself so that you shun all uncourtliness, then love and honour good women whose virtue has always had the power to free us from care. They are a branch laden with joy from which all of us are born. Whoever does not recognize this lacks gentility and modesty and is one of the true fools, even if he were to possess the wisdom of Solomon.

12 Wie wip sint stam aller wunne Sun si sint wunne ein berndez lieht an eren und an werdikeit der werlt an frauden zuo versiht nie wiser man daz wider streit ir nam der eren cron treit diu ist gemezzen und geworht

12 That women are the source of all delight Son, women’s virtue and dignity are a continually renewing source of delight and the world’s hope for joy. No wise man would dispute this.

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mit tugenden vollik unde breit genade got an uns bigie do er im engel dort geschuof daz er si gap fur engel hie

Their name wears the crown of honour which is well made and wrought with virtues, full and wide. God treated us with mercy, for when he made angels for himself in heaven, He sent women to us to be angels here.

13 Wie man den wiben wol sprechen sol Sun du maht niht wissen wol waz eren an den wiben lit ob ez dir sæld fuegen sol in daz du gilebst die lieben zit daz dir ir guete vreude git so can dir nimmer baz gischehen ze dirre werlt sunder strit du solt in holt mit triuwen sin und sprich in wol tuostu des niht so muoz ich mich untroesten din

13 That one must speak well of women Son, you may not yet know of the honour that resides in women. Should you have the good fortune to live long enough to experience the joy that their goodness would bestow on you, then nothing better could happen to you, truly, in this world. Be sincerely devoted to women and speak well of them. If you do not do this, I will have to disown you.

14 Wie reines wibes gut ist ein getranch Sun wildu erzenie nemen ich wil dich leren ein getranch lat dirz frau sæld wol gezemen du wirdest selten tugend cranch din leben si curz oder ez si lanch leg in din herz ein reinez wip mit stæter lieb sunder wanch ist ez an werdikeit verzagt als der triack daz aiter tuot ir wiplich guet dirz veriagt

14 That the goodness of a chaste woman is a potion Son, in case you need medicine, I will tell you about a potion. If providence provides it, then you will never lack virtue whether your life be short or long. With steadfast, unchanging love, take a chaste woman into your heart; and if it despairs of virtue, just as an antidote drives out poison, her womanly goodness will chase away your doubts.

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15 Wie wiplich guet truren stoert Sun ich sag dirz sunder wan eins mannes hertz ist ungesunt daz sich niht innan reinen can mit wibes liebe zaller stunt ez was ein tugentlicher funt do guoter wibe wart gidaht hat iemen sorg swæren bunt den truric muot bestricket hat der strich wiplich guete dar alsam ein tau sin not zergat

15 That womanly goodness undoes sorrow Son, I tell you truly a man’s heart is unhealthy that cannot always cleanse itself inwardly by loving a woman. It was a worthy discovery when good women were first thought of. If anyone is weighed down by sorrows that have been knit together by low spirits, let him apply womanly goodness, and his cares will vanish like dew.

16 Wie dem sæld volget der guetiu wip minnet Sun sit diu sælde lit an in diu nie mit lob ir zil vol maz so dien in gern und hastu sin du lebst in eren dester baz got sin an sælden nie vergaz dem ir genade wirt beschert und er mit triuwen dienet daz dem stet der schilt ze halse wol im cumt ze lon ein blanker arm da im der riem ligen sol

16 That bliss follows the one who loves good women Son, since women provide blessedness and their praise can never be complete, you should serve them gladly, if you have any sense, and your life’s honour will be increased by that. God has never yet forgotten to bless the one to whom their favour is granted if he has served them faithfully. He can hold up his shield proudly, for a bare arm will embrace him just where his shield strap should lie.

17 Hie saget er von dez schiltes werdikeit Sun du solt wizzen daz der schilt hat werdikeit und eren vil den ritter tugend niht bevilt der in ze reht tragen wil

17 Here he speaks of the inherent nobility of the shield Son, you should know that the shield represents an esteemed and honourable way of life.

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die warheit ich dich niht en hil er ist zer werlt sunder wan ein hoh gemezzen fræuden zil nimt in ze hals ein tumber man der im sin reht erkennet niht da ist der schilt unschuldig an

The knight who carries it rightly will never falter in virtue. I will not conceal the truth from you: truly, the shield represents in this world a lofty and joyful goal. But if a foolish man takes it up, one who does not grasp its duties and responsibilities, well, the shield is not to blame.

18 Waz zuo dem schilt gihoert Sun lat dich got gileben die zit daz er mit reht wirt din dach waz er dir danne fræude git wil du im denne volgen nach waistu wie Gahmuret gischach der von des schiltes werdikeit der Morin in ir hertze brach si gab im liut lant unde guot er git och dir noch hohen pris gist du im lip hertz unde muot

18 What appertains to the shield Son, if God allows you to live long enough for the shield truly to become your shelter, what joy it will bestow upon you if only you are guided by it! Do you know what happened to Gahmuret who won the heart of the Moorish lady because he embodied the splendour of the shield? She gave him her people, lands, and possessions.3 The shield will win high praise for you, too, if you give it your body, heart, and mind.

19 Waz schiltes reht si Sun wil du ganzlich schiltes reht erkennen so wis wol gezogen triwe milt kuon unde sleht so ist er an dir niht betrogen und cumt din lop wol fur giflogen wilt aber du leben in frier wal den tugenden allen vor verlogen der red min triu si din pfant

19 The nature of the shield Son, if you wish fully to grasp the nature of the shield, be courteous, loyal, generous, bold, and upright. Then you will not betray it, and praise will fly to you. But if you would rather act on a whim,

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wil du in also ze hals nemen er hienge baz an einer want

neglecting all virtue from the very beginning, then let my oath serve as your guarantee for my words: if you wish to wield the shield in this manner, it would fare better left hanging on the wall.

20 Waz er tuon sol so er den helm uf gebindet Sun biz din helm genem den strik so wis muotik unde balt gedench an reiner wibe blik der gruoz man ie mit dienste galt sitz eben und swende so den walt als dir von art si geslaht min hant hat mangen ab gevalt des selben muoz ich mich verwegen guot ritterschaft ist toppel spil diu sælde muoz des siges pflegen

20 What one should do when fastening one’s helmet Son, whenever you fasten your helmet for the joust, show yourself to be courageous and bold. Remember that chaste women are looking at you whose welcome has always been rewarded with service. Sit firmly and break spears as your nature and breeding require of you. My hand has felled many a knight in my time, and now I must give it up. Good knighthood is a game of chance, and fortune will see to the victory.

21 Wi er sol dez comenden varen an der tiost Sun nim des gen dir comenden war und senche schone dinen schaft als ob er si gemalet dar laz an din oers mit meisterschaft je baz und baz ruor im die craft zen nageln fieren uf den schilt da sol din sper gewinnen haft oder da der helm gestricket ist diu zwei sint reht ritters male

21 That one should pay attention during tournaments Son, pay heed to the one riding towards you. Lower and steady your lance shaft as though it were painted in place. Guide your horse skilfully, spurring it more and more into action. Aim for the four nails on the shield or the place where the helmet is fastened, because

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und uf der tyost der beste list

that is where your lance should come to rest. These are a knight’s proper targets and the best choice in the tournament.

22 Wie sich der man sol cleiden mit tugenden Sun wiltu kleiden dine jugent daz si ze hof in eren ge snid an dich zuht und reine tugend ich weiz niht waz dir baz an ste wil du in tragen in rehter e si machet dich den werden wert und git dir dannoch sælden me ich mein reiner wibe segen der ist ein so genæmer hort in moht ein lant niht wider wegen

22 That a man should clothe himself in virtue Son, if you wish to adorn your youth so that it will be respected at court, then clothe yourself in good manners and pure virtue. I know of nothing that would suit you better than wearing them well, as befits your noble standing. They will make you worthy of the most honourable company and give you more good fortune, by which I mean the favour of good women, which is such a desirable treasure that not even land can outweigh it.

23 Wie er niht horen sol bosiu mær Sun du solt bi den werden sin und la ze hof dringen dich der man ist nach den sinnen min dar nach als er gesellet sich ze rehte swig ze staten sprich die bosiu mær dir ze oren tragen von in din stætez hertze brich wil du din or als manger tuot den velschelæren bieten dar so wirstu selten wol gemuot

23 That one should not listen to evil talk Son, you should join the most honourable company and be sure to mingle at court. To my way of thinking, you can judge a man by the company he keeps. Be silent at the right time and speak up when necessary. If evil tales come to your ears, sunder your heart from them; for if you, like so many others, want to lend your ear to backbiters, then your mind will seldom be at peace.

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24 Wie man sol der zungen hueten Sun du solt diner zungen pflegen daz si iht uz dem angel var si lat dich anders under wegen der eren und der sinne bar schiuz rigel fur und nim sin war gezamet si vil reht din zorn si gæb umb ere niht ein har wirt si din meister wisse daz si setzet dich in gotes zorn und dienet dir der werlte haz

24 That one should safeguard one’s tongue Son, you must guard your tongue so that it does not become loose and rob you, in the process, of your good reputation and good sense. Put a bar on the door of your mouth and be mindful of it. Tame your anger properly, for it would not care one bit about your reputation. Know this in truth that if it were to become your master, it would bring God’s wrath upon you and earn you the hatred of the world.

25 Wie man die red besniden sol Sun bezzer ist gemezzen zwir denne gar verhawen ane sin e daz diu red entrinne dir ze gæhes uz dem munde hin besnit si wil uf den gewin daz si den wisen wol bihag daz wort mac niht hin wider in und ist doch schier fur den munt wil du des rates folgen niht du wirst an eren ungesunt

25 That one should be brief in what one says Son, it is better to measure twice than to cut something up without thinking. Before your words run away with you, issuing too hastily from your mouth, cut them short in the sure foreknowledge that this will please the wise ones. For a word cannot be taken back, and yet it escapes quickly out of the mouth. If you do not want to follow this advice, your reputation will be damaged.

26 Wie man sich hueten sol vor valchen luten Sun swer zeblicke fueg entnimt daz decket doch die lenge niht geribeniu varbe niht enzimt da man den schaden blecken siht

26 That one must safeguard oneself from those who are false Son, borrowing social graces for show will not cover you up for long. The colour that comes from a scrubbing

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diu hælkäppil sint enwiht diu bi den liuten cleident wol und daz in kundikeit geschiht nu zieh er sin cappen ab der also welle triegen dich und merche waz er drunder hab

will not do, for a blemish will still show clearly. Magic cloaks are worthless (I mean the kind that make people look good through trickery). When a man who wants to deceive you takes off his cloak, take a good look at what it conceals.

27 Wie getan not der spot birt Sun merche rehte wie der rot daz ysen fiulet und den stal also tuot unbescheiden spot des mannes hertz sunder twal ez ist an sælden fluhtich mal und slichet umb und umb entwer von dem zedem als ein swal sun da sol du dich hueten vor du maht niht sanft von im komen ob er dich bringet in daz spor

27 That mocking others causes hurt Son, attend well: rust corrupts iron and steel; and likewise indiscriminately mocking others spoils a man’s heart, without a doubt. It is a stain on one’s honour that eludes a cure and that flits around and around from one to another like a swallow. Son, preserve yourself from this defect, for it is impossible to escape from it if it catches up with you.

28 Wi edel ane tugend ist ze niht Sun hoh geburt ist an dem man und an dem wib gar verloren da wir niht tugend kiesen an als in den Rin geworfen ein korn der tugend hat derst wolgiboren und eret sin geslæht wol ich han ze friunt mir erkorn den nidern baz der eren gert fur einen hohen sunder tugent der hiur ist bœser danne vert

28 That nobility without virtue is worthless Son, high birth is completely lost on men and women in whom we cannot discern virtue. One might as well sow seeds in the Rhine. Whoever has virtue is truly well born and honours his lineage fully. I would rather choose as my friend the lesser-born man who strives for honour than the high-born man who lacks virtue and who is worse this year than the last.

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29 Wie man des gutes niht vol ahten sol Sun du solt haben und minnen guot also daz ez dir niht lig ob benimt ez dir tugent und frien muot so stet din hertz in cranken lob guot ist gitekeit ein clob swem ez lieber ist danne got und werltlich er ich wæn er tob swen ez also gevazzet fur der anet sich der bæder lieber e daz er daz eine verliur

29 That one should not overvalue worldly possessions Son, the proper way to keep and value worldly possessions is so that they do not overpower you. For if they rob you of virtue and nobility, then you will truly be feeble-hearted. Possessions are bait for greed. If a man values them more than God and the respect of the world, then I believe he is mad because whoever heaps possessions upon himself like this, cuts himself off from these two things, instead of forfeiting his goods.

30 Wie man niht sol sin uber milt Sun dinen guoten friunt behalt der dir mit triuwen bi gestat und wis in zoren niht zebalt mit gæhen siten dest min rat ob dir daz guot ze nahen gat und ob dus ane tugent vertuost diu bædiu machent misse tat wirf in die milte dinen sin hab und henge furhte got so gat din leben mit sælden hin

30 That one should not be overly generous Son, keep the good friend who stands by you faithfully and do not be angry with him or rash. That is my advice. Whether you hold possessions too dear or squander them thoughtlessly, either is wrong. Be sensible about generosity, keep and give away in turn, fear God, and you will lead a blessed life.

31 Wie man in der mazze sol leben Sun merche daz diu mazze git vil eren unde werdicheit die soltu minnen zealler zit so wirt din lop den werden breit ist daz den wandelbæren leit waz umbe daz der bœsen haz

31 That one should live moderately Son, note well that moderation provides honour and dignity. You should always cherish both, and then your good name will be well known in the highest company.

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die biderben selten ie vermeit leb du in tugentlicher aht und laz die crancgemuoten leben als in von art si geslaht

If this upsets the fickle ones, what matter? The envy of malevolent people has rarely left decent folk alone. Live in a virtuous manner and let small-minded people follow their own nature.

32 Wie man sich sol an nemen dc man vol bringen mac Sun so der vogel e rehter zit von sinem neste fliegen wil sich selben er vil lihte git den tumben kinden zeinem spil die red ich dir gelichen wil nimstu dich an des du niht maht vol enden und ist dir ze vil daz muostu ligen ane ere lan so wær ferre bezzer dir und wær ez nie gefangen an

32 That one should only take on what one can accomplish Son, when a bird wishes to fly from its nest before its time, it may well find itself turned into a plaything for silly children. I will tell you what this saying means: if you try to undertake something that you cannot complete and it proves too much for you, then you will have to let things lie ignominiously. It would have been far better for you if it had never been begun.

33 Wie man nit zegæh sol sin Sun heb daz du getragen maht daz dir ze swær si daz la ligen swer gern uber haubet vaht der moht dester wirs gesigen dich ist der wisen lop verzigen wil du zi gæhes muotes sin ane allen rat und unverswigen so cumt dir gar daz sprichwort wol des muotes al ze gæher man vil tragen esel riten sol

33 That one should not be hasty Son, lift only what you can carry, and if a burden is too heavy for you, leave it alone. Anyone who likes to fight above his weight will have a harder time winning a victory. You will forfeit the praise of the wise ones if you are too impetuous, rejecting counsel and unable to keep quiet. This proverb would suit you well: the man who acts rashly ends up riding a very lazy donkey.

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34 Wie man wisen ræten volgen sol Sun du solt selten schaffen iht ane diner wisen friunde rat ob dir dar an gelunge niht daz wær niht ein missetat swer wiser lute lere hat und in mit willen volget nach dem get ze sælden uf sin sat diu mær vil dicke zweient sich da von soltu daz beste welen und volge dem daz eret dich

34 That one should follow wise counsel Son, never do anything without the counsel of wise friends; for should things not work out well for you, then it will not be viewed as a failure. Being advised by good people and following them willingly brings good fortune in its wake. Because advice often goes in opposite directions you should chose the best and follow the advice that brings you respect.

35 Wie man den ræten mit werken volgen sol Sun swer sich selben eren wil der nimt getriuwes rates war man fliuset guoter ræte vil an einem hertzen tugende bar swer ratet unde dienet dar da mans ze dienst niht vervaht der fliuset sinen willen gar swaz friund friunt geraten mac er welle selber stiuren sich ez ist in einen bach ein slac

35 That advice should be followed by deeds Son, the man who seeks self-respect takes heed of sincere and trustworthy counsel, for good advice is lost on a heart that lacks all virtue. A man who serves and advises where service goes unrecognized is wasting his time. For no matter what a friend may say to a friend, if the friend wants to go his own way, one might as well speak to the wind.

36 Wie man sich tugend vlizzen sol Sun si iehent all ez brenne fruo daz zer nezzeln werden sol din iunger muot daz selbe tuo daz cumt dir in dem alter wol mit dir ich leides mich erhol min trost ist uf dich einen comen din lip min lip din leit min dol

36 That one should cultivate virtue Son, everyone says that plants that are to become nettles start stinging early.4 May your young mind likewise exhibit virtue early. This will serve you well when you are old.

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got tuo mich zweir sorgen bar daz du iht werdest ungemuot und daz din sel iht misse var

Through you I have recovered from care; my hope lies with you alone. Your joy is my joy, your cares are my sorrow. May God preserve me from two misfortunes: that you should ever despair and that your soul should ever go astray.

37 Wie man sol guot gewonheit haben Drizzik iar ein tore gar der muoz ein narre furbaz sin die wisen sprechent ez si war ez ist vil dicke worden schin und ist ouch der gelaube min gewonheit ist da schuldich an diu git dem libe solhen pin des er von kintheit ist gewon ez si im schad ez si im vrum da cumt er ane got niht von

37 That one should have good habits A man who has been a fool for his first thirty years will remain a fool forever. The wise folk claim that this is true, it has often been shown, and I believe it to be so. Habit is to blame. Be they good or bad, habits that begin in childhood inflict such pain upon a person that it is impossible to escape from them without God’s aid.

38 Wie man die ungetriwen fliehen sol Sun du solt hoveliche sit in dinen sinnen lazzen pfaden behuete dich vor einem snit der tuot an eren grozen schaden da mit was Judas uberladen swer in dem snit noch funden wirt der muoz mit im zer helle baden ich mein untriu uns sæt diu schrift si si der armen sele dort und hie des libes ein vergift

38 That one should flee from traitors Son, let courtly behaviour find a path into your mind and heart. Stay away from the kind of harvest5 that does great damage to your reputation, the kind that burdened Judas. Whoever reaps such a harvest today will bathe in hell with Judas later. I am referring to treachery. The holy scripture tells us that it poisons the body in this world and the poor soul in the next.

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39 Wie man sol sin stætes muotes und wolgezogen Sun du solt kiuscher wort sin und stætes muotes tuostu daz so habez uf die triuwe min du lebest in eren dester baz trag niemen nit und langen haz wis gen den vinden hohgemuot den friunden niht mit dienste laz da bi in zuhten wolgizogen und gruezze den du gruezzen solt so hat dich sælde niht betrogen

39 That one should be steadfast and act courteously Son, use pure words and be steadfast. If you do this, then by my troth I swear that you will live all the more honourably. Bear hatred and vengeance toward no one. Be benevolent toward your enemies. Do not neglect to serve your friends, being courteous and self-disciplined all the while. Greet those to whom you owe greetings. This shows that goodness has lacked nothing in you.

40 Wie man hohfart und gitikeit fliehen sol Sun hohvahrt unde gitikeit diu zwei sint boes nahgebur an den der tiefel sich versneit daz im sin sueze wart ze sur sin schœn swerzer danne ein ur in sleht noch hiut und ummer me ze helle drum ein bitter schur der in den schulden funden wirt dem git in sinem huse rum der selb swarze hellewirt

40 That one should flee from arrogance and greed Son, arrogance and greed make bad neighbours. The devil wounded himself on them so that his sweetness turned to bitterness, his beauty to darkness blacker than an ox, and hailstorms beat down on him in hell to this very day and forevermore. The black fiend of hell provides ample room in his own house for anyone found to be in debt to him.

41 Wie man uber sich niht leben sol Sun ich han lange her vernomen swer uber sich mit hohvart wil daz sin leben mac darzuo comen daz sich vervellet gar sin spil ein ieglich man hat eren vil

41 That one should not overreach oneself Son, I have known for a long time that anyone who seeks to rise above himself arrogantly may find that his life reaches a point

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der reht in siner mazze lebt und uber mizzet niht sin zil swer sich ziuhet und ie zoch daz in sin fuor machet wert der wirt an eren billich hoch

where everything begins to fall apart. Every man is honourable who lives rightly and moderately as befits his station in life, and who does not reach too high. Anyone who controls himself and has always controlled himself, so that his conduct is dignified, will justly have a good reputation.

42 Wie gemach bi eren niht enzimt Sun wil dir lieben guot gemach so muostu eren dich bewegen an iungen manne ich nie gesach diu zwei gelicher wage wegen waz taug ein iunger lip verlegen der ungemach niht liden can noch sinneclich nach eren stegen ez ist mir ane zwivel cunt ez laufet selten wisiu mus slaffender vohen in den munt

42 That sloth does not accord with a good reputation Son, if you desire creature comforts, then you will have to forfeit your good reputation, for I have never seen a young man who could balance them equally. What good is a slothful young man, who can neither bear discomfort nor strive sensibly for virtue? I know without a doubt that no wise mouse will ever run straight into the jaws of a sleeping fox.

43 Wie man niht eren mac haben ane arbeit Sun wizze daz verlegenheit ist gar dem iungen manne ein slac ez si dir offenlich geseit daz niemen ere haben mac noch herzzen liebe sunder clak gar ane cumber und ane not der luhs get so niht in den sac swer sich vor schanden wil befriden der mac giborgen niht dem libe noch dem gut noch den liden

43 That one cannot gain a good reputation without effort Son, know this: slothfulness is indeed a blow to a young man, so let it be said openly to you: no one can have a good reputation or heartfelt love without grief, and sorrow, and trouble. The cat does not just walk into the sack. Anyone who wishes to protect himself from dishonour cannot spare his person or his wealth, or his limbs.

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44 Wie man ze rat niht sol gen ungebeten Sun du solt niht gen ungebeten an friundes noch an vindes rat ez mac den man in schaden weten ob er da sitzet oder stat ob man sin gern hete rat sun da solt niht dringen zuo fur war ez ist ein missetat kumst aber du dar von friundes bet so sliuz die scham fur dinen munt daz sich diu zung iht uber tret

44 That one should not go to a council uninvited Son, never go uninvited to a council, whether it be that of a friend or a foe. It can inflict damage on a man, whether he is sitting or standing at the council, if people would like to be rid of him.6 Son, you must not force your way in; truly, that is a mistake. However, if you have come at the request of a friend, make sure that discretion seals your lips, so that your tongue does not run away with you.

45 Wie man luoder und friheit vliehen sol Sun bædiu luoder unde spil sint libes und der sele val der ane mazze in volgen wil si machent breit huobe smal swer lebt ane er in frier wal der wirt den werden schier unwert und huset in dem affental swer also vliuset sine hab mit disen swachen fuoren zwein der læge baz in einem grab

45 That one should flee from gambling and frivolity Son, gambling and gaming are the downfall of body and soul if a person pursues them immoderately. They will make vast estates small. A person who lives irresponsibly and dishonourably will promptly be shunned by the best company and left to make his home in the valley of apes. Anyone who squanders his possessions like this on these two petty pastimes would be better off dead.

46 Wie dez vertuorers fræud ist ein torheit Sun swen sin sin verleitet so daz er unreht im selben tuot

46 That the happiness of a conceited person is foolishness Son, if someone’s reason so misleads him

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ist er bi wisen luten vro da sol man kiesen toren muot diu riu ist nach der schulde guot ob si von herzzen reht vert ein vol in einer wilden stuot unuzgevangen wirt e zam e daz ein ungeraten lip gewinne ein hertze daz sich scham

that he acts unjustly toward himself, and yet is merry among wise people, they will think him a fool. Repentance that truly comes from the heart is good after a transgression. It would be easier for a colt from a herd of wild horses to become tame without being caught, than for an uncouth person to acquire a heart that knows shame.

47 Wie man sol hus er tuon mit siner hab Sun twing des dinen frien sin daz du ze huse rihtest dich ein teil ich ungereisik bin man tuot und lat unvil durch mich den armen gib snit unde brich mit willen diner reinen hab ob allen ræten daz rat ich ez ist dir guot und wirt och mir ich han in eren her gelebet ze hus wirf ich den slegel dir

47 That one should use one’s possessions to increase the honour of the household Son, force your impulsive spirit to adapt to being at home. I am no longer able to travel much, and nobody takes much notice of me. Give to the poor, divide and apportion your precious possessions willingly: this is the most important advice of all. It will serve you well and me, too. I have lived here honourably up until this moment, and now at home I give the hammer to you.

48 Wie der vater huses hat wol gipflegen Sun ob ich ungeruemet wol und ane unvuoge sprechen mac mit lieb ich dich bescheiden sol sit ich von ersten huses pflac da com ich nie von einen tac min umbesæzzen wizzen wol wie do min wort in eren lac ich het noch vil guoten muot und willig hertze wan daz mir

48 That the father took good care of his house Son, if I may say so without boasting and in the proper way, it gladdens my heart to tell you that from the time I first took over the duties of the house, I have never strayed from honour for as much as a single day. Those who dwell near me know full well

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daz alter grozzen schaden tuot

that mine has always been a word of honour. I am still confident and my heart is willing, but old age has done me much harm.

49 Was zem hus gihort Sun swer daz hus nu haben wil der muoz driu dinch ze stiure han guot milt und zuht so lit sin spil ist er da bi ein frolich man derz wol den luten bieten can so tuot din brot dem nemenden wol und lachent bæd ein ander an sun sint dir niht die tugende bi so mac der gast wol riten fur swie gar er naz und muede si

49 That which belongs to the house Son, the man who wishes to govern his house well must have three things to guide him – wealth, generosity, and self-discipline – and then things will go well. If he is also a cheerful man who can treat all people courteously, then his bread will please the one who takes it, and host and guest will smile at one another. But my son, if you lack these virtues, then your guest might as well ride past, no matter how wet and tired he may be.

50 Was dem geschiht der mit unwitzen hus hat Sun swer mit tugenden huses pfligt der nimt an werdikeit niht ab und also mit der mazze wigt daz im gevallen mac sin hab und cruche der an einen stab Got und der werlte wær er wert die red ich in din hertze grab wil si dar inne wurtzen niht als einem vogel der e zit von nest gefliuget dir geschiht

50 What happens to the one who keeps his house unwisely Son, it does not decrease a man’s dignity to care for his household virtuously, weighing and measuring with moderation, so that his goods and chattels please him. Even if he were to limp along using a cane, he would still be worthy in the eyes of God and the world. I engrave this saying into your heart, and if it does not take root there, then your fate will be like that of the bird that flies too early from its nest.

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51 Wie wol hus er zieret Sun hus er ist ein werdikeit diu bi den hohsten tugenden vert swer si mit schonen sinnen treit wie wol sich der in eren nert! daz guot wirt rainiclich verzert daz niht ein schad geheizzen mac zwen frumen sint da von bischert gotes lon und der werlte danc der disiu zwei verdienen can den richet wol sin acker ganch

51 That household honour is a fine adornment Son, a household’s good reputation is a form of excellence that accompanies the highest virtues. How the man flourishes in honour and respect who carries it with a graceful spirit! His possessions are used up in a pure way that cannot be judged harmful. This honour bestows two benefits: God’s reward and the gratitude of the world. Anyone who can earn these two things truly enriches his farmstead.

52 Wie man warhaft sol sin Sun zwei dinch erent wol den man der sich wil eren mit den zwein so daz er si behalten can daz ein ist ia daz ander ist nein wie ziert golt den edelen stein also tuont wariu wort den lip er ist niht vleisch unz uf daz bein dem also slipfig ist der sin swa er sin ia geheizzen hat daz er sin nein da schrenket hin

52 That one should be truthful Son, two things truly bestow honour upon a man, who wishes to honour himself with both in order to keep them: One is “yes” and the other is “no.” How gold adorns a gemstone! Likewise true words adorn one’s person. Some people are not really flesh all the way through to the bone!7 The mind of such a hypocrite is so slippery that when he has given his “yes,” he weaves his “no” into it.

53 Wie man den ban vliehen sol Sun fliuch daz dich iht bind ein bant daz ist gestricket in der aht daz du gebunden bist ze hant vor got in crefticlicher maht swer wirt in sinen strik braht so daz in findet da der tot

53 That one should avoid excommunication Son, avoid allowing yourself to be fettered by ropes knotted with such great power that you stand

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we im daz sin ie wart gidaht daz bant ist der gedient ban der clemmet in der helle also daz Judas nie die not gewan

tightly bound like a criminal before God. Anyone who dies while caught up in this net, alas, that he was ever born! This fetter is excommunication that is deserved. It presses in hell so badly that even Judas never suffered as much.

54 Waz craft der pan hab Sun dannoch ander craft er træt den er gefazzet an sin seil er nimt im al die Cristenheit gemein und aller sælden teil sin wundiu sele wirt niht heil kumt er mit reht nit der von ie grozzer wirt der sælden meil gebet almosen ist verloren und swaz er guotes mac getuon die wil in stichet dirre dorn

54 The power of excommunication Son, excommunication carries another power as well, for the one who is fastened to its rope is removed from all of Christendom and from all salvation. His wounded soul cannot be healed, and if he does not escape from it in the right way, the blemish on his salvation will grow larger and larger. Even prayer and alms are useless, as are any good deeds he might perform, while he has this thorn in his side.

55 Wie man missetat fliehen sol Sun fluoch sint ein bitter crut strazze und ir stige gern mit si mac verlaiten dir din hut swi guot geleit man dir git gerihtes uber dich ist zit swa man dich hœret oder siht die wil uf dir ir poy lit da la dich inne niht versmiden kein zung und ist der rihter guot mac dich vor tode niht befriden

55 That one should avoid crime Son, being outlawed8 is a bitter herb, so be sure to avoid travelling down that bumpy path. It can cause you to let down your guard and lead you astray, no matter how good the escort you have been given. It always determines your legal condition wherever you are seen or heard as long as its fetters lie on you. Do not allow yourself to be locked into this condition;

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for no matter how persuasive the speaker or how good the judge, they cannot protect you from death. 56 Hie git der vater ein ende sinem rate Sun ich wil dir nu niht mere sagen der mazz ein zil gestozzen si du maht sin allez niht getragen nim uz den ræten allen dri leg si dem herzzen nahen bi ob ez niht bezzer werden mac wirt gotes minne nimmer fri wis warhaft zuhtic sunder wanc manc tugent ir fluz nimt von den drin bihalt si wol hab immer danc’

56 Here the father finishes his advice Son, I am finished talking. Let moderation be given its due. You cannot cope with all this. From all this advice, at least keep three things uppermost in your mind and close to your heart: never stray from the love of God, speak the truth, and act courteously at all times. Many other virtues flow from these three. Follow them well and always be grateful.’

The Continuations

The Continuations

57 Hie antwurt der sun dem vater ‘Vater du hast væterlichen mir geraten als ein wiser man ich wil vil gern volgen dir ob mir got siner helfe gan diu alliu dinc vollenden can sin unvolmezzen hohiu tugent bit ich immer unde man daz ich im hie ze dienste leb also daz er mir drumbe dort sins vater himelriche geb

57 Here the son answers his father ‘Father, you have advised me in a fatherly way like a wise man. I wish to follow your advice, and may God help me to do so, he who perfects all things. Always I pray to his immeasurable, lofty virtue, admonishing myself to serve him in this world, so that he will grant me in the next his Father’s heavenly kingdom.

58 Wie wertlichiu wunne ist ein mist Vater ich bin ein kint doch sich ich wol

58 That worldly bliss is filth Father, I am but a child, but I see full well

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daz disiu werlt ein gauckel ist ir vræud erlischet als ein col ir bestiu wunne wirt ein mist ir trost ist gar ein ungenist si lat ir friund in swacher hab des du wol innan worden bist du hast ie her gedienet ir nu merke waz ir trugeheit ze lon hab gigeben dir

that this world is nothing but an illusion. Its joy burns out like coal, its best bliss is turned into filth, its hope nothing but dejection. It leaves its friends weak and frail as you indeed have come to know full well. You have always served the world up to now; now ponder what her deceit will bestow upon you as a reward.

59 Wie widerstendlich daz alter ist Vater alter lip und muediu lit diu zwei sint din mit voller hab du wærd e snel nu gat din trit ze nahen leider bi dem stab da gruset mir von schulden ab ob din schuld manicvalt dem lib volget hinz dem grab din rat ist cranch ob daz geschiht des mannes wistum ist niht guot ist er im selber wise niht

59 That old age is arduous Father, old age and an exhausted body, these two things are completely yours. Once you moved swiftly, but now your steps, alas, follow along closely beside your cane. I have good reason to fear that your many transgressions will follow your body into the grave. If that were to happen, all your advice would be worthless, for a man’s wisdom is no good if it does not serve to make him wise.

60 Wie der alt sol guot bild geben Vater wisem man schone zimt daz er tuo wol mit stæten siten da bi ein tumber bilde nimt daz wurd vil lihte sus vermiten ein alter man mit tumben siten der niht bidenket waz er ist und waz got durch in hat erliten der ist in toren aht gemuot ez ist ein lop vor allem lob der an dem ende rehte tuot

60 That the aged should set a good example Father, it is fitting for a wise man to act well and remain steadfast in his ways. An ignorant man can use this as an example, which otherwise he would probably neglect. But an old man with foolish ways who does not think of what he is and what God has endured for his sake

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is like a half-wit. Above all, praise be to him who does right in the long run. 61 Hier rat der (erg sun) dem vater das si sich bigeben Vater mit urlaub wil ich dir min hertz entsliezzen uber al ez mac sich niht verhelen bi mir du solt fur diner siunden val legen uf din eigen ein spital und solt dich selber ziehen drin ich var mit dir in frier wal alle unser hab sol wir dar zelen und fur der werlt trugeheit daz suozze himelriche weln

61 Here the son9 advises the father that they abandon the world Father, with your permission I will open my heart fully to you. I cannot be silent about this. Because of your sins and transgressions you should build a hospice on your estate10 and enter it yourself. I will go with you out of my own free will. Let us endow it with all of our worldly goods and instead of the treachery of the world choose the sweetness of the heavenly kingdom.’

62 Hie wil im der vater volgen Sun die red uz dem herzzen din gesprochen hat ein wiser geist ich fræu mich in dem hertzen min daz du von got so vil weist des rates wil ich sin volleist wan du stuont ie minem willen nach doch liez ich durch dich aller meist ich han gelebt nu lieben tac daz du zi got dich wilt bigeben und ich mit dir gebuezzen mac

62 Here the father agrees to follow him ‘Son, this speech, which came from your heart, was spoken by a wise spirit. I am happy from the bottom of my heart that you know so much about God. I will carry out and complete that which you advise, for it was always my intention, but primarily on your account I refrained from doing so. I have now experienced the joyous day in which you wish to devote yourself to God and I can atone together with you.

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63 Wie sich der vater fræut Sun swaz ich fræuden ie gewan die sint bi disen fræuden blint sid ich von dir vernomen han daz dir die sund unmære sint ich sag dir hertzen liebez kint wir kauffen in dem sacke niht an dinem muote niht erwint ob wir hie unser zwivel leben umb einez daz uns immer wert mit fræuden willeclich geben’

63 That the father rejoices Son, whatever joy I knew is blind in comparison to the joy I feel since I learned from you that you shun sin. I tell you, beloved child, never give up on this purpose; for if we exchange, freely and happily, this insecure life for one that will last forever, then we are not buying a pig in a poke.’11

64 Hie weint der vater und troest in der sun Uz augen muost er wange baden von herzenliebe daz geschach der sun sprach ‘vater ir tuot iu schaden ir volgen wibes siten nach die man ie lihte wainen sach da hœret niht wan fræude zuo und hie des libes ungemach ez ist niht ein kindes spil der mit des libes arbeit ze rehte sunde buezzen wil’

64 Here the father cries and the son comforts him The tears rolled down his cheeks and this happened out of heartfelt love. The son said: ‘Father, you are hurting yourself. You are acting like a woman, for they often cry. But heaven calls for nothing but happiness and in this world discomfort for the body. It is not child’s play to rightly atone for one’s sins with physical toil.’

65 Hie bit er got daz er im war riu verlih ‘Got herre die dine Trinitat und dine starken goteheit erbarmen sol min missetat ich man dich diner barmekeit diu rehte riuwe ist bereit daz du mir rehte riuwe gebst

65 Here he asks God to grant him true contrition ‘Lord God, my misdeeds should move your Trinity and your mighty Godhead to pity. I implore your mercy,

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so daz mir si von schulden leit daz ie der lip gesundet hat daz iht des si diu sele pfant durch dine tugend des hilf mir ab

which is moved by genuine remorse, to grant me true contrition so that I will with reason regret whatever sins my body has committed. If my soul is the security for this loan, may the power of your goodness help me to redeem it.

66 Hie bigert er daz im gischeh als dem schacher am Cruz Got herr du weist wol daz ich bin von sunden ein vertiefter man und daz min sælden frier sin noch stæte riuwe nie gewan sid ich mich sunden erst versan nu bin ich in min alter comen und ruoffe dine marter an und dine tugent manicvalt daz als dem schacher mir gischeh der spater riu nie engalt

66 Here he yearns for the same fate as that of the thief on the cross Lord God, you know full well that I am a man sunk in sin, and that I have been lacking in grace and constant contrition ever since I first began thinking about sin. Now I have grown old, and pray to your martyrs and to your manifold virtues that I should fare as the thief on the cross who was spared in spite of his late contrition.

67 Hie clagt er daz er sich niht hat bigeben Ich bin in den wingarten braht durch buwen hawen unde ieten und han mich leider uber daht daz ich vil fruo wart dar gibeten daz ich den rat han uber treten und hat daz alter mit gewalt in sinem stricke mich geweten daz ich verslaffen han die zit da von muoz ich ze danke nemen ein lon daz mir der meister git

67 Here he laments that he did not give up sin I was brought to the vineyard to farm, and prune, and weed, but alas I forgot that I was summoned early, and I failed to take heed of good advice, and I have overslept. Now old age has violently bound me to its yoke; and because of this I must accept whatever reward the Master gives me. (68. Not in Berlin mgf 474)

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68 Hie vergiht er siner sunde Du bist genædic unde guot milt und erbarmich herre got dem sundær ob er sinen muot von sunden nimt durch din gibot so starc ist miner sunden not ez under var din gotlich tugent diu ie den rehten helfe bot min sel muoz in buoze clagen daz minen lip min muoter ie ze disen noten hat getragen

68 (69)12 Here he speaks of his sins You are full of grace and goodness, generosity and mercy, Lord God, to the sinner, if he turns his mind away from sin at your command. So great is the distress caused by my sins that if your divine virtue, which has always offered help to the righteous, does not intervene, my soul must lament as penance that my mother ever bore this body of mine into such torment.

69 Hie vleht er aber got umb sin sunde Got herre sit diu cleinen kint von ir geburte tages alt niht gar von sunden reine sint wie wirt ez danne um mich gestalt des hat din barmikeit gewalt min pfant stet leider uf den schaden des ich noch nie ein teil vergalt hilf herre ich mac vergelten niht din milt diu sol mir stiur geben der pfander grozzer buozze giht

69 (70) Here he again implores God on account of his sins Lord God, since even tiny children, only a day old, are not entirely free of sin, what is going to happen to me? Your mercy is sovereign here. Alas, I have pledged to give recompense for losses and have not repaid even a small part. Help me, Lord, for I cannot repay. May your grace sustain me. The pawnbroker13 exacts a high payment.

70 Wie got weiz alliu taugen Got dir sint alliu hertzen cunt ein winkel nie so enge wart von oben unz uf der erde grunt der diner wisheit wær verspart din tugend sint in reiner art daz du den sundær niht vertuost

70 (71) That God knows all secrets God, you see into all hearts. There is no corner of the earth from its depths to its heights that is hidden from your wisdom. Your goodness is so pure that you do not renounce the sinner

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geriuwet in der sunden vart und hat ze buozze vesten sin du sihest in min herzen wol daz ich in stæter riuwe bin

if he has repented of his sinful ways and is resolved to do penance. I know that you see in my heart that I repent truly and continually.

71 Hie bitte er got daz er im buoz gunne Got die gab hastu mir gigeben gip mir noch diner helfe me laz mich noch hie als lange leben daz mir gischehe in buozze we ze wol ist mir gewesen e ich lie durch din vorhte niht durch dine lieb alsam awe sol ich daz hie gebuezzen niht die wil ich in der werlte gileb wi we mir danne dort geschiht

71 (72) Here he begs God to allow him to do penance You have given me gifts, now give me your help as well. Allow me to live long enough that I may do penance and suffer. Things have gone too well for me until now, and I, alas, have not ceased out of fear of you nor out of love for you! If I do not atone for that here, while I am still living in this world, how dreadfully I will suffer in the next!

72 Hie mant er got bi den hiligen Maria Magdalena was mit haubt sunden uberladen von starker riuwe si genas man sach si dine fuezze baden mit zæhern fur der sunden schaden dem milten Job ze teile wart ir sunde swunden alle von dir Sant Johens wart mit luppe vergeben du hilf uns herre von unser not du gæb in dort ein immer leben

72 (73) Here he implores God in the name of the saints Mary Magdalene was overburdened with mortal sins, but she was healed on account of her deep repentance and was seen bathing your feet with her tears to atone for her sins, of which patient Job partook as well.14 All of their sins vanished thanks to you. Saint John was forced to drink poison. Deliver us, Lord, from our misery, you who gave them eternal life.

73 Hie mant er got bi Jonas und bi den drien kinden Din ungemezzen craft Jonam (daz muoz man fur ein wunder

73 (74) Here he implores God in the name of Jonah and the Three Children Your vast might

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wegen) uz eines visches wambe nam dar inne er was dri tag gelegen drien kinden half din goetlich segen daz in diu flamme niht en tet ich bin in sunden gar verlegen daz riuwet mich und ist mir leit du maht ouch wunder an mir tuon so creftic ist din barmekeit

rescued Jonah from the belly of a whale, in which he had lain for three days. This is truly a miracle. Your divine blessing helped three children escape the flames. I am slothful in my sinfulness, which I now repent and am sorry for. You could still perform a miracle on me, so great is your mercy.

74 Hie gert er das in got bewar vor hohfart Got din craft ist allen creften vor du niderst hohist swen du wil waz half daz Nabuchodonosor gewaltes het und richeit vil von hochvart sich verviel sin spil daz er ze walde wilde lief der tag ein lanc gemezzen zil an allen vieren cleider bar vor dinem zoren den ich han verdienet herre mich bewar

74 (75) Here he begs God to preserve him from arrogance Lord God, your might is above all other mightiness. You raise up and cast down whomever you will. What good did vast power and wealth do for Nebuchadnezzar? His way of life collapsed because of his pride, and he ran wild in the woods day in and day out on all fours, naked. Preserve me, Lord, from your anger, which I deserve.

75 Wie guet diu war riwe ist Wie moht ich allez daz vol sagen daz du ie her gewundert hast ich muoz dir min sunde clagen der trag ich alzeswæren last ich wær in gern ein fromder gast swi gar ich sunden mælich si doch wont in mir der riu ein ast der ist von diner maht beliben ich troeste mich diu riu ist guot

75 (76) That true contrition is good How can I possibly tell in full all your miracles here on earth? I must lament my sins to you, for the burden I bear because of them is too heavy. I would like to be rid of them. Although I am stained by sin, there still resides in me a bud of contrition

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daz vind ich in dem blat geschriben

that has survived because of your power. I console myself with the knowledge that contrition is good; this I find written in the scripture.

76 Hie tuot er sin bihte Got ich tuon min bihte dir als ein sundær sol und muoz erzeige dine helfe mir so daz mir werde sorgen buoz die wil ich mac hant unde fuoz gerueren des muoz ich dich biten magt unde muoter durch den gruoz den dir von got der engel sprach ze dinem kinde sprich min wort din helf ie starken kumber brach

76 (77) Here he makes his confession Now I confess to you as a sinner ought and must. Show me your help so that I can be relieved of my sins while I can still move hand or foot. I implore you, Maid and Mother, on account of the greeting from God that the angel spoke to you: speak a word on my behalf to your Child. Your help has always alleviated great sorrow.

77 Hie vleht er got umb hulde Got ich han der werlte mich bewegen und sol nu als ein sundik man in riu und och in buozze leben we daz ich ie den muot gewan der wider dich iht hat getan daz riuwet mich und ist mir leit nu la mich din hulde han nach bezzerunge herre got genædiclichen uber mich erge din wille und din gibot

77 (78) Here he begs God for his favour Lord God, I have given up the world and will now, as a sinful man, live in contrition and penance. I regret that in the past I was not mindful of acting in your spirit. Woe is me, I am sorry for that. Now let me enjoy your favour and let me atone, Lord God: may your will and commandment be done mercifully on me. (79. Not in Berlin mgf 474)

78 Hie vergit er und entsæt sich allez sinez guotes Von herzzen in vergeben si

78 (80) Here he renounces and gives away all his worldly possessions I forgive from the bottom of my heart

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die mir ie her getaten leit min aigen liut ich lazze fri min huoben gelt smal unde breit daz man mir buet unde sneit fur aigen des verzih ich mich ich hanz uf ein Spital gileit ez sol furbaz der armen sin ich und min ein geborner sun zuo in uns wellen ziehen drin’

those who have ever done me wrong. I now free my bondsmen. I forego the land duties owed to me, large and small, and whatever has been planted and harvested for me as fealty.15 These things I have bestowed on a hospice that will serve the poor. My only son and I will go and dwell there with them.’

NOTES 1 The use of the personal pronoun ‘she’ to refer to the world reflects the popular medieval topos of the fickle Lady World, deceiving her followers with her seductive charms and her fleeting joys in this life, and distracting their attention from more important matters, such as the salvation of their souls. Lady World is frequently portrayed by medieval poets and artists as beautiful of face but horrible from behind, whose back is full of crawling reptiles. There are many famous sculptural representations of Lady World on Gothic cathedrals in continental Europe, as well as a famous poem by the most illustrious of medieval German poets, Walther von der Vogelweide, Frô Welt, ir sult dem wirte sagen (L 100,24). The speaker in Der Winsbecke accuses Lady World of using false weights when she weighs one’s portion on her scales (she has the proverbial ‘heavy thumb’), that is to say, she cheats. The symbolism of false weights and measures is another frequently used topos in medieval literature. The metaphor, however, is hard to translate for lack of an adequate English equivalent. 2 Note the Eucharistic imagery here. The High Middle Ages are marked by renewed interest in the body (seen, for example, in the sacrament of the Eucharist or in the veneration of relics). The Eucharistic symbolism culminates in the late medieval feast, Corpus Christi. 3 These are characters from the popular Middle High German epic Parzival, written by Wolfram von Eschenbach. Gahmuret, Parzival’s father, is an exemplary knight and hero. The Moorish queen is a reference to Belacane, Gahmuret’s first wife. There is a discrepancy in this stanza between Berlin mgf 474 and other versions of Der Winsbecke. According to Leitzmann/Reiffenstein, Belacane gives Gahmuret herself (her own body, lîp) rather than her people (liut), which is the variant in Berlin mgf 474.

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4 The opening line is a very popular Middle High German proverb, which Anderson translates as follows: ‘Everyone says that whatever is bound to become a nettle begins to sting early’ 5 The word snit is key to the imagery of this stanza. It has two, related meanings: ‘cut, wound, or gash’ and ‘harvest,’ which is often used in religious texts. The latter meaning seems to give more coherence to the imagery, but there may be a pun at work here as well. The word snit also occurs in Die Winsbeckin, stanza 19 (17), where the meaning is clearly ‘cut, gash, wound.’ 6 Another pun? The phrase rat hân means ‘to be rid of.’ The word rat also means ‘council’ or ‘advice,’ thus allowing for an alternative translation ‘when you are being asked for support.’ 7 The image here echoes Walther von der Vogelweide (L 67,31): mich dunket, der dû hâst gegert, / diu sî niht visch unz an den grât (It seems to me that those things which you [the body] have desired are not fish all the way to the bone). 8 Leitzmann/Reiffenstein substitute âhte (ban, ‘the state of having lost all of one’s legal rights and protections’), which appears in other manuscripts, for Berlin mgf 474’s fluoch (curses). We have followed their lead. The previous stanza is concerned with excommunication, a religious ban. This stanza discusses the corresponding secular punishment. 9 Der in the title refers to the son. Erg is the Latin ergo. 10 In line five, the noun eigen has a specific feudal, legal meaning. It refers to allodial property, that is to say, lands or rights that a lord owns outright, in contrast to lands or rights for which he or she, as a vassal, owes feudal duties. We chose to translate it more generally, as ‘estate.’ 11 The final line means ‘don’t buy something sight unseen.’ The German image is that one should not buy ‘the cat in a sack.’ We have used instead the common English phrase, ‘a pig in a poke,’ and have transposed it four lines, to the final position. 12 From this point on the stanza numbers of our edition and those of Leitzmann/ Reiffenstein no longer overlap. The first number represents the stanza number in Berlin mgf 474, while the number in parentheses refers to the stanza’s number in Leitzmann/Reiffenstein. 13 The pawnbroker is traditionally the devil. Again, an echo of Walther von der Vogelweide, Frô Welt, ir sult dem wirte sagen (L 100,24). 14 Leitzmann/Reiffenstein correct Berlin mgf 474 and adopt a variant reading. Their version is worth including here because it refers to Job’s leprosy (miste) instead of Job’s patience (milte): ‘Dem miste Jôb ze teile wart: / in riuwen âzen in die maden. / sant Jôhans wart mit lüppe vergeben. / ir sünden swunden alle von dir: / dû gæbe in dort ein immerlebe’ (Job was stricken with leprosy, / and the worms ate him in his misery. / Saint John was forced to drink poison. / All their sins vanished thanks to you. / You gave them there an eternal life). Reading miste instead of milte

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requires the reconceptualization of the verse’s imagery and a reorganization of the stanza’s syntax. 15 The father uses a series of specific legal terms to endow a hospice, doing so in a way that reflects common aristocratic practices throughout Europe. He frees his aigenliut (serfs). He then goes on to transfer manorial duties and land services from his lordship to a new lord, namely, the Spital (hospice), which he and his son will enter.

Die Winsbeckin

Die Winsbeckin

1 Ditz buoch sæt nu von der frawen werdikeit Wir frawen wolten moht ez sin der von dem lib wær guot daz er den offenbæren schin mit tugenden liezze wol behuot swi wol erz under dem helme tuot er hat uns frawen niht gewert ern hab da bi doch hubschen muot wir frawen loben deheines tat der uzzen lehen kæppelin und heim gezogen schande hat

1 (1a)1 This book now speaks of the dignity of women If it were possible, we women would wish that a good-looking man would let his outward appearance be safeguarded by inner virtue. Regardless of how well he performs as a warrior, he does not impress us unless his spirit is chivalrous as well. We women refuse to praise the deeds of anyone who to the outside world is cloaked in lordliness but behaves shamefully at home.

2 Wie die frawen habent unzæm meisterschaft Wir frawen haben nu meister me denne uns diu maze schuldik si ir besem zoh die besten e nu ist uns manges besem bi der selb ist aller zuhte fri mih muet der niht gemezzen can mit rehter fuoge fuezze dri daz der den frawen mezzen wil

2 (1b) That women are subjected to inappropriate control We women now have more masters than moderation owes us. Only the best men once wielded its rod, but now the rod of many a man, who himself lacks all virtue, falls upon us. It troubles me that such a man, who cannot

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nach cranker ler ir luter leben der meisterschaft ist gar ze vil

measure even three feet appropriately, wants to measure the pure life of women with his feeble criteria. There is too much of this mastery.

3 Hie ratet ein muoter ir tohter Ein wiplich wip in zuhten sprach ze ir tohter der si schone pflac wol mich daz ich dich ie gesach gehohet si der suezze tac da din geburt von erst an lac sit ich mit ganzer warheit wol mit wiser volge sprechen mac din anblick si eins maien zit got sul wir immer gerne loben der also riche gabe git

3 (1) Here a mother advises her daughter A womanly woman spoke modestly to her daughter, whom she cared for well: ‘How fortunate am I to have seen you! Blessed be the sweet day on which you were born, for now I can say with complete truthfulness and with the agreement of wise people that the light of you is like a beautiful day in May. Let us be eager to praise God who has bestowed such abundant gifts.’

4 Hie antwurt diu tohter Des volg ich liebiu muoter dir ich lob in so ich beste can er sol der sinne helfen mir daz ich in seh mit vorhten an durh sin tugend ich in des man ich sol nach sinen hulden leben ob ich mir selber eren gan vater und muoter suln diu kint wol eren daz hat er giboten wol in die des gehorsam sint

4 (2) Here the daughter answers ‘Dear mother, I will obey you in this and praise him as best I can. May he help me to have the good sense to look upon him with awe. God’s virtue helps me bear in mind that I should live in his grace if I wish to have honour myself. Children should honour their father and mother, for he has commanded it. Blessed are those who obey this commandment.’

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5 Hie ratet di muoter ir tohter Vil liebiu tohter mir behagt din red und ouch din antwurt wol uf den muot min triu mich iagt daz ich dirz beste raten sol ez wurd minez herzen dol ob din lop wiplich und ganz von dinen schulden wurden hol da von uns beide got bewar und siner lieben muoter craft daz din muot immer so gevar

5 (3) Here the mother advises her daughter ‘My dearest daughter, I am deeply pleased by what you say and by your answer. My sense of loyalty urges me toward the state of mind of giving you the best advice. It would break my heart if your perfect reputation as a woman were to become hollow through some fault of yours. May God and the power of his dear mother protect the two of us and keep your spirit from ever going in that direction.’

