Medieval Art in Motion: The Inventory and Gift Giving of Queen Clémence de Hongrie 9780271083056

Citation preview

Medieval Art in Motion

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M a r i a h P r o c t o r - ​T i f f a n y

Medieval Art in Motion The Inventory and Gift Giving of Queen Clémence de Hongrie

The Pennsylvania State University Press  |  University Park, Pennsylvania

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This book is made possible by a collaborative grant from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation. Library of Congress Cataloging-​in-​Publication Data Names: Proctor-​Tiffany, Mariah, 1971–  author. Title: Medieval art in motion : the inventory and gift giving of Queen Clémence de Hongrie / Mariah Proctor-​Tiffany. Description: University Park, Pennsylvania : The Pennsylvania State University Press, [2018] | Includes bibliographical references and index. Summary: “Reconstructs the art collection and material culture around the fourteenth-​century French queen Clémence de Hongrie. Examines how she moved her objects in a deliberate strategy to build her identity and create a lasting legacy for herself and her family in medieval Paris” —Provided by publisher. Identifiers: lccn 2018026636 | isbn 9780271081120 (cloth : alk. paper) Subjects: lcsh: Clementia, of Hungary, Queen, consort of Louis X, King of France, 1293–1328—Art collections. | Clementia, of Hungary, Queen, consort of Louis X, King of France, 1293–1328—Art patronage. | Art—Collectors and collecting—France—Paris—History—To 1500. | Art Patronage—France—Paris—History—To 1500. | Art, Medieval—France—Paris. | Gifts—France—History— To 1500. Classification: lcc N5262.C56 P76 2018 | ddc 709.402—dc23 lc record available at https://​lccn​.loc​.gov​/2018026636

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Copyright © 2019 Mariah Proctor-​Tiffany All rights reserved Printed in China Published by The Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, PA 16802–1003 The Pennsylvania State University Press is a member of the Association of University Presses. It is the policy of The Pennsylvania State University Press to use acid-​free paper. Publications on uncoated stock satisfy the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Material, ansi z39.48–1992. Additional credits: Cover, attributed to Jean de Touyl, reliquary shrine of Elizabeth of Hungary (fig. 55); frontispiece, detail, reliquary head of one of the Eleven Thousand Virgins (fig. 56); pp. vi–vii, detail, first page of the inventory of the belongings of Clémence de Hongrie (fig. 4).

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For Scott, Maquelle, and Corinn

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Contents

List of Illustrations | ix Acknowledgments | xi A Note on Terminology and Nomenclature | xiii

Introduction | 1 1 The Life, Times, and Art of an International Queen | 14 2 Systems of Exchange: Moving Art and Material Culture | 32 3 The Body, the Altar, and the Table: Possessions and Sites of Identity Proclamation | 53 4 The Queen’s Manuscripts and Identity | 80 5 Gift Giving in the Gothic World | 104 6 The Queen and Ritual Gift Giving | 112 7 Gifts to Individuals, Near and Far | 126

Conclusion: Good and Glorious Exchange | 141

Appendix 1 The Testament of Clémence de Hongrie | 145 Appendix 2 The Inventory of Clémence de Hongrie | 151 Appendix 3 Glossary | 177 Notes | 181 Bibliography | 197 Index | 211

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Illustrations

Figures 1. Marble tomb effigy of Clémence de Hongrie, detail. Photo © Genevra Kornbluth | 3 2. Marble tomb effigy of Clémence de Hongrie. Photo © Genevra Kornbluth | 4 3. Sculpted dog at the feet of the tomb effigy. Photo © Genevra Kornbluth | 4 4. The first page of the inventory of the belongings of Clémence de Hongrie. Photo: BnF | 7 5. Jean Fouquet, The Coronation of Louis X and Clémence de Hongrie. Photo: BnF, Dist. RMN–Grand Palais / Art Resource, New York | 17 6. View of the Temple estate. Photo: BnF | 19 7. Engraving of the exterior of the Temple Church. Photo: BnF | 20 8. Engraving of the city of Corbeil. Photo: BnF | 22 9. The impression of Clémence’s seal. Photo: Archives nationales | 24 10. Tomb effigy of Charles I d’Anjou. Photo © Genevra Kornbluth | 25 11. Tomb effigy of Charles I d’Anjou, detail. Photo © Genevra Kornbluth | 25 12. Tomb effigy of Jean I. Photo © Genevra Kornbluth | 26 13. Tomb effigy of Jean I, detail. Photo © Genevra Kornbluth | 26 14. Marble tomb effigy of Louis X. Photo © Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York, ADAGP, Paris / Art Resource, New York (Antoine Schneck) | 27 15. Marble tomb effigy of Louis X, detail. Photo © Genevra Kornbluth | 28 16. Image of the reliquary of Saint Spire at Corbeil. Photo: Getty Research Institute, Los Angeles (92-B21690) | 30 17. Châsse of Saint Romain, 1270–90. Photo © RMN– Grand Palais / Art Resource, New York (Henri Graindorge) | 31 18. Ivory casket with scenes from romances, 1310–30. Photo: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, http://​ www​.metmuseum​.org | 39 19. Ewer with a noix d’Inde, 1300. Photo © Ville de Versailles, Musée Lambinet | 40 20. Langue de serpent, fifteenth or sixteenth century. Photo: Schatzkammer und Museum des Deutschen Ordens | 41

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21. Petrus Christus, A Goldsmith in His Shop, 1449. Photo: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, http://​ www​.metmuseum​.org | 42 22. Historiated initial showing the translation of the head of Saint Martin into a new reliquary made by Simon de Lille, and the royal family in prayer, 1340– 50. Photo © Bibliothèque municipal de Tours | 48 23. Tomb effigy of Philippe VI. Photo: Photothèque-​ Zodiaque DR | 59 24. Rings from the Colmar treasure, late thirteenth–mid-​ fourteenth century. Photo © RMN–Grand Palais / Art Resource, New York (Jean-​Gilles Berizzi) | 60 25. Fermail from the Colmar treasure, ca. 1320–40. Photo © RMN-​Grand Palais / Art Resource, New York (Jean-​Gilles Berizzi) | 60 26. Tomb effigy of Rudolphe de Habsbourg. Photo: Erich Lessing / Art Resource, New York | 61 27. Silver-​gilt clasp in the form of an M, 1350. © Courtesy of the Warden and Scholars of New College, Oxford / Bridgeman Images | 62 28. Illumination showing a woman kneeling before a sculpture of the Virgin and Child, 1280–90. Photo: Morgan Library and Museum, New York | 65 29. Ivory comb with scenes of lovers in a garden, second quarter of the fourteenth century. Photo © Victoria and Albert Museum, London | 69 30. Ivory mirror case depicting hunters in a forest, 1350– 75. Photo: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, http://​ www​.metmuseum​.org | 70 31. Limbourg brothers, January calendar page, 1412–16. Photo © RMN–Grand Palais / Art Resource, New York (René-​Gabriel Ojéda) | 72 32. Rock-​crystal nef, or saltcellar, mid-​thirteenth century. Photo: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, http://​www​.metmuseum​.org | 73 33. Hanap with central bosse, fourteenth century. Photo: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, http://​www​ .metmuseum​.org | 74 34. Madre cups, first half of the fifteenth century. Photo © Ville de Versailles, Musée Lambinet | 74 35. Two écuelles from the Maldegem hoard, second quarter of the fourteenth century. Photo © RMAH, Brussels | 75

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36. Rock-​crystal baril, sixteenth century. Photo © Prague Castle Administration (Jan Gloc) | 76 37. Psalm 1, with Beatus initial, before 1318. Photo © Bibliothèque royale de Belgique | 82 38. Psalm 109, before 1318. Photo © Bibliothèque royale de Belgique | 84 39. Castle of Love. Photo © Bibliothèque royale de Belgique | 85 40. A page from the table of contents of the Ovide moralisé, ca. 1315–20. Photo: Collections of the Bibliothèque municipale de Rouen | 86 41. The Fauvel Master, Juno Ascending, ca. 1315–20. Photo: Collections of the Bibliothèque municipale de Rouen | 87 42. The first page of the text from the Ovide moralisé, ca. 1315–20. Photo: Collections of the Bibliothèque municipale de Rouen | 88 43. The Fauvel Master, The Annunciation, ca. 1315–20. Photo: Collections of the Bibliothèque municipale de Rouen | 90 44. The Fauvel Master, Hecuba Taking the Eyes of Polymestor, ca. 1315–20. Photo: Collections of the Bibliothèque municipale de Rouen | 91 45. The Thomas de Maubeuge Master, Phases of the Moon and The Influence of the Sun and Moon on the Earth, 1303–4. Photo: Bibliothèque de Rennes Métropole, Les Tablettes rennaises | 93 46. The Thomas de Maubeuge Master, Demonstration of Gravity, 1303–4. Photo: Bibliothèque de Rennes Métropole, Les Tablettes rennaises | 94 47. Goldene Rössl, Paris, before 1405. Photo: Bayerisches National Museum (Walter Haberland) | 107 48. Eleanor of Aquitaine Vase, sixth–seventh century and before 1147. Photo © RMN-​Grand Palais / Art Resource, New York (Daniel Arnaudet) | 109 49. Nicholas Wurmser of Strasbourg (?), wall painting in the Chapel of Our Lady in Karlštejn Castle, ca. 1357. Photo: National Historic Institute, The Regional Historic Sites Management in Prague | 110 50. The Reign of Louis X. Photo courtesy Dept. of Special Collections, Stanford University Libraries | 114 51. Fermail, first half of the fourteenth century. Photo © RMN-​Grand Palais / Art Resource, New York (Daniel Arnaudet) | 117 52. Simone Martini, Saint Louis de Toulouse Crowning Robert d’Anjou, ca. 1317. Photo: Alinari / Art Resource (Luciano Pedicini, 1999) | 118

x

53. Diasper cloth, late thirteenth century. Photo: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, http://​www​ .metmuseum​.org | 119 54. Follower of Tino di Camaino, travel altar of Robert d’Anjou, early fourteenth century. Photo: The Moravian Gallery in Brno | 130 55. Attributed to Jean de Touyl, reliquary shrine of Elizabeth of Hungary, 1320–40. Photo: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, http://​www​.metmuseum​.org | 133 56. Reliquary head of one of the Eleven Thousand Virgins, late fourteenth century. Photo: Pinacoteca Comunale, Castiglion Fiorentino | 136 57. Sculpture of Saint Blaise as a bishop, 1280–1300. Photo: Erich Lessing / Art Resource, New York | 138 58. Reliquary arm of Saint Louis de Toulouse, 1336–38. Photo © RMN–Grand Palais / Art Resource, New York (Jean-​Gilles Berizzi) | 139 Maps 1. The estates and domains of Clémence de Hongrie | 21 2. Sources of the materials in Clémence’s inventory | 38 3. Sources of the coats of arms on objects in Clémence’s inventory | 43 4. Plan de Bâle, 1550 map of Paris with the route of the 1318 procession and the locations of Clémence’s estate and burial site. Photo: Basel University Library | 115 5. International gift giving of objects documented in the inventory and testament of Clémence de Hongrie | 127 Charts 1. Genealogy chart of the Capetian, Angevin, and Valois Dynasties | 15 2. Relative values of the belongings of Clémence de Hongrie listed in her inventory | 57 Table 1. Values of Clémence’s belongings in the inventory by section, showing 1328 sale prices in Parisian pounds | 56

Illustrations

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Acknowledgments

Over the years of working on this project, I have

have been so important in developing my work.

gathered many debts and many dear friends.

Chris Woolgar gave helpful comments on my

To Sheila Bonde and Evelyn Lincoln at Brown Uni-

article about Clémence de Hongrie for the Journal

versity, I owe many of the questions I asked of the

of Medieval History, as did Elena Woodacre on the

testament and inventory of Clémence de Hongrie,

essay I wrote for her volume Queenship in the Med-

and Barbara Drake Boehm was a constant source

iterranean. Tracy Chapman Hamilton, with whom

of knowledge about these documents and medieval

I have collaborated since 2014 on digital mapping

art. I am grateful to nineteenth-​century historian

projects and the volume Moving Women Moving

and archivist Louis Douët-​d’Arcq for editing the

Objects (500–1500) for Brill, has given me valuable

inventory, enabling me to spend my time putting

suggestions; I have grown as a scholar in working

the data in spreadsheets and analyzing it. Joan

with her.

Branham commented on parts of my project early



on, and Désirée Koslin generously spent a day

land, Asa Mittman, Eileen McKiernan González,

discussing the textiles in the inventory with me.

and Matthew Clear as well. Anne McEnroe and

Alice Klima, Anne Heath, Andrea LePage, Melissa

Marie Kelleher assisted me with the Latin quota-

Katz, Nathaniel Stein, Eva Allan, and Joseph Silva,

tions, and Pascale Rihouet vetted the translations

my friends from graduate school, helped me pro-

from French, which are my own unless otherwise

cess much of this information. My faculty writing

noted. While performing in Bari, my cousin Nina

group at Rhode Island School of Design was sim-

Warren kindly went to the treasury of the church of

ilarly pivotal: Hannah Carlson, Suzanne Scanlan,

St. Nicolas to search for any of Clémence’s objects

Pascale Rihouet, and Dalia Linssen all asked dif-

that might have survived. I thank my undergrad-

ficult questions and were a sounding board as I

uate research assistants, Rebeca Sanchez and

organized my ideas.

Jacqueline Peña. Genevra Kornbluth went to Saint-​



Denis to make the images of the tombs there, Lynn

Joan Holladay was a consistent support

I am grateful to Miriam Shadis, Jennifer Bor-

from the beginning, and she offered invaluable

Carlson (GISP–Brown University) made my study

comments on the manuscript at a late stage. I am

maps, and Tom Paradise graciously made the maps

grateful to Elizabeth A. R. Brown for her excellent

for the book.

research on the Capetian dynasty and her gener-



osity in sharing sources and advice with me. Anne

dation for funding the early stages of this proj-

Stanton and Theresa Earenfight offered crucial

ect in France, and to the Salomond family for

insights on the manuscript, and lengthy conver-

supporting my writing through a fellowship in

sations with Marguerite Keane were pivotal as

2006–7. An International Center of Medieval Art /

well. I thank Brigitte Buettner, whose advice and

Samuel H. Kress book research award also moved

research on gift giving and the sumptuous arts

the project forward. I advanced my thinking on

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I am thankful to the Samuel H. Kress Foun-

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women and space as a fellow at the Samuel H. Kress Digital Mapping and Art History Institute at Middlebury College in 2014, expertly led by Anne Knowles and Paul Jaskot. I am also deeply grateful for the Mellon Art History Publication Grant through the Pennsylvania State University Press, which paid for the image rights for this book. And I appreciate the support of my colleagues at California State University, Long Beach, in particular Karen Kleinfelder and Catha Paquette. CSULB College of the Arts course releases helped me finish this book. I am grateful to Eleanor Goodman and the PSUP editorial board for bringing the book to press, and to the excellent professionals Keith Monley, Regina Starace, and Matthew Williams for bringing the book through copyediting, design, and typesetting.

I appreciate the librarians and archivists at

the Bibliothèque nationale de France, the Archives nationales de France, the Bibliothèque royale de Belgique, the Bibliothèque municipal de Rouen, and regional archives in Corbeil and Évreux, and professionals at sites in Naples and Budapest. I thank the librarians at Brown University, Rhode Island School of Design, and California State University, Long Beach, for keeping me buried in interlibrary loan books.

Finally, I am thankful for the support and

kindness of my family—my parents, Keith and Mauna Proctor, and my sister, Brook. Most of all, I appreciate my husband, Scott Tiffany, and my daughters, Maquelle and Corinn, who have always had Clémence in their lives.

xii

acknowledgments

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A Note on Terminology and Nomenclature The inventory of Clémence de Hongrie was made to document the belongings of the queen and to record their appraisals, purchasers, and prices upon her death. As such, terminology of weights, measures, and money is important in understanding the movement of her objects. Goldsmiths weighed works in precious metals and gems, like jewelry, plate, and reliquaries (joyaux as they are called in the inventory), in units of marcs, onces, and estelins and set a price per marc based on the materials and the quality of workmanship. A marc was equal to 8 onces, or 160 estelins, or 192 deniers. Textiles were measured in aunes, and prices were recorded in the documents as Parisian livres, sous, and deniers. One livre (or pound) was equivalent to 20 sous, or 240 deniers.

Nomenclature is particularly tricky in a proj-

ect such as this. Apart from a few exceptions, I have elected to include most names in French, though all these people appear in medieval documents and modern scholarship in a variety of forms. For example, Clémence de Hongrie can also be Clementia of Hungary, Clémence d’Anjou, or Clemence of Hungary.

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Introduction

In the summer of 1315 Princess Clé-

her sumptuous works in silver, gold, and precious

mence de Hongrie and her entourage

gems had been either washed or thrown overboard.

prepared to set sail from Naples to

It is from this low point that over the next thirteen

Marseille, where they would travel by land to meet

years, until her death, in 1328, Clémence amassed

her fiancé, Louis X, king of France. The twenty-​

one of the most resplendent collections of art in

two-​year-​old princess was the youngest of three

France.

children, who had been raised in Naples by their



grandmother Marie de Hongrie after the deaths

mence de Hongrie (1293–1328) speaks to three

of their parents when Clémence was a young girl.

essential facts about medieval works of art. First,

As she and her attendants prepared her jewels,

medieval sculptures, textiles, jewels, and manu-

manuscripts, and clothing, Clémence surely real-

scripts were in constant motion. As we gaze today

ized that she might never see Naples or her family

upon these objects, anchored and spotlighted in

again. Any anxiety she felt would soon have been

their museum vitrines, it is tempting to imagine

confirmed: a massive storm struck during the

them similarly fixed in the residences or chapels

voyage, and the ship seemed doomed to sink in

of their original patrons. However, in truth, these

the Mediterranean. The poet Geoffroi de Paris

functional objects were bought and sold, carried

writes that Clémence pleaded with God to spare

when their owners traveled, pawned, and sent as

the members of her entourage, recognizing that

long-​distance gifts. Second, the possessions that

their loyalty to her had placed them in peril, and

Clémence lost in the water were essential markers

he bemoans Clémence’s treasures, “For in the sea

This frightening episode in the life of Clé-

of her identity. Because sumptuary laws restricted

she lost many joyaux, her best and most beautiful.”

the wearing or display of luxurious cloth, precious

Although the wind and waves finally subsided and

gems, and objects in silver and gold to the nobility,

the travelers arrived in Marseilles alive, many of

such jewels, reliquaries, and silks instantly signaled

1

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a woman’s high place in late medieval social net-

her large household, she had to maintain her iden-

works. Finally, this perilous sea voyage represents

tity through careful performance; to this end she

just one of the ways works of art could perish.

employed the visual power of her possessions, dis-

As only a small percentage of the sumptuous works

playing them and offering them as gifts. Adorning

extant in the Middle Ages have survived, it is rare

her body, the altars of her chapels, and her dining

to be able to study the objects, composition, and

tables with jewelry, vessels, reliquaries, extravagant

contents of a medieval collection. Such an oppor-

textiles, manuscripts, sculptures, and paintings—

tunity is provided by two documents: the testament

the exclusive accoutrements of royalty—she argued

and the inventory of Clémence de Hongrie—evi-

for her place at court, her status, and her income

dence that has not been thoroughly studied until

by embodying the role of queen. Giving her works

my research. Indeed, while the inventories of many

of art as gifts, both locally and internationally, she

medieval men have been the subjects of scholar-

reminded the larger society of her importance.

ship, Medieval Art in Motion is the first book to

Ultimately she prevailed, successfully ruling her

analyze the inventory of a medieval woman.

domain and, most importantly, maintaining res-



Upon her arrival in France, Clémence mar-

idence in Paris to promote the reputation of her

ried King Louis X (1289–1316), the oldest son of

husband, her son, and her natal family through

Philippe IV and Jeanne de Navarre. As the new

patronage and art collecting.

queen, Clémence provided the hope of a male



heir to the throne, and to the joy of the court, she

and moving numerous works of art were keys to

quickly became pregnant. But during her preg-

the success that she saw as a widow. Clémence

nancy her husband died suddenly, leaving the court

was buried at the church of the Jacobins in Paris,

and kingdom waiting to see if the queen’s baby

and her tomb effigy survives today at the basilica

would be a boy. The chroniclers record that Clé-

of Saint-​Denis. The sculpture depicts the queen

mence was often ill and depressed during the end

in full-​length dress with her hands in prayer. Her

of her pregnancy. When the baby was born, it was

crown is decorated with leafy fleurons, and she

a boy, whom Clémence named Jean. However,

wears both a veil and wimple, appropriate for her

he was not well. The pope promised indulgences

status as widow (figs. 1–3).2

Commissioning art that glorified her family

for those who prayed for the infant, but even these prayers could not save the child. Jean died within a few days of his birth.

2

A Queen’s Position and Identity

To make matters worse, Clémence soon

offended the new king, Philippe V. He refused

Queens did inherit crowns and rule in some places

to pay her the income Louis had promised her,

and, when married to kings, were a central compo-

and Clémence entered the fight of her life. Her

nent in medieval monarchies, yet their individual

high social status became slippery; she needed to

statuses varied widely. One of the most visible ways

harness the power of her art treasures to fight the

medieval queens practiced power was through

social extinction that now stalked her in widow-

biological reproduction: bearing and educating

hood. In order to collect her income and support

heirs to the throne and other children who might

Medieval Art in Motion

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Figure 1 Marble tomb effigy of Clémence de Hongrie (d. 1328), detail.

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3

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Figure 2 Marble tomb effigy of Clémence de Hongrie. Originally at the Dominican church in Paris, now at the basilica of Saint-​Denis. Figure 3 Sculpted dog at the feet of the tomb effigy of Clémence de Hongrie.

4

Medieval Art in Motion

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increase the importance of the dynasty through

from many sides could incentivize a widowed

leadership or their own politically advantageous

queen to live out her days on her dower lands or

marriages. Theresa Earenfight indexes the many

to take the veil at a convent of her choosing; if she

other roles queens played: monarch; queen con-

sought to remain near the center of power, she

sort, when a woman ruled in conjunction with

often needed to be highly prudent and avoid any

her husband; queen mother; queen regent, when

apparent desire for control.

a woman ruled for her minor child; or finally



Some women negotiated the transition to

queen dowager, upon the death of her husband.

widowhood with skill (and they will be important

Although their names were not always present with

comparative examples throughout this study).

their husbands’ on governmental charters, queens

Clémence’s sister-​in-​law, the famous bibliophile

exercised real political power: advising, sometimes

Jeanne d’Évreux (1310–1371), was the third wife

ruling, acting as intercessors, and serving as repre-

of Charles IV of France (1294–1328), and during

sentatives of the Crown.

more than four decades as a widow, Jeanne cul-

3



tivated a reputation as a generous benefactor of

Queens were active not only politically and

charitably but also culturally, often bringing their

religious institutions and a careful administrator

sensibilities, tastes, and artists to their new courts.

of her lands, thereby retaining political influence.7

In her pioneering 1982 article, “Medieval Women

For example, she mediated the conflict between

Book Owners: Arbiters of Lay Piety and Ambas-

Charles le Mauvais, king of Navarre and count of

sadors of Culture,” Susan Groag Bell establishes

Évreux, and Jean le Bon, king of France in 1354,

the importance of women as readers and patrons

and she brought messages to the pope during the

of medieval manuscripts and argues that through

Hundred Years War.8 Jeanne is well known for the

their own movement and book patronage they

tiny book of hours that her husband gave her. Also

effected cultural change. Therese Martin argues

important is the silver-​gilt-​and-​enamel sculpture of

that as patrons of the arts such women should be

the Virgin that she offered to Saint-​Denis in 1339.

4

considered “makers” of art themselves, even as much as the artists who made their commissions.

Her skill as a diplomat and her carefully managed 5

wealth and foundations made her a key figure at

Elena Woodacre, in her Queenship in the Medi-

the court of France long after her husband died.

terranean: Negotiating the Role of the Queen in the



Medieval and Early Modern Eras, looks at multiple

contemporary, was Mahaut d’Artois (1268–1329).

women who brought their distinctive Mediter-

Twenty-​five years older than Clémence, she ruled

ranean cultures with them when they married

over the counties of Artois and Bourgogne, two

men in other regions, particularly in the north of

realms separated from each other by great dis-

Europe.6

tance. She actively participated in court life and



ruled her lands with enthusiasm and diligence.