6 Hie ræt diu tohter Sag liebiu muoter und sprich wie und waz din wille si ich han des gar vereinet mich ich wil dir sin mit volge bi diu iugent wil fro sin und fri der bæder han ich mich bewegen diu hohfart vellet eren zwi sich wil min herze lazsen nider swelh wip cumpt nu swachez wort wie muelich si sich verrihtet wider

6 (4) Here the daughter speaks ‘Advise me, dear mother, and tell me what you wish of me and why. I am resolute and wish to obey and follow you. Youth wishes to be happy and carefree, but I have rejected those two things. Pride cuts down the branch of honour, and I wish to humble my heart. How difficult it will be for any woman who acquires a bad reputation to straighten herself out again.’

7 Hie ræt diu muoter Trut kint du solt sin hochgemuot darunder doch in zuhten leben so wirt din lop den besten guot und stet din rosen cranz dir eben den eren gernden soltu geben

7 (5) Here the mother speaks ‘Dear child, be high-spirited and at the same time behave modestly. Then your reputation will be good enough for the best company

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ze reht dinen werden gruoz und laz in dinem hertzen sweben scham unde mazze uf stæten pin schiuz wilder blicke niht ze vil da lose merkær bi dir sin

and your rose garland will suit you well. It is fitting that you give to those who strive for honour a dignified welcome. Be eager to let modesty and moderation always abide in your heart. Do not cast wild glances when insolent spies are anywhere near you.’

8 Da spricht diu tohter Scham und mazse sint zwo tugent die gebent uns frawen hohen pris wil si got lieben miner iugent so gruonet miner sælden ris und mac in zuhten werden gris bewis liebiu muoter mich der red baz ich bin niht wis wie wilde blicke sin gestalt wie wa ich die vermiden sul daz si mich machen iht ze balt

8 (6) Here the daughter speaks ‘Modesty and moderation are two virtues for which we women receive high praise. If God would gladden my youth with them, a branch of my good fortune will flourish, and I may well grow old with dignity. Dear mother, explain to me better (I am not wise) what these wild glances are like and how and where I am to avoid them, so that they do not make me too bold.’

9 Diu muoter spricht Ez heizzent wilde blicke wol als ich ze hof bewiset bin als ein wip fur sich sehen sol daz ir diu augen vliegent hin sam ob si hab unstæten sin und ane mazze daz geschiht daz ist ir lob ein ungewin die meldær merkent unser sit tewing diniu augen dester baz daz rat ich tohter unde bit

9 (7) The mother speaks ‘As it was explained to me at court, wild glances mean that instead of looking straight ahead as a woman should, her eyes dart about immoderately, as though she were flighty. It damages her reputation, for gossipers are always taking note of our behaviour. Control your eyes better than that,

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this I advise and ask of you, my daughter.’ 10. Diu tohter Fuer war dir muoter si gesagt swie clein ich hab der iare zal daz mir diu fuore niht behagt swelch wip diu augen uf ze tal in dem haubet fuert als einen bal dar under ouch gelachet vil der briset niht diu zuht ir sal ich wæn och daz Juncfrawen muot diu ane vorht wirt erzogen nah irem sit vil dicke tuot

10 (8). The daughter ‘Truly, mother, let it be said to you, that while I may be young in years such behaviour does not please me when a woman moves her eyes up and down, and rolls them around like a ball, and laughs a lot while she is doing it. Modesty does not grace her chamber.2 It seems to me that the spirit of a maiden who has been raised without fear is apparent in her behaviour.’

11. Diu muoter Sint wisiu werch den worten bi so sint die sinne niht betrogen sint aber si guoter sinne fri so sint diu wisen werch gilogen von nest ein vogel ze fruo geflogen der wirt den kinden liht ein spil die federn werdent im gezogen daz mac dir libez kint geschehen hastu in iugent gar wisiu wort und last dich tumbe an werchen sehen

11 (9). The mother ‘When wise deeds accompany one’s words then one’s wisdom is not a pretence. But if what you say lacks good sense then the wise deeds are a lie. A bird that has flown from the nest too early easily becomes the plaything of children, who pluck its feathers. That is what can happen to you, dear child, if in your youth you are very clever with words but show yourself to be unwise by your actions.’

12. Hie ræt diu tohter Sint miniu wort wis ane werch des lob ich niht ez ist enwiht zwiu solt mir ein guldin berch

12 (10). Here the daughter speaks ‘I do not regard it as praiseworthy if my words are wise but not supported by my deeds; that is meaningless.

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des ich geniezzen mohte niht ein auge lieht daz niht gesiht daz zeiget selten guoten werk waz ob diu sælde mir geschiht daz ich in bæden ob gelig und diner lere volge so daz ich untugenden an gesig

What good would a mountain of gold do me if I could not enjoy it? A bright eye that is blind seldom sees the right path. But what if I am fortunate enough to master both words and deeds, and to follow your teachings so well that I conquer wrongdoing?’

13 Hie wunschet ir diu muoter tugend Got geb daz dir din dinch erge als du hast muot und gidanc waz wil ich danne fræuden me wirt din lop niht von schulden cranch des sagent dir die besten danch weistu niht wie diu suezze maget Lunet nach lob mit tugenden ranch vil lihte dir auch daz geschiht ob man niht durch frien muot uz wibes tugenden brechen siht

13 (11) Here the mother wishes for virtue for her daughter ‘May God grant that your life proceed for you in the ways you intend and desire. What greater joy can I wish for than that your reputation never have a reason to be damaged? The best company will be grateful for that. Do you remember how that sweet maiden, Lunette,3 struggled virtuously for a good reputation? That may happen to you as well, as long as impulsiveness does not cause you4 to break with women’s virtues.’

14 Si bitte ir muoter daz sis zuht und er ler Diu wehsel red ein ende hab die sul wir uf daz riche geben daz dester grozzer si sin hab und lere mich nach eren leben gebaren unde sprechen eben daz ich den wisen wol bihag daz wil ich nimmer ubergeben tuon ich niht den willen din so hastu dich enbunden wol und muoz ich eine schuldic sin

14 (12) She asks her mother to teach her about modesty and honour ‘Let this part of our conversation be at an end. We must pass these treasures on to the empire in order to increase its possessions. Now teach me how to live honourably and how to act and speak moderately, so that I am pleasing to wise people, for that I will never give up. If I fail to do your will,

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then you will be free of reproach and I alone will be to blame.’ 15 Hie lert si si zuht und er Wis liebiu tohter wol gemuot daz doch der zuht die sinne pflegen wis stæter sit von herzen guot so hastu guoter liute segen mahtu die tugent uf gewegen dir wirt von mangem werden man mit wunschen nahen bi gilegen soltu mit sælden werden alt zuo der schoene die du hast durh dich verswendet wirt der walt

15 (13) Here she teaches her about modesty and honour ‘Beloved daughter, be even-tempered, so that your mind governs your modesty. Be constant and good-hearted, and then you will be blessed by virtuous people. If you can rise in virtue, then many a worthy man will lie with you in his dreams. If you are to grow old with good fortune together with the beauty you already possess, then forests will be laid waste on your account.’5

16 Si giht si welle ir volgen Sol muoter mir daz ein ere sin ob man min wunschet uf ein stro dez ahtent niht die sinne min daz im von hertzen si also ich wil in zuhten wesen fro als minen iaren wol an stat min lop in eren ziehen hoch daz ie der werden wille waz ich wil dar an unschuldick sin ob man min wunschet uf daz gras

16 (14) She says she will obey her ‘Mother, is this supposed to honour me, that someone fancies a roll in the hay with me? My sense of reason cannot accept that he might actually want this. I seek to rejoice modestly, in a manner that suits my age, and to raise my reputation for honour, as was always the desire of noble people. I do not want to be held responsible if someone wants to tumble with me on the grass.’

17 Diu muoter giht man ger der tohter mit gedanken Gedanke sint den liuten fri

17 (15) The mother states that men desire her daughter in their thoughts ‘People are free to think

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und wunschen sam weistu dez niht daz maht du verstan da bi so man ein wip ie schoner siht der man in tugenden ere giht der wunschet ir wirt imez niht me hat er zeminne muotes iht ein ieglich sin des hohsten gert so man gidenchet oft an dich und wunschet din so bistu wert

and likewise to desire. Do you not know that? You should be able to understand from this that when a man sees a woman as more and more beautiful, and people attribute honour to her for her virtues, he desires her, although he can have nothing more. Every sense desires the ideal if it has any longing for love. If someone thinks of you often and desires you, then you are valuable.’6

18 Hie ræt diu tohter Daz ich der werden lop beiag da wil ich immer iagen nach den swachen ich unwillen trag die man untat ie werben sach ein wiser man hievore sprach ze swacher heimlich wirt man siech diu bruevet schand und ungemach ein ieglich man mac wunschen min swem aber min schappel werden sol der muoz vil wol gevieret sin

18 (16) Here the daughter speaks ‘In order that I may attain the praise of noble people, I shall always pursue it. I bear ill will toward base people, who have been seen committing evil deeds again and again. A wise man once said that joining ignoble company makes one ill and provokes shame and distress. Any man may desire me, but the one to whom my garland is granted must be squarely steadfast.’

19 Hie lert diu muoter aber ir tohter Du sprichest wol min liebez kint der suezzen red ich dir wol gan wer weiz nu wa die stæten sint vil missewendich sint die man si tragent helecæppel an ze guoten wiben suezziu wort

19 (17) Here the mother teaches her daughter ‘My dear child, you speak well, and I am pleased to hear your sweet words. But how does one know where the steadfast men are?

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diu meiste menge sprechen can doch merenthalp niht ane schaden versnident dich ir kæppel snit du muost diu wang uz augen baden

Men are very tricky; they wear magic hooded cloaks. Most of them can speak sweet words to good women, but for the most part not without harm. If you are cut and wounded by their seductive magic, your cheeks will be wet with tears.’

20 Hie antwurt diu tohter Waz aht ich uf ir kæppelin da si ir friunt versnident mit ich getru dem stæten hertzen min mich vahet niht ir wehsel sit min stætez hertze wol enbirt daz ez mich vrid vor ir untat ich furhte niht ir wehsel snit die suln mich vinden in der aht daz mich iht trieg ir losiu red got geb in allen guote naht

20 (18) Here the daughter answers ‘Why should I care that they cut and wound their friends with the help of their little capes? I trust my steadfast heart,7 and their deceptive ways will not capture me. My steadfast heart will not fail to protect me from their evil deeds. I do not fear their clever cuts, for they will find me on my guard against their deceptive, loose talk. May God give them all a good night.

21 Wie diu wip solten stæter sin Si sagent wir wip haben kurzen muot und da bi alle langez har dem gelich vil mangiu leider tuot so si daz sprichwort machet war swi ez um der manne unstæte var wir wip solten doch stæter sin ob ichz in hulden reden getar und truegen in gemeinen haz die niht ir zuht an uns bewarent si schonten unser dester baz

21 (19) That women should be more steadfast They say that we women have little wit but long hair, and, unfortunately, many women behave in a way that makes the proverb come true. No matter how things stand with men’s inconstancy, we women should be even more constant and, if I dare say so, bear enmity toward those men who do not exercise self-restraint toward us.

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They will be more considerate of us if we do this. 22 Wie diu wip sulen guetlich versagen Ez ist komen her in alten siten vor manegen iaren unde tagen daz man diu wip sol guetlich biten und lieplich in dem hertzen tragen so sulen si zuhticlich versagen oder aber ze sinneclich gewern daz siz her nach niht enclagen diu spæte riuwe ist en wiht dar zuo der wandelbæren spot her nach so der schad geschiht

22 (20) That women should decline nicely It has long been the custom, from many days and many years ago, that men woo women nicely and bear them tenderly in their hearts. And women are meant to decline with true modesty or to fend them off so wisely that men do not complain about it afterwards. Regrets and the mockery of fickle people are both pointless when the damage is done.’

23 Hie sprichet diu muoter Du bist der sinne uf rehtem weg des frau ich mich vil liebez kint behalt si wol in diner pfleg daz dich diu Minne iht mache blint vil wisiu hertz enzundent sich von ir gewalt dest mir wol cunt die red ze beine niht enbint wiltu dich ir gewaltes weren so muez got dinen iungen lip mit siner starken craft erneren

23 (21) Here the mother speaks ‘Your good sense is on the right road, and that pleases me, my dearly beloved child. Keep your wits about you, so that love does not make you blind. Many wise hearts have been enflamed by its power. This I know well. Words do not matter much in that case. If you wish to protect yourself from Love’s power then God must protect you with his great might.’

24 Diu tohter giht si hab vesten muot Min hertz ich selb erkennen sol der minnen craft ist mir unkunt ich sprichez ungeruemet wol ich wart nie von ir strale wunt

24 (22) The daughter says that she is determined ‘I should know my own heart, but I have no knowledge of the power of Love.

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und leb noch her der not gesunt frawe Minne weiz diu hertzen wol diu si mac twingen an ir grunt der hertzen ich niht einez trage daz von der minne meisterschaft an siner werdikeit verzag

I say without boasting that I have never been wounded by Love’s arrow and so far I have lived free of distress. Lady Love knows full well which hearts she can compel into submission, but mine is not one of those hearts that will waver in its commitment to worthy ideals in the face of Love’s might.’

25 Diu muoter giht diu tohter mug sich niht behuoten vor der Minne Ob hunder tusent hertzen craft in einem herzen mohte ligen ir ungemezzeniu meisterschaft im kurzelich moht ab gesigen si hat vil cargiu herz erstigen Kunc Salomon swie wis er was ir wart sin hertze niht verzigen wil si dir in din herze smiden des mahtu nimmer dich erweren dich well alleine got befriden

25 (23) The mother says that the daughter may not be able to protect herself from love ‘Even if the strength of one hundred thousand hearts were to reside in a single heart, Love’s8 immeasurable might would defeat it at once. She has conquered many a strong heart; even King Solomon’s heart, as wise as he was, could not give up love. If she wishes to hammer her way into your heart, you will never be able to prevent it unless God alone is willing to protect you.’

26 Si giht si welle sich wol behuoten Du sprichest muoter dem gelich sam dich ir craft gerueret hab swi gar ir maht si crefte rich ich kum doch ir gewaltes ab ich liez e tragen mich ze grab e si min hertze mit gewalt

26 (24) She says she will guard herself well ‘Mother, you talk as someone who has been touched by Love’s might. Her power may be great and strong, but I will escape her authority.

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alsam ein spiegelglas ergrab cumt aber si drin und sperret zuo genis ich oder bin ich tot so sag mir danne waz ich tuo

I would rather be carried to my grave than let her engrave on my heart by force, as though it were a mirror frame.9 But if she were to enter my heart and lock herself in, whether I live or die, tell me what I should do then.’

27 Hie antwurt ir diu muoter Du gihest si hab gerueret mich hie vor bi minen iungen tagen ob ez so hat gefueget sich da wil ich dir niht vil von sagen also der hunt den hirz wil iagen hat er iht wol genozen vor der mac sich dester wirs entsagen swen hohiu minne tewingen gert der sol unfuoge lazzen gar und mache sich den werden wert

27 (25) Here the mother answers her ‘You claim that she touched me earlier, when I was young. That may or may not be so, but I am not going to tell you about it. It is harder for the hound to resist pursuing the stag if it has previously enjoyed the hunt.10 Anyone whom lofty Love wishes to compel must give up all uncouth behaviour and make himself worthy of noble society.’

28 Hie fraget si ir muoter Bin ich dir dester lieber iht ob minne tewinget minen sin und von gewalte daz geschiht ich wil niht in dem zwifel sin nu tuo mir dinen willen schin daz dien ich immer umbe dich gevar ich wol diu er ist min ich han gerihtet minen muot swaz dir an mir gevallet wol daz mich daz selbe dunchet guot

28 (26) Here she asks her mother ‘But would I be any dearer to you if Love coerces my spirit, using force? I do not want to despair! Let me know what you want from me and I will always seek to obey you. If I do well, it will honour me.11 I have directed my mind and spirit so that whatever you find pleasing in me will also seem good to me.’

29 Hie antwurt ir diu muoter Ich wil dir minen willen sagen den soltu reht also verstan mahtu ein kuschez hertze tragen des muostu lop und ere han

29 (27) Here her mother answers her ‘I will tell you my wishes, so that you can understand them rightly. If you can keep a chaste heart,

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ob dir diu Minne des niht engan und wil betwingen mit gewalt dich daz du minnest einen man der sælden ist und eren wert der sol doch nach dem willen min von dir beliben ungewert

you will be praised and honoured. If Love won’t leave you alone but instead seeks to compel you using force to love a man who is worthy of good fortune and honour, then it is my wish that you not resist him.’

30 Diu tohter giht si behuot ir ere Ich wil dir des min triuwe geben die Kristen e gesetzet hat die wil ich einen tac sol leben ich gebriche nimmer dinen rat ob mich diu Minne niht enlat si welle mich twingen mit gewalt obz danne den zuhten wol an stat vil liebiu muoter so ger ich ob du die volge sehest an mir daz du mit riemen bindest mich

30 (28) The daughter says that she will protect her honour ‘I wish to give you the solemn pledge which Christian law has imposed that as long as I live I will never disobey your advice. If Love will not let me be, wanting to force me to overstep what is proper according to her rules, then, dearest mother, should you see me giving in, I beg you to tie me up with ropes.’

31 Diu muoter giht diu huot si enwiht Ich wil din tohter hueten niht din stæter muot din hueten muz ob dir von minne craft geschiht daz dir ze walde stet der fuoz des schaffe dir din stæte buoz mac si ir creften an gesigen so dienst du der werden gruoz diu huote bruevet dicke schaden swer huetet anders dann er sol der wil ze hus unere laden

31 (29) The mother says that surveillance is useless ‘Daughter, I will not guard you; your own constancy must act as your guardian. If Love tempts you to go astray,12 then let your own steadfastness be the remedy. If it can overcome Love’s powers, then you will earn the greeting of noble people. Surveillance often causes much harm, and a person who practises it otherwise than is right invites dishonour into the home.

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32 Wie ein erbær wip ir selber huoten sol Ein reinez wip in tugenden wert diu wol ir eren hueten kann und niht wan stæter triuwen gert diu sol man selbe hueten lan man sol die huote heben an an einem wibe tumer site diu niht ir selber eren gan man mac ir einez under sehen da si ir friheit tribet zuo daz furbaz muelich can geschehen

32 (30) That an honourable woman should be her own guardian A pure woman, excellent in virtue, who can guard her honour well herself and who desires nothing other than constant loyalty, should be allowed to act as her own guardian. Surveillance should be applied to a woman with foolish ways who does not grant honour to herself: it may deter her from doing that one thing toward which her rashness compels her, although that will be hard indeed.

33 Wie diu huot si enwiht ane volge Diu huot ist niht ein swærer pin swa friunt wil minnen friundes rat tuot er daz mit hertzen schin so daz er solhe missetat verber diu an sin ere gat so hat der huetær guoten muot ob im diu volge bi gistat sol wiser rat der volg enbern der also frawen hueten sol der zamet lihter wilden beren

33 (31) That surveillance is useless without obedience Surveillance is not a terrible burden if a friend is willing to cherish a friend’s advice. As long as the guardian acts sincerely, avoiding all misdeeds that could impair his honour, he will be pleased when his advice is met with consent. But if good advice fails to gain consent, then it would be easier to tame a wild bear than to guard a woman in this way.

34 Wie schad ez si der reiner wib huotet Diu huot ist wibes eren gram swa uf cranken wan geschiht ir ende guot ich nie vernam betwungen lieb ist gar enwiht wan si git hohes muotes niht

34 (32) That surveillance of pure women is harmful Surveillance is an enemy to woman’s honour if it is undertaken with wrongheaded intentions: I have never seen that turn out well.

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diu lieb sol von herzen komen und haben mit stæter triuwe pfliht uf alle vlust und uf gewin diu ander liebe sliffig ist alsam ein is da her da hin

Forced love is worthless because it does not give rise to courtly spirits. Love should come from the heart and plight its troth with steadfast constancy, for better or for worse. The other kind of love is slippery like ice, first one way and then another.

35 Hie lobt si ir tohter schoen und ir zuht Nu lazzen wir die huote varen und sagen von der minne me mahtu dich vor ir craft bewaren als du mir hast veriehen e swem danne ein schappel schoner ste min kint denne dir daz dine tuo da man die werden schawen ge daz laz ich immer ane haz ez mag ein wip wol schoner sin deheiniu lebt in zuhten baz

35 (33) Here she praises her daughter’s beauty and courteous behaviour Now let us stop talking about surveillance and instead speak more about love. If you can preserve yourself from her power as you claimed earlier to wish to do, then if someone’s garland looks more beautiful on her than yours on you, my child, when everyone goes to look upon a gathering of noble women, I would not mind that. Perhaps there is a more beautiful woman, but none who lives more chastely.’

36 Diu tohter fraget wa diu Minne won Du lobst mich liebiu muoter min alsam ein kint ir muoter sol ich lig dir in dem hertzen din und tuon dir in den augen wol min triuwe gen dir ist auch niht hol du bist mir lieber danne der lip der lieb ist gar min hertze vol nu sag mir ob diu Minne leb und hie bi uns uf erde si

36 (34) The daughter asks where Love dwells ‘You praise me, my beloved mother, just as a mother ought to praise her child. I am close to your heart and please your eyes. Nor is my loyalty toward you hollow. I love you more than myself and my heart is full of love. Now tell me, is Love alive,

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oder ob uns in den luften sweb

and does she dwell with us here on earth, or above us in the heavens?’

37 Hie antwurt ir diu muoter Ein wiser man Ovidius der tuot uns von ir wunder kunt er giht siu si genant Venus si mache suezziu hertzen wunt und nach ir willen wider gesunt diu selben aber wider siech daz ist ir wehsel ze aller stunt ir willen niht entrinnen mac si vert unsihtig als ein geist si hat niht ruowe naht noch tac

37 (35) Here the mother answers her ‘Ovid, a learned man, tells us of her wonders. He says that her name is Venus, and that she wounds tender hearts, then heals13 them according to her own lights only to sicken them again. Such changeability has always been her nature. Nothing can escape her will. She wanders invisibly like a ghost, resting neither by day nor by night.’

38 Hie ræt diu tohter Sint alliu herz in ir gebot der eren ich ir niht engan ez werdent liehtiu augen rot suln hoch gern die nidern man von den kein ere werden can und sulen die hohen nider geren der got sich wunderlich versan der ir gewalt so witen maz die hohen solten hohe geren die nideren nider daz stuende baz

38 (36) Here the daughter speaks ‘If all hearts are under her command, I will not be able to escape her honour. Many lovely eyes will turn red if the base born, from whom no honour can come, were to aim high in love, and if the noble born were to desire the base. Surely it was a strange idea of God’s to have given her such great authority; the high born should desire lofty love, and the base born low love. That would be better.’

39 Wie man die werden geren minnet Wie hoch edeliu minne vert diu wirbet sunder wan niht so sint si an hohen tugenden wert die si in zuhten vindet fro

39 (37) How one should love those who strive for excellence ‘How lofty is noble Love! Truly, she does not act in this manner. When she finds those who have excellence and lofty virtue

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die ziuhet si mit ir so hoh da si versmæhet swache sit si lat des niht durch fuersten dro si sliez ein hertz inz ander gar diu nach ir willen ir behagent der nidern nimt si kein war

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exhibiting joyful, decorous courtliness, then she carries them with her to such a height that they have nothing but contempt for baseness. Not even the threats of a prince can stop her from completely enclosing two hearts together that please her and do her will. She pays no attention to the base-born.’

NOTES 1 Stanzas 1(1a) and 2(1b) are present only in Berlin mgf 474. Therefore, the stanza numbers of this edition and those of Leitzmann/Reiffenstein do not correspond. The first number represents the stanza number in our edition (Berlin mgf 474), while the number in parentheses refers to the stanza’s number in Leitzmann/Reiffenstein. 2 The image or idiom means: ‘She is no ideal of modesty.’ 3 A character from the Arthurian romance, Iwein, by Hartmann von Aue, Lunette is the loyal lady-in-waiting who acts as matchmaker between the protagonist and her lady, and who almost pays for this noble deed with her life. 4 Here, dich (you) is implied. It is present in the other manuscripts. 5 That is to say that many a spear and lance will be broken in tournament games by young men on the daughter’s account. See Der Winsbecke, stanza 20, for a similar image. 6 A pun on the adjective wert, which means ‘noble, dignified, worthy,’ as well as ‘valuable or precious.’ 7 This line can be translated either as ‘I trust my steadfast heart’ or as ‘I will entrust my heart to a steadfast man.’ 8 We have supplied ‘Love’ as the antecedent for ‘it.’ 9 The image of having Love engraved on one’s heart uses as a metaphor for the heart an object that is unexpected by the modern reader: a mirror (spiegelglas), or in the other manuscripts, the ornamented wooden frame for the mirror (spiegelholz). The daughter’s fear, therefore, is that Love will imprint itself onto her heart by force. As in the previous stanza, the imagery is derived from the world of metal craft. 10 With this metaphor the mother explains her unwillingness to share with the daughter her past love experiences, so as not to awaken even greater curiosity in the young woman.

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11 The other manuscripts have din (you) instead of min (me), so that the line reads ‘If I do well, it will honour you.’ 12 The mother uses the metaphor ‘to set your foot in the woods,’ which we have translated as ‘to go astray.’ 13 We have emended what seems to be a scribal error and following the other manuscript witnesses have substituted nach (after) for mach (make), here meaning ‘make healthy, heal.’

[Winsbecke Parodies]

Winsbecke Parodies

1 ... ... ich main: so du von bette stast, brist ungesegent für die tür; daz maul du spitz alsam ein stür oder zerr ez weiten auf, darinne mit der zungen stür. so sprichet aber dirr und der: ‘wir sullen treten ab dem pfat, dort get der narr, der esel her.’

1 . . . [Lines 1 and 2 missing] ... Here’s what I think: when you get out of bed, charge out the door without a blessing, then pucker up your big trap like a fish or open it wide and stick your tongue out. Then this one and that one will say: ‘We had better get out of the way! There goes the idiot, here comes the ass.’

4 Kint, du maht noch niht wizzen wol, was trügheit an den weiben leit, die ganzer tugent sint so hol: ir süezze sauren angel geit. davon die hochgelobten meit, und underwent du ainer dich, von der ain esel du wirst enzeit. und nim dich loterfuren an ... ...

2 (4) Child, you may not yet fully grasp the deceit embodied in women who are completely hollow when it comes to virtue. Their sweetness will give you a sour stomach and cramps. For this reason, avoid the ones who are the most admired. If you should happen to get a hold of one, she will make an ass of you in no time.

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Behave like a rascal … . . . [Lines 9–10 missing] ... 17 Kint, ob dein jugent wil klaiden sich, daz si dem weisen missehage, so sneid unzuht, untugent an dich und fliuch, wa man die warheit sage. lug unde trug ze oren trage, und wirr ains hin, daz ander her, dem armen ab sein habe nage. mein kint, und ainer dinge gewon: so du ain urliug hast gepruoft, daz du zehant da fliehest von.

3 (17) Child, if your youth wishes to adorn itself so that it is displeasing to the wise ones, then tailor yourself with excess and vice and run away from any place where the truth is spoken. Whisper lies and deceit into people’s ears, and bamboozle one person this way and another that way, and gnaw away the goods of the poor. My child, make one thing a habit: if you should start a fight, run away as quickly as possible.

18 Kint, ez ist ain der beste list: fliehen, des ie iht wart gedaht. sprich, kumst et hin, wie küen du bist, und liug vil vast von der manslaht, wie iener da und dieser vaht; gich, du habst vier ze tode geslagen, damit du brastest in die maht. mit diesem lobe wirstu frum und ist auch verre wæger dir denn in dem gebel ain swertes drum.

4 (18) Child, running away is one of the best tricks ever thought of. When you arrive, talk about how bold you are and tell lots of lies about some battle, how one fellow and another fought. Claim that you killed four people, and with this boast reveal your prowess. Such bragging will earn you respect, and it is much more to your advantage than a sword blow on the noggin.

20 Kint, wa die liut gesamen sich durch ir geschäft an ainen rat,

5 (20) Child, when people assemble in council to conduct their business,

Winsbecke, Winsbeckin, and Winsbecke Parodies

da soltu auch niht schamen dich: darzuo ge ungebeten drat. enruoch, ob ez dir übel stat; ez ist auch manigem e geschehen, der noch des schande und laster hat. und bis auch unverswigen gar: waz man dir haimlichen sage, daz soltu sagen offenbar.

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do not shy away from joining them, but hurry there if you have not been invited. If this makes you look bad, do not worry; that has happened to lots of people before who still bear the shame and the scandal. Do not remain silent at all and be sure to say openly whatever is told to you in secret.

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4 THE ITALIAN REGGIMENTO E COSTUMI DI DONNA (SELECTIONS) AND DOCUMENTI D’AMORE (SELECTIONS) OF FRANCESCO DA BARBERINO Eleonora Stoppino INTRODUCTION Francesco da Barberino occupies an important position in the history of thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Italy: a contemporary of Dante, he spent most of his life in Florence. Boccaccio praises him in the Genealogia deorum gentilium (Genealogy of the Pagan Gods), and he earned the honour of a biography in the chronicle of Filippo Villani, De origine civitatis Florentie et eiusdem famosis civibus (On the Origin of the City of Florence and Its Famous Citizens). Despite Barberino’s relative fame, his major works remained almost completely unknown until their rediscovery in the seventeenth century. It was only thanks to the desire of scholars to please the powerful Barberini family (Maffeo Barberini was pope from 1623 to 1644, with the name of Urbanus VIII) that the Documenti d’amore (Teachings of Love) and the Reggimento e costumi di donna (On the Conduct and Manners of a Woman) were recovered. The minimal circulation of these texts is demonstrated by the existence of only a few manuscripts. Born in Barberino di Val d’Elsa in 1264, Francesco followed a professional trajectory that brought him in contact with the most influential cultural centres of the time. He was in Florence during the secretarial tenure of Brunetto Latini, whom he calls magister (master) in the Documenti; and he studied law in Bologna, where he is mentioned as a notary in a 1294 document. After the death of his father in 1296, Francesco returned to Tuscany, and between 1297 and 1304 he worked as a notary for the bishop. It was probably during this period that Francesco took part in a poetic tournament, answering in verse twenty-three questions on Love, whose results are lost to us. Around 1304 he

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probably moved to Padua, pursuing his studies in civil and canon law; between 1309 and 1313 he appears in France, where he probably worked for the papal court at Avignon. The references to France in the Documenti and in the Reggimento are frequent, and they trace for us the story of his travels and peregrinations, likely as a member of the courts of King Louis I of Navarre, as well as of his father, King Philip IV of France. There are also traces of his presence in Paris. In 1313 he obtained a papal bull licensing him in civil and canon law in Italy. After his return, he assumed the title of doctor and actively practised law in the city of Florence. He died of the plague in 1348, and his remains were buried in the Florentine church of Santa Croce. Barberino’s works include a lost collection of short narrations, the Fiori di novelle, a few lyric poems, and two treatises on manners and moral behaviour: the Reggimento e costumi di donna and the Documenti d’amore. He probably started writing the Reggimento before 1309, whereas the composition of the Documenti can be dated to the years spent in France. The frequent cross-references between the two texts suggest that the author conceived them as complementary. The Reggimento is presented as a book written to fulfil the request of a mysterious and unnamed lady, who asks Francesco to prepare a conduct manual for women to be added to the many existing for men. It is divided into twenty parts, each under the aegis of a different virtue (each of which, according to the text, was meant to be depicted in an illumination preceding its section), and each devoted to a particular condition. The categories used by Barberino range from age and marital condition (the young lady, the married woman, the widow, the nun, the hermit, the anchoress) to professional and class definitions (the wetnurse, the lady-in-waiting, the servant, the slave); class and age are used as further elements of qualification within each section. The last five parts are devoted to general precepts for all women and a dedication to the lady. The precepts expounded by Barberino – which include moral and practical advice on subjects as disparate as hygiene, child-bearing, preserving one’s honour, among others – appear interspersed with novelle used as examples of good and bad conduct. The narration is frequently interrupted by allegorical episodes, which present Francesco as a character questing for the love and approval of his lady. The form of the Reggimento is rhythmic prose, and its content and style point to a deep knowledge of the existing production of didactic and conduct texts in Old Occitan and Old French. The vernacular text of the Documenti d’amore, on the other hand, is entirely in verse. This monumental poem is devoted to the education of the fedeli d’amore (faithful lovers), following the conception of love as inherently connected to the nobility of the soul, as developed by authors such as Guido Guinizzelli and Dante

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Alighieri himself. The ambitions of the Documenti are much higher than those of the Reggimento: the vernacular text is accompanied by a translation into Latin and an extensive Latin commentary, both by Barberino. The autograph of the text (unanimously considered authentic by scholars) is decorated with illuminations of the twelve allegorical figures that preside over each section of the poem. The teachings imparted by Love to his followers, gathered in the Castle of Love, are loosely organized around twelve virtues (docility, industry, consistency, discretion, patience, hope, prudence, glory, justice, innocence, gratitude, and eternity), and comprise direct advice, proverbs, examples, and warnings. In comparison with the Reggimento, the text is more focused on a single age group and on fewer social strata – young men and women of good family. The most important precepts contained in the Documenti teach how to lead an honest and virtuous life, how to choose a good life companion, and how to be trusted by superiors and admired by peers and inferiors. The treatise focuses at length on the boundaries between genders, relations of power, and the art of command. The selections presented in this anthology focus on general advice for young women and men in their daily activities and on the proper conduct of the female and male servant. These particular passages illustrate the insistence of the texts on the need to find one’s own place in society and to act accordingly, preserving honour and propriety. A keen attention to class identity and hierarchy is coupled, in the work of Francesco da Barberino, with the need to control the body and its functions. Despite the disappearance of these two texts from the commonly read corpus of medieval Italian literature, the Reggimento and the Documenti are the ideal predecessors of Baldesar Castiglione’s Il Cortegiano and Giovanni della Casa’s Galateo in the sixteenth century. Two manuscripts in the Vatican Library preserve the Reggimento (Barberiniano Latino 4001 [BL] and its copy, Capponiano 50); in addition, Sansone has presented a newly discovered manuscript that allegedly preserves an earlier version of the text. The Documenti are available in five manuscripts, the most important of which is without doubt the autograph, Vatican Barberiniano Latino 4076 (A). The text of the Reggimento here is based on the editions by Giuseppe Sansone (1957 and 1995), while the text of the Documenti is based on the edition by Francesco Egidi. In both cases I have consulted the manuscripts (BL and A). The translations are meant to preserve the mixture of lyrical and frank tones that constitute Barberino’s distinctive trait. In the case of the Documenti, which contains extremely obscure passages, I have sometimes based my translation on the self-explanations given in Barberino’s own Latin version.

Reggimento e costumi di donna

Parte Prima

On the Conduct and Manners of a Lady

Part One

In questa primiera parte del presente libro io comincio a trattare della fanciulla la qual si comincia alquanto a vergognare; e questo èe l’uno de’ segni ch’ella comincia bene e mal sentire; e in questa cotale, dove’ savere ch’omai cade in peccato s’ella fallasse a Dio, e merito sed ella ben si porta.

In this first part of the book I begin to discuss the girl who starts to feel shame; this is one of the signs that she begins to grasp good and evil; at this stage, you must know, she falls into sin if she fails God, but attains grace if she behaves well.

E sua figura per meglio mostrare puote vedere qui sovra pinta davanti a una donna c’ha nome la Innocenzia, la qua’ le dà commiato di sua corte a condizione s’ella non conserva l’usata puritade, e dice queste parole:

To show this better, there is a drawing of her above, standing before a lady called Innocence, who banishes her from her court unless she preserves the requisite purity, and speaks these words:

–I’ son con teco insino a ora stata, ma pensa omai di dimorare altrove qualora un fallo sol da te si muove–.

‘I have been with you so far, but now you should live elsewhere, in case you commit even one mistake.’

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La fanciulla risponde a lei in queste parole: –Non mi cacciate, ché io non fallai; ma vidi un donzelletto andar cantando: piaquemi alquanto, e io me ’n vergognai –.

The girl answers with these words: ‘Don’t banish me, since I did no wrong; I only saw a boy who went around singing: I liked him greatly, and it made me feel ashamed.’

Ritorno alla materia principale e vegno al prossimo grado d’esta parte, e dico che, s’ella fosse figliuola d’imperadore o di re coronato, la sua usanza incontanente sia colla sua madre e coll’altre maggiori che son[o] nella magione; e quanto giovanezza le concede ritraga allii costumi delle donne, ché, sanza dubio, l’usanza di buoni e delle buone farà lei ritrarre a non voler da lor trasnaturare; l’usanza delle rie persone face d’essa natura simigliante quelle che vanno e usano e stanno con elle. E la natura umana, come savete, è più lasciva in male, e ’l ben è fatigoso a chi nol cale.

Returning to my main topic and the next step in this section, I say that the daughter of an emperor or a king should always stay in the company of her mother and other older women in her household; despite her youth, she must adopt lady-like behaviour, because, without a doubt, the company of good people will prevent her from damaging her character; the company of bad people imparts the same nature to those who associate with them. Human nature, as you know, is more prone to evil, and goodness tires one who disdains it.

Vero è che tanto onor segue del bene, che chi s’aprende a caminar diritto tempo verrà che fitto terrà suo cor per amor di virtute o d’ovre tal[i] che riceve salute.

It is also true that so much honour comes from goodness, that one who learns to follow the right path in time will come to keep her heart constant in the love of virtue and deeds that earn salvation.

Né mai sanza sue balie, over[o] maestre, o bali, vada tra cavalieri over donzelli,

Without her wetnurses or teachers or tutors, she should never be among men

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se da suo padre o madre over[o] fratelli non è chiamata prima over mandata, però che tal fiata, così passando, alcun[o] folleggia ad essa, donde porria onor di lei bassare. E quando sta fra gente gli occhi suoi lievi poco, però che nel guardare si coglie tosto, dall’uom ch’è ben saggio, lo ’ntendimento dell’altrui coraggio. E quella è saggia che sa ritener sì dentro il parer suo che alcun[o] di fuor non se ’n possa avedere.

or boys unless called or sent there by her father, mother, or brothers, because sometimes, in passing, someone may act foolishly toward her, which could diminish her honour. When she is among people she should raise her eyes very little, because from a gaze a savvy man understands well the intentions of another’s heart. She is wise who knows how to hide her intentions within so that no one can perceive them from without.

E quando ode parlare, ascolti e imprenda bei modi di parlare, ché già parlando non frutto si coglie colà dov’el a luogo e tempo non è.

When she hears anyone talk, she should listen and learn good manners in speaking, since one learns nothing by talking in the wrong place or time.

E Salamone e Senaca, co molti altri c’hanno parlato, lodano molto il tacere, ché non che il savio, ma il matto se tace è tenuto che saccia.

Solomon and Seneca, along with many other authors,1 praise silence highly, because both the sage and the fool appear wise when silent.

Una donzella parlava molto una fiata a tavola. Disse uno suo balio: –Tu parli per tutti quegli che sono a tavola–. Disse ella: –Messere, costoro sanno parlare e però si possono posare, ma io non so, sì che mi conviene parlare per imprendere–.

A young lady once spoke too much at the table. One of her tutors said: ‘You speak for all who are at the table.’ She replied: ‘Sir, these people can speak well and therefore can rest, but I cannot and so must speak in order to learn.’ There was

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Eravi un valoroso uomo ch’ebe nome Ugolino Bozuola, che disse allora questa bella parola:

present a worthy man named Ugolino Bozuola, who then uttered these lovely words:

– Chi vuol parlando trarre, folle pensier[o] l’accoglie–.

‘Whoever seeks to learn by talking is captive to folly.’

Ritorno alla materia e dico che non è sì da tacere che altri non parli mai, sì ch’altri non dicesse: – Ella non parla perch’ella è muta –. Ma dico da tacere è e da parlare come lo luogo e lo tempo richiede. Ma qui non soprastò, ché non ben si conviene a questa parte; ché pur in sommo tacere è laudato in questo grado di questa fanciulla, colà dov’è tra gente; e nel parlar porria spesso fallire in suo danno e vergogna. Siano li suoi atti sempre vergognosi, però ch’a lei vergogna è grande virtude. E s’ella è domandata o mandata a parlare, rispondi e parli temperatamente; e ’l suo parlare sia basso, colle sue mani e l’altre membra ferme, ché ’l movimento e il mutar delle membra significa in fanciulla troppi vezzi, e nella grande mutevole core.

Returning to my subject, I say that she should not keep silent to the extent of never speaking to anyone, so that someone could say: ‘Since she does not talk, she must be mute.’ Instead I say to speak and keep quiet as required by the time and the place. I will not dwell on this, since it is not relevant to this section; it is supremely praiseworthy for a young lady of this class to keep silent in public; by speaking she can often incur harm and shame. Her actions should always be modest, because modesty is a great virtue. When asked or commanded to speak, she should respond in moderation; her tone of voice should be low, with her hands and limbs steady, because motions and gestures in a girl are a sign of affectation, and in an adult of a fickle heart.

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E sia nel suo mangiare ordinata e cortese, e bea poco, e quello sia temperato, ché, com’ella s’invezza, così vuol poi durare; e quanto che nell’uomo l’ebriare stia male, sta nella donna troppo più villano.

In eating she should be well-behaved and polite, drink little, and only infrequently, because as she gets used to it, she then wishes to continue; and while among men drunkenness is bad, it is even more vulgar for women.

E quando siede a tavola, non giaccia né vi tegna le braccia suso, però che questo è segno di grossezza; e, semmai parla poco, questo è quello luogo dove le conviene allora men parlare; né mai si tenga il capo colle mani, né giaccia s’ella è sana in collo a sua maestra.

When seated at the table, she should not slouch or rest her arms on it, because this is a sign of coarseness; in general, if she speaks little, this is the place to speak even less; she should never hold her head in her hands or, if healthy, rest in the arms of her teacher.

E se avien talora le convegna cantare per detto del signore o della madre o dalle sue compagne pregata un poco prima, d’una maniera bassa soavemente canti, ferma, cortese e cogli occhi chinati, e stando volta a chi magior vi siede. E questo canto basso, chiamato camerale, è quel che piace e che passa ne’ cuori; che dice uno provenzale cotali parole sovra questo punto:

When she must sing at the request of her lord, mother, or friends, she should do so beautifully, in a low voice, remaining steady, courteous, and with her eyes lowered, turned towards the most important person at the table. This low singing, called chamber song, is most pleasing and goes to the heart; a poet of Provence2 says this about it:

Ogni cantar si volge con assai

‘Every song is performed

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più dolcezza nella voce minore, e questa passa più tosto nel core.

more sweetly with a delicate voice and most quickly strikes the heart.’

E messer Guido Guinizzelli disse:

And Sir Guido Guinizzelli3 said:

Donna, il cantar soave che per lo petto mi mise la voce che spegne ciò che nuoce, pensieri in gioia e gioia in vita m’have.

‘Lady, the sweet singing put in my breast by the voice that soothes what is painful, has turned my cares to joy, and joy to life.’

E s’egli avien che per simil comando le convegna ballare, sanz’atto di vaghezza, onestamente balli; né già, como giollara, punto studi in saltare, acciò che non si dica ch’ella sia di non fermo intelletto.

If it happens that, from a similar request, she should dance, she should do it modestly, without affectations; not trying to leap like an entertainer, so that no one says she is weak-minded.

Odi perché perdeo a Folcachieri una gentil fanciulla lo maritaggio del duca di Storlich. Sensonia fue figlia di messer Guiglielmo da Folcachieri, uno valoroso cavalieri da scudo e antico gentile; e sanza dubio ella era maravigliosamente bella. Lo duge di Storlich passava per lo paese, e, veduta lei, diliberò in sé di torla per donna. La madre, ch’ebe nome madonna Genea, desinando il conte in camera con lei e certi

Now hear how, in Folcachieri, a noble young lady once lost the opportunity to marry the duke of Austria.4 Sensonia was the daughter of Sir Guiglielmo da Folcachieri,5 a worthy knight of the shield6 and of ancient nobility; and she was unquestionably of extraordinary beauty. The duke of Austria passed through the land and seeing her, decided to take her as a wife. While the count was visiting and dining among them, her mother, named

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altri ch’erano ivi ad albergo, la fecion ballare al suono d’uno mezzo cannone; sicché, a uno accorto ballare ch’ella volse fare ballando e saltando, cadde sì ch’ella mostrò la gamba; sì che il duge ne disdegnò e rimase per questo così alto suo onore.

Madonna Genea, and other guests made her dance to the sound of a psaltery; it happened that, while trying to dance and leap, she fell, revealing her leg; the duke disdained her, and so maintained his high honour.

Ritorno alla nostra materia. E lodo che si sforzi e piaccia a lei lo bene andare aconcia, e, se ghirlanda porta, lodo che sia pure una gioliva e piccoletta, ché, como voi savete, grossa cosa è tenuta portar fastella in luogo di ghirlande. E quanto ell’è più bella tanto minor la porti, però che non ghirlanda ma piager fa piagere, né fa l’ornato donna, ma donna fa parer lo suo ornato; sì ch’io mi credo che più piaccia ancora quella che non si sforza in aparire con men bellezze, che l’altra, com’ quelle che son dipinte e non duran com’elle. E però credo che disse lo Schiavo:

I return to our subject. I praise the effort and pleasure a young lady takes in having a pleasant appearance, so if she wears a garland, it should be nice and small, because, as you know, it is considered coarse to wear a bundle instead of a garland. The more beautiful she is, the smaller should be her garland, because it is not the garland, but rather her pleasing appearance that is pleasant, and it is not the ornament that reveals the woman, but the woman that reveals her ornament; so I find more appealing the one who does not strive for appearance, even with less beauty, than the other, who is like those who paint themselves but are not lasting. This is why I think the Slave7 said:

Piacemi in donna bellezza che dura, e quella è da natura.

‘In a woman I prize beauty that lasts, and that comes from nature.’

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E sa d’alcun sollazzo ridere le convegna, non gridi: a! a!, né con simili voci, però che con ciò faria mostrar li denti, che non è cosa conta; ma, sanza alcun romore, sembranza faccia d’alcuna allegrezza. Ché voi save’ ch’è scritto che il riso sta nella bocca de’ matti; e qui s’intende di riso sfrenato e del continovato, non miga della faccia rallegrare e temperato riso rado e a luogo e a tempo suo. Anzi confesso che non rider mai viene da crudele o vizioso core; e questa tal fanciulla non è distretta ancor a tutto tanto.

If something amusing makes her laugh, she must not scream: ‘Ah, hah!’ or something similar, because in doing this she would show her teeth, which is not proper; rather, without any sound, she should offer a joyful appearance. As you know, it is written that ‘laughter abounds in the mouth of fools’; what this means here is uncontrolled and constant laughter, not joyful facial expressions or moderate laughter in its own time and place. Rather, I confess that lack of laughter comes from a cruel or vile heart; and a young lady is not yet restricted that much.

Fui una fiata in Vinegia. Vedemo una bella donna. Fu domandato poi l’uno di noi: – Che ti pare di madonna cotale? –. Colui rispose: –Piacemi s’ella non ridesse –. Disse l’altro: –Però mi piace ella più–. Disse il terzo: –E a me s’ella potesse ridere celando ch’ella ha meno uno dente –. Lassovi lo nome per non aver detto villania della donna.

Once I was in Venice. We saw a beautiful woman. One of us asked: ‘What do you think of that lady?’ One replied: ‘I would like her if she did not laugh.’ Another said: ‘Because of that I like her more.’ A third answered: ‘I would like her best if she could laugh but hide her missing tooth.’ I avoid mentioning her name so as not to insult this lady.

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E torno alla materia. E s’egli avien che pianger le convegna per alcuno accidente, sia sanza voce lo suo lagrimare, né mai bestemmia di suo parlar vegna, né parola villana: e spessamente chiami la maestra e facciasi insegnare como fiorire in su costumi possa.

I return to my subject. If it happens that she needs to cry for some reason, she should cry without a sound, and she should never utter a profanity, or a vile word: and she should frequently call upon her teacher and make her teach how to excel in her manners.

E se colla sua madre forse alla chiesa andasse, a poco a poco imprenda di stare onesta e conta, e ad orare e paternostri dire, come la madre vede e l’altre donne stare, sempre seguendo l’amaestramento della sua balia o balio, in quanto egli è laudevole e onesto. E s’alcun cavaliere o balio è diputato a lei portare o poi raddurre a corte, e tal fiata a metterla a cavallo e tal fiata in gabia overo cariera, stia a lui in braccio onesta e vergognosa e de’ suoi panni chiusa, cogli occhi bassi e umile sembianza.

If she goes to church with her mother, little by little she must learn to sit neatly and humbly, to pray and recite the paternoster, and to act as she sees her mother and the other women do, always following the instruction of her wetnurse or tutor, if he is worthy and honest. If a knight or a tutor is in charge of bringing her to church and then back to the court, and to do so he must help her on a horse or in a cart or carriage, she must stick to him with modesty and shyness, wrapped in her clothes, with lowered eyes and a humble look.

E parmi ch’a suo stato si convegna che ’n questo tempo imprenda legere e scrivere convenevolmente, sicché, se convenisse lei donna rimanere di terra o di vassalli,

It seems to me that it suits her status at this time to learn to read and write properly, so that, if she happens to be in charge of land or men, she will be more ready to rule;

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sarà più conta a reggimento fare; ché ben save’ che ’l senno accidentale, lo qual porrà poi conquistar legendo, aiuta il naturale in molte cose. Ma qui si noti che femina sia colei che ciò le ’nsegni, o tale persona che non sia suspetta, ch’egli è gran cagione di molti mali la tropa confidanza, e questa etade ha tenera perdanza.

since you know very well that acquired wisdom, which she could attain by reading, is helpful to natural wisdom in many matters. But it must be noted here that a woman should teach her, or someone beyond suspicion, because too much familiarity is the cause of many evils, and this age is prone to error.

Così è questa l’età dove puote la sua tenerella testa in sé far radicanza dell’alta donna c’ha nome Costanza.

Similarly, this is the age when in her impressionable head can take hold the great lady who is called Constancy.

Io vi misi di sovra figlia d’imperadore con quella del re insieme, ché quasi possono di costumi gire in simigliante grado; avegna ch’io ricordo che quanto ell’è maggiore cotanto èe più obrigata ad alto costumare, come in essa è ciascuna, ché grande seria lo fallo: di tanto maggiore vendetta e pena degno, quanto ha più onor, ch’a molti è quasi sdegno.

I have here equated a daughter of the emperor with that of a king, since they can almost belong to the same class when it comes to manners; nonetheless, I emphasize that she who is of higher rank is more bound to abide by refined and strict rules, according to her status, because the sin would be serious from one so much higher, worthy of revenge and punishment, according to her honour, which to many is almost reason for contempt.

Ora vi discendo agli altri gradi di questo capitolo.

Now I consider the other descending orders of rank in this chapter.

E s’ella sarà figlia di marchese, di duca,

If she is the daughter of a marquis, a duke,

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conte, o d’uno altro simile barone, porrà tenersi alli detti costumi; ma puote più indugiar a cominciare, e già non far sì alti portamenti, e non bisogna ch’ella cotanto stretti tenga suoi costumi. Ma quanto più costuma ciascuna, tanto più è da laudare; e in questo non può troppo sforzare, ma serai da biasmare dell’altegiar, s’ella il facesse più ch’a suo grado convegna.

a count, or a similar lord, she can abide by these manners; but she can start at a later stage and without such high manners, since it is not necessary for her to follow such strict rules of behaviour. But the more someone is wellmannered the more she is to be praised; and in this she cannot strive too much, but to act superior would be blameworthy if she does it more than suits her status.

E anco sono di quelle, figliuole di baroni per nazione i cui padri però non sono possenti, le quali porranno usare costumi di figliuola di cavaliere da scudo; e ancor ci ha figliuole di baroni li cui padri tornati sono al niente, le quali a onestade porranno strette stare a loro volere, ma, quanto da atteggiar, deggion mutare maniera sicondo mutamento di loro stato. E qual suo stato non conosce bene, prenda sor ciò consiglio, e, se nol pò al tutto bilanciare, almeno sicondo lo miglior parere modi ciascuna prenda d’osservare, ché in tutti gradi questa è somma via: considerare e riguardar suo stato, lo qual chi conoscesse, rade fiate porria poi errare.

There are those, daughters of lords born noble but who are dispossessed, who may behave in the manner of the daughters of knights of the shield; in addition, there are daughters of lords who have lost everything, and they can honestly behave just as they wish, but when it comes to manners, they must change their behaviour to match their change of status. She who does not clearly know her status should seek counsel about this, and, even if she cannot ascertain her status completely, at least she should start behaving according to the best advice, because at every social level this is the best course of action: consider and respect one’s own status;

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she who understands this will very seldom err. Odi che disse messer Guido Guinizzelli:

Listen to what Sir Guido Guinizzelli said:

Conoscer sé, a voler esser grande, è sempre il fondamento principale, e mal diritto sale colui che crede sé magior che sia; ché sol questa follia è quella per che l’uom più ci disvale.

‘To know oneself, in order to be great, is always the first principle, and he goes astray who thinks himself greater than he is, because this single folly is the one that most discredits a man.’

E vediàn nel savere rade fiate salir in scienza colui che crede prima averla seco che solo ancora di lei saccia punto.

Accordingly, we seldom see anyone excel in wisdom who believes he has it before even knowing a little.

S’ella sarà figliuola di cavaliere da scudo o di solenne iudice o di solenne medico o d’altro gentile uomo li cui antichi ed ello usati sono di mantenere onore, nella cui casa sono o sieno usati d’esser cavalieri, costor pongo in un grado in questo caso e lasso il più e il meno a quella discrezione che Dio dà loro. E dico di colei c’ha questo grado, ch’ella non fia sì tosto tenuta alli costumi come quell’altre che dett’ho di sovra, e porrà ben più ridere e giucare e più dattorno onestamente andare e anco in balli e canti

If she is the daughter of a knight of the shield, of a noble judge, of a noble doctor, or of another nobleman accustomed to keeping his honour, as his ancestors were, and whose house is visited by knights, I rank all these together in this case, leaving them to act more or less with the discretion given to them by God. To one who belongs to this class I say that she is not bound to these manners as those mentioned above, and she can be much freer to laugh, play, and to go out honourably

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più allegrezza menare; ma però ch’ogni etade onestade raconcia, parmi che, quanto puote, suo voler rafreni a trarsi a’ bei costumi dell’altre più antiche, che tanto sé insforzi vergogna temendo. E poi riguardi alli detti costumi e, servando ciascuno quanto convegna a lei, sua vita acosti ad averli con seco.

as well as to entertain herself with dancing and singing; but since any age benefits from modesty, it seems to me that, whenever she can, she should restrain her will and strive to follow the best manners of her elders, and strive to improve herself while fearing shame. She should consider these manners and, by adapting each as befits her status, fashion her life around them.

E sicondo l’usanza della terra e voler di sua madre, o borse fare o cucir e filare imprenda pienamente, sì che, poi che sarà con suo marito in casa, possa malinconia con ciò passare, oziosa non stare e anco in ciò alcuno servigio fare; ché non sa se ventura la volgesse al di sotto, sì che la converria sua vita trarne. E questa non è nuova cosa al mondo, anzi vediamo spesso le grandi altezze al basso ritornare. Però dovria ciascuna ordinar sé non sicondo come èe, ma sicondo che le può avenire. E tutti i savi laudano questo molto: provedersi dinanzi; la qual virtù, chi bene avesse seco, non so da qual periglio lo bisogni dottare; e queste è quella ancora

According to the custom of the land and the desires of her mother, she should also fully learn how to make handbags, to sew or to weave, so that once in her husband’s home she can escape melancholy, avoid idleness, and also be of some service; she does not know whether Fortune will turn her wheel against her, and require her to support herself thus. This is not unheard of in the world: we often see the highest fortunes brought down lowest. Because of this, every one should prepare herself not as she is, but for what could become of her. The wise all praise being prepared in advance. Whoever possesses this virtue should not fear any danger, in my opinion;

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per cui si monta in ogni altero stato. La provedenzia conserva e aumenta e tien sicuro il suo seguitatore da male, e poi il dirizza nel migliore.

and this is how one improves one’s status. Providence saves, gives, and protects her follower from evil, and directs him for the best.

E però ch’alcuna ora li mangiar che le donne con sua nettezza fanno soglion molto piager ai lor congiunti, e anco tal fiata in caso e tempo di necisità, lodo sed ella imprenderà da donna o altra servigiale ciascuno comune e sottil cucinare. Ché, poniamo che giammai a lei non bisognasse, almen sa poi li mangiari divisare: ché quelli è quello che si sa far servire lo qual sa como si fanno i servigi, e quel sa ben tagliare a un signore il quale èe ghiotto e conosce i morselli; così chi sa come si fanno buoni, tosto veder porrà se ’l suo mangiare difetto arà. Vo’ save’ ben che si dice d’amore che mal ne può trattare colui ch’è lungi dalli colpi suoi.

Since often the meals prepared by women with care are extremely appreciated by their relatives, and also when done in times of need, I praise the young lady who learns from a woman or another servant cooking skills, both basic and advanced. Even if she never needs these skills, she can at least evaluate foods: because one who knows how to serve well knows well how to be served, and he who knows well how to carve for a lord, loves food and knows different morsels of food also; likewise, she who knows how to cook well can judge whether the food she eats has any flaws. You know well that it is often said of love that one is ill equipped to talk about it who is far from its blows.

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E questo è ’l tempo nel quale a me pare che, se piace alli suoi, imprender può legere e anco a scrivere alquanto con esso. Ma sovra questo punto non so ben ch’io mi dica, ché molti lodano ciò e molti biasmano ciò, quando la donna è grande. Pur noi vediamo ch’assai più tosto cade colei c’ha facultà del suo cadere: e però sono gli freni, per infrenare i malvagi voleri. E bene è scritto, come voi savete, che non è cosa che sia men filice, ch’egli è felicitate di peccare: che cioè vuol dire, ch’è ria la possibilità dello mal fare. E, sanza dubio, per lo non potere molti falli si lassano dalla gente; e se tu togli un punto all’animo ch’è mal disiderante, vien poi ragion che spegne il volere. Ben vede ognun, che se potesson tutti senza pena fallare, che nostro stato non poria durare; onde son fatte per questo le leggi: per rifrenar li voler[i] de’ malvagi. Se dunqua tu mi dài lo modo per lo qual possa fallare e non mi dài freno al contrario del fallo, e se mi di’: ‘Lo legere o lo scrivere non mi danno cagione dello mal fare,’ vero è; ma sono i modi per li quali io porrò venire al fallo

At this age I believe that, if her family agrees, she could learn how to read and even to write somewhat. But I am unsure what to say about this issue, since many praise and many condemn it, when the woman becomes an adult. We do realize that she is more likely to sin who has conscience of her sin: and so constraints exist to restrain evil wishes. It is rightly written, as you know, that there is nothing less pleasing than the pleasure of sinning: and this means that the possibility to do evil is evil in itself. People undoubtedly abstain from sinning from lack of opportunity; so if you remove the object of evil desire from the soul, reason will come and extinguish the desire. Anyone can see that if everyone could sin without punishment, our state could not last; hence laws are made to this effect: to restrain the desires of the wicked. If, then, you give me the means to sin and no constraints from sinning, and if you tell me: ‘Reading and writing offer me no occasion to do evil,’ that is true; but they are means

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assai più facilmente, ché già per altro non furon trovati se non per render certi coloro ai quali l’uomo non può gire del loro intendimento e loro volere: poniàn ch’ancora per aver memoria di quelle cose a che noi non bastiamo –né credo alcun omo savio dubitare, né anco apena alcun degl’ignoranti– che lettera può fare e trarre a fine assai di quelle cose che in altra guisa non ariano effetto. Non dico perché bene si possa guardare colei che sé guardare non volesse, ma può l’uomo alla ria molti suoi tratti torre e alla buona torre le cagioni che porriano la sua mente maculare.

by which I can come to sin much more easily, since these practices were not invented for any other reason than to make possible those things that men cannot attain by their own will and desire, even if they exist to remember things we cannot retain for ourselves, nor do I believe that the wise doubt – nor even the ignorant, for that matter – that written words can do and accomplish many things that would not be realized by other means. I do not say this because one can protect one who does not want to protect herself, but because one can take many weapons from an evil girl, and from the good girl remove the occasions to defile her mind.

E chi potesse della sua figliuola dire: ‘Ella fia veracemente buona,’ cessariano tutte queste mie parole; ma pur, nel dubio, dobiamo pigliar la più sicura. E or m’acordo in questo: che s’afatichi a imprendere altre cose e quelle lasci stare. Ma so bene ch’io n’offendo gli amadori in questo, ed ellino mi perdoneranno,

If someone could say of his daughter: ‘She is truly good,’ I would keep silent; but, when in doubt, we must take the safest path. So I hereby resolve that she should strive to learn other things and leave aside reading and writing. But I know that here I offend lovers, and they will forgive me,

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ché dirittura mi costrigne a ciò parlare. Vero è che chi avesse intendimento di lei monacare, poria ’n ciò fare imprendere a quella; e, se non fosse per l’oficio loro, io loderia del no ancor di queste: ma sia che po’ Iddio sa como fanno, credo io per me ch’è bene.

for righteousness forces me to speak thus. It is true, however, that if the young lady is to become a nun, one could have her learn to read and write; were it not for their duties, I would praise not doing this for them as well: but since God knows their actions, I believe it is good.

E però che costei ha viepiù largo dell’andare attorno che l’altre che ’n di sovra, parmi che con fanciulle di suo tempo e contrada, e, quando può, colle sue incarnate, e viepiù colle donne, si ritragga.

Since a young lady of lesser rank has more opportunities to go out than the others described above, I think that she should spend her time with young women of the same age and neighbourhood, and, whenever she can, with her relatives, and especially with women.

Né già sostenga punto ch’alcun uom per carezze, fuor che ’l padre, la baci; e anco a lui ne dimostri vergogna, acciò che usanza agli altri la mantenga dritta.

She should not allow any man to kiss or hug her, except her father; and even with him she should show modesty, so that the habit will keep her virtuous toward the others.

E guardi che non prenda, fuor che da’ suoi distretti, ghirlanda alcuna o simili gioiette, che poi per ciò, s’a lei ne fosson cheste, non le poria così tosto disdire; e questo dare e riceversi danno, a quelle genti che stanno dattorno, molte fiate mala sospeccione.

She should be careful not to accept garlands or little jewels from anyone except her close relatives, because if they ask her to return them, she could not easily refuse; and this ‘give and take’ is often the cause,

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Vero è che questa etate scusa alquanto la sua fanciullezza, ma questo è ver, ch’a questo mal l’avezza; e tal fiata lo dono si riserba e mòstrassi dintorno, e non le dà onor quand’ella è grande, e più talor si spande.

among people around her, of bad rumours. It is true that this age is easily forgiven because of its youth, but she may also truly get used to this evil; sometimes the gift is preserved and shown around, and dishonours her when older, and the rumour spreads even more.

Se figliuola èe di mercatante o uomo comune o di comune essenza (come, fuor gentilezza di nazione, molti sono popolari artefici e altri assai, e anco ricchi, che vogliono menare como gentili lor modi e lor vita), tutto non si convegna che tanto apaia sua altezza suso, ma però che in ciascuna tutto ben si conviene adoperare, parmi che ne’ costumi e sua vita menare a quest’altre s’acosti; considerando sempre quanto tengon le predette cos di grandezza o d’altezza, scemi ciascuna come a lei convegna. E parmi più tenuta in questo grado a imprendere a fare di molte più minute masserizie che domandan le case, over conducimento delle case; e meno in queste che nell’altre dette lodo legere o scrivere, anzi lo biasmo.

If she is the daughter of a merchant, or a commoner, or someone of common origins (since, besides those born noble, there are many common artisans and rich people who seek to live as noblemen), it is not appropriate for her to assume a nobility she lacks but it is still appropriate for her to make use of all that is good: therefore, in her manners and life she should strive to be like those I have mentioned, considering always in these matters what degree of nobility she should adapt to her needs. The young lady of this condition should learn to do the many more practical duties required in the home, or rather in the organization of the home; even less for these young women

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than for the others mentioned I do not praise reading and writing, but rather condemn it. Se figliuola sarà di minore uomo, lavoratore di terra o d’altri simiglianti, poniamo ch’alcuna più e altra meno sicondo lor richezza e lor bontà possa ritrar alla buona osservanza, tuttora parlo che, comunemente traendo sé alli detti costumi, pigliandola più larga, imprenda bene a cucire, a filare e a cuocer meglio e masserizia fare, e como ancella sostenga per casa fatica e briga al condur la famiglia, e porti e rechi e vada e torni e stia como bisogna e da’ suoi detto sia.

In the case of the daughters of lesser men, such as farmers or the like, we can guide some more and some less, depending on their virtue and wealth, to good conduct; still, I advise such young women simply to become accustomed to these manners, even if in a looser fashion; to learn how to sew, weave, cook, and care for the household best; as a maid she should be busy in the home and in caring for the family; and she should take, bring, go, and stay as needed and commanded by her family.

E non si curi tosto d’aconciare, ma scalza e mal vestita, non petinata né lisciata molto, como il poder della casa richiede si procuri d’andare, però ch’a star fancella e andarsi lisciando non si convengono molto bene insieme.

She should not care about adorning herself, but go around barefoot and humbly dressed, uncoiffed and unadorned, as the state of the house requires, because service and adornment do not go well together.

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Ma quando puote acompagnata vada e non di notte quando il può cessare. E ridere e giucar e piangere e cantar porrà più largamente che l’altre che son dette, e paia ancor ched ella non si curi.

But whenever possible, she should be accompanied, and never go out at night if she can avoid it. She can laugh, play, and cry and sing more freely than those mentioned above, and need show no cares in the world.

Tuttora, quanto può, covertamente ai costumi ritragga e sforzi sua natura, ché tutti fumo figliuoli e figliuole d’Adam e d’Eva, come voi sapete.

Still, whenever she can, she must secretly strive to behave well and against her nature, because we are all sons and daughters of Adam and Eve, as you know.

Or lascio quivi a dire d’alquanti gradi che sariano più giuso, però che si porranno nel quintodecimo capitolo, dove si parla in genere di molte, per non disonestar tropo li gradi di molte altre grandi che dette sono di sovra; ma so ch’a lor già non saria disgrato, ché per le basse conosciàn le grandi.

Now I shall not discuss all the social degrees below this, since they will be treated in chapter fifteen, where this book discusses many different women in general, in order to avoid offending too much the ranks of many noble ladies discussed above; but I know that this will not displease them, since the greater are known from the lesser.

Ma per tanto che gli legitori e le donne che legeranno vorranno tal fiata inducer le sue figlie a bella costumanza, per essemplo porete legere qui una legiadra e bella novella.

But in case the readers and women reading this want to guide their daughters in good conduct, here as an example is a lovely and beautiful story.

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Fue nella casa di Savoya anticamente uno messer Corado, uomo di grande cortesia, prodezza e larghezza, senno, piacere e fortezza sovra tutti gli altri del suo tempo, bello e formoso del corpo e grazioso dalla gente, pieno di molte virtù le quali saria lungo a contare. Il quale volse mettersi ad aver per sua donna la più bella che potesse trovare, se per alcuno modo si potesse avere; e, non fidandosene di altrui, si mise con picola compagnia a ciò cercare. E cavalcò per più città e castella e luoghi quatro mesi continovi, rattegnendosi nel luogo tanto ch’el cercava como possibile era. E, in fine di questo tempo, gli vennono lettere che il re d’Inghilterra gli volea dare una sua figliuola; sì ch’ello andò a vederla e trovò e conobbe ch’ella era fontana di tutte bellezze sovra l’altre ch’elli avesse vedute. Ella avea nome Anna. E con ciò

In olden times there was in the House of Savoy a man of great courtesy, courage, and generosity, named Corrado,8 whose wisdom, grace, and determination set him above all men of his time; and he was handsome and graceful, and full of so many virtues that it would take too long to recount them all. He decided to take as his wife the most beautiful woman he could find, if this were possible; so, not trusting anyone else, he set about looking for her with a few companions. He rode through cities, castles, and lands for four entire months, only stopping as long as he needed to look for what he sought. At the end of this time he received news that the king of England wanted to give him one of his daughters as a wife; so he went to see her, and saw and recognized that she was the fountain of all beauty, superior to all he had seen.

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sia ch’ello, con sua compagnia, avesse in quel giorno quasi diliberato di prendere questa Anna, non rispose però in quel dì allo re, ma partirsi da corte e andò ad albergo con uno cortese cavaliere, ch’avea nome messer Guglielmo, il quale si sforzò, sì per lo comando del re e sì per sua valentia, d’onorare, e onorò molto, messer Corado.

Her name was Anna. Now even though on that day he and his group had almost decided to accept this Anna, he did not tell the king. Instead, he left the court and went as a guest to the home of a noble knight, called Sir Guglielmo, who did everything in his power, both at the king’s request and from his own generosity, to honour Sir Corrado.

E quando vennono alla cena, la donna di messer Guglielmo venne a onorare messer Corrado e menò appresso di sé una sua figliuola ch’aveva nome Gioietta, la quale era d’etade di nove anni. E acciò che di lei brievemente vi parli, tutto ch’ella non fosse così bella come la figliuola del re, ma ella era in soma la meglio costumata fanciulla che mai si vedesse, sì che seriano stati gravi li suoi costumi in una compiuta contessa. Messer Corrado, guardando la Gioietta e li suoi

When dinner was served, Sir Guglielmo’s wife came to honour Sir Corrado, and she brought with her one of her daughters, named Gioietta, who was nine years old. I should tell you briefly that, even though she was not as beautiful as the king’s daughter, she was the most wellmannered young lady ever seen, so much so so that her manners would seem solemn even in a noble countess. Sir Corrado, observing Gioietta and her manners, and considering rightly that, if she

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costumi e considerando bene come s’ella continovasse per innanzi dovriano crescere per ragione, non lasciò perch’avesse diliberato di torre la più bella che trovasse, né perché Anna fosse figlia di re, né per l’alto parentado, né per grande dote che n’aspetasse, né perché già avesse in cor diliberato di torre Anna: tanto invaghì de’ costumi di Gioietta che incontanente, l’altro giorno seguente, fatto la scusa allo re e auto suo consiglio e parlato a messer Guglielmo, lasciò Anna e prese Gioietta per sua sposa. E ordinate balie e bali a lei condurre e una gabia in su cavalli e presa compagnia assai, senza alcuna dota, con buona volontà del re, menò al suo paese la Gioietta; dove con lei ebe tanto di bene e d’allegrezza che saria difficile a contare. E finalmente, acconci con Dio, morirono in un giorno e furono messi in uno monimento insieme.

followed that same path, her manners would only become nobler, went against his decision to marry the most beautiful woman he could find, against the fact that Anna was a king’s daughter, against her family’s high status, the great dowry he could expect, and his choice of Anna. Instead, he fell so deeply in love with Gioietta’s manners that, on the following day, he immediately left Anna and took Gioietta as his wife, after making his excuses to the king and taking counsel with him, and after speaking with Sir Guglielmo. He ordered a carriage for her, as well as male and female tutors and servants; leading a great company and, without any dowry, he took Gioietta to his land; and there they led together such a good and happy life that it would be difficult to describe. Finally, in peace with God, they died on the same day and were buried in the same tomb.

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E omai ritorno alla materia nostra e discendovi alla siconda parte del libro. ...

Now I return to our subject, and come to the second part of this book. ...

Parte Undicesima

Part Eleven

Nella parte seguente conviene a noi brievemente parlare e dire della compagna di donna, o cameriera, e sì s’ell’è pur una, o più, con donne. E perch’ogni paese ha sua usanza, una di quelle cautele migliori che le conviene aver si è, quanto al servigio e compagnia, d’imprender ben l’usanza e la costuma; e quella serva in quanto ell’è onesta. Po’ ponga cura innanzi per lo libro: vedrà che molte cose ha qui già scritte che mostra’ lei di suo oficio via; e anco poi torrà certe cautele, che seguitan di sotto, le qua’ e dà la donna che tu vedi dipinta qui con lei, c’ha nome Netta Fede. E prima le comanda che faccia in cuor ragione che la donna le sia come figlia quanto ad amare onore e ben di lei, e come madre quanto a riverirla; e che ogni danno e onta e mal di lei sia come sola in sé l’avesse. Li arnesi della donna e le suo gioie procuri di tenere nette e acconce. Ramenti a lei tutto ciò che conviene quando le serve innanzi

In the following part we must discuss briefly a lady’s attendant, or chambermaid, whether just one or several, for ladies. Since every country has its own customs, among the best advice a maid should take is, regarding service and company, to learn the local usage and customs; and follow those that are honourable. Moreover, she should study this book: she will see that many things written here already show her how to do her work; she can also follow the precautions specified below, given by the lady you see drawn with her, and called Pure Faith. First, she orders her to resolve with all her heart to treat her mistress like a daughter, desiring her honour and welfare, while revering her like a mother, so that any harm, shame, or evil done her becomes like her own.

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o quando sta colà dove coloro che diputati sono a servir lei. Attenda che suo mani e petto e veste netta si tenga quanto può coverta.

Her mistress’s gear and jewels must be kept in good and proper order. She must remind her what is appropriate when serving her personally or along with the others assigned to serve her. She must keep her hands, neck, and dress as clean and decent as possible.

In camera non curi di vedere quella maniera che tien col marito; né ancor(a) raporti a lei se vede il marito mancare, e vie meno al marito se non fosse fallo scoverto e di non leve colpa, ché per ogni guardar donna non cade. Et ella dee quanto puote cessare che essa cagion non sia di mettere tra lor(o) discordia alcuna, ché rade volte ne porrà campare che non rimanga in disgrazia di loro, se poi avien che s’accordino ad una. Non dico però qui di cosa greve, ch’ella ne dee amonir prima lei, poi, se non giova, per lo ben di lei, per cauto modo dea sì provedere ch’ella non possa mancar se volesse; e se non val ciò, dicalo a lui, ch’e’ vi metterà come vorrà consiglio: e quando ciò li dice, di ciò c’ha fatto, e non si può ritrare, non parli, ma di riparar gli dica, sì ch’e’ di ciò che non può contastare

In chambers, she should not try to see how her mistress acts with her husband; she should not tell her mistress when she sees her husband err, and even less tell her husband except in the case of a serious, grave error, for a lady does not yield to every gaze. She must avoid as much as possible being the cause of any dispute between them, because she rarely escapes disgrace with her masters, once they reconcile with one another. I do not say this about serious matters, where she should first warn the mistress, then, if this is useless, for her own good, she must carefully arrange that her lady cannot err even if she wishes; if this fails, she must tell the master,

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ricorra là dove il riparo vede. Et ella viva per sé casta e netta, ch’avrà baldanza più di lei amonire.

and he will act as he wishes: when she tells him, she should not mention what happened and cannot be undone, but solutions, so that what he cannot undo he will redress as he sees fit. She should live chastely and cleanly, so she will have more courage to warn her mistress.

E per camin non si parta da lei e tutto tempo a chi attende a quella faccia tal vista che teman ched ella non raportasse lor atti al signore. Non lodi di bellezze la suo donna, né la lusinghi o faccia insuperbire, né anco in tal parlare a lei dispiaccia, ma per la via di mezzo si metta. E quando avien che la donna s’adiri, sostenga lei umilmente com’puote, e similmente il signor, s’egli ha luogo. Figliuoli e figlie di questa suo donna ami e tema e riguardi come lo core e la vita di lei; e tenga gli occhi e la mente, a potere, a riguardare e acrescer le cose che vengon nella casa e che vi sono. Po’ da sé prenda a saver l’altre cose che son mestieri a questo oficio suo, ch’io non ne parlo più qui al presente. Ancor novella non ti scrivo alcuna per diferenza di gradi e di stati, ma tanto dico in luogo di novella: che queste camerier, se savie sono provedute e accorte, riportan grazie dalle donne sue

On the street, she stays with her mistress, and always, when people address her, show such a face that they would fear her reporting to the master. She should not extol her lady’s beauty, nor praise her to make her proud, nor speak so as to displease her, but rather follow the middle way. When her mistress is angry she should humbly support her, if possible, and so with the master, if necessary. She should love, fear, and revere the children of her lady like her own heart and life; her eyes and mind should strive to focus on protecting and increasing the goods that come into the household. By herself she can try to learn the other duties of her position, so I will not discuss them further. Neither will I provide a story, because of the diverse ranks and

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e da’ signor sovente belle e grandi. E sovra tutte cose val lor fede: però fa bene ognuna di tal(e) stato se fedel si guarda. Seguita l’altra parte.

levels, but in place of a story I will say that these maids, if wise, cautious, and sensible, often receive lovely, great rewards from their mistresses and masters. Their loyalty is valuable above all else: any woman of this rank will do well if she maintains her loyalty. Here follows the next part.

Parte Dodicesima

Part Twelve

D’esta parte dodecima possiamo viepiù brieve passar, perché dett’ho già nella procedente molte cose che fanno a questa: però legga’ quella le servigiali di cui ora si parla; e per memoria si fa buon toccare altre cautele che toccan più a lei. E parlerem(o) di tutte insiememente: servano a cui lor piace, ma prima credo che ben si convenga che, s’è giovane fante, non dimori a servire alcun signore, s’e’ non avesse donna, se ben di sua onestà certa non fosse o se non fosse per l’età sicura; ma se pure ciò egli aviene, tanto si tenga con lui quanto vede che voglia ben durare: di colei parlo che si vuol guardare. Se donna serve col signore o sola, riguardi com’ho detto in quella parte ch’è dinanti a questa parte scritta, e tanto più cautele attenda e guardi ch’ella si guardi andando e ritornando

This part can be briefer, since I have explained many things in the previous part that relate to this: the servants whom I discuss now must read it; as a reminder, it is good to touch on other pertinent advice. We shall discuss them all together: let them serve whomever they please, but first I think it appropriate that a young girl should not serve any master who does not have a woman, unless she is sure of his honourableness or he is safe because of his age; if this is her situation, she should stay with him as long as she sees that he is honourable: I say this of one seeking to protect herself. If serving a lady alone or her husband,

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dalle lusinghe e ’npromesse false, ché spessamente si vedrà beffata e non da molti molto riguardata. Guardisi ben che ’l signor non la tocchi, ché dalla donna aria guerra mortale e alla fin(e) ne rimarria perdente.

she should reread what I wrote in the part prior to this one, and pay even more attention to guarding herself, when coming and going, from flattery and false promises, otherwise she will be tricked and so little respected by others. She should not let the master touch her, or the mistress will wage a mortal war that she will surely lose.

In cucinare e in altre ovre sue netta sia quantunque più puote. Guardisi da sergenti e da ragazzi; e poniàn che pure ella avesse amico alcuno o parente qual voglia, non porti lor la roba della casa.

She should be as clean as possible in the kitchen and in all her work. She must beware of squires and boys; even if she has a friend or some relative, she should not bring them household things.

Non studi in lisci o curi andare addorna, ché si sconviene allo stato suo molto, ma curi giustamente a guadagnare sì che si possa in vecchiezza condurre, o possa sovra sé poi anco stare. E tanto dico a ognuna parlando: che qual può trarre la vita sua filando o faticando sé d’altra maniera, che meglio vien a lei sed ella il face.

She must not wear makeup or ornaments completely inappropriate to her status, but should strive to earn money to care for herself when old, or even to be her own mistress. I say this to all of them: she who can lead her life spinning or working in other ways will be better off if she does.

Non lasso ancor dir d’alcun’altre che servon mercatanti e più signori in una casa sanza avervi donna:

I must not neglect to mention those who serve merchants and other masters,

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se giovani sono o d’età comunale, Dio le consigli, ch’io per me mi credo ch’a gran periglio stanno se voglion far buona vita per loro. Costei vedete ch’è lassù dipinta e come l’amonisce quella donna c’ha nome Lealtade, però che queste cota’ servigiali per lealtà e per guardar le cose e per far buona e cauta masserizia, secondo sé, avanzan ben suo stato. Però di ciò attente sien tuttora, ch’io acconcio non sono a dir più ora. Né anco intendo di por qui novella, per non ne astare a parole con loro, ché se ne truovan poche sante o buone: voglianmi mal, ch’io non vi do un bottone.

in a house without a lady: if they are young or of average age, may God guide them, because I think they are in great danger if they want to lead a good life. You can see this girl depicted above and how a lady warns her, who is called Loyalty, because these servants through loyalty, vigilance, and diligent care of the household readily improve their position. Hence, they should always attend to this, and I will not discuss it any further. Nor will I offer a story here, in order to avoid a quarrel with them, since so few of them are saintly or good: let them dislike me, since I do not care at all. NOTES

1 Here Barberino’s general invocation of ancient and biblical authorities illustrates perfectly the broad literary ancestry of medieval advice on behaviour, as described by Krueger in the introduction to this volume. 2 The Reggimento includes many translated citations from famous poets, most unattributed. The lines cited here are perhaps from Bernart de Ventadorn (1130?– 1200?), one of the most celebrated troubadours, or even Barberino’s own creation. 3 Guinizzelli (1230?–1276?) was the first Italian poet recognized as cultivating the dolce stil nuovo (sweet new style) of vernacular love lyric and so was venerated as its founder by later authors. 4 Perhaps one of the dukes of the Babenberg dynasty, which held the duchy until 1246. Various claimants disputed the title until 1282, when the Hapsburgs assumed control.

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5 A noble family of Siena, which included the twelfth-century poet Folcachiero de’ Folcachieri. The identity of this Guglielmo is unclear. 6 That is, a knight who actually bore and used arms, as opposed to a knight in title only (mentioned below). 7 Schiavo di Bari, an Italian jongleur of the thirteenth century, was author of a moral treatise entitled Al nome di Dio è buono incominciare (It Is Good to Begin in the Name of God). 8 This is the name (Conrad) of various rulers and important nobles in the history of Savoy from the eleventh and twelfth centuries.

Finito prohemio incipit prima pars documentorum amoris sub docilitate · que habet documenta .xxvii.

The Introduction concluded, here begins the First Part of the Teachings of Love by Docility, which consists of twenty-seven teachings.

Prohemium ad hanc partem.

Introduction to this Part

Questa e docilitate, achui lofficio dinsegnar edato. eguardate suo stato, che negliantichi regna sapiença. Siche veglia sua essença per magistero bacchetta richiede. nela cathedra siede c’honor e reverença le convene. Sotto lei si contene, cio chamor ebbe dal consiglio dessa. onde avertu sappressa chi li suoi documenti actende et serva.

This is Docility, to whom the task of teaching is given. Observe her status, for her wisdom ruled over the ancients. Her ancient essence merits the sceptre of command. She sits upon a throne for honour and reverence befit her. Under her is contained what love received from her counsel, so that anyone attains virtue who respects and follows her teachings.

Documentum primum sub Docilitate

The First Teaching of Docility

Chi netto si conserva chome natura il crea vene amore

Whoever keeps himself as pure as nature created him, receives love

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che glientra poi nel chore, efallo dele sue vertu dar luce. Ma chi da cio disduce, ançi che la sua gratia infonda in esso, noli vien gia mai presso, se novo prima non si face e netto. Dunqua ciascun subiecto che vuol servir a cotal signoria prenda deste una via netto servar odi viçi nettare.

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into his heart, which makes him shine with its virtues. But anyone who strays before love infuses him with its grace, can never attain it, unless he renews his purity. Hence any subject who seeks to serve such a lord should choose one of two paths: either remain pure or cleanse all vices.

Documentum secundum sub Docilitate

Second Teaching of Docility

Fanno ne viçi intrare, usar corei, e dimorar otioso, trovarsi bisognoso, alta riccheça edi gola dilecto. Di rie femine aspecto, dadi, ecercar dogni spiager vendetta. Queste octo cose aspecta, che fan disdar se bene actendi alchuno. Si che convien ciascuno, usar coi buoni exercitar se spesso. giusto acquistar fin chesso aggia che basti e non curar del troppo. Far ala gola groppo, chella si puo come vuoli adusare. vilta di giocho hodiare, femina vil fuggir come tempesta. Donna saggia et honesta, dilecta udir, honora, servi, et ama. che quella edegna rama. Fingi loffesa piager che non pesa.

These things will make you sin: the company of sinners and idleness, finding yourself needy, great riches, gluttony, the gaze of bad women, dice, and seeking to avenge all slights. Beware of these eight things that lure anyone from good conduct. What is suitable instead is striving to keep good company, acquiring only the wealth one needs, and avoiding excess; throttling one’s own throat, since it can learn what one wishes; hating the vice of gambling, and shunning bad women as a disaster. Attend, honour, serve, and love an honest and wise woman instead, since she is a worthy branch. Pretend that insults are a welcome pleasure.

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Documentum tertium sub Docilitate

The Third Teaching of Docility

Sia la tua mente attesa, cha tre cose convieni ancor dar cura.

Your mind must pay attention to striving for three things.

la prima e aspra e dura, le due son ben assai possibil poi. Convien restringer noi nostra giovan eta corrente in male.

The first is hard and difficult, but the other two are much more doable. We must restrain ourselves when young and inclined to evil.

La seconda e cotale, che forteça, belleça, graçe, e doni daccorteça o sermoni, osimiglianti creder non ci dieno, che maggior in noi sieno, ma sol minor doven creder daverle.

Second, we must likewise not allow our strength, grace, the gift of wit or fluency, or similar things to convince us that we have superior talents, but instead only inferior.

La terça in oro eperle, rapresenta colui che ben la serva, se fama ti conserva honor elaude e gran favor di gente fa chen sia conoscente, allora piu dumilta ti fornisci. Se queste tre seguisci, da molti viçi camperai tuo stato.

The third precept with gold and pearls appears to one who follows it; if fame favours you with people’s honour, praise, and favour, be aware of this, and make yourself even more humble. Following these three precepts protects your status from many evils.

Documentum .iiii. sub docilitate

The Fourth Teaching of Docility

Vengon viçi dallato, che semblan noi alcunora vertuti, se non semo aveduti, deli quai per exemplo questi paro. Chavaritia lavaro, fa creder se gran provedença e senno e color che larghi enno,

Vices appear to us that sometimes seem like virtues, unless we are careful, and I will give some examples of these. The miser makes himself believe that greed is very wise and foresighted,

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son dagliavari beffati e scherniti. Ma dai buon son graditi si chali rei dispiacer noli pesi, che di cio non offesi ma son pregiati e crescene lor fama.

and the generous often draw scorn from the greedy. However the wise appreciate them, and upsetting sinners should not disturb them, because this is not an offence, but praiseworthy, and boosts their fame.

Lo secondo si chiama, et egran ladro prodigalitate. che tolle dignitate, amolta gente grandeça e potere. Lo qual ci fa parere, cheglie largheça fin chel non ci mostra, che cotal follia nostra, non adi che su nel donar rivegna.

The second vice is called prodigality, the great thief that steals dignity, greatness, and power from many. This vice appears to us as generosity, until it reveals how our folly yields no reward.

Chosi convien chavegna, che gran viltate temença e paura, frala gente secura, mante fiate di senno sinfinge. Ela cagion che pinge, lor asecuro combatter e giusto, dicon bellare iniusto, emostran dubbio dove vinto il bello.

Likewise it happens that cowardice, anxiety, and fear among confident people often pretend to be wisdom. They claim that the reason the brave fight courageously and rightly is an unjust war, and they show doubt when the war is won.

Acci un viço piu fello, che molti credon impune peccare, se posson pur trovare, falsa ragion nela sua mente ascusa. Non pensan che non chiusa, e ogni ymaginatione allui, ecome convien nui, dogni cosa ragion redder ad esso.

There is a worse vice: many think they can sin with impunity if they can find a false reason hidden in their minds. They do not realize that every thought is open to him [god], and that we must answer to him for every action.

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Eper simil apresso, vedi deglialtri viçi che piu sono, chio non piu ne compono, per far lo sermon breve, ai novi leve.

Likewise you can find many other vices that exist, but I will not discuss them further in order to keep this sermon brief and easy for the novice.

Documentum . v . sub docilitate

The Fifth Teaching of Docility

Quinci coglier hom deve, che sette viçi nel parlare stanno, chagli parlanti fanno talor dispregio e danno ala fiata. Cosa breve far lata, over la lunga troppo breve dire. Parlar con molto ardire, e proferendo temença aver troppa. Echi sua lingua agroppa, per lo corrente parlar et inciampa. epiu colui chavampa, tutti auditori collungo suo prohemo. Lo septimo vedemo, difficil sovra glialtri asostenere, lo qual potian vedere, in quel che move le membra parlando.

Here everyone must understand that there are seven vices in speaking, which at times both degrade and harm those who speak: to make something brief too long; or say too briefly something that is long; to speak with too much ardour; or to be fearful in speaking; one who twists his tongue and staggers while speaking too quickly; or – even worse – one who bores the entire audience with a long preamble; and the seventh vice, harder than any to tolerate, is what we see in those who move too much while speaking.

Eben ymaginando, vedian nel meço stare ogni vertute, for certe che vedute, avian sol contra certi viçi stare. Onde se vuo guardare te dali detti viçi actendi bene che maniera convene lo tuo parlar aver infra la gente. Poni al meço la mente

Considering this rightly, we see every virtue sits in the middle except for those that we regard as strictly opposite to the vices. Therefore, if you want to protect yourself from these vices, consider well what manner is appropriate when speaking to people.

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ne troppo dilatar ne breve tanto che per manco dalquanto sia troppo oscuro quello ache intendi. Poi delardir actendi che lui ela temença temperança reduce a buona usança la freccia del parlar sempre e dannosa. Et ancor e noiosa soverchia dilatation in profferere li tuoi prohemi chere lo stato de moderni breve o nullo. Mover come fanciullo le mani o piedi ola testa o far atti parlando su gran fatti semblan fermeça poca del parlante. Emostran lui costante lo fermo star e costumato e saggio edi nobil coraggio et ognun dice quey sa quanto lice. Ma guarda el non disdice guardar itempi e luoghi in queste cose e con che gente pose e quanto a ragion pare lor moderare.

Concentrate on the mean: do not speak too much or so briefly that lack of something makes your meaning too obscure. Then focus on ardour, because both ardour and cowardice are tamed by moderation. Speed is always harmful in speaking. Excessive lengthening is boring in speeches: modern taste prefers a brief or no preamble. Moving, like a child, your hands, feet, or head, or gesturing when speaking of great deeds suggests little constancy in the speaker. But if a speaker remains steady, he shows constancy, decorum, wisdom, and a noble heart, and all will say: ‘He knows what is right.’ But be careful: it is important to consider time and place in these things, and before whom one stands and how properly to adapt.

Documentum vi sub docilitate

The Sixth Teaching of Docility

Son certe cose fare viçi che rendon la persona molto dispiacevol e stolto sedendo andando et a tavola stando Deli quay qui parlando dirai tu forse non fanno aquesta ovra onde convien chio scovra chamor vuol cheli servi suoi sien tali

Doing certain things are vices that make a person very unpleasant and dull when sitting, walking, or serving at table. Speaking of these things here you may consider irrelevant to this book,

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che non pur sol da mali si guardi chenno detti e son peccato ma vuol veder ornato ciascun de suoi di costumi edi senno. Onde molti si fenno cheran noviçi costumi insegnare e lovre da pregiare per cha lor donne fama ne volasse. Eche se noli amasse per la belleça o piager di lor forma quel sir amor che informa faesse lei di quel pregio degnare.

so I must explain that Love wants servants who not only avoid evils that are known as sins, but also wants each of them adorned with manners and wisdom. Hence, many, when novices, set out to learn manners and praiseworthy acts, so that their fame reaches their ladies. Then, if the latter did not love them for their beauty or pleasing appearance, Lord Love, as informant, makes them appreciate these qualities.

Si chavoler mostrare ritorno deli detti viçi alquanti che descriverne tanti quanti son forse longo ci parria Se tu sedrai in via o in piaça con gente actendi prima di che quadra son lima o tu li conoscevi o eson nuovi: la prima e piana muovi secondo chio diro tua parladura; sela seconda, indura, guardando et ascoltando il dir elatto. Tu quasi in picciol tracto conoscerai chi nel tuo cerchio gira. Ma fa che in quella lira chesi convien ate seggia colloro Se comincian costoro e lor parlar e gentil et honesto parla per simil testo se non si taci e fingi altro pensero.

Now I want to return to explaining some of those vices, because to describe them all would probably take too long. When sitting in the street or in a plaza with others, notice what kind of people they are, whether you know them or they are new: in the first case, which is easy, address your words as I will instruct you; in the second case, just watch and hear their words and deeds. In a little while, you will know who is in your circle; but make sure you sit among them according to the status that befits you. If they start speaking, and their words are kind and modest,

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speak in the same manner; if not, keep quiet, and pretend your mind is elsewhere. Ese caso leggero doppo alchunora ti vien di partire fallo con alchun dire che sembli te non ischifar lor tiera.

In the event that you must leave after a while, do so with a few words, so you seem not to disdain their company.

Se buona elor maniera e coninciar otractar ti conviene tracta di quelle mene chesi convien al proprio esser dessi. Ma che non rincrescessi guarda chel poco non ti puo dar danno.

If their conduct is good and you must start or continue talking, discuss those issues that most interest them. Beware not to bore them, so that saying too little will not harm you.

E se questi seranno religiosi · di dio parlerai. Se con medici serai tracta con lor del conservar santade; e di moralitade co li phylosophy elor seguitanti.

If they are clerics, speak of God; if you are with doctors discuss how to maintain your health; discuss ethics with the philosophers and their followers.

Coli iuriste astanti tracta del governar che fa iustitia e tracta di militia; tra cavalieri edarme edi prodeça. Con donne di netteça e donesta con belle novellette che non sien spesso dette loda e mantien lor honor elor stato. Ese contra e da lato alchun rispondi ascusa et adifesa chelle vilta contesa contra color con chui perdehom

When judges are present, discuss the rule of law; talk about military topics, arms, and prowess among knights. With women converse about modesty and honour, using pretty stories not often told; praise and affirm their honour and status. If someone attacks them, reply, exonerating and defending them,

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vincendo.

since it is loathsome to attack those against whom any victory is a loss.

Li giovani veggendo dintorno ate parlerai di sollaçi che per cio non son paçi li savi tal fiata istender larco. Ma per questo io non parco dice ragion a colui che dicesse cosa che non decesse chassai sollaçi sono honesti ebegli.

If you see young men around you, speak of leisure, because the wise are not foolish who sometimes loosen their belts. Nonetheless, Reason declares it cannot condone one who says something indecent, when there are so many honest and pretty topics of conversation.

Dicoti ancor di quegli channo lor arte per che veggia bene che con ciascun convene che parli del miglior del larte sua. Echela fama tua non puote crescer seli parvi isdegni che secondo se degni a facti tutti natura in lor grado. Onde di lor ti trado con dipintor dirai del disegnare epoi del compensare edel continuar colo scriptore. Poi dirai col sartore del trar ad ago elavorar dintagli di pietre edi crestagli edi cinture allorafo ti stendi. Di confetti contendi quando ti troverrai con spetiali di borse edi sendali con setaioli edi lor conditione. Dun cappel di falcone e dun bello stampar col calçolaro di nesti e di pomaro giardini et erbe collavoratore. Cosi dallor amore porai seguir e servigio epiagere

In addition, I will tell you what to do with artisans, so you see clearly that with each of them you should talk about what is best in his work. You should know that your fame cannot grow if you disdain the humble, since Nature judged them all worthy to create, in their own degree. So about them I say: to the painter speak of drawing; then of summarizing and amplifying to the writer; with the tailor, speak of needlework; and of carving, stones, gems, and buckles with the goldsmith; talk of confections when you find yourself with the apothecary; of purses and veils and their quality with the silkworkers; of a falcon’s hood and beautiful stamping with the tanner; of grafting, orchards, gardens, and herbs with the gardener.

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che tu non puoi manere sença li lor mistieri alchuna volta.

In this way, from their esteem, you gain both service and satisfaction, because you cannot survive without their assistance for long.

Questa gente to colta etu deglialtri asimil prendi molto ma qui disgroppo un nodo se fossi in sala o in camera poi. Che quivi convien noi certe altre cose veder e notare e salvo il ragionare che cosa nuova occorrendo richiede. Sun gran signor vi siede o gente tutta maggior che tu sia dimanderai in pria di che voglion udir se dicon parla.

I choose these people as examples: you should behave similarly with others. But now I will untie a knot. What if you are in a chamber or room? At this point we must see and note other issues as reason requires in new circumstances. If a great lord is present or all the people are superior to you, first ask what they wish to hear if they tell you to speak.

Esa cosi contarla non ti senti fornito si aspecta seguir alchuna detta ese ti manca . il meglio eche tu taccia.

If you feel unable to address the subject, just wait to follow something said by others; if you are still at a loss, it is best to keep quiet.

Equando parli abbraccia brievi egran cose lordine servato chio to disovra dato elassa dir in meço atue novelle. Ese persone quelle parlassen di mottetti dalli prima nela tua mente cima epoi gli parla apunto e brevi e pochi. Sedendo in questi lochi parli la lingua edorman laltre membra equi si ti rimembra

When you speak, you should include both brief and greater things, following the order explained above; let them tell their news with yours. If these people speak of mottetti, give them your entire attention first, and then speak briefly and to the point. When you sit in these places, your tongue must speak and your limbs be still,

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di tutto il precedente documento.

and here I remind you of the previous teaching.

Or ti vo far attento del documento delandar con gente cocchorre spessamente e fa gradir ai buon chil vuol seguire.

Now I want you to pay attention to instruction on walking with people, which happens frequently and makes one who follows it pleasing to good people.

Documentum .vii. sub docilitate

The Seventh Teaching of Docility

Dun grande et alto sire che vada solo e tu dietro o davanti to monimenti alquanti guarda sua gente elor gradi elor modi.

Pay careful attention whether you walk behind or before a great and noble lord who walks alone: observe his entourage, their status, and ways.

Ancor dimanda et odi pero chogni paese a nuova usança et allor costumança conforma te nel tuo grado altuo pare. Ne troppo tavialiare ne disoverchio intrar inançi al segno.

Ask and listen, since every land has its own ways, and according to their custom and your status, conform to your peers. You should neither debase yourself, nor overstep your boundary.

Poi atutti altri vegno toccando certe norme principali.

Now I come to everything else, touching upon certain major rules.

Al tuo maggior serali lui seguitando tuttor reverente et al tuo par piagente monstrando che tu laggia per maggiore.

Always be deferential to your superior, and follow him; be kind to your peer, showing that you consider him superior.

Quasi pari lo minore mostra daverlo ma guarda chio parlo non di colui che farlo convien ate come fante obligato. Se non sai ben suo stato

With your inferior show that you consider him almost a peer – but I do not mean someone you would recruit as a servant. If you do not know his status

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eme far piu donor che poi pentere del manco del dovere chesi riman lonor nelonorante.

it is better to honour him than repent later for a failure of duty, since honour remains with one who does honour.

Al tuo maggior davante girai ad ogni passo periglioso salvo chal polveroso per glialtri luoghi vagli dietro presso. Ese pur ti vuol esso allato ase alquanto men girai ma quando troverrai alto da te arrietra piu alquanto. Ese lalteça tanto mostri durar che non poca ti paia muta si che non paia che tuli voglia gradir lo mutare

Walk ahead of your superior on any dangerous path, except on a dusty road; follow him in all other situations. Even if he wants you at his side, stay a little behind, but when you find yourself ahead of him, fall back a little. If you remain ahead so long that it seems a long time, move in a way that you do not appear grateful for the change.

Cosi convien servare quando altre cose toccorno in via epiglia quando in pria tu se chiamato illato manco andando. Che lui libero stando de la sua destra dilecta e convene.

Similarly, you need to be observant when other things happen on the way; and when you are summoned, take the left side while walking, because it is proper and pleasing for him to be free on his right side.

Ancor se spada tene ricever dece e non far noia lui. Ma se armato costui dallaltra parte tel convien covrire eper un peggior gire eper lo sol se contra quel parlasse. E se piu saccostasse ver quella parte il suo cavallo ancora et anco se grande ora potesse allui piu dar freddo ventando. Se piove camminando

Now if he carries a sword, it is better for it to jostle you than him; but if he is armed, you should protect his other side, both on a worse path, and from the sun if he speaks facing it. Protect him if his horse gets closer on that side, and also if for a long stretch he could be cold because of the wind.

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equesto tuo maggior non a mantello sellai profera ad ello ese nol vuol etu portar nol dei. Vie peggio ti vorrei se tu peccassi asimil del cappello.

If it rains en route and your superior has no cloak, you should offer him yours; but if he refuses, you must not wear it. I would blame you even more if you offend by not removing your hat.

Ese tuo pari equello isforza in simigliante farli honore esia sofferidore con corte isdette ricevernalquanto.

If he is your peer, make a similar effort to honour him and accept any honour that he pays to you.

Al tuo minor fa tanto che frala gente lonviti ai vantaggi. Poi come fanno isaggi senoli prende ritorna al tuo stato.

Invite your inferior to enjoy privileges among the people; then, as wise people do, assert your status if he refuses.

Mo non to qui parlato del tutto basso ma del meno un poco. Che nel laltro non loco anno le dette cose ma tuttora nel suo grado lonora trahendo sempre al piu comio to detto.

I have not spoken here of the lowest, but of slightly lower, people, because with the former these rules do not apply, but still you should honour them in their place, always being generous, as I have said.

Quel cho del maggior detto intendi sempre cole donne andando etanto piu servando che quando avrai li rei passi cercati. Torna da lun delati alei secura tener e condurre ma se te convien pure per la stretteça passar solo et essa. Ritornando tappressa per lutile soccorso darle accorto. e se periglio e porto dallato darme avita la difendi.

What I have said about superiors always applies to walking with women and is even more applicable. When you have taken a difficult path, stay by her side to keep her steady and safe; but if, because of the narrow path, you both must walk alone, turn to be closer to her, ready to offer any assistance necessary.

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If there is armed danger, defend her at the risk of your own life. Se vai con due or prendi chal maggior tocca il meço el gir inançi se lun de due no avançi toccal minor lo meço ma nol gire. E convien che dal dire venga di lor non dal minor la presa se non sia ben intesa dandar lor dietro alquanto la sua mente. In quattro non si pente maggior opar ominor chirimane, tra molta gente vane secondo gradi ela calca el piagere.

If you walk with two people, know that superiors walk in the middle and ahead; if there are two peers and an inferior, inferiors walk in the middle, not leading. This order should come from the superior’s, not the inferior’s decision, because his mind should be set on following, not leading them. In a group of four, he does not repent who follows, whether superior or peer. In a large group, act according to status, the crowd, and to please.

In battaglia vedere ti fa davanti nemici sentendo ma non disubidendo dunaltra cosa ti convien por cura. Che dove lunga dura ai fatta del contender del denançi dumilta disavançi salchuno electo dirietro rimani.

When you hear the enemy in battle show yourself at the front line, but never disobeying orders. You should also be careful not to lose your humility when, after long discussions about who will be at the front, you end up at the rear.

Omai ti seran piani tutti altri casi che possan venire seti metti asentire per simigliança di ciascun certança.

By now, it will be clear how you can handle all other cases if you carefully consider their similarity to what I have said.

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Documentum .viii. sub docilitate

The Eighth Teaching of Docility

La terça costumança che ti convien atavola servare porai cosi pigliare da questi pochi glialtri tu pensando.

From these few suggestions you can understand the third custom that you must observe at the table; and find the others by yourself.

Et atavola intrando seglie signor colui che dice andate per sua maioritate non si convien che chontenda del gire.

When you enter the dining room, if it is a lord who invites you, given his authority, do not argue with him on who goes first.

Coli tuoi pari disdire alchuna volta e poi seguir lor voglia coli maggior taccoglia pochetta resistenza e poi lor piaci.

With your peers, you can disagree a few times, and then follow their desire; with your superior, resist a little and then cede to please them.

Coli minor si taci eprendi illoco che ti danno e pensa che per far qui defensa faresti lor per tuo viço villani.

With your inferior, keep quiet, take the place given to you, and know that to object here makes them seem rude from your fault.

In casa tua rimani a rietro se son tuo maggior o pari e se minor non pari altro che saggio se tu simil fai.

In your home, stay behind if your superiors or peers are present, and if there is someone inferior to you, you would look wise doing the same.

Questo intendi se dai mangiar agente di fuor del tuo stello ancor rimani quandello adonne che tu dia mangiar occorre. Poi ti pensa di porre ciascun nel grado challui si pertiene

Now, listen to this if you feed people in your home: first be sure to give food to the ladies, if perchance they are present. Then arrange each one

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tra coniunti conviene metter deglialtri nel meço talora. Et in cio piu honora gli strani eglialtri da te ti riserva e tu allegra serva la faccia elovra e soffera ciascuno.

according to his status; it is appropriate to mix other people with relatives; remember to pay greater honour to the others and the foreigners; keep a happy face, act cheerful, and be kind to everyone.

Ora parlo ad ognuno che serve servi tagliando guaglianza chi servito e mutanza non faccia del miglior ma prenda il meno.

Now I speak to everyone who serves: he should create equal portions; anyone served should not seek a better cut, but take the least.

Invitar non si dieno che son percio elibero el potere egravasil volere di lui che con cagion forse asteneva.

It is rude to exhort anyone to eat, because they should be free in this, and it distresses the desire of one who may have reason to abstain.

Folle chi prima leva dase iltaglier ancor glialtri mangiando echi non netto stando fa della mensa panier di rilievo. Ecolui che fa lievo di quel che noli piace e chi saffretta e colui che fa electa di quelle cose che vegnon comuni. Ecolor che digiuni piu semblan alafin chal coninciare et ancor chi vuol fare merli otrovar lo fondo ala scodella.

He is foolish who removes his trencher while others are still eating and who, soiling everything, turns the table into a garbage basket; likewise the one who discards what he does not like, or who rushes, and the one who looks suspiciously at ordinary foods; also those who seem much hungrier at the end than in the beginning, and those who try to make walls of bread or plumb the depths of their cups.

Ne mi par mica bella losso tirar codenti et ancor peggio rimandar alaveggio ne ben dimora sul taglier lo sale. Et credo che fa male

Nor do I find at all pleasant straining bones with one’s teeth, or worse, putting food back in the pot; salt should not remain on the trencher.

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colui che taglia essendo asuo magiore che non ve servidore sel non dimanda prima la licença. Col pari tuo comença se da man dritta ti vien lo coltello se non lassalo a ello. Compagno in fructa non puoi servir netto.

I also believe that it is wrong to cut meat with a superior present, when there is no servant, without asking permission first; begin serving with your peer if the knife comes to you from the right, otherwise leave it to him. Serving fruit to your companion is unclean.

Con donne non to detto, ma lor di tutto ti convien servire se non ve chi fornire si di tagliar con daltre cose prenda. Ma fa che sempre actenda che non tappressi soverchio ad alcuna se se parente eluna darai alaltra largheça maggiore. Et in somma lonore quanto puoi far allor farai e rendi e qui tuttor attendi che la lor veste non disnetta faccia. Guardale poco in faccia assai meno ale man quanto al mangiare che soglion vergognare equanto allor ben porai dir mangiate.