As they moved into widowhood, queens often

Another formidable widow, also Clémence’s

found this period more treacherous than the years

Although Mahaut was not a queen herself, through

of their reigns. More than ever, the widow’s influ-

the advantageous marriages of her daughters

ence and reputation were closely related to her skill

she became the mother of two queens, and the

in negotiating the political landscape. Pressures

extensive records of her expenditures reveal an

Introduction

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5

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enthusiastic patron interested in manuscripts, the

and her other estates (fig. 4, appendix 2).11 This

sumptuous arts, and monastic endowments.

document allows a rare glimpse of the relationship



9

Blanche de Navarre (1331–1398) was another

between a medieval queen’s works of art and her

fourteenth-​century queen who outlived her

identity. The inventory does not simply list objects;

spouse. Blanche married Clémence’s cousin King

it contains a wealth of information about the ori-

Philippe VI de Valois in 1349. The age difference

gins, sizes, weights, materials, appraised and sale

of almost forty years meant that Blanche outlived

prices, and buyers of 748 individual lots, many

her husband by almost five decades. During this

comprising numerous objects. In order to analyze

time Blanche lived in Paris and spent her days at

the overwhelming amount of information in this

the convents she favored. She and her aunt Jeanne

ninety-​nine-​page manuscript, I entered the lots

d’Évreux were extremely close and spent much

into spreadsheets with a column for each data type

time together. The two highly regarded queens

and then sorted the list by buyer, price, or material.

had to vigilantly defend their domains through

Through this process, it became clear that apprais-

legal action when others claimed ownership of

als were made by weight for most works in metal.

their lands. When Blanche died, in 1398, she left

Some buyers chose numerous objects of the same

an extensive will documenting her collection. Bri-

materials, which led me to suspect that they were

gitte Buettner analyzes this dowager’s testament,

specialized dealers, and the frequent appearance

noting that as the queen stipulated legacies to be

of their names in the documents of other patrons,

distributed at her death, she couched the lengthy

as sellers of the types of objects they bought from

descriptions to sound as if she were tenderly part-

Clémence’s estate, confirmed this. That there were

ing with her beloved objects, and Marguerite Keane

sometimes differences in appraised and sales prices

writes of the testament that it was a sentimental

led me to investigate the possibility that, remark-

biography.

ably, some of the items were auctioned, making the



10

The status and respect Clémence and each of

inventory the first studied example of an auction

these women gained were highly individual, and a

occurring in France. It also became apparent that

queen’s ability to thrive was dependent on a num-

many of the queen’s objects were moving from her

ber of factors, including the traditions of the court

private chapel to ecclesiastical settings, suggesting

into which she married, her own personality, the

objects could easily move between the lay world

length of her reign, the breadth and depth of her

and churches. This data-​driven approach to study-

support from courtiers, her income, and her sur-

ing a large group of objects is key to my analysis.

viving progeny, if she had any.

Clémence’s document is one of only a few surviving inventories from a fourteenth-​century French queen, making it invaluable in analyzing medieval

A Queen’s Possessions

art, material culture, and economy.12

6

It is exceptional to have both the extensive

When Clémence de Hongrie died, in 1328, at the

inventory made after the queen’s death and the

age of thirty-​five, a detailed inventory was made

queen’s testament (appendix 1), which she dictated

of her belongings and property at her Paris home

days before her passing.13 These records provide

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Figure 4 The first page of the inventory of the belongings of Clémence de Hongrie. The first paragraph identifies the jewelers who appraised Clémence’s collection, and the first item describes Clémence’s best crown with rubies, emeralds, and pearls. Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris, Clairambault 471.

us two different descriptions of many objects.

identity during the years of her widowhood.

We can look into the queen’s collection and her

I include both the testament and the inventory in

closet through these detailed documents, which

the appendixes of this book to allow readers to

often together reveal where Clémence received

consider objects in their textual contexts and to

individual works of art and where they went upon

make these important documents more accessible

her death. So we can trace the trajectories of her

and thereby encourage their continued study.

objects through time and space, which I accom-

Object numbers in parentheses throughout this

plish using geospatial mapping, another data-​based

study refer to the inventory in appendix 2.

approach to art history. The trails of her cherished



works of art reveal her relationships and how she

ber 13, were filled with activity as the inventory was

deployed her objects to buttress her endangered

made at the queen’s Paris residence. The kingdom’s

The days following Clémence’s death, on Octo-

Introduction

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foremost jewelers, including Simon de Lille, the

reveals that more than 55 percent of her net worth

goldsmith of Charles IV, were called to appraise

was held in works in metal. This inventory provides

the jewels and objets d’art that had belonged to the

an understanding of both individual pieces and the

queen. Artists, scribes, and bureaucrats worked

composition of the collection as a whole, in addi-

for five days, weighing, assessing, and describing

tion to the supremacy of the so-​called minor arts in

Clémence’s worldly possessions, carefully docu-

the Middle Ages.

menting the queen’s golden crowns, studded with



rubies, emeralds, and pearls. They meticulously

in French, was edited in the nineteenth century

measured artworks and textiles, such as one set

and has been used widely in dating the first use

of tapestries depicting a hunting scene in a forest;

of particular objects in Europe and in tracing

and they described dozens of her manuscripts. The

the provenance for works of art. Now, I bring the

group catalogued reliquaries that held pieces of the

document to life, analyzing the group of objects

True Cross, and they counted the sapphires on the

as a whole and the manner in which the queen

queen’s paternosters. Under orders from the reign-

moved them. Even when the physical jewels, pre-

ing king, Philippe VI, the inventory process then

cious sculptures, and textiles are lost to us today,

continued at her twelve other estates and proper-

comparison of the descriptions in the inventory

ties south of Paris and in Normandy.

and testament with existing works made in early



The inventory reveals more information about

fourteenth-​century Paris and Naples allows me

how objects changed hands than do most inven-

to make valuable suggestions about what some

tories made for medieval kings. For example, the

of Clémence’s objects looked like. One can study

inventory of the belongings of Charles V made

comparanda much as one might make a recon-

in 1363, before he came to the throne, includes

struction of a destroyed building based on its

the weights and descriptions of objects but not

footprint, characteristics of neighboring buildings,

appraised values or information about transfers,

and historical descriptions of the destroyed build-

because the works of art were to stay in his collec-

ing. Particularly useful as comparative examples

tion. Clémence’s inventory is vitally important

are objects commissioned by members of the

because it helps us to understand the movement

queen’s family or made by artists who did work

of medieval possessions and the composition of

for her. Clémence’s inventory and testament both,

a royal person’s collection, in spite of the fact that

for example, describe a special shrine that the

Clémence’s objects that have survived represent

queen received from Naples and then gave to her

only a small percentage of those that she originally

sister (89). Although this shrine does not survive,

14

8

Clémence de Hongrie’s inventory, written

owned. Works in metal were particularly vul-

another made at the same place and time does.

nerable to destruction because their materials were

That shrine, now in Brno, in the Czech Republic,

inherently valuable and re-​formable as financial

fits the description and conveys the general char-

emergencies arose and styles changed. Yet joyaux,

acteristics of the important piece that traveled

or works of the goldsmith (reliquaries, plate, and

from Naples to Paris and then to Vienne as a gift

jewels), were the centerpieces of a courtly art

between women in this royal family; this work of

collection. My analysis of Clémence’s inventory

art figures prominently in chapter 7 (see fig. 54).

Medieval Art in Motion

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Although the exact characteristics of pieces

emphasizing the importance of books in women’s

described are elusive, the appearances of many of

roles as educators of their families.17

Clémence’s lost possessions may be approximated



by considering them as examples of classes of

inventory of her husband, Louis, who died in 1316,

objects.

just twelve years before her own death, provides



a helpful comparative document, which I ana-

Any discussion of a queen’s inventory or testa-

In the case of Clémence, the survival of the

ment must address how her collecting and giving

lyze throughout this book. Louis’s inventory was

activities differed from those of contemporary

begun after his death, and the finalized document

kings and princes. In recent decades, scholars have

rendered in 1321, after his belongings had been

begun to write about gender within the scope of

liquidated to pay his debts and fund his testamen-

their different inquiries. In her analysis of gifts

tary gifts.18 Patterns of similarity and difference in

given at the New Year at the Valois court, Brigitte

the two inventories might relate to gender. Even

Buettner finds that both men and women were

while considering gender in these inventories,

giving the same types of objects, but the women

though, I do not see people like Clémence or her

had smaller gift-​giving budgets. Also, while women

husband as passive actors, unwittingly playing out

did give gifts to men, most of women’s gifts were

the gendered expectations of their courts. Rather,

to other women: ladies-​in-​waiting, washerwomen,

they acted as individuals with agency and unique

seamstresses, and women who cared for children.

personalities and interests in dialogue with their

Women were more likely to be the recipients of

cultures in regard to objects they gathered.

gifts from their fathers and husbands than to be the givers of gifts to these men, since the women were dependents of men. This makes sense because men

A Queen’s Gifts

had ready access to the full coffers of their holdings, whereas women received a small portion of

After analyzing Clémence’s collection and in a way

these same monies to cover their annual expenses.15

rematerializing many of the objects she owned, this

Anne Stanton examines the differences in subject

study follows their motion. During her lifetime and

matter of the books documented in the collections

upon her death, Clémence gave many luxurious

of Isabelle de France and her husband, Edward II

gifts. She named more than one hundred different

of England, and finds that Isabelle’s library, which

people in her testament, and she offered donations

aligned with those of her female relatives, con-

to numerous institutions. The list of objects she

sisted largely of French romances and Franciscan

gave to her loved ones in her testament demon-

service books, while the books documented in her

strates her important social links:

husband’s collection often related to law and governance.16 Marguerite Keane examines gender differences in the testament of Blanche de Navarre. She sees that Blanche gave women more than twice as many books as she gave men and wrote differently about the books she gave to women, particularly

• Shrine with a silver sculpture of the Virgin and Child to her sister, Béatrice, dauphine de Viennois • Sculpture of Saint John the Baptist to Béatrice, dame d’Arlay

Introduction

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• Tabernacle of the Annunciation to her

examines gift giving and identity in Oceania, focusing on objects that cannot be given to out-

confessor • Jeweled clasps to the comte d’Alençon, the duc de Bourbon, and Robert d’Artois • Her best crown to her nephew and heir, Humbert, dauphin de Viennois • Reliquary head of one of the Eleven Thousand

siders because they are closely associated with revered previous owners.23 And Arjun Appadurai studies the social lives of things to understand how the transfer of objects reveals the social networks through which they travel.24

Virgins to Jeanne de Bourgogne, queen of



France

patterns of gift giving in relation to power struc-

• Sculpture of Saint Louis de Toulouse to Philippe de Valois, king of France

Historians of art have begun to look closely at

tures and identity in medieval society, and significant studies have emerged. Gift giving was a key feature of personal and intergroup relations, and

To interpret her generous gifts, I turn to the liter-

as Brigitte Buettner points out, many of the most

ature she owned or would have known—didac-

luxurious objects made during the Middle Ages

tic works written for members of her family

were either commissioned or later served as gifts.25

that taught about the practice of gift giving. For

Buettner argues that when Blanche de Navarre gave

example, the behavior manual written for her

her works of art to the Valois rulers in her 1396

father-​in-​law by Gilles de Rome, Le livre du gou-

testament, she bestowed her Capetian lineage on

vernement des rois et des princes, which was in

them, and that the circulation of objects should be

the queen’s library, taught that royal people could

considered an important component of patron-

benefit politically as they offered rich gifts.19 Simi-

age.26 She interprets the gifts as tokens of affection

larly, the Speculum dominarum (Miroir des dames)

between family members.27 Marguerite Keane’s

written by Durand de Champagne for Clémence’s

Material Culture and Queenship in 14th-​Century

mother-​in-​law encouraged queens to act benev-

France studies Blanche de Navarre’s carefully cho-

olently, modeling their lives on that of the Virgin

sen gifts of manuscripts, jewels, textiles, and money

Mary.

to ascertain the manner in which this queen delib-



erately lodged herself in the memories of her loved

20

Not only writers of her day but modern

philosophers, anthropologists, and sociologists

ones at the French court.28 Joan A. Holladay studies

have examined the movement of objects and the

the manuscripts of Jeanne d’Évreux, Clémence

creation of social ties through gift giving. Marcel

de Hongrie, and Mahaut d’Artois and sees patterns

Mauss argues in The Gift that reciprocity elicited

of collecting, with books as important and consis-

through mandatory mutual giving ties commu-

tent gifts among late medieval aristocrats.29

nities and clans together.21 Pierre Bourdieu exam-



ines gift giving as well in The Logic of Practice

erature and addresses important questions about

and hypothesizes that although the reciprocity of

gift giving: How did a woman give her objects to

gift giving seems to be mandatory, givers exer-

increase her realm of influence and the repute of

cise agency throughout the process, since acts of

her family through her patronage? Which were the

gift giving unfold over time. Annette Weiner

most appropriate gifts for a queen to give different

22

10

Medieval Art in Motion engages with this lit-

Medieval Art in Motion

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people? How did queens perform their identities

characteristic of widespread trends in late medieval

through ritual gift giving? This study investigates

court culture.

the early fourteenth century and argues that through gift giving women built their own personal

Medieval Art in Motion examines the identity,

and family identities. As they repeated the earlier

possessions, and gift giving of Clémence de Hon-

queens’ performances of generosity, they could

grie. The first chapter details the life and times of

argue for their own elevated status, privilege, and

this fourteenth-​century queen, who inhabited the

income.

intersection of three pivotal European dynasties:



While the field of art history has focused great

the Capetians, the Angevins, and the Valois. As I

attention on the necessary work of identifying

examine her key relationships within them, I reveal

the original places, dates, and patrons of works

how she moved her objects to develop links and

of art, I argue that studying the movement of

maintain allegiances.

these works in addition to their origins is useful.



Clémence herself left Naples for Paris, her body

numerous systems of exchange that functioned

a beautiful diplomatic gift, and she moved her

to transfer objects between people and groups.

works of art in numerous skillful ways to people

My analysis demonstrates that materials from as

of a wide range of social classes, from the king of

far away as India, Africa, and the Near East were

France to a washerwoman. The records have her

transported to France and used in the queen’s

processing through the streets of Paris to the abbey

works of art. At the time of her death, the executors

of Saint-​Magloire, where she offered a jeweled

of her testament followed codified procedures to

clasp and golden textiles at the church. I also trace

liquidate her collections, sending objects to her

the international trajectories of her works of art;

friends and family and selling everything else.

the objects in motion reveal international social



networks and demonstrate the importance of the

proclamation in late medieval courtly society.

far-​flung relationships of medieval aristocrats. Here

The queen’s body, the altars in her chapels, and

the queen expressed her generosity, moving finely

her residence were the sites where she displayed

made objects to her friends and family, both during

most of her works of art. A close reading of the

her lifetime and upon her death. Her most intimate

inventory reveals the manner in which material

associations with people in her household and her

culture argued for the queen’s identity in these

relationships with her social equals in Paris and

visible zones. Her best objects were financially out

throughout Europe become apparent. This wid-

of reach for members of lower social classes, and

owed queen deputized her works of art to promote

in fact, these objects were often legally controlled

her own identity in shrines in distant lands. The

signifiers of status. Clémence’s father-​in-​law had

movement of the queen’s objects signals the tran-

decreed that gold and silver vessels and jewelry,

sitory nature of ownership in the Middle Ages and

as well as expensive clothes, could be used and

beyond. Thus, although Medieval Art in Motion is a

worn only by royalty, making the sculptures,

microhistory focusing on one queen’s works of art,

crowns, silk gowns, and even the plates on Clé-

her relationships and her movement of objects are

mence’s table legislatively controlled markers of

The second chapter closely examines the

The third chapter examines sites of identity

Introduction

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12

identity. Her body was the locus of spectacle when

asserting her claim to the rights, respect, and

she appeared publicly. So by wearing, displaying,

money due her.

and using these objects—even when she could not



afford to—she spoke a language of luxury that was

and the queen’s performance of her royal identity

reserved for royalty, thereby asserting her rights to

within the urban framework of Paris. The best-​

her title and income.

documented instance of Clémence’s public perfor-



The next chapter examines the queen’s library.

mance of queenly behavior occurred when in 1318

Chapter 6 examines public ritual gift giving

She owned forty-​four books, and the composition

she led a retinue of royal women to the altar of the

of her library and the texts and images of her books

church of Saint-​Magloire in a nighttime proces-

reveal much about her identity. Her manuscripts

sion. There, among the flickering lights of candles,

demonstrate how she located herself within sacred

she publicly offered extravagant textiles and a

and secular history and reveal much about her

jewel. What is striking about this procession and

tastes. Her church books, romances, and behavior

donation is the timing: at the very moment when

manuals all offer a window into her reading pat-

she was having to pawn her best jewels, her most

terns, visual culture, and acts of generosity. Her

concentrated signifiers of status, she offered these

books provide clues to her financial woes, her rela-

extravagant gifts. When she could least afford to

tionships, and women’s performance of identity to

give, she needed to give in order to argue publicly

maintain their status.

for her identity and promised income.





A wise queen needed to carry out works of

Not only did Clémence de Hongrie partici-

mercy and charity in order to be seen as righteous

pate in local ritual giving in Paris, but she was also

and not to appear to overstep her place, and often

a member of an international network of people

works of art were the mobile props in the theater

across Europe who exchanged gifts. Chapter 7

of visible charity. Royal gift giving and generosity

maps the international trajectories of her gifts of

dated back to antiquity and were deeply enmeshed

art, offering concrete evidence of the movement of

with late medieval conceptions of aristocratic

individual items. Her works moved between Paris

etiquette. Chapter 5 examines a variety of textual

and England, Avignon, Buda, and Naples, and

sources that paint a picture of the cultural sig-

other foreign locations. The paths and descriptions

nificance of generosity in the late Middle Ages.

of Clémence’s objects demonstrate that women

Romances such as Chrétien de Troyes’s Erec and

maintained their relationships and constructed

Enide and Guillaume de Lorris and Jean de Meun’s

their families’ identities through international gift

Romance of the Rose, as well as writers like Chris-

giving.

tine de Pizan, all celebrated the art of gift giving.



Medieval Art in Motion uses behavior manuals in

de Hongrie enables us to analyze the possessions

the queen’s own library to explain how she con-

of a fourteenth-​century queen in Paris. When we

structed her magnificence through the gifts that

examine the group of objects as a whole, we can

The remarkable inventory of Clémence

she gave. As Clémence de Hongrie performed the

see just how important her works of art were in

art of giving, she repeated the actions of gener-

the queen’s proclamation of her status. Through

ations of queens who had preceded her, thereby

chronicles, the inventory, the testament, financial

Medieval Art in Motion

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accounts, and surviving works of art, we can analyze the queen’s possessions, trace the paths of her objects through geospatial mapping, and see how her jewels, textiles, reliquaries, sculptures, and manuscripts were primary signs of her royal status. As Queen Clémence launched them into motion locally and internationally, publicly and privately, they represented her identity and enabled her to establish an enduring reputation for herself and her family.

Introduction

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The Life, Times, and Art of an International Queen

Chapter 1

Clémence de Hongrie exemplified the

ruled Naples during most of Clémence’s life, and it

pan-​European royal culture of the late

was they who arranged her marriage. Clémence’s

Middle Ages. Born in Naples on Febru-

years in and around Naples were a formative time

ary 7, 1293, Clémence was a member of the Angevin

in which she established lasting relationships that

branch of the Capetian dynasty, which descended

became her central social and political connections.

from Charles I d’Anjou (1227–1285), the younger

These relationships formed Clémence’s dynastic

brother of Saint Louis IX of France (chart 1). With

ties and family identity, which were paramount to

his wife Béatrice de Provence (ca. 1234–1267)

aristocrats of fourteenth-​century Europe. In 1307,

he ruled Provence, and then with the pope’s blessing

as a teenager, she also became close to Jacques

and influence, he conquered Naples and Sicily in

d’Euse, who later became Pope John XXII. Born in

1266. Charles II (1254–1309) and Marie de Hongrie

1249 in Cahors, he had served as the chancellor to

(1257–1323), Clémence’s grandparents, continued

Clémence’s grandfather King Charles II in Naples,

the construction of the Angevin dynasty, then with

and then Charles helped d’Euse become bishop of

its capital in Naples. Clémence’s father, who was the

Fréjus in 1300.5 Additionally, Clémence’s aunt, Mar-

titular ruler of Hungary, Charles Martel d’Anjou,

guerite d’Anjou, was married to Charles de Valois,

and her mother, Clémence de Habsbourg, both

the brother of King Philippe IV of France, so there

died in 1295. Clémence’s paternal grandmother,

was already an Angevin woman in Paris. Charles

Marie de Hongrie, became the legal guardian of the

was among the counselors who suggested that

children and took responsibility for the education

Louis marry Clémence. Then when Charles’s son

and rights of Clémence and her older brother and

Philippe VI de Valois came to power in 1328, Clé-

sister, Carobert (1288–1342) and Béatrice (1290–

mence had a close cousin who became king.6

1354).4 Clémence’s uncle and aunt, Robert d’Anjou



(1275–1343) and Sancia de Majorque (1286–1345),

ents, uncle, and aunt led a court in Naples that

1

2

3

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Clémence’s great-​grandparents, grandpar-

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Jean, duc de Berry 1340–1416 m. Jeanne d’Armagnac m. Jeanne de Boulogne

Humbert, dauphin de Viennois 1312–1355

Béatrice, dauphine de Viennois 1290–1354 m. Jean, dauphin de Viennois

Charles Martel d’Anjou 1271–1295 m. Clémence de Habsbourg

Louis d’Anjou 1339–1384 m. Marie de Châtillon

Jean le Bon 1319–1364 m. Bonne de Luxembourg m. Jeanne de Boulogne

Philippe de Valois 1293–1350 m. Jeanne de Bourgogne m. Blanche de Navarre

Charles de Valois d. 1325 m. Marguerite d’Anjou m. Catherine de Courtenay m. Mahaut de Châtillon

Carobert d’Anjou 1288–1342 m. Elizabeth of Hungary

Charles VI 1368–1422 m. Isabeau de Bavière

Charles V 1338–1380 m. Jeanne de Bourbon

Genealogy chart of the Capetian, Angevin, and Valois dynasties.

Chart 1

Jean I d. 1316

Charles IV 1294–1328 m. Blanche de Bourgogne m. Marie de Luxembourg m. Jeanne d’Évreux

Philippe V 1294–1322 m. Jeanne de Bourgogne

Isabelle de France 1292–1358 m. Edward II

Louis X 1289–1316 m. Marguerite de Bourgogne m. Clémence de Hongrie

Philippe IV 1268–1314 m. Jeanne de Navarre

Philippe III 1245–1285 m. Isabelle d’Aragon m. Marie de Brabant

Louis IX “Saint Louis” 1214–1270 m. Marguerite de Provence

Clémence de Hongrie 1293–1328 m. Louis X

Charles de Calabre 1298–1328 m. Marie de Valois

Robert d’Anjou 1275–1343 m. Yolande d’Aragon m. Sancia de Majorque

Charles II 1254–1309 m. Marie de Hongrie

Robert III d’Artois 1287–1342

Marguerite d’Anjou d. 1299 m. Charles de Valois

Mahaut d’Artois 1268–1329

Robert II d’Artois 1250–1302

Robert I d’Artois d. 1250 m. Mahaut de Brabant

Philippe d’Artois 1269–1298

Charles I 1227–1285 m. Béatrice de Provence m. Marguerite de Bourgogne

Saint Louis de Toulouse 1274–1297

Louis VIII 1187­­­­­–1226 m. Blanche de Castile

patronized architects, goldsmiths, painters, and

Aragon, of a family with which Sancia had ties.9

poets, and her inventory reveals that she too appre-

They also had discussions with nobles in Hungary,

ciated the arts. During the reigns of Charles I and

but none of these matches materialized. After these

Charles II, Naples was revitalized and established

failed endeavors, Clémence was twenty-​two, not

as the capital of the dynasty. They strengthened city

at all young for a princess, when discussions took

fortifications and constructed major monuments.

place about her proposed marriage to Louis X of

During the years Clémence spent in Naples, she

France, son of Philippe IV.

would have gone frequently to the great churches



built by her family. Her grandfather commissioned

much to professionalize bureaucratic systems to

the rebuilding of the cathedral of Naples. Marie

administer the governmental affairs in France.

de Hongrie, her grandmother, rebuilt the convent

At the same time, Philippe’s reign is well known for

of Santa Maria Donna Regina (1307–20), where

several violent incidents. As Elizabeth A. R. Brown

Marie was buried in an elaborate tomb by Tino da

writes, it was not a time when cool heads pre-

Camaino in 1323. And Sancia de Majorque, Clé-

vailed.10 Philippe banished the Jews in 1306 and

mence’s aunt, commissioned the Clarissan convent

oversaw the destruction of the Knights Templar,

church of Santa Chiara in Naples (1313–40). The

the powerful bankers to whom he owed large

artists Giotto di Bondone and Simone Martini

debts. Philippe was outraged when he learned that

both worked for the family, and Dante Alighieri,

Louis X’s first wife, Marguerite, and her sister had

in Canto ix of Paradiso, calls Clémence’s mother

both taken lovers. Philippe chose to punish them

7

“bella Clemenza.” Petrarch too wrote for Clé-

publicly, having their lovers executed and dismem-

mence’s family, dedicating his work Africa to

bered and imprisoning the women. Philippe passed

her uncle Robert. The Angevins were also great

away in 1314, but the consequences of his actions

patrons of jewelry and goldwork, as evidenced

still rippled throughout France.

by reliquaries like that of Saint Gennaro, still in



Naples, commissioned by Clémence’s grandfather

marry, despite the fact that his first wife was still

Charles II. Later, Clémence continued the courtly

alive—imprisoned in the Château Gaillard in

patronage traditions of her family and affiliated

Normandy for adultery.11 Although Louis and Mar-

herself with members of the Angevin dynasty

guerite had a daughter, Jeanne, Louis needed to

through her own commissions, the sculptures she

remarry in order to produce a male heir untainted

owned, and her testamentary request to be buried

by the adultery charges and so continue the

across from her great-​grandfather.

Capetian dynasty. On December 8, 1314, Hugue



King Louis’s counselors encouraged him to

Within royal medieval families, younger

de Boville traveled to Naples to negotiate the mar-

daughters often joined a convent, and Clémence’s

riage of Louis and Clémence.12 This was unusual,

grandfather hinted at this possibility for Clémence

but as there was no pope in office to annul his first

in his testament. However, when Clémence’s uncle

marriage or to reprimand him, Louis pursued a

Robert came to power in Naples, he and his wife,

new wife. Less than five months later, on April 30,

Sancia, actively negotiated Clémence’s marriage.

1315, Louis’s first wife, Marguerite, died under harsh

At first they pushed for her to marry Ferrante of

circumstances in the Château Gaillard.