I have not said what to do with women, but you should serve them everything; if no one is provided to do this, you should both cut and do the rest. But always be careful not to get too close to any of them. If one of them is your relative, be more generous to someone else. Ultimately, what you should do is honour them as much as you can; always be careful not to soil their clothes. Look very little at their faces, and even less at their hands, since when eating they are often embarrassed. To them you may say ‘eat’ now and then.

Vegnendo ale fiate mangiari ofructa lodo chi schifare sa di non quey pigliare che non si posson nettamente torre. Mal fa la man che corre aprender de comuni magior partita epiu chi ben non vita giacer ogamba sor gamba tenere.

When certain foods or fruit come to the table, I praise one who refrains from snatching those, that cannot be taken cleanly. Bad is the hand that rushes to grab the most from a communal dish,

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and even worse one who cannot avoid slouching or crossing his legs. Econvien provedere che qui parlar ti convien poco e breve ne qui tractar si deve daltro che netto et allegro dilecto.

You should take care to speak little and briefly, since these occasions are mostly for honest and pleasant discussions.

...

...

Documentum .xxii. sub docilitate

The Twenty-Second Teaching of Docility

Porian gia forse dire giovani alquanti, tu non ciai mostrato lo modo che laudato achi convien servire alchun signore. Si chio ti vo qui pore cinquantatre spetiai cose edare convien se vuo ben fare piager allui epoi merito avere.

Many youths could now say: ‘You have not shown us praiseworthy ways for those who serve a master.’ Therefore, for you I want to set forth and offer fifty-three specific rules. If you wish to do well, it is necessary to please him to achieve esteem.

Superbia non tenere in tuo parlar et ancor meno in facti.

Do not be haughty in speaking and even less in deed.

E quando pur tabbatti nela sua donna fingi non vedella. Ese ti comanda ella non paia chenservir lei ti dilecti eguarda come getti gliocchinver quella edogni acto tastieni. Simil maniera tieni di tutte donne al tuo signor congionte.

When you come upon his lady pretend you do not see her. If she gives you an order, do not show pleasure in serving her, but be careful how you look at her and show restraint in every action. Behave in a similar way with all women related to your master.

Quandel comanda prompte sien le tue viste avolontier impiere.

When he gives an order, immediately appear willing to serve.

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Cagion non dei cherere ne brontolar ne divinar ne sor cio consigliare sel non fosse laffare chel ti comanda con periglio allui. Odisonesto altrui nel qual caso disdetto con cagione se pur in quor sel pone prendi humilmente cortese commiato.

Do not ask for reasons, or complain or guess why or volunteer advice unless the order he gives would be dangerous for him or dishonourable for someone else. In this case, after reasonably declining, if he persists in his design, humbly take your leave from him.

Disovra to mostrato del reverir e del salutar esso voglioti dir appresso piu chio non dissi del servir disopra. Pon chura che in ogni opra che fai davanti allui over serviso tu convien pensar fiso aquel che fai che mal vase tu sogni.

Previously I have shown you how to pay your respects and greet him; now I want to tell you a little about serving not said above. Make sure that in every action or service that you perform in front of him you think carefully about what you do, because it will be bad if you daydream.

Convien che gliocchi pogni quando gli servi innançi aquel che ypiace ben fa lingua che tace sença dimanda sempre quando serve. Ese benti conserve tu chai servir netto di veste emani e vo chancor gli strani serva se sono atagliador con seco. Anchor sien gliocchi teco che netto tegna davanti achui servi e fai ben seriservi la peça intera quando puoi tagliando. Emal se pur spessando fai troppo monte grande deltagliato

When serving before him concentrate on what he likes; a silent tongue and no questions are good when serving; it is equally good if you, who must serve, keep your clothes and hands clean; I want you to serve any visitors, too, who are at the table with him. In addition, keep a keen eye on this: keep a clean space in front of whomever you serve; you do well when cutting to serve a whole piece, if possible, but you do poorly if, tearing it to pieces,

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epeggio saspectato se tanto chessi da mangiar non anno. Equando vi seranno vivande che non nette fanno mani con tuoi andamenti piani quando vien laltra fache sia lavato. Del simil insegnato sempre serai sule fructa parando che per cio dimostrando disovra dissi non dece al conpagno.

you make an enormous pile of cuttings, and even worse if you take so long that they wait and have no food. When there are foods that soil your hands, maintain your composure and wash up before the next course arrives. Similarly, be ready to prepare the fruit since, as stated above, companions should not serve one another.

Ancor molto mi lagno di te che vuo correggier glialtri bastar ti dea tuttora in questo caso sol perte far bene. Noia mi fa chi tene si mal accorta tagliando manera chal mondar duna pera passa da terça infin ora di nona. Et ancora chi non a di sua man guardia e tagliando sincappa che dal servir iscappa e suo signor non atalor chil serva.

I would strongly complain if you try to guide others: let it be enough for you to do well by yourself. It bothers me when someone does such a poor job that it takes him a whole day to peel a single pear! Even worse are those who cannot restrain their hands and keep cutting so much that they neglect their duty and their master has no one to serve him.

Dispiacemi chi serva parlar di medico asignor servendo se non forse ubidendo quandesso la dallui in mandamento. Nel dar del laqua intento serai considerando il tempo elloco dove ne poca poco per freddo fredda meno et assai calda. Quando il sol molto scalda

I dislike it when a server mentions doctors when serving his master, unless obeying orders when given by the master. When pouring water, pay attention, considering the time and place: if there is little, give little; when cold, give less cold and more hot. When the sun is very hot,

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metti abbondante ma guarda altrui panni guarda al grado o aglianni dachui cominci sel non e chidica.

pour freely, but observe people’s dress: consider their rank and age, to decide where to start if no one tells you.

Mo ti vo dir ne mica dece che veggia cio che fa signore ma chero allui chonore faccia chegli aggia di sua vita honesta. Tu tien la mente presta e servi tal che ti sia buono specchio.

Now I must tell you not to watch what your master does, but he must strive for honour and to lead an honourable life. Keep your mind ready to serve the one who mirrors you well.

Mo vien un viço vecchio dognun che serve del troppo dormire. Unaltro ten vo dire del servidor che servendo sospira ediquel che si tira in dietro al comandar che facto amolti.

Now I must mention an old vice of servers: nodding off frequently. Another I must mention to you is the servant who sighs while serving, and the one who backs away from an order given to many.

Esono alquanti stolti chessendo sença officio in gran famiglia lun collaltro sappiglia va tu fa tu ortu ti posi e quegli. Non sanno ben comegli guadagna piu chi piu serve epiu piace colui forte mi spiace cheli minuti servigetti isdegna. Ecolui che no impegna mandato in fretta sença argento in mano e color che si stano deritti in sala eguardan pur ne visi. Ecolor che stan fisi pigliar rilievo per gir ascondendo

There are many fools who, with no duties in a large house, bicker among themselves: ‘You go, you do it, you stop!’ These forget that the rewards go to those who serve and please best. I greatly dislike one who disdains small chores; one who will not spend his own money if sent out on short notice with no cash; those who just stand around in a room and stare at people’s faces; those whose only goal is to take a break and hide themselves;

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ecolor che sedendo vanno di fuor quando servir bisogna.

and those who sit around when needed for serving.

Sescalco che rampogna palesemente poniam chalchun falli ecolui che non falli comamagior nel suo officio honore. Sescalco vantadore dispiace et anco il lento e frettoloso et atutti enoioso il bisbigliar el consigliar in sala.

I fault a steward who chides others openly as well as those who do not respect him as a superior in his position. A boastful steward is displeasing, as is the slow or hurried, and everyone dislikes whispering and arguing in the hall.

Et e maniera mala far ragunança otreppelli yserventi sien li tuoi piedi attenti dandar leggiero servendo datorno.

It is also a bad habit for servants to cluster and congregate. Your feet must be careful to step lightly when serving.

Ne dir chi chiama io torno poi ti nascondi edi che lai beffato che tu ai peggiorato non lui ma te se ben attento pensi.

Never say: ‘Who’s calling? I’m coming!’ but then hide and say you fooled him, because this makes you look bad, not your master, if you consider it well.

Atavola conviensi novelle rie olaide non portare se non potesse dare periglio indugio et allor achui tocca.

Do not bring to the meal table bad or unpleasant news; but if withholding it would be dangerous, tell the one concerned.

Abstinente tua bocca sia da mangiar prima tavola stante di ber fa simigliante quanto adilecto ma sete ti scusa. Laqual abbiendo tusa non di nascoso ber ne del migliore. Ne piace servidore che poi fa lunga stança in sua mangiare.

Your own mouth should not eat before you serve at the table; the same is true of drinking for pleasure, but you may, if thirsty. When thirsty, remember not to drink in hiding or to drink the best wine. Nobody likes a servant who takes a long time to eat,

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Se dove il possa fare emen quel chesi turba se chiamato che non a ancora mangiato chel serve piu chi serve altrui che gola.

in the event he can do it! It is bad when he gets upset if called because he has not eaten: the best server serves others, not his hunger.

Or me venuta gola di volta dar acerti insegnamenti che vedrai qui contenti ne vo lassar per chel parlar sia longo.

Now I have a taste for providing certain instructions that you find set forth here and I cannot omit, even if the list is long.

In camera ti pongo che netta ben la tengni ey panni acconci e guarda che nosconci quel che tu fai per mal guardar le cose.

Imagine yourself in chambers: keep them clean, with clothes in order; beware not to ruin anything from storing it improperly.

Camminando sieno ose le membra tue asollicito tutto sel ti grida sta mutto ne ten turbar ne mostrar che ten doglia. Eguarda che non toglia dela tua guarda alchun cosa qualsia. chassai trovi per via che pensan pur del far delaltri suo. Chiaro sial viso tuo non ti lagnar per aqua ne per venti fanghi neve o paventi ose ti doglion di faticha lossa. Chel di seguente scossa sera da te la fatica ela noia poi ti sera gran gioia quando averai continuato il bene.

On your rounds, your arms and legs should be ready for any order; if your master yells at you, keep quiet, remain calm, and show no pain; be careful that no one takes anything under your care from you; there are many on the street who want what is yours as their own. Your expression should be constant; do not complain about rain, wind, mud, snow, fear, or that your bones ache from fatigue, because the next day the pain and fatigue will pass and you will be very glad for a job well done.

Ese poi forse avene che sia signor savrati far servire etua gente nutrire.

If perchance it happens that you become a master, you will know how to be served, and to feed your staff.

Reggimento e costumi di donna and Documenti d’amore

Equi ti faccio fine al documento. Etu piu daltri cento porai da questi per simil avere che non si dea volere dogni ciancetta far qui longa seggia. Como donçella deggia ecameriera sua donna servire non bisogna qui dire chio lo gia scripto nel libro cho ditto.

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Here I conclude this teaching, from which you can make more than a hundred more similar to these, because one should not try to turn every little talk into a treatise. There is no need to tell how a lady-in-waiting or maid should serve her mistress, since I did that in the other book.

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5 THE CASTILIAN CASTIGOS DEL REY DON SANCHO (SELECTIONS) AND CASTIGOS Y DOTRINAS QUE UN SABIO DAVA A SUS HIJAS Emily C. Francomano INTRODUCTION ‘Bien auenturado es aquel que tomó escarmiento por lo ageno que contesçió a otri e non por lo suyo’ (Blessed is he who learns his lesson from the examples of others and not from his own experience) Sancho IV declares to his son in the nineteenth chapter of his encyclopedic collection of Castigos. King Sancho’s use of the beatus ille motif characterizes both the pseudo-canonical tone and the pedagogical ethos of medieval Castilian wisdom literature and conduct books, which offer the young men and women they address vicarious experiences of moral triumph and turpitude, voiced in the incontestable register of authority. King Sancho IV’s Castigos (Lessons) and the anonymous Castigos y dotrinas que un sabio dava a sus hijas (Lessons and Teachings a Wise Man Gave to His Daughters) are two prose treatises in which parental narrators express their desire to endow their son and daughters, respectively, with the knowledge, practical advice, and moral standards necessary for a successful life. Though addressing very different inscribed audiences and separated by almost two centuries, both father-figures stress the moral underpinnings of all conduct, the perilous nature of human existence, and the precarious nature of one’s place in society. Their advice and admonishments are delivered in the form of direct instructions, pithy axioms, and exemplary stories, designed to illustrate the rewards of virtue and practical wisdom and the dangers of sin and ignorance. The two collections of castigos share deep concerns with gender relations, marriage, chastity, and honour. Like many other wisdom texts from medieval Castile, these two compendia draw upon a broad range of both acknowledged and unacknowledged canonical, sapiential, classical, and literary sources. The Castigos y dotrinas, for example, presents an abbreviated version of the tale of patient Griselda in order to demonstrate the extent of ideal wifely obedience and fortitude. Moreover,

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both Sancho IV and the anonymous wise father of the Castigos y dotrinas firmly place themselves within the biblical wisdom tradition, echoing the Gospels, the books of Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Wisdom, and Ecclesiasticus, as the authority of the legendary wise King Solomon was indisputable for medieval moralists. King Sancho IV’s Castigos King Sancho IV of Castile (1258–95), known as ‘el Bravo’ (the Fierce), was the son of Alfonso X the Wise (1221–84). The staggering proportions of Alfonso X’s cultural and literary enterprises have tended to overshadow Sancho’s contributions to Castilian learning and letters. Nevertheless, Sancho IV was an avid cultural patron and his relatively short reign saw the production of many literary works as well as the continuation of his father’s historiographic projects. Sancho IV’s Castigos, composed in the last decade of the thirteenth century, is a fifty-chapter mirror of princes that combines political, theological, and moral lessons for a young man destined for the upper echelons of society. Although the king’s authorship has occasionally come into question, there is general critical agreement that Sancho IV at the very least supervised the production of the Castigos.1 The Castigos are dedicated to his son Fernando IV (1285–1312) and, as the royal narrator states, to all those who may desire to learn and serve God. Fernando may not have gained much wisdom from the Castigos by the time he inherited the throne at the age of nine. His reign has gone down in history as ‘disastrous’ and anarchic.2 Versions and fragments of the Castigos survive in eight manuscripts dating from the fourteenth to the eighteenth centuries. Although the Castigos are dedicated to a prince, readership broadened throughout the centuries. Indeed, the number of surviving manuscripts and the centuries-long series of redactions both indicate the long-lived interest that the work has held for readers, as Hugo Oscar Bizzarri points out in his introduction to the critical edition used in the preparation of the English translation presented here.3 The first modern edition of Sancho’s Castigos was published in 1860 by Pascual de Gayangos, in an anthology of fourteenth-century prose. Almost a century later, it was reedited by Agapito Rey (1952), and, more recently by Bizzarri (2001). Palaeographic transcriptions of individual manuscripts of the Castigos have been prepared for the Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies by Matthew Bailey (1992), John Zemke (1992), and Craig Frazier and William Palmer (1994). In the context of an anthology of paired conduct texts, it is interesting to note that Sancho IV, writing for an inscribed male audience, addresses many of the same topics that would later concern the anonymous author of the Castigos y dotrinas que un sabio dava a sus hijas. Indeed, the behaviour and

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treatment of women is of such great importance in Sancho’s treatise that he prefaces his fifty chapters of advice and moral teachings with a discussion of the creation of Eve. As Nancy Joe Dyer argues, the focus on women’s roles in Sancho’s Castigos may reflect the king’s interest in promoting his own marriage to Maria de Molina.4 Throughout his extensive Castigos, Sancho is particularly keen to instil in his son the many virtues necessary for kings and lawgivers. He opens with eight catechistic chapters, beginning with the familiar caution that the fear of God is the root of all wisdom. Sancho addresses issues of human relations at court, in the royal household, on the battlefield, and in the king’s bedroom, interspersing his advice on the practicalities of a lord’s life and business with chapters devoted to the praise and critique of abstract moral qualities, virtues, and vices, such as justice, prudence, piety, virginity, avarice, suspicion, and envy. Sancho’s Castigos also urges his inscribed male audience to interpret historical events morally. In the selections reproduced and translated here, Sancho reminds his son of the disastrous battle of Alarcos in 1195, where Alfonso VIII of Castile was defeated by the Moors, supposedly as punishment for his extramarital relationship with a Jewish woman. He also recalls Roderick, the last of the Visigothic kings, whose illicit relationship with the daughter of a count was widely believed to have caused the initial Moorish invasions in 711. The Castigos y dotrinas que un sabio dava a sus fijas The anonymous Castigos y dotrinas que un sabio dava a sus fijas, which exists in a single manuscript dating from the fifteenth century, is a decalogue of commandments for future wives offered by a fatherly author-figure as a precious dowry for his daughters. The first modern edition of the Castigos y dotrinas que un sabio dava a sus fijas was prepared by Hermann Knust in 1878. A palaeographic edition was prepared for the Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies by Connie Scarborough in 1994. In 2000 Hernán Sánchez Martínez de Pinillos published a scholarly edition and extensive commentary. Unlike Sancho’s Castigos, the anonymous father addresses daughters who are not destined for the highest ranks of the nobility, but rather for lives as urban and moneyed housewives of high social standing. Nevertheless, the author is clearly imitating the style and content of earlier mirrors of princes, such as Sancho IV’s Castigos, which, in one of its fifteenth-century incarnations, possibly could have served as a model for the Castigos y dotrinas. Unlike many conduct texts addressed to women, such as Fray Martín de Talavera’s later Jardín de nobles doncellas (Garden of Noble Maidens), dedicated to Isabel the Catholic, and Juan Luis Vives’s De institutione feminae Christianae (On the Education of a

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Christian Woman), the Castigos y dotrinas is not concerned with correct feminine deportment throughout life, but rather wholly confines its advice to the duties of married women. As Sánchez Martínez de Pinillos notes, the Castigos y dotrinas is a precedent for Fray Luis de León’s famous La perfecta casada (The Perfect Wife), composed in the sixteenth century and used for centuries afterwards in the education of women.5 The fatherly narrator of the Castigos y dotrinas cautions his daughters that married women live in great danger and must take great care to maintain their good standing in the eyes of their husbands, in-laws, servants, and society in general. Good wives, the treatise asserts, must be ever-vigilant in their modesty and chaste behaviour and ever-pliant in their obedience and submission to their husbands. In anticipation of his daughters’ potential unhappiness in marriage, the sabio also offers some strategies for dealing with unpleasant, miserly, and adulterous husbands. In contrast to the common medieval moral ranking of women, where consecrated virgins precede all others and married women come last, the Castigos y dotrinas asserts the primacy of married women, declaring that ‘la religión de las mugeres casadas es muy peligrosa y áspera, y así no ay otra ninguna que tanto mérito merezca commo la buena muger casada’ (the order of married women is perilous and rough, and indeed there is no other order of women so deserving of merit as that of the good wife). The paternal author-figure of the Castigos y dotrinas is only obliquely concerned with the future motherhood of his daughters. Patient Griselda’s abnegation of her children, a reference to the possible existence of female children in his advice about keeping a close watch over all the women in a household, and the instruction that his daughters treat their maidservants as daughters are the full extent of the sabio’s allusions to the subject. The ten chapters from Sancho’s Castigos reproduced here have been selected in order to give readers an understanding of the work’s vision and scope, while highlighting not only the common concerns but also the divergent subject matter treated by the two collections of fatherly teachings. The relative brevity of the Castigos y dotrinas points clearly to the limited extension of female power in a wealthy household and the consequent limited scope of knowledge deemed necessary for the formation of female children, as well as to the great difference between the instruction of royal children, whose power must extend throughout their realms, and those belonging to the lower ranks of the aristocracy and bourgeoisie. In contrast to the Castigos y dotrinas, for example, the late fifteenth-century Jardín de nobles doncellas of Fray Martín de Talavera is an extensive treatise that delves more deeply into theological, philosophical, and political issues. Nevertheless, Fray Martín equates the learning necessary

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to rule as queen with the knowledge of feminine nature and feminine virtues, identified as clemency, piety, compassion, modesty, and chastity.5 Whereas in Sancho IV’s mirror of princes statecraft must be exercised with masculine virtue, in this mirror of princesses, feminine virtue is statecraft. Gender is not the only determinant of different constructions of wisdom, but it clearly subtends notions of correct conduct and knowledge, even at the highest echelons of the social order. A Note about the Spanish Version of the Castigos of Sancho IV and about the Translations The text of Sancho’s Castigos presented here follows Bizzarri’s edition of 2001, but with several manuscript variants within brackets (for the sake of clarity). I would like to express my gratitude to Clara Pascual Argente for her invaluable suggestions in rendering several difficult passages of Sancho IV’s thirteenth-century prose into English. NOTES 1 See Frazier and Palmer, Text and Concordance of the Castigos, 1; and Zemke, Text and Concordance of Escorial MS. Z.III.4, 2–3. 2 Payne, A History of Spain and Portugal, 143. 3 Bizzarri, Los Castigos del rey don Sancho IV, 59. 4 Dyer, ‘El decoro femenino en Castigos e documentos del rey don Sancho IV.’ 5 Castigos y doctrinas, ed. Sánchez Martínez de Pinellos, 11. 6 See Martín de Córdoba, Fray Martín de Córdoba, ed. Goldberg, 95–126.

Castigos del Rey Don Sancho IV

Lessons of King Sancho IV

[Prólogo de 1292]

[Prologue of 1292]

1 Por tal commo Nuestro Sennor Dios es infinida bondat, por tal todo lo que Él faze es bueno e mal non puede auer començamiento nin fundamento en Él.

1 Since Our Lord God is infinite goodness, all that he creates is good and evil cannot begin nor have its foundation in him.

2 Por tal dize Moysén en el primero libro de la ley que después que Nuestro Sennor ha criado el mundo, miró a todo lo que fecho auía e vido que todo era mucho bueno. E por consiguiente la muger, fecha por Nuestro Sennor Dios, era mucho buena.

2 Thus Moses says in the first book of the law that after Our Lord had created the world, he looked at all that he had made and saw that it was very good. Consequently, woman, made by Our Lord, was very good.

3 E aquesto prueua Cesarius sobre el primero capítulo del Génesi, diziendo que Dios la crió doctada de bienes de natura e de fortuna e de graçia. E primera mente de bienes de natura, ca era sabia, non tanto commo Adam.

3 Caesarius proves this, when he says that in the first chapter of Genesis God created woman endowed with gifts of nature, of fortune, and of grace. First, with gifts of nature, for she was wise, though not so wise as Adam.

4 Ca dize Sant Pablo que Adam jamás non fue engannado nin creyó lo que la syerpe dixo a Eua. E aquesto por tal commo auía menos seso, después era dotada de los dones que

4 For Saint Paul says that Adam was never tricked by the serpent nor did he believe what the serpent said to Eve. Although she was less intelligent than Adam, she was endowed

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pertenesçen al ordenamiento natural, así commo buena voluntat, buenas inclinaçiones, claro entendimiento, buena industria, buena conçiençia, franco arbitrio, fermosura de cuerpo e fortaleza conuenible, sabidoría conplida en todo lo que es menester en muger acabada. Asimesmo era inoçente e puesta en regimiento de criaturas e le fueron obedientes. E auía el cuerpo sin toda pasión, nin auía fanbre, nin sed, nin frío, nin calor, nin auía menester vestiduras, antes andaua desnuda así commo Adam. Ca commo non ouiesen ninguna culpa, non auían de cosa verguença e por esto non auían menester vestiduras. Asimesmo en bienes de fortuna auíala Dios puesta en logar mucho exçelente e mucho deleytoso, es a saber, en paraýso terrenal. E le auía dado deleytes, honores, riquezas naturales en grand copia.

with all of the gifts that pertain to natural order, such as good will, good inclinations, clear understanding, industriousness, good conscience, free will, beauty of body, suitable strength, and all the wisdom that is needed in a perfect woman. She was also innocent and put in charge of the animals and they obeyed her. Her body was free from all passion; she felt no hunger, thirst, cold, or heat; nor did she need clothing, but rather went naked just like Adam. For, as there was no sin in paradise, they had no need of shame and that is why they had no need of clothing. God likewise endowed Eve with gifts of fortune by putting her in an excellent and delightful place, that is to say in earthly paradise. He gave her delights, honours, and natural riches in great abundance.

5 Sy piensas el estado en que estaua después, era en graçia de Dios Nuestro Sennor, en tanto que sy ouiese contrastado al diablo en la tentaçión, Nuestro Sennor Dios la ouiera conformado en graçia. E sobre esto le auía Dios en el ánima dado e criado ornamiento de virtud atal que en ella auía toda virtud pertenesçiente a su salud. E era ordenada final mente auer gloria con los santos ángeles en el regno de Dios perpetual mente. E después auían resçibido graçia de justiçia original que los tenía así en el cuerpo e el ánima sojudgada a la razón que jamás non rebellara, sy

5 If you consider the great state of grace that Eve had in paradise, you will see that if she had resisted the devil, Our Lord God would have kept her in his grace. In addition to all this, God had given her and nurtured the ornament of virtue in her soul, to such an extent that Eve had all the virtue appertaining to her well-being. In the end she was destined to glory with the holy angels in the kingdom of God forever. What is more, Adam and Eve had received the grace of original good judgment, which kept them subject to reason, in both body and soul, and which

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ella ouiese querido. Muchas otras graçias e dones resçibió de Nuestro Sennor Dios, por las quales se demuestra que ella era obra de Dios mucho buena e sennalada e digna de grande loor.

would never have rebelled if only Eve had so desired. Eve received many other graces and gifts from Our Lord God, by which it is demonstrated that she was the work of God, illustrious and worthy of great praise.

6 Adán asimesmo, después que ouo cometido el pecado e consentido a su muger, luego reportó sus penas. Ca, commo dizen los santos doctores, por tal commo fue rebelde a Dios, por tal se le rebelló su carne propia e todas las bestias le fueron rebeldes. Tanto que dizen algunos que vna de las grandes penas que sufrían él e su muger si fue de las persecuçiones que las bestias le dauan después que fueron echados del paraýso. E dizen que sufrían grandes acomentimeintos de las serpientes de las quales se temían que non les matasen los ninnos pequennos que después ouieron. E que amó más consentir e satisfazer a la muger que a Dios, por tanto quiso Dios que truxiese grand parte de sus cargos.

6 Adam likewise, after he had committed the sin and indulged his wife, soon bore his pains. For, as the holy doctors say, since Adam rebelled against God, his own body and all the beasts rebelled against him, so much so that some say that one of the great punishments that Adam and his wife suffered after they had been expelled from paradise was the aggression of wild beasts. They say that Adam and Eve suffered great attacks by serpents and feared that the serpents would kill the little children that they had. Since Adam had preferred to indulge and satisfy his wife over God, God wanted him to bear a great part of their burdens.

7 Onde dize aquí Orígenes que grand cargo es del omne auer a soportar a su muger e en sus passiones e miserias. E, por tanto, aquel que falló el lenguaje angelus puso nonbre a la muger human, que quiere dezir dolor de marido. E en pena de aquesto ha querido Nuestro Sennor Dios que, si el omne da sennoría a la muger sobre sý mesmo, que ella le será todos tienpos contraria.

7 Wherefore Origen says that man’s great burden is bearing his wife in her passions and miseries. Therefore, he who invented the English language called the female ‘woman,’ which means woe to man. As a punishment for all this Our Lord God ordained that if a man gives his power to woman, she will always be against him.

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8 E aquesto auemos en el xxvi capítulo del Eclésiastico a donde dize el testo así: Muger que sennoría ouiere sobre el omne syenpre será contraria a su marido, por que avn commo el omne deleytosa mente e commo Eua morando e turando por amor e deleyte carnal consentió a la muger que riendo por amor délla auer esperiençia del dulçor del fruto a él vedado, por tanto le dio Dios en pena de aquestos locos deleytes que todos tienpos comiese su pan en sudor de su carne e beuiese en dolor e en trabajo.

8 We see this in the twenty-sixth chapter of Ecclesiasticus where the text says: ‘A woman who has power over man will always be contrary to her husband’; because man, even as he lived in enduring delight with Eve, consented to her wish for the sake of love and carnal pleasure and, laughing out of love for her, experienced the sweetness of the fruit that was forbidden to him, therefore God decreed, as punishment for those crazed pleasures, that he would forever eat his bread from the sweat of his brow and drink from his pain and suffering.

9 E por que los trabajos e tentaçiones, pecados e engannos e males déste mundo son tales e tantos e las sotilezas de los omnes con que partiçipamos que más pugnan de dar consejos de mala biuienda que de buena auemos de buscar carrera derecha e verdadera, que es Dios Nuestro Sennor e los sus buenos dichos e castigos, por do natural mente obrando por ellos seremos puestos con los santos en la gloria çelestial do son todos los sus amados.

9 Because the suffering, temptations, sins, trickery, and evils of this world are so great and so many, as is the cunning of men we meet who would rather strive to teach us bad living than good, we must seek a straight and true path, which is God Our Lord and his good words and teachings, which, if we put them into action according to our nature, will place us with the saints in celestial glory, where all God’s beloved are found.

10 E, por ende, nos el rey don Sancho, por la graçia de Dios, séptimo rey de Castilla, de León, de Toledo, de Galizia, de Seuilla, de Córdoua, de Murçia, de Jahén, del Algarbe e sennor de Molina, poniendo mis fechos e mi pobre juyzio e entendimiento en aquel soberano altísimo Rey muy poderoso, fazedor de todas las cosas,

10 Thus, I, King Sancho, by the grace of God seventh king of Castile, Leon, Toledo, Galicia, Seville, Cordova, Murcia, Jaen, Algarve, and Lord of Molina, commending my deeds and my poor judgment and understanding to that supreme most high king, most powerful, maker of all things, without whose grace nothing can be done, considering that all

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sin la graçia del qual ninguna cosa se puede fazer, acatando que todo omne es obligado de castigar, regir e aministrar sus fijos e dalles e dexalles costunbres e regimiento de buenos castigos en que natural mente puedan beuir e conosçer a Dios e a sí mesmos e dar enxenplo de bien beuir a los otros –e esto pertenesçe mayor mente a los reyes e prínçipes que han de gouernar reynos e gentes—con ayuda de çientíficos sabios ordené e fize este libro para mi fijo e dende para todos aquellos que del algund bien quisieren tomar e aprender a seruiçio de Dios e de la virgen gloriosa Santa María pro e bien de las almas e consolaçión e alegría de los cuerpos.

men are obliged to instruct, rule, and supervise their children, and to give and bequeath to them teachings of good habits and rules by which they may consequently live and know God and themselves and set an example of good living for others – and this pertains even more to kings and princes who have to govern kingdoms and peoples – with the help of wise men of science I composed and made this book for my son and also for all those who may want to take some good from it and learn in the service of God and the glorious Virgin Mary, the profit and good of souls and consolation and happiness of bodies.

11 E fízelo en el anno que con ayuda de Dios gané a Tarifa de los moros, cuya era que auía más de seysçientos annos que la tenían en su poder, desque la perdió el rey don Rodrigo, que fue el postrimero rey de los godos por la maldat e trayçión abominable del malo del conde don Jullián, e la di a la fe de Ihesu Christo. E ay en él çinquento capítulos.

11 I wrote this book in the year that with the help of God I won Tarifa1 from the Moors, who had held it in their power for more than six hundred years, ever since King Roderick, who was the last king of the Goths, lost it due to the evil and abominable treachery of bad Count Julian, and I gave it to the faith of Jesus Christ. There are fifty chapters in this book.

Capítulo primero. Cómmo deue el omne conosçer e temer a Dios que le fizo el alma.

Chapter One. How one should know and fear God, who created his soul.

1 Mío fijo mucho amado, tú eres mío fijo carnal mente e de la mi semiente fuyste tú fecho. E commo quier que tú seas mío fijo, Dios, criador e fazedor de todas las cosas,

1 My dearly beloved son, you are son of my flesh, made of my seed. Even though you are my son, God, the creator and maker of all things, is the father of your soul, which he

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es padre del alma, ca Él la fizo de nada; pues conuiene que le guardes bien aquello que es de su fechura. Ca así commo yo soy tu padre quiero que guardes bien aquello que es de mi fechura, e así el tu padre del çielo quiere que guardes bien el alma de qui es Él fazedor; por ende, para mientes a los castigos que te yo agora daré e verás en ellos que non son tan sola mente castigos para la tu carne, mas son castigos que te faze el tu padre çelestial para la tu alma, e yo te los ensenno por Él. Ca allí do Él touo por bien e ordenó que yo fuese tu padre, allí me houo Él dado poder que te castigase por Él e por mí.

made from nothing; clearly, it is fitting that you take good care of that which is of his making. For just as I am your father and want you to take good care of that which is of my making, so does your heavenly father want you to take good care of the soul that he made. Thus, carefully consider the lessons that I will now give you and you will see that they are not only lessons for your flesh, but rather, they are also lessons that your heavenly father gives you for your soul, and I teach them on his behalf. For when he saw fit to make me your father, he also gave me the power to teach you for him as well as for myself.

2 E para mientes a todas aquellas cosas que son malas e feas e lixosas e dannosas para la carne e fallarás que todas son malas para el alma.

2 Consider carefully all those things that are evil, ugly, dirty, and harmful for the flesh and you will find that they are all bad for the soul.

3 Mala costunbre para el cuerpo es comer e beuer lixosa mente e más de lo que deues. Ca así commo esto es malo para el cuerpo, bien así es pecado para el alma. Otrosí es malo para el cuerpo dormir más del que deues e de aquello que te cunple para el gouierno del tu cuerpo.

3 It is a bad habit for the body to eat and drink in a slovenly way, as are overeating and drinking. For just as this is bad for the body, so it is also sinful for the soul. Sleeping more than you should and more than is fitting for the governing of your body is also bad for the body.

4 E el tienpo que deues velar e meter mientes en tu fazienda non lo deues dexar por el su suenno sobejo.

4 You should not oversleep when you should be awake and tending to your affairs.

5 Otrosí en el tienpo que deues loar a Dios non le deues dexar por el tu

5 Nor should you sleep when you should be at prayer. Just as all this is

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suenno. E todo esto así commo es malo para el cuerpo así es pecado para el alma.

bad for your body, it is a sin for your soul.

6 Vida mala e lixosa buelta en todas malas costunbres e en pecado es aborresçimiento de los días de la vida déste mundo e es engannador que trahe las almas a perdiçión.

6 A bad and unclean life turned to all bad habits and sin is an abhorrence of the days of this life and is an illusion that carries souls to perdition.

7 ¿Qué te diré más? Todas aquellas cosas en que omne es bien acostunbrado e por que faze buena vida al mundo todas son saluamiento del alma e todas aquellas cosas que son malas para la vida déste mundo en que el omne toma malas costunbres todas son a perdiçión del alma.

7 What more can I tell you? All those things in which a man is of good habits and which make him live a good life are the salvation of his soul and all those things that are bad in this life and that become bad habits are his soul’s perdition.

8 Mío fijo, guárdate que te non vezcan cosas sabrosas e fermosas, ca aquéllas son las que fazen caer al omne en mal lazo.

8 My son, take care that you are not conquered by sweet and beautiful things, because they make men fall into dangerous traps.

9 Las aues non caerían en la red que les arman sinon fuese por el çeuo que les ý echan, ca tan grande es el sabor que toman de comer aquel çeuo que se non guardan con cuyta déllo de caer en la red e non se sienten del su mal fasta que la red tienen desuso.

9 Birds would not be trapped in the nets that are set for them if it were not for the bait also set in them, for the bait tastes so good that the birds do not fear the net or realize they are trapped until the net closes over them.

10 Otrosí el pescado con glotonía de comer traga el anzuelo e non lo siente fasta que le traua en la garganta e está preso que non puede foýr e tomal el pescador e sacal fuera del agua.

10 So too the fish that gluttonously swallows the hook and does not feel it until it is stuck in his throat and he is caught and cannot flee, and the fisherman takes him out of the water.

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11 Otrosí las bestias non syenten los lazos que les arman nin las otras armaduras fasta que ý cahen de cabeça e las toman. E las vnas cahen ý por que les ponen que coman e a que vengan, e las otras por que se non guardan de aquel mal que les está armado fasta que son ý tomadas.

11 So too the wild animals that do not see the snares and other traps set for them until they have fallen head first and are caught. Some are caught because of the bait put in traps for them to eat and others because they do not protect themselves from the evil that awaits them until they are caught.

12 Tal es el diablo con sus asechamientos e con sus asacamientos e con sus maestrías malas para fazer entrar al mesquino del omne commo es la red para las aues e los anzuelos para los peçes e los lazos e los foyos para las bestias.

12 Such is the way of the devil, who, with his ambushes, his calumnies, and evil mastery, draws in wretched men like birds in a net, fish on a hook, and beasts in a snare or pitfall.

13 E por que veas que te digo verdat, para mientes a las vidas de los santos e los que fallaron firmes en creençia e rezios en coraçones non los pudieron engannar e fincaron los diablos vençidos, e los otros que non eran tan perfectos nin tan firmes metiéronlos a corronpimiento, ca tales ý houo de los santos padres que con grand cuyta que auíen los diablos de los engannar tomauan figura de ángeles en que les pareçíen delante, e a otros en figura de apóstoles e de otros santos, e a otros poníen oro e plata delante e muy grand auer.

13 In order to show you that I am telling the truth, carefully consider the lives of the saints and others who were firm of belief, stout of heart, and who could not be tricked, and who defeated devils. Consider the lives of others who were neither so perfect nor so firm and were corrupted; for there were some holy fathers whom cunning devils tried to trick by appearing before them in the form of angels, apostles, and other saints, and showed others gold, silver, and great riches.

14 E para mientes en la vida del bien auenturado Sant Martín, obispo, e fallarás de cómmo le aparesçió vna vegada el diablo en manera de rey vestido de pannos de peso e con corona de oro en la

14 Consider the life of blessed Saint Martin, bishop, and you will see how the devil once appeared to him in the figure of a king dressed in rich clothing, a gold crown, and golden sandals, with a joyful face. Both

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cabeça e calças de oro e con alegre cara. E callando amos grand pieça, dixo el diablo: Martín, conósçeme que yo soy Ihesu Christo a quien tu honrras, e queriéndote bien guardar vine aquí. E marauillándose désto Sant Martín dixo el diablo otra vegada: Martín, ¿crees esto que te yo digo, que yo soy Ihesu Christo? E mostrándogelo el Spíritu Santo dixo Sant Martín: El mi Sennor Ihesu Christo non anda vestido de pannos de oro, nin de púrpura, nin dixo que vernía con corona de oro resplandesçiente. E yo non creo que veniese el mi Sennor Ihesu Christo sy non en aquella forma que tomó la muerte en la cruz. E oyéndolo el diablo desaparesçió e quedó grand fedor en aquella çelda. E este enganno e esta trayçión conosçió Sant Martín por graçia del Spíritu Santo, e guardose dél e despreçiol.

stood silent for a long time, and then the devil said, ‘Martin, know me, I am Jesus Christ, whom you honour, and I have come here desiring to protect you.’ And as Saint Martin was marvelling at this, the devil said to him, ‘Martin, do you believe what I have said, that I am Jesus Christ?’ The Holy Spirit revealed the truth to Saint Martin, who said, ‘My Lord Jesus Christ does not go about dressed in golden or purple cloths, nor did he say he would come wearing a crown of shining gold. I do not believe that my Lord Jesus Christ would come in any other form but that in which he died on the cross.’ Upon hearing this the devil disappeared leaving a terrible stench in the saint’s cell. Saint Martin saw through this treachery thanks to the grace of the Holy Spirit, and he protected himself and scorned the devil.

15 ¿Qué te diré más? Non tengas por marauilla del diablo querer engannar a los Santos Padres. Quando se trabajó de tentar e de engannar a Ihesu Christo, que era su sennor, non era marauilla de cometer a los santos que eran sus sieruos; pues muy menos marauilla es de cometer a los otros omnes que son pecadores.

15 What more can I tell you? Do not be surprised that the devil wanted to trick the holy fathers. Since he tried to trick and tempt Jesus Christ, who was his Lord, it is no marvel that he tried to trick the saints, his servants; and it is even less surprising that he tries to trick other men, who are sinners.

16 Por ende, es menester, si te quisieres guardar de los engannos e del mal del diablo, que te armes contra él de armas para defender e de armas para defender e de armas para ferirle, las quales son éstas. La tu loriga

16 Consequently, it is necessary, if you want to arm yourself against the tricks and evil doings of the devil, that you arm yourself against him with protective shields and weapons to wound him, which are the following.

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en que el tu cuerpo e la tu alma esté encobierto sea themor de Dios. La tu capellina que tengas en la cabeça sea conosçimiento a Dios, que es alçador e guardador de la tu cabeça. E el tu escudo que pongas ante ti sea creençia buena e verdadera e firme. E la tu lança sea firmeza e fortaleza de coraçón, la qual non pueda quebrantar el diablo por las feridas que dé en ella. La tu espada sea justiçia que así commo la espada taja egual mente tan bien del vn cabo commo del otro, así la justiçia sea egual e tajada en la tu mano que se non acueste más del vn cabo que al otro. Las tus piernas e los tus pies sean armados de homildança a aquellos que la deues fazer. Las tus manos sean armadas de castidat e non las quieras ensuziar en forniçio e en voluntad de tu carne.

Let the armour on your body and your soul be your fear of God. Let the helmet you wear on your head be your knowledge of God, who raises and protects your head. Let the shield you hold before you be your true and firm belief. Let your lance be the stoutness and strength of your heart, which cannot be broken by the wounds the devil may inflict on it. Let your sword be justice, and, just as double-edged swords cut well on both sides, let justice cut evenly from your hand, not resting on one side or the other. Let your legs and your feet be armed with your humility to those to whom you owe it. Let your hands be armed with chastity and do not desire to dirty them in fornication and carnal desires.

17 Mío fijo, para mientes en la estoria de quando ganaron los christianos la cibdat de Antiochía e fallarás ý del duc Godofre, que non seyendo grand omne de cuerpo, se le acaesçió muchas vegadas que dio con su espada muy grandes golpes, e tan grandes que se faze vna grand estranneza de creer. E afincáronle vn día mucho que dixese por que le contesçíe aquello. E él respondioles assí: Que bien veýen que nol era aquello por grandía nin por fortaleza que él ouiese en sí, mas que creýa firme mente que Dios gelo fazíe por dos cosas. La primera que nunca en su mano derecha jurara cosa contra

17 My son, consider the history of the Christian conquest of the city of Antioch and you will recall the deeds of Duke Godfrey,2 who, though he was not a large man, often gave many powerful blows with his sword, so powerful, in fact, that they were hard to believe. His men begged him to explain how it was that he could do such things. He responded that, as they could well see, it was not because of his own size or strength, but, rather, he firmly believed that God was helping him for two reasons. In the first place, because he had never used his right hand to swear falsely. In the second,

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su conçiençia que non deuiese jurar. La segunda por que nunca las sus manos pusiera en lugar lixoso nin feziera con ellas obras lixosas. E tú deues saber que este duc Godofre fue virgen en toda su vida, e virgen entró so tierra quando murió.

because he had never put his hands into dirty places or done dirty work with them. You should know that this Duke Godfrey was a virgin all his life and he went to his grave a virgin when he died.

18 Mío fijo, commo quier que yo só tu padre carrnal mente a mi puedes tú foýr cada que quisieres e te non pagares de estar comigo, mas al tu padre e al tu criador non puedes tú fuyr cada que quisieres. Non quieras darle mal galardón de lo que en ti fizo.

18 My son, even though you can run away from me, your father in flesh and blood, when you so desire and when you do not take pleasure in being with me, you cannot run away from your Father and Creator whenever you wish. Do not seek to repay God with evil for all that he has done in you.

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25 Gloria del padre es quando su fijo es sano e sabidor. E así lo dize el rey Salamón en los sus Prouerbios.

25 ‘A healthy and wise son is his father’s glory.’ This is what King Solomon says in his Proverbs.

26 E otrosí diz que el fijo nesçio e desentendido es denuesto de su madre.

26 He also says, ‘A foolish and ignorant son is a slur upon his mother.’3

27 E la razón por que esto diz es ésta por dos cosas. La primera es por que quando el padre es sesudo e entendido tienen los omnes que el fijo deue semejar a su padre. E quando non sale atal tienen que es por maldat de la madre. La segunda cosa es en el tienpo que el fijo deue aprender e seer costunbrado e apiandandol la madre fázele perder el tienpo en que deuíen de aprender. E natural mente más piadosas son las madres que los padres. E non deue

27 There are two reasons why he says this. First, because when a father is wise and intelligent, people believe that the son must be like the father. When the son does not turn out that way people think that it is because of some evil in the mother. Second, because when a son should learn and develop good habits his mother pampers him and makes him waste his time when he should be learning. Mothers are naturally more indulgent than fathers. One should

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auer piadat por que danno venga a su fijo.

not be indulgent because of the danger it may cause a son.

28 Leemos en el primero libro de los Reyes que el soberano obispo llamado Helí auía dos fijos mucho disolutos e maluados omnes, e en espeçial en pecado de gula e de luxuria que son de tal natura que aquestos dos pecados trahen muchos otros malos consigo. E commo el mal de aquestos fijos fuese dicho al padre, dize aquí que el padre les dixo así: Agora veamos, mis fijos, de vosotros me han dicho cosas que non son buenas. Guardat vos de aquí adelante. E corregiolos así a desuso. E Nuestro Sennor Dios desque vido la correpçión del padre ser vil e falsa e carnal e infintosa e irreuerente a Dios, enbiole ansí a dezir: Por tanto como has popado tus fijos e non los has corregido vigorosa mente así commo buen padre, por esto tus fijos morrán delante tus ojos a mala muerte e tú después déllos. Quitarte he la dignidat del soberano obispado tuyo e de los tuyos, e darlo he a otro, e verlo han tus ojos, ca quien me desonrra non será honrrado e quien me honrra non será desonrrado.

28 We read in the First Book of Kings that the high bishop Eli had two very dissolute sons who were wicked men,4 especially when it came to the sins of gluttony and lust, which are two sins of such a kind that they bring many other sins with them. It says that when the father was told of the wickedness of his sons, he said to them ‘Now, let us see, my sons; people have told me things about you that are not good. From now on you must refrain from doing them.’ He instructed them how to do so. When Our Lord God saw how the father’s instruction was vile, false, carnal, fake, and irreverent, he sent a message to Eli, saying, ‘Since you have coddled your sons and you have not instructed them rigorously like a good father, your sons will die an evil death before your eyes and then you will die too. I will strip from you and yours the dignity of your high priesthood and I will give it to another, and you will see it with your very eyes, because he who dishonours me will not be honoured and he who honours me will not be dishonoured.’

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31 Asimesmo Boeçio en el Libro de Escolástica Deçeplina recuenta del fijo de Lucreçia, el qual era criado en viçios de gula e con viles

31 So too, in the Book of Scholastic Discipline,5 Boethius tells the story of the son of Lucrecia, who had been brought up amidst vices of

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mugeres e con malas compannías, por las quales cosas cometió crimen, por el qual fue sentençiado a muerte. E antes que muriese, demandó al padre que le besase. E besando el fijo al padre, el fijo dio tan grande bocado al padre que la nariz le partió por medio. E dixo así: Sy tú me ouieras castigado quando era ora, non fuera yo venido a tan fea muerte commo es aquésta. Por que, pues, me has fecho heredero de la forca, yo te faré heredero de aquesta llaga por que mejor se te mienbre de mí. E ruego a Dios que Él demande la mi ánima e el mi cuerpo de ti, ca tú me has muerto e perdido en cuerpo e en ánima. E así fablando lo leuaron a enforcar.

gluttony, base women, and bad company, which had caused him to commit a crime for which he was sentenced to death. Before he died he asked his father to kiss him. As he was kissing his father, the son took such a bite out of his father that he broke his father’s nose in half. He said, ‘If you had taught me when I needed it, I would not have come to such a vile death as this one. Since you have made me heir to the gallows, I will make you heir to this wound, which will make you remember me all the more. I beg God that he claims my soul and body from you because you have killed me and destroyed my body and soul.’ As he was speaking in this way to his father, the son was taken to be hanged.

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Capítulo VI. De cómmo non deue omne dar soltura a la su carrne por conplir los sabores de la su voluntad.

Chapter Six. Concerning how one should not give free rein to the flesh in order to satisfy its desires.

1 Mío fijo, non quieras dar soltura a la tu carrne a conplir los sabores de su voluntad, ca si déllos no te sopieses guardar, cunpliendo voluntad de la carrne, meterías omezillo e grand aborresçimiento entre Dios e ti, e traeríes la tu alma a perdiçión, e los buenos tomarán e aborresçerán despagamiento de ti, e los malos tenerte han por su egual.

1 My son, do not desire to give free rein to your flesh in order to satisfy its desires, for if you do not know how to guard against these desires, in satisfying them you will create enmity and great hatred between God and yourself, and you will drag your soul to perdition, and good men will come to hate you and be displeased with you and bad men will take you for their equal.

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2 Tal es el omne que biue a voluntad de su carrne commo el puerco que se enbuelue en el lodo e non toma ende vergüença nin vsgo, e avnquel pasan los omes desuso e lo pisan non da nada por ello.

2 The man who lives for carnal desire is like a pig who rolls in the mud without shame or disgust, and does not care even though men walk over him and step on him.

3 Vergüença es freno de toda maldat. E el que vergüença ha de sý mesmo conuiene que la aya de Dios e de todos los otros omes quel veen e lo oyen.

3 Shame curbs all wickedness. It behooves a man who feels shame for himself to feel shameful before God and before all men who see and hear him.

4 El mal omne non puede seer acabado en toda maldat a menos de perder de sí vergüença, e, desque la ha perdida, non se siente de mal que faga. E desque la vergüença pierde, tiene que faziendo mal biue a su sabor, e es vida astrosa e menguada e lixosa, e tiénela por buena e por acabada. E tanto le da que ande desnudo commo si andudiese bien vestido. E tantol da que coma mal commo si comiese bien e non se siente de ninguna cosa. ¿Qué te diré más? Torrnal de estado de omne a seer bestia.

4 A bad man cannot be fully wicked unless he loses his sense of shame, because once it is lost, he does not feel the evil that he does. Once shame is lost, he feels that his evil living is pleasant, though in reality it is wretched, deficient, and filthy, and he takes it for good and perfect. He is so misguided that he goes about naked as if he were fully clothed and when he eats poorly he feels as if he has eaten well and suffers nothing. What more can I tell you? He turns from a man into a beast.

5 La mala muger, el día que pierde la vergüença e pregona por todo el mundo la su maldat e el su pecado, non lo quiere fazer en ascondido e valo fazer a las plaças e a las puertas de la çibdat por que todos vengan a la su maldat e la sepan de cada día e refresca más el su pecado que tiene, ca tiene que todo el mundo non le abondará a la su maldat.

5 A bad woman, on the day that she loses her shame and proclaims her wickedness and sin to all the world, does not want to sin in secret, so she goes to do it in the city squares and at the city gates so that all may come to her wickedness and may know it each day. Thus she refreshes her sin all the more, for she thinks that the whole world cannot satisfy her wickedness.

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6 Todos estos males nasçen de la ocçiosidat.

6 All these evils are born from idleness.

7 Dize Tullio que muger ocçiosa es saco de luxuria, grande parlera, corrubçión de muchos sin toda virtud, lazo de muchos mesquinos confusión de su marido, vergüença de sus fijos, e destruyçión de su casa.

7 Tully6 says that an idle woman is a sack of lust, a chatterbox, the corruptor of many, devoid of all virtue, snare of many wretched men, her husband’s confounder, her children’s shame, and the destruction of her household.

8 Dize aquel que muger ocçiosa pierde final mente toda la vergüença e non le plaze cosa de Dios. Todos quantos a ella se llegan fazense semejantes a sý mesmo, e la mejor obra que fazer podría es que se muriese presta mente.

8 He says that, in the end, an idle woman loses all her shame and nothing godly pleases her. All those who come into contact with her become like her and the best thing that she can do is to die quickly.

9 Leemos en la Estoria oriental que Locari, rey de Armenia, mucho buen christiano, ordenó que por tanto que las mugeres non fallasen maneras a beuir ocçiosas que ninguna non osase por ninguna nesçeidat en que fuese prometer a Dios nin a santos peregrinaçiones nin fiestas nin yrse a deportar el día de fazienda nin a menudo visitar las casa de los otros.

9 We read in the Oriental History7 that, in order to keep women from finding ways of living idly, Locari, the good Christian king of Armenia, ordered that no woman should dare to promise a pilgrimage or feast to God and the saints because of being in any difficulty, or to spend a workday at play, or go visiting frequently.

10 E dize que dezía a tales palabras que tan mala cosa era en muger ocçiosydat que vna muger de honor que fuese ocçiosa era bastante a corronper vna çibdat e avn todo vn regno.

10 And it says that he remarked that idleness is such a bad thing in a woman that an honourable woman who became idle was enough to corrupt a city and even an entire kingdom.

11 Marido que consiente a su muger ser ocçiosa es digno de ser priuado de todo regimiento e de toda honor,

11 A husband who allows his wife to be idle deserves to be stripped of all his power and honour, because he

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ca ensenna que era para poco de bueno e mucho mugeril.

demonstrates his little worth and great womanishness.

12 Recuenta Tullio que vna muger avía en Roma que era mucho ocçiosa que jamás non quería filar. Antes se trabajaua de lo aconsejar a otras que non filasen, tanto que houo de llegar a su opinión otras muchas mugeres.

12 Tully tells the story of a Roman woman who was so idle that she never wanted to spin. Rather, she worked to convince other women not to spin as well, and many of them came to share her opinion.

13 E acaesçió vn día que ovo de venir a fazer reuerençia a la enperatriz, muger del enperador Octauiano. E la dicha enperatriz en aquella sazón filaua estopa de lino e, de que sopo que esta mala muger le yua fazer reuerençia, mandó presta mente aderesçar muchas ruecas con semejante estopa. E mandó a todas sus donzellas generosas poner sus ruecas en sus çintas. E esto fecho mandola entrar. E commo la dicha muger fuese entrada, fizo reuerençia a la dicha enperatriz e esquiuose mucho commo la enperatriz filaua estopa. E commo la enperatriz le mandase tomar la rueca para que filase, ella e todas la otras que con ella venían escusose diziendo que su merçed non gelo mandase, que cosa era que jamás en su vida non auía fecho nin niguna de aquellas sus conpanneras que con ella allí eran.

13 One day she went to pay her respects to the empress, wife of the emperor Octavian. At the time, the said empress was spinning flax, and when she heard that the bad woman was coming to pay her respects she ordered that many distaffs be prepared quickly with similar flax. She ordered her generous damsels to wear the distaffs in their belts. When this was done she ordered that the lazy woman enter. When she had entered she bowed before the empress but kept her distance because the empress was spinning flax. When the empress ordered her to take up a distaff and spin, the lazy woman and all the other women who were with her excused themselves saying that the empress should not order her to spin because it was something that she had never done and that none of her attendants had done either.

14 E dize aquí que la enperatriz respondió: Çierta mente creo que digas verdat; por tanto, has tu tan mala fama e todas aquesas que contigo conuersan a menudo, ca muger

14 Tully says that the empress responded: ‘Indeed, I believe you are telling the truth, for that is why you and all the women who frequently converse with you have such bad

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que non fila ya sabe omne por qué es tenida. E pues que así es, tú te guarda de aquí adelante e non vengas ante mi presençia tú nin ninguna de tus conpanneras, ca yo de aquéllas só conpannera que de buena mente filan e fago a mis fijas filar e a todas mis amigas.

reputations. For everyone knows how a woman who does not spin is regarded. Since this is the case, you and all of your companions must be sure never to appear before me again, for I am the companion of those women who spin well and I make my daughters and all my friends spin.’

15 E de continente la mandó echar del palaçio e mandó pregonar por toda la çibdat de Roma que muger que non quisiere filar que fuese echada de la çibdat e colocada e puesta con aquellas que non filan que están en el burdel.

15 Then and there the empress ordered that the lazy woman be thrown out of the palace and that it be proclaimed throughout the city of Rome that any woman who refused to spin be thrown out of the city and confined to the brothel where all those other women who did not spin were.

16 Leemos en la vida de Sant Aduarte, rey de Daçia, que la noble reyna, su muger, todos tienpos con sus donzellas fazía e filaua pannos de lana e después partíalos entre los pobres, nin jamás non cosía oro nin seda nin de perlas en su corte sinon fueren cosas deputadas a seruiçio de Dios en la iglesia.

16 We read in the life of Saint Duarte,8 King of Dacia, that his noble wife the queen constantly spun and made woollen cloths with her damsels and then distributed them among the poor. She never worked with golden thread or silk or pearls in her court except when she made things destined for the service of God in the church.

17 Semejante leemos de Santa Elisabed, fija del rey de Vngría, noble en linaje e mucho más noble en fee e en religión. Ca el su linaje tan noble ennoblesçiolo ella mucho más por enxienplos, e alunbrose por milagros, e apostolo por graçia de santidat, la qual Dios fazedor de todas las cosas marauillosa mente enxalsó sobre las obras del mundo. Ca seyendo ninna criada en deleytes reales todas las cosas de

17 Similarly, we read that Saint Elisabeth,9 the daughter of the king of Hungary, was not only noble of lineage but much more noble in her faith and religion. Though her lineage was very noble, she ennobled it much more by her exemplarity and made it more illustrious with her miracles and she elevated it by the grace of her sanctity, she whom God the creator of all things amazingly raised above the things of this world. Though she was

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ninnez e de todo punto las menospreçió e esas cosas tornó en seruiçio de Dios e por esto cada vna déstas fueron espeçiales seruientas e familiares e fijas de sennora Santa María. E les aparesçía muchas vezes ella e el su fijo glorioso Ihesu Christo.

a girl brought up with royal comforts, she despised all childish things and turned all those things to the service of God. And for this reason each of these women were the special servants, friends, and daughters of the Lady Holy Mary. And she and her glorious son Jesus Christ appeared to them many times.

18 Tal es la buena muger en que Dios pone vergüença grande e buena commo aquella que está vestida de pannos de oro de aljófar e de piedras preçiosas.

18 The good woman in whom God puts great and good shame is like a woman dressed in cloths of gold and pearls and precious jewels.

19 E tal es la que non ha vergüença commo aquella que está toda desnuda. Pues para mientes cómmo paresçe la vna o la otra.

19 A shameless woman is like a woman who is completely naked. Carefully consider how one or the other appears.

20 La vergüença raygada en el coraçón del omne bueno e de la buena muger guarda el themor de Dios e dal conosçençia contra Él.

20 Shame rooted in the heart of a good man and in a good woman maintains the fear of God and gives knowledge of Him.

21 La vergüença desuía los malos fechos e da carrera por que se fagan los buenos.

21 Shame diverts bad deeds and shows the way to doing good.

22 La vergüença faze conosçer a omne el linaje onde viene e que tome vergüença de su linaje e de sí mesmo e de los que han de venir dél. Ca por fecho que faga omne contra su generaçión de vergüença él lo echará en vergüença.

22 Shame makes a man appreciate his lineage and gives him a sense of shame for his line and for himself and for those who will come after him, because a shameful deed that a man does will cast shame upon his descendants.

23 Por eso fue fecha la cauallería de los fijosdalgo, por que ouiesen vergüença.

23 Chivalry of noblemen was created for this reason, so that they would have shame.

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24 Lo primero del linaje onde viene. Lo segundo de sí mesmo. Lo terçero de aquellos que han de venir déllos. E guardando estas [tres cosas] fazen los fijosdalgo bien.

24 In the first place, for the sake of the lineage from whence they come. In the second place, for themselves. In the third place, for the sake of those who will come after them. Noblemen do well by looking to these three things.

25 Muy mayor sabor es de foýr que non tornar al logar peligroso, sy la vergüença non fuese que faze al fidalgo que oluide e dexe el foýr e torne por su cuerpo al logar ó ha menester de tornar, e tuelga toda flaqueza del coraçón e ponga ý fortaleza de morir o vençer, e non salir de allí sano así commo deue, obrando bien por sus manos, seruiendo a Dios e a su sennor.

25 It is much more appealing to flee than to return to a dangerous place; without shame, a nobleman would not forget his desire to flee and return in body to where he must return; his sense of shame removes all weakness from his heart and replaces it with the strength to die or conquer, and be injured, as is his duty, doing good deeds with his hands, serving God and his lord.

26 Mayor sabor es vençer omne por grand preçio de dineros el castillo que tiene de su sennor que non manpararlo a grand peligro e a grand cuyta que venga sobre él, e a sofrir estando en él mucha fanbre e mucha sed e mucha cuyta, e a la çima morir en él.

26 It is much more appealing to surrender the castle of one’s lord in exchange for a great sum of money for it than it is to protect it when in great danger and great trouble, and to suffer great hunger, thirst, and many troubles, and even to die for it in the end.

27 Mas este caso les faze vergüença, ca la vergüença le faze oluidar e despreçiar el auer mal ganado, e fázele que non venda a sí mesmo, nin a la su verdat, nin a la generaçión que dél verná.

27 But shame makes one do so, for shame makes a man forget and despise ill-gotten gains, and keeps him from selling himself, or his truth, or his future descendants.

28 Tal es la vergüença en el rey commo el panno blanco en que non ha manzilla ninguna. E tal es el rey quando pierde vergüença en aquellas

28 A king’s shame is like a white cloth without stain. A king who loses his sense of shame about those things which he should feel shame is

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cosas que la deue auer commo el gafo que por gafedat ha perdido los beços e las narizes. E si el rey ouiere vergüença en sí, non errará con la muger de su vasallo, e vergüença aurá de su marido que biue con él e de sí mesmo.

like a leper who has lost his lips and his nose to leprosy. If a king has a sense of shame, he will not go astray with the wife of his vassal; he will feel shame for the sake of the husband who lives with and depends upon the king.

29 Verbi graçia para mientes quánto mal vyno en Espanna por lo que fizo el rey don Rodrigo con la Caba, fija del conde don Jullán. E désto podríamos traher aquí otros nueuos enxenplos de reyes luxuriosos.

29 For example, consider how much evil befell Spain because of what King Roderick did with La Cava, the daughter of Count Julian. There are plenty of recent examples of lustful kings as well.

30 Otrosí vergüença auía de non errar con la muger de su pariente e de su amigo e de caer en ningund yerro de que vergüença aya a tomar.

30 Moreover, shame will also keep the king from sinning with the wife of his relatives and his friends and keep him from falling into any sin that will shame him.

31 Tal es el viejo desque pierde vergüença commo el coxo [toxo] desque es quemado.

31 An old man who has lost his shame is like a burnt log.

32 Tal es el mançebo desque pierde vergüença commo el omne desque está enbriago.

32 The youth who has lost his shame is like a drunkard.

33 Tal es el mançebo desque pierde vergüença commo aquel que desenganna a aquellos que gelo non demandan de todas aquellas cosas que sabe o puede aprender.

33 The youth who has lost his shame is like the man who expounds everything that he knows or is capable of learning without being asked.

34 Diziendo el moço lo que sabe e non auiendo él ende vergüença, mete en vergüença a muchos que gelo oyen.

34 By shamelessly saying all he knows the youth shames many who hear him.

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Capítulo IX. De cómmo deue omne amar justiçia

Chapter Nine. Concerning how one should love justice.

1 Dize el rey Salamón: Amad justiçia vos que judgades la tierra.

1 King Solomon says, ‘Love justice, you who judge upon earth.’

2 E dize en otro lugar: Derecho judgad a los fijos de los ome.

2 Elsewhere he says, ‘Judge the sons of men correctly.’10

3 Estos dos castigos atannen mucho a los reyes e a los prinçipes, que tienen logar de Dios en la tierra que han de fazer e mantener justiçia e derecho amar justiçia. Ningund omne déste mundo que justiçia deua fazer non puede abenir en ella si la non ama e se non paga délla.

3 These two teachings are especially important for kings and princes who take the place of God on earth and who have to sit in judgment and keep the peace and rightly love justice. No man of this world who must judge can do so if he does not love and esteem justice.

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6 Justiçia es dar a cada vno su derecho: Dar al bueno galardón del bien e dar al malo galardón del mal.

6 Justice is giving to each his due:11 Reward the good man with good and the bad man with evil.

7 Si tú por justiçia derecha mandas al omne matar, non la fazes tú, ca el derecho la faze pues que derecho es.

7 If you justly condemn a man to death it is not you but rather the law that condemns him because the law is just.

8 Non quieras judgar nin mandar fazer justiçia quando estudieres con sanna, ca por fuerça conuiene que sanna forçase al derecho e así errarías el derecho que deues guardar. Quando dieres juyzio de justiçia tira toda sanna de tu coraçón, e ten sobre tu cabeça la espada del themor de Dios. E miénbrete que tú que judgas que has de ser judgado de Dios que puede más que tú e a qui non puedes

8 Do not attempt to pass judgments and order sentences to be carried out when you are angry, because anger necessarily distorts the law and thus you will damage the law that you should preserve. When you pass judgment, expel all anger from your heart and keep the sword of the fear of God above your head. And remember that you who judge now will be judged by God who is more powerful than you are and from

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tú foýr.

whom you cannot run away.

9 Non seas vandero en los juyzios nin te vezca cobdiçia de auer que te den o te prometan, ca por tal auer commo éste serás perdido.

9 Do not be partial in your rulings nor let greed for the riches people may give you or promise you overcome you, because riches like these will be your perdition.

10 Para mientes en la espada e verás que tan bien taja del vn cabo commo del otro. E tal deue ser el buen rey que con justiçia e con derecho deue ser agudo e tajará tan bien a la vna parte commo a la otra, ca non debe ser agudo del vn cabo e boto del otro. El algo faze enbotar el entendimiento del omne al que se non saber guardar dél.

10 Carefully consider the sword and you will see that it cuts just as well on one side of the blade as on the other. A good king should be the same way; he should be the sharp blade of justice and law that cuts just as well from one side as from the other, for he should not be sharp on one side and dull on the other. Wealth and status dull the understanding of a man who does not know how to protect himself.

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15 Non mengues justiçia por consejo, nin por ruego de muger, nin de priuado que tú ayas, ca Dios a ti se tornará que non a ellos. Grand firmeza es de bondat e grand asosegamiento de regno quando el buen juyzio da el rey de que todos los omnes que lo oyen e lo saben tengan que judgó derecho e verdat e loen mucho por ello a su estado.

15 Do not let the advice or pleading of a woman or of a favourite you may have weaken your judgment because God will turn upon you and not on them. When a king makes good rulings, which may be deemed by all who hear and learn of them to be lawful and true, and which earn him praise worthy of his station, this shows great strength of goodness and creates peace in his reign.

16 Para mientes quánd loado fue e quánd preçiado el rey Salamón por el juyzio que dio de las dos mugeres que demandauan un ninno por fijo, diziendo la vna que era suyo e la otra que era suyo. Pero non podría ser

16 Consider how much Solomon was praised and esteemed for the ruling he made when two women each claimed that the same boy was her son;12 one said he was hers and the other hers. But the boy could not

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que de anbas a dos fuese, ca conuiene que de la vna fuese fijo. E por tal que se demostrase la verdat demandó el rey la espada e dixo que tajasen el ninno por medio e que tomase cada vna su meytad. Quando lo oyó aquella que era su madre del ninno, dixo grandes bozes: Sennor non es mío fijo, suyo es. Dat gelo todo entero. La otra muger dixo que quería estar por lo que el rey judgara e que partiesen el ninno por medio. E en esto conosçió el rey que aquélla vna era derecha mente su madre e a la otra que non le pertenesçía nada. E mandó dar al ninno a aquella cuyo fijo era e mandó fazer escarmiento en la otra por la enemiga que asacara. Todas las gentes quando vieron este juyzio rogaron a Dios por la vida del rey Salamón e loaron el su nombre.

belong to both of them and had to be the son of one. So, in order to demonstrate the truth, the king called for a sword and ordered that the boy be cut in half and that each woman could take her half. When the woman who was the real mother of the boy heard this, she cried out loudly: ‘My lord, he is not my son, he is hers. Give him to her whole.’ The other woman said that she was content with what the king had ruled and that they should split the boy in two. With this the king knew that the first woman was the true mother and the other had no claim on the boy. He ordered that the boy be given to his mother and that the other woman be punished for the evil scheme that she had contrived. When the people witnessed this ruling, they all prayed to God for Solomon’s long life and praised his name.

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50 ¿Qué asmas o qué seríe, mío fijo, del mundo si por la justiçia non fuese? El que más pudiese quitaríe al otro quanto ha e cada vno daríe e faríe quanto quisiese a su guisa. Todas las cosas se gouierrnan e se mantienen por justiçia, e sin ella non se faríe nada.

50 What do you think would become of the world, my son, if it were not for justice? The most powerful would be able to take everything from other men and all would do whatever they wanted. Everything is governed and upheld by justice, and without it nothing could be done.

Capítulo X. De cómmo deuen los vasallos seruir al sennor

Chapter Ten. Concerning how vassals should serve their lord.

1 Mío fijo, cosa natural es e de razón prouada, segund que yo agora te diré

1 My son, as I will now demonstrate to you, it is a natural thing proven by

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e te demostraré, en que los vasallos deuen por derecho seruir e obedesçer e guardar e honrrar al su rey demás.

reason that by law vassals must serve, obey, protect, and honour their king.

2 E pues que Dios le da que sea rey e sennor natural que en esto se ayuntan dos sennoríos. El primer sennorío del regno. El segundo sennorío de naturaleza, que es sennorío que hereda de sangre e de hueso.

2 When God makes a man king and natural lord, two kinds of sovereignty are joined. The first is the sovereignty over the kingdom. The second is natural sovereignty, which is the sovereignty that a king inherits from blood and bone.

3 Grand cosa es e mucho de preçiar quando el sennor puede dezir a sus vasallos: yo soy vuestro rey e vuestro sennor natural de padre e de auuelo e de visauuelo e dende arriba quanto se más puede dezir con verdat.

3 It is a great and admirable thing when a lord can say to his vassals: ‘I am your king and your natural lord, from my father, and grandfather, and great-grandfather’ going as far back in his lineage as he truthfully can.

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38 Mío fijo, quiérote dar agora a entender … cómmo deuen las gentes obedesçerlos e guardar sus sennores.

38 My son, now I want to make you understand ... how people should obey and protect their lords.

39 Darte he semejança de las abejas, que son animalias mudas e syn razón por que lo deuen guardar, que quando ellas guardan e fazen lo que ellas fazen, quanto más lo deuen fazer los omnes a que Dios da entendimiento e razón por que lo deuen mejor guardar e fazer.

39 I will tell you about how the bees behave; if they, mute beasts without reason, can obey and protect their lord, it is all the more reason that men, to whom God gives intelligence and reason, should also do so and better.

40 Tú deues saber que la enxanbre de las abejas que fazen vn rey entre sí, e éste es mayor e más fuerte e más fermoso que todas las otras abejas. Deues saber que ellas han aguijón, e él non ha ninguno.

40 You should know that a swarm of bees has a king bee, and this king is the biggest and strongest and most handsome of all the bees. You should know that while all the other bees have stingers, the king does not.

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41 E la razón por qué es por dos cosas. La primera razón es por que las abejas son muy sannudas de natura. E commo el su rey es mayor e más fuerte que las otras, si aguyjón ouiese e se asannase contra ellas, matarlas ýa a todas. La segunda razón es por dar a entender que las armas con que el rey ha de lidiar son la verdat e la lealtad. E las armas de los sus vasallos que han a lidiar por él son estas mesmas.

41 There are two reasons for this. The first is that bees have a very wrathful nature. Since the king is bigger and stronger than the others, if he had a stinger and he got angry at the other bees, he would kill them all. The second reason is to show that the weapons that the king must do battle with are truth and loyalty. The weapons of his vassals who must do battle for him are these same ones.

42 E por eso fallarás en las estorias antiguas que quando los reyes entrauan en batallas grandes non se armauan mas vistíen sus pannos ricos, e poníenle su corona rica en la cabeça e fazíenle yr sobre quatro cauallos muy grandes e muy rezios, los quales eran muy mansos por tal que se non rebatasen nin se espantasen de cosa que viesen. E yua allí fecho vn lugar de madera en que yua la silla en que estaua asentado. E tan grande era la muchedunbre de la gente de los sus vasallos que yuan delante e aderredor dél que peligro ninguno non podíe llegar al rey si primero non moriesen todos, ca por el derecho tienen de morir o de vençer por tal de guardar a su sennor el rey.

42 That is why you will find that in ancient histories when kings entered into great battles, they did not arm themselves but rather dressed in their finest clothes, and put rich crowns upon their heads and entered upon four enormous and strong horses that were very tame so they would not run off or shy at anything they might see. The king had made a wooden platform upon which he was carried in his chair. The crowds of his people and vassals surrounding him were so great that no harm could come to the king unless they all died first, because by law they must either die or conquer in order to protect their lord the king.

43 E otrosí las abejas de que te en antes conté quando el enxanbre déllas entra en la colmena do han de criar, la primera casa que ý fazen es la de su rey. E ésta ponen en medio en el más seguro logar que ý ha e fazen la mayor casa que a las otras.

43 So too, when the swarm of bees I was telling you about enter the hive where they live, the first house they make is their king’s. They put his house at the centre in the most secure part of the hive and they make his house bigger than the

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E desque el rey está en su casa que le han fechas, cada vna de las abejas faze la suya aderredor dél. E así crían e fazen el panar de la çera e de la miel.

others. Once the king is in his house, which the others have made for him, they make their houses around his. Thus they live and make their honeycomb of wax and honey.

44 Otrosí quando la enxanbre se va bolando de la colmena en que cría si el rey finca en la colmena todas se tornan para ý, e sy el rey va bolando con ellas nunca aquellas abejas ý tornan fasta que él ý torrne. E do se él asienta, toda su enxanbre con él. E con esto se da a entender cómmo deuen los vasallos recodir e yr en apellido e en hueste con su sennor e con su rey quando él va hí con su cuerpo o con su cabdillo que enbía en su lugar.

44 Likewise, when the swarm goes flying out of the hive where it lives, if the king stays in the hive all the other bees turn back and if the king flies out with them, none of the bees return to the hive until he does. And the whole swarm stops where he does. In this we see how vassals should attend their lord, gather around, and follow him as an army when he travels in person and when he sends a deputy in his place.

45 Otrosý las abejas, quando el su rey está quedo en la colmena e non puede bolar fuera e las otras que van bolar e andar fuera de las flores que toman para su gouierrno, cada vna déllas da su parte al rey de que se mantenga por tal que non aya de lazrar, mas que ellas lazren por él, e él que les da grand acuçia que fagan aýna su obra. E tanto quanto aquél biue non ay otro, e sy otro alguno se quisiere leuantar por rey contra él, luego lo matan ellas de feridas que le dan con los aguyjones. E desque aquel rey muere su muerte natural, escojen ellos entre sí otro tal commo aquél e pónenlo en aquel lugar mesmo que aquél estaua, e faziéndole toda aquella reuerençia que fazíen al otro. Pues quando esto

45 Likewise, when the king bee stays in the hive and cannot fly out and the others fly and go to the flowers that they take for their food, each and every bee gives some in tribute to the king so that he might eat without having to work, rather, they work for him and he encourages them to work quickly. For as long as the king bee lives there is no other king, and if another wants to rise up against him and become king he is immediately killed by the other bees who wound him with their stingers. After the king dies a natural death, the bees choose another king from among them and they put him in the same place where the old king had been, and they revere him just as they had the other. When even bees

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fazen las abejas, grand vergüença deuen auer los omnes que esto yerran a qui es dado muy más de guardar.

do this, men who err against the man whom they should protect against all others should feel great shame.

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46 [L]a virtud de la natura obró en las abejas e les fizo fazer lo que deuíen fazer e guardar los omnes. E quando ellas, que son mudas e tales commo las tú vees, estas cosas fazen, quánto más lo deuen fazer los omnes. E esto es cosa de razón natural que quiso Dios que fallasen las abejas por tal que ý fuese mas firme el estado del rey e fuesen los omnes más encargados de los guardar.

46 Nature instilled this virtue in the bees and made them do what men should take care to do. Since they, who are mute and such as you see them, do these things, men should do them all the more. It stands to reason that God created the bees in this way so that the king’s station would be secure and so that men would be more dutiful in guarding their kings.

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Capítulo XIX. Cómmo non deue omne fazer pesar a Dios con mugeres que non deue e ó non deue.

Chapter Nineteen. How one should not offend God with unsuitable women and which women are unsuitable.

1 Mío fijo, por amor de Dios te ruego que te castigues e te guardes de non fazer pesar a Dios en pecados de forniçios. E entre todo lo ál te guarda sennalada mente de non pecar con muger de orden nin con muger casada nin con muger virgen nin judía nin con mora, que son mugeres de otra ley e de otra creençia.

1 My son, for the love of God, I beg you to admonish yourself and keep yourself from offending God with sins of fornication. Above all else, particularly keep yourself from sinning with nuns, married women, virgins, Jewesses, and Moorish women, who are women of other laws and beliefs.

2 E, por ende, te quiero agora contar en quánto mal caeríes si pecases en cada vno déstos lugares.

2 Accordingly, now I want to tell you just how much evil would befall you if you were to sin with each of these types of women.

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3 E primera mente te digo que la muger de orden es casada con Dios, ca así commo el marido e la muger se resçiben en la mano del clérigo quando primero casan e se otorga el varón por marido e la muger por su muger e de allí adelante non los puede partir ninguno non auiendo ý los enbargos por que los parte el derecho, bien así la muger de orden el día que toma el ábito de la orden e faze su profesión, por la qual profesión se parte de todas las cosas déste mundo e se faze conplida mente muger de Dios e de aquella ora en adelante es casada con Dios, pues grand mal e grand trayçión faze quien a Dios, su Sennor, quiere toller su muger.

3 First, I say to you that a nun is married to God, for just as a husband and wife are received in the hands of a priest when they first marry and the man is declared husband and the woman his wife and from then on they cannot be separated by anyone who does not have a legal complaint for separating them, a nun, the day she takes the habit of her order and makes her vows, by which vows she separates herself from all the things of this world, becomes wholly the wife of God and from that moment on she is married to God. Thus he who desires to steal the wife of God, his Lord, does him great evil and treachery.

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8 Ay vn monesterio de monjas, el qual es llamado Fontenblay. E este monesterio es de los reyes de Inglaterra, ca ellos lo fezieron e es de monjas negras de Sant Benito, e ay muy grand conpanna déllas.

8 There is a convent, called Fontainebleu. This convent belongs to the monarchs of England because they founded it, and it is a convent of black-habited Benedictine nuns and there are a great many of them there.

9 E acaesçió así que entre todas las otras monjas de aquel monesterio auía ý vna que era muger de muy buen linaje e muy ninna e muy fermosa. E auíe por costunbre que cada que pasaua ante la ymagen de Santa María, fincaua los ynojos ante ella e saludáuala por aquellas palabras que la saludó el ángel diziendo ‘Aue María.’ E sin esto era ella muy buena christiana, e teníe muy bien su orden

9 It so happened that among the other nuns in the monastery there was a woman of very noble lineage who was very young and beautiful. She had the custom of kneeling before the image of the Virgin Mary and greeting her with the words that the angel used saying ‘Ave Maria’ each time she passed by the image. Even besides this she was a very good Christian and kept her vows

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en guisa que eran todas las otras muy pagadas délla.

very well so that all the other nuns were quite pleased with her.

10 E acaesçió así por el diablo que suele ordir estas cosas que vn cauallero de aquella tierra, el qual era muy mançebo e mucho apuesto e bueno de armas e era de grand linaje, ouo de enamorarse de aquella monja. E tanto le entró el amor en el coraçón que se muríe por ella e ouo de buscar manera por que le pudiese mostrar en el coraçón qué teníe contra ella.

10 It so happened, thanks to the devil who tends to plot these things, that a knight from the neighbouring lands, who was very young, good looking, skilled with weapons, and who came from a very noble family, fell in love with the nun. Love entered so forcefully into his heart that he was dying for her and had to find a way to show her what he felt for her in his heart.

11 E fízose su pariente e fue fablar con ella. E las otras monjas que lo vieron fablar cuydaron que fablauan en manera de parentesco e non en otro mal.

11 He went to talk to her in the guise of a relative. The other nuns who saw him speaking with her thought that he was talking to her as a relative would, and did not think anything was amiss.

12 ¿Qué te diré más? Ouol él a dezir el mal recabdo con que andaua. E el diablo, que al cauallero el tan mal pensamiento posiera en el coraçón, fizo a ella que consentiese en ello. E pusieron de so vno en cómmo se fuese ella con él del monesterio. E pusiéronlo en la manera cómmo se fiziese.

12 What more can I tell you? He had to tell her the evil message that he carried. The devil, who had put such an evil thought in the knight’s heart, made the nun give in to him. Together they decided how she would leave the convent with him. They planned together how they would do it.

13 E la razón e manera entre ellos sosegada fue ésta: que a la media noche que veniese el cauallero a las paredes que eran çerca del monesterio, e ella que saliese a él, e que se fuesen amos de so vno.

13 The plan accorded between them was this: at midnight the knight would come to the convent walls and she would come out to him and the two would run away together.

14 E quando vyno la noche, que fueron las monjas a dezir sus conpletas

14 When night fell and all the nuns went to say compline in the church,

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a la yglesia, tomose aquella monja que estaua ý presta para conplir el consejo que el diablo le diera e a furto de las otras fue abrir vn postigo pequenno que ý auíe por dó salliese de la yglesia por tal de non yr con las otras a echarse en el dormitorio. E desque aquella mesquina de monja vio que todas las otras eran ya asosegadas para dormir e que era ya llegada la ora que ella pusiera con el cauallero que auíe de venir por ella, saliose de aquel logar en que estaua escondida, e fuese para el altar mayor, e fincó los ynojos, e dixo su oraçión ‘Aue María’ así commo auía acostunbrado de lo fazer. Desí fuese por medio del coro contra el postigo por ó auíe de salir.

the nun was there and ready to comply with the devil’s advice and, sneaking away from the other nuns, she opened a little door leading out of the church and hid so that she would not have to go with the others to sleep in the dormitory. Once that wretched nun saw that all the others were asleep and that it was the time that she had agreed upon with the knight, she left her hiding place and went to the great altar and knelt and said her prayer, ‘Ave María,’ just as she was accustomed to doing. From there she went through the choir to the little door that she was going to slip out.

15 E el cruçifixo de Nuestro Sennor que estaua alto sobre el coro e la ymagen de Santa María que estaua en el cruçifico quando la vio yr començó a dar grandes bozes e a dezir: ‘¿Para ó te vas, mesquina de muger, e dexas a mí e al mi fijo por el diablo, e despreçias la oraçión que me solías fazer?’

15 When the image of Holy Mary that was on the crucifix of Our Lord that was high above the choir saw the nun leaving, she began to yell and to say: ‘Where are you going, you wretched woman, leaving me and my Son for the devil, and spurning the prayer that you used to say to me?’

16 A estas bozes que la ymagen de Santa María daua, saltó el cruçifixo de la cruz en tierra e començó a yr corriendo por medio de la iglesia en pos la monja leuando los clauos en los pies e en las manos con que estaua pegado en la cruz.

16 Upon hearing the cries of the image of Holy Mary, the crucified Christ jumped from the cross to the ground and began to run through the church after the nun, dragging the nails with which he had been nailed to the cross in his feet and hands.

17 E ante que la monja huuiase salir por el postigo, alçó el cruçifixo en la mano derecha e diole muy grand

17 Before the nun could escape through the little door, Christ crucified raised his right hand and struck

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golpe con el clauo en la maxilla en guisa que toda la mançana del clauo se metió por la vna maxiella e sacógela por la otra. E désta ferida que el cruçifixo le dio cayó en tierra la monja por muerta e así yogó fasta otro día en la mannana que nunca entró en su acuerdo. E en esa guisa se partió la mala obra que ella queríe fazer que se non fizo.

her so hard in the cheek with his nail that the nail went all the way through one cheek and stuck out through the other. The nun fell to the floor as if dead from the wound that Christ crucified had dealt her and she lay there and did not regain consciousness until the next morning. In this way she was detained from the evil deed that she wanted to do and which was not done.

18 E el cruçifixo desque este golpe ouo fecho, torrnose a la cruz bien commo ante estaua, saluo ende el braço derecho con que le dio la ferida sienpre lo touo en aquel estado en que lo teníe quando la ferida le dio, e oy día lo tiene así por testimonio de lo que fizo, e el clauo con que le dio la ferida fincó en las quexadas de la monja.

18 After dealing the blow, Christ crucified returned to the cross just as He had been before, except that His right arm forever after remained in the position in which it had wounded the nun. To this day it remains that way as evidence of what he had done and the nail with which he had wounded the nun remained in her face.

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23 ¿Qué te diré más? El cauallero que le auíe de leuar del monasterio vino a aquella ora que pusiera con la monja a aquel logar que le ella dixera armado ençima de vn cauallo e con él quatro de sus parientes muy bien armados. E traýe vn palafrén muy bien ensellado en que la leuase. E estando allí toda la noche esperando quándo saliría ella, e non quiso Dios que lo ella pudiese fazer, segund ya oýstes.

23 What more can I tell you? The knight who had been going to carry off the nun arrived armed on horseback and accompanied by four of his well-armed relatives at the appointed hour to the place they had agreed upon. He brought a well-saddled palfrey to carry off the nun. He was there all night long, waiting for her to come out, but God did not permit her to, as you have already heard.

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24 E demás que este miraglo fue sonado por toda la tierra. E desque

24 This miracle was proclaimed throughout the land. When the

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lo él sopo, non lo pudo creer. E por tal de seer ende más çierto fue él mismo al monesterio por saber el fecho. E desque falló la verdat de cómmo contesçiera, tóuose por muy pecador, e rependiose mucho de todos los pecados que auíe fecho, e dexó el mundo, e metiose monje, e seruió muy bien a Dios, e acabó muy bien su tienpo.

knight heard about it, he could not believe it. To be sure about it he went to the convent to see what had happened. Once he had learned the truth about what had happened he considered himself a great sinner and repented of all the sins he had committed and left the world and became a monk, and served God very well and died a good death.

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26 Agora, mío fijo, ¿qué te puedo yo más en esta razón dezir nin castigar de quanto este miraglo te castiga?

26 Now, my son, what better lesson about this subject can I give you than this miracle?

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40 Por ende guárdate e dexa a Dios lo suyo y non gelo quieras toller.

40 Therefore, take heed and leave what belongs to God to him and do not seek to steal from him.

41 Bien auenturado es aquel que tomó escarmiento por lo ageno que contesçió a otri e non por lo suyo.

41 Blessed is he who learns his lesson from the examples of others and not from his own experience.

Capítulo XX. De quánd grand yerro faze el que peca con la muger casada.

Chapter Twenty. Concerning the great error committed by the man who sins with a married woman.

1 Mío fijo, otrosí ya commo desuso te dixe, guarárdate de non fazer pesar a Dios nin mal estança a ti mesmo con muger casada.

1 My son, again, as I said before, be sure that you do not offend God or harm yourself with a married woman.

2 Grand pecado es e grand mal estança toller la muger casada a su marido e darle carrera por que faga mal.

2 Stealing a married woman from her husband and leading her into evil-doing is a great sin and a very bad deed.

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3 Ca dize Nuestro Sennor Ihesu Christo en el Euangelio: Los que Dios ayunta non los deue omne partir.

3 For Our Lord Jesus Christ says in the Gospels: ‘Those whom God joins together let no man put asunder.’

4 E en otro logar dize en el Euangelio: E serán dos ayuntados en vna carrne.

4 In another place in the Gospels: ‘And the two will be joined in one flesh.’13

5 E Adam, nuestro padre, quando vio a Eua çerca sí que Dios criara e fiziera de la costilla que dél sacara del su costado, dixo estas palabras profetizando lo que después auíe de venir: Tú serás llamada varona por que saliste de la costilla del varón e serás mi conpannera. E por ésta dexarán los omnes que de aquí adelante verrnán los padres e las madres e los parientes e serán dos ayuntados de so vno.

5 Adam, our father, when he saw Eve, who had been raised by God and made from the rib God had taken from Adam’s side, beside him, said these words, prophesizing what was to come afterwards: ‘You will be called woman because you came from the rib of man and you will be my companion. For this reason, from now on men will leave their fathers and mothers and relatives and two will be joined as one.’14

6 Otrosí dixo el profeta Dauid: La tu muger será commo buena çepa de vid abondada de todo bien en los lugares que la ouiéredes menester en la tu casa.

6 The prophet David likewise said, ‘Your wife will be like a fruitful vine, full of goodness where you need her in your house.’15

7 Grand atreuimiento e grand yerro faze e grand mal estança e grand pecado el que quiere partir lo que Dios ayuntó otrosý lo que natura por ordenança derecha ayuntó desde Adam acá.

7 The man who tries to sunder what God has joined and what nature has also joined by just decree since the time of Adam commits great effrontery, a great crime, and a very bad deed.

8 El que peca con la muger casada faze quantos yerros te yo agora diré e quantos pecados.

8 He who sins with a married woman commits the many crimes and sins that I will now tell you about.

9 Primera mente yerra contra Dios e quebranta el mandamiento. Commo

9 First, he errs against God and breaks his commandment, like the

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aquel que desata e quebranta lo que Dios ayuntó de so vno.

man who undoes and breaks apart what God has joined as one.

10 Lo segundo que la muger casada a que faz pecar tuéllela de buena vida e de buen estado, e pónela en la mala vida e acaçurrada, e corronpe la generaçión délla que non se cuenta por tan çierta generaçión commo ante era. E los fijos délla nasçieren sienpre serán denostados por la su maldat délla, e mete desamor entre ella e su marido. Ca ella desque mal faze contra el marido e yerro nunca tan de coraçón la amará commo ante nin se sentirá de la su pro nin de la su fazienda commo ante se sentíe, ca la maldat en que es puesta la tira de todos buenos cuydados que ante auíe.

10 In the second place, he wrests a married woman whom he makes sin away from her good life and good reputation, making her live a wanton and shameful life, and corrupts her line because her children’s parentage will not be held to be as certain as before. Any children born to her will always be insulted for her evil-doing. He also causes trouble between her and her husband. Once she has done her husband wrong and erred, never again will he love her with all his heart as before nor will she look after his well-being or affairs as she did before, because the evil into which she has fallen turns her from all the good concerns that she had before.

11 E será tal commo diz el prouerbio: Las manos en la rueca e los ojos en la puerta.

11 And she will be as the proverb states: ‘Hands on the distaff and eyes on the door.’

12 E la su vida sienpre la terrná en auentura si el marido le sopiere el mal que ella faze, e sienpre le preçia el marido menos e se terrná por mal casado délla. E los fijos que délla ouiere non los amará tanto commo deuíe menbrándose de la maldat de la madre. Todo este pecado e este mal gana el que faze errar a la muger casada.

12 She will always fear for her life if her husband should find out about her wrongdoing and her husband will always hold her less dear and consider himself ill-married to her. Nor will he love the children he has from her as much as he should because he will remember their mother’s wickedness. He who errs with a married woman reaps all these sins and all this evil.

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14 Lo terçero que el omne que esto faze yerra a sí mesmo en fazer contra su christiano lo que non querríe que fiziesen contra él, e pasa los dos de los diez mandamientos que Dios dio escriptos a Moysem en las tablas, el qual dize así: Ama a tu christiano e al que fuere llegado a ti commo a ti mesmo.

14 In the third place, the man who does this also errs against himself by doing unto his neighbour what he would not want to be done to himself, and thus he breaks two of the ten commandments that God gave written on the tablets to Moses: the one that says: ‘Love your neighbour as yourself.’

15 Pues ya esto quebranta el que faze tuerto en la muger de su christiano. E si lo amase commo a sí mesmo, non le erraríe con la muger.

15 Thus the man who does wrong with the wife of his neighbour breaks this commandment. If he loved his neighbour as he loves himself he would not err with his wife.

16 La quarta cosa es en que yerra e peca si aquella muger que le metió en este mal de allí adelante viere que errare con otros suyo el pecado doblado e la pena doblada, ca él fue el comienço que dio ocasión a los que después erraron. Ca si por aquel yerro que la muger faze contra su marido viene el marido a matarla, toda la culpa de la su muerte es de aquel que la metió en mal, segund la palabra que dize Nuestro Sennor Ihesu Christo en el Euangelio: ¡Guay del omne por quien viene el escándalo entre el marido e la muger! Ca por escándalo viene después la muerte délla quando la el marido mata, ca con derecho la puede matar.

16 The fourth way that he errs and sins is if he sees that the woman whom he has cast into sin then goes on to err with others. His sin is then doubled and his sorrows doubled, because he was the first one, the one who gave the others who erred after him the opportunity to do so. If the husband kills his wife as punishment for her crimes, all the guilt for her death falls upon the man who led her to evil, according to the words of Our Lord Jesus Christ in the Gospels: ‘Woe is the man who causes trouble between husband and wife!’16 Because the trouble causes the death of the wife when the husband kills her, since he has the right to kill her.

17 Ca el día en que el marido e la muger casan en la yglesia estando en la misa los ynojos fincados ántel

17 For, the day when a husband and wife marry in the church, kneeling before the altar in a mass, a cloth is

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altar, les ponen a amos a dos vn panno a las cuestas. El nouio tiene la cabeça descubierta e la muger cúbrenle la cabeça con él en semejança que de allí adelante deue ella seer sobgeta del marido e obedesçerle en todo e non le fazer pesar.

placed upon their shoulders; the groom has his head uncovered and they cover the woman’s head with the cloth as a sign that from then on she must be subject to her husband and obey him in all things and not offend him.

18 E por eso mandan los derechos que nunca [mate] la muger [al marido por culpa que en el aya e el a ella sy].

18 That is why the law says that the wife must never kill her husband for anything that he may be guilty of, but that he may kill her.

Capítulo XXI. De quánd noble cosa es ante Dios la virginidat

Chapter Twenty-One. Concerning how noble a thing virginity is before God.

1 Mío fijo, commo te dixe de primero, guárdate que non peques con muger virgen.

1 My son, as I said to you in the first place, be sure that you never sin with a virgin.

2 Ca yo te dixe en otro capítulo déste libro quán noble cosa es ante Dios la virginidat. E quánto ella en sí más noble es e más alta, tanto pesa a Dios este pecado del que lo quebranta en sí mesmo o en otro, ca la muger virgen templo es de Dios en que Él mora e en que Él fuelga. E por esto puedes veer quánto Dios preçia la virginidat de la muger.

2 For, as I said to you in another chapter of this book, virginity is a very noble thing before God. Since virginity is so noble and so exalted, this sin aggrieves God all the more, whether the virginity lost is your own or that of another, because the body of a virgin woman is a temple of God where he lives and takes his ease. This is how you can see how much God values virginity in a woman.

3 Dios non quiso que Ihesu Christo, su fijo, nasçiese sinon de muger virgen ca non de casada nin de biuda. E quiso que ella fuese virgen ante del conçebimiento, e virgen después del conçebimiento, e virgen quando encaesçió, e virgen después de la

3 God did not want his son Jesus Christ to be born of a married woman or a widow, only from a virgin. He wanted her to be a virgin before conception, after conception, during the birth, and after the birth of Jesus Christ, his son. He carried

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nasçençia de Ihesu Christo, su fijo, e virgen la leuó déste mundo consigo para los çielos.

her from this world into heaven a virgin.

4 Por que si ý parares mientes, verás e conosçerás que todos los estados que Dios quiso dar a Santa María, su madre, todos fueron en virginidat. E, por ende, mucho le pesa quien santa virginidat quebranta commo non deue.

4 Because, if you consider this carefully, you will see and understand that God desired his mother Holy Mary to be a virgin throughout all the stages of her life. Therefore, he is very much aggrieved by the man who unlawfully breaches holy virginity.

5 Desque el omne ha pecado con la muger virgen e la dexa depués por que faga mal su fazienda es aquél tal commo quien abre portillo en la vinna primera mente e da carrera por do entren los otros en ella para astragarla toda. E el pecado que todos los otros fazen es demandado a él doblado. E el que la muger virgen corronpe tenudo es por tal de menguar en su pecado, de la meter en orden o de la casar e de le dar consejo. Mas lo mejor era de primero non pecar con ella e non meter a ella con mal. E así en mal non da Dios al omne días en que biua para fazer malas obras, saluo para que las faga buenas.

5 Once a man has sinned with a virgin and leaves her afterward to go about her wretched life, he is like a man who first opens the door to a vineyard, and lets others in to ruin the whole place. He is doubly responsible for the sin that all the others commit. In order to be considered less sinful, a man who corrupts a virgin must put her in a convent or arrange a marriage for her and give her advice. It would be even better never to have sinned with her and put her in the way of evil in the first place. God does not give man the days of his life for evildoing but rather for good works.

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8 Otrosí, mío fijo, commo te desuso ya dixe, guárdate non quieras pecar nin auer grand afazimiento con judía nin con mora, ca la judía es muger de otra ley contraria de la tuya, e la mora es muger de otra creençia de porfía a desfazimiento e a desonrra de la tuya.

8 Moreover, my son, as I said before, be sure that you never desire to sin with or have much to do with a Jewess or with a Moorish woman, because the Jewess is a woman of another law, which is hostile to your law and the Moorish woman is a

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woman of other beliefs that insist on the destruction and dishonour of your own. …

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21 El rey Salamón, que fue tan sabio omne, mugeres de otra creençia le tiraron de la su ley e le fizieron que dexase el Dios de Dauid, su padre, e a desonrra del tenplo que fiziera él a Dios fiziese otros tenplos de las dehesas e de los dioses de los gentiles, por la qual cosa Dios houo grand sanna contra él. E commo quier que lo non acalonnase en el galardón lo que prometiera a Dauid, su padre, colonnolo en Robohán, su fijo, con Gerobohán, su seruiente.

21 Women of other beliefs tore King Solomon, who was such a wise man, away from his law and they made him turn away from the God of his father, David, and they made him dishonour the temple that he had built for God by building other temples to the godesses and gods of the pagans, and for all this God was greatly angered against him. And even though God did not punish him by diminishing the reward he had promised David, Solomon’s father, he took it out on Rehoboam, his son, through Jeroboam, his servant.

22 Otrosí para mientes, mío fijo, e toma ende, mío fijo, castigo de lo que contesçió al rey don Alfonso de Castilla, el que vençió la batalla de Húbeda. Por siete annos que viscó mala vida con vna judía de Toledo, diole Dios grand llaga e grand majamiento en la batalla de Alarcos en que fue vençido e fuyó e fue mal andante él e todos los de su regno. E los que ý mejor andança ouieron fueron aquellos que ý morieron. E por que el rey se conosçió después a Dios [por pecador e fizo penetençia Nuestro Sennor] e demàs [matole] los fijos varones e houo el regno, el rey don Ferrnando, su nieto, fijo de su fija e se repintió de tan mal pec-

22 Likewise, carefully consider, my son, and take a lesson, my son, from what happened to King Alfonso of Castile, who won the battle of Úbeda. In return for the seven years that he sinned with a Jewess from Toledo, God dealt him a great wound and a great punishment at the battle of Alarcos, in which he was defeated and fled, and then he and his entire kingdom were wretched.17 The most fortunate were those who died in the battle. The king confessed himself to God as a sinner and did penance, and, what is more, Our Lord killed his sons, and his grandson, King Fernando, the son of his daughter, took the throne.

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ado commo éste que auía fecho por el qual pecado por emienda fizo después el Monesterio de las Huelgas de Burgos de monjas de Çistel e el Espital. E Dios diole después buena andança contra los moros en la batalla de Húbeda. E commo quier que ý buen andança houo, muy mejor la ouiera si la desauentura de la batalla de Alarcos non le ouiera contesçido primero en la qual desauentura él cayó por el su pecado.

Alfonso repented for his very wicked sin that he had committed, for which he made amends by founding the Convent of Huelgas, of Cistercian nuns, and the Hospital.18 God then gave him good fortune against the Moors in the battle of Úbeda.19 But even though he was fortunate in that battle, his fortune would have been much better if the misfortune of the battle of Alarcos had not befallen him first as a punishment for his sin.

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Capítulo XXVI. De cómmo omne deue comedir la palabra antes que la diga.

Chapter Twenty-Six. Concerning how one should think before he speaks.

1 Mío fijo, para mientes e comide mucho sobre ello la palabra que dixeres ante que la digas.

1 My son, carefully consider and reflect at length upon what you would say before you speak.

2 Ca tal es la palabra del omne desque sale por la boca commo la saeta de que sale de la ballesta que non la puede ninguno torrnar fasta que llega allí do ha de ferir. E la palabra, si primero non es bien acatada ante que se diga, después que es dicha conuiene que llegue e fiera a aquél contra quien se dize.

2 For once a man’s words leave his mouth they are like an arrow that flies from a bow, which no one can stop before it lands where it must wound. Words, if they are not weighed carefully before they are said, once spoken must land and wound the person against whom they are said.

3 Por eso dixo vn sabio que cobdiçiaua más auer pescueço de grúa que otra cosa. E los que gelo oyeron demandáronle por qué lo dizíe. E él díxoles que la grúa era el aue del mundo que más luengo pescueço

3 That is why a wise man said that more than anything else, he desired to have the neck of a crane. His listeners asked why he said so. He told them that the crane was the bird with the longest neck in the

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auíe e que auíe en él muchos nudos por ó se doblaua el pescueço.

world, a neck with many joints, where it curved.

4 Lo primero por la grand longura. Lo segundo por los nudos que, si tal pescueço ouiese que ante que la palabra que quiere dezir llegase por la lengua al pico e pasase aquellos nudos, que ante auríe comedido en su coraçón sy diríe aquella palabra o non.

4 In the first place, he desired the crane’s neck for its great length, and secondly for its joints, for if he had such a neck, before any word he wished to say could arrive at the end of his beak from his tongue, it would have to pass through all those joints first and, in the time that took, he would have considered in his heart whether or not to speak that word.

5 E en el pescueço del omne non se puede tan bien guardar por que del coraçón a la lengua ha pequenno espaçio. E commo quier que pequenno sea este espaçio en sise muy mejor se faze quando el coraçón está ençendido con sanna.

5 A man’s neck does not allow one to take such care with words because there is only a little space between the heart and the mouth. Moreover, even though this space is already small, it becomes even smaller when the heart is inflamed by anger.

6 Ca dixeron los sabios que los ojos son mandaderos del coraçón e la lengua es su estrumente commo quien demuestra lo que quiere.

6 For, the sages said, the eyes are the messengers of the heart and the tongue is the instrument that expresses what the heart desires.

7 Con la tu palabra puedes acabar vn tan grand fecho que si lo ouieses a fazer por auer costarte híe muy grand algo además.

7 With your word you can carry out great deeds that, if you had to pay for them, would cost you a great fortune.

8 Por la tu palabra puedes peder tú vn tan grand fecho que te costaríe muy grand algo en auerlo a mejorar después.

8 By your word you can ruin a great deed that would later cost you a fortune to repair.

9 Por la tu palabra te puedes ganar con tu sennor o te puedes perder con él.

9 By your word you can win or lose favour with your lord.

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10 Non quieras ser con tu palabra enemigo del sennor con que andudieres.

10 Do not seek with your word to become the enemy of the lord you serve.

11 Con su palabra se puede el sennor ganar con su vasallo e se puede con ella por él perder.

11 With his word a lord can win or lose favour with his vassals.

12 Con tu palabra te ganarás con tus amigos o te perderás con ellos.

12 With your word you will win or lose favour among your friends.

13 Con tu palabra te ganarás con la muger con que eres casado o te perderás con ella e eso mismo ella contigo. E eso mismo con tus fijos e ellos contigo.

13 With your word you will gain favour with the wife you are married to or you will lose it with her and her with you. And it is the same with your children and them with you.

14 Por tu palabra tollerás la enemistad de ti o te meterás nueua mente en omezillo.

14 By your word you can remove enmity or you can create new enemies for yourself.

15 Por tu palabra darás buen preçio al tu christiano o le meterás en mal preçio asacandol falso testimonio que es vno de los más mortales pecados que en el mundo ha.

15 By your word you will show esteem for your neighbour or you will scorn him by bearing false witness against him, which is one of the most mortal sins that exist in the world.

16 Por tu palabra farás a vn omne auer consejo o gelo farás perder.

16 By your word you will make a man heed or ignore good advice.

17 Con la tu palabra darás testimonio de vn omne por que le escaparás de muerte o por que le farás matar.

17 With your word you will bear witness about a man, leading him to escape death or to be killed.

18 Non quieras de tu palabra manzellar al omne que andudiere contigo.

18 Do not seek to besmirch your companion with your word.

19 E toma enxenplo de lo que contesçió a vn omne con vn león que andaua con él e lo criara de pequenno.

19 Take a lesson from what happened to a man with a lion that he kept and had raised from a cub.

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20 Acaesçió vn día por sanna que houo aquel omne contra el león diole con su espada en la cabeça. E en dandol, dixo esta palabra: Mala bestia eres e muy enponçonnada, e mal te huele el fuelgo de la boca. E el león partiose dél, e fuese su vía, e andido por los montes fasta que fue guarido de la espadada. E vn día acaesçió que se falló con aquel omne, e el león ouiérale a matar sinon que le dixo: Déxote agora por que me crieste. E el omne le respondió: Amigo, non fagamos asý. Torrnémonos a beuir de so vno commo de primero fezimos. E el león respondió: Ya non es tienpo de nunca tornar a esa vida. Para mientes a la espadada que me diste en la cabeça. Yo sano só délla, mas non só sano de la ferida que me diste con tu palabra, quando me denostaste. E ten por çierto que cada que aquella palabra se me miénbrase, non te podría ver nin amar derecha mente así commo en ante fazía. Por ende, vete a buena ventura e non ayas más que adobar comigo nin yo contigo.

20 It happened one day that because the man was angry with the lion he dealt the lion a blow to the head with his sword. As he dealt it, he said these words: ‘You are an evil and venomous beast, and your breath smells bad.’ The lion left the man and went his way and lived in the wilderness until he was cured of the sword wound. One day it happened that he found himself with the man, and was about to kill him, but the lion said: ‘I will spare you now because you are the man who raised me.’ The man responded to him: ‘Friend let us not act this way. Let us go back to living together as we did before.’ The lion responded: ‘It is too late to go back to that life. Consider the sword blow to the head that you gave me. I am healed from it now, but I have not healed from the wound that you dealt me with your words, when you insulted me. You can take it for certain that each time I remembered your words I could not see you or love you correctly as I did before. Therefore, farewell and do not have anything further to do with me nor will I with you.’

21 Por ende, mío fijo, para mientes e comide bien e piensa mucho sobre la palabra que dixeres ante que vengas a dezirla, ca desque la dixeres non se puede torrnar.

21 In conclusion, my son, carefully consider and reflect at length upon the words that you would say before you say them, because once they are said they cannot be taken back.

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Capítulo XXXV. De que todos los que el omne cuenta por amigos que non son todos eguales

Chapter Thirty-Five. Concerning how all those whom a man counts as his friends are not equal.

1 Mío fijo, vno de los tesoros que el padre puede dexar al fijo que mucho ama e finca por su heredero mayor sí es en dexarle buenos amigos; mas todos los que el omne cuenta por amigos non son todos eguales en amistad nin en bondat, segund que dize Ihesu Christo en el Euangelio, ó dize: Muchos son los llamados e pocos los escogidos.