8

16

During his long reign, Philippe IV had done

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After the marriage negotiations in Naples, Clé-

mence prepared to leave her homeland. Petrarch wrote of Clémence’s perilous departure from Naples in language suggesting that the princess herself was a diplomatic gift—her body a beautiful thing sent to an ally’s court: “She was transported amidst tears and weeping as a rare and select object of distinction.”13 It was during the tumultuous sea voyage to Marseille that Clémence lost so many of her belongings. Her hasty wedding to Louis took place on July 31, 1315, in the town of Saint-​Lyé, near Troyes.14 Geoffroi de Paris writes that Clémence was very beautiful and describes her humble and courtly manner with approval.15 Anne-​Hélène Allirot points out that the chronicler emphasizes Clémence’s appropriate behavior over her physical beauty—perhaps to highlight the differences between the new bride and the one she replaced.16 Yet the drama of Louis’s previous marriage as well as his ongoing battles with his rebellious Flemish vassals cast a shadow over the royal wedding. The chronicler writes that there were few guests at their marriage and little dancing. However, hurried as Clémence’s marriage may have been, her inventory demonstrates that she still cherished a reminder of the day. Remaining in her possession when she died was an embroidered purse decorated with pearls that she had worn the day of her marriage (183).17 Clémence and Louis were crowned on August 3, 1315, by the archbishop of Reims, Robert

Figure 5 Jean Fouquet, The Coronation of Louis X and Clémence de Hongrie at the Cathedral of Reims. From the Grandes chroniques de France, ca. 1455–60, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris, ms fr. 6465, fol. 326r.

de Courtenay, and an image of the coronation in the cathedral appears in a fifteenth-​century copy of the Grandes chroniques de France illuminated by

Clémence later remembered this region in her

Jean Fouquet (Bibliothèque nationale de France,

testament, ordering that up to four thousand

ms fr. 6465, fol. 326r) (fig. 5).

pounds—twice the amount she allocated for the



construction of her own burial chapel—should be

18

King Louis established Clémence’s dower

lands and properties in Normandy, from which

distributed to the poor of her lands in Normandy.20

she was to draw income throughout her life.

Louis promised Clémence the large income of

19

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twenty-​five thousand pounds tournois per year in

child, and her high place at court. The six-​month

the event of his death.

transition from reigning queen to pregnant widow



to childless dowager placed Clémence in a liminal

21

The queen may have felt secure in her new life,

but the months that followed were extremely diffi-

zone in which she was left to navigate the complex

cult. Continual rain plagued the land, widespread

and treacherous terrain of the French royal court.

floods caused crops to fail, and disease spread



throughout the malnourished country. Govern-

members of the court reveal that in November

mental finances were also affected because much

1316, while she was ill and then grieving the death

of the royal income came from the agriculture on

of her son, tension erupted between Clémence and

royal lands. The only good news seemed to be that

her brother-​in-​law Philippe V. Clémence enraged

Clémence became pregnant, bringing alive the pos-

Philippe by supporting her friend Robert III d’Ar-

sibility that the Capetian dynasty might continue

tois in his fight to take possession of the county of

father to son as it had for generations. Then, only

Artois from his aunt, Mahaut.27 Philippe’s mother-​

ten months after their marriage, the situation sud-

in-​law, Mahaut d’Artois, had held the property

denly took a turn for the worse. In May 1316 Louis

since the death of her father, Robert II d’Artois,

reportedly played a tennis game and then went

when Robert III was still a minor. King Philippe

into a cold cellar for a drink of wine.22 He quickly

felt that Clémence was endangering the peace

became ill, and on June 5, 1316, Louis died. Clé-

of the country by supporting Robert’s rebellion.

mence, who was then four months pregnant,

Philippe oversaw the payments to Clémence, and

was grief stricken, and the attention of the court

so he withheld the income that her husband Louis

quickly turned to the child in her womb.23 During

had promised her.

her pregnancy, political negotiations for the throne



ensued. Louis’s brother, Philippe V, angled to

ing for his help in the conflict and in securing her

become the regent for the child, and then Philippe

payments. Philippe also wrote to the pope, stating

and Clémence reached an arrangement whereby,

that Clémence had no knowledge of politics and

if she had a son, that son would marry Philippe’s

so was meddling in a political question of which

daughter, promising them both descendants who

she had no understanding. He also accused Clé-

would wear the crown.

mence of dressing inappropriately and of keeping

The Grandes chroniques indicates that during

bad company.28 The pope counseled Clémence to

this time Clémence was in very poor health.

live chastely and to avoid conflict with Philippe.29

24

Clémence wrote to the pope repeatedly, ask-

Chroniclers wrote of her crying continually in

In order to maintain her royal identity, she was

what was clearly a state of lasting depression. And

to dress and speak modestly and to moderate

she suffered from recurring malarial fevers before

her taste for expensive clothes. He counseled her

she gave birth to a sickly baby boy at the Louvre

to surround herself with mature advisors and

on November 14, 1316. Clémence’s protector, Pope

administrators so that thieves did not deplete her

John XXII, established an indulgence for those who

resources. It is unlikely that Clémence and her

would pray for the baby, Jean, but he died after only

entourage were starving. Nevertheless, her social

a few days. She was left to mourn her husband, her

status was in real jeopardy.30

25

26

18

Letters from the pope to Clémence and other

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Figure 6 View of the Temple estate. The donjon, the so-​called Tour de César, the Temple Church, and other buildings were on the site when Clémence owned the property. Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris, H26551.



Louis’s young daughter by his first marriage,

Florentine Bardi banking family. Then, almost two

Jeanne, also saw her status fluctuate during this

years after her husband’s death, Clémence received

tumultuous period. To gain power, Philippe nego-

a residence of her own. On August 15, 1317, King

tiated with the princess’s representative, Eude de

Philippe contracted with Clémence to leave the

Bourgogne, exchanging any claim the girl might

royal château de Vincennes and in return receive the

have had to the throne for the promise that Eude

estate of the Knights Templar, whom Philippe IV

could marry Philippe’s daughter. Philippe was

had expelled and killed in 1312 (map 4).31 The wid-

crowned as the new king of France at Reims cathe-

owed queen’s new home, a compound outside the

dral on January 9, 1317.

city walls, was large and heavily fortified. The com-



plex covered 120–30 hectares (296–321 acres) and

By July 1317 Clémence and Philippe had offi-

cially settled their differences, but her financial

had once housed four thousand men (fig. 6).32 The

and social situation remained unstable. During

most prominent feature of the enclave was a mul-

these years she went into crushing debt with the

tistory donjon, a fortified square tower built before

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Figure 7 Engraving of the exterior of the Temple Church. Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris, H26562.

1310 that was used to secure the money the knight-​

This “great hall” was probably in the Tour de César.

bankers had circulated. The donjon had round tow-

Presumably the military theme was no longer

ers at each of its corners, and each of its sides was

dominant in the decoration of the buildings by the

nineteen meters long, including the corner towers.

time Clémence lived there. The compound included

It was four stories tall and also had an attic and a

the Temple Church as well, also constructed by

basement. The donjon was built in the style of the

the Templars, and it served as Clémence’s private

massive fortifications the Templars had built in the

church while she owned the complex (fig. 7).

Levant.





and 1319 gave Clémence several cities and lands for

33

The Templars had built another fortified struc-

ture on the site. A three-​story building later referred

income (map 1).36 She collected rent on much of

to as the Tour de César had more interior space.

this land, and farms and vineyards of her domains

The English historian Matthew Paris writes that

supplied her and her household with food and

when Henry III of England visited Paris in 1254,

wine. It was in one of these cities, Corbeil (fig. 8),

he stayed at the Temple because it was the only

that Clémence enriched a newly created reliquary

place that could accommodate his large entourage

for the bones of the municipal saint, Saint Spire.

and army. Matthew describes numerous apartments



for the brethren of the order and details the feast

period, Clémence actively participated in the

34

Despite major financial woes during this

that was held in the great hall of the Temple, a large

social and religious life of the royal court in Paris.

room whose four walls were covered with shields.

In 1318 Clémence was the first of five royal women

35

20

In addition to the Temple, Philippe in 1318

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Dampierre-en-Bray Forêt-de-Bray

Rouen

Martagny

Lyonsla-Forêt Plessis

inset

Mainneville Verclives

Vardes

FRANCE

Beauvais vais

Hébécourt

Saint-Denis-le-Ferment pte

Ecouis ’E

L

Eu r e

e

M

Sein

ar n e

The Temple

Paris Tigery Corbeil

Bière

Samois

Fontainebleau

Moret Flagy

Grez-sur-Loing Nemours

Yèvre le Châtel Neuville

Montargis Le Chaumontois Vitry-au-Loges ChâteauneufLorris sur-Loire

25 miles 40 kilometers

Mez-le-Maréshal Paucourt g

in

Beaugency

L

e oi r

Boiscommun

e

Lorrez

Lo

Orléans

Château-Landon

Se i n

Yo n n

e

Auxerre

Map 1 The estates and domains of Clémence de Hongrie.

21

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Figure 8 Engraving of the city of Corbeil, showing the church of Saint-​ Spire in the center and the church of Notre-​Dame on the left. Clémence gave both of these foundations money in her testament. The château is on an island in the river. Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris, B6055.

participating in a procession that culminated

the translation of the relics of her other uncle, Saint

in the bestowal of gifts at the church of Saint-​

Louis de Toulouse, into reliquaries that Robert,

Magloire (a ritual that is the subject of chapter 6).

Sancia, and Marie had commissioned.38

Through this public gift giving, she called attention



to her identity as a generous royal queen. Later

and enter her family’s convent of Notre-​Dame-​de-​

that year Clémence left Paris for her family’s lands

Nazareth, spending her days in the temperate cli-

in Provence, where she stayed at her family’s royal

mate of Aix-​en-​Provence, but instead she returned

convent of Notre-​Dame-​de-​Nazareth in Aix-​en-​

to Paris, probably in 1321, when a contract indicates

Provence. She spent three weeks with Marie, her

she hired men to transport twenty containers of

grandmother, and met with Pope John XXII on

her clothing and linens from Aix-​en-​Provence to

November 28, 1318. On November 8, 1320, she was

Paris.39 Fortunately for Clémence, Louis’s second

probably with her aunt and uncle, Sancia and Rob-

brother, Charles IV, came to power in 1322, and

ert d’Anjou, and Marie de Hongrie in Marseille at

he quickly made several payments to Clémence

37

22

Clémence might have chosen to take the veil

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that appear to have helped stabilize her financial

world and especially of the two kingdoms where

situation. That year an anonymous chronicler

she [lived], she herself is happy . . . because she

writes that with Jeanne de Bourgogne, the wife

has crossed over the frightening threshold of

of Philippe V, Clémence attended the funeral of

death.”44 At her passing, certainly those in Naples

Blanche de France, daughter of Louis IX. In 1323

nostalgically remembered Clémence at the pivotal

Clémence was a guest at the marriage of her cousin

moment of their separation from her only thirteen

Marie de Valois and Charles de Calabre. In con-

years before, when she had been sent as a bride to

tinuing her public role, she and her sister-​in-​law

France.

40

41

Isabelle (1308–1358) and Isabelle’s son Edward laid the first stone for a hospital affiliated with the church of Saint-​Sépulcre on the rue Saint-​Denis

A Queen’s Works of Art

in 1325. On August 1, 1328, Clémence acquired a 42

canonry at Chartres for her esteemed clerk Gérard

In addition to the numerous works of art that are

de Montague.

the subject of the next chapters, several surviving



works of art and evidence of other patronage relate

43

That year Clémence’s brother-​in-​law King

Charles died while his wife, Jeanne d’Évreux, was

to the queen’s life and her construction of identity.

pregnant. Jeanne eventually gave birth to a baby

As Kathleen Nolan writes, one of the most potent

daughter, ending the Capetian dynasty. Philippe VI

proclamations of identity that a medieval queen

ascended to the throne, beginning the Valois

used was her seal, designed and carved by a gold-

dynasty in France, and since Philippe’s mother was

smith and pressed into hot wax to sign documents.45

Marguerite d’Anjou, he and Clémence were cous-

An impression of Clémence’s ovoid seal in wax

ins. Clémence’s close relationship with Philippe

surviving from a 1317 document depicts the queen

and his wife is evident in the luxurious gifts that

in her regal dress, with her coats of arms flanking

Clémence left to them in her testament. Perhaps if

her (fig. 9). The escutcheons of her arms were dec-

Clémence had lived longer, she would have played

orated with the alternating red and white stripes of

a larger role during Philippe’s reign.

Hungary and the repetitive fleur-​de-​lys of France.



However, she was clearly ill when she dictated

The queen stands in a Gothic architectural niche,

her testament, on October 5, and then she passed

and ornately decorated pinnacles sit above her coats

away on October 13, in her room in the Temple in

of arms. A crown with protruding fleurons adorning

Paris. She was buried in the church of the Jaco-

her head, she holds a scepter topped by a fleur-​de-​

bins. It was at this point that her testamentary

lys in her elongated hand. Around the outside of

executors and the king’s representatives oversaw

the seal, a Latin inscription identifies her as queen

the inventory and sale of her possessions. After

of France and Navarre.46 The iconography of the

the queen’s death, the poet Francesco Petrarch

queen’s seal is a compact semiotic representation of

consoled Clémence’s uncle, Robert d’Anjou, back

the most important elements of the queen’s identity,

in Naples by writing of her: “although she was

including her royal Angevin lineage and her Cape-

snatched away in the flower of her age and of her

tian marriage, her royal dress and jewels, and her

beauty, and with the lament of almost the entire

name and titles inscribed in the border of the seal.

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fig. 55), to Elizabeth (called Elisabeth de Pologne in French), her sister-​in-​law in Buda.47

But little else represents her desire to fulfill

obligations and to promote her family more than the queen’s careful attention to funerary sculpture. She commissioned a tomb effigy for her great-​ grandfather’s heart for the church of the Jacobins in Paris (figs. 10–11).48 A brother of Louis IX, Charles d’Anjou, who conquered Sicily and brought Naples to the French domain, had wanted his heart transported to Paris, and it was Clémence who fulfilled this desire in 1326. Clémence’s effigy for Charles, which is now at the basilica of Saint-​Denis, was a history-​writing gift, one that honored the Angevin patriarch and drew Parisian attention to her great-​ grandfather’s achievements. The effigy is inscribed in Gothic French lettering: “Here lies the heart of the great King Charles who conquered Sicily, who was the brother of Monseigneur St. Louis of France, and this tomb was placed by the queen Clémence, Figure 9 The impression of Clémence’s seal. Archives nationales, Paris, D158.

his niece.”49 This commission and its inscription clearly educated fourteenth-​century aristocrats about the accomplishments of a local son. Clémence acted as a representative of the Angevin branch of the dynasty in Paris and through this



24

One of Clémence’s most notable surviving

sculptural gift encouraged the French to honor the

works of art is the Peterborough Psalter (Biblio-

branch and to recognize Naples for the interna-

thèque royale de Belgique, ms 9961–62). A richly

tional court of power, art, and learning that it was.

illuminated Ovide moralisé now in Rouen most



likely belonged to her too (Bibliothèque munici-

d’Anjou, the youthful king lies in rest. Unlike

pale de Rouen, ms 1044). A large compendium of

other effigies of the last Capetian kings, this one

In the almost life-​size Parisian effigy of Charles

religious, medical, and scientific works illuminated

emphasizes Charles’s military accomplishments

by the Thomas de Maubeuge Master that survives

through his knightly dress and adornment. In addi-

in Rennes is associated with her as well (Biblio-

tion to his crown with leafy fleurons, he wears

thèque municipale de Rennes, ms 593). Addition-

mail, a sword, and a shield decorated with fleur-​

ally, Clémence may have sent the reliquary shrine

de-​lys ornaments. Remaining paint suggests the

of Elizabeth of Hungary, now at the Cloisters (see

crown was painted gold and the shield azure.

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Figure 10 Tomb effigy of Charles I d’Anjou that Clémence de Hongrie commissioned in 1326 for the church of the Jacobins in Paris. Now at the basilica of Saint-​Denis. Figure 11 Tomb effigy of Charles I d’Anjou, detail.

25

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Figure 12 Tomb effigy of Jean I (d. 1316). Basilica of Saint-​Denis. Figure 13 Tomb effigy of Jean I, detail.

26

The prominent inclusion of the king’s arms with

tomb effigy to depict a person holding a bag for

their three-​dimensional fleur-​de-​lys decoration

his or her heart, showing innovation in Clémence’s

reinforces the link to the Capetian family that

commission.50 The drapery is less voluminous than

Clémence emphasized in the inscription on the

that on the effigy of Clémence’s husband, Louis

effigy. He grips the sword in his right hand and a

(figs. 14–15), but the details of Charles’s face are

bag for his heart in his left, and two lions at his feet

finely executed. His bangs are cut short and his

emphasize his bravery and power. This is the first

hair curls up on the end, in contemporary fashion.

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Figure 14 Marble tomb effigy of Louis X (d. 1316). Basilica of Saint-​Denis.

27

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Figure 15 Marble tomb effigy of Louis X, detail.

The effigy’s recognition of Naples and the Angevins

the style of the small effigy is markedly different

called attention to Clémence’s own ancestry and

from that of the adult kings, where the drapery is

inserted her great-​grandfather into the history of

crisply defined and angles of the hands are some-

the French dynasty and the royal consciousness in

times awkward.53 Instead, the delicate effigy of Jean

Paris.

shows the round cheeks and hands of a toddler.



The baby has a small mouth, broad forehead, and

It seems unlikely that Clémence would com-

mission a tomb effigy of her great-​grandfather

almond-​shaped eyes. The highly polished effigy

before her own son, Jean, had one, and therefore

emphasizes roundness of forms both in the body

I argue that in all likelihood the queen was the

and in the clothing. This commemorative sculpture

patron of her own son’s tomb effigy as well (figs.

publicly proclaimed the importance of Clémence’s

12–13). In it the boy wears a small jeweled circlet

family line and of her performance of her duty in

on his head and a surcoat with three bands on

producing a son. Her Angevin great-​grandfather

the upper sleeves. Mothers often commissioned

and her son each needed a commemorative king-

effigies for their young children. For example,

maker in Paris to propel them into the ranks of the

in 1315 Mahaut d’Artois paid Jean Pépin de Huy

remembered through funerary sculpture, and Clé-

twenty-​four pounds for the effigy of her son.

mence kept herself in the public eye through these

Some scholars suggest that the effigy of Clémence’s

important commissions.

son may have been commissioned by Charles IV



along with those of Jean’s grandfather, father, and

own tomb effigy as well during this period (figs.

uncle—Philippe IV, Louis X, and Philippe V—

1–3). In her testament she carefully set aside two

in 1327, the year before Clémence’s death (figs.

thousand pounds for her tomb in Aix-​en-​Provence,

14–15).52 However, Jean’s name does not appear

even while specifying that if she died in Paris, her

with those in the 1327 commission documents, and

body should be buried at the church of the Jacobins

51

28

The queen may have been the patron of her

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there and just her heart transported to the lavish

part of a campaign before her death to strengthen

tomb she envisioned in Aix-​en-​Provence. Since she

the relationship between her family and the abbey,

was clearly already ill as she dictated the document,

the burial site of her husband and son, and to keep

she had to know that Paris would probably be the

herself, again, in the public eye and in the prayers

resting place of her body. So it seems likely, since she

of the monks. Tension had marked the relation-

did not at the end of her life allocate at least some

ship between the queen and the abbey in the years

funds for her tomb in Paris, that she had already

before her death, as they were on opposite sides in

taken care of the commission of her own effigy.

legal cases in 1317 and 1323. Nevertheless, they seem



to have been on better terms when in 1328 Clé-

54

Clémence was probably also the patron

of a now-​lost image of herself, Louis, and their

mence named Gui de Castres, the abbot of Saint-​

son, Jean, at the feet of the Virgin painted in the

Denis, as one of the executors of her testament and

chapel of Saint Louis at the abbey of Saint-​Denis.

gave the abbey a yearly annuity of thirty pounds

A seventeenth-​century description of the paint-

to sing daily Masses for the dead.57 “The canons

ing survives in the letters of Nicolas-​Claude Fabri

will take [this money from the rents] on our lands

de Peiresc: “The chapel of Saint Louis . . . where

in Normandy to have a Mass of the dead sung

there is against the wall a large painted Notre

each day perpetually in a determined chapel . . .

Dame, with the figure of Louis Hutin kneeling on

for the souls of our beloved lord, the king Louis,

the right, assisted by his little crowned Jean behind

god absolve him, and ours and the souls of all our

him, and on the left side the kneeling crowned fig-

friends.”58 With the abbot of Saint-​Denis as one of

ure of Clémence de Hongrie, his second wife. And

the executors of her testament and this annuity,

below, painted as if tapestries, are lozenges with

she had every reason to think that her donation

the arms of France and Hungary. . . . The clothes of

and request for daily Masses would be accepted.

the king are like those in his image in the hours of

But after her death the abbey turned down the

his first wife, although they are brown.” The fact

request, writing that their calendar was too full to

that the arms described in the painting are those

accommodate the queen’s wishes. Instead, three

of Clémence, not Louis, points to her patronage

years later they accepted an agreement wherein

as well. This was probably a freestanding painting,

Clémence’s annuity would establish a chaplaincy to

since the document says it was “contre le mur,”

sing just three requiem Masses for Clémence and

or “against the wall.” Significantly, Jean was painted

her family each week.

wearing a diadem, although he was never crowned



during his short life. Like his tomb effigy, in which

celebrate Masses for Louis and Clémence, it seems

the boy is also depicted wearing a diadem, this

highly unlikely that they would have sacrificed the

painting argued for his kingship, which would have

prime wall space in their lavish new chapel for the

been of particular interest to Clémence.

glorification of this family, a genealogical dead end.



It seems probable that the phrase in Clémence’s

55

Elizabeth A. R. Brown writes that the monks

If the canons could barely bring themselves to

probably had the painting with this image made

testament referring to the location of the Masses,

after Clémence’s death, in gratitude for her dona-

“en une déterminée Chapelle,” meant not that the

tion. I think it more likely that the painting was

executors could negotiate the site of the Masses

56

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Figure 16 Image of the reliquary of Saint Spire at Corbeil. From Millin, Antiquités nationales, 2:25.

but that the Masses were to be said in a chapel that

Mary, of this church; around this reliquary stand

had already been determined—and decorated—for

twelve silver-​gilt statues.”59 An eighteenth-​century

the purpose, with the family portrait described by

engraving shows the finely worked reliquary châsse

Peiresc. The most likely donor of this painting was

that sat above the altar in the church of Corbeil

Clémence de Hongrie.

(fig. 16). On one side of the reliquary were the arms



30

In addition to the paintings and sculptures

of Queen Clémence de Hongrie. The architectural

through which she augmented the standing of

châsse shown in figure 17 is a member of the same

her family, Clémence also embellished a pre­

class of objects. The Corbeil châsse had been com-

existing reliquary in Corbeil. An inventory of 1424

missioned by Godefroy de Plessis, and the relics

describes the elaborate châsse holding the relics

of Saint Spire and Saint Loup were transferred to

of Saint Spire, the patron saint of the city: “Item,

this new reliquary on May 13, 1317, the year before

a large beautiful and noble reliquary of gilded brass

Corbeil came into Clémence’s domain.60 According

or copper standing on four stone pillars above the

to a theory by the seventeenth-​century writer Jean

altar, in which lie and rest the relics of the precious

de La Barre, Clémence added the twelve silver-​

body of our lord Saint Spire, principal patron,

gilt figures around the exterior. This seems like a

after our Lord Jesus Christ and the glorious Virgin

plausible explanation for the prominent position

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Figure 17 Châsse of Saint Romain, Paris or Rouen, 1270–90. Gilded copper, champlevé enamels. Musée du Louvre, Paris, OA 10413.

of Clémence’s arms on the side of the reliquary.

to represent her Angevin family from Naples in the

By embellishing the principal reliquary of the

French capital. The social place that she inhabited

church, Clémence presented herself as a gener-

was difficult to negotiate as a newcomer to Paris,

ous new ruler of the area. The châsse stood in the

and she became the keeper of her husband’s mem-

visual focal point of the church of Saint-​Spire.

ory and her own family’s pride in her new home

Corbeil had historically been in the possession of

country. Although she struggled during the first

queens, and Clémence surely knew that other kings

years of her widowhood, she came to embrace

and queens would continue to inhabit this space

her role at the court of France. The records of her

after her death and, when the city reverted to the

actions, her lands, her social difficulties, and her

Crown, see the object she had embellished.

generosity reveal the meaning of the movement



of her works of art to that role during her life and

With her high-​profile marriage to the king of

France, Clémence de Hongrie had the opportunity

after her death.

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Systems of Exchange

Chapter 2

Moving Art and Material Culture

Aristocrats in Clémence de Hongrie’s

that works of art were in constant motion in

native Naples, her adopted home of

fourteenth-​century Europe.

Paris, and throughout Europe sought luxurious materials and works of art to demonstrate their status and their access to the bounty of

Making the Testament and the Inventory

exotic lands. Sumptuous objects were constantly moved through a variety of systems of exchange.