1 My son, one of the treasures that a father can leave to the son whom he loves and who is his heir is the gift of good friends. However, all those whom a man counts as his friends are not equals in friendship or in goodness, as Jesus Christ says in the Gospels: ‘Many are called and few are chosen.’20

2 Nonbre de amigo rafez es de dezir, mas muy graue es de prouar en que conoscas si el nonbre verdadero houo.

2 It is very easy to call someone a friend, but it is much more difficult to prove whether he may truly be called by that name.

3 Amistad quiere dezir ayuntamiento de dos de so vno, el qual ayuntamiento deue seer en voluntad, e en los dichos de las palabras del vno e del otro, e en los fechos.

3 Friendship is the union of two as one, which must be a union of the wills, words, and deeds of one person to another.

4 Mientre te bien fuere e la tu fazienda fuere adelante muchos se te mostrarán por amigos e non lo serán firme mente por las sus obras.

4 While your affairs go well many people will seem to be your friends, but they will not be firm friends in their actions.

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7 Demandó vn sabio a vn su fijo, e dixol: Dime, mío fijo, ¿quántos amigos has?, ca yo, que só tu padre e que só el mayor amigo que tú has, estó en tienpo que he de morir, ca soy ya viejo, por ende en antes que me yo parta de ti quiero saber quán-

7 A wise man asked his son: ‘Tell me, my son, how many friends do you have? For, I, your father and the best friend that you have, am nearing the time that I will die, since I am old; therefore, before I go, I want to know how many and what kind of

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tos e quáles son tus amigos que ganaste en la mi vida. E el fijo le respondió: Mío padre, yo he çient amigos muy buenos e de quien fío mucho. E el padre començose ende a marauillar mucho quando lo oyó, e díxole: Mío fijo, ¿e cómmo podríe esto seer?, e yo he bien çient annos e en todo este tienpo que he pasado nunca pude auer para mí más de medio amigo. Pues tú, que agora llegas a hedat de treynta annos, ¿cómmo puedes auer ganado çient amigos? Non te engannes en las sus palabras. E la mi alma con manzilla yrá déste mundo si ante que muera non prueuas quáles son aquéllos tus amigos o quál es aquel medio que yo gané para mí. E el fijo dixo: Padre, non ay que dubdar que yo prouar puedo esto. E el padre le respondió: Yo te diré cómmo lo fagas, pues tanta fe en ellos tienes.

friends you have won during my life.’ The son responded, ‘My father, I have one hundred very good friends whom I trust very much.’ The father was very surprised to hear this and he said to his son, ‘My son, how could this be? I am well nigh one hundred years old and in all the days of my life I never had more than half a friend. You, who are now approaching the age of thirty, how could you have won one hundred friends? Do not be fooled by their words. My soul will leave this world stained if you do not find out what kind of friends they are and what kind of a friend the half-friend that I won is before I die.’ The son said, ‘Father, do not doubt that I can put them to the test.’ The father said to him, ‘I will tell you how to do it, since you have so much faith in them.’

8 Toma aquel bezerro que tienes aquí en casa, e degollarlo has. E desque lo ouieres muerto, fazlo pieças, e mételo en vn saco. E desque veniere la noche, toma muy encubierta mente aquel saco acuestas e fazte muy triste commo omne que es muy cuytado, e ve a casa de cada vno de aquellos tus amigos, e di a cada vno déllos de cómmo te acaesçió vna grand desauentura que ouiste de matar vn omne en pelea ascondida mente. E desque lo ouiste muerto por tal que las justiçias de la villa non ouiesen a caer en el fecho nin sopiesen la verdat de cómmo le

8 ‘Take the calf that you have here at home and slit its throat. When you have killed it, cut it into pieces and put it in a sack. When night falls, steal out, carrying the sack over your shoulder and act very sad, like a man with many worries, and go to the houses of each of your friends and say to each one that a great misfortune has befallen you and that you had to kill a man in a secret fight. Tell them that because you did not want the local authorities to find out the truth about how you killed the man unlawfully, you did not leave him lying where he died nor did you

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mataste a tuerto de ti que por esta razón non lo dexaras yazer allí do muriera, nin lo osaras soterrar; mas quel tajaras a pedaços e que le metieras en aquel saco que traes a tus cuestas, e que le ruegas por el amor que tú has con ellos e ellos contigo que te encubran con él en sus casas. E en esto te demostrarán el amor verdadero que contigo han.

dare to bury him, so you cut him into pieces and put him in the sack that you now carry over your shoulder. Beg each friend, for the sake of the love that you feel for them and that they feel for you, to let you hide in their houses. At this point they will show you if they really love you.’

9 E él fizo aquella prueua así commo le mandó su padre. E primero començo en el más prinçipal que tenía en quien auía grand confiança que auía de morir por él. E demostrole toda la su cuyta con que él andaua e respondióle así: Amigo, sy tú feziste mala obra por do merescas mal, lázrelo la tu garganta ca non la mía, ca non lo feziste tú por mío consejo. E lo que yo gané biuiendo en paz e con mucho trabajo non faziendo tuerto a ninguno nin mal non lo quiero perder por la tu grand locura. Vete a buena ventura e non entres en mi casa que ningund amor non te faré por encobrir la tu maldat.

9 The son put each friend to the test, just as his father had instructed him. He began with the best friend that he had, whom he trusted would die for him. When the son revealed all his troubles to him, the friend responded in this way: ‘Friend, if you have done a bad deed for which you deserve punishment, be it on your head and not mine, because you did not do it by following my advice. I don’t want to lose all that I have earned by living peaceably and by hard work, never doing harm to anyone, because of your great madness. Go and good luck to you; do not enter my house because I will not do you any favours by hiding your crime.’

10 E desque esta respuesta le ouo dado, fue prouar a cada vno de los otros sus amigos. E cada vno déllos le dio tal respuesta e avn peor.

10 After the friend had given this answer, the son went to put each of his other friends to the test. Each one gave him the same answer or worse.

11 E desque vio el recabdo malo que en cada vno déllos fallaua, torrnose para su padre e contole todo commo le auíe acaesçido. E el padre le dixo: Mío fijo, ve e prueua agora

11 Once he had discovered how badly he would be received in the house of each of his friends, he went back to his father and told him all about what had happened to him.

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el mi medio amigo, e verás si lo fallarás tal commo los otros. E dixol quál era e cómmo auía nonbre e do moraua.

The father said to him, ‘My son, now go and put my half-friend to the test and see if he acts in the same way as the others.’ He told his son who his half-friend was, his name, and where he lived.

12 E él fue allá e prouolo así commo a los otros. E desque gelo ouo todo dicho, respondiol así: Mío amigo, yo só amigo de tu padre e tuyo, e el mío amor non seríe conplido sy a tal sazón commo ésta non te acorriese a este mal que te acaesçió. E entra en la mi casa e sacaré dende la mi muger e los míos fijos e apoderarte he délla, e ý fallarás qué comas e qué beuas de aquí a grand tienpo, e ý estarás encubierto que non sepan de [ti parte]. E si yo más ouiese, más te daría e más auenturaría por tu padre e por ti por el grand amor que he con él e contigo. E el mançebo gelo gradesçió mucho. Desí contó todo el fecho su padre cómmo auía pasado e cómmo feziera aquella prueua por tal de prouar a él del amor que auíe a su padre. E él le dixo: Más me plaze que sea por prueua que por verdat, mas quando verdat fuese esto mismo te faría que te agora fago. E el mançebo fuese para su padre e contole todo aquello que fallara en aquel su medio amigo. E el padre gradesçiolo mucho a Dios e a aquel su amigo de lo que demostrara contra él. E dixol así: Mío fijo, tú vees cómmo estauas engannado fasta aquí de los çient amigos que cuydauas que auíes. Por ende,

12 The son went to the friend’s house and put him to the test, just as he had done with the others. When the son had told him everything, the friend responded thusly, ‘My friend, I am your father’s and your friend and my love would not be complete if I were not to help you now that this trouble has befallen you. Come into my house and I will move my wife and sons out so you can take possession of it, and you will find enough to eat and drink for a long time and you will be safely hidden and no one will know anything about you. If I had more, I would give you more, and risk more for your father’s sake and for your sake, for the sake of the great love I have for him and for you.’ The young man thanked him profusely. Then he told his father’s friend the whole truth about what had happened with his father and how he had been testing the friend in order to have proof of the love that he had for his father. The friend said, ‘I am happy that it was a test and not the truth. However, even if it were the truth, I would have done the same thing.’ The young man went to his father and told him all about what he had found out about his half-friend. The father

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toma este castigo de mí: Nunca fíes mucho en el amistad que te alguno prometa fasta que lo ayas prouado, nin lo alabes mucho, nin des grand loor a la cosa que non conosçes, nin ayas vista, nin fíes mucho en palabras fermosas nin apuestas que te digan fasta que las prueues por obras, nin tengas por acabada la bondat de la muger fasta que la aya acabada la vida déste mundo e se vaya para el otro.

thanked God profusely and thanked his friend for proving his love. He said to his son, ‘My son, you see how you were fooled up until now about the hundred friends that you thought you had. Therefore, take this lesson from me: never put much trust in the friendship that a man promises you until you have put him to the test, nor should you highly praise him, nor extensively laud something that you do not know or have not seen, nor should you put much trust in beautiful and elegant speeches, until you see them put into action, nor should you consider the virtue of a woman perfect until she has left the life of this world and has gone on to the next.’

14. Ca dize el rey Salomón: Todas las loores son acabadas a la çima en qual fin fazen.

14. For King Solomon says, ‘The examination of all is in the end.’21

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Capítulo XLII. De cómmo se deue omne guardar de que non caya en yerro de fecho de armas.

Chapter Forty-Two. Concerning how one should protect himself from mistakes in armed combat.

1 Mío fijo, guárdate e non yerres en manera que cayas en yerro de fecho de armas, ca non es yerro que puedas entender nin de que te puedas castigar así commo lo farías de otros yerros que te acaesçiesen.

1 My son, take care and do not make the mistake of erring in armed combat, because you cannot understand and learn from such an error in the way you would from other mistakes that might befall you.

2 Quien yerra en fecho de armas en non lo saber guisar nin enderesçar nin conpasar commo deue non pone

2 He who errs in armed combat by not knowing how to wield, command, or manage his arms as he

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ý otros pennos sinon la cabeça. E desque vna vegada es tajada non se puede después surzir commo otra cosa que sea rota. A los otros yerros que al omne acaesçen puede sobre ello auer castigo de palabra o de feridas, mas yerro de fecho de armas non ý viene otra pena sobre ello sinon desauentura o mal andança o muerte.

should, risks nothing but his own head. Once his head has been severed, it cannot be stitched up like other things that are broken. A man may learn from the words or wounds of other mistakes, but a mistake in armed combat brings no other punishment but tribulation or misfortune or death.

3 El que la muerte puede tomar, mal por mal mejor le es que non la desauentura o la mal andança en que finca el omne enuergonçado para en toda su vida e depués en la su muerte. Ca, commo quier que el omne muere, nunca el su mal muere, e sienpre los omnes se menbrarán déllo, e fablarán en ello, e lo estrannarán.

3 Considering these punishments, the possibility of death is better than the tribulation or misfortune that a dishonoured man suffers throughout his life and afterwards in death. For, even though a man may die, his wrong-doing never dies, and men will always remember it and talk about it and despise it.

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17 Quien va contra sus enemigos con sabidoría çierta aluenga los sus días e la su vida e non da la su buena andança a los otros.

17 He who wisely sets out against his enemies lengthens the days of his life and does not surrender his good fortune to others.

18 Mucho deue catar el que la guerra ha en que tienpo la faz, e qué mal puede fazer a los enemigos, e quál mal puede resçebir déllos. E antes que el omne comiençe la guerra deue catar e para mientes cómmo está guisado e basteçido para allá para començarla e para mantenerla e para leuarla adelante.

18 In war, one must consider well the timing, the damage that one can do to his enemies and the damage one can receive from them. Before a man begins a war he should think and carefully consider if he is well enough prepared and supplied to begin it, carry it forward, and succeed in it.

19 Grande buena andança es e grand auantaja del que primero

19 It is a great good fortune and a great advantage to be the first to

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comete sobre el cometido, sol que el cometedor guarde dos cosas. La primera que lo comiença e lo comete que lo faga con derecho, ca faziéndolo con derecho aurá a Dios por sí e de la su parte. E de otra guisa serle ýa contrario. La segunda que lo que cometiere que cate primero qué cosa comete que lo pueda leuar a cabo. E desque fuere començada que non fallesca nin mengüe por él, mas que lo llieue adelante saluo ende si lo dexa por otro grand seruiçio de Dios e muy sannalado e por otra grand su pro que ende sacase.

attack the enemy, but the attacker must take care to do two things. In the first place, he must be sure that he attacks with right cause, because by attacking with right cause he will have God behind him and on his side. Otherwise, God will be against him. In the second place, he must first carefully consider if he can finish what he is starting. He must be sure that once the war has begun he will not fail or lose interest in it unless he leaves it for some other great and distinguished service to God or for some other endeavour that will bring him great benefit.

20 Non creas en el tu coraçón que las cosas segund se cuydan que así las pueden fazer e acabar.

20 Do not believe in your heart that things are as easily carried out as they are planned.

21 Grand locura cuyda e ha en su cabeça el que cuyda nadando atrauesar la mar, nin en vn foyo que faga en tierra cuyde fazer ý consumir el agua toda que va por el rio.

21 It is great folly to think that you can cross the ocean by swimming or dig a hole to contain all the water that runs in the river.

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29 Mío fijo, cuando fueres en guerra, sábete seruir e ayudar de los omnes de cada vno segund lo que sabe e aquello para que es bueno.

29 My son, when you go to war, you must know how to make the most of each of your men according to their expertise and skills.

30 El que tú vieres que es para fecho de mar ponlo en la mar. E el que vieres que es para adalid fazlo adalid e guíate por él. El que vieres que es buen almocadén sýruete dél en aquel ofiçio. E el que vieres que

30 If you see that one of them is good at seafaring, put him to sea. If you see that one man would make a good commander, put him in charge and be guided by him. If you see that one man would be a good infantry

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es buen cabdillo de gente fazlo cabdillo e ponlo con gente ó te sirua. El que vieres que es buen cauallero de armas e que es ya prouado e do se él acaesçió que sienpre fizo e dizo con el su cuerpo lo mejor e que se sopo guardar de yerro por que non cayese en vergüença, atal commo éste quando te acaesçiere fecho de armas toma el su consejo e en lugar peligroso tenlo çerca de ti, ca éste te sabrá consejar e ayudar do lo menester ouieres.

sergeant, make use of him in that position. If you see that another is a good general, make him a general and put him with men where he will serve you. If you see that one man is a good knight of arms, and that he has proved himself and that when he was present in battle always did and said the best with his body and knew how to avoid mistakes so that he would not fall into dishonour, heed the advice of such a man when you must do battle, and keep him by you in dangerous places, because he will know how to advise and help you when you need it.

31 E en el tu castillo pon atal alcayde que sea de buen lugar e tal en sí de que el tu coraçón sea seguro que te responderá con el ayrado e pagado en todo tienpo que gelo demandes.

31 In your castle, choose a man of noble lineage to be its governor, a man of whom you are sure in your heart, who will satisfy you in your anger or pleasure whenever you call upon him.

32 Quien pone en la su fortaleza omne en que non fía es tal commo el que da su cuchillo a otro su enemigo que le degüelle con él.

32 He who puts a man he does not trust in his fortress is like a man who gives his knife to an enemy so that his throat may be slit with it.

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Capítulo XLVI. De cómmo non deue omne dezir las buenas estorias e las fazannas de los omnes buenos ante malos omes e viles e rafezes

Chapter Forty-Six. Concerning how one should not tell good stories and the heroic deeds of good men to bad, low, and base men.

1 Mío fijo, non quieras las buenas estorias e las fazannas de los omnes buenos que fueron dezirlas con tus palabras buenas ante malos omnes e

1 My son, do not seek to tell good stories and the great deeds of good men of yore with your good words to bad, low, and base men, because if

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viles e rafezes, ca si ante ellos las dixeses perderíes tú los tus buenos dichos, e fariés en ello tu danno, e a ellos non terrníe pro, e tú mismo tomaríes en ello enojo e pesar desque metieses mientes en qué logar lo dizes depués que lo ouieses dicho.

you were to tell these things to them you would waste your good sayings and do harm to yourself, and they would not benefit from it, and you yourself would become angry and aggrieved when you reflected upon to whom you had spoken your good words after speaking them.

2 Ihesu Christo, Nuestro Sennor e Nuestro Maestro, nós amuestra en el su Euangelio cómmo deuemos senbrar nuestras palabras, ó dize: Semejança es del que sienbra, que en senbrando esparze su semiente, e la vna cae en buena tierra bien labrada e llieua buen fruto; e la otra cae sobre la penna que es seca e non falla ý humor a que se aprenda para criar; la otra cae entre las espinas e las espinas afóganla e non la dexan nasçer; la otra cae en la carrera por ó pasan los omnes que es dura e pisada, e non se puede esconder deyuso de la tierra, e las aues que buelan veenla estar descubierta e cómenla e así non faze fruto.

2 Jesus Christ, Our Lord and Our Master, teaches us in his Gospels how we must sow our words when he says, ‘It is like he who sows, and sowing, scatters his seeds: one falls upon good, well-tilled earth and bears good fruit; another falls on rocky ground that is dry and lacks the moist humour where it can take root and grow; and another falls among thorns and the thorns suffocate it and do not let it grow; another falls in the road where men walk and the ground is hard and stamped down, and the seed cannot hide under the earth, and the birds flying above see it uncovered and eat it and so it cannot bear fruit.’22

3 Nuestro Sennor Ihesu Christo, que dixo estas semejanças, Él mismo las dispone por el su Euangelio espiritual mente.

3 Our Lord Jesus Christ, who said these parables, interprets them spiritually in his Gospels.

4 E nos, el rey don Sancho, que fezimos este libro, querémoslos aquí disponer tenporal mente, segund las costunbres e bondades de los omnes.

4 And we, King don Sancho, who write this book, want to interpret them here in temporal terms, according to the customs and virtues of men.

5 E en antes que el rey o el grand sennor diga sus razones o departiendo,

5 Before a king or a great lord speaks his mind or instructs, he

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segund se acaesçen las cosas, deue meter mientes cómmo las dize.

should consider how he speaks, according to the occasion.

6 Por ende, el nuestro disponimiento déstas palabras es éste.

6 Therefore, this is our explanation of these words.

7 El que sienbra su semiente buena es el que dize sus palabras buenas e apuestas e de buena razón e derecha. La tierra sobre que cahen es a semejança de los omnes que aquellas palabras oyen. E así commo la tierra e los logares sobre que esta semiente cae son departidos los vnos de los otros, bien así las voluntades e las bondades e las obras de los omnes son departidas de las otras. La buena tierra e bien labrada en que cae esta semiente es a semejança de los buenos omnes, los quales son bien labrados por buenos entendimientos e por buenas memorias que han e por seer sesudos e letrados e de buenas maneras, que las sus vidas despienden en buenas obras e se saben guardar de las malas. E en tales commo éstos non se pierde la buena simiente de las buenas palabras que oyen, mas cresçe e amuchigua e va adelante.

7 He who sows his good seed is the man who speaks good words well, speaking with good sense and correctly. The earth upon which the seeds fall is the men who hear those words. And just as the seeds fall upon different places and kinds of earth, so are the hearts and virtues and deeds of men divided. The good and well tilled earth where the seed falls is like good men, who are well tilled by their good understanding and good memories, and who are intelligent and learned and wellmannered, who spend their lives doing good deeds, and who know how to avoid bad ones. The good seeds of the good words they hear are not lost upon these men; rather, they grow and multiply and thrive.

8 E bien auenturado es aquel que gelas dize e a quien da Dios tales oydores que gelas aprenden.

8 Blessed is he who speaks good words well and to whom God gives such listeners who learn from them.

9 La semiente que cae sobre la piedra dura e seca en que non falla humor en que críe es a semejança de las buenas palabras que se dizen ante los nesçios e desentendidos, que los

9 The seed that falls on dry and rocky ground that does not have the moist humour where it can grow is like good words spoken before idiots and ignorant men, for their hearts are

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sus coraçones son secos e syn humidat de buen entendimiento e de buena razón e de letradura, e por que non falla en qué prender para retener lo que oye que son enduresçidos que non saben retener las palabras que han oýdas. E asý commo les entra por las vnas orejas, sáleles por las otras. E menos saben de lo que oyen después que lo han oýdo que antes que lo oyesen.

dry and lack the humidity of good understanding, reason, and learning, and they cannot take hold of or remember what they hear, for their hearts are hardened and do not know how to remember the words they have heard. Just as the words they hear go in one ear, they go right out the other. They know less about what they heard after listening than they did even before.

10 La semiente que cae entre las espinas e las espinas la afogan que la non dexan cresçer es a semejança de las buenas palabras que se dizen ante los omnes malos e traydores falsos, que las sus maldades e las sus trayçiones son espinas que afogan las palabras de los buenos. Con las sus maldades non las dexan cresçer, nin tienen pro a ellos, nin quieren que tengan pro a los otros que las han oýdas.

10 The seed that falls between thorns and the thorns suffocate it and do not let it grow is like good words spoken before bad men and false traitors, for their wickedness and betrayals are thorns that suffocate the words of good men. With their wickedness they do not let the words grow, nor do they profit from them, nor do they let anyone else who hears them profit from them.

11 E la simiente que cae en las carreras que son duras e pisadas, e por esta razón finca la simiente descubierta, e vienen las aues que buelan, e cómenla. E esto es a semejança de los coraçones de los omnes que son enduresçidos e pesados en conplir sus voluntades, e que a menudo se conuierten a los que se les antoja. E quando buenas palabras e buenos castigos oyen, non se les rayga en los coraçones, e pónenlo a desuso.

11 The seed that falls in the road, where the earth is hardened and stamped down remains uncovered, and the birds that fly come and eat it, this is like the hearts of men who are hardened and bent toward satisfying their desires and who often turn toward whomever they please. When these men hear good words and good lessons, they do not take root in their hearts and are forgotten.

12 E a semejança de las aues vienen los viçios e los sabores déste mundo,

12 Although these men think that they are good and well taught by

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e cuyda el omne que están en buen estado e bien castigados por el bien que han oýdo, e arrebátanlo, e tuéllenlo ende, e torrnan a las sus maldades que de primero suelen vsar. E a sise son peores las sus postrimerías que los sus comienços, que quanto más bien oyen e deuen mejor obrar por ello, dexan de lo fazer, e torrnan a lo peor.

what they have heard, the vices and the pleasures of this world swoop down like birds and snatch away the good words, and the men return to their wicked ways. They are worse off in the end than they were before because the more they hear of good and the good deeds they should do, the more they leave off doing good and turn to doing the worst.

13 Non demandes a Dios en tus oraçiones que te faga merçed en cosas desaguisadas [ca sy lo fezieses la tu demanda seria desaguisada] e perdida, e la su sanna podría tornar aýna sobre ti.

13 In your prayers, do not ask God to be merciful to you in improper things because if you do so, your prayers will be improper and harmful, and God could quickly turn his anger upon you.

14 E demada lo aguisado e lo que te Él deue fazer, e déxalo todo en Él, ca Él sabe lo que ha de fazer.

14 Ask Him for things that are proper and things that He should do for you, and leave everything to Him, because he knows what he must do.

15 Non quieras en tus palabras buenas e con tus malos fechos jogar con Dios e tenerle en poco commo lo faríes con vn omne vil.

15 Do not seek to jest with God and show him little reverence with your good words and bad deeds, as you would a base man.

16 Faz commo dixo el rey Dauid: Siruel con themor, e allegrarte a Él con themor.

16 Do as King David said: ‘Serve God with fear, and rejoice unto Him with trembling.’23

17 Las tus palabras para mientes ante quién dizes. Quando fablares con omnes letrados, fabla commo con letrados, que te entienden e saben lo que dizes. Quando fablares con omes legos, fabla commo con legos.

17 Consider to whom your words are spoken. When you are talking with learned men, speak as you would with learned men, who understand you and know what you are saying. When you are talking with unlearned men, speak as with the unlearned.

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18 Pon todavía guarda en tus palabras que non les des a entender que más te pagas de las cosas mundanales que de las de Dios.

18 Always choose your words carefully so that you will not make others think that you take more pleasure in temporal things than in godly things.

19 Aunque tú yerres en ti mesmo por tu maldat, non des tú caso por las tus palabras con que yerren los otros.

19 Even if you yourself sin in your wickedness, do not let your words cause others to sin.

20 Quando fablares con omnes letrados e legos todos de so vno, fáblales en todo a manera de letrado e de lego, sabiéndolo ayuntar de so vno commo deues e en sus logares, segund que fuere la razón.

20 When you speak with learned and unlearned men together, always speak like a learned and an unlearned man, knowing how to address them both at the same time, according to the subject.

21 Quando departieres, para mientes con quáles lo fazes, e qué es aquello sobre que departes.

21 When you instruct, consider to whom you do it, and the subject of your instruction.

22 Quando retraxieres, mete mientes quién eres tú que retrahes e ante quáles lo fazes, e así non errarás en ello.

22 When you reprimand, consider who you, who reprimands, are and before whom you do it and you will not go wrong in it.

23 Quando fablares con duennas, mete mientes en lo que dizes, e quáles son ellas ante quien lo dizes, e de quáles maneras son, e qué bondat han en sí, e quál es la fama de la su vida, e así non errarás en ello.

23 When you speak with women, consider what you are saying and the condition of those women to whom you speak, and their manners, their virtue, and their reputation, and thus you will not go wrong in it.

24 Non digas palabra fea nin torpe nin desaguisada, ca si lo fezieses, daríes mal testimonio de ti.

24 Do not use ugly, or rude, or improper language, for if you do, you will make a bad impression.

25 Non fagas continente malo por que te demuestres por malo non lo seyendo.

25 Do not be unrestrained because you will look like a bad man even though you are not.

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26 Non fagas malas obras, ca la maldat corre en pos de aquel que la faz e non le dexa fasta que le trae a mal logar.

26 Do not do bad deeds, because wickedness chases the man who sins and does not stop until it has led him to a bad end.

27 Non digas palabra de que te ayas a repentir después.

27 Do not say anything that you will later have to repent.

28 Non creas por el consejo que te diere el que te mal quisiere.

28 Do not believe the advice of someone who detests you.

29 E cree por Dios, e Él escojerá por ti todas las cosas, ca Él es guiador e defendedor de todo.

29 Believe in God, and He will choose everything for you because He is the guide and defender of all things.

Capítulo XLVIII, De quán buena cosa es cordura e cómmo es fija del buen entendimiento.

Chapter Forty-Eight. Concerning how prudence is a good thing and how it is the daughter of good understanding

1 Mío fijo, mete mientes en quán buena cosa es cordura.

1 My son, carefully consider how good a thing is prudence.

2 La cordura es fija del buen entendimiento, ca ningund omne non puede seer cuerdo si entendido non es.

2 Prudence is the daughter of good understanding, for no man can be sensible without understanding.

3 Por cordura es el omne guardado de muchos peligros en que podría caer a grand su danno.

3 Prudence protects a man from many dangers into which he may fall to his great damage.

4 Cordura da al omne grand asosiego. Primera mente en su coraçón, e en los moumientos que faze en su cuerpo, e en sus maneras, e en los sus fechos de su fazienda.

4 Prudence gives a man great peace of mind. First, in his heart, and in his physical movements, and in his manners, and in his affairs.

5 Así commo la cobdiçia es raýz de todos los males, al contrario désto la cordura es raýz e çimiento de todos los bienes.

5 Just as greed is the root of all the sins, in contrast, prudence is the root and foundation of all good.

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6 Por cordura enrrequesçe el omne, ca ninguno non puede seer rico si asosiego de cordura non ha en sí e en la su fazienda.

6 Prudence enriches a man, for no man can be rich if he does not have the peace of mind about his affairs that prudence brings.

7 Pues, por ende, la cordura en sí mesma da asosiego e da riqueza.

7 Thus, in conclusion, prudence itself gives peace of mind and wealth.

8 Por cordura asosiega el omne con su verdat e non anda con ella bullendo.

8 Prudence reconciles a man to the truth and he does not struggle with it.

9 Por cordura se da el omne por firme en las cosas que ha de dezir e de fazer, e estrémase por ella de arrebatadizo o mouedizo que se mueue liuiana mente con mal seso.

9 Prudence makes a man firm in the things that he must say and do, and by prudence he avoids being impetuous and changeable, acting impulsively and unconscientiously.

10 La cordura es peso de valança en que pesan el pro e el danno.

10 Prudence is a scale that weighs benefit and harm.

11 La cordura tuelle las cosas peligrosas e de grand ventura e da las prouechosas.

11 Prudence removes dangerous and risky things and gives beneficial things.

12 La cordura da al omne buena fama e tuéllele de la mala.

12 Prudence gives a man a good reputation and saves him from a bad one.

13 La cordura enderesça la fazienda del omne en este mundo e la pro de la su alma para el otro mundo que muera en buen estado.

13 Prudence orders a man’s affairs in this world to the benefit of his soul in the next so that he dies in good standing.

14 La cordura tuelle los malos pensamientos e desuía los malos que déllos podríen nasçer, e trae los buenos pensamientos, e pone en obra los bienes que déllos salen.

14 Prudence removes bad thoughts and the evil that can spring from them; prudence brings good thoughts and puts them to use in the works that spring from them.

15 La cordura te fará que conoscas e syruas a Dios e non al diablo.

15 Prudence will make you know and serve God and not the devil.

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16 La cordura te fará que siruas al buen sennor ante que non al malo.

16 Prudence will make you serve a good lord rather than a bad one.

17 La cordura te porrná en buen estado e te demostrará cómmo lo llieues cada día adelante por que asmes en qué e en la tu fazienda.

17 Prudence assures your good standing and will show you how to carry on each day so that you will consider your affairs.

18 La cordura te fará que cases bien e non mal.

18 Prudence will make you marry well and not badly.

19 La cordura te fará que seas rico e te toldrá la pobreza.

19 Prudence will make you rich and save you from poverty.

20 E la cordura te fará que seas leal, e que non andes liuiana mente bulliendo todo el día con ella.

20 Prudence will make you loyal and keep you from impulsively struggling with loyalty all the day long.

21 La cordura te fará que conocas el sennorío que deues conosçer por el qual serás bien andante.

21 Prudence will make you recognize the power that you must recognize and by which you will be fortunate.

22 La cordura te fará que non pierdas el tu buen amigo a culpa de ti.

22 Prudence will keep you from losing a good friend through your own fault.

23 La cordura te fará que mierques bien e a pro de ti en lo que ouieres a conprar o uender.

23 Prudence will make you strike good and advantageous bargains when you have to buy and sell.

24 La cordura te fará que sepas estremar vn omne de otro e la buena muger de la mala.

24 Prudence will make you know how to distinguish one man from another and a good woman from a bad one.

25 La cordura te fará que non te auentures de balde a vna cosa peligrosa e dannosa de que te puede venir grand danno.

25 Prudence will keep you from vainly risking to do something dangerous and harmful that can bring you great harm.

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26 Cordura te fará que non seas rebatado en tu palabra.

26 Prudence will keep you from being careless with your words.

27 Cordura te fará que partas bien el tu auer ó deues e commo deues.

27 Prudence will make you share your wealth where and how you should.

28 ¿Qué te diré más? Todos los bienes del mundo son en la cordura.

28 What more can I tell you? All the riches of the world are in prudence.

29 Por eso es muy preçiado don el que Dios da al omne que lo quiere dar.

29 That is why it is a precious gift that God gives to his chosen.

30 E bien auenturado es aquel que raygada mente ha en sí la cordura.

30 Blessed is he who has prudence well rooted within himself.

Capítulo L. De quántas buenas cosas se fizieron por los buenos castigos e quántos males nasçen por mengua de castigo.

Chapter Fifty. Concerning all the good things that were done thanks to good teachings and all the evils born out of a lack of instruction.

1 Mío fijo, pues que te he dado en este mi libro tantos buenos castigos, los quales, si en ellos quisieres meter mientes, seerte han prouechosos para el alma e para el cuerpo, en vida e en muerte.

1 My son, I have given you many good lessons in this my book, lessons that, if you should seek to consider them carefully, will be beneficial for your soul and for your body, in life and in death.

2 Ca en la vida tenerte ha en grand pro e a la muerte saluarse ha la tu alma por ellos, e aurás la gloria del paraýso por ellos, e dexarás de ti buena fama al mundo.

2 For in life they will bring you great benefits and in death they will save your soul and you will be assured the glory of heaven through them and will leave your good fame to the world.

…

…

NOTES 1 The capture of the port of Tarifa in 1292 deprived Muslim forces from North Africa of their chief landing point in the southern Iberian peninsula.

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2 Godfrey of Bouillon (1060–1100), duke of Lower Lorraine, was one of the Christian leaders of the First Crusade in the capture of Antioch (1098). 3 Proverbs 10:1. 4 1 Samuel 2–4. 5 The Pseudo-Boethian De disciplina scolarium, an anonymous early thirteenthcentury work, quickly became a popular source for later authors of advice literature. 6 This is the common medieval appelation for the Roman orator and statesman Marcus Tullius Cicero (106–43 BCE), whose works on ethics were no less authoritative in the Middle Ages than his doctrines of rhetoric. 7 The Historia orientalis of Jacques de Vitry (1160?–1240?) is a common source for history and legends of the Holy Land and the Near East. 8 Perhaps the English king Saint Edward the Confessor (1003–66); one of his legends concerns a vision of the death of King Canute of Denmark (Dacia), who invaded and then ruled England from 1014 to 1035. 9 Saint Elizabeth of Hungary (1207–31). 10 Wisdom 1:1 and Psalm 58:1, respectively. 11 The classical definition of justice, from Book One of Plato’s Republic (331e). 12 1 Kings 3:16–27. 13 Matthew 19:6 and Mark 10:8. 14 Genesis 2:23–4. 15 Psalm 128:3. 16 Matthew 18:7 and Luke 17:1. 17 The armies of Alfonso VIII suffered a disastrous defeat by Almohad forces at Alarcos on 19 July 1195. 18 The Hospital was founded in 1187 outside the city of Burgos. 19 This was the victory of Las Navas de Tolosa (16 July 1212), which enabled the subsequent Christian conquest of all Andalusia, except for the kingdom of Granada. 20 Matthew 22:14. 21 Ecclesiasticus (Sirach) 16:22. 22 Mark 4, Matthew 13, and Luke 8. 23 Psalm 2:11.

Castigos y dotrinas que un sabio dava a sus hijas

Lessons and Teachings That a Wise Man Gave to His Daughters [Prologue]

Porque comúnmente todas las mugeres se desean casar y creo que así lo fazedes vosotras, muy amadas hijas mías, no sabiendo por eso ni pensando quál es el cargo del casamiento, ni lo que deven guardar las buenas mugeres casadas, por ende, quiérovoslo aquí declarar, porque entiendo que no puedo dar con vosotras dote de tanto precio commo es éste. Y ante de todo es bien que sepáys que casamiento tanto quiere dizir commo señal de cosa santa, ca sinifica el ayuntamiento de Jhesu Christo con la Yglesia. Y entre los filósofos y sabios antiguos ovo grant questión quál sería llamada nobleza porque unos dixieron que la riqueza, otros que la hermosura, otros que la fortaleza, otros que el linaje, otros que las virtudes, y en esto fueron los más concordes porque ésta era la cosa más digna y más excelente que en qualquier persona puede aver. Y por eso todos los onbres discretos comúnamente desean antes las buenas y virtuosas mugeres más que las

Because all women alike desire to marry and I believe that you, my beloved daughters, so too will desire, yet without knowing or considering the duties of marriage, nor how good wives should behave, I want to explain it all to you here, because I understand that there is no dowry more precious than this. First, and above all, you should know that marriage is the sign of something sacred, for it symbolizes the union of Jesus Christ with the church. The ancient philosophers and wise men held a great debate about the nature of nobility; because some said wealth, others beauty, and others strength, others lineage, and others virtue, and, among all these traits, the sages agreed that virtue was the most worthy and excellent thing that any person could have. That is why all discerning men alike desire good and virtuous wives more than rich or beautiful ones. I, in my desire that you, my daughters, be like this first kind of wives, decided to write this

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ricas ni fermosas. Y yo, deseando que vos, hijas mías, seades aquéstas, propuse de vos escrevir este breve tratado no poniendo en él muchas abtoridades y enxenplos que pudiera, por no alargar y porque lo leades mucho a menudo y tengáys en vuestras memorias y ayades aquesto por dotrina y vos apartedes de lo contrario, lo qual guardando seredes en el amor de nuestro Señor Dios y de vuestros maridos y en loor de todas las gentes, ca, commo escrive el rey Salamón en sus Proberbios, la buena muger es corona de su marido y la mala commo carcoma en sus huesos, y a mí haredes mucho plazer commo buenas y obedientes hijas.

short treatise for you. I did not fill it with as many authorities and illustrative stories as I could have done, because I did not want it to be too long and so that you would read it frequently, keep it in mind, follow its teachings, and avoid their opposites. By so doing, you will earn the love of Our Lord God and of your husbands, and you will be praised by all, for, as Solomon writes in his Proverbs, a good wife is the crown of her husband and a bad wife is like a cancer in his bones,1 and, as good and obedient daughters, you will also give me much pleasure.

I

Lesson One

Lo primero que avedes de guardar es que amedes a nuestro Señor Dios sobre todas cosas de todo y puro coraçón, y vos encomendedes a Él en todas vuestras obras y cosas en cada día y en cada hora, ca segunt los grandes peligros en que todos los onbres biven, y espeçialmente las mugeres casadas que son en poder de sus maridos, si no fuese por la grant misericordia y virtut de nuestro Señor Dios, no se podrían guardar de los peligros d´este mundo, y por tanto dixo el rey Davit en el salmo que si el Señor no guardase la çibdat, en vano vela el que la guarda. Y porque Él por su sancta piedat vos quiera anparar y guardar, diredes cada día vuestras oraçiones, las más

The first lesson that you must learn is that you must love Our Lord God above all other things purely and with all your heart. Commend yourselves to him in all your works and doings every day and every hour, because all mankind lives in great danger, and especially married women, who are in the power of their husbands; if it were not for the great mercy and virtue of Our Lord God, married women would not be able to protect themselves from the dangers of this world. That is why King David said in the psalm that if the Lord does not guard the city, the man who guards it guards in vain.2 So that, in His holy mercy, he will want to shelter and protect you, say

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devotas que supierdes y vierdes que son de grant devoçión y virtud, por las quales Nuestro Señor abrá piedad de vosotras y vos acorrerá en los tienpos de vuestros peligros y pensamientos, y endereçará vuestras almas a la carrera verdadera, y siempre, commo dize el filósofo, sean vuestras bocas en loar a Dios, así en la hora de la cuita commo de la holgura, y así en tienpo de pobreza commo de riqueza, y amatvos y seguit ayuno y oraçión con boluntad linpia y clara, que muy maravillosos son sus sanctos secretos.

your prayers every day; say the most devout prayers that you know and that you consider of great devotion and virtue; because of them Our Lord will have mercy on you and will come to your aid in times of danger and worry and will guide your souls on the right path, and always, as the philosopher says, let your mouths praise God in times of trouble and happiness,3 in times of poverty and wealth, and love one another, and keep the fasts, and pray with a clean and clear heart, for his holy secrets are most marvellous.

II

Lesson Two

Lo segundo que avedes de guardar, hijas mías, es que siempre querades para vuestro próximo y christiano lo que para vosotras querríades, y así commo deseades que las otras personas vos quieran bien y no vos traten mal, así hazet vos a ellos. Y aquesto guardando y amando a nuestro Señor siempre seredes en la Su gracia y amor, ca escrito es que d´estos dos mandamientos penden todos los otros mandamientos de los sanctos profetas.

The second lesson that you must learn, my daughters, is that you must always desire for your neighbour and fellow Christian what you desire for yourselves, and just as you desire that others love you and do not mistreat you, do the same unto them. By following this lesson and loving Our Lord, you will always be in his grace and love, for it is written that all the other commandments of the prophets depend upon these two.4

III

Lesson Three

1 Lo tercero que avedes de guardar es que amedes y querades a vuestros maridos, después de nuestro Señor Dios, sobre todas las cosas del mundo, y les seades mandadas y obedientes salvo en aquellas cosas que fuesen contra nuestro Señor

1 The third lesson that you must learn is that you must love and feel affection for your husbands above all other things in the world after Our Lord God. You must be submissive and obedient to your husbands except in those things, which are

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Dios, ca la cosa porque más se ynclina el marido a amar y onrrar a su muger es por le ser mandada y obediente. Léese que allende de las santíssimas y grandes virtudes de Nuestra Señora, la Virgen Sancta María, su humilldad fue de que más Nuestro Señor se contentó d´ella, por lo qual se canta en el su salmo que Nuestro Señor acató a la humilldat de su syerva.

against Our Lord God, because the thing that most inclines a husband to love and honour his wife is her submission and obedience to him. It is written that beyond all the most holy and great virtues of Our Lady, the Blessed Virgin Mary, her humility was what most pleased Our Lord, which is why in her song she says that Our Lord looked with favour on the lowliness of his servant.5

2 Asimismo se lee que Nuestro Señor, porque halló a Abrahán muy humillde y obediente a sus mandamientos, porque más paresçiese su obediençia, le mandó que matase a su hijo que más amava que a sí, y le hiziese sacrifiçio d´él; lo qual yendo a conplir de muy buena voluntad, el ángel del Señor le detovo que no hiziese d´él el sarifiçio, salvo de un cordero que allí le apareçio, por lo qual Nuestro Señor lo tovo a este Santo Padre por muy escogido por la su umilldat y obediençia. Y por que mayor gana ayáys de leer estos mis castigos que vos yo do, contaros he algunos exenplos por los quales veréys commo a las buenas mugeres nunca Dios las desampara, antes las acorre en el tienpo que más lo han menester.

2 It is also written that Our Lord, because he found Abraham very humble and obedient to his commandments, commanded Abraham to kill the son that he loved more than himself,6 and to make a sacrifice of him, so that his obedience would be even more apparent. When Abraham went to comply willingly, the angel of the Lord stopped him, so that he would not sacrifice his son, but rather a lamb that appeared to him there; because of this, Our Lord considered this holy father most excellent in his humility and obedience. In order to give you more pleasure reading these my lessons, I will tell you some stories that will show you how God never abandons good women; rather, he comes to their aid when they most need him.

3 Léese en un libro de las cosas viejas que en una parte de Ytalia, en una tierra que se llama de los saluçios, ovo un marqués, señor de aquella tierra, el qual era muy virtuoso y muy discreto pero no curava

3 It is written in a book of old histories that in a part of Italy,7 in the land called Saluzzo, there once was a marquis, lord of that land, who was very virtuous and discerning, but gave no thought to marriage, and

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de se casar, y commo ya fuese en tal hedat que devía tomar muger, sus vasallos y cavalleros le suplicaron que se quisiese casar porque d’él quedase fruto que heredase aquella tierra. Y tanto gelo amonestaron que dixo que le plazía pero que él quería escoger la muger que avía de tomar, y que ellos le prometiesen de ser contentos con ella, los quales dixeron que les plazía. Y dende a poco tienpo él tomó por su muger a una donzella hija de un vasallo suyo bien pobre, pero de buen gesto y onestas y virtuosas constunbres, y al tiempo que la ovo de tomar él se fue a la casa de su padre, al qual preguntó si le quería dar a su hija por muger, y el cavallero pobre, commo se maravillase de aquello, le respondió: ‘Señor eres de mí y de mi hija, faz a tu voluntad.’ Y luego el marqués preguntó a la doncella si quería ser su muger, la qual con grant vergüença le respondió: ‘Señor, veo que soy yndigna para me casar contigo, pero si la voluntat de Dios es aquésta y mi ventura es tal, faz lo que te pluguiere que yo contenta soy de lo que mandares.’ El marqués le dixo que si con él avía de casar que parase mientes que jamás avía de contradizir lo que él quisiese, ni mostrar pesar por cosa que a él plugiese ni mandase, mas que de todo ello avía de ser plazentera, la qual le dixo que así lo faría. Y luego el marqués, en presençia de todos los cavalleros y vasallos suyos, dixo que él quería a aquélla por muger y que todos fuesen contentos

when he reached the age at which he should take a wife, his vassals and knights begged him to want to marry so that a child of his could inherit that land. They admonished him so much that he said that he would be willing, but that he wanted to choose the wife he would take for himself, and that they must be content with her; the vassals said that they agreed. After a short time, he took a maiden for his wife. She was the daughter of one of his poorest vassals, but was of comely looks and honest and virtuous habits. When the time came for him to take her as his wife, he went to her father’s house to ask for his daughter in marriage, and the poor knight, amazed by the question, responded, ‘You are lord of me and my daughter; do as you wish.’ Then the marquis asked the maiden if she wanted to be his wife; she responded with great modesty, ‘Lord, I see that I am unworthy of marrying you, but if it is God’s will and such is my fate, do whatever you wish, for I am content with what you command.’ The marquis told her that if she was to marry him that she must promise never to contradict what he might want, nor to show her displeasure at anything that might please him or that he ordered; rather, she must be agreeable to him in all things; the maiden said that she would do so. Then the marquis, in the presence of all his knights and vassals, said that he wanted that maiden for his wife and that all should be content with

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con ella y la onrasen y sirviesen commo a su muger; y ellos respondieron que les plazía. Y luego la mandó vestir y aderesçar commo a novia y en aquel día hizo sus bodas y sus fiestas grandes y bivieron después en uno muy alegremente. La qual sallió y se mostró tanto buena y discreta y de tanta virtud que todos se maravillavan. Y haziendo assý su vida el marqués y su muger y teniendo una hija pequeña muy hermosa, el marqués quiso provar a su muger fasta do podría llegar su obediençia y bondat, y dixo a su muger que sus vasallos estavan muy despagados d´él diziendo que en ninguna manera no querían por sus señores fijos de muger de tan baxo linaje, que por esto le conplía que no toviese más aquella hija porque sus vasallos no se le revelasen, y que gelo hazía saber porque a ella pluguiese d´ello, la qual le respondió que pues era su señor que hiziese su voluntad. Y el marqués, dende a poco, enbió un escudero suyo a su muger a demandarle la hija, la qual aunque pensó que la avían de matar, pero por ser obediente, no mostró tristeza ninguna, y miróla un poco y santiguóla y besóla y dióla al mensajero del marqués, al qual rogó que tal manera toviese commo no la comiesen bestias fieras salvo si el señor otra cosa le mandase. Y el marqués enbió luego secretamente a su hija a Boloña a una su hermana que era casada con un conde, dende a la qual enbió rogar que la criase y acostun-

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her, honour, and serve her as his wife; and they responded that they were pleased to do so. Then he ordered her to dress and adorn herself like a bride and he married her that very day in a great celebration and they lived very happily thereafter as one. It turned out that the maiden showed herself to be so good and discerning and of such virtue, that everyone was amazed. While the marquis and his wife were thus living together, and had a little and very beautiful daughter, the marquis decided to put his wife to the test to see just how far her obedience and goodness could go. He said to his wife that his vassals were very displeased with him, saying that in no way did they want the children of a woman of such low birth to be their lords, and that for this reason, he should dismiss his daughter so that his vassals would not rebel against him. He made this known to her so that she would accept it, to which she replied that since he was her lord, she would do his will. Soon after, the marquis sent one of his squires to ask his wife for their daughter; though fearing that they would kill her daughter, she obeyed, showed no sadness, gazed at her daughter a little, made the sign of the cross over her, kissed her, and gave her to the marquis’s messenger, begging that he not let wild beasts eat the little girl, unless her lord had ordered otherwise. The marquis then secretly sent his daughter to

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brase commo a su hija sin que persona lo supiese que lo era, y la hermana hízolo así. Y la muger, commo quier que pensava que su hija era muerta, jamás le dio a entender cosa ni le mostró su cara menos alegre que primero por no enojar a su marido. Y después parió un hijo muy hermoso, y a cabo de dos años el marqués dixo a su mujer lo que primero por la hija, y en aquella misma manera lo enbió a su hermana que lo criase, ni nunca por esto esta noble muger mostró tristeza alguna ni de al curava sino de plazer hazer a su marido.

Bologna, to one of his sisters who was married to a count, begging that she care for and raise the girl as his daughter, but without letting anyone know who she really was, and his sister did as he wished. His wife, though believing that her daughter was dead, never said anything to him, nor showed him a face any less happy than when they first married, so as not to anger her husband. Later she gave birth to a lovely boy, and after two years, the marquis said to his wife what he said before about their daughter. In the same way, he sent his son to be raised by his sister, but this noble wife showed no sadness nor concern for anything but pleasing her husband.

4 Y commo quier que harto bastava esta espiriençia para provar el marqués la bondat de su muger. Pero a cabo de algunos años pensó de la provar más y enbió por sus hijos y dar a entender a la muger que él se quería casar con otra porque sus vasallos no querían que heredasen sus hijos aquel señorío, lo qual por çierto era por el contrario, antes eran muy contentos y alegres con su señora y se maravillavan qué se avían hecho [a] los hijos. Y el marqués dixo a su muger que le era tratado casamiento con una hija de un conde y que le era forçado de se fazer. Por ende, que toviese fuerte coraçón para lo sofrir y que se tornase a su casa con su dote y diese logar a la otra que venía çerca por el

4 These tests were certainly sufficient for the marquis to confirm the goodness of his wife. However, a few years later, he decided to test her further and he sent for his children and let his wife know that he wanted to marry another woman because his vassals did not want her children to inherit his lands, which was certainly untrue. Rather, the vassals were quite content with their lady and were amazed at what had become of the children. The marquis said to his wife that a marriage was arranged for him to the daughter of a count, which he was forced to do. Therefore, she must be strong of heart to bear it, return home with her dowry, and make way for the other wife who was already on her way.

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camino ya, a lo qual ella respondió: ‘Mi señor, yo siempre tove que entre tu grandeza y mi humilldat no avía ninguna proporçión, ni jamás me sentí digna para tu serviçio, y tú me feziste digna d´esta tu casa, aunque a Dios hago por testigo que en mi voluntad siempre quedé sierva. Y d´este tienpo que en tanta honra contigo estove sin mis meresçimientos, do gracias a Dios y a ti. El tienpo por venir, aparejada estoy con buena voluntad de pasar por lo que me viniere y tú mandares, y tornarme he a la casa de mi padre a hazer mi vejez y muerte donde me crié y hize mi niñez; pero siempre seré honrada biuda, pues fuy muger de tal varón. A lo que dizes que lleve comigo mi dote, ya sabes, señor, que no traxe al sino la fe, y desnuda sallí de casa de mi padre y vestida de tus paños, los quales me plaze desnudar ante ti, pero pídote por merçet, siquiera porque el vientre en que andovieron tus hijos no parezca desnudo al pueblo, la camisa sola me dexes llevar.’ Y commo quier que al marqués le vinieron las lágrimas a los ojos mirando tanta bondat, pero bolvió la cara. Y yda la muger a casa de su padre, vistióse las ropas que avía dexado en su casa, las quales el padre todavía guardó reçelando lo mismo que veya. Las dueñas todas las de aquella cibdat, de grant conpasión, aconpañávanla en su casa.

She replied, ‘My lord, I always thought that my lowliness was no match for your nobility, and I never felt worthy for your service, but you made me worthy of this your house even though, with God as my witness, I always remained a servant in my heart. I give thanks to God and to you for all the time that I have been so honoured without meriting it. As for the future, I am ready and willing to go through all that may come to pass and all that you order, and I will return to the house of my father and live out my old age and die where I was raised and spent my childhood; but I will always be an honoured widow because I was the wife of such a man. As to what you say about taking my dowry, you well know, my lord, that I brought nothing but my faith, and left my father’s house naked and then dressed in your clothes, which I will gladly remove in front of you, but I beg you for mercy, do not let the belly that bore your children go naked in front of the people, but let me wear my shift.’ Tears came to the eyes of the marquis at the sight of such goodness, but he turned his face away. At her father’s house, the wife dressed in the clothes that she had left there, which her father still kept, fearing just what he now saw. All the ladies of the city, feeling great compassion, visited her in her house.

5 Y commo ya llegasen çerca de la cibdat los fijos del marqués, enbió

5 When the marquis’s children neared the city, he sent for his wife

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por su muger y díxole: ‘Ya sabes commo viene esta donzella con quien tengo de casar, y viene con ella un su hermano donzel pequeño, y asimiso el conde mi cuñado que los trae, y otra mucha gente, y yo querríales fazer mucha onrra, y porque tú sabes de mis costunbres y de mi voluntad, querría que tú hizieses aparejar las cosas que son menester, y aunque no estés así bien vestida las otras dueñas estarán al recibimiento d´ellos y tú aderesçarás las cosas neçesarias.’ La qual respondió: ‘Señor, de buena voluntad y con grant deseo de te complazer faré lo que mandares,’ y luego puso en obra lo que era nesçesario. Y commo llegó el conde con el donzel y con la donzella, luego la virtuosa dueña la saludó y dixo: ‘En ora buena venga mi señora.’ Y el marqués después que vido a su muger andar tan solíçita y tan alegre en lo que avía mandado, le dixo ante todos: ‘Dueña, ¿qué vos paresçe de aquesta donzella?’ Y ella respondió: ‘Por cierto, señor, yo creo que más hermosa que ésta no la podrías hallar; y si con ésta no te contentas, yo creo que jamás podrás ser contento con otra, y espero en Dios que farás vida pacífica con ella. Mas ruégote, que no des a ésta las tentaçiones que a la otra, ca segunt su hedat pienso que no las podrá conportar.’ Y commo esto oyó, el marqués, movido con grant piedad y considerando a la grande ofensa que avía hecho a su muger y cómmo ella lo avía

and said to her, ‘As you know, the maiden who I am to marry is about to arrive. Her brother, a young lad, comes with her as well as the count, my brother-in-law, who escorts them, and many other people. I want to honour them greatly, and because you know my habits and my preferences, I would like you to prepare everything necessary, and although you are not well dressed, the other ladies will receive them and you will put all the necessary things in order.’ She responded: ‘My lord, I will do what you order willingly and with great desire to please you,’ and immediately attended to all the necessary preparations. When the count arrived with the lad and the maiden, the virtuous lady immediately greeted her and said, ‘Welcome, my lady.’ When the marquis saw how solicitous his wife was and how happily she carried out all that he had ordered, he said, before all those present, ‘Lady, what do you think of this maiden?’ She responded: ‘Surely, my lord, I believe you could not find a maiden more beautiful than his one; and if you cannot be satisfied with her, I believe that you will never be satisfied with any other, and I hope to God that you live peaceably with her. However, I beg you not to give her the same trials as you did to your other wife, because at her age I do not think that she could withstand them.’ Upon hearing this, the Marquis was moved to great pity and considering the

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conportado, dixo: ‘O muy noble mujer, conoçida es a mí tu fe y obediençia, y no creo que so el çielo ovo otra que tanta espirençia de sí mostrase. Yo no tengo ni terné otra muger sino a ti, y aquésta que pensavas era mi esposa tu hija es, y éste que cuidavas que avía de ser mi cuñado, tu hijo es, y lo que pensavas que avías perdido juntamente lo has fallado.’ Y commo ella esto oyó, con el grand gozo pareçió sallir de seso, y con lágrimas de grant plazer fue abraçar a sus hijos. A la qual luego fueron traydas sus ropas, y en grant plazer y alegría pasaron algunos días, y después siempre bivieron contentos y bien aventurados. Y la grant fama y obediençia d´esta señora oy en día tura en aquellas tierras.

great offence that he had done to his wife and how she had withstood it, he said: ‘Oh, most noble wife, I recognize your faith and your obedience and do not believe that any other woman under heaven would behave as you have done. I do not nor ever will have any wife but you, and this maiden who you thought was my bride is your daughter, and this boy who you thought was to be my brother-in-law is your son, and all that you thought lost, you have found.’ Upon hearing this, the lady seemed to go mad with joy, and with tears of great delight she went to embrace her children. Then her clothes were brought to her and together they all spent several days in great delight and happiness and lived happily and blessedly ever after. The great fame and obedience of this lady endure to this day in those lands.

6 Así que, hijas mías, pues ésta que era hija de un pobre cibdadano mostró tanta virtud y dio de sý tanto enxenplo de obeciençia, quánto más deven trabajar las que son de buen linaje por dar de sí buena fama seyendo muy obedientes y mandadas a sus maridos; y aunque a la muger parezca que su marido no es tan virtuoso o rico o de tanto estado commo ella piensa que meresçe, deve pensar que esto proçede de su vanidad, pues que su padre y parientes que gelo dieron bien entendieron que bastava para su marido, y

6 Therefore, my daughters, if this lady, who was the daughter of a poor man, showed so much virtue and gave such a model of obedience, those ladies who are well-born must work even harder to achieve good reputations by being obedient and submissive to their husbands. Now, even if it seems to a wife that her husband is not as virtuous or as rich or as noble as she thinks she merits, she must realize that this comes from her vanity, since her father and her relatives who married her knew well that he was good enough to be

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aun deve pensar que una de las cosas en que más Nuestro Señor muestra sus maravillas es en los casamientos, y muchas vezes acaesçe en pena de sus pecados a algunas darles tales maridos que no paresçe ygualdat, pero ni por esto le deve ser menos umillde y obediente: antes en todo le deve servir y onrrar commo a su marido y por cosa que a él plega no le deve mostrar la cara triste, ca mucho acaban las mugeres que esto hazen quanto quieren con sus maridos, y aunque él sea malo y perverso, si la muger le quiere tratar bien y no dar mal por mal, de nesçessario le fará ser bueno y quererla bien aunque no quiera. Y por el contrario, si la muger jamás muestra buena cara y plazentera a su marido, ni muestra alegría con lo que haze, aunque sea el más bueno del mundo, le tornará al revés y le fará bivir vida triste y amarga. Así que pues en vuestras manos es, hijas mías, después de Dios de ser bien casadas o no, ruégovos que lo queráys ser, y que miréys quántas tentaçiones esta buena dueña sufrió del marqués su marido, y con quánta umilldat y paçiençia, y commo al cabo Nuestro Señor la remedió y así fará a vosotras si así lo hazedes.

her husband. She should also recall that one of the things in which Our Lord shows his marvels is in marriages, and it often befalls some as punishment to have husbands who are not their equals, but this is no reason for her to be any less humble and obedient. Rather, she should serve and honour him as her husband and should not put on a sad face for anything that pleases him, because women can achieve a great deal if they do everything their husbands want them to. Even if a man is evil and perverse, if his wife treats him well and does not fight evil with evil, he will necessarily become good and love her well, even if he does not want to. On the other hand, if the wife never shows her husband a happy and pleasing face, or never shows joy at what he does, even if he is the best in the world, he will become the opposite and will make her life sad and bitter. Therefore it is in your hands, my daughters, after God’s, to be good wives or not, and I beg you to want to be good, and to heed the many trials that the marquis’s good lady suffered and her great humility and patience, and how in the end Our Lord took care of her. He will do the same for you if you behave as she did.

IV

Lesson Four

1 Lo quarto que avéys de guardar, fijas mías, es que seades castas, ca la muger casta guarda el mandamiento

1 The fourth lesson to learn, my daughters, is to be chaste, because the chaste woman keeps the command-

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de Nuestro Señor Dios y muestra que quiere bien a su marido y conserva su onra, y d´esto ay muchos enxenplos y abtoridades, ca el sabio en el Ecclesiástico dize que de la castidad bien es a las mugeres muy grande onra y grant hermosura de virtud y olor de muy buena fama, ca en las mugeres no se podría conparar ningunt otro bien a este de las castidat, porque así commo el sol quando nasçe a todo el mundo alunbra, así la muger casta conpone y onra mucho su casta, ca ésta es graçia sobre graçia ser la muger casta y onesta, ca commo dize Sant Agostín, así commo a los onbres la sabiduría guarda las buenas costunbres, así la castidad guarda todas las obras de las mugeres y las cría y las acresçienta. Y d´esta castidat habla Valerio diziendo que el primero y más fuerte cimiento que puede ser en la muger es la castidat, y pone allí algunos enxenplos de muchas que más quisieron perder la vida que no la castidad. Allí cuenta de una muger griega llamada Espela, la qual commo pasase de un reyno en otro por la mar, aquél su navío fue tomado de enemigos, la qual sintiendo que querían ensuziar su castidat, venida al estremo del navío, se lançó en la mar, queriendo antes morir que perder la castidad; por lo qual sus mismos enemigos tomaron el cuerpo en la ribera y le hizieron muy onrada sepoltura a onor de su castidad. Allí cuenta de otras mugeres que se enhorcaron quando

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ment of Our Lord God and shows that she loves her husband well and preserves his honour, and there are many stories and authorities proving this, for the sage in Ecclesiasticus says that chastity truly brings women great honour, great beauty, and the odour of good name, for chastity cannot be compared to any other good in women, because, just as the rising sun lights the entire world, so does the chaste woman order and greatly honour her family, for the chaste and honest woman is a double grace.8 For, as Saint Augustine says, just as in men wisdom preserves good habits, so in women does chastity preserve all their works, nurturing and enriching them.9 Valerius Maximus also speaks of this chastity,10 saying that the foremost and strongest foundation that can exist in woman is chastity, and he gives some examples of many women who preferred to lose their lives rather than their chastity. He tells of a Greek woman called Espela, whose boat was captured, while she was travelling by sea from one country to another. Fearing that her enemies wanted to sully her chastity, she went to one end of the boat and threw herself into the sea, preferring to die rather than lose her chastity; because of this, her enemies rescued her corpse on the shore and gave her a very honourable burial in honour of her chastity. He tells us of other women who hanged themselves when they saw their husbands killed and feared they would be dishonoured. He tells us of a man who killed

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vieron a sus maridos muertos reçelando ser desonradas. Allí cuenta de un cibdadano que mató a si hija porque no la podía defender de un príncipe poderoso, y dize allí que más quiso ser matador de hija casta que padre de hija corrupta.

his daughter because he could not protect her from a powerful prince and he says that the man preferred to be the murderer of a chaste daughter than the father of a corrupt one.

2 Sant Anbrosio cuenta en el primero libro de virginidat que una donzella fue en Antiochía muy hermosa, la qual porque no quiso ensuziar su castidad con un prínçipe que la amava, mandóla tomar y llevar al lugar público de las mala mugeres, la qual commo entrase en la casa fincados los hinojos, començó de llorar diziendo: ‘O Señor, el tu tenplo está puesto en peligro: ruégote que no consientas que en él se cometa sacrillejo.’ En esta oraçión estando, entró un cavallero a ella, el qual le dixo: ‘No temas, ca yo no vengo a perder tu alma, mas a salvarla, y si quieres que yo sea mártil mudemos las vestiduras y la tuya fará a mí cavallero verderero y la mía fará a ti virgen. Toma este mi manto y cubre tus cabellos y esconde tu cara.’ La donzella quebrantó el lazo del diablo y fízolo así y fuese. Y luego entró otro onbre, y commo no hallase dentro a la donzella sallió y díxolo a aquel mal príncipe, el qual le mandó luego prender y que hiziesen d´él cruel justiçia. Commo esto oyese la donzella, luego vino diziendo: ‘Cúnplenme que se me escusó la desonra, mas no quiero escusar la muerte: mudé la vestidura mas no la

2 Saint Ambrose says in his first book On Virginity11 that there was a very beautiful maiden of Antioch, and because she refused to sully her chastity with a prince who loved her, the prince ordered that she be arrested and taken to a public brothel, and when she entered the house, she knelt down and began to cry, saying: ‘O Lord, your temple is in danger: I beg you not to allow sacrilege be committed in it.’ While she was praying, a knight came in to her and said, ‘Do not fear, for I come not to destroy your soul but rather to save it, and if you will allow me to be a martyr, let us exchange clothing; yours will make me a true knight and mine will make you a virgin. Take my cape and cover your hair and hide your face.’ The maiden broke the snare of the devil and did as the knight said, and left. Then another man entered, and, since he did not find the maiden within, he went and told the evil prince, who ordered that the knight be cruelly punished. When the maiden heard of this she came straight away, saying, ‘Observe how I escaped from dishonour, but I do not want to escape death: I changed my clothing, but

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perfeçión.’ El cavallero todavía porfiando él meresçer la muerte y no ella, a la fin entramos resçibieron martirio, mandándolos aquel mal príncipe matar.

not my perfection.’ The knight insisted that he deserved to die and not her, and in the end, they both received martyrdom, since the prince ordered them both killed.

3 Otros mucho enxenplos os podría contar, hijas mías, por do paresçe quanto es maravillosa y noble virtud ésta de la castidad, y aunque no se guardase por otra cosa, salvo por las grandes penas que los derechos ponen a las que no guardan castidad a sus maridos, devría harto abastar; porque nuestras leyes quieren que la muger que hiziere malefiçio a su marido muera a sus manos; y por la grand ofensa que d´ella reçibe todos sus bienes son suyos. Pues más ay, que la mala muger que esta castidat no guarda por el grant temor que ha de su marido y por la grant trayçión que le haze, luego le quiere mal y se trabaja por lo matar, o a lo menos desea que otros lo maten, y así todo va de mal en peor fasta que el enemigo la trae a que reçiba pena de su maldat. ¡O quánt esforçado es, dize un filósofo, el que es libre de culpa y quánt medroso el que yaze en ella! Así que no conviene judgar a ninguna persona por sus dichos, mas por sus obras.

3 I could tell you many more stories proving what a marvellous and noble virtue chastity is, my daughters, and even if chastity is not preserved for any other reason than out of fear of the heavy punishments to which the laws condemn women who do not preserve chastity for their husbands, that should suffice, because our laws want wives who do harm to their husbands to die at their hands; and for the great offence that she does to him, all her property becomes his. What is more, the bad wife who does not preserve her chastity, and neither greatly fears her husband or the treachery she does him, will soon come to hate him and try to find a way to kill him or at least desire that others kill him, and everything will go from bad to worse until the devil takes her and punishes her for her evilness. ‘How valiant,’ a philosopher says, ‘is he who is free from guilt and how fearful he who dwells in it!’ Therefore, one must not judge anyone by his words, but rather by his deeds.

V

Lesson Five

1 Lo quinto que avéys de guardar es que seáys onestas, ca no basta a la muger que sea casta, mas que sea onesta; ni le basta que sea buena,

1 The fifth lesson to learn is that you must be modest, because not only must a wife be chaste, but she must be modest; nor is it enough to

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mas que use en tal manera que las gentes la tengan por buena, ca la que no es onesta da causa que se crea d’ella que no es buena, y muchas vezes haze sospechoso a su marido y a los que la veen, y por esta manera queda ella disfamada y su marido desonrado. Y la honestidat se deve guardar en estas cosas.

be good; rather, she must act so that everyone considers her good, because she who does not act with modesty gives reason to believe that she is not good and often makes her husband suspicious, as well as others who see her, and thus loses her reputation and dishonours her husband. Modesty must be preserved in the following things.

2 Lo primero en los traeres y vestiduras y tocados demasiados y desonestos porque todo esto ha de ser considerado: el estado y renta de vuestros maridos y su ábito de bivir, y su hedad y disposiçión y las vuestras, ca no sólo harés plazer a vuestros maridos en ser honestas en el gasto y en el traje de vuestras ropas y tocados, más aún, no gastarés vuestras faziendas en ello y daréys causa que los que vos vieren no vos tengan por locas ni demasiadas, antes vos loen de honestas y de vergüença, ca los romanos mucho fueron alabados porque hazían traer a sus mugeres las ropas muy honestas y a cada una segunt su hedad y estado. Y oy en día guardan los ginoveses que no traen sus mugeres ningunas vestiduras salvo muy onestas, ni les consienten ningunt descobrimiento en los pechos ni en los braços, por lo qual las mugeres de aquella tierra son mucho buenas. Sant Pedro dize en una su epístola: ‘no tengo por buena señal de las mugeres que no se visten onestamente y quieren mostrar sus cabellos

2 The first concerns excessive and immodest ornaments, attire, and headdresses, because you must consider all these things: the estate and income of your husbands, their manner of living, their age and disposition, and your own, for not only will you please your husbands by being modest in your expenses on clothing and headdresses, but even more, you will not waste your wealth on clothes and not cause those who see you to consider you foolish or extravagant; rather, they will praise your modesty and decency, for the Romans were highly praised for making their wives wear very modest clothing that corresponded to their age and estate. Even today, the Genoans make sure that their wives never wear anything but very modest clothing, nor do they let them show any part of their breasts or arms, and, thanks to this, the women of that land are very good. Saint Peter says in his epistle, ‘I do not hold it to be a good sign that women do not dress with modesty and want to show their hair and improper

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y sus ornamentos no son convenibles, quiere dezir a su hedat y estado y renta y a lo que conviene a su onestidat y a lo que más aplaze a su marido.’ Eso mismo dize Sant Pablo: ‘no tengo por mugeres onestas a las que entran las cabeças descubiertas en la yglesia y se visten desonestamente; antes deven mostrar de fuera por do no ofendan los ojos de Dios.’ Y si en esto devés mucho mirar, fijas mías, estando con vuestros maridos, mucho más lo avéys de hazer quando ellos no están en el logar donde vosostras estoviéredes, ca estonce no vos avéys de vestir ni aparejar así commo quando estáys con ellos, demostrando que no avéys para quien vos adereçar sino para ellos, ca la religión de las mugeres casadas es muy peligrosa y áspera, y así no ay otra ninguna que tanto mérito merezca commo la buena muger casada.

ornaments, meaning those unsuitable for their age and estate and income and improper for their modesty and which most please their husbands.’12 Saint Paul says the same thing: ‘I do not hold women who enter the church with their heads bared and in immodest clothing to be modest women. Rather, their outward appearance must not offend the eyes of God.’13 And if you, my daughters, should take care in this when your husbands are present, you should take much more care when your husbands are not with you, because then you must not dress or arrange yourself as you do when you are with them, thus proving that you adorn yourselves for no one except them, for the order of married women is perilous and rough; indeed, there is no other order of women deserving of as much merit as that of the good wife.

3 Lo otro que avéys de guardar para ser honestas es en los afeytes demasiados, ca segund dize Grisóstomo, grand peligro es enmendar ni añadir ninguna cosa a la ymagen de Dios, ca desfeanla y ofenden a su Hazedor, ca bien commo un maestro o pintor tomaría grant pesar quando viese la su obra borrada y desfecha, quánto más quien deshaze la ymagen de Dios, ca dize que éstas que así se conponen y afeytan no son sino armas del diablo con que echan los onbres de parayso y con que destruyen la ley y meten los onbres

3 Another thing that you must do to maintain your modesty, is to avoid excessive use of cosmetics, because, as Chrysostom says, it is very dangerous to alter or enhance the image of God, which defaces it and offends its Maker, for just as a master or a painter would be quite upset if he saw his work erased or defaced, God is much more upset by someone who defaces his image, for Chrysostom says that women who make themselves up and are simply weapons with which the devil drives men from paradise, destroy the law, and

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[en] pecados; que ya se lee en París de una muger que mucho se afeytava y se preçiava de sus cabellos, depués de muerta verla algunos la cara llena de brasas bivas y con peyne de fierro ardiendo peynarse sus cabellos en pena de su desonestidat. Y esto es más peligroso a las mugeres casadas que a las otras, porque para su marido no cumple mucho afeytarse, pues cada día la vee en su casa y cámara sin afeytes. Ca yo vos digo, hijas, que el que tiene muger que no se afeyta mucho, muy sin vergüença está donde hablan de las que mucho de afeytan; y el que tiene muger d´éstas y de poca vergüença, muy corrido está quando oye alabar a las que no lo fazen, y luego piensa que a su muger no la tienen por buena por aquella desonestidat, y de aquí nasçe la sospecha en manera que no pueden hazer buena vida ca, commo dize Sant Bernaldo, estonçes son las mugeres umilldes quando no se conponen ni afeytan a vanagloria, mas por pareçer bien a sus maridos y los tirar de mal, y estonçe son tenpladas quando toman vestiduras convenibles, y estonçe son sinples quando no han cuydado de sus conponimientos ni los ponen a vanagloria, pues afeytadvos, dize, con buenos enseñamientos porque no vengades en arrepentimiento y con esta hermosura serán vuestras almas quitas de servidunbre de la mançebía. No por eso, hijas, loo las que con nigligençia o pereza dexan de curar de sí en manera que más

lead men to sin;14 it is written that in Paris once was a woman who painted her face a lot and was proud of her hair; some saw her after her death, her face full of burning coals, combing her hair with a comb of red-hot iron as punishment for her immodesty. This is more dangerous for a married woman than for others, because she need not make herself up for her husband, since he sees her every day at home and in private without cosmetics. For, I tell you, daughters, that he who has a wife who uses little make-up feels no shame when they talk of women who use much make-up; but he whose wife is one of these with little shame, is embarrassed when he hears praise of those that do not, and then thinks that his wife is not considered good because of that immodesty, and begins to suspect her and they do not get along since, as Saint Bernard says, women are humble when they do not adorn and paint themselves for the sake of vanity, but, rather, in order to look good in their husbands’ eyes and draw their husbands from evil, and women are temperate when they choose proper clothing, and women are honest when they do not care for their adornments nor wear them for vanity’s sake. Therefore, he says, make yourselves up with good teachings, that you have nothing to repent, and with this beauty, your souls will be free from the servitude of youth.15 But not for that, daughters, do I

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pareca floxedat que no virtud, mas los afeytes de que nuestro [Señor] se paga es que andedes linpias y vos lavedes con buenas aguas porque no desagáys su ymagen y no dedes causa a los estraños que vos tengan por desonestas y a vuestros maridos en poco por os lo consentir. Y lo peor es que el diablo las engaña a estas tales que les haze entender que pareçen muy hermosas y muy moças, aunque son viejas, y muchas vezes los que las miran se están riyendo y haziendo burla d´ellas, y las mezquinas piénsanse que están espantados de su hermosura, y con esto se enloqueçen diez tanto que primero. Por esto dize bien Sant Gerónimo: ‘éstas tales conposturas de fuera señales son de los coraçones luxuriosos y malos.’ Pues, hijas, commo dize el sabio en sus proverbios, no vos engañés por la hermosura de vuestra mançebía ni por la salut de vuestro cuerpo, ca la fin de la salut es enfermedat, y la fin de la enfermedat es la muerte.

praise those who from negligence or laziness disregard themselves in such a way that seems more weakness than virtue; rather, the adornments that please Our Lord are that you be clean and wash yourselves with good waters so that you do not scorn his image and do not give strangers cause to think you are immodest and to disrespect your husbands for letting you do so. The worst of it is that the devil tricks such women and makes them believe that they look lovely and very young, even though they are old, and often those who look at them are laughing and mocking them and the wretches think that they are awed by their beauty, and with this they become ten times more foolish. For this reason Saint Jerome rightly says, ‘Such external cosmetics are signs of lustful and evil hearts.’16 Therefore, daughters, as the sage says in his proverbs, do not be fooled by the beauty of your youth, or by the health of your bodies, because the end of health is sickness and the end of sickness is death.

4 Lo otro que avéys de guardar para ser onestas es que no vos aconpañéys ni participéys con mugeres malas o de mala fama, ca dize un sabio: ‘si te aconpañares con los malos la tu conpilsión hurtará de la suya sin que tú lo sepas.’ Y es cosa muy provada que la conversaçión con personas semejantes es cosa muy peligrosa porque da causa que d´ella se sospeche de qualquier mal,

4 Another teaching that you must follow to be modest is to avoid consorting with bad women or women of ill repute, because a sage said, ‘If you are in the company of evil people, your constitution will steal from theirs without your knowing it.’ It is well known that conversing with such people is a very dangerous thing because it gives people, not just husbands, but strangers as well,

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no sólo por su marido, mas por los estraños, viéndola estar o tener conpañía con malas o desonestas mugeres. Y si esto es de guardar mucho más lo deves hazer no teniendo en vuestra casa muger ni moça que use mal, ca siempre pensarán que pues lo tal consentís, que soys plazenteras d´ello, ca escrito es que así commo el ayre malo corronpe el cuerpo, así la mala conpañía y la mala palabra corronpe el coraçón y el alma, y el apóstol lo dize en una su epístola: ‘las mala[s] palabras corronpen las buenas costumbres.’ Y Séneca dize que así commo el vezino rico mueve a su vezino a cobdiçia, así la mala compañía apega sus malas costunbres a su conpañero.

reason to suspect a woman of evil doings if they see her in the company of bad or immodest women. If this deserves special care, it is even more important not to have any woman or girl of bad habits in your house, because people will always think that you allow such behaviour and that it pleases you. It is written that just as bad air corrupts the body, so bad company corrupts the heart and soul, and the apostle says in his epistle, ‘Bad words corrupt good habits.’17 Seneca says that ‘just as the rich neighbour inspires greed in his neighbour, so does bad company infect its companion with bad habits.’18

5 Lo otro que avés de guardar para ser onestas es que no curéys de salir a menudo fuera de vuestras casas, espeçialmente a los juegos o justas o toros o cosas semejantes, ca la muger que mucho quiere andar por la plaças muestra de sí poca cordura y no pone buen recabdo en su casa. Y quando ovierdes de sallir, sea a cosas honestas y a do fueren personas honestas, y no a semejantes burlas, ca nunca d´ello se levanta, sino que contando las que estavan en las tales fiestas las disfamen y digan cosas que, aunque no sean verdat, dañan mucho a su fama porque esto tal más conviene a moças y mugeres solteras que no a las casadas. Y mucho menos devéys salir no

5 Another thing that you must do to be modest is not to care for leaving your house frequently, especially not to go to games, jousts, bullfights, or other such things, because the woman who wants to be out and about in the plazas shows little prudence and little care for her household. When you must go out, let it be for suitable reasons, and to where other upright people will be, and not to such frivolities, because one never leaves them without noticing the women who were at such festivities, defaming them and saying things that, even if untrue, greatly damage their reputations, for such festivities are more proper for maidens and single women than for married women.

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estando vuestros maridos en los logares, ca es más peligroso que no estando ellos.

Much less should you ever go to such places if your husbands are not there, because it is much more dangerous without them.

6 Lo otro que avéys de guardar es, para ser onestas, que no vos paguéys de oyr palabras suzias ni de puterías aunque las digan otras mugeres, ni menos las digades vosotras, ca dize el sabio: ‘las palabras villanas tórnanse en mengua y traen pena.’ Y si es persona quien las dixiere que no podés castigar, devéysle dar a entender que no avéys plazer en las oyr, porque grant señal es que quien se paga de oyr las tales palabras que se pagaría de hazer las obras. Y aun muchas vezes son enbíadas palabras vellacas y malas con mensajes, y entran por esta manera diziendo cosas suzias y de reyr, y si veen que se pagan de oyr desonestidades atrévense con menos reçelo a les dezir lo que quieren, y quando veen que no han plazer con aquello que dizen conosçen que menos avrán de lo que les querían dizir y déxanse d´ello, ca dicho es del profeta que de lo que avemos vergüença de hazer que ayamos vergüença de lo dizir, y quien alinpia su palabra afeyta su alma y vençe todo mal.

6 Another thing that you must do to preserve your modesty is not enjoy hearing dirty or smutty talk, even if said by other women. Much less should you speak thus, because, as the sage says, ‘Vile words turn into offences and bring sorrow.’ If someone whom you cannot correct says vile words, you must give them to understand that you take no pleasure in hearing them, because if someone enjoys hearing such words, it clearly signals that they would enjoy doing them. Also, crude and evil words are often sent with messages, and enter your house in this way with dirty jokes, and if people see that you enjoy listening to obscenities they will fearlessly dare to say what they want, and if they see no pleasure taken in what they say, they will realize that they will not get what they wanted with their words and will leave off, because, as the prophet has said, that which we are ashamed of doing, we should also be ashamed to speak of, and clean speech adorns the soul and conquers evil.

7 Y pues si en esto es tanto de mirar, quanto más lo avéys de hazer que si en qualquier manera fuerdes requeridas o tentadas por onbre o por muger, vuestra respuesta sea tan brava y áspera que jamás tornen a

7 If you must be so vigilant about words, you must be even more careful to respond so angrily and harshly to any man or woman who tries to seduce or tempt you that they never try it again. We read in the Greek

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ello. Ya se lee en las corónicas griegas aver una dueña casada, la qual commo su marido estoviese [en] guerra, ella, syendo moça y hermosa, ser requerida de muchos, en espeçial commo un príncipe la siguiese mucho y por cosa d´él no se podía defender. La onesta dueña, llamados los parientes del marido, les contó todo el caso y, en fin, los dixo: ‘Más quiero ser fea buena que hermosa desonrada.’ Y con un cuchillo que tenía escondido se dió con él por la cara en manera que ella quedó fea y dende en adelante ninguno la quería. Pues si ésta que era muger gentil y sin fe dio de sí tal enxemplo no se podiendo defender de otra manera, quánto más lo deven hazer las christianas que haziendo lo contrario pecarían muy gravemente. Y quando las semejantes personas no son respondidas muy bravamente osan tornar a les dizir lo que quieren, y luego y viene tras ella la sospecha del marido en manera que es muy grand peligro. Y aún ya contesçe ser enbiadas semejantes perssonas de parte de sus maridos por saber lo que tienen en sus mugeres. Y quando les dizen que su respuesta fue muy mala, ámanlas mucho más y hazen buena y alegre vida, y quando, por el contrario, luego viene la tristeza y pensamiento de que se reqreçen grandes daños, ca dize el sabio, así commo los vasos del ollero se pruevan por su son, así se prueva la perssona por su palabra y por ella es conosçido su seso.

histories that there once was a young and beautiful married woman, and while her husband was away at war, she was propositioned by many men, especially by a prince who pursued her and, because of his station, she could not defend herself. The modest lady called her husband’s family together and told them all about the situation and in conclusion she said, ‘I would rather be ugly and good than beautiful and dishonoured.’ Then, with a knife that she had hidden, she struck her face, making herself so ugly that no one ever wanted her again. Now, if this woman, a pagan without faith, behaved in such an exemplary way when she could not defend herself, even more should Christian women behave thus, for by doing otherwise they would sin most gravely.19 If such people are not dealt with angrily by a married woman, they dare to repeat their propositions, and then the husband’s suspicions will soon follow in a dangerous way. Sometimes even husbands themselves send such people in order to test what kind of a wife they have. When they report that the wife gave a very harsh response, the husbands love them a great deal more and they can live well and happily together, but from the opposite come grief and worry, which cause great harm, because, as the sage says, just as the peddler’s pots and cups are tested by their sound, so are people tested by their words and by their words their thoughts are known.

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8 También avéys de guardar, hijas mías, para ser onestas, de no departir mucho a menudo con ningunos onbres, quanto más en logar apartado aunque sean vuestros parientes, no por eso dexar de hablar con hermanos y parientes, pero nunca apartado con ellos, porque aun ellos os lo ternán a honestidat y vos loarán d´ello. Léese que Amón forçó a su hermana Tamar. La causa no fue sino apartarse con él. Otras muchas se leen ser desonradas de sus hermanos y aun parientes, y aun de sus padres por apartarse con ellos, quanto más con los estraños porque muy mal seguro está la estopa çerca del fuego. Y tanbién vos devéys de guardar mucho de burlas de manos con ellos, porque aunque por el pensamiento no vos pase ningunt mal, todos los honbres son ynclinados a pensar antes el mal que el bien, y luego sospechan y lo dizen unos a otros, y de aquí se levanta la disfamaçión, ca los gestos y mano, segunt dize el filósofo, son fruto del pensamiento, y el rostro demuestra lo que está en el coraçón.

8 You must also be careful, my daughters, in order to be modest, not to speak much or frequently with any men, much less in secluded places, even if they are your relatives; this does not mean stop talking to your brothers and relatives, but never alone with them, so even they will appreciate your modesty and will praise you for it. We read that Amon raped his sister Tamar.20 The cause was simply being alone with him. We read of many other women dishonoured by their brothers or other relatives, and even by their fathers, because they were alone with them. It is even more dangerous to be alone with strangers because tinder is never safe near fire. You must also be careful to avoid hand games with men, because even though nothing bad passes through your mind, all men are inclined to think evil before good, and they will suspect you and talk about you and that is how reputations are lost, because gestures, as the philosopher says, are the fruit of thought, and the face shows what is in the heart.

9 Otrosí avéys de guardar para ser onestas que mientra estovierdes en la cámara dormi[da]s, y mucho más en la cama, no consintáys que entre ninguno a vosotras aunque sea de vuestra casa salvo vuestras mugeres y moças, ca sería cosa muy desnonesta estar vosotras en la cama y hablar con ninguno. De aquí proçede que las que lo hazen dan causa a los

9 In order to preserve your modesty, you must never, while sleeping in your chamber, allow anyone other than your women and maidservants to enter, not even others of your household, and especially not while in bed, because it would be very immodest to be in your bed and talking with any man. Women who allow this cause their servants to be

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suyos que les pierdan la vergüença y no les caten aquella onra que deven, y tanto lo podrían acostunbrar que se atrevan a les dezir algo, ca escrito es, la fin de la bondat es que aya onbre vergüença de sí mismo. Verdat es que algunos syn mal pensamiento consienten entrar a los suyos donde están echadas, pero las mugeres casadas biven en grant peligro y por esto han de guardar mucho que ninguno no pueda sospechar d´ellas ningunt mal, ca luego presumen los que lo veen que a otro fyn se haze. Pero si estovierdes enfermas o con otra nesçesidat, estonçe, para hablar con físicos o con otros de vuestra casa, devéys estar muy cubiertas, y lo más honesto que pudierdes, y esto delante algunas mugeres, porque vuestros maridos y todos los otros no ayan de sospechar ningund mal.

shameless and to treat them with less honour than they should, and the servants can become so accustomed to this that they dare to say things, because, as it is written, the purpose of goodness is that a man have a sense of shame. It is true that some women may allow their menservants to enter the rooms where they lie down, but married women live in great danger and so must be very careful that no one suspects anything bad about them, because those who see it will assume it is for another purpose. However, if you were to become ill or if for another reason you needed to speak to a doctor or a manservant while you are lying in bed, you should be well covered, as modestly as possible, and you should be sure that some of your women are present so that neither your husbands nor anyone else will suspect anything bad.

10 Asimismo avéys de procurar para ser honestas que quando partieren vuestros maridos de vuestras casas, no vos dexen onbres moços salvo si fueren de soldada, o tales de que no se pueda sospechar ningunt mal; más si oviere de quedar algund onbre, sea viejo o tal de que çese toda sospecha, y esto porque muy de ligero se causan las difamaçiones en las mugeres, y aun porque los tales onbres quando quedan en casa, aunque no se atrevan a pensar cosa desonesta contra las señoras, muchas vezes las hablan con las mugeres o

10 In order to preserve your modesty, you must also be sure that when your husbands leave home, that they do not leave you with any young men, unless they are in your employ, or beyond all suspicion; moreover, if some man must stay in your house, let him be old or of such character that all suspicions cease, and you must do this because bad reputations are made very easily and when such men stay in a house, even if they dare not think immodest thoughts about the ladies of the house, they often speak with the women or

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moças de casa, y algunas alcança parte a ellas. Y de aquí proçede los furtos a los señores y muchas vezes tratar de los matar y reçebir otras desonras.

maidservants, and take advantage of them. From this come thefts and attempted murders of the masters of the house and other dishonours.

11 Asimismo avéys de mirar para conservar la onestidat que no habléys con los onbres de vuestras casas salvo aquellas cosas que les avéys de mandar, y esto no burlando ni en manera desonesta ni en lugar apartado porque no se presuma que buscáys colores o risas para partiçipar con ellos, ca muchas dieron grandes ocasiones a los suyos en les hablar blandamente a pensar algunas trayçiones, y de aquí proçede que los otros vuestros a quien no fablardes así con aquel amor, vos desamen y vos disfamen, así que a los vuestros deveyslos hablar y mandar graçiosamente y no en manera de ruego ni con otras burlas.

11 Likewise, in order to preserve your modesty, you must take care not to speak with the menservants of your household, except when giving orders, and when doing so, do not speak in a joking or immodest manner, or in a secluded place, so that no one thinks you seek to be clever and witty in order to flirt with them, because many women have caused their servants to think of treacherous behaviour by speaking softly to them, and this will make the other servants to whom you do not speak lovingly hate you and defame you. Thus, you should speak to and order all of your servants graciously, but not in a begging or joking manner.

12 Tanbién, hijas mías, avés mucho de guardar para ser onestas que no vos asentedes a las ventanas ni vos pongades a las puertas de vuestras casas con ningund onbre que sea, porque estar a las ventanas no proçede sino de locura y moçedat porque las vean y les digan algunas cosas desonestas, ni tienen por mugeres de abtoridat a las que están mucho a las puertas, ca en otro tienpo mucho se arreavan las dueñas porque sin neçesidat ninguna persona las veýa, en espeçial en lugares comunes. Y asimismo no devéys

12 Also, my daughters, to preserve your modesty, you must not sit at the windows nor stand at the doors of your houses with any man, because only foolish and young women sit at the windows where they can be seen and where men can say immodest things to them. Nor are women who stand in doorways held in high esteem, for, in the olden days, ladies would cover themselves so that, unless it was strictly necessary, no one would be able to see them in public. Likewise, you should not see to the needs of the men in your

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mucho procurar por los onbres de vuestra casa, ca este cuydado ha de ser de vuestro marido y haziéndolo, por el contrario, days a entender que tienen en vosotras mayor parte que en vuestros maridos.

household, as this should be in the care of your husband. On the contrary, if you see to them, you make people think that your menservants have more loyalty to you than to your husband.

13 Asimismo, en el tienpo que vuestros maridos no estovieren en su casa devés hazer dormir en vuestras cámaras vuestras hijas y mujeres y moças que toviéredes porque estedes más aconpañadas, y por quitar de vosotras y d´ellas toda sospecha, y tanbién porque las mugeres de vuestra casa no ayan logar de hazer lo que no deven, ni andar hablando con los onbres, ca grant virtud y bondat es de las mugeres que crían mugeres.

13 Likewise, at those times when your husbands are not at home, you should make your daughters, women, and the maidservants that you have sleep in your chambers, so that you will have companionship, and also to remove you and them from all suspicion, and also because the women of your household should not have the opportunity to behave badly or go about talking with men, because it is a great virtue and good for women to bring up other women.

14 Tanbién devéys tener manera para ser onestas commo los onbres de vuestra casa no duermen çerca de vuestra cámara, tanto que vos puedan ver ni oyr en ella aunque estén ende vuestros maridos, y mucho menos no estando, porque no es bien que oyan vuestras hablas ni secretos, ni ayan logar por do ver ni hablar de noche a las vuestras, ni estaría bien que saliendo de la cámara desnudas o no bien ataviadas topasen luego con los onbres, y si esto es desonesto a las moças, quanto más será a vosotras, ni pareçería bien que vos viesen desnudas o destocadas.

14 To preserve your modesty, you must also make sure that the men of your household do not sleep so near your chamber that they may see or hear what is happening inside, even if your husbands are there, and much less when they are absent, because it is not good for them to hear your conversations or secrets or be able to see or talk to your women servants at night. Nor would it be good if your women servants, leaving your room, ran into your menservants when undressed or not fully clothed. This is not only immodest for maidservants, but even more so for you, and it would look bad if you were seen undressed or bare-headed.

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VI

Lesson Six

Lo sesto que avéys de guardar, muy amadas hijas, es que seades bien regidas y mesuradas en vuestro comer y bever, en especial las que bien lo podéys escusar. No devés bever vino ni lo devés consentir bever vuestras mugeres, ca dize el filósofo que tres males acarrea el vino espeçialmente a las mugeres: el primero que enciende el cuerpo a obras de luxuria; el segundo que les turba el entendimiento y la razón; el tercero que las haze ser sobervias y deseosas de discordia. Y demás d´esto, commo dize Oraçio, el vino haze descobrir las poridades y revelar los secretos, y haze consentir cosas desonestas, y haze mucho hablar y perder la vergüença, y aunque por otra cosa no lo dexasen de bever las onestas deuñas salvo por no oler a ello a sus maridos, lo devían hazer. Pero ay neçesidades en que os lo mandarían bever, estonçe deve ser muy tenpladamente, y más por sanidat que por gana, y quitada la nesçesidat dévese dexar; ni devés hazer mucho por el comer, en espeçial cosas de golosinas ni manjares costosos, ca los manjares demasiados, muchos males acarrean y mucho perdimiento de la hazienda, [en] espeçial no estando vuestros maridos con vosotras, syquiera por da[r] a entender que no queréys gozar de buena cosa, ni aver plazer conplido no estando ellos con vosotras.

The sixth lesson that you must learn, my beloved daughters, is to control carefully and be moderate in your eating and drinking, especially those of you who can easily go without. You should not drink wine or allow your women servants to drink it, because the philosopher says that wine leads to three evils, especially for women: the first is that it inflames the body to commit lustful acts; the second is that it clouds understanding and reason; the third is that it makes women boastful and argumentative. What is more, as Horace says, wine makes one uncover private things and reveal secrets, and allow immodest things, and it makes one talkative and shameless.21 Even if the only reason you do not drink wine is so that your husband will not smell it on you, you should not drink it. However, there are some times of need in which you will be ordered to drink, and then you should do so temperately and for your health rather than for enjoyment and once it is no longer needed, leave off. Nor should you eat much, especially not sweets and costly delicacies, because too many delicacies lead to much evil and loss of wealth. You should be especially careful when your husbands are not with you, if only in order to make them think that you do not want to enjoy any good thing or have full pleasure when they are not with you.

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VII

Lesson Seven

1 Lo seteno que avéys de guardar es que curés mucho de administrar y guardar vuestras haziendas, y siempre procurés que no se gaste salvo lo neçesario, y esto es porque haziendo lo contrario forçado es que vuestros maridos se vean en alguna mengua. Y muchos desque se veen menguados, luego piensan donde lo ganen aunque sea de mala parte y lo ponen por obra y cometen cosas que no deven y así condenan sus almas y a las vezes mueren por ello. Y por escusar esto las mugeres deven mucho guardar quanto pudieren las haziendas y poner grand recabdo en ellas y administrarlas con grant diligençia. Y pues veys, hijas mías, que vuestros maridos buscan y procuran de ganar y traer la fazienda para mantener a vosotras y a vuestros hijos y casa, mucho seríades de culpar si no trabajásedes por lo guardar y administrar. Y si alguna muger no es para lo acresçentar, a lo menos deve procurar commo no se gaste, y devéys por vosotras requerir y ver cómmo se gasta y en qué cosas, ca en esto está bien a la muger de ser sospechosa, y la que esto haze demuestra que ama y quiere bien a su marido y a su onra y que ha voluntad de lo sostener y acreçentar, y la que esto no haze no es de buena señal ni le tiene amor ni le querrá bien, ca dale causa por do vengan a pobreza y bivan desonrados, ca la muger, segunt dize el sabio, ha de ser

1 The seventh lesson that you must learn is to take great care in administering and preserving your wealth, and always strive to spend only what is necessary, for otherwise, your husbands will necessarily find themselves lacking money. Many men, when they find themselves in need, plan how to earn money, even by dishonest means, and putting these plans into action, commit acts that they should not and so condemn their souls and sometimes die for it. In order to avoid this, wives must take as great care as possible of their wealth and administer it with great diligence. So you see, my daughters, since your husbands seek out and strive to obtain wealth and bring it home in order to support you and your children and household, you would be very guilty if you did not work to maintain and administer it. If a wife cannot add to her husband’s wealth, the least that she can do is manage not to waste it, and you must look to how it is spent and on what things, because in this it is good that a wife be suspicious, and the wife that does this shows that she loves and wants the best for her husband and his honour and desires to support and enhance him. A wife who does not do these things lacks good character; nor does she love and want the best for her husband, because she may bring her husband and herself into poverty and dishonour; for the

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commo la presa del molino sin la qual poco aprovecharían traher el agua para moler, pues es çierto que toda se vertería, y de aquí se recresçe que muchos mirando y conosçiendo quanto sus mujeres son costosas o de malos recabdos, ponen otros que miren y administren sus faziendas, lo qual muy grant mengua y denuesto es de las mugeres, pues por su culpa se haze, y tanto es mala esta condiçión que, dexado no ser buena de su persona, otra peor no se fallaría. Y aunque la muger vea y conozca que su marido es escaso o apretado en el gastar, si ella procura bien y guarda su hazienda, de nesçesario es que mirando él quanto lo ella guarda, usará más de franqueza y gastará más, y así, por el contrario, si vee que su muger lo gasta demasiado o no se cura d´ello, es le por fuerça de se apretar y no gastar tanto commo deve, lo qual sería de la muger la culpa, pues por ella su marido se torna escaso.

sage says, a wife should be like a mill race, without which there would be little use in bringing water to the mill, for it is certain that all would be spilled. From this we can understand that many men, looking at their wives and seeing that they are spendthrifts and imprudent, hire other men to watch and administer their wealth, which is a waste of money and an insult to the wives, whose fault it is, and this condition is so bad that, other than being of bad character, there is no worse evil to be found in a wife. Even if the wife sees that her husband is tight-fisted and miserly, if she manages well and takes care of his wealth, upon seeing how much she cares for him, he will necessarily become more generous with her and spend more, and in the opposite case, if a husband sees that his wife spends too much or does not look out for his wealth, he will necessarily become tight-fisted and not spend as much as he should, which will be all his wife’s fault, for she has turned her husband into a miser.

2 Y, por que esta fazienda sea mejor guardada, devés siempre procurar que no tengan vuestros maridos más onbres ni mugeres continuos de los que les fueren nesçessarios, y bastare su hazienda y estado en tal manera que de su renta çierta les sobre y no mengüe, ca si gastan más que han de renta, en breve son perdidos. Y si gastan tanto en una nesçesidat o enfermedat, o otro caso,

2 In order better to protect this wealth, you must always strive that your husbands have no more serving men or women than are necessary to them, and so that their wealth and holdings always provide more than sufficient income and not too little, for if they spend more than they have in income, soon they will be ruined. If they spend so much in times of need or sickness, or other situation,

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les será forçado vender las heredades o lo que tovieren, y así se perderán. Y aún viene otro daño del tener costa demasiada que no puede así satisfazer a sus criados commo deven, y encargan su conçiençia, y ellos muchas vezes con la pobreza y neçesidat de sus amos hazen algunos furtos y cosas vergonçosas, lo qual va sobre el alma de quien así los tiene. Y si la muger es causa de los tomar, o de los tener, todos estos cargos y más el de su marido, lleva sobr´ella y da a entender que más se cura de la locura de tener muchos onbres que no de la hazienda, y aun a las vezes en procurar la muger por alguno d´ellos pone sospecha en su marido. Y de tener mugeres o moças demasiadas se recreçe, que quanto más son mayor logar y osadía tienen para hazer cosas desonestas. Y sobre todo vos devéys mucho guardar del gastar demasiado quando vuestros maridos estén absentes porque quando él tornare halle el menos gasto que ser pueda, y vosotras y los de vuestra casa ayades por fiesta quando él viniere y él vea y conozca commo avéys reglada y onestamente en el gastar en su absençia. En espeçial los conbites devéys escusar porque se parezca que no estando con vuestros maridos no podéys reçebir entera alegría.

they will be forced to sell land or whatever they have and so be ruined. Yet another harm comes from excessive expenses, which is that your husband cannot pay his servants what they deserve and they weigh on his conscience and often servants of poor or needy masters steal and do other shameful things, which are the fault of one who keeps them in this way. If his wife is the cause of taking or having too many servants, she is responsible for all these costs and those of her husband and makes it seem that she foolishly cares more to have many menservants than she cares about her husband’s wealth, and sometimes the husband will become suspicious if the wife cares for one servant in particular. The more women servants and serving maids you have, the more occasion and insolence they have for immodest acts. Above all, you must take great care not to spend too much when your husbands are away because when they return they should find as little spent as possible, and you and your household may celebrate when he returns and sees how prudently you have managed things in his absence. You should especially avoid having guests, because it should not seem like you enjoy yourself too much when they are away.

VIII

Lesson Eight

1 Lo octavo que avéys de guardar, hijas mías, es que escusedes a vues-

1 The eighth lesson that you must learn, my daughters, is that you

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tros maridos en quanto pudiéredes de enemistades, ca éstas hazen a los onbres bevir en continuo pecado mortal, deseando mal y procurándolo a sus contrarios y enemigos, y muchas vezes morir mala muerte, y otrosí hazen perder y gastar las faziendas más presto que los onbres cuydan, ca después que una vez son metidos en las enemistades no es en su mano sallir d´ellas, ca dize el filósofo: ‘para el mal muchos caminos ay.’ Y así syenpre devéys guardar y apartar a vuestros maridos de enemistades, porque si son con mayor que él o con su ygual siempre le podrá enojar, y si son con menor presto buscará ayuda y favor de otros con quien asymismo le enoje. Y la que esto haze demuestra que quiere bien y ama a su marido; la otra pareçe bien que no cura mucho de su persona ni de su fazienda. Y sobre todo devéys mucho escusar qu´este peligro y enemistat no sea por vuestra causa, syendo todavía umilldes y tenpradas, tratando vos bien con vuestras parientas y vezinas amorosamente, no curando de vos mostrar altivas ni sobervias, ca dize el sabio: ‘los que muchas vezes toman yra, tórnaseles en costunbre que no se puede quitar.’ Y pertenesçe mucho a la onestidat escusar de ser vanderas ni aver palabras de escándalo con otras, ca las mugeres que son sin loçanía y presunçión y sofridas y tenpladas, mucho son de loar y tener por buenas, porque naturalmente se ensañan más ayna que

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strive to protect your husbands from having enemies, as far as possible, because feuds make men live in constant mortal sin, desiring evil and working to harm their rivals and enemies, and often lead men to die bad deaths, and what is more, feuds make men lose and spend their wealth faster than they wish, because once they are involved in feuds they are not free to leave them, for the philosopher says, ‘There are many roads to evil.’ Therefore, you must always take care to shield and keep your husbands from feuds because if they feud with men of higher rank or with equals it will always be vexing, and if with someone of lower rank, he will seek help and favour from others to vex your husband as well. The wife who does this shows that she wishes her husband well and loves him; the one who does not surely seems not to care much for either his person or his wealth. Above all you must avoid being the cause of this danger and feuds and always be humble and temperate, treating your neighbours and relatives lovingly, taking care never to act arrogant or proud, because the sage says, ‘Frequent anger becomes a habit that cannot be broken.’ It is a mark of modesty to avoid taking sides in feuds and to avoid exchanging fighting words with other women, for women without haughtiness or conceit, who are forbearing and temperate, are worthy of great praise and good repute,

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los onbres, y màs los enfermos que los sanos, y más los viejos que los moços, ca la yra viene de flaqueza del alma y no de esfuerço ni nobleza.

because women are naturally quicker to anger than men, as are the sick quicker than the healthy and the aged quicker than the young, for ire comes from weakness of soul and not from virility or nobility.

IX

Lesson Nine

Lo noveno que avéys de guardar es que no seáys mucho çelosas de vuestros maridos ni los afrontés mucho sobr´ello; antes, si algo oviere por qué, les devés dar a entender que ni no sabéys no entendés, ca d´este çelo de las mugeres segunt el filósofo naçen tres males: el primero, que siempre están tristes y llenas de cuidado; el segundo, dan mala vida a sus maridos y házenles ser renzillosos; el tercero, no pueden así guardar ni administrar sus haziendas commo deven, y por esto mucho lo devéys escusar. Pero si supierdes que ellos andan con alguna muger, deves gelo dezir aparte y darle a entender, que si de aquello no se quita, que dexarés de administrar su hazienda, ca ésta es la cosa más justa con que por esto la muger puede amenazar a su marido. Y si con esto no se quiere tirar d´ello, deveyslo dezir a sus parientes d´él, los más onrados que toviere, y quexaros d´ello rogándoles que tengan manera commo vuestros maridos se aparten de aquella mala muger, no dando a entender que lo hazéys salvo temiendo algunt peligro que le pueda venir. Y si con todo esto no se

The ninth lesson that you must learn is not to be too jealous of your husbands’ affections nor chide them about these; rather, if you have reason to feel jealous, pretend that you know and understand nothing, because, according to the philosopher, three evils are born of women’s jealousy: first, they are always sad and full of woe; second, they make life difficult for their husbands, and make them angry; third, jealous wives cannot keep and administer their husbands’ wealth as they should, and so you should avoid it for all these reasons. However, if you should learn that your husband goes about with another woman, speak to him privately, and let him know that if he does not quit, you will stop administering his wealth, because this is the most reasonable thing with which a wife can threaten her husband in such a case. If all this does not make him stop, tell the most honourable of your husband’s relations and complain to them, begging them to convince your husband in some way to abandon that bad woman, but letting them know that you only do this from fear of some

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quiere apartar d´ello devéys recorrer a Dios y pedirle merçed que los quiera apartar de aquel mal camino que traen, y hazer a religiosos que asimismo lo rueguen a Dios en sus coraçones ca, commo escrive Valerio, en el tienpo de los gentiles, quando en Roma acaesçía la semejante cosa a alguna dueña, luego venía al tenplo ante su dios y reconçiliávase y dexava toda yra y toda malenconía, prometiendo que nunca haría mal ni tuerto a ninguno, y esto avía por remedio porque su marido se apartase de aquello. Pues si aquéllas que no tenían ley ni fe lo fazían, quanto más lo deven hazer las que biven en la ley de Dios, el qual jamás desanpara a aquéllos que con toda fe sus hechos le encomiendan.

great harm coming to him. If all this does not get him to quit, turn to God and ask him in his mercy to separate your husband from the evil path that he has taken, and ask priests to pray to God in their hearts for the same thing, since, as Valerius writes, in the days of pagan Rome, if something similar befell a lady, she went to the temple and reconciled herself before her god, leaving all her ire and melancholy, promising that she would never do evil or harm to anyone, and this was held to be a remedy that would make her husband stop what he did. Therefore, if those ladies, who had not law or faith, could do it, all the more should you who live in the law of God, who never abandons those who faithfully commend themselves and their deeds to him do the same.