Little scholarly work has been done to examine the

A noble person’s death was a particularly active

massive transfer of works of art occurring upon

time of object movement, allowing works of art to

the death of a nobleperson in the European Middle

change hands. And indeed, the record of the sale

Ages. This procedure was not random or haphazard

of Clémence’s prized belongings reveals a codified

but systematic and standardized. The imminence of

system that executors immediately enacted. This

death must have been clear to her when, on Octo-

multistep process launched the queen’s posses-

ber 5, 1328, the queen made her will, saying that she

sions into motion. The inventory and testament,

was of sound mind but of infirm body.1 Medieval

as well as other evidence from the early fourteenth

testaments often shared a common format, but they

century, also reveal the import of raw materials,

were highly individualized documents, and while

the creation of extravagant works of art, and the

the people around the queen certainly could have

wide distribution of material culture in primary

had influence on the bequests she gave, the level of

and secondary markets upon the death of a noble

detail and specificity of her wishes clearly reveals

person. Artists, dealers, merchants, and aristo-

her own agency. She foresaw that her belongings

crats all played parts in the circulation of desired

would change hands upon her death, as she directed

objects. The records document art markets and

that everything except her gifts to friends and

key actors in the circulation of objects, revealing

family be sold. The proceeds of the sale were to go

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to her nephew after her promised monetary gifts

metalwork was weighed in units of marcs, onces,

were distributed and debts completely paid: “we . . .

and estelins; then the jewelers assigned to the

leave . . . in the best manner that we can to our uni-

object a cost per marc based on the quality of the

versal heir all that which will be left from our goods,

materials and workmanship. For example, the most

as much in movable possessions as in heritages, . . .

expensive works per marc were made in pure gold,

[after] our last will, as written above, is entirely and

like a gold hanap, or drinking dish, with a cover

perfectly paid and accomplished, our dear nephew

and a foot that King Philippe de Valois bought

Humbert, dauphin, son of our sister the dauphine.”

from Clémence’s estate. The inventory records that



the hanap weighed seven marcs, four onces, and

2

The dowager queen Clémence did not want

important people to use their status and titles to

twelve estelins, and that it was appraised at the high

take objects at the sale, promising to pay later.

cost of sixty-​four pounds per marc, which made

She also tried to prohibit deep discounts on her

the hanap worth 485 pounds, more than half the

precious objects. Clémence asked her executors to

cost of Clémence’s best crown (188).

immediately collect payment for the full value of



her objects, no matter how elevated the status of

objects. It is possible that Jeanne d’Évreux actually

the prospective new owner: “We expressly enjoin

went and selected her purchases herself rather

our executors and others not to give or deliver any

than send agents, for when agents were used, their

of our possessions—jewels of gold or silver, horses,

names were recorded. For example, representa-

precious stones or other things, whatever they

tives are listed as purchasing objects for the queen,

might be—to anyone whomsoever, whatever their

Jeanne de Bourgogne (385–88, 566, and 539). King

authority, until they have received the full money

Philippe de Valois purchased many of the best

due, the just price for the things that they would

objects, and these were delivered to him at Saint-​

give and deliver.” One reason for this request was

Germain-​en-​Laye on October 23. Clémence’s sister,

to save her executors months of work collecting

nephew, and others received their legacies from

the payments for her belongings. We do not know

Clémence on October 30. The sale continued at the

whether such leveraged transactions ultimately

queen’s multiple estates at least until November 8,

occurred—only that Clémence knew it was a pos-

when carpets and other textiles were sold.6

sibility and tried to prevent it. Clémence’s sister-​in-​



law Jeanne d’Évreux took a particularly aggressive

is that sixteen lots were appraised at one price and

approach to obviate potential disconnects between

then sold at a greater price (76, 181, 235, 239, 245,

her wishes and their fulfillment after her death

246, 255, 258, 260, 276, 277, 278, 393, 424, 425, and

when she gained special permission to execute her

427). For example, a violet velvet fur-​lined suit of

testament, or carry out her own wishes, before she

clothes that included five garments was appraised

4

died.

at 120 pounds but sold for 180 pounds to Madame



After Clémence’s death, on October 13, the

de Beaumarchès (276). The range of increase of

3

Aristocrats acquired the best of Clémence’s

One of the most intriguing details of this sale

king’s representatives, Clémence’s aides, and six

the selling prices over the appraised prices in these

master goldsmiths gathered, between October 18

examples could be slight, for example 10 percent,

and 21, to appraise her belongings. Each piece of

or up to 75 percent. Most of the increases are in

5

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the 20–30 percent range. A concentration of these

of Wards in Florence held auctions as it managed

examples occurs in textiles and clothing. Buyers

the estates of widows and orphans. These sales

of a variety of backgrounds all saw increases in

were one of the many ways goods appeared on the

the prices they paid: Pierre des Essars and Johan

public market.8 The auction system, called metter

Billouart, men who bought things for the king and

al’incanto, was implemented in order to help the

others; a noblewoman, Madame de Beaumarchès;

poor access the wealth tied up in their movable

two of Clémence’s clerks, François de Montflascon

property when they needed to liquidate it and

and Guillaume de Fourqueux; clerics like “Johanne

without being cheated by merchants.9

l’aumosnière”; and other less identifiable people all



paid more than the appraised value. The variety of

tions with ascending prices were also used to sell

buyers who paid prices over appraisal values sug-

the rights to partner with the state in, and thereby

gests that increases were not reserved for a particu-

benefit from, large sailings on important trade

lar class of buyers.

routes.10 Auctions were usually advertised several

Could these higher sale prices reflect com-

weeks in advance, and then people would gather in

missions for buyers’ representatives? This seems

public places such as the Loggia dei Lanzi and later

unlikely because one of the buyers who pur-

the Mercato Nuovo. Here an auctioneer stood on

chased things above appraised prices, M. François

a stand and called out, accepting clear bids from

de Montflascon, was present at the sale according

participants. Undoubtedly the benefits of the for-

to the introduction of the inventory, so he was not

mat would have been apparent to the French who

using an agent. Additionally, the price increase

witnessed these affairs.

went into sale funds, not the agent’s hands, as a



commission would, so this could not account

later markets. Records of seventeenth-​century

for these increases. Did the executors of the sale

probate inventories reveal that sales were common

override the appraisers’ valuations, insisting on a

then. In 1690 a body of huissiers-​priseurs et ven-

higher price? Since the administrators were repre-

deurs de meubles was created, legitimizing their

sentatives of the king (a buyer of numerous works),

role in probate sales.11 The inventory of Clémence

not of Clémence’s heir, it seems less likely that they

de Hongrie, however, documents an auction

would be motivated to increase the prices. Rather,

occurring in Paris early in the fourteenth century.

these higher sale prices suggest that for some items

A few price changes also appear in the inventory of

a type of auction occurred in which buyers paid

Jean, duc de Berry, in 1416, but many more objects

more than the appraised price.

changed in value in the inventory of Clémence



de Hongrie.12 Comparison with Italian examples



Until now, auctions have not been docu-

Scholarship on French auctions focuses on

mented in France at this time, although they do

suggests that the pattern evident in Clémence’s

appear in records from Italian cities. At Saint

inventory was similar to that in other inventories

Mark’s cathedral in Venice in the thirteenth and

elsewhere in Europe, and perhaps Clémence even

fourteenth centuries, a person called the gastaldo

envisioned liquidating her belongings for her

received a salary as well as a small commission for

nephew in this way because she was familiar with

running auctions and collecting rents. The Office

the practice back home on the Italian peninsula.

7

34

In fifteenth-​century Florence, call-​out auc-

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Although auctions have not been studied in

his father, Jean le Bon. Objects in that inventory are

early fourteenth-​century France, I believe that they

described as they moved into the royal collection

may not have been uncommon—largely because of

of Charles V.18 Inventories of Jean, duc de Berry’s

the highly organized manner in which the process

jewels and those of Louis d’Anjou, another of

was executed in Clémence’s inventory. The inven-

Charles’s brothers, also survive and have been pub-

tory includes no discussion that aims to justify a

lished.19 Although the information in each of these

new practice, and the routine manner in which

inventories is different, studying them together can

the inventory records the appraised and sale prices

enrich our understanding of individual items as

for objects suggests that this was not an unusual

well as entire collections.

procedure.



Clémence’s inventory is distinctive in the

extent of the information it records about her objects and their movement to new owners— the materials, types of gemstones and pearls, the

Comparison of Inventories

weight or length of pieces, the appraised and sale Inventories and testaments of other fourteenth-​

prices, and the buyers are all detailed for each lot

century nobles enable us to see the exceptional

in Clémence’s inventory. Similarly, the inventory

level of information that Clémence’s documents

of Charles V records the weight of each piece and

hold, as well as trends and differences in the circu-

gives extensive descriptions of the objects, but in

lation of objects. The 1328 inventory of Clémence

contrast it includes no buyer information, since the

de Hongrie is one of a group of detailed royal

objects remained in his collection.20 Some invento-

inventories that survive from fourteenth-​century

ries lack detail in whole segments. The inventory of

France. The process of weighing and measuring

Jeanne de Boulogne made upon her death does not

treasures documented in the inventory repeats pat-

record the weights or the appraised values of the

terns that appear in the inventories of many other

objects.21 That inventory was made at her chateau

nobles. The unpublished inventory of Clémence’s

at Vadans, near Poligny, north of Geneva. Three

husband, Louis X, made after his death, in 1316,

royal agents—Monseigneur de Grancy, M. Joce-

is such an example. Also dense in detail is the

ram de Lugny, and Maistre Pierre Curet—made a

inventory of Isabelle de France, made upon her

speedy inventory of the dowager’s belongings that

death, in 1358.14 The inventory of Jeanne de Bou-

were to be shipped to the king, Charles V. The offi-

logne, the second wife of Jean le Bon, was made

cers simply secured a whole room with their seal

when she died, in 1360. Jeanne d’Évreux, widowed

to safeguard the contents, “because they had to

queen of Charles IV, died in 1371, and an inventory

go elsewhere to prevent the loss of other things,”

of her belongings was made when her testament

suggesting how readily luxurious objects could

was executed. In 1363, before Charles V became

disappear when the authority in a household might

king, he had his collection inventoried. In 1364

have been in question and when few would know if

Charles’s younger brother, Jean, duc de Berry,

something went missing.22

traveled to London to oversee the inventory of the



jewels, sculptures, and textiles that had belonged to

extremely thorough for her estates in northern

13

15

16

17

Clémence’s inventory appears to have been

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France, although one reference in her testament,

bankers purchasing objects from her collection.26

to a jeweled clasp that she bequeathed to the

Nevertheless, Clémence referred to her outstanding

king’s brother—“our best . . . clasp that we have in

debts as she dictated her will, stipulating that they

France”—hints that she may have had other pos-

all be paid. It is possible that the Bardi returned

sessions, outside France.23 If she had belongings

her collateral to her estate upon her death and

elsewhere, they were probably in Naples or Aix-​en-​

then accepted payment for any of her debts from

Provence, which was not part of France at this time

the proceeds of the estate sale and also bought her

but rather part of the domain of her Angevin fam-

most expensive jewel, her best ruby ring.

ily. It was here that she stayed while in her family’s



domains, and here that her pawned jewels were

could have depended less on lenders. She would

locked, so she still may have had belongings here at

have had more money to outfit her entourage as

her death.

well as to acquire new objects in silver and gold.

Had Clémence received more income, she

Her jewels, plate, sculptures, and other luxurious possessions were liquid capital that had been trans-

Clémence’s Financial System

formed into beautiful and functional objects, and the fact that she still had so many of these objects

Clémence’s income, her expenses, and her art col-

when she died is a testament to her abiding efforts

lection were constantly in flux. Clémence’s works

to keep them. Clémence was not simply shoring up

in metal were essential collateral for loans she had

collateral, however. Gold bullion would have been

to acquire, because she, like many nobles of the

sufficient for this purpose. Rather, the goldsmith

Middle Ages, used credit to finance her expenses.24

converted her liquid wealth into exquisite objects

She relied heavily on loans from the Bardi banking

for her household, visibly proclaiming her rights,

family. Even at the time of her death, the Bardi

taste, and identity.

(“Bardes”) appear to have been holding ten of her



silver-​gilt hanaps decorated with enameled coats of

aged was the main source of income that enabled

arms of France and Hungary (102). Hanaps would

her to buy works of art and to retain those she

make excellent collateral because their value was so

already owned (map 1). An aristocrat’s domain

easy to measure. Unlike jewelry, which the queen

changed over the years as he or she acquired new

had also used as collateral, hanaps could be val-

lands through gifts and negotiations or lost terri-

ued by establishing the price per marc and simply

tories to those who claimed them through legal

weighing them.

actions. The belongings Clémence had at each of



the thirteen estates listed in her inventory suggest

25

36

The Bardi family purchased Clémence’s most

The land that Clémence acquired and man-

extravagant jewel upon her death, “Madame’s

the types of activities that took place at each site.

large balas ruby,” listed among her rings (18). The

She had chapels or churches in Paris, Mainneville,

fact that they purchased this jewel led A. M. Huf-

Saint-​Denis-​le-​Ferment, Ecouis, and Plessis. She

felmann to conclude that Clémence’s debts to

owned orchards in Paris and Fontainebleau and

the Bardi were paid before she died; otherwise

vineyards in Fontainebleau, Châteauneuf, and

she would have owed the Bardi, rather than the

Mainneville, as well as forests in Normandy, a lake

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to supply her household fish in Moret, and a mill in

names even reinforcing their exoticism. Ports and

Plessis. Clémence’s farms grew oats, wheat, and rye

markets of the Eastern Mediterranean were the

and raised sheep, cows, and swine in Tigery, Ples-

conduits through which finely made silks, precious

sis, Grez-​sur-​Loing, Nemours, Lorris, and Bière.

spices, gemstones, and works in metal reached the

The numerous bed linens and other belongings

West from the Middle and Far East. This changed

recorded at her château in Corbeil suggest that this

only in the fifteenth century with the Portuguese

was the residence Clémence favored most after her

discovery of a sea route around the tip of Africa.28

main estate at the Temple in Paris (540–80). The



income gained from the rents, tolls, and fines on

resources to fighting Muslims in the Crusades

these lands enabled her to spend money on works

beginning in 1096, they sought out Muslim textiles

of art. If she had less income, she could purchase

in which to wrap the bones of their saints. They

fewer works of art and might even have to pawn

sometimes enshrined Middle Eastern or North

her art in order to meet her household costs.

African textiles embroidered with Arabic writing as

Even as Europeans devoted enormous

relics. For example, the textile thought to be the veil of Saint Anne, today in Apt, France, is decorated

Foreign Origins of Materials in the Collection of Clémence de Hongrie

with the name of the Fatimid caliph Al-​Musta‘li, the date of 1096/97, and the origin of the linen cloth, Damietta, Egypt.29 As Europeans enshrined

Not only did Clémence’s belongings circulate

this tiraz inscription, they recontextualized it, har-

within her own local financial system but her

nessing the beauty and exoticism of the textile and

resources allowed her to purchase objects made

authenticating the physicality of the contact relic

of materials that had traveled great distances by

thought to have actually touched Saint Anne.

the time they came to her in Paris, some of their



origins captured in the exotic names that appear

was seen as evidence of tangible connections to the

throughout the inventory, such as “Oriental

Holy Land. Especially in Italy from 1300 to 1600,

pearls,” “Indian rubies,” and “rubies of Alexandria.”

pseudo-​Arabic was used in paintings to connect

Throughout the late Middle Ages, exotic objects

depicted New Testament figures to the Holy Land.30

from the “Orient” were among the most elite pieces

A distinctive example of this practice appears in

available to patrons. Rosamond Mack argues that

Giotto’s Madonna and Child at the National Gal-

this appellation, although technically inaccurate,

lery of Art, from 1320–30, in which the artist has

is still of use today because it captures the impre-

painted pseudo-​Arabic writing on the trim of the

cise and nebulous European understanding of the

Virgin’s garment. Patrons and artists were correct

sources of their most precious collectables.27 While

that Arabic was the language in use in the Levant

it is difficult to ascertain where Clémence’s individ-

during the late Middle Ages, but they wrongly

ual pearls actually originated, their description in

assumed that this had been the language in use at

her inventory as “Oriental” pearls reveals the even

the time of Jesus.31

more important point that medieval Europeans



believed these pearls came from the East, their

the late Middle Ages are increasingly a topic of

Arabic and pseudo-​Arabic writing on cloth

Cross-​cultural systems of exchange during

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SCOTLAND freshwater pearls ENGLAND Opus Anglicanum

BRUSSELS marbré de Bruxelles REIMS PARIS cloth of Reims TRAPANI coral

ANATOLIA sapphires CYPRUS diamonds Mediterranean Sea cloth of Cyprus EGYPT rubies emeralds

PERSIA (Nishapur) turquoise AFGHANISTAN balas rubies (spinel)

PERSIAN GULF saltwater pearls Arabian Sea AFRICA gold ivory copper

Atl anti c O c e an

INDIA emeralds sapphires chalcedony

MYANMAR diamonds Bay of Bengal

Indian O c e an

CAPE COMORIN saltwater pearls

CEYLON rubies sapphires

Map 2 Sources of the materials in Clémence’s inventory.

scholarly study. For example, the essays in Heather

were the products of perpetual recycling as jewelers

Grossman and Alicia Walker’s volume Mechanisms

broke down older works of art, melted the exotic

of Exchange: Transmission in Medieval Art and

materials, and reset the gems. Ronald Lightbown

Architecture of the Mediterranean, ca. 1000–1500

has analyzed medieval and early modern invento-

suggest the numerous ways in which art and archi-

ries, travelers’ writings, merchants’ accounts, and

tectural styles, motifs, and models moved around

lapidaries to find the sources of medieval gems.33

the Mediterranean and from culture to culture

I cross-​reference these origins with the gems,

among the Latin West, Byzantine, and Islamic

textiles, ivory, and precious metals that appear in

regions. The inventory of Clémence de Hongrie

Clémence’s inventory to chart the probable origins

makes a further contribution to this inquiry as it

of these materials. When I map the locations, the

offers evidence of the circulation of raw materials.

striking geographical scope of the origins of the

Her inventory acts as a core sample of the foreign

queen’s belongings emerges (map 2). The sump-

luxury materials available to a royal woman in

tuous materials she enjoyed in Paris originated in

Paris in the early fourteenth century. Of course,

places as various as Africa, India, Myanmar, the

many of the materials incorporated directly into

Persian Gulf, and Afghanistan, as well as points

the queen’s works of art were not imported but

around Europe and the Mediterranean Sea.

32

38

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Figure 18 Ivory casket with scenes from romances, Paris, 1310–30. The Cloisters Collection, New York, 1988, Gift of J. Pierpont Morgan, 1917.



Ivory was one of the most obviously imported

“an ivory casket with images, garnished with silver.”

materials in Clémence’s collection. Elephant ivory

While her ivory casket has not survived, we can

was a luxury material that arrived from eastern

visualize this piece by looking at figure 18, which

Africa during the Middle Ages. The high point of

shows one of the numerous extant members of this

this export was from 1250 to 1350, when skilled

class of object, a rectangular casket in the Metro-

Swahili seafarers brought the precious elephant

politan Museum of Art. It displays popular images

tusks from Africa to ports in Europe.34 Paris

like Phyllis riding Aristotle, the storming of the

emerged as a significant center where ivory was

castle of love, and other courtly romantic tableaux.

carved into sculptures, used to decorate boxes, and

Objects such as this, so clearly made of imported

made into mirrors, combs, and other small objects.

materials, testify to thriving international systems

Ivory items in Clémence’s inventory included

of exchange.

mirror backs and a comb, sculptures of saints, but-



tons, and a backgammon set, as well as a chess set

exotic locals also populated Clémence’s collection.

that had pieces made in ivory and ebony (66, 156,

The queen had toile from Reims and Compiègne,

320, 379, 387, 414, 416, 420, 425). She also owned

as well as fabric from Brussels, Ghent, and Louviers

three ivory boxes, one of which was described as

(569, 570, 580). She also had tartaire cloth, as well

Textiles from both western Europe and more

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as cloth from Cyprus (369, 380, 383). She owned fabrics with Opus Anglicanum embroidery, from England, and woven textiles “in the work of the Levant” (79, 73).

Coral, pearls, and precious gems also came

from foreign locations. The origins of the pearls named in the queen’s inventory correlate with the prime locations named by travelers like Marco Polo, who wrote of his voyages in the thirteenth century. Three types of pearls appear in the queen’s inventory. Small, freshwater pearls were called “Scottish pearls” and were lower quality, while Indian pearls and “Oriental” pearls were much larger and more lustrous (470). The most abundant sources of these high-​quality pearls were Cape Comorin in India and the Persian Gulf, where large commercial operations organized the gathering,

Figure 19 Ewer with a noix d’Inde, France, 1300. Musée Lambinet, Versailles.

sorting, and cleaning of the valuable commodities.35

this type of object. Chalcedony, which originated in

inventory, usually came from Ceylon, Persia,

India, and balas rubies, commonly from Afghani-

Afghanistan, and Egypt, while diamonds came to

stan, also appear throughout the inventory. Addi-

the West from Cyprus and from Myanmar through

tionally, the queen had coral branches, which were

India. The queen’s sapphires probably came from

usually fished from the waters off Clémence’s home

Turkey, India, and Ceylon; her turquoise proba-

city of Naples, as well as Trapani in Sicily and in the

bly originated in Nishapur, in northern Persia.36

Gulf of Lyons.38 At the time of her death, in 1323,

Another exotic collectible, thought to originate in

Clémence’s grandmother Marie de Hongrie owned

India, was a noix d’Inde, or nois musguette, that had

“a quantity of pierced corals,” and the brightly col-

been fashioned into a drinking goblet. Figure 19

ored material was often used in the production of

shows an example of this class of object, a ewer

paternoster beads.39

featuring a coconut, now at Versailles.





40

Rubies, which appear throughout the queen’s

37

Some of the most interesting and exotic pieces

Many of these exotic materials appear in the

famous painting A Goldsmith in His Shop by Petrus

Clémence owned were langues de serpent, which

Christus from 1449 (fig. 21). The goldsmith holds

one could thrust into food to detect poison (170,

a balance with which he weighs the materials,

177). These were fossilized shark teeth that were

much as the goldsmiths did as they appraised Clé-

frequently attached to coral branches, as seen

mence’s exotic materials and works of art. On the

among the objects in Clémence’s inventory. The

wall behind him are beads, a rock-​crystal piece,

fifteenth- or sixteenth-​century piece shown in fig-

a hanap, a cup made from a noix d’Inde, metal

ure 20, surviving today in Vienna, is an example of

ewers, rings on cylinders (like those described in

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Figure 20 Langue de serpent, fifteenth or sixteenth century. Silver-​gilt, gold, rubies, sapphires, coral, fossilized shark teeth. Schatzkammer und Museum des Deutschen Ordens, Vienna, K-037.

Clémence’s inventory), a foldable packet of pearls,

Distant Coats of Arms in the Queen’s Collection

and shark teeth and coral, as well as fermaux made of gems and pearls, all of which were prized in

In addition to raw materials that had traveled great

late medieval Europe and appear in Clémence’s

distances, Clémence held numerous objects that

inventory.

bore the arms of other European nobles, suggesting



that these were either presents or purchases from

Exotic gems, natural materials, and textiles

traveled great distances to decorate the queen’s

previous owners. Again, mapping the probable

body and households in Paris. They broadcast

origins of these items reveals that they may have

her wealth, taste, and access to the world’s bounty

moved into the queen’s collection from distant

and labor, and they demonstrate the abundance of

friends and relatives (map 3). Her husband had

exotic materials that had moved to the queen from

only one object decorated with the arms of an

all over the known world through codified systems

earlier patron, a silk cloth embroidered with the

of exchange.

arms of France and Castile, pointing to Blanche

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Figure 21 Petrus Christus, A Goldsmith in His Shop, 1449. Oil on wood. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Robert Lehman Collection, 1975.

42

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North Sea ENGLAND casket

POLAND

HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE Bar purse

Paris

HUNGARY

FRANCE Vienne bedspread canopy

NAVARRE CASTILE

ARAGON

KINGDOM of NAPLES GRANADA

Mediterranean Sea

Apulia saddle

100 mi 160 km

Map 3 Sources of the coats of arms on objects in Clémence’s inventory.

43

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de Castile.40 In contrast, by 1363 sixty-​three of the

enameled with the arms of Apulia and Hungary

964 items in the inventory of the future French

(467). Apulia was in the holdings of Clémence’s

king Charles V bore arms that were not his own—

Angevin family in Naples, indicating that this was

indicating that he, like Clémence, collected or

an object that came to Clémence through her fam-

inherited works that had belonged to previous

ily. Mapping the origins of these gifts or purchases

prestigious owners.41 Acquiring an object marked

sheds light on her relationships, suggesting these

with the arms of an earlier collector enriched the

bonds were both international and personal.

present owner’s collection, proclaiming the noble lineage of a work of art and honoring the social connections or courtly taste of the new owner.

The queen owned an expensive small purse

with the arms of Bar and England (407). The

Collectors, artists, dealers, and other buyers appear

dukes of Bar, whose lands were in northeastern

prominently throughout the inventory; they were

France, in the Meuse valley, aligned themselves

key in creating Clémence’s works of art and launch-

with England by the 1294 marriage of Henry III,

ing them into motion through systems of exchange.

comte de Bar, with Eleanor of England, the daugh-

Clémence and her fourteenth-​century peers were

ter of Edward I of England.42 Eleanor or one of her

definitely collectors. Most general scholarly dis-

daughters might have been the original owner of

cussions of collecting focus on the early modern

Clémence’s purse, which could have been a gift,

to contemporary periods, but connoisseurs had

though it may have been a simple purchase. Yet

been gathering objects and using collections for

other objects stand out in the queen’s inventory as

enjoyment and to establish identity during the

markers of memory.

Middle Ages and much earlier. The types of objects



people acquired and the ways in which they used

A silver-​gilt casket enameled with the arms of

France, England, and Hungary was perhaps given

their collections have changed, but the tendency

to Clémence by her sister-​in-​law Isabelle de France,

to group, study, and enjoy objects has frequently

queen of England (57). Isabelle could have had it

manifested itself throughout history. In an import-

decorated with the arms of France and England,

ant 1987 article, Danielle Gaborit-​Chopin examines

to which those of Hungary could have been added

fourteenth-​century inventories and writes per-

by either Isabelle or Clémence. A bedspread and

suasively that the esprit du collectionneur existed

bed canopy made of samit and decorated with

throughout the fourteenth century, not just in

dolphins and bordered with the arms of Hungary

the famed collection of Jean, duc de Berry. She

appear in the inventory as well (332). This bedding

identifies Clémence de Hongrie, Mahaut d’Artois,

very probably came to Clémence from her sister,

Robert II d’Artois, the dauphin Charles V, and

Béatrice, in the Dauphiné, because these were

Jeanne d’Évreux as collectors. Their possession of

the symbols of her sister and her sister’s husband,

family souvenirs, remnants of dispersed treasur-

Jean II, dauphin de Viennois.

ies, and objects of curiosity of ancient or foreign



provenance all testify to their collecting.43 Cam-

Finally, the queen had a saddle covered with

purple velour and decorated with silver blades

44

Collectors, Artists, and Buyers in the Inventory

eos, or stones engraved with images, stand out as

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Suger continues in his De administratione to

examples because they were often ancient in origin,



so their presence in the collection of Clémence and

describe his own joy in handling and admiring

others marks them as collectors’ items. Many of

the objects he amassed for the abbey church of

these fourteenth-​century connoisseurs were inter-

Saint-​Denis:

ested in animals and fantasy as well.

One of the best-​documented collectors in the

Often we contemplate, out of sheer affection for the

late Middle Ages was Abbot Suger of Saint-​Denis.

church our mother, these different ornaments both new

Renowned for his patronage of the abbey church,

and old; and when we behold how that wonderful cross

he was no less an avid collector of jewels and relics

of St. Eloy—together with the smaller ones—and that

for his institution. In 1144, in his account of his

incomparable ornament commonly called “the Crest”

administration, Suger wrote about how he worked

are placed upon the golden altar, then I say, sighing

to collect these gems and how thrilled he was to

deeply in my heart: Every precious stone was thy covering,

purchase a large lot of stones from the monks of

the sardius, the topaz, and the jasper, the chrysolite, and

Cîteaux and Fontevrault:

the onyx, and the beryl, the sapphire, and the carbuncle, and the emerald. To those who know the properties of

For when I was in difficulty for want of gems and could

precious stones it becomes evident, to their utter aston-

not sufficiently provide myself with more (for their scar-

ishment, that none is absent from the number of these

city makes them very expensive): then, lo and behold,

(with the only exception of the carbuncle), but that they

[monks] from three abbeys of two Orders—that is, from

abound most copiously.45

Cîteaux and another abbey of the same Order, and from Fontevrault—entered our little chamber adjacent to the

Suger thought he had a nearly complete set of the

church and offered us for sale an abundance of gems such

available gems of the world and was pleased when

as we had not hoped to find in ten years, hyacinths, sap-

those who knew gems recognized the breadth of

phires, rubies, emeralds, topazes. . . . We, however, freed

the collection. These gems enabled him to escape

from the worry of searching for gems, thanked God and

the profane world of the earth and to hope for the

gave four hundred pounds for the lot though they were

sacred world of Heaven. It was not incidental that

worth much more.

these heavenly gems were themselves mined in the

44

earth: Here Suger reminisces about the exhilaration of the successful hunt for rare and precious objects. Their

Thus, when—out of my delight in the beauty of the

beauty and value infused them with desirability,

house of God—the loveliness of the many-​colored gems

and Suger sees it as a miracle that he was able to

has called me away from external cares, and worthy

purchase a large group of assorted precious stones

meditation has induced me to reflect, transferring that

at a good price. Financial resources, discerning

which is material to that which is immaterial, on the

taste, and authority over an environment in which

diversity of the sacred virtues, then it seems to me that I

to display and house a group of cherished objects

see myself dwelling, as it were, in some strange region of

are all characteristics Suger shared with many of

the universe which neither exists entirely in the slime of

today’s collectors.

the earth nor entirely in the purity of Heaven; and that,

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by the grace of God, I can be transported from this infe-

aristocratic owners before they came into her

rior to that higher world in an anagogical manner.

collection.

46

Suger describes a physical, emotional, and spiri-

her belongings were inventoried, several of her

tual experience as he admires the furnishings and

possessions were described in ways that reveal they

vessels he has adorned with his collection of gems.

were significant to her not only because of their

This admiration is transformative, helping him,

aesthetic qualities but because they were devices

and probably others, to escape the care-​laden world

of memory.50 The expensive purse she wore at her

and enter an uplifting realm filled with goldsmiths’

marriage, the Peterborough Psalter given to her

creations displaying colorful gems.

by Pope John XXII, her sculpture of Saint Louis

The 1398 testament of Blanche de Navarre

de Toulouse, and her best crown are just a few of

describes this queen’s similar interaction with her

the objects in Clémence’s collection that acted as

objects, and one recognizes the voice of the col-

links with cherished events and people in her life

lector who had drawn objects into her possession.

(1, 86, 183, 198).

The lengthy descriptions of each of the cherished



objects she detailed in her testament sound like she

Clémence’s estate in the inventories of later col-

was lovingly examining them one last time before

lectors, but I have not found those that Jeanne

she parted with them forever. She says, “Item,

d’Évreux purchased from Clémence’s estate in the

to our very dear cousin the Count of Estampes,

list of Jeanne’s belongings. Similarly, as tempting as

a gold fermail with a gold chain, which is both a

it might be to imagine that the sculpture of Saint

reliquary and a fermail, with a stag in the middle,

Louis de Toulouse mentioned in the testament of

and the body of the stag is a sapphire, and around

Blanche de Navarre could have come to Blanche

it are three rubies, three diamonds, thirteen pearls,

through her husband, Philippe de Valois, to whom

and six emeralds, and in it are several good relics;

Clémence bequeathed it, as Marguerite Keane

and the queen Jeanne gave it to us.”48 Blanche also

points out, Blanche almost certainly would have

often recorded how she received her jewels and

mentioned this important provenance, since she

books.

was so meticulous in noting the previous owners of



47



46

Even though Clémence was not present as

Individual taste is frequently visible in the

It would be intriguing to see objects from

her objects.51

inventories of fourteenth-​century collectors. For



Like collectors, artists were key in circulating

example, Clémence’s preference for ivory, which

luxury goods in Paris, and goldsmiths were the

appears throughout her inventory, is markedly

most acclaimed artists of the day, creating opu-

different from that of her sister-​in-​law Jeanne

lent works of art for the aristocracy out of luxury

d’Évreux, who had little of it.49 Both of these

materials from around the world. These artists

women appreciated enamels, however, and this

played an active part not only in the sale of original

material decorated many of Clémence’s reliquaries

objects to their first owners but in the resale of pre-

and pieces of her plate. She collected objects with

cious works to subsequent owners. The successful

history; like Jeanne, she owned antique pieces, such

goldsmiths who worked for the king and queen of

as cameos, and other objects that had had previous

France as well as members of the aristocracy were

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skilled in making and repairing a variety of vessels

new reliquary made by Simon, which features a

and objects. Some medieval pieces were valued

removable stone-​inlaid miter that a canon holds

even more because they originated with top artists

above the rest of the reliquary; access to the inte-

of the day. The description of Jeanne d’Évreux’s

rior of the bust was probably then through the top

tiny book of hours in the account of the execution

of the saint’s head.

of her testament indicates that it was illuminated



by Jean Pucelle, a revered painter. Not mere hired

in Paris in 1305, and he made a fermail for the

artisans, such artists were respected bourgeois who

Countess of Hainaut in 1310.56 Simon appears in

ran businesses and participated in guilds.

the accounts of Mahaut d’Artois, indicating that in



1322 his atelier produced a silver cross on a copper

52

At the beginning of Clémence’s inventory,

Simon rented a forge on the Grand-​Pont

six goldsmiths are named as having been called

base decorated with enamels for Mahaut to give to

to appraise Clémence’s works: Simon de Lille,

the nuns of Saint-​Claire.57 In 1323 Simon supplied

Jean Pascon, Félix d’Auxerre, Jean de Touyl, Pierre

the house of Hainaut with fourteen jewels before

de Besançon, and Jean de Lille. These were all

the marriages of their daughters. Of the six crowns

excellent goldsmiths, and royal inventories and

the family purchased, the most extravagant was a

accounts reveal that at least four of them were in

gold crown that cost two thousand pounds. It was

royal employ. Clémence’s testament states that

set with large sapphires, high-​quality rubies and

Simon de Lille was the goldsmith who made her

emeralds, and large, “Oriental” pearls.58 In addition

luxurious “best” crown.53 The fact that he made

to this most elaborate crown, Simon furnished the

the crown appears to have added value to the

family with two crowns that cost 1,000 pounds

object, pointing to the growing status of the most

each, another for 200 pounds, one for 180 pounds,

sought-​after artists of the day. Simon was the head

and one that cost 100 pounds.

of a multigenerational bourgeois family of gold-



smiths and was listed as the orfèvre du roi, or royal

the goldsmiths named in Clémence’s inventory,

goldsmith, of Charles IV, and he continued his

went to Hainaut to deliver or adjust the jewels for

Simon and his son, Jean de Lille, another of

services during the reign of Philippe de Valois.

the wedding. The Count and Countess of Hainaut

He received a retainer from one king and then the

continued to purchase pieces from these gold-

other of sixty pounds per year, starting as early as

smiths from 1325 to 1331. Documents of 1335 reveal

1325 and ending with his death, in 1348.55

that Simon had contracted to supply the king of



Bohemia with jewels as well.59 That Simon’s son,

54

One of Simon’s most important commissions

was a reliquary for the head of Saint Martin of

Jean, was also invited to appraise Clémence’s sump-

Tours. In 1323 the tomb of the fifth-​century saint

tuous possessions indicates the status of this family

was opened and the saint’s head extracted to be

in the guild of Paris at this time. Jean followed in

enshrined in a reliquary made of gold. Although

his father’s footsteps and became a renowned gold-

the reliquary has not survived, a picture of it is in a

smith in his own right. Jean was listed as a garde of

history of the saint’s life (Bibliothèque municipale

the guild of goldsmiths in Paris in 1337.60 In 1352 a

de Tours, ms 1023, fol. 101r) (fig. 22). In the image,

gold crown that he made for the queen was deliv-

the bishop of Tours moves the saint’s skull to the

ered to King Jean II. In 1353 Jean made a gold collar

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Figure 22 Historiated initial showing the translation of the head of Saint Martin into a new reliquary made by Simon de Lille, and the royal family in prayer. From Recueil de textes sur S. Martin, 1340– 50, Bibliothèque municipale de Tours, ms 1023, fol. 101r.

for the king’s dog and made a base for a madre cup

Cloisters (see fig. 55). The same year he participated

for the king. That same year, he repaired a cup

in the appraisal of the jewels of Clémence de Hon-

and pitcher that had belonged to Saint Louis and

grie he appraised works for the Sainte-​Chapelle.65

had been passed down to Louis X, then his brother

The Chalice of Jean de Touyl in the church treasury

Philippe V, before it reached the hands of Jean II

in Wipperfürth is also his work.

le Bon. In 1354 Jean de Lille repaired two fermaux



61

62

for the king and also made a siège for the holy

as an appraiser in Clémence’s inventory, also participated in object creation and circulation. He was

an aspersory and a necklace for the king and dishes

an artist who did much work for Mahaut d’Artois.

for the queen.

In 1322 he made chalices and patens and silver and



48

Pierre de Besançon, another goldsmith named

relics of the Sainte-​Chapelle, and in 1355 he made

63

64

Another goldsmith listed in Clémence’s inven-

silver-​gilt burettes, or vessels used in the celebra-

tory, Jean de Touyl, was the probable artist of the

tion of the Mass, for Mahaut to give to the monas-

reliquary shrine of Elizabeth of Hungary at the

teries of Saint-​Claire and Gosnay.66 In 1323 he made

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morses (front clasps for copes) and a silver goblet

guild in Paris in 1337.71 The mention of their names

as presents for the countess’s daughter Jeanne, the

in Clémence’s inventory nevertheless indicates

widow of Philippe V. He repaired and regilded

their importance in Paris at the time, their key role

an aiguière, the cross, the holy-​water vase, the

in creating new objects for royal consumption, and

aspersory, and the pax of Mahaut’s chapel.68 Pierre’s

their expertise in materials and workmanship as

name again appears in Mahaut’s accounts in 1324,

objects moved in secondary markets.

when Mahaut purchased for the nuns of Thieulloy



basins, burettes, a censer, twelve silver spoons,

appraise the queen’s metalwork were all men, it is

several reliquaries and crosses, a silver-​gilt head of

probable that some of her objects were made by

Saint Louis held by two angels, two statues of Saint

women. Therese Martin invites readers of her Reas-

Louis, an image of the trinity, a sculpture of Saint

sessing the Roles of Women as “Makers” of Medie-

John, three wood crosses covered with silver-​gilt,

val Art and Architecture to forsake the inherited

each supported by a large copper stand, and four

assumption that works of art were usually made

other entablements decorated with lions.

by men. She persuasively argues that women were



more likely to go unnamed because of their lesser

67

69

In 1326 Pierre de Besançon supplied Mahaut

Even though the artists who were called in to

with silver hanaps, some of which had enamels and

status in society, and so it is more likely that anony-

one of which had an enameled trépied, or three-​

mous works of art were made by women.72

footed base. Mahaut gave two enameled hanaps



made by Pierre to the nurses of the queen, Jeanne

objects before their transfer, professional dealers

d’Évreux. In 1327 Pierre sold two hanaps to Mahaut

also used their expertise at the queen’s estate sale.

for the nurses of the son of the duc de Bourgogne.

Between the eighth and the thirteenth centuries

He also repaired vessels and a vase for holy water

in Europe, trade was frowned upon by church and

for Mahaut and applied her arms to forty silver

state; merchants were suspect precisely because

écuelles, or bowls. And he produced two clasps

of their itinerancy.73 Agricultural labor was more

for her little book of hours and sold her four

acceptable, tethering people to their plots of land.

Like professional artists who appraised

other pairs of silver boucles (probably clasps).

Nevertheless, by the end of the thirteenth century,

The variety of objects that the workshop of Pierre

mercantilism had matured so far that through its

de Besançon made for Mahaut d’Artois reveals

own critical mass it became commonplace and

the versatility of medieval goldsmiths. Creating

overcame the negative stigma.

head reliquaries, basins, clasps, crosses, vessels,



and jewelry in materials like gold, silver, copper,

Clémence’s sale were specialized merchants. A man

and enamels and doing repairs on all these objects

named Laude Belun bought nine lots of the queen’s

would have demanded a wide range of skills.

fabric, including velvet, taffeta, and samit (367–75).



His name also appears in the financial registers of

70

The last two goldsmiths who appraised Clé-

Evidence suggests that several of the buyers at

mence’s joyaux were Félix d’Auxerre and Jean

Mahaut d’Artois, where he is listed as selling her

Pascon. They do not appear in surviving records

textiles. The volume of his purchase at Clémence’s

as frequently as the other goldsmiths, but Félix

sale and the fact that he appears in other royal

d’Auxerre was elected a garde of the goldsmiths’

account books selling similar wares suggest that he

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was a dealer attending the dowager’s estate sale to

religious textiles reveal how readily the objects of

buy a specific type of commodity.

private chapels could be interchanged with those of



74

Pierre Neelle and Guillaume le Flament

churches and monasteries. A new set of vestments

bought seventy-​two lots, a massive group of her

went to the bishop of Chartres cathedral. The samit

objects. These were all works in precious metals,

cloth of the pieces was lined with cendal, another

purchased by weight (105–77, 182, 184–87, 190–95).

light silk fabric. This set had three copes, a cha-

The merchandise they acquired was worth a total

suble, a tunic, and a dalmatic for priests to wear

of 3,654 pounds, or 17 percent of the total pro-

(266). A man named Suplicet le chasublier also

ceeds from the sale. The large number of objects

purchased a large group of priestly vestments for

and the fact that these men did not buy works in

the bishop of Chartres cathedral. These included

other media indicate that they too were specialized

three copes with enameled silver clasps, a chasuble,

dealers, who profited by buying and selling specific

a tunic and dalmatic, two estoles, three fanons,

types of luxury objects. Textiles and works in metal

three albs, three amiz parez, a frontal, a dossal, and

were clearly commodities to merchants such as

a textile decorated with fleurs-​de-​lys. Another cha-

Belun, Neelle, and le Flament.

sublier named Eustace purchased a smaller number



of similar vestments, in addition to two gold tex-

Martha Howell argues that unlike capitalism,

which developed later in Europe, where commod-

tiles for an altar and another textile for use in Lent,

ities were fungible assets that fueled the growth of

a cloth decorated with images of apostles, and a

individual businesses, traditional forms of exchange

carpet for a chapel (234, 238, 249, 262, 264). And

such as gift giving, tribute, and inheritance coex-

the bishop of Laon bought extravagant works of

isted with monetary exchanges from 1300 to

art—the queen’s set of eight tapestries depicting a

1600. She argues that the concept of “money” was

hunt in a forest. In all likelihood these were for use

abstract for most medieval people and was racked

in his residence, where an abbot would entertain

75

50

with uncertainty, since the value of different coin-

important visitors (324).

age could change quickly, based on factors like the



strength of the minting government, the fineness of

purchased two other lots of Clémence’s litur-

the coin, and the availability of the precious metals

gical textiles (252–53).76 The church of Saint-​

Separate buyers from Notre-​Dame de Paris

of which it was made. While gift giving, inheri-

Germain l’Auxerrois also benefited from the sale

tance, and tribute are all evident in the inventory of

of Clémence’s belongings when Pierre des Essars

Clémence de Hongrie, the purchase of commodi-

purchased several of Clémence’s books for this

ties by specialized merchants working in monetary

church. He also acquired liturgical textiles that

instruments accounts for the vast majority of the

were probably for Saint-​Germain. These included

exchanges after the queen’s death.

two custodes, or containers, made with silk, a silk



embroidered handkerchief, two altar frontals and

Not only did commercial merchants purchase

objects at the queen’s estate sale, but representa-

a dorsal, and cloth “worked with the needle” (247,

tives of many ecclesiastical foundations appear

250, 258). Thus, the queen’s inventory reveals that

in the records as well, drawing objects through

fine objects from her private chapels could easily be

systems of exchange. The buyers of Clémence’s

moved into ecclesiastical contexts.

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The Market for Ready-​Made Accessories in Paris

which is formed like a street of an astonishing length, are displayed all the objects that serve

While many of the objects that appear in the

to adorn the different parts of the human body:

queen’s inventory were probably commissioned

for the head, crowns, braids, caps, ivory combs for

from artists, other contemporary evidence indi-

the hair; mirrors for looking at oneself; belts for

cates that people could acquire premade objects

the loins, purses to hang at the side; gloves for the

through highly developed commercial systems

hands; necklaces for the breast.”78 Of course,

of exchange. In an account written in 1323, the

we cannot know if Clémence herself walked the

historian Jean de Jandun describes the Halles des

halls of such markets, but it is possible that some

Champeaux and alludes to other markets where

of her belongings were purchased premade from

one might find everything to adorn the body. With

markets in Paris.

great detail he describes the joys of the promeneurs, whose eyes could delight in what they saw at these markets, which in design sound very much like the multilevel shopping malls of today. If one had the

Learning from the List of Buyers: Object Ownership and Class

will and the funds, exquisite objects with which to decorate the body were readily available in the

The inclusion of buyers in Clémence’s inventory is

Halles des Champeaux:

unusual, so this document provides an excellent opportunity to examine object ownership and

This joyful abode of the most pleasing diversions offers,

class. Although the wealthy were able to purchase

in the form of very large displays full of inestimable

exquisite luxuries through artists, dealers, or shops,

treasures, all the most varied sorts of precious objects

people from a wide range of social classes, as the

brought together in the building called the Halles des

inventory indicates, were also able to become the

Champeaux. There, if you have the desire and the means,

new owners of some of the queen’s objects as these

you will be able to buy all the types of ornaments that

pieces changed hands and moved through systems

the most practiced industry and the most inventive spirit

of exchange.

hasten to imagine to gratify all your desires. . . . Amid the



lower parts of this market, and as it were beneath some

she gave gifts in her testament and often specified

heaps, some piles of other merchandise, are found drap-

his or her household rank or function, such as

eries, one more beautiful than the other; in others, some

“Jehan Druget, knight,” the testament serves as

superb pelisses, some made of animal skins, others of silk

a key to decoding buyers and their professions

materials.

in the queen’s inventory. Similarly, the rank of a

77

Since Clémence named each person to whom

noble purchaser is often included in the inventory. Shoppers could walk along a corridor where they

For example, Madame de Beaumarchès, a noble-

could purchase items perhaps similar to those in

woman, purchased Clémence’s most extravagant

Clémence’s inventory, including crowns, ribbons,

dress for sale, as well as one of her carriages, two

bonnets, ivory combs and mirrors, belts, purses,

saddles, and other items (276, 504).79 The man who

and gloves: “In the upper part of the building,

purchased Clémence’s primary carriage, Pierre

Systems of Exchange

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de Maucourt, was also identified by his social rank



of knight, perhaps to validate his right to purchase

systems of exchange operated in early fourteenth-​

it (502). Together, the testament and inventory

century France. Collectors, artists, dealers, and

reveal that in addition to the king and queen of

buyers all played a part in bringing materials to

France, other nobles and high-​ranking people pur-

France from around the world, forming them into

chased pieces from her estate.

works of art, and circulating them. Objects eas-



However, the evidence from the inventory

The inventory demonstrates that multiple

ily crossed class lines and moved back and forth

and testament suggests that people in the queen’s

between lay and ecclesiastical spheres. Moreover,

employ who were not noble purchased many of

ecclesiastical leaders purchased lavish courtly

Clémence’s possessions. These people even bought

items. Time and again the inventory testifies to

or were given things that in other circumstances

professionalized, organized, codified systems of

would have denoted high class: Clémence’s wash-

exchange in which experts valued works based on

erwoman received a fur-​lined mantle, just as her

their qualities. Precise measurements of weight for

husband’s washerwoman had received his mantle

objects and of length for cloth were in use. This

upon his death (273). The queen’s squire, Johan

liquidation of the queen’s luxurious belongings

de Bouchon, bought her most costly horse (483).

at more than a dozen sites required the practiced

The concierge of Clémence’s property in Lorrez

expertise of specialists. The inventory can be seen

purchased all of the linens and household items

as a percolate of the systems of exchange in use in

in her property there (653–66). What is clear is

Clémence’s time and place, allowing us to study the

that not all of Clémence’s possessions were deluxe

systematized processes through which a variety of

and that people who were not of the aristocracy,

people moved both utilitarian objects and the most

or even the bourgeoisie, were able to purchase

luxurious works of art.

80

many of them.

52

Medieval Art in Motion

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The Body, the Altar, and the Table

Chapter 3

Possessions and Sites of Identity Proclamation

Luxury objects and materials were

and rich gowns for social occasions. The queen’s

such potent signifiers of class that in

body, the altars in her chapels, and her residences

1294 Philippe IV, Clémence’s father-​

were the sites on which she displayed most of these

in-​law, passed sumptuary legislation that limited

works of art. Her body was the locus of spectacle

carriages, expensive clothing, and jewels of gold,

when she appeared publicly, so by wearing, display-

silver, and precious stones to members of the roy-

ing, and using these objects—even when she could

alty. He decreed, “No bourgeois man or woman

not afford to—she spoke a language of luxury that

shall wear gold, or precious stones, or crowns of

was reserved for royalty, thereby asserting her

gold, or silver.” Clémence’s mother-​in-​law, Jeanne

rights to her title and income. This chapter exam-

de Navarre, is said to have proclaimed upon a

ines the inventory as a whole, studies the compo-

visit to Ghent, where she saw numerous women

sition of the queen’s collection, and argues that

wearing crowns, “I believed myself to be the only

she used her sumptuous works of art and material

1

queen, and here I am seen with hundreds.” Kings

culture to proclaim her reginal identity.

and queens wished to distinguish themselves from



those who could afford the accoutrements of the

of cultures.3 Greek sumptuary laws beginning

aristocracy but did not have a legal claim to royal

in the early sixth century b.c.e. focused atten-

status. During Clémence’s lifetime, Philippe’s

tion on funeral services, restricting the clothing

sumptuary laws were still in effect, establishing

women could wear on such occasions, as well as

many of her belongings as legally controlled mark-

their mourning actions. Early Roman legislation

ers of royal identity.

also addressed funerals and mausoleums but also



restricted the conspicuous consumption of expen-

2

Clémence’s inventory details the movement of

Sumptuary legislation appeared in a variety

her fine objects, like gold reliquaries, elaborately

sive food and clothing. Byzantine laws regulated

made tableware, furnishings, jewelry, tapestries,

luxuries as well. Sumptuary law in China and

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Japan in the first millennium c.e. especially limited

individual in the late Middle Ages was actually a

the display expenditures of the merchant classes.

focus on the identity of the individual as a member

In Europe sumptuary laws proliferated beginning

of a specific community: the aristocracy, a religious

in the twelfth century, and they often dictated

order, a social class, or a profession, for example.

the sumptuous materials that were permitted in

Beginning in the twelfth century, people deliber-

men’s and women’s clothing according to rank.

ately performed actions befitting their standing in

The decrees of Clémence’s father-​in-​law fit into

these groups.5 Models and types became import-

these categories. As the urbanization of society

ant. By repeating predecessors’ royal behavior,

took place, people encountered strangers much

such as wearing, displaying, and giving sumptuous

more often than they had in rural society, and they

objects, men and women could anchor themselves

sought a system of visual signifiers by which they

into royal group identity and argue for their own

could identify others’ ranks and professions. Pro-

elevated status.

liferation of sumptuary legislation indicates that



aspiring people continued to push back against

mation was the body, on which material culture

the rules, which in turn spawned even more legis-

played a pivotal role as aristocrats like Clémence

lation. Even if the laws were not completely effec-

de Hongrie sought to affiliate themselves with the

tive in suppressing the illegal display of regulated

highest social groups and distinguish themselves

materials, what they did do was codify the visual

from people of lesser standing. Susan Crane writes

system of signifiers. By making people’s ranks visu-

that “clothes, rather than skin, were the frontiers

ally recognizable, such laws had the inverse effect

of the self in the Middle Ages.”6 Garments visu-

of making the recognition of rank conditional on

ally bespoke aristocratic status and knowledge of

visual display, mandating, for example, that Clé-

cultural fashion in the fourteenth century. Crane

mence, in order to be recognized as a queen, dis-

argues that group identity was not predetermined

play works in silver and gold, precious textiles, and

and assured but rather attained through expected

gemstones. It is no coincidence, therefore, that the

behavior, like wearing fashionable and creative

concentration of her wealth was in these regulated

clothing made with exotic materials and cutting-​

precious objects. She needed to own them and to

edge technology.

wear and exhibit them in order to visually claim



her contested royal identity.

proclaimed their noble identity, gems and jewels,



reliquaries, and even gold and silver tableware

4

54

As much as silks, jewels, and pearl-​laden tex-

One of the primary sites of identity procla-

While the silk velvet that many nobles wore

tiles proclaimed that the wearer had an identity dif-

also signified their status. Works in metal embla-

ferent from that of most other people, these objects

zoned with the queen’s arms affirmed her reginal

also emphasized that the owner was part of a

self. These were visible indicators of her class,

particular group. Choices about comportment, too,

pedigree, education, and wealth, and they linked

were significant indicators of status, so behavior

her into a social network. Thus, the queen’s cloth-

became increasingly standardized with the writing

ing, as well as her jewels and sumptuous objects,

of numerous behavior manuals. Caroline Walker

worked as a material frame for and physical focus

Bynum argues that an increased emphasis on the

of the queen’s performance of identity. Especially

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because Clémence’s brother-​in-​law Philippe V had

set, but analysis of it is valuable because the results

accused her of dressing too lavishly and behaving

establish a starting point that can be qualified and

inappropriately after her husband’s death, it was

adjusted.

essential that she perform the role of dowager



queen correctly in order to argue for her identity

visualizing the queen’s lost collection is to under-

and acceptance at the royal court.7 It was a fine line

stand the concentration of wealth in different

to walk. On the one hand she needed to be modest

media or locations. To that end, I break down the

With these cautions in mind, a first step in

and frugal; on the other she needed to appear regal

queen’s entire ninety-​nine-​page inventory and cat-

and luxurious.

egorize and analyze the contents, revealing where her net worth was focused. The largest challenge in accomplishing this is deciding how to categorize the objects. Should one sort them by material or

Objects in Clémence’s Inventory

according to religious or secular subject matter? In order to get a broad picture of the composition

Should one try to draw a line between objects that

of the queen’s estate and the many objects that have

are clearly collector’s items and those that are utili-

perished, I have analyzed the inventory as a whole

tarian things used in the maintenance of her estates

and examined the values of different groups of her

and properties (like scissors or wine bottles)?

belongings. Studying the inventory as an avenue to

Would it be helpful to separate them based on the

absolute understanding of what she owned, how-

buyers of the objects, revealing who was purchas-

ever, is problematic. First, there is the real possibil-

ing what from her estate?

ity that Clémence gave away some of her belong-



ings before her death, so these would not appear

748 groups of objects in this document is to use the

in the inventory. But she appears to have been

divisions already within the medieval inventory

sick for only a short time at the end, so this possi-

itself. The sections that the executors and clerks

bility is less pronounced than in an aging patron

used in recording the inventory usually have heads

like Jeanne d’Évreux, who knew for years she was

descriptive of the contents of the group, such as

approaching death. Second, as discussed above,

“Vestments, Cloth, and Other Things from the

she may have owned things that did not appear in

Chapel,” or “Chapel Books, Romances, and Other

the inventory, perhaps in Aix-​en-​Provence or in

Books.” The clerks noted subtotals of the sale prices

Naples, rather than in France. Or perhaps some

after each section of the inventory and numbered

objects were temporarily in the hands of artists,

each group. For example, after the list of the queen’s

such as one gift bequeathed in her testament that

books—the ninth section of the inventory—

was reportedly with a goldsmith, who was rework-

we read that the subtotal for this section was 530

ing it, and so it did not appear in the inventory.

pounds and 13 sous.9 The total sale value of all of

And even when her testamentary bequests were

the sections detailing her movable possessions was

documented in the inventory, they were not always

21,083 Parisian pounds.

appraised and included in the total value of her



estate. The inventory, therefore, is not a closed data

ings by section for the twenty-​five sections of the

8

The clearest quantitative way to categorize the

Table 1 shows the values of Clémence’s belong-

The Body, the Altar, and the Table

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Table 1  Values of Clémence’s belongings in the inventory by section, showing 1328 sale prices in Parisian pounds Inventory section

Sale price

Major contents

1. Best Jewels

1,160

Gold, silver, precious stones: jewels, plate, and sculptures in metal

2. Jewels (crowns, rings, etc.)

2,380

Gold, silver, precious stones: jewels, plate, and sculptures in metal

3. Jeweled Clasps and other things

1,200.75

Gold, silver, precious stones: jewels, plate, and sculptures in metal

4. (Some textiles, pearls, foreign money)

97

Other

5. Jewels and silver plate (including reliquary sculptures and shrines, crosses, chandeliers, nefs)

1,971

Gold, silver, precious stones: jewels, plate, and sculptures in metal

6. Other jewels and plate (sold by weight)

3,661.50

Gold, silver, precious stones: jewels, plate, and sculptures in metal

7. (Belts, purses, wood vessels, etc.) 8. Gold jewels (gold goblet, plates, fork, spoons, etc.) 9. Books (church books and secular books)

195.50 1,258 530.75

Other Gold, silver, precious stones: jewels, plate, and sculptures in metal Books

10. Church vestments and other things

596.75

Church vestments

11. Madame’s clothing (and some cloth remnants)

648.25

Clothing

12. Bed covers

192

Textiles

13. Household textiles (bed decorations, carpets)

575.50

Textiles

14. Household textiles

192.75

Textiles

15. Velvet belts, purses (plus ivory sculptures and mirror sets)

657.25

Other

16. Boxes 17. Tin vessels

35 9.75

Other Other

18. Inventory of the kitchen

55

Kitchen and wine

19. Things from the Eschançonnerie

30

Kitchen and wine

20. Saddles and other things from the stable

378.50

Horses and carriages, etc.

21. Horses

692.75

Horses and carriages, etc.

22. Carriages

173

Horses and carriages, etc.

23. Wines

156

Kitchen and wine

24. Feather mattresses

60

Other

25. Other things at the Temple (bottles, pitchers, basins, tables)

38

Other

Textiles for the reigning queen

60

Textiles

Total at the Temple in Paris

17,005

Possessions at other properties (furniture, household animals, grain, equipment)

1,729

Other properties (household goods, animals, grain, equipment)

Other (especially money due to the queen for rent and fines)

2,349

Other (especially money due to the queen)

Total

21,083

56

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Church vestments and decorations 3%

Textiles 5%

Clothing 3%

Kitchen and wine 3%

Books 3%

Other possessions in Paris 5% Horses and carriages 6% Possessions at other estates and properties 8%

Other (especially rent and fines due to Clémence)‎ 11%

Gold, silver, precious stones: jewels and plate (crowns, rings, ‎reliquaries, sculptures, goblets, plates, bowls, spoons) 55%‎

Chart 2 Relative values of the belongings of Clémence de Hongrie listed in her inventory.

inventory made in Paris. The left column includes

for the table.10 It is no coincidence these objects

the title of the section if the medieval clerks

constitute the first and most important 195 lots of

included one, or if no title was given, a summary of

the 748 lots in the inventory or that these were the

the contents appears here. The middle column has

types of works Clémence bequeathed to her loved

the sale price for each section, and the right column

ones in her testament. They were truly her most

has an abbreviated description of the dominant

cherished and expensive pieces, often charged with

media from which the objects have been made or

spiritual and personal connections.

of the household area to which they pertain. These



summaries in the right column of the table—like

than 55 percent if all the precious metals and

“Books,” “Textiles,” and “Horses and carriages”—

gems were taken into account, because most of

are consolidated into ten regions in a pie chart

the queen’s bequests were valuable works of this

(chart 2). Of the total 21,083 pounds, 9,726 pounds,

kind and were given, not sold, and thus were not

or 55 percent, was for her metalwork—jewels, plate,

appraised and included in the section totals in

reliquaries, devotional pieces, and precious objects

the inventory. These objects are clearly where she

In actuality, the proportion would be greater

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displayed and stored her wealth and proclaimed



her elite identity, and sorting the objects in table 1

media and quality in her collection. Her posses-

into a pie chart visibly demonstrates the supremacy

sions—her reliquaries, her dresses, her books, her

of works in metal in an early fourteenth-​century

tableware—suggest her royal identity and the social

collection. The category of precious metals and

patterns of her life and household, announcing

stones (“gold, silver, precious stones: jewels and

where and how she traveled, the sources of her

plate”)—the work of the goldsmith—far outweighs

income, where she spent most of her time, what

every other category, including textiles, manu-

she wore, what she did for recreation, what she

scripts (“books”), and all animals and equipment

read, her religious devotion, her tastes, and what

at the queen’s estates (“horses and carriages” and

she displayed on her dining table.

The queen had a range of objects in different

“possessions at other estates and properties”). The vast majority of goldsmiths’ works have not survived the centuries—largely because of the value

Jewels on the Queen’s Body

and recyclability of their materials—so this overwhelming focus on metalwork in the inventory

In a world coded by sumptuary legislation, Clé-

gives crucial insight into the actual composition of

mence’s most visible signifiers of privilege were

medieval collections, information that contradicts

her jewels. These pieces included her crowns, her

impressions based on the number of each type of

clasps used for fastening garments, her rings, her

object from the period surviving today.

pendants, and her paternosters. Clerks listed four



crowns in her inventory, while her sister-​in-​law Jeanne d’Évreux, who lived and collected income

of her net worth, while her clothing and her library

decades longer, had eleven crowns and chaplets.11

of forty-​four manuscripts are worth 3 percent each.

Clémence favored rubies, pearls, and emeralds

Like metalwork, the category of clothing would

in her crowns (1–4). Jeanne, on the other hand,

be larger if the value of the sumptuous outfits Clé-

favored emeralds as the dominant stone, although

mence, as was customary, bequeathed to her atten-

the crowns of both women had combinations of

dants and staff was considered.

rubies, sapphires, and pearls.12 A queen would have



58

In chart 2, her large collection of textiles for

use in the house and chapel is valued at 5 percent

In chart 2 even categories that are clearly util-

received a crown at her coronation, and the num-

itarian are helpful in visualizing the composition

ber of crowns that these women had suggests that

of the queen’s belongings. These areas, by offering

they wore different crowns at a variety of occasions

comparative values, contextualize the amounts of

thereafter.

money Clémence devoted to collectible objects. For



example, the dowager’s horses and carriages were

that signified royal blood and God-​given status.

worth 6 percent of the total, roughly equivalent to

Although Clémence’s “best crown” is lost, compar-

the combined value of her manuscripts and church

ison of the two medieval descriptions of the jewel

Crowns were legally controlled adornment

decorations. While monetary values seen in the pie

with surviving images of crowns from her day sug-

chart are only one indicator of importance, it is an

gests characteristics of the lost object. The inventory

indicator with an objective foundation.

describes Clémence’s elaborate crown—“A good

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Figure 23 Tomb effigy of Philippe VI. Basilica of Saint-​Denis.

gold crown with ten large rubies, fifty small emer-

with unembellished fleur-​de-​lys as the fleurons,

alds, and forty large pearls, appraised at eight hun-

in contrast to the decorative leafy fleurons of the

dred pounds” (1)—and her testament notes that the

late Capetian crowns like Clémence’s (fig. 23). This

queen gave her nephew “our good, large crown that

overt symbolism would have reinforced the claim

Simon de Lille made.” Many of the fourteenth-​

to legitimacy that Philippe made for the French

century tomb effigies of royalty at Saint-​Denis have

Crown against his detractors.

a high degree of detail, especially in the clothing



and jewels, and since identity was rooted in signifi-

depicted on the queen’s effigy are nine voids that

ers like dress and adornment—probably more than

would have been filled with imitation gemstones.14

facial features—the clothing and jewels on many of

Since one additional stone would be out of sight on

the tomb effigies imitate the actual objects. In fact,

the back of the sculpted crown, where it contacts

I argue that Clémence’s effigy might depict the

the sculpted pillow on which it rests, these nine

queen’s actual “best crown” that she gave as a gift

sculpted voids plus the conjectural gem on the back

to her nephew (see fig. 1).

could correspond to the ten large rubies listed in



the inventory description of the crown. Whatever

13

The style of late Capetian crowns depicted on

Furthermore, around the band of the crown

the effigies of Philippe IV, Louis X, Charles IV, and

the appearance of the crown, Clémence, in giving it

Clémence de Hongrie is characterized by layered

to her nephew, symbolically reiterated that she had

fleurons in the shape of leaves with one smaller

chosen her nephew as her heir and was passing her

leaf in front of a larger one (see fig. 15). Such leafy

legacy to him through this gift.

fleurons also appear on sculptures of the Virgin



and in manuscript illuminations that depict queens

least thirty-​three rings (5–12 and 18). The array of

of the time. The Valois crowns, beginning with

styles popular in France in the early fourteenth

Philippe de Valois, show a sharp break in style,

century is apparent in the numerous rings from

In addition to crowns, Clémence owned at

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Figure 24 Rings from the Colmar treasure, late thirteenth–mid-​fourteenth century. Garnet, onyx, and sapphire set in gold. Musée national du Moyen Âge, Thermes de Cluny, Paris, Cl. 20659, 20667, 20668. Figure 25 Fermail from the Colmar treasure, France (Paris?), ca. 1320–40. Silver-​gilt with precious stones and pierced pearls. Musée national du Moyen Âge, Thermes de Cluny, Paris, Cl. 20672.

60

the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries

settings described in Clémence’s inventory. Some

found in the Colmar treasure (fig. 24). Apparently,

stones, cabochons, were rounded and polished and

during a time of persecution, a wealthy Jewish fam-

would have been entirely encircled by metal at the

ily hid this group of about fifty precious objects,

base of the stone. Some of her rings had quarrez,

hoping to recuperate them later, at a more peaceful

or square-​cut, stones, which would have been

moment. They were found during renovations of

held by prongs; this type of a setting allowed more

a building in Colmar in 1863. These pieces of jew-

light to enter the stone from beneath it, making it

elry nicely illustrate the many types of cuts and

flashier. And some stones are described as piercé,

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Figure 26 Tomb effigy of Clémence’s maternal grandfather, Rudolphe de Habsbourg (d. 1291). Speyer cathedral.

whereby the stone was riveted to the ring by drill-

have numerous fermaux. Both men and women

ing a cylindrical hole through the gem or pearl and

wore these clasps, used for fastening clothing.

then anchoring it to the metal with a decorative

Some medieval ceremonial fermaux were as large

spike, as seen in the fermail from the Colmar find

as a hand, like the one depicted on the chest

(fig 25). Some of the bands of the Colmar rings

of Clémence’s maternal grandfather, Rudolphe

also have creative details, like the hands clasping

de Habsbourg (d. 1291), in his effigy (fig. 26). Sev-

in the band of the ring on the right in figure 24.

enteen fermaux, or clasps, appear in Clémence’s

The queen’s most valuable belonging was an excep-

inventory (20–36). A variety of gems in different

tional ruby ring (18), which sold for one thousand

colors were often mounted on these fermaux. For

pounds, a value greater than that of her best crown,

example, one item was a square fermail with a ruby,

with its multiple “large” rubies. It is possible that

four emeralds, and sixteen pearls (21). The surviv-

this ring was the one given to Clémence by her

ing fermail from the Colmar find is a diamond-​

grandmother Marie de Hongrie in her 1323 testa-

shaped piece with gems and pierced pearls (fig. 25),

ment, which notes that Marie had received it from

which conveys an idea of how these stones might

her husband, Charles II d’Anjou. These jewels pro-

have been organized on Clémence’s piece. While

claimed the queen’s reginal identity.

the queen’s crowns immediately proclaimed royal



privilege, her fermaux argued for her taste, dig-

15

While Clémence did not have any earrings,

bracelets, or chains in her inventory, she did

nity, wealth, and identity in other ways. Of all her

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Figure 27 Silver-​gilt clasp in the form of an M, 1350. Enamel, rubies, emeralds, pearls, and a diamond, with figurines of Gabriel and Mary. New College, University of Oxford.

62

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jewels, her fermaux contained the most variety in

this name. I see the fashion of wearing letters,

theme and decoration. Several of them had not

as demonstrated in the queen’s inventory, as a

only precious gems but letters or figures of animals

precursor to the late fourteenth-​century fashion

as well. For example, Clémence had a small fer-

of wearing words and mottos, which was closely

mail with an enameled image of a coronation; her

related to identity proclamation.17

sister-​in-​law Jeanne d’Évreux purchased this piece



(61). Since this enamel was figural in its design,

pent-​à-​cols, or pendants, which were jewels worn

it was probably made in the basse-​taille technique,

attached to ribbons around the neck (37–44).18

in which artists drew figures that could be seen

Several groups of pearl strands also appear after the

through the glassy enameled surface. Jeanne also

pendants in the inventory (45–48). For example,

bought another small clasp that had four cameos,

she had “a set of pearls where there are twenty-​one

four pearls, and an emerald and was decorated

strands and each strand has twenty pearls” (45).

with the arms of France (60). Clasps that depicted

In 1340 Francesco Balducci Pegolotti wrote of such

religious scenes, animals, or letters announced the

strands of pearls in his description of the theft of

queen’s taste, participating in courtly fashion of the

pearls from Yolande de Bar: “a great quantity of

day. Her whimsical fermaux were decorated with

new pearls of middling size threaded on silk strings

animals; one featured two parrots, while another

just as they come from the hands of the mer-

was in the form of a rooster (30, 35).

chants.”19 So Clémence’s numerous strands of pearls

16



Fermaux with symbols, letters, and figures

Clémence also owned eight items described as

match the description of pearls that were ready to

appear as well. One was decorated with the arms

be incorporated into jewels or sewn onto textiles.

of France; one was in the shape of an M, another



in the shape of a B, and another in the form of an

nosters, which visually proclaimed her piety (49–

A (26, 33, 34). The M was decorated with a large

52, 62, 63). These were strings of beads, often made

ruby and smaller stonework (26). Its letter could

into circlets, that were used to count the number of

have represented the name of the Virgin Mary or

prayers said; they developed into rosaries in the fif-

perhaps, if the fermail had once belonged to Clé-

teenth century.20 One might be worn hanging from

mence’s grandmother, Marie de Hongrie. The jew-

a person’s girdle or around the neck or held in the

eled M from 1350 shown in figure 27, depicting the

hand, as Francesco da Barberino described in 1318–

Annunciation, with figures of Gabriel and Mary,

20: “Many women go along the street with pater-

is an example of this type of object.

nosters in their hands, whose heart and thoughts



This surviving M clasp, with its standing

Among Clémence’s jewels were also six pater-

are vanity.”21 It might truly have been difficult to

figures, is also a good comparative piece for Clé-

avoid pride and worldliness as Clémence handled

mence’s fermail in the shape of a B, decorated

her paternosters. She had one that was made of

with an image of Saint John (33). If this were a

101 pearls and twelve gold beads (51). Another had

clasp that had belonged to a member of her fam-

forty-​eight large pearls, six sapphires, and twelve

ily, the B might refer to Béatrice, a popular name

gold beads (49). The last listed paternoster was of

in her family. Her sister, Béatrice, as well as their

jet and gold and had a “sanctuary” attached—prob-

great-​grandmother, Béatrice de Provence, shared

ably a receptacle for a relic (63). Such paternosters

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prefigured the numerous wearable objects that

numerous images of saints: a sculpture of Saint

held relics described by Blanche de Navarre in her

Louis de Toulouse, a sculpture of Saint John, three

testament. Clémence’s paternoster that could hold

sculptures or shrines of the Virgin Mary, a shrine

a relic moved to another royal widow upon Clé-

depicting the Annunciation, a sculpture of Saint

mence’s death when Jeanne d’Évreux purchased it.

John the Baptist, ivory sculptures of Saint John and

22



The materials of Clémence’s paternosters were

Saint Stephen, as well as a reliquary of the Eleven

exceptionally rich in comparison to the materials

Thousand Virgins (86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 107 114, 115,

listed for paternoster makers in Paris around 1260.

414, 416).24 The saints in the collections of the

The artisans were divided into three groups: those

nobility do not correlate with their respective gen-

who worked in bone and horn, those who made

ders, as demonstrated by the numerous male saints

beads of coral and shell, and those who worked

in Clémence’s collection or the many female saints

in amber and jet. Clearly the paternoster was a

in the collection of Charles V before he came to the

popular object of devotion for a range of classes of

throne.25 Late medieval images indicate that sculp-

people, but the form of the object was infused with

tures like those described in Clémence’s inventory

luxury when the materials were upgraded to pearls

were central to the devotion of noblewomen. For

and sapphires. They would immediately announce

example, the Psalter-Book of Hours of Yolande

two powerful identity traits for Clémence as a wid-

de Soissons, produced in Amiens between 1280 and

owed queen: piety and wealth.

1290, shows a woman kneeling in devotion before

23



The paternosters, like the books of hours in

a sculpture of the Virgin and Child, her prayer

Clémence’s library from which she and her ladies

book open before her (fig. 28).26 One can imagine

read at times throughout the day, signal the per-

Clémence kneeling before one of the sculptures

vasiveness of repetitive rhythms in daily life and

described in her documents, perhaps reading from

observance of devotion in an aristocratic house.

her book of hours.

The prayers verbally constructed an audible text



that might be heard as part of the queen’s daily life,

sculptures and images may reflect cultural expec-

an audio culture paralleling the visual culture of

tations of her gender in the early fourteenth cen-

her household.

tury as well as her own preferences. This type of

Clémence’s large number of these devotional

object is almost entirely absent in her husband’s inventory, even though he too had numerous

Objects of Devotion

textiles that decorated his chapels and the bodies of the priests who performed the Mass, as well as

64

Like the queen’s body, her altars were primary sites

liturgical crosses, aspersories, chalices, and patens

of identity proclamation. Her many expensive

similar to her own. The closest thing he had to the

devotional sculptures, which were often reliquar-

devotional objects that were so prominent in her

ies, indicate the importance of Clémence’s faith

collection was one enameled tableau, the subject

in her life. Her most costly piece was a reliquary

of which is not described.27 Nevertheless, shrines

with a part of the True Cross, which sold for eight

such as Clémence’s do not appear to be exclusively

hundred pounds (97). Clémence also owned

the domain of women at this point. For example,

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Figure 28 Illumination showing a woman kneeling before a sculpture of the Virgin and Child. From the Psalter-​Hours of Yolande of Soissons, Amiens, 1280–90, Morgan Library and Museum, New York, ms M.729 (purchased in 1927), fol. 232v.

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Philippe V offered his wife, Jeanne de Bourgogne,

the example in Clémence’s inventory is among the

an opening shrine enameled with their arms and

earliest recorded on the Continent.

portraits before 1322. Yet the number of these 28

shrines and sculptures in Clémence’s collection in 1328 is impressive and might be linked to gender.

Clothing Luxurious clothing ornamented the queen’s body

Liturgical Pieces for the Altar and Chapel

and proclaimed her royal identity—her clothes were literally luxury material in motion. Clé-

66

Clémence’s inventory reveals she actively used the

mence’s inventory provides an excellent case study

chapel at her Temple estate in Paris, as well as those

of what a queen had in her closet, important since

in Corbeil and Mainneville. Having a correctly out-

clothing was one of the most highly regulated

fitted chapel argued for the queen’s righteousness

signifiers of class in fourteenth-​century Paris.

and piety, important indicators of trustworthiness

The sumptuary legislation of 1294 had limited the

in late medieval Christendom. The numerous

number of outfits that people of different stations

priestly vestments and service books described in

could own. Dukes, counts, and barons, and their

Clémence’s inventory help us to animate this space

wives could have a maximum of four outfits per

in which Clémence and members of her household

year, while bourgeois women were limited to one

worshipped.

outfit, unless they were significant landowners.30



Moreover, a graduated scale dictated the maximum

Her crosses were essential in marking her

chapel as a proper religious space, and she had four

quality of cloth allowed to people of each station.

of them, two of which were enameled with images

For example, bourgeois men and women with

of Mary and Saint John, and another “large cross

estates valued above two thousand pounds were

with a crucifix” enameled with the arms of France

entitled to have robes made with material that

and Hungary (90, 106, 107, 116). This last cross,

cost twelve sous per aune, while other bourgeois

her most expensive, is described as a “cross with

men were limited to material that cost ten sous

a crucifix sitting on an a stand with four lozenges

per aune.31 Such legislation contributed to a visual

of France and Hungary” (116). It had a corpus on

system whereby one’s class, wealth, and status were

the cross, unlike her other crosses.29 Her crosses

instantly recognizable.

ranged in price from thirty-​one pounds to sixty-​



seven pounds.

outfit, usually made in undyed wool, Clémence



owned at least eighteen sets of clothing of which

In addition to her sculptures and crosses, the

While the majority of people owned only one

queen’s liturgical pieces included two chalices and

each included multiple garments, in addition

patens, four burettes, an incense burner, a bowl and

to numerous other cotes, surcoats, cotes hardies,

aspersory for holy water, and a portepais (94, 105,

corsets, mantelets, a mantel à Alemant ront, and

108, 110, 112, 113). The latter liturgical object held

chapes (267–302). Each of her suits of clothing was

the consecrated Host during the Mass and was first

referred to as a robe, and in her inventory each

documented in late thirteenth-​century England;

robe is described by its materials, colors, how many

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garments it included, and if it was lined. Each robe

large illuminated two-​volume Bible and almost a

probably included a cote, a surcoat, a mantel, and

quarter of the cost of her best crown, with rubies,

other garments. The best garments were lined,

emeralds, and pearls. This dress would probably

usually with menu vair—fur—but also sometimes

have been reserved for special occasions at court

with various colors of the light silk material cendal,

or other social functions. After this dress, her next

and in one instance rabbit fur. Again, sumptuary

most expensive suit was another velour outfit that

legislation dictated that menu vair was to be worn

sold for eighty pounds. Most of the other robes she

only by the aristocracy; nonaristocrats in pos-

owned were in the range of ten to thirty pounds.

session of this fur had until the Easter following



passage of the legislation to turn over transgressive

Rouen, which probably belonged to Clémence,

garments. Clémence’s 1317 seal, in fact, enables us

provide visual evidence about fourteenth-​century

32

Illuminations from an Ovide moralisé in

to envision the style and decoration of some of the

clothing, enriching the interpretation of the doc-

gowns described in her inventory (see fig. 9). The

umentary record of the inventory. Many of the

queen’s dress fits her chest tightly, emphasizing the

illuminations show women wearing mantles that

S curve of her body. The dress is full length, gath-

contrast sharply in color with the surcoat worn

ering in folds at her feet, and small animal pelts,

underneath. For example, the Virgin Mary appears

or menu vair, line the inside. The materials of her

in an image of the Annunciation wearing a dress

clothing, the colors of her dresses, and the different

whose sheen clearly indicates silk (see fig. 43). And

types of dresses she owned demonstrate that vari-

in the image Hecuba Taking the Eyes of Polymestor,

ety was the norm in queenly apparel at this time.

the queen is depicted wearing a coral-colored sur-



The queen had a personal tailor, Johanot, who

coat over a dark rose cote (see fig. 44). In the image

brought all of her clothes to be appraised after her

of the Virgin, the Fauvel Master took great pains

death. A tailor was usually in charge of an aristo-

to show the delicate folds in the thin material and

crat’s closet, sewing and repairing rich outfits, and

the way that the same piece of cloth could have

Johanot and his wife also appear in Clémence’s

numerous hues, suggesting the style of garments

testament as important members of her house-

described in Clémence’s inventory and how they

hold. Analysis of the prices of Clémence’s gowns

may have fit Clémence’s body.

reveals that the most expensive gown Clémence



owned was a purple velour outfit that included

of these luxurious outfits to her ladies-​in-​waiting.

five garments, with a mantle lined in menu vair

She gave these women extravagant dresses, each

(276). Clémence was not alone in appreciating the

lined with menu vair, but they were not as costly

luxury of velour. In 1317 Philippe V wore an elab-

as her gown that sold for 180 pounds.36 They were

orate azure velour gown to his coronation.34 And

made of wool, not silk, and comprised four gar-

Jeanne d’Évreux had gold cloth with purple velour

ments, not the five of Clémence’s best dress. At the

decorated with the arms of France and Navarre

same time, these dresses were more elaborate than

at the time of her death. Clémence’s purple

some others in the inventory. She owned several

velvet gown sold for the enormous price of 180

dresses with only two or three garments. The tes-

pounds. This was more than twice the cost of her

tament of Marie de Hongrie indicates that at least

33

35

At the end of her life, Clémence moved most

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one of Clémence’s ladies, Marguerite de Nantueil,

was draped in black silk, but the room was deco-

was from a noble family, and it is likely that the

rated with blue silk embellished with the fleur-​de-​

other ladies-​in-​waiting were as well. If so, they

lys.39 The expensive dyes used to produce the vivid

37

would have had the legal right to wear these expen-

colors of Clémence’s wardrobe would have pro-

sive, fur-​lined suits that Clémence bequeathed to

claimed her status when she traveled in Paris, since

them. In contrast, the washerwoman to whom Clé-

common people wore clothing that was not dyed

mence gave her fur-​lined mantel almost certainly

at all, making most clothing tan and brown. The

would have had to sell the gift (273).

fact that half of the clothes mentioned by color in



To Madame Pasque, the queen’s principal lady-​ her wardrobe were red and purple suggests that she

in-​waiting, the queen gave a red gown of marbré,

favored these colors. Perhaps red was a signature

with four garments, lined with menu vair (267).

color for Clémence because the arms of Hungary

Marbré textiles, in a category of fabrics called mes-

were red and white.

chi, appeared to change from one shade to another



as the garment moved. Clémence’s other atten-

inventory of Clémence and that of her husband

dants received red or blue woolen garments. One

is in their listings for dress: Louis had extensive

of these is described as having a paonnecé color,

armor, and Clémence had none, even for use

which indicates a deeply saturated blue of the pea-

by her knights. And Louis only had three robes,

cock. At the end of the list of Clémence’s dresses

or multigarment outfits, whereas Clémence had

are capes for her attendants. These five capes were

eighteen. I see his armor as the gendered equiv-

made of marbré wool and had hoods that were

alent of her many extravagant dresses. Louis had

lined in cendal silk (301). Perhaps her ladies-​in-​

ninety-​three lots of armor, and some of these had

waiting had worn these capes when they traveled

multiple objects, like a lot with seventeen swords

with the queen. The repetition of their forms would

or another with eight gauntlets.40 He had hauberks,

38

68

The most striking difference between the

have unified the group, marshaling their bodies

tunics, spurs, gauntlets, mail, pennants, and ban-

to broadcast the queen’s status as she made public

ners. He had misericordes, or daggers, with which

appearances.

one delivered the mercy blow of death, and he had



armor to protect his horse as well. His pieces of

The colors of Clémence’s dresses are signifi-

cant. The most common colors described in her

armor were props in the performance of mascu-

wardrobe are vermeil (a dark red) and violet (pur-

linity. Indeed, when Joan of Arc went on trial in

ple), while she also owned clothing in blue, black,

1431, one of the most effective accusations against

white, and brown. Although the famous azure

her was that she wore men’s clothing and armor.

cloth that signified French royalty does appear in

This targeted complaint against her cross-​dressing

accounts of the day, it is not a dominant color in

clearly indicates that there were gendered expec-

Clémence’s wardrobe, even though she readily used

tations about armor and clothing and that she

the arms of France and Hungary as marks of iden-

flouted them, for which she paid a dear price.41

tification. Black was tied to death, but it was not



the only color of mourning, or exclusively tied to

apart in many ways as she moved through the

mourning. When Clémence’s baby died, his casket

cityscape of fourteenth-​century Paris. Dressing

The outfits in Clémence’s wardrobe set her

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Figure 29 Ivory comb with scenes of lovers in a garden, Paris, second quarter of the fourteenth century. Victoria and Albert Museum, London, A.560–1910.

in a full-​length bright-​red or purple dress lined

An ivory comb and mirror described together

with fur and wearing a large crown, a ruby ring,

were probably a set (156). She also had another, less

and a brooch or pendant would have made Clé-

expensive mirror made of ivory, which was men-

mence highly visible in social events like the mar-

tioned with a boueste, or container (420). She also

riage of her cousins Marie de Valois and Charles

had a crystal hair parter decorated in gold (68).

de Calabre, which she attended in 1323. The

Even one of her makeup containers was enameled

number of her outfits was vast in comparison to

(131).

those of the rest of the population. The expensive



silk cloth of which many were made, the pearls

the subject matter of the decoration of Clémence’s

sewn onto them, and the distinctive fur that lined

ivory comb, its form was probably like most

her best dresses were the exclusive right of the

combs that have survived and those represented

aristocracy.

in medieval images. These were often made of

42

Although the inventory does not describe

boxwood or ivory and usually had tightly spaced teeth on both sides of a decorated central register.

Objects of Personal Grooming

An ivory double comb now in the Victoria and Albert Museum is an exceptionally well-​preserved

Not only did the queen wear luxurious jewels and

example of the type of comb described in Clé-

clothes, but the objects that Clémence used to care

mence’s inventory (fig. 29). It is fourteen centime-

for her body were elaborately made and testified

ters wide and its central band is decorated with a

to her elevated status. She had an enameled sil-

courtly story of two lovers in a garden. The story

ver mirror that weighed a marc and a half (154).

reveals itself in a tripartite sequence involving a

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and their attendants ride their horses through a forest, where they hunt with falcons, a metaphor for hunting for love. Such scenes of courtship link personal grooming to the game of love in the early fourteenth century.

Textiles Like works in metal and ivory, textiles were prominent in Clémence’s inventory, and not surprisingly, some of her most luxurious textiles were used in her chapel in Paris. Among the textiles of the queen’s church was a woven silk cloth that

Figure 30 Ivory mirror case depicting hunters in a forest, France, 1350–75. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Gift of George Blumenthal, 1941.

depicted the apostles among trees (257). Some of her liturgical textiles moved to decorate the chapel of Clémence’s sister-​in-​law Jeanne d’Évreux. Jeanne purchased a group of ash-​colored textiles lined

young man and woman. In the first scene, they sit

with red silk for use on the altar during Lent, and

together on a bench. He holds a falcon in one hand

a chasuble of the same material, which would have

and the woman’s chin in his other while she pets a

been worn by an officiating priest (256). The bod-

dog, both of these animals symbolizing the exploits

ies of her attending priests would thus have been

of love. Second, having left the seat, he kneels

decorated and put into motion in the service of the

before her while she, standing, holds a chaplet

queen. As they animated the space of the chapel,

above his head. Third, after she has laid the chaplet

they too argued for the queen’s status and royal

on his head, he embraces her, his left arm around

identity.

her back, his right hand on her belly; her left hand



holds his chin.

hangings as well for use in her home. She owned



The inventory does not describe the decora-

numerous textiles made of silk and wool, and

tion of Clémence’s ivory-​and-​silver mirror backs

although the appraisers were most interested in

either; however, extant ivory mirror backs from

their dimensions as they sold them, descriptions

early fourteenth-​century Paris point to the type of

of subject matter and decoration of these finely

object that Clémence may have owned. These often

crafted pieces reveal that they were luxury objects

featured scenes of courtship, gaming, or knights

marked with signs of courtly taste and identity. The

valiantly storming the castle of love defended by

most remarkable of these entries in the inventory is

courtly women. An elegant example is a mir-

the description of the set of eight tapestries depict-

ror back in the Metropolitan Museum made in

ing a hunt that the bishop of Laon purchased (324).

fourteenth-​century Paris (fig. 30). Here two lovers

According to the inventory, seven of the tapestries

43

44

70

She had secular tapestries and bed and wall

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were four aunes by two aunes, and one was seven

difference from common people, as well as his or

by two aunes. While the aune did vary over the

her similarity with other royal people—visually

fourteenth century in Paris, the most common

affirming the identity of the noble host within the

measurement was 118.8 cm, or 46.8 inches, so these

royal group.

tapestries could have been almost 15.59 feet long by



7.79 feet high and 27.28 feet long by 7.79 feet high,

inventory were called joyaux d’or, made of gold

making them quite sizeable. Although the famous

rather than silver or silver-​gilt, and these pieces

Unicorn Tapestries at the Cloisters were made

were all valued at more than sixty pounds per marc

175 years later and depict the hunt of the unicorn

(195). That these works in solid gold were all used

rather than the stag, Clémence’s set indicates that

or displayed in the context of dining indicates the

decorating a room with a series of tapestries depict-

importance of eating, drinking, and socializing

ing the courtly sport of hunting in a forest had

in courtly households. They included a hanap

been a practice already for almost two centuries.

with a cover and an elaborate foot valued at the

45

Clémence’s most extravagant objects in her

huge sum of 485 pounds, a cup with a foot, two other hanaps, and a large gold goblet with a foot

Luxury Objects for the Table

and a cover (188–90, 192, 193). One of these gold vessels might have been the large cup that Clé-

The queen’s gold and silver plate and objects for the

mence’s grandmother bequeathed to her in 1323

table were also part of the visual code of signifiers

(map 5).46 Clémence also owned a small saltcellar

that set those of the royal class apart and would be

in the form of a lion, with a cover, as well as two

especially visible when guests were invited to dine

gold spoons and a gold fork (191, 195). Although

with the royal host. Gold and silver enameled gob-

the fork was introduced in Europe in the eleventh

lets, plates, bowls, drinking cups, and serving trays

century, it came into use in Italy in the thirteenth

all testified to the wealth and power of their owner.

and fourteenth centuries, and its appearance in

Certainly many platters and dishes would have

Clémence’s inventory is an early example in France.

been used in serving and eating a meal, but late

Perhaps the queen acquired her fork in her native

medieval images of feasts indicate that during the

Naples, where a cookbook made at the court of

meal extravagantly decorated gold and silver ves-

her uncle Robert d’Anjou recommended the fork

sels would also be arranged on a side table—to be

as an essential implement for eating lasagna.47

seen rather than used in food service. The January

Additionally, forks did appear in other French

calendar page from the Très riches heures of Jean,

and English inventories of the late thirteenth and

duc de Berry, illustrates this custom (fig. 31). In this

early fourteenth centuries.48 Charles V had several

image the duke sits at the table with his back to the

by 1363.49 The fork in Clémence’s collection could

fireplace. Tapestries depicting battle scenes hang

demonstrate her identity as someone interested

from hooks at the top of the room. On the left,

in innovation and who owned objects in vogue in

the duke’s elaborate collection of plate is displayed

foreign countries.

on a table, demonstrating his wealth and refine-



ment. In this way, plate reinforced an aristocrat’s

the twelve nefs, gallies, and salières—containers

The centerpieces of her dining tables were

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Figure 31

72

Limbourg brothers, January calendar page. From the Très riches heures de Jean, duc de Berry, 1412–16, Chantilly, Musée Condé, ms 65, fol. 1v.

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an image of one on the table of Jean, duc de Berry (fig. 31), gives an idea of the range of these vessels. In a thirteenth-​century French saltcellar now at the Cloisters, the body of the boat is made of translucent rock crystal (fig. 32).51 It is supported by a conical stand with a knobbed stem. Part of the top of the boat can be opened using a small serpent-​ shaped handle, and emeralds, pearls, and rubies decorate the rim of the ship. Clémence’s boat-​ shaped saltcellars were large silver-​gilt vessels decorated with enamels. In addition to the saltcellars in the shape of boats, many of these medieval objects took other forms. Some “salts” that have survived are architectural in form, and others are in the shape of animals, like Clémence’s two saltcellars in the form of stags, another shaped like a lion, and another supported by baboons (104, 128, 191). Numerous hanaps, goblets, cups, and glasses appear in the inventory. Surviving hanaps show that these vessels might have taken the form of wide-​brimmed cups (e.g., fig. 33), while they could also have looked more like goblets. Clémence had forty-​seven of these drinking vessels in all, including a set of twenty-​five silver hanaps and a set of twelve gilded hanaps. She had fifteen cups, goblets, or glasses in a variety of materials. The best were gold, two were silver, one was silver-​gilt, and Figure 32 Rock-​crystal nef, or saltcellar, France, mid-​thirteenth century. Gold, rock crystal, emeralds, pearls, spinel or balas rubies. The Cloisters Collection, New York, 1983.

two were part crystal (96, 102, 119, 132, 142, 145 bis, 149, 152, 179, 188, 190, 193). Clémence owned three hanaps and four cups made of madre wood; such wood goblets appeared in other inventories and courtly expense accounts throughout the century

that held salt, spices, napkins, or other things nec-

(149–52, 178–79). This wood could be maple or

essary at the table (103, 104, 121, 123, 125, 128, 143,

other fine speckled or grained wood.52 The two

153, 170, 191).50 Clémence’s saltcellars, as they are

madre cups shown in figure 34, from the fifteenth

called, often took the shape of boats, as indicated

century, illustrate the probable style of Clémence’s

by the nautical names sometimes used to describe

pieces. A gilded silver foot supports each wood

them. Comparing a surviving medieval nef with

bowl, and a bosse with the arms of the royal abbey

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Figure 33 Hanap with central bosse, France, fourteenth century. Silver, silver-​gilt, translucent and opaque enamels. The Cloisters Collection, New York, 1982. Figure 34 Madre cups, France, first half of the fifteenth century. Musée Lambinet, Versailles.

of Maubuisson sits in its center. Similarly, Clé-

(171). A single lot with these bowls and nine other

mence’s set of twelve silver-​gilt hanaps is described

pieces was worth 504 pounds, a huge sum. This set

as “enameled in the bottom with the arms of

of forty-​eight écuelles, along with the forty-​seven

France and Hungary” (102).

hanaps, might also suggest that the queen was pre-



74

The large number of écuelles—broad-​rimmed

pared to entertain more than forty-​five respected

dishes (fig. 35)—and the absence of an equivalent

guests. In contrast to these luxurious bowls, Clé-

set of plates in Clémence’s inventory suggest that

mence also had 184 écuelles made of étain, or tin,

dishes were the primary vessel from which people

and were probably the utilitarian bowls from which

ate. She owned a set of forty-​eight silver écuelles

her staff or other less stately guests might have

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Figure 35 Two écuelles from the Maldegem hoard, Paris, second quarter of the fourteenth century. Musées royaux d’art et d’histoire, Brussels, 1576A–D.

eaten (438–41).53 The queen had twenty-​three sil-

of jasper. A sixteenth-​century rock-​crystal baril

ver fruit plates on which her servants would have

from the St. Vitus Treasury in Prague is a surviving

served the fruit from her fruitterie at the Temple in

example of this type of object, albeit in a medium

Paris or the apples from her orchard in Fontaine-

different from Clémence’s (fig. 36).54 This dimin-

bleau (137, 168). Clémence had forty-​seven spoons,

utive object is 5.1 inches wide. In addition to her

a few of which were parts of serving sets (129, 161,

jasper barils, Clémence owned two other silver bar-

185, 195). The number of spoons, large in compari-

ils that were used to hold rose water (135). She also

son to her single fork, suggests that the spoon was

had a gilded fiole, or small-​necked bottle, for rose

the primary eating utensil. Thirty-​six of these were

water (157) and two gilded esparjouers with which

made of silver, two of solid gold, and five of crystal.

to sprinkle rose water (122).

The two gold spoons, like the gold fork, were prob-



ably the queen’s own utensils (195).

chopines, or pitchers, Clémence owned, two marcs



each, they were small pitchers (162), whereas the

Clémence also had numerous containers for

Based on the average weight of the two

liquids. She had bottles, or flacons, two fioles, two

quartes were larger pitchers for water and wine

chopines, twenty-​two quartes, and barils, which

(141, 160, 166 bis). These silver or silver-​gilt quartes

were small containers that mimicked the form of

were heavier than the chopines, averaging five

larger barrels that held liquids (134, 135, 141, 144,

marcs each (166 bis). Again, these twenty-​two

157, 158, 160, 162, 166 bis, 191). These were silver or

pitchers help us imagine the number of guests

silver-​gilt, except for two barils that were made

she could have hosted. The inventory also lists

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Figure 36 Rock-​crystal baril, sixteenth century. St. Vitus Treasury, Prague, K 84.

twenty-​four basins (138–40, 147, 163, 174, 176,

for eight pounds per marc. Although four of the

524–26, 530–31, 574, 697, 702). Many were silver

chandeliers are listed as specifically for the table,

or silver-​gilt with enamel and weighed an average

the rest might have been used in the residence

of about six marcs each, but the materials are not

or the chapel. Overall, the objects that Clémence

mentioned in the less expensive examples. Four of

owned in silver, gold, enamel, crystal, and jasper

them were specifically “to wash the head,” suggest-

created an environment of luxury in her dining hall

ing that washing in a basin would have been part

and chapel. These sculptures, crosses, saltcellars,

of the hygiene routine of Clémence and members

hanaps, goblets, bowls, plates, utensils, containers

of her entourage (174–76). Also, basins could have

for liquids, and chandeliers communicated the

been used to wash hands at the table or by the

queen’s piety and exclusive privilege of ownership.

priests before the Mass.

The last type of object that appears regularly

among Clémence’s works in metal is the chandelier,

Secular Sculptures

or candlestick. She owned twelve silver chandeliers

76

of varying sizes (93, 99, 111, 169, 464, 728). They

Clémence owned five secular sculptures, which,

averaged more than three marcs each, approaching

like her whimsical fermaux, argued for her cul-

the weight of the heavier pitchers. Two chandeliers

tivated taste. She owned a rooster-​and-​hen pair

are described as large and decorated with enam-

made of pearl and mother-​of-​pearl. Together these

els depicting lions (99). The figural decoration of

were worth the large sum of seventy pounds. The

these candlesticks doubled their monetary value

motif of a rooster or hen appeared in the col-

per marc; while the undecorated silver candlesticks

lections of many fourteenth-​century aristocrats.

sold for just over four pounds per marc, these sold

Jeanne de Bourgogne had three pitchers in the

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form of roosters, and similar objects appear in the

collection of them owned by Jeanne d’Évreux at her

inventories of Charles V and his brother Louis

death, in 1371.57

d’Anjou. The papal inventories of 1353 describe a gold enameled pitcher in the form of a rooster.55 Clémence also had a silver sculpture of a man

Carriages and Horses

pushing a wheelbarrow that held a container (101). This is an example of a pastoral scene like those

Even the carriages in which Clémence and her

that appeared on pieces in later collections. For

damoiselles rode were extensions of her body, pro-

instance, in 1365 Louis d’Anjou had a hanap that

jecting her identity; they were recognizable visual

was decorated with a scene of shepherds playing

indicators of her class and privilege as they traveled

instruments while their sheep grazed. Clémence’s

through the landscape. Philippe IV’s sumptuary

inventory also records a silver sculpture of a young

legislation had decreed, “No bourgeoise shall have

woman that was in four pieces (120). In addition,

a carriage.”58 Horses and saddles were also expen-

the queen had a statue of a stag wearing a mantle

sive markers of status. In Eustache Deschamps’s

that was enameled with her arms (118). These

fourteenth-​century Miroir de mariage the author

pieces demonstrate the queen’s taste for secular

cautions that wives will demand extravagances

as well as religious sculpture.

like a saddle horse for good weather and a car-

56

riage for bad weather: “When the weather is fresh as butter, I must have a chariot with chains, well

Paintings

ordered, painted inside and out, covered with cloth of camlet . . . why shouldn’t I have one, drawn by

Works in precious metals and textiles account for a

four roncins?”59 Clearly, they were signs of prestige.

large part of Clémence’s wealth and a large percent-

Like other royal women, Clémence traveled in a

age of her objects, while paintings were scarce in

carriage that was separate from that of her ladies-​

her inventory. For example, Clémence had a paint-

in-​waiting (502, 504, 505). Hers sold for 115 pounds

ing on wood that was used in the chapel in Paris

and was covered with textiles (drap pers and toile),

and sold for six pounds (77). At her chapel in Cor-

according to the inventory.

beil she owned another piece described as a large



tableau, which sold with a chess set for sixteen

died, and her inventory describes “the harnesses . . .

pounds. This may have been a painting because,

of the five horses of the carriage,” indicating that

unlike her tableaux, which were shrines, no object

five of her horses pulled her carriage (483–501, 503,

of devotion is mentioned in the description (566).

677). Her husband, Louis, had forty horses, which

One of her shrines had painted panels, but the

makes sense in terms of Louis’s love of war sports

painting was a background to the statue of the Vir-

as well has his greater administrative responsibili-

gin Mary (89). Not nearly as valuable as Clémence’s

ties, which would have required him and his repre-

jewels, reliquaries, devotional sculptures, or best

sentatives to travel long distances.60

textiles, paintings were more appreciated in France



at the end of the century, as suggested by the larger

tions of her wealth but necessities, since the wood

Clémence had twenty-​four horses when she

Clémence’s five horses were not only declara-

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and iron with which carriages were built made

and a saltcellar, her figure of a stag, as well as her

them extremely heavy. The first horse listed in her

sculptures of a cock and a hen all testify to her

inventory was the most expensive and probably

own interest in animals (30, 99, 104, 118, 191, 332).

led the other four in pulling the queen’s carriage.

As utilitarian objects developed in their decoration

Louis, too, had five horses that pulled his carriage.61

to the point of depicting animals, they had become

Clémence’s best horse is described as a “large morel

more than functional; they conveyed appreciation

horse that has only one eye, . . . of Madame’s car-

and mimicry of the natural world, extraordinary

riage, sold to Johan de Bouchon, for 120 pounds”

technical skill of the artist, and sometimes humor.

(483).





The carriage of the dasmoiselles, at only thirty-​

The queen’s inventory, testament, and effigy

also suggest other ways in which animals were a

six pounds, was much less extravagant than the

part of her life. Like many nobles of the day, Clé-

queen’s (504). It had a cover made of drap and

mence owned house dogs.62 Special silk-​lined dog

toile and had to be large enough to carry several

boxes decorated with silver appear in the inventory

women. The inside as well as the outside of the

(180), and in her tomb effigy the small dog at her

carriage could have been painted. When Clémence

feet wears a collar decked with bells, a charming

and her attendants traveled to the church of the

detail (see fig. 3). Clémence rode horses and par-

Jacobins in Paris or to her residences outside the

ticipated in falconry, as evidenced by her elaborate

city and in Normandy in two carriages, it would

riding saddles and the forty pounds she gave to her

have been a distinctive sight. Clémence also owned

falconer, Baudet, in her testament.63

several saddles, the most extravagant of which was the one covered with purple velvet and decorated

The descriptions of object movement in Clémence

in silver and enamels with the arms of Apulia and

de Hongrie’s inventory give modern readers an

Hungary (467).

intimate picture of a queen’s possessions in the early fourteenth century and the manner in which they asserted her noble status. Works in precious

Animals in Clémence’s Collection

metal dominated her collection: jewelry to adorn her body as well as elaborate creations in silver

78

The descriptions of Clémence’s objects in her

and gold for the altar and the table. She had many

inventory reveal that animals were a favorite dec-

sculptures of saints, mostly in metal but also in

orative motif. They were popular in courtly art

ivory, and while ivory sculptures of the Virgin

at the time, so they helped locate the queen as an

survive abundantly today, ivory sculptures of

insider of prestige and culture. Animals adorned

male saints are rare. Clémence’s tastes and the

works of art in the inventories of Jeanne de Bour-

objects she owned were in many ways typical of

gogne, Charles V and his brothers, and Jeanne

fourteenth-​century royal collections. Like Jeanne

d’Évreux as well, confirming the popularity of this

d’Évreux and Charles V, she was devoted to saints

type of decoration. In Clémence’s inventory, the

like the Virgin Mary and John the Apostle. How-

dolphins on bedspreads, baboons on saltcellars,

ever, Clémence’s sculpture of her uncle Saint Louis

parrots decorating fermaux, lions on chandeliers

de Toulouse is distinctive and certainly indicative

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of the importance she ascribed to her Angevin identity.

Clémence’s properties, works of art, cloth-

ing, reliquaries, and the textiles that hung in her residences were all part of the material world she constructed, a world that was appropriate for a noblewoman of the highest status. The objects in Clémence’s collection were intimately connected to her financial situation and were the outward signs of her prosperity and taste. Many of Clémence’s objects were made of or decorated with gold or silver, and these regulated precious metals were her exclusive right as a member of the aristocracy. The saints she favored, the motifs in her collection, and the objects that moved to new owners reveal her reginal identity and cultivated tastes.

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The Queen’s Manuscripts and Identity

Chapter 4

The inventory of Clémence de Hon-

as well as King Charles V—enhances the explora-

grie documents the movement of the

tion of Clémence’s particular interests in religious

queen’s forty-​four manuscripts to new

and moralizing literature, historical and scientific

owners immediately after her death. Three of

works, and romances.

these manuscripts survive: the luxuriously painted Peterborough Psalter (Bibliothèque royale de Belgique, ms 9961–62) (figs. 37–39), an Ovide moralisé illuminated by the Fauvel Master (Bibliothèque

The Peterborough Psalter in the Library of Clémence de Hongrie

municipale de Rouen, ms 1044) (figs. 40–44), and a compendium of works on science, medicine,

As they created the inventory, clerks noted that

and astronomy from the early fourteenth century

Clémence owned “a handsome Psalter with let-

(Bibliothèque municipale de Rennes, ms 593) (figs.

ters of gold and azure, which the pope gave to

45–46). Analysis of these surviving manuscripts

her, appraised at thirty Parisian pounds, sold to

and the composition of the queen’s library allows

the king and delivered as above” (198). This book

insight into the queen’s taste in books, the manner

is the Peterborough Psalter, and in the hands of

in which books as mobile objects could represent

this queen it was a central indicator of her high

relationships, the evolution of a book as its patron’s

status and particularly of her special relationship

financial resources constricted, and Clémence’s

with Pope John XXII.1 Among Clémence’s books,

understanding of her place in her culture. Addi-

the record of the movement of the Peterborough

tionally, comparing her library with those of other

Psalter in the queen’s inventory is a formidable

fourteenth-​century royals—like her husband,

example of the permeability of cloistral bound-

Louis X; Mahaut d’Artois; Clémence’s sisters-​in-​law

aries, as the manuscript seamlessly moved from

Isabelle de France and Queen Jeanne d’Évreux,

an abbey in England to the pope and to a queen,

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acquiring new meanings and symbolism in each

king dressed in fourteenth-​century regal mag-

new environment.

nificence (fig. 37). He wears a crown with leafy



2

fleurons, typical of the period, a light coral-​colored

In all likelihood, the Psalter was made for

the abbot of Peterborough, Geoffrey of Crowland,

mantle lined with ermine, and fashionable shoes

before 1318, when the abbot gave the book to the

with crossing straps. Clearly the artists were inti-

cardinal Gaucelm d’Eux, a visiting papal nuncio

mately acquainted with royal fashion of the day.

and nephew of the pope, John XXII (r. 1316–34).

David’s chin-​length hair forms graceful curls typi-

The pope, who was in Avignon, gave the Psalter

cal of the period, and his rosy cheeks and tapering

to Clémence. The inventory makes clear that King

facial form emphasize his beauty.

Philippe de Valois purchased the book upon the



queen’s death. The manuscript stayed in the royal

Beatus initial is a rendition of the earlier and most

family, appearing in the inventories of Charles V

famous moment of his life, when as a boy he hurled

and Philippe le Bon, duc de Bourgogne. Philippe

a stone at Goliath, whom we see here dressed as a

had his arms painted in the manuscripts that came

fourteenth-​century knight in mail. The moment

into his collection, and his arms and the arms of

right before and right after his stone hits the giant

the regions in his domains—including Flanders,

coexist on the page. The boy dressed in blue still

Holland, Burgundy, Limbourg, and Artois—appear

has the stone in his sling, and above him Goliath

in the Psalter now. It is likely that the numerous

has already started to bleed from the impact of

fleurs-​de-​lys that appear in the background of

the stone on his forehead, but he has not yet fallen

images throughout the manuscript were added to

to the ground. Grace rather than violence defines

the original illuminations while the book was in

the scene, though; the boy’s delicately pointed toe

collections in France. Some of the illuminations

echoes the pointed toe of Goliath above him, align-

relate to the twelfth-​century frescoes in the choir

ing them in the same story even though they are

3

To the left of the courtly figure of David in the

of the Peterborough Abbey. Lucy Freeman Sandler

vertically arranged.

identifies three different masters and their assis-



tants who worked on the illuminations, initials,

in the left column and azure ink in the right and

and decorations. Their hands have been linked to

is surrounded by intensely colored and dense

manuscripts made for the English royal family and

decoration and pastoral scenes. Line endings of

important ecclesiastical leaders as well.6

birds, people, or fantastical beasts leave little open



space in which the eye can rest. Interweaving vines

4

5

Whether these images were viewed by mem-

The text of the psalm is written in gold ink

bers of the original monastic audience or later,

act as the frames for vignettes featuring animals

as the manuscript moved into secular hands, the

and workers. An archer accompanied by his dogs

figures suggest how thoroughly the monastic and

shoots a stag in the bas-​de-​page; a man walks on

lay worlds were interrelated. Even in areas of reli-

stilts in the bottom left margin; another musician

gious subject matter, the manuscript adopts courtly

with a horn plays on the top right. An owl gazes

styles and motifs. For example, on folio 14r, the

out at the viewer from the top of the page, while a

beginning of the first psalm, in the Beatus initial,

hunter aims his arrow at a fox attacking a rooster

David is depicted—of course—as a musician and

to the left. Musicians, most prominently David

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Figure 37

82

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Psalm 1, with Beatus initial. From the Peterborough Psalter, England, before 1318, Bibliothèque royale de Belgique, Brussels, ms 9961–62, fol. 14r.

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but also his accompanists and the musician in the

book, she might easily have had it filled with this

right margin, and the hunter blowing a horn in the

popular courtly image.

bas-​de-​page, as well as the numerous birds, give the



Although the form and style of this manu-

page an auditory quality that almost creates back-

script originated with the Peterborough Abbey,

ground music for the often-​sung text of the psalm

the Psalter also spent most of its medieval life in

itself.

the hands of other collectors. Secondary patrons



like Clémence experienced and interacted with the

In addition to the secular images in the mar-

gins of folio 14r, many other secular vignettes in

manuscript, and the various meanings that each

the margins of the book would have resonated with

new owner drew from the manuscript are also a

Clémence, a member of the laity. For example,

part of its history and significance. The Peterbor-

a laywoman kneels in prayer and a knight and lady

ough Psalter juxtaposed the old with the new and

sit outdoors in relaxed conversation in the page

the secular with the religious. In chapter 7, I discuss

frame of folio 74r (fig. 38). The praying woman

the importance of this manuscript as an interna-

wears a circlet over a short veil on her head and a

tional gift from the abbey to Pope John XXII and

full-​length surcoat and cote. This woman does not

from the pope to Queen Clémence de Hongrie.

have the ermine-​lined mantle or crown that would clearly identify her as an aristocrat, although she is a well-​dressed laywoman. Similarly, on folio 91v an elaborate Castle of Love image dominates the

Clémence’s Ovide moralisé and Her Personal and Cultural Identities

lower page (fig. 39). Here courtly women populate a crenellated castle with its portcullis drawn open,

Clémence’s manuscripts promoted her culture not

and knights dressed in mail brandish their swords

only as a manifestation of Judeo-​Christian religious

to gain entry. The banners that decorate the castle,

tradition but also as a continuation of Roman

as well as the shields the knights hold, are deco-

history and learning. One of the most valuable

rated with flowers, an allusion to lovers’ chaplets,

manuscripts in her library was an Ovide moralisé.

which were made with flowers. The knights climb

The inventory of her roumans, or all her books that

ladders to gain access to the women, who in turn

were not service books, begins with this richly dec-

shoot arrows and pelt the knights with flowers,

orated manuscript: “First, a large book, covered in

and the men collapse, their legs crumbling beneath

red leather, of the fables of Ovid, which are related

them. This image is much like the popular scenes

to the moralization of the death of Jesus Christ,

depicted on courtly ivory mirror backs and caskets

appraised at fifty Parisian pounds, sold to the king

of the day. It is not out of the question that these

and delivered as above” (212). The evidence is com-

images were included in the original manuscript

pelling that this book is the Ovide moralisé painted

made for Peterborough Abbey, but it is neverthe-

by the Fauvel Master that survives as ms 1044 at

less intriguing to think that they may have been

the Bibliothèque municipale de Rouen.7 Lines that

added during the time the manuscript was in Clé-

begin with large, often decorated Cs and Ls domi-

mence’s possession. If there was open space at the

nate the first thirteen folios of the table of contents

bottom of this page when Clémence acquired the

(fig. 40).8 Carla Lord argues convincingly that these

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Figure 38 Psalm 109. From the Peterborough Psalter, England, before 1318, Bibliothèque royale de Belgique, Brussels, ms 9961–62, fol. 74r.

initials in the introduction to the book indicate

of Ovid’s stories, commissioned by “Queen Jeanne.”

Clémence’s patronage, the Cs and Ls being mono-

This work, written between 1309 and 1320 in 72,000

grams for Clémence and Louis X.

octosyllabic lines, interprets the Roman author

9



84

Clémence’s copy of the Ovide moralisé is the

Ovid’s Metamorphoses, first written around the year

oldest record of this monumental fourteenth-​

7 c.e., as moral stories revealing wisdom about Jesus

century poem, Chrétien Legouais’s allegorization

Christ.10 It is the best-​known manifestation of the

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Figure 39 Castle of Love. From the Peterborough Psalter, England, Bibliothèque royale de Belgique, Brussels, ms 9961–62, fol. 91v.

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Figure 40 A page from the table of contents of the Ovide moralisé, ca. 1315–20, Bibliothèque municipale de Rouen, ms 1044, fol. 3r.

86

popularity of Ovid in the twelfth, thirteenth, and



fourteenth centuries. According to the text, every

Saint Jerome and Saint Augustine both wrote of

written word is intended for the edification of the

the value of pagan mythology, which could be

reader, and even stories where characters choose

converted into stories that would profit Christians.

poorly could teach lessons in morality. In this way

Saint Jerome wrote that Greek mythology was like

Following long-​established patristic tradition,

medieval Christians updated the stories of classical

“a beautiful gentile captive” who might be con-

authors, enlisting them and their authority into the

verted into an Israelite. Basil of Caesarea used the

service of their own Christian ideology.

metaphor of bees gathering pollen from flowers to

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Figure 41 The Fauvel Master, Juno Ascending. From the Ovide moralisé, ca. 1315–20, Bibliothèque municipale de Rouen, ms 1044, fol. 54v.

show how Christian writers could choose the best

of mythological stories into contemporary settings

parts of ancient writings to teach Christian prin-

was standard in fourteenth-​century manuscript

ciples. Saint Augustine similarly argued that this

illumination.12 The images as much as the words

activity was like the Israelites’ use of Egyptian gold

made the mythical figures prototypes of and

to fashion their religious implements.

examples to medieval patrons. In this way medieval



writers edited, interpreted, and reimagined ancient

11

Images that cast gods and goddesses as

fourteenth-​century kings and queens brought

tales, and in the hands of the queen, the text rein-

the ancient accounts to life in Paris and made the

forced her culture’s elite view of itself and her own

didactic more relatable. In the Ovide moralisé the

place within society.

goddess Juno rides a four-​wheeled chariot pulled



into the sky by two peacocks, and she wears a

the Rouen manuscript is the declining amount of

translucent veil and outer garment and a crown

notation and the descending number and quality

with leafy fleurons (fig. 41). The dramatic diagonal

of illuminations from the front to the back. The

line formed by the upward trajectory of the chariot,

first page is thoroughly annotated in the wide

the majestic goddess, and the regal peacocks on the

margins (fig. 42). Painted sidebars frame the text at

gold, blue, and red checked background make this

first as well. However, the decoration of the book

a stunning image in the manuscript. This updating

changes; the annotation thins after a few pages, and

One of the most intriguing characteristics of

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Figure 42 The first page of the text from the Ovide moralisé, ca. 1315–20, Bibliothèque municipale de Rouen, ms 1044, fol. 16r.

88

then the vertical sidebars become less frequent.



At the beginning there are often three column-​

around 1320 and attribute the different styles of the

wide illuminations per page, and between folios

Fauvel Master’s illuminations to variations in his

200 and 300 there is still usually at least one illumi-

work quality as the manuscript progressed.13 I pro-

nation per page. From folio 300 to 400 the number

pose another way to make sense of changes in the

Richard and Mary Rouse date the manuscript

tapers further, and then the illuminations cease on

manuscript: by correlating the proposed dates of

folio 400v, though the manuscript narrative con-

the manuscript with Clémence’s life circumstances

tinues until folio 432.

at these times. The deterioration in quality and

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quantity of images in the queen’s Ovide mirrors the

“Ave Maria, Gra,” the two bodies communicate

dire financial shocks that the queen suffered during

through the repetition of line. Gabriel’s body forms

the years 1315–20. Perhaps she commissioned the

a concave shape, his left wing, his hand, and his

manuscript during her reign, and then, when her

foot all reaching toward the Virgin. Mary’s hip

husband died and her status declined, her finances

protrudes toward Gabriel, while her head and foot

constricted, shrinking the budget for the book as

stay behind, as if she were hesitantly drawn to him

it was being laid out and lettered and forcing the

and his message. Attention to detail, and carefully

patron and then the artist to cut corners and econ-

considered composition and modeling, character-

omize. This book can be seen as a percolate of the

ize this and other illuminations that appear early in

queen’s changing identity, the quality and quantity

the Rouen manuscript.

of illuminations changing even during its creation



as the funds for its production dried up.

where the style abruptly changes, the Fauvel



master’s tightly controlled drawing and expert

At the beginning of the manuscript many of

Although there is no point in the manuscript

the illuminations are fully developed. For example,

modeling of the bodies, faces, and costumes in the

in the Rouen Annunciation, on folio 35r, Mary

early images gradually give way to less detailed

grasps a book in her left hand and holds her right

executions in the later illuminations. For example,

hand as if she were listening to or receiving the

on folio 336r, Hecuba Taking the Eyes of Polymestor,

words Gabriel speaks (fig. 43). The winged angel

the artist has quickly captured the essence of the

reaches out to her while he speaks. The figures are

action (fig. 44). Hecuba and two other women

isolated on a ground tiled with red and blue dia-

avenge the death of Hecuba’s young son, attacking

monds, which are painted with white tridents or

their enemy Polymestor, who collapses, bleeding

simplified fleurs-​de-​lys. The frame of the compo-

from the wounds the women inflict. As seen in

sition is gold, accented with spiraling red and blue

many of the images in the latter part of the book,

bars. The artist has carefully drawn the faces of

the faces of the women lack the modeling and

Mary and Gabriel, and Mary’s neck and the side of

shadows that were so effective in the Annuncia-

her face have a gray wash, suggesting shadow and

tion, making them appear flat, pale, and lifeless.

thereby rendering the forms three-​dimensional.

Hecuba’s crown is drawn in thick, black lines

The curving shapes of the bodies appear even

and colored with yellow paint. Black lines with

through the garments, and the folds of the drapery

some dark wash, rather than gradated shadows,

are precise, their recesses darkened and their pro-

suggest the folds in the drapery. The borders of

trusions lightened. The Fauvel Master has carefully

the women’s veils differ in the two compositions.

depicted different colors of cloth on the interior

In the Annunciation, the lace at the edge of the veil

and exterior of the figures’ mantles, and the rich

appears as white dashes radiating out from the

luster of Gabriel’s red robe is accented by horizon-

edge of the material. In the image of Hecuba, the

tal decoration below the angel’s knees.

same technique appears, but the number of lines



decreases, and their thickness increases. The shapes

Although Gabriel and Mary are separated in

the composition by a flowering lily and the ban-

of the faces are the same in both images. The heads

derole with part of Gabriel’s words of greeting,

tilt down, and the chins receive minimal emphasis.

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Figure 43 The Fauvel Master, The Annunciation. From the Ovide moralisé, ca. 1315–20, Bibliothèque municipale de Rouen, ms 1044, fol. 35r.

As in the Annunciation, the shapes of the bodies

lines with dots painted over the red or blue rim.

create harmony in the scene. The bodies of Queen

The painter would have been able to make these

Hecuba and her attendants encircle their victim,

forms quickly. Such designs were much more

and the lines formed by their arms lead the viewer’s

efficient than the numerous painstaking white

eye to the site of their violence.

lines of the spiral rim in the Annunciation. The



90

In the Annunciation, the figures step outside

background of the Hecuba scene is similar to that

the minutely decorated frame of the composi-

of the Annunciation, but it is simplified. A plain

tion, slightly entering the viewer’s space. In the

gold background tooled to create the diamond

Hecuba image, the frame of the image is executed

shapes would have been much more efficiently

more simply. Here, the frame is largely decorated

made than the alternating red, blue, and gold dia-

with headless arrows or simple undulating white

monds in the background of the Annunciation,

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Figure 44 The Fauvel Master, Hecuba Taking the Eyes of Polymestor. From the Ovide moralisé, ca. 1315–20, Bibliothèque municipale de Rouen, ms 1044, fol. 336r.

and the simple dots more easily repeated than

Compendium with the Jewish Almanac

the more complicated designs on the tiles in the Annunciation.

In addition to books about religion, history, and



morality, Clémence also owned a compendium of

As the book was being made, the illumina-

tions, text, and decoration all sped up, suggest-

diverse texts, including a Jewish almanac: “Item,

ing that, although it was certainly luxurious, the

a large book, where there are seventeen stories,

resources devoted to its production were not lim-

starting with the almanac of the Jews, appraised

itless; the diminishing quality and concentration

at thirty pounds, sold to the king and delivered as

of illuminations in the Ovide moralisé can be seen

above” (213). Richard and Mary Rouse believe that

as visible results of the queen’s changing status and

Clémence’s book was probably the lavish manu-

financial standing.

script now in the collection of the Bibliothèque

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municipale de Rennes (ms 593).14 This surviving

inventory. Additionally, the book described in Clé-

manuscript is an encyclopedic compilation of

mence’s inventory had seventeen works, as does the

numerous popular texts of the day, including the

Rennes volume.19

earliest surviving French-​language astrological



collection.15 In this manuscript, authors and illu-

Rennes manuscript is remarkable. A variety of texts

minators locate the world in relation to celestial

on scientific and secular subjects suggest the erudi-

bodies and explore natural phenomena, like gravity

tion and prestige of the patron. The texts include:

The breadth of the works included in the

and eclipses. Notations by the scribes of the Rennes volume date it to 1303–4.16 The manuscript is quite

Astronomical tables and Calendrier

thick, with 538 parchment pages, and certainly

L’Almanach aux Juifs

fits the description in Clémence’s inventory as a

L’image du monde by Gossuin de Metz

“large book.” The illuminator of the ninety-​one

Doctrinal le Sage

images in the Rennes volume was the Thomas

La Mappemonde

de Maubeuge Master, one of the many artists who

Le Marriage de Nostre Dame Sainte Marie et son

worked with the Paris manuscript dealer Thomas de Maubeuge.

17

The luxury of its materials indicates that the

manuscript was made for an aristocratic patron. The fact that the texts are all in French, rather than

trespassement La complainte Nostre Dame Le prieur de Saint-​Sauveur de Pavie D’un prud’homme qui avoit pris le diable à son service sans le connaître

Latin, might point to women’s patronage, since

D’un damoiseau qui ne pensoit à nul bien faire

many aristocratic women of the time were fluent

Le Miracle de Théophile

in the vernacular and mainly knew only the Latin

D’un clerc qui saluoit volentiers Nostre Dame

used in church services. Clémence was not the

quand il passoit devant s’ymage

original patron of the manuscript, for in 1303–4,

Les prophéties de Merlin

when the manuscript was made, she was a child

Les prophéties de la royne Sebille

still living in Naples. Tracy Chapman Hamilton

Le milliaire by Méthode

posits that the original patron of the book may

Le lunaire of Salomon

have been Marie de Brabant or Jeanne de Navarre,

Le Livres dou Trésor by Brunetto Latini

Clémence’s mother-​in-​law, who could have passed

Vigiles des morts

it to her son Louis, who might have given it to

Le livre de Job

Clémence.

Lucidaire by Honorius Augustodunensis



Le livre de Sidrach

18

The most compelling evidence for the asso-

ciation of the Rennes manuscript with the book

La consolation de Philosophie by Boèce

listed in Clémence’s inventory is that the Almanach

Placides et Timeo

aux Juifs is the first titled work in the manuscript,

92

after the astronomical tables and Calendrier, and is

Many of these works have illuminations, but those

also the first text listed by the clerks in Clémence’s

illustrating astronomy and physics are the most

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Figure 45 The Thomas de Maubeuge Master, Phases of the Moon and The Influence of the Sun and Moon on the Earth. From L’image du monde, 1303–4, Bibliothèque municipale de Rennes, ms 593, fol. 76r.

fascinating. Images in the astrological collection,

The earth is clearly round, not flat, and the illustra-

L’image du monde, illustrate the writings on the

tions demonstrate concepts like the phases of the

round nature of the earth, solar and lunar eclipses,

moon and the effects of the sun and the moon on

planetary orbits, and the power of gravity.

the earth (fig. 45). Similarly, an illustration of the



effects of gravity combines the elements of figural

The Rennes book is the first known French-​

language astronomy collection, and it captures the

painting with technical illustrations (fig. 46). Four

state of knowledge in the early fourteenth century.

men standing at the top, bottom, and sides of a

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metaphysics, medicine, gynecology, embryology, politics, astrology, cosmology, and sociology.

The inclusion of the Jewish almanac (as well

as astrological tables that accompany the almanac text in the Rennes manuscript) suggests that Clémence was interested in the world and astronomy or that she used the book to find auspicious dates. Jacques Le Goff has called the thirteenth century the “encyclopedic century” because so many works were written that gathered and categorized knowledge about the world and theology.20 Texts like the Jewish almanac and the Image du monde indicate how readily knowledge of the world and the heavens was categorized and read by the elite in the late Middle Ages. Figure 46 The Thomas de Maubeuge Master, Demonstration of Gravity. From L’image du monde, 1303–4, Bibliothèque municipale de Rennes, ms 593, fol. 64.



When considered as a whole, the Rennes vol-

ume suggests a late medieval worldview that fully integrated Christian beliefs with scientific knowledge of the day. Images of apparitions easily cohabitate with technical illustrations of lunar eclipses

globe drop balls, which appear to be attracted to

and scenes of God creating the earth, separating

the center of the earth. The folds of the drapery are

the land from the water. Just as the Rouen Ovide

drawn in dark lines that clearly stand out from the

moralisé reconciles the worlds of Ovid’s writings

red or blue ground of the figures’ robes. The figures

with Christian thought, the texts and images of

all have full heads of wavy hair, and those at the top

the Rennes compendium suggest that the Chris-

and bottom are framed by an irregular white line of

tian beliefs of creation are part of the same system

ether, suggesting their placement above the earth.

in which the laws of the universe act on celestial



bodies.

In addition to questions of grand-​scale

astronomy and physics, some of the works in the Rennes manuscript deal with small-​scale issues around the sciences of the human body and sociol-

The Queen’s Library

ogy. The final section of the volume is a work

94

called Placides et Timeo, an inquisitive dialogue

Although the other books in Clémence’s library

between a fictitious philosopher, Placides, and his

have not survived or cannot be identified as hers,

princely student, Timeo. Heavily influenced by

a study of the list of these books in her inventory is

Aristotelian