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Lesson Ten

Lo dezeno y postrimero es que avéys de guardar, que seáys con las vuestras razonablemente tenpladas y las traéys bien y no regurosamente, no las denostando, ni diziendo los viçios que en ellas ay, salvo castigándolas y criándolas commo a hijas, ca dize el sabio: ‘si en alguien vieres alguna lisión o tacha o cosa fea, no le denostedes ni escarnezcades, que todos somos criados de una materia, y ninguno no es seguro de aver otro tal, más alçat los ojos a Dios, y gradescétgelo la salud que vos dió y peditle merçet que vos la

The tenth and last lesson that you must learn is to be reasonably temperate with your women servants, and treat them well and not harshly. Do not abuse them or mention their defects, but rather, teach them and bring them up as daughters, because the sage says, ‘If you see a wound, or stain, or ugly thing in another, do not insult or abuse him, because we are all made from the same substance and none of us is safe from similar defects; rather, raise your eyes to God, thank him for the health he has given you and ask his mercy

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guarde.’ Y si los de vuestra casa y los agenos vieren que tratades a las vuestras [des]mesuradamente, luego ellos se atreven a les dizir otro tanto, y a las denostar, lo qual es disfamia de la casa, y ninguno no osará venir a ella por reçelo de otro tanto, y es menospreçio del marido que gelo consiente, ca dize el filósofo: ‘quando quisiéredes castigar a alguno, no lo hagades commo el que se quiere vengar de otro, mas commo quien quiere melezinar a sí mismo.’ No por eso las avéys de dexar de castigar ni las dexar por andar baldías, ca sería causa que estén pensando en mal y aun lo pongan por obra. Y si por falta de castigo esto hazen, a vosotras sería la culpa y lo demandaría Dios. Así que en esto y en todo lo otro es de tomar los medios, y usar en tal manera que la virtud y discriçión sea la guiadora de vuestras obras, ca dize el apóstol: ‘no podéys con cosa del mundo hazer mayor pesar a las malas que en ser buenas.’

in preserving it.’ If those in your household and in others see that you mistreat your servants they will dare to treat them likewise and to abuse them, which dishonours your house, and no one will dare enter it for fear of dishonour, and people will scorn your husband for permitting it, because the philosopher says, ‘When you want to teach someone a lesson, do it not like one who seeks vengeance on another, but rather as one who seeks to heal himself.’ This does not mean that you should stop instructing your women servants or let them go about idly, because then they might plan and even do evil things. If they do so for lack of instruction, you will be guilty and God will punish you. Thus, in this and in everything, seek the mean, and act in such a way that virtue and discretion be the guides of all your deeds, for the apostle says, ‘There is nothing in the world you can do to give more grief to bad women than to be good.’ [Conclusion]

1 Y en fin, d’estos mis castigos leet muchas vezes aquello que escrive el sabio rey Salomón en el fyn de sus proverbios, do dize: ‘la muger buena, ¿quién la alcançará?, caro es más que piedras preçiosas su preçio, alégrase en ella el coraçón de su marido, gualardónalo bien y no mal, todos los días pregunta por lana y por lino, faze de sus manos con

1 The last of these my teachings is to read many times what the wise king Solomon writes at the end of his Proverbs, where he says: ‘A good woman, who can find? She is more dear than precious jewels, the heart of her husband rejoices in her, she rewards him with good and not evil, each day she seeks wool and flax; she works willingly with her hands,

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buena voluntad, es commo los navíos del mercader, que de lexos trahe su comer, levántase seyendo aún noche, da mantenimiento a su casa y raçión a sus moças, piensa en casa y en el canpo, planta viña, çiñe con fuerça sus lomos y arrezia sus braços, su razón es buena, no se apaga de noche su candil, sus dedos tiende con fuso, y sus palmas sosti[e]nen la rueca, con sus manos parte para el mezquino y con sus palmas enbía al deseoso, no ha miedo en su casa a la nieve, y en toda su casa ay dobladas vestiduras, estrados faze para sí y de púrpura sus vestiduras, su marido es conosçido en los consejos quando se asienta con los viejos de la tierra, alhareme haze y vende, y çinta da al mercader, fortaleza y hermosura es su vestido, escarnesçe del día postrimero, su boca abre con çiencia, y la ley de graçia es en su lengua, mira los andamios de su casa, y pan de pereza no come, levántanse sus fijos y lóanla, su marido alábala. La muger que teme al Señor, ésa se alabe, dadle del fruto de sus manos y alabarán en los conçejos sus obras.’

she is like the merchant’s ships, that bring food from afar, she rises while still night, feeds her household and gives a portion to her maidservants, she thinks of house and field, plants vines, girds her loins with force and strengthens her arms, her reason is good, her candle does not go out at night, her fingers work the spindle, her palms hold the distaff, with her hands she gives to the wretched and with her palms she sends to the needy, there is no fear of snow in her house, and in all her house there are thick clothes; she makes tapestries for herself and her clothes of purple, her husband is known in the councils when he sits with the elders of the lands, she makes and sells fine silks, and gives girdles to the merchant; strength and beauty are her garments, she laughs on the day of judgment, her mouth opens with wisdom, and the law of grace is on her tongue; she looks to the business of her household and does not eat the bread of idleness, her children rise up and laud her, her husband praises her. The woman who fears God, she is the one who is praised, give her the fruit of her hands and in the councils they will praise her works.’22

2 Plega a Dios, hijas mías, que así recibáys estos mis castigos, y así uséys d´ellos que Nuestro Señor sea d´ello servido y las gentes vos alaben y tengan por buenas, y yo aya gozo y plazer en lo oyr.

2 May it please God, my daughters, that you receive these my teachings, and act according to them so that Our Lord may be served, that people will praise you, consider you good, and that I might take joy and pleasure in hearing of it.

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Emily C. Francomano NOTES

1 Proverbs 12:4. 2 Psalm 127:1. 3 This, and many subsequent quotations from ‘the philosopher,’ ‘the sage,’ ‘the prophet,’ ‘the apostle,’ ‘Seneca,’ or other authorities, do not always cite specific known texts, but rather maxims culled from any of the numerous collections of sayings that circulated in Latin and the vernacular, with contents adapted from diverse biblical, classical, or patristic sources. Knust notes an instance of this advice, and of others that follow, in the collection called Bocados de oro. 4 Matthew 22:36–40. 5 Luke 1:48. 6 Genesis 22. 7 Here follows the author’s version of the tale of Patient Griselda, as noted in the introduction. 8 Ecclesiasticus (Sirach) 26:15–16. 9 Sermon 82, ‘De castitate.’ 10 Facta et dicta memorabilia 6.1. The stories collected by this first-century Roman writer were a mine of classical lore for medieval moralists. 11 De virginibus 4.2. 12 A gloss on 1 Peter 3:3. 13 A paraphrase of 1 Timothy 2:9 and 1 Corinthians 11:4–10. 14 Saint John Chrysostom rehearses this or similar arguments in several of his works, such as his Homily 8 on 1 Timothy. 15 Probably a reference to one of the sermons of Saint Bernard of Clairvaux, which were popular both as resources for preachers and as devotional readings. 16 The source of the reference is uncertain. 17 1 Corinthians 15:33. 18 Seneca, regarded as the magister moralitatis (teacher of virtue) by medieval authorities, frequently appears cited as the source of wise sayings and proverbs. 19 Here (and again, below) the author succinctly invokes the example of a ‘virtuous pagan,’ a commonplace in medieval Christian moral literature. 20 2 Samuel 13. 21 Epistulae 1.5.16–18. 22 Proverbs 31:10–31.

6 THE ENGLISH HOW THE GOOD WIJF TAUGHTE HIR DOUGHTIR AND HOW THE WISE MAN TAUGHT HIS SONNE Claire Sponsler INTRODUCTION How the Good Wijf Taughte Hir Doughtir and How the Wise Man Taught His Sonne are among the best known of the conduct poems written in Middle English. Good Wijf survives in different versions in five manuscripts, dating from around 1350 to around 1500. It was printed by the antiquarian John Stow in 1597 and has been published in a number of modern editions, most notably by Frederick J. Furnivall under the auspices of the Early English Text Society in his two collections of ‘divers treatises touching the Manners and Meals of Englishmen in former days,’ under the titles of the Babees’ Book (1868) and Queene Elizabethes Achademy (1869). In 1948, Tauno Mustanoja printed Good Wijf along with The Good Wyfe Wold a Pylgremage and The Thewis of Gud Women, and wrote a lengthy and informative introduction to it. The slightly later Wise Man has a similar publication history, surviving in six manuscripts that date from around 1430 to the early sixteenth century; it was printed by Joseph Ritson in 1791 in his Pieces of Ancient Popular Poetry, as well as by Furnivall in his two EETS collections. Three manuscripts of Wise Man were also printed by Rudolf Fischer in 1889, along with a useful introduction. Both Good Wijf and Wise Man have appeared in modern and modernized editions, including, most recently, in a collection of texts on marriage produced by Eve Salisbury for the TEAMS Middle English Texts Series in 2002, and both poems have been the subject of critical interpretation. All of this attention is justified, given the importance of Good Wijf and Wise Man for cultural history, even if their literary and aesthetic qualities are often dismissed. The two poems are part of the burgeoning late medieval genre of books of advice for children as well as adults. While such books were linked to an older tradition of poems on manners in Latin (as well as in the vernacular languages) that often focused fairly narrowly on rituals of courtesy, the new

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literature of advice being written in the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries broadened the scope to include suggestions about morality and social behaviour in general. In many cases, these conduct poems seem to have been aimed at the middle ranks of English society, especially merchant and urban communities. For those readers, conduct poems may have seemed desirable as guides to class mobility and to consolidation of social positions. Good Wijf and Wise Man are distinctly bourgeois in perspective, unlike many earlier English courtesy poems, the bulk of which were directed to the upper classes. This shift in intended audience is signalled by the titles of the two poems: as Felicity Riddy notes, ‘Goodwife’ is a term of respect linked to its counterpart ‘Goodman,’ which refers to the male head of a household as well as to a freeman or burgess; the goodwife is thus both a virtuous woman and a citizen’s wife, and the Good Wijf poem’s use of that designation points to an ethos that seeks to mesh moral virtue with bourgeois status.1 While all five extant manuscripts of Good Wijf use the term ‘Good Wife’ in their titles, in only one version of the corresponding poem for boys (Bodleian Library MS Ashmole 61) is the term ‘Good Man’ used; the preference for the phrase ‘Wise Man’ in the titles of the other five extant manuscripts is consistent with that poem’s more muted class allegiances, which mark it as less overtly, even if still firmly, linked to bourgeois life than is Good Wijf. Both poems locate instruction of the young within domestic spaces and imagine their words of advice as part of the lore passed from parent to child in an essentially private and individualized setting. They may thus point to the early stages of a growing internalization of manners, as public behaviour increasingly became the responsibility of the individual. At the same time, both poems respond to and perhaps seek to take advantage of opportunities for social mobility, as definitions of gentility and nobility came to be based on individual attributes as much as on birth or wealth alone. The two poems imply that the correct management of one’s life can be learned at home, within the confines of the family, and will pay off in smoother social relations and enhanced status. By framing their rules of conduct as the homely advice of a parent, Good Wijf and Wise Man place responsibility for self-governance squarely on the bourgeois household itself while also assuming that such selfgovernance will be amply rewarded in the larger world outside the household. Although they voice a distinct gender division, the poems nonetheless contain overlapping spheres of advice. Good Wijf assumes that the daughter will marry, have children, and thus needs to know about correct behaviour in regards to a suitor, husband, raising offspring, and managing a household, while Wise Man envisions the son as eventually taking his place in the public realm (hence its advice to avoid the complications of holding public office).

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But both poems urge charity, piety, attentiveness to good health, moderation in all things, the choice of a good spouse, and avoidance of gossip and other disruptive or divisive social behaviour, such as pride and covetousness. That the poems could be thought of as a linked pair is suggested by the fact that they were sometimes transmitted in the same manuscripts, as in Bodleian Library MS Ashmole 61 and Lambeth Palace Library MS 853, for instance. The two poems resemble each other in style, organization, implied author, and intended audience. Each opens with a conventional exhortation asking the listener or reader to pay attention, and after a brief preamble each launches into what is presented as the direct address of a parent to a well-loved child. Stylistically, the poems feature an uncomplicated vocabulary and a relatively simple metrical scheme, although rhyme and metre vary considerably among the different extant versions. Although the poems have not been admired for their aesthetic qualities, their style is effective nevertheless, particularly in its jaunty rhythms and catchy refrains (such as the repeated ‘Mi leve child’ of the version of Good Wijf found in Lambeth MS 853), which echo oral poetry and popular romances. While the authors are unknown – and may have been male clerics, as has been suggested, given the emphasis on the importance of churchgoing, tithing, and almsgiving – in both cases the poems successfully adopt the personae of bourgeois parents advising their children. The advice they offer is heavy on proverbial lore, but also addresses the details of prosperous middle-class life in or near a town, suggesting an intended audience located in a similar social and geographic milieu. The present versions of both poems are based on the small vellum manuscript Lambeth Palace Library MS 853 (ca. 1430), pp. 102–12 (Good Wijf) and pp. 186–92 (Wise Man), as edited by Furnivall in The Babees Book. In both instances, the text printed here largely follows Furnivall, but with thorn and yogh replaced by ‘th’ and ‘y’ or ‘gh,’ respectively, and with hyphenation, capitalization, and the usage of ‘v’ and ‘u’ modernized. Furnivall expands abbreviations and supplies modern punctuation, both of which are retained here; his ampersands have been replaced here by ‘and.’ Although the Lambeth manuscript of Good Wijf is written as continuous prose, the present text follows Furnivall in introducing line and stanza breaks. The modern English translation of these poems offers a fairly literal line-byline rendition that aims to guide understanding of the Middle English originals, although it occasionally uses modern idioms where helpful for the sense. NOTE 1 Riddy, ‘Mother Knows Best,’ 68.

How the Good Wijf Taughte Hir Doughtir

How the Good Wife Taught Her Daughter

The good wijf taughte hir doughtir Ful manye a tyme and ofte A ful good womman to be, And seide ‘doughtir to me dere, Sum good thou must lere 5 If evere thou wolt thee.

The good wife taught her daughter, Many a time and often, How to be a thoroughly good woman, And said, ‘Daughter dear to me, Some good advice you need to learn, If you ever want to flourish.

Doughtir if thou wolt ben a wijf, Loke wijsly that thou worche, Loke loveli and in good lijf Thou love god and holi chirche. 10 Go to chirche whanne thou may, Loke thou spare for no reyn, For thou farist the best that ilke day Whanne thou hast god y-seyn. He muste need weel thrive 15 That liveth weel al his lyve, My leef child.

Daughter, if you wish to be a wife, See to it that you behave in a godly manner. See to it that you willingly and with good heart Love God and Holy Church. Go to church, when you can, Don’t let the rain stop you, For you will fare best on that day When you have seen God. He will thrive Who lives well all his life, My dear child.

Gladli geve thi tithis and thin offrynge bothe; The poore and the beedered, loke thou not lothe; Geve of thin owne good, and be 20 not to hard,

Gladly pay your tithes and your offering both; Look that you not loathe the poor and the bed-ridden, Give of your own goods and do not be stingy,

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For seelden is that hous poore there god is steward. Weel he proveth That the poore loveth, Mi leve child.

For seldom is that house poor where God is its steward. Fortunate he will prove to be, Who loves the poor, My dear child.

Whanne thou sittist in the chirche, 25 thi beedis thou schalt bidde; Make thou no iangelynge to freende nor to sibbe; Laughe thou to scorne nouther oolde bodi ne yonge, But be of fair beerynge and of good tunge; Thorugh thi fair beerynge Thi worschip hath encresynge, 30 Mi leve child.

When you sit in church, recite your prayers; Do not chatter to friends or acquaintances; Do not laugh scornfully at young or old, But be of pleasing conduct and of good tongue; Through your pleasing conduct Respect for you will increase, My dear child.

If ony man biddith the worschip, and wolde wedde thee, Loke that thou scorne him not, whatsoevere he be, But schewe it to thi freendis, and forhile thou it nought; Sitte not bi him, neither stoonde, 35 there synne myghte be wrought, For a sclaundre reisid ille Is yvel for to stille, Mi leve child.

If any man pays you attention and wishes to marry you, Do not scorn him, no matter who he is, But tell your friends and do not keep it secret; Do not sit or stand beside him, where temptation might arise, For suspicion once maliciously raised Is hard to lay to rest, My dear child.

That man that schal the wedde bifor god with a ryng, Love thou him and honoure 40 mooste of ertheli thing; Meekely thou him answere, and not as an attirling, And so maist thou slake his mood, and ben his dere derlynge; A fair worde and a meeke

The man who marries you before God with a ring, Love and honour him most of all earthly things; Answer him meekly, and not as a shrew, And so may you keep him in a good mood and be his darling; Pleasing and meek words

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Dooth wraththe slake, Mi leve child.

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Can slake anger, My dear child.

Fair of speche schalt thou be, gladde, and of mylde mood, Trewe in worde and in dede, and in conscience good; Kepe thee from synne, fro vilonye, and fro blame, And loke that thou beere thee so that men seie thee no schame; For he that in good lijf renneth, 50 Ful ofte weel he wynneth, Mi leve child.

You should be pleasing of speech, happy, and mild in mood, True in word and deed, and clear of conscience; Stay away from sin, villainy, and blame, And be sure to behave in a way that doesn’t bring you shame; For he who leads a good life, Often is rewarded, My dear child.

Be of semeli semblaunt, wijs, and other good maner, Chaunge not thi contynaunce for nought that thou may heere; Fare not as a gigge, for nought 55 that may bitide, Laughe thou not to loude, ne yane thou not to wide, But laughe thou softe and myelde, And be not of cheer to wielde, Mi leve child.

Be of seemly appearance, wise, and good mannered, Do not change your expression no matter what you hear; Do not be a loose woman, no matter what happens, Do not laugh too loud or yawn too wide, But instead laugh softly and mildly, And do not be too unrestrained in your behaviour, My dear child.

And whan thou goist in the way, 60 go thou not to faste, Braundische not with thin heed, thi schuldris thou ne caste; Have thou not to manye wordis; to swere be thou not leefe, For alle such maners comen to an yvel preef: For he that cacchith to him an yvel name, It is to him a foule fame, 65 Mi leve child.

When you walk in public, do not go too fast, Do not toss your head or swing your shoulders; Do not talk too much; do not swear, For all such behaviours come to a bad end: For he who acquires a bad name, Gains an unsavory reputation, My dear child.

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Go thou not into the toun as it were a gase From oon hous to another for to seke the mase; Ne wende thou not to the market thi borel for to selle, And thanne to the taverne thi 70 worschip to felle, For thei that tavernes haunten, Her thrifte thei adaunten, My leve child.

Do not go gawking about around town From one house to another seeking the crowds; And do not go to the market to sell your woollen cloth, And then head on to the tavern to drink away your profit, For those who haunt taverns, Will lose their earnings, My dear child.

And if thou be in place where good ale is on lofte, Whether that thou serve therof, 75 or that thou sitte softe, Mesurabli thou take therof that thou falle in no blame, For if thou be ofte drunke, it falle thee to schame; For tho that ben ofte drunke, Thrift is from hem sunke, Mi leve child. 80

If you are in a place where ale is available, Whether you serve it or are comfortably seated, Drink moderately so that you do not do wrong, For if you are often drunk, it will shame you; For those who are often drunk, Lose their prosperity, My dear child.

Go not to the wrastelinge, ne to schotynge at cok, As it were a strumpet or a gigggelot: Wone at hom, doughtir, and love thi werk myche, And so thou schalt, my leve child, wexe soone riche. It is evermore a myrie thing, 85 A man to be served of his owne thing, Mi leve child.

Do not go to wrestling matches or to cock shootings, As if you were a strumpet or a harlot; Stay at home, daughter, and enjoy your work, And so you shall, my dear child, soon grow rich. It is always a merry thing, For a man to be served with his own things, My dear child.

Aqweynte thee not with eche man that gooth bi the strete; Though ony man speke to thee, swiftli thou him grete;

Do not socialize with every man who passes in the street; If any man speaks to you, greet him briefly;

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Lete him go bi the wey: bi him 90 that thou ne stonde, That he bi no vilonye thin herte myghte fonde, For alle men ben not trewe That kunne fair her wordis schewe, Mi leve child.

Let him go along the road; do not stand next to him, So that he might not by any villainy capture your heart, For not all men are true, Who know how to use pleasing words, My dear child.

Also, for no coveitise, giftis that 95 thou noon take; But thou wite right weel whi ellis, soone thou hem forsake, For with giftis men may wommen over goon Though thei were as trewe as steel either stoon. Bounden forsothe sche is That of ony man takith giftis, 100 Mi leve childe.

Also, do not take gifts out of covetousness, Unless you have good cause, quickly refuse them, For with gifts men may win women over, Even though they were as true as steel or stone. Truly, she is bound Who takes gifts from any man, My dear child.

And wijsli governe thou thin hous and thi meyne: To bittir ne to bonour with hem that thou ne be, But loke weel what is moost neede to doone, And sette thi meyne therto 105 bothe ratheli and soone, For redi is at nede A forn doon dede, Mi leve child.

Wisely govern your house and servants; Be neither too harsh nor too affable with them, But see what most needs to be done,

And if thin husbonde be from hoome, lete not thi meyne goon ydil, But loke weel who dooth myche 110 either litil, And he that weel dooth, thou qwite him weel his whyle, And he that dooth other, serve him as the vile

If your husband is away from home, do not let your servants be idle, But watch who does a lot or a little,

And set your servants to that task both swiftly and quickly, For ready when needed, Is an already-done deed, My dear child.

And he who does well, reward him well for his labour, And he who does otherwise, treat him as a worthless thing,

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A forn doon dede, Wole another spede, Mi leve child.

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An already-done deed, Speeds on another, My dear child.

And if thi nede be greet and thi tyme streite, Than go thi silf therto and worche an houswijfes brayde, Thanne wille thei alle do the bettir that aboute thee standes. The work is the sonner do that hath many handis, For manye handis and wight 120 Make an hevy worke light; Aftir thi good servise Thi name schal arise, Mi leve childe.

If your need is great and your time short, Then pitch in yourself and take housewifely action, Then will all of them standing about do a better job. The work is done sooner when many hands pitch in, For many vigorous hands Make heavy work light; For your good efforts Your reputation will increase, My dear child.

And what so thi meyne do, 125 aboute hem thou wende, And as myche as thou maist, be at that oon eende, And if thou fynde ony defaute, do it soone ameende So thei have tyme and space and may hem defende. To compelle a dede to be doon and there be no space, It is but tyrannye without temper- 130 aunce and grace, Mi leve child.

Whatever your servants are doing, go among them, And as much as you can, stay to the finish, And if you find any fault, correct it quickly So that they have time to fix it. To demand that a deed be done when there is not time for it, Is but tyranny without moderation and grace, My dear child.

And loke that alle thingis be weel whanne thei her werkis lete, And take the keies into thi warde, loke thei ben not forgete; And be waar to whom thou trustis, and spare for no qweyntise, For myche harme hath falle to 135 them that ben not wise;

Make sure that all is well when they leave their work, And take the keys into custody, do not forget them; And beware whom you trust, and do not fall for any tricks, For much harm has befallen those who are not wise;

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But, doughtir, loke that thou be wise, and do as y thee teche, And trust noon bettir than thi silf, for no fair speche, Mi leve childe.

But daughter, see to it that you are wise and do as I teach, And trust no one more than yourself, despite their fair speech, My dear child.

And geve thi meyne ther hire at ther terme day Whether that thei dwelle stille 140 or thei wende awey, Doo weel bi hem of thi good that thou hast in welde, And than schal thei seie weel of thee, bothe the yonge and oolde; Thi good name is to thi freendis Greet ioie and gladnes, Mi leve child. 145

Give your servants their wages on pay day Whether they still live with you or have gone away, Do well by them from the wealth you possess, And then they will speak well of you, both young and old; Your good name is to your friends A source of great joy and gladness, My dear child.

And if thi neigboris wijf hath on riche atire, Therfore mocke thou ne scorne, brenne not as fier, But thanke god of heven for that he hath the gevene, And so thou schalt, my doughtir, a good lijf lyvande. He hath eese at weelde 150 That thanketh god feele and seelde, Mi leve child.

If your neighbour’s wife has on expensive clothes, Do not mock or scorn, do not burn with envy, But thank God in heaven for what he has given you, And so you shall, my daughter, live a good life. He is poorly off Who thanks God only seldom, My dear child.

Houswijfli thou schalt goon on the worke day iwis, Pride, reste, and ydilnes, makith onthriftines; And whanne the holi day is 155 come, weel schalt thou be, The holi day in worshipe, and god wole love thee; Have in mynde to god is worschip ay, For myche pride cometh of the

Act in a housewifely way on work days, Pride, sloth, and idleness lead to lack of prosperity; And when the holy days come, spend The day in worship, and God will love you; Keep in mind that God is to be worshipped,

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yvel day, Mi leve child.

For much pride comes from sinful days, My dear child.

Whanne thou art a wijf, a neigh- 160 bore for to be, Love than weel thi neighboris, as god hath comaundide thee; It behoveth thee so for to do, And to do to them as thou woldist be doon to. If ony discorde happen nyght or daye, Make it no worse, meende it if 165 thou may, Mi leve child.

When you are a wife, in order to be neighbourly, Love your neighbours well, as God has commanded you; It behooves you to do so, And do to them as you would be done to. If any discord happens at night or in the day, Make it no worse, but amend it if you can, My dear child.

And if thou shalt be a riche wijfe, be than not to hard, But weelcome faire thi neiboris that comen to thee warde With mete, drinke, and honest chere, such as thou maist to hem bede, To ech man after his degre, and 170 help the poore at neede; And also for hap that may bitide, Please weel thi neighboris that dwelle thee biside, Mi leve child.

If you become a rich wife, then do not be too stingy. But graciously welcome your neighbours who come to you. With food, drink, and honest cheer, such as you are able to offer them, To each man according to his rank, and help the poor who are in need; To guard against any mishaps that may occur, Please your neighbours, who live near you, My dear child.

Doughtir, loke that thou be waare, whatsumevere thee bitide, Make not thin husbonde poore 175 with spendinge ne with pride. A man must spende as he may that hath but easy good, For aftir the wrenne hath veynes, men must lete hir blood; His thrifte wexith thinne

Daughter, be careful that no matter what happens to you, You do not impoverish your husband through your spending or vanity, A man can spend only a little if he is poorly off, For in accordance with the wren’s veins, men have to let its blood; His prosperity wears thin,

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That spendith or he wynne, Mi leve child.

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Who spends more than he earns, My dear child.

Borowe not to besely, nor take not thin hire first But if the more nede it make, and grettir distresse; Ne make thee not to seme riche with other mennis thing, Ne therfore spende nevere the more of a ferthing; For though thou borowe faste, 185 It must hoome agen at laste, Mi leve child.

Do not borrow too often, or take your money first Lest it create more need, and greater distress; Nor make yourself seem rich with other men’s goods, Therefore never spend more than a farthing; For though you borrow quickly, The debt will come home eventually, My dear child.

And if thi children been rebel, and wole not hem lowe, If ony of hem mys dooth, nouther banne hem ne blowe, But take a smert rodde, and bete 190 hem on a rowe Til thei crie mercy, and be of her gilt aknowe. Leve child, byhoveth loore, And evere lever the more, Mi leve child.

If your children are rebellious, and will not submit, If any of them misbehave, do not curse them or scold, But take a rod and beat them in a row, Until they cry for mercy, and acknowledge their guilt. A beloved child needs training, The more beloved, the more the need, My dear child.

And loke to thi doughtren that 195 noon of hem be lorn: Fro that ilk tyme that thei be of thee born, Bisie thee, and gadere faste towarde her mariage, And geve hem to spowsynge as soone as thei ben ablee. Maydens ben fair and amyable, But of her love ful unstable, 200 Mi leve child.

See to it that none of your daughters is ruined: From the time that they are born, Busy yourself and accumulate wealth for their marriage, And marry them off as soon as they are ready. Girls are lovely and affectionate, But fickle in love, My dear child.

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Now have y thee taught, doughtir, as my modir dide me; Thinke theron nyght and day, forgete that it not be; Have mesure and lownes, as y have thee taught, And what man the wedde schal, 205 him dare care nought. Betere were a child unbore Than untaught of wijs lore, Mi leve child.

Now I have taught you, daughter, as my mother taught me; Think on this night and day, do not forget it; Be modest and humble, as I have taught you; And whatever man marries you, he will not be sorry. Better for a child to be unborn Than to be unschooled in wise lore, My dear child.

Now thrift and theedom mote thou have, my swete barn, Of alle oure former fadris that 210 evere were or aren, Of alle patriarkis and prophetis that evere weren alyve, Her blessinge mote thou have, and weel mote thou thrive! For weel is the child That with synne wole not be filid, Mi leve child. 215

Now may you have prosperity and success, my sweet girl, From all our forefathers that ever were or are, From all patriarchs and prophets that were ever alive, May you have their blessings and may you thrive! For happy is the child That refuses to be full of sin, My dear child.

The blessynge of god mote thou have, and of his modir bright, Of alle aungils and of alle archaungils, and of alle holy wight, And that thou mowe have grace to wende the wey ful right To the blis of hevene there sittith god almyght,

May you have the blessing of God, and of his fair mother, Of all angels and of all archangels, and of all holy beings, And may you have grace to go the right way To the bliss of heaven where God Almighty sits.’

Amen.

Amen.

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How the Wise Man Taught His Sonne

How the Wise Man Taught His Son

Listnith lordingis, and ye schulen here, How the wise man taught his sonne, And take good tent to this matere, And lerne it also if ye kunne. This song was maad bi good 5 resoun To make men true and stidfast; And whanne a thing is weel bigunne, It makith a good eende at the laste.

Listen, lords, and you shall hear How the wise man taught his son. Pay good attention to this matter, And learn it if you can. This song was made with good reason, To make men true and steadfast; When something begins well, It ends well at last.

There was a wise man taught his child While it was yong and tendir 10 of age; The child was bothe meeke and myelde, Faire of body and of visage; To leerne it hadde a good corage, And to al goodnesse a greet desire; With good ensaumple and faire 15 langage, His fadir taught him weel and faire, And seide, ‘my sonne, take good hede, Bi the morewe every day Or thou do ony wordli deede,

There was a wise man who taught his child While it was young and tender in age; The child was both meek and mild, Fair in body and face; It was eager to learn, And had great desire to be good. With good examples and fair language, His father taught him well and gently, And said, ‘My son, take heed That in the morning on every day Before you do any worldly deed, Lift up your heart to God and pray,

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Lifte up thin herte to god, and 20 pray Devoutly as thou can or may That thou in grace thi lijf may lede, And synne to flee bothe nyght and day, That heven blis may be thi mede.

As devoutly as you can or may, That you might lead your life in grace And flee from sin, both night and day, So that heaven’s bliss may be your reward.

And sonne, where that evere 25 thou go, Be not to tale-wijs bi no wey, Thin owne tunge may be thi foo; Therfore be waar what thou doist say, Where, and to whom, be ony wey, Take good hede if thou do seie 30 ought, For thou myghte seie a word to-day That .vij. yeer after may be forthought.

And son, wherever you go, Don’t be too talkative in any way, Your own tongue may be your foe; Therefore beware what you say, Where, and to whom, and in any way, Take good heed when you speak, For you might say a word today That seven years later may be regretted.

And sonne, what maner man thou be, Geeve thee not to ydilnesse, But take good hede of thi degree, 35 And theron do thi bisynesse. Be waar of reste and ydilnesse, Whiche thingis norischen slouthe, And evere be bisi more or lesse, It is a ful good signe of trouthe. 40

And son, whatever sort of man you are, Do not give yourself to idleness, But pay attention to your social rank, And work diligently within it, Beware of leisure and idleness, Which are things that nourish sloth, And always be busy, more or less, Which is a good sign of honour.

And sonne, also y waarne thee, Desire noon office for to beere, For than it wole noon othir bee, Thou muste thi neighboris displese and dere, Or ellis thou muste thi silf 45 forswere, And do not as thin office wolde,

And son, I also warn you Not to desire to hold public office, For then there will be no choice but To displease your neighbours sorely, Or else you will have to betray yourself, And fail to do what your job demands,

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And gete thee mawgre heere and theere More than thank, an hundrid folde.

And get more grief on every side Than thanks, a hundredfold.

And sonne, as fer as thou may lere, On yvel qwestis thou not come, 50 Neither fals witness thou noon bere, On no mannys matere, al neither somme; Thou were betere be deef and dombe Than falseli to go upon a qweste. Sonne, thinke upon that dreedful 55 doome, How god schal deeme us at the laste.

And son, as best you can manage, Do not take part in unjust inquests, And do not bear false witness against anyone, In anyone’s affairs, in whole or in part; You would be better off deaf and mute Than to falsely go to an inquest. Son, think on that dreadful judgment day, How God will judge us in the end.

And sonne, of oon thing y thee waarne, And on my blessynge take good hede, Be waar of usinge of the taverne, And also the dijs y thee forbede, 60 And flee al letcherie in wil and dede Lest thou come to yvel preef, For alle thi wittis it wole over lede, And bringe thee into greet myscheef.

And son, of one thing I warn you, And pay attention to my blessing, Beware of frequenting taverns; I also caution you against dicing, And flee all lechery in thought and deed, Lest you come to a bad end, For all your intentions it will overrule, And bring you great misfortune.

And sonne, sitte not up at even 65 to longe, Neither use no rere souperis late; Though thou be bothe hool an strong, With such outrage it wole aslake; And of late walking cometh debate, And out of tyme to sitte and 70 drink; Therfore be waar and keep thi state, And go to bedde bi tyme, and wynke.

And son, do not stay up too long in the evening, Nor eat lavish dinners late at night; Even though you are hale and hearty With such excess your health will suffer; Discord comes from walking late at night, And from sitting up drinking at all hours; Therefore, be careful to keep your health,

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And go to bed on time, and sleep. And sonne, if thou wolt have a wijf, Take hir not for coveitise, But wijseli enqweere of al hir 75 lijf, And take good hede, bi myn avice, That sche be meeke, curteis, and wijs; Though sche be poore, take thou noon hede, And sche wole do thee more good service Than a richer, whanne thou hast 80 neede.

And son, if you wish to have a wife Do not marry her out of covetousness, But wisely inquire as to all her attributes, And make sure, I advise, That she is meek, courteous, and wise; If she is poor, do not be concerned, Since she will do you more good Than a richer woman, when you have need.

And if thi wijf be meeke and good, And servith thee weel and plesauntly, Loke that thou be not so woode To charge hir to grevously; But rewle thee faire and eesili, 85 And cherische hir weel for hir good dede, For over-doon thing unskilfully Makith grijf to growe whanne it is no nede.

If your wife is meek and good, And serves you well and pleasantly, Look that you not be so foolish As to burden her too grievously But rule pleasantly and gently, And cherish her well for her good deeds, For being heavy-handed Makes grief grow when there is no need.

For it is betere with reste and pees, A melis meete of hoomeli fare, 90 Than for to have an hundrid mees With grucchinge and with myche care; And therfore leerne weel this lore, If thou wolt have a wijf with eese, For ritchesse take hir nevere 95 the more Though sche wolde thee bothe feffe and ceese.

For it is better, with peace and quiet, To have a meal of homely fare. Than to have a hundred dishes, With complaints and much aggravation; Therefore learn well this lesson, If you want to have a happy marriage Do not marry a wife for her money, Though she would bring you land and goods.

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And thou schalt not thi wijf displese, Neither calle hir bi no vilouns name; And if thou do, thou art not wijs, To calle hir foule it is thi 100 schame; If thou thin owne wijf wilt defame, No wondir though anothir do so, But softe and faire a man may tame Bothe herte and hynde, bucke and do.

You should not displease your wife, Nor call her by a bad name, And if you do, you are not wise, To speak to her crudely is shameful; If you defame your own wife, Then it will be no wonder if another does, too, But softly and gently a man can tame Both hart and hind, buck and doe.

And y wole neithir glose ne 105 peynt, But y waarne thee on the othir side, If thi wijf come with a playnt On man or child at ony tide, Be not to hasti to fighte and chide, And be not a-wreke til thou 110 know the sothe, For in wrappe thou myghte make a braide That aftirwarde schulde rewe thou bothe.

I will neither gloss over nor conceal, But warn you on the other hand, That if your wife comes with a complaint About man or child at any time, Do not be too hasty to fight and chide, And do not be angry until you know the truth, For in haste you might make a rash move, That afterwards you will both rue.

And sonne, if thou be weel at eese, And warme amonge thi neighboris sitte, Be not newfangil in no wise 115 Neither hasti for to chaunge ne flitte, And if thou do, thou wantist witte And art unstable on every side, And also men wole speke of itt, And seie “this foole can no 120 where abide.”

And son, if you want to be at ease, And comfortable among your neighbours, Do not be too newfangled in any way, Nor be hasty to change or vary; If you do, you lack for wits, And are unstable in every way, And also men will speak of it, And say “This fool cannot be content anywhere.”

And sonne, the more good that thou hast, The rather here thee meeke and lowe, And booste not myche, it is but

And son, the more wealth you have, The more you should be meek and humble, And do not boast a lot, since that is a waste;

How the Wiif Taughte Hir Doughtir and How the Man Taught His Sonne

303

waast; Bi boostynge, men mowe foolis knowe. And loke thou paye weel that 125 thou doost owe, And bi othir richesse sette no greet price, For deeth wole take bothe highe and lowe, And than fare-weel al that there is.

Through boasting, men know who are fools. Be sure to pay what you owe, And do not set store by other riches, For death will take both rich and poor, And then farewell to everything.

And therfore do thou bi my councelle, And take ensaumple of othir 130 men, How litil her good dooth hem a-vaile Whanne thei be dolven in her den, And he that was not of hys kyn Hath his wijf, and al that there is. Sonne, kepe thee out of deedly 135 synne, And asaye to gete thee paradijs.

Therefore, follow my counsel, And take example of other men, How little their wealth avails them, When they are buried in their graves, And another man who was not kin, Has his wife and everything he owns. Son, keep away from deadly sin, And try to find your way to paradise.

And of thi trespas make a-meendis, And to poore men of thi good thou dele, And of thi foo-men make thi freendis, And asaye to gete thee soule 140 heele, For the world is bothe fals and freel, And every day it dooth appaire: Sonne, sette not bi this worldis weele, For it farith but as a cheri faire.

Of your trespasses make amends, And deal out your wealth to poor men; Make friends of your enemies, And try to keep your soul pure, For the world is both illusory and unstable, And every day it grows worse; Son, do not set store by this world’s prosperity, For it lasts only as long as a ripe cherry.

And deeth is evere, as y trowe, 145 The moost certeyn thing that is, And no thing is so uncerteyn to knowe

Death is always, as I say, The most certain thing that there is, And there is nothing more uncertain to know

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As is the tyme of deeth, y-wis: Therfore my sonne, thinke on this Of al that y have seid biforn, 150 And ihesu bringe us to his blis That for us bare the crowne of thorn!’

Than the time of death, surely; Therefore, my son, think on this Of all that I have said here, And may Jesus bring us to his bliss Who for us wore the crown of thorns!’

Amen.

Amen.

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INDEX

Alagó, Lord Artal of, 59, 60n26 Ambrose, St, On Virginity, 262–3 Anderson, Richard A., 66, 103n4 animals, xxiv, 196–7, 203, 213–16, 228– 9, 230–1 Argente, Clara Pascual, 189 Aristotle, Nichomachean Ethics and Politics, xii Armagnac, Piusela (Capsuelle) of, 58, 60n22 Arthurian romance, ix–xi, 61, 65 Ashley, Kathleen, xxi Astarac, Count Bernard of, 38, 60n17 Augustine, St, xvii Bailey, Matthew, 186 Barberino, Francesco da, xxv, 128–9; biography of, 127–8; Documenti d’amore, xi, xviii, xxi, xxiv–xxv, 128– 9, 160–83; Reggimento e costumi di donna, xi, xviii, xx, xxii, xxiv–xxv, 128, 130–59 Bartsch, Karl, 25 beauty, 136–7 Benedict, St, Regula, xiv Berlin, Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz, 66, 67–9 Bernard of Clairvaux, St, 266, 284n15

Bible, xi, 190–2, 193, 222, 224, 243, 265; parables from, xi, 240–3; Solomon’s wisdom in, 200–1, 210, 211– 12, 227, 236, 251, 282–3 Binski, Paul, 4 Bizzarri, Hugo Oscar, 186, 189 Boccaccio, Genealogia deorum gentilium, 127 Bon Enfant, xv Bourdieu, Pierre, xxix Brown, Mary Frances, 25 Cassian, John, St, De institutis, xiv Castiglione, Baldesar, Il Cortegiano, 129 Castigos y dotrinas que un sabio dava a sus hijas, xi, xviii, xxii, xxv–xxvi, 250–84; intended audience for, 186–7; textual history of, 187–8 Castile, xxii, 185 Cato, xiii, xv Chansonnier d’Urfé, xxi, 24, 25 chastity, 260–3 children, 285, 296. See also daughters; sons Chrysostom, John, St, 265, 284n14 church, 6, 8, 11, 12, 13, 14, 19, 46, 288; and education, xiv, xv, xx; behaviour at, 138–9

316

Index

Cicero, Marcus Tullius, xii, 204–6, 249n6 clergy, xv, 12, 72–3 clothing, 31–2, 44, 47, 264–5 Cluzel, Irénée Marcel, 23 Codex Manesse, 62, 67–9 conduct: animal models for, 197, 213– 16, 230–1; biblical examples of, 201– 2, 211–12, 253, 271; chivalric, x; and class, 5, 48–9, 60n9, 129, 131, 133, 139–42, 146–9, 153–8, 170–5, 176, 182–3, 259, 286; courtly, x, xv, 34–7, 59n6; models for, 56–8, 59, 135–6, 150–2, 197–8, 199–200, 204–7, 216– 21, 227–8, 232–6, 253–9, 262–3, 270; parodied, 123–5; religious, x, xiv, 7– 10, 11–12, 13–22, 46, 70–3, 92, 95– 101, 102n2, 104n15, 106–7, 194–6, 243, 249n9, 251–3, 288–9, 295, 299; royal, 10–11, 208–9, 211–12, 213–16, 239; urban, xxvi conduct books, xix, xxi, xxvii–xxix. See also didactic literature cooking, 143 cosmetics, 265–7 courtesy books, xv, xix. See also didactic literature courtship, 50–6 crime, 92–3 dancing, 135–6 Dante Alighieri, 127, 128 daughters, xxvi–xxvii, 61; advice to, 65– 6, 105–21, 131–53, 286, 288–97 Della Casa, Giovanni, Galateo, 129 desire, 111–12, 199–200, 202–3, 216 Dhuoda, xvi didactic literature: audiences for, ix, xii, xv, xvi–xix, xxv, 25, 30, 186–7, 286; development of, xi–xvi, 62–5; and

gender, xi, xvi–xix, xxvi; language of, xiv, xv, xxi, 23; narrators in, xxiii, xxvi, 188; popularity of, ix, xxvii; scholarship on, xxvii–xxix, 25; sources for, ix–x, xi–xvi, 24, 29–30, 61, 185–6, 249nn5, 7, 284nn3, 18; structure of, x–xi, xviii, xix–xxvii; textual history of, ix, xiii, xviii, xxi, xxvii, 4, 25, 67–9, 127, 287; translations of, 39n1–40n6, 59nn1–5, 7, 60nn8, 10, 16, 287 Durfort, Guillelma de, 56, 60n15 Dyer, Nancy Joe, 187 Early English Text Society, 285 education, xiii, xv, xix–xxi, xxxi– xxxiin44, 3, 28; in Latin, xiii; of women, 188–9, 297 Edward, xv Egidi, Francesco, 129 Elias, Norbert, xxvii–xxviii Eschenbach, Wolfram von, Parzifal, 61, 102n3 excommunication, 92, 103n8 Facetus, xiii fathers, xiii; advice from sons, 93–6; advice to daughters, xxv–xxvi, 17–22, 185, 187–8, 250–83; advice to sons, 7–17, 61, 65, 70–93, 185, 194–248, 286, 298–304; God as, 194–6, 200; wisdom of, 200–1 Fernando IV, 186 flattery, 36 Florence, 127 Folcachieri, Folcachiero de’, 135–6, 159n5 Fougères, Etienne de, Livre des manières, xvii France, 128

Index France, Anne de, xvi, 5 Franklin, Benjamin, xiii Frazier, Craig, 186 friendship, 232–6 Furnivall, Frederick J., 285 gambling, 88, 161, 300 Garin lo Brun, 24; Old Occitan Ensenhamen, xvii Gascony, 23, 57 Gayangos, Pascual de, 186 gender, 129, 286 Geoffrey de Beaulieu, 3 generosity, 82, 288–9, 295 Giles of Rome (Aegidius Romanus), xii; De regimine principum, xvii Godfrey of Bouillion, 199–200, 249n2 Gottfried von Strassburg, Tristan, 66 greed, 86, 211, 245 Guilhem de Marsan, Arnaut, 24 Guinizzelli, Guido, 128, 141, 159n3 Guordo, Lady, 57 Hartmann von Aue, Iwein, 61, 121n3 Haupt, Moriz, 62–5 Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, 186, 187 honour, 31, 89–90 Horace, 275 housekeeping, 89–91, 292–4 How the Good Wijf Taughte Hir Doughtir, xi, xiv, xviii, xxi, xxii, xxvi–xxvii, 288– 97; intended audience for, 286; structure of, 287; textual history of, 285, 287 How the Wise Man Taught His Sonne, xi, xxi, xxvi–xxvii, 298–304; intended audience for, 286; structure of, 287; textual history of, 285, 287 Hugh of St Victor, De institutione novitiorum, xiv

317

Hugo von Trimberg, Der Renner, 62 humour, 65, 66 hygiene, 44, 45–6, 48 hypocrisy, 91 Jerome, St, xvii, 267 John of Salisbury, xii Joinville, Jean de, 4 justice, 210–12, 249n11, 300 kings: and justice, 210–12; representing God, 210, 213; status of, 213–16 Klage, Die, 67 Knust, Hermann, 187, 284n3 Languedoc, 23–4 Latin, xii, xiii, xiv, xv, xxi, xxii, 285; in education, xx, 3, 28; translation into, xxiv, xxix, 4, 129 Latini, Brunetto, 127; Tresor, xvi laughter, 137 Leitzmann, Alfred, 67–8, 103nn8, 12, 14, 121n1 León, Luis de, La perfecta casada, 188 literacy, ix, xviii, xix–xxi, xx; and class, 139; and sin, 144–6 Llull, Ramon, xxi Louis, St, xi, xvi, xvii; influence of, 3, 4– 5; letters to Isabelle, xviii, xxiii, 5–6, 17–22; letters to Philip, xviii, xxi, xxiii, 6, 7–17; structure of texts by, xxii, xxiii, 4 love, 27–8, 32–4, 41–2, 65, 114–20, 121n9, 143; secret, 73; teachings of, 129, 160–83 marriage, xiii, xxvi–xxvii, xxviii, 73, 296, 301–2; to God, 216–21; holiness of, 221–5, 250; as punishment, 260; role of women in, 188, 250–83, 289

318

Index

Martin, St (bishop of Tours), 13, 16n5 Martin of Braga, St, De quattuor Virtutibus, xii; Formula Vitae Honestae, xii men, 187; advice to, 84, 129, 160–83; as danger to women, 271–4; educational duties of, ix; and idleness, 299; and marriage, 223, 301–2; in relationships, 50–6, 111–13; and reputation, 237, 246; roles of, 299; social class of, 170–5, 182–3, 299; virtues of, 80–1, 84–6, 88–9, 189; and women, 74–6, 172–3, 291–2; women as burden for, 192–3 Ménagier de Paris, Le, xvi, xix, xx Miroir de bonnes femmes, xiv, xxi mirrors, xii, xvi, xxiii, 5, 186, 187 moderation, 82–3, 86–7, 90, 108, 275, 300 modesty, 107–9, 110–11, 133, 142, 146, 263–74 Molina, Maria de, 187 Moncada, Guillelma de, 57, 60n19 Monson, Don Alfred, 24 Montandon, Alain, xxviii mothers, 188, 296; advice to daughters, 61, 65–6, 105–21; and education, 297; indulgence of, 200; wisdom of, x, 12 Mustanoja, Tauno, 285 Nibelungenlied, Das, 67 Novare, Philippe de, xx; Quatre âges de l’homme, xvii nuns, 216–21 O’Connell, David, 5 old age, 94 Ovid, xiii–xiv, xxiv, xxxn13, 65; Ars amatoria, xiii; Metamorphoses, xiii; Remedia amoris, xiii

Palmer, William, 186 parental advice, xv, xvi–xvii, xxiii–xxiv, 4, 25, 286; as pedagogical strategy, xvii, xxv, 185, 287 patient Griselda, xxii, xxv, 185, 188, 253–9 Petrus Alphonsi, Disciplina clericalis, xv, xvi Pizan, Christine de, xvi, xix–xxi; Cité des Dames, xiv; Livre des trois vertus, xix, xxiv Plato, xii Plutarch, xii praise, 28–9, 39 proverbs, xxiv, 40n4, 103n4 prudence, 245–8 Pseudo-Boethius, Book of Scholastic Discipline, 201–2, 249n5 Pseudo-Cato, Disticha Catonis, xiii punishment, 187, 216, 219–20, 224, 227–8, 237, 266 purity, 160–1 Reiffenstein, Ingo, 67–8, 103nn8, 12, 14, 121n1 reputation, 80, 85, 87, 107, 108, 110, 223, 237, 246, 267–8, 271, 272, 290 restitution, 11 Rey, Agapito, 186 Riddy, Felicity, xxi, 286 Riquer, Martí de, 23 Ritson, Joseph, 285 Robert de Blois, xvii; Beaudous, ix–x, xvi; Chastoiement des dames, x–xi, xiii, xviii; Enseignement des princes, x–xi, xviii Rodez, Lady Mascarosa of, 56, 58, 60n13 Roger-Bernard, Lady Costanza, 57, 60n21

Index Roger-Bernard, Lady Margarida, 57 Rogesta of Aragués, Lady, 56 Salisbury, Eve, 285 Sánchez Martínez de Pinillos, Hernán, 187, 188 Sancho IV, xvi; biographical information for, 186, 193–4; Castigos, ix, xi, xxii, xxv–xxvi, 185–249 Sansone, Giuseppe, 25, 129 Saverio, Guida, 23 Scarborough, Connie, 187 Schiavo di Bari, 159 Seneca, xii, 268, 284n18 servants, 271–4, 281–2, 292–4 service: to a king, 213–16, 239; to a lady, 45–6, 153–8; to a lord, 34–7, 39, 161, 169, 230; to a master, 157, 158, 177–82 Sescás, Amanieu de, xi, xix, xxi, 23–5; Enssenhamen de l’escudier, xviii, xxiii, 27–39; Essenhamen de la donzela, xviii, xxiv, 41–59 shame, 130–1, 203, 204, 207–9 sin, 14, 144–6, 196, 221–5, 244, 245; sexual, 216–28 singing, 134–5 slovenliness, 195 sons: advice to, 7–17, 61, 65, 70–93, 185, 194–248, 286, 298–304; wisdom of, 93–6 speech, xi–xvi, xxixn5, 29, 30–1, 290; careless, 73–4, 79–80; and class, 166, 169, 239–45; length of, 164–5, 228– 31; parody of, 124; and silence, 132– 3, 169, 79–80, 88; and women, 24, 46, 49–50, 75, 138, 269 Sponsler, Claire, xxi, xxvi surveillance, 117–18

319

table manners, xiv, xv, 47–8, 134, 174–7, 178–80, 181–2 Talavera, Martín de, Jardín de nobles doncellas, 187, 188 Tavera, Antoine, 24 Tertullian, xvii Tiburge, Lady, 57, 60n17 Toulouse, 24 Tour Landry, Geoffroy de la, xiv; Livre du Chevalier de la Tour Landry pour l’enseignement de ses filles, xix tournaments, 78–9 troubadour lyrics, xxi, xxiii, xxviii, 23–4 Troyes, Chrétien de, Conte du Graal, ix– x, xvi truthfulness, 91 Tuscany, 127 Urbain li cortois, xv Urbanus VIII, 127 Valerius, 281 Ventadorn, Bernart de, 159n2 vernacular, ix, xiv, 23, 128, 159n3, 285 Villani, Filippo, De origine civitatis Florentie et eiusdem famosis civibus, 127 Vincent of Beauvais, De eruditione filiorum nobilium, xvii virginity, 188, 200, 225–6 Vitry, Jacques de, Oriental History, 204, 249n7 Vives, Juan Luis, De institutione feminae christianae, 187 Walther von der Vogelweide, 103nn7, 13 war, 13–14, 37–9, 163, 173, 236–9 wealth, 15, 82–3, 161–3, 211, 276–8, 303–4

320

Index

weapons, 37–9, 76–9, 171, 236–9; spiritual, 198–9; women as, 265–7 Weingartner Liederhandschrift, 67–9 William of Saint-Pathus, 4 wine, 73, 275 Winsbecke, xi, xviii, xxi, xxiii–xxiv, 70– 104; origins of, 62–5; parody of, 66, 68, 123–5; structure of, 61–2, 65; textual history of, 67–9; translation of, 67–9, 103nn5–6,10–11 Winsbeckin, xi, xiii–xiv, xviii, xxi, xxiii– xxiv, 105–25; origins of, 62–5; structure of, 61–2; textual history of, 67–9, 121n1, 122n13; translations of, 121nn2, 4–10, 122nn11–12 women: advice to, xvi–xix, xxiii, xxvi– xxvii, xxxin40, 6, 24, 43–59, 105– 21, 129; as burden, 192–3; and clothing, 21, 44, 45–6, 47, 136, 148, 157, 264–5; control of, 105–6, 117–18; creation of, 187, 190–2, 222; and education, xix–xxi, 139, 188–9; financial management by, xxvi, 142–3, 276–8, 280, 291, 295–6; goodness of, 75–6; honourable behaviour of, xxiv, 20, 43,

46–7, 52, 54, 65–6, 113–14; and hygiene, 44, 45–6, 48; and idleness, 204–6, 293, 294; and literacy, xx; and love, 32–4; and marriage, 188, 221–5; and men, 271–4, 291–2; and modesty, 107–9, 110–11; and movement, 135, 290; parody of, 123; ranking of, 188; in relationships, 41–2, 49–56, 65–6, 73–6, 111–12, 114–20; and religion, 226–7; reputation of, 43–4, 107, 108, 223, 267–8, 271, 272; roles of, xviii, xx, xxvi, 65–6, 139, 141–3, 147–8, 188, 279–81; and sexuality, 65–6; social class of, xviii, xx, 48–9, 131, 133, 138–42, 146–9, 187; and speech, 132–3, 290; virtues of, 133, 189; as weapons, 265–7 worldliness, 93–4, 95, 101–2, 102n1 Xenophon, xii Zemke, John, 186 Zerclaere, Thomasin von, Der Welsche Gast, 61 Zufferey, François, 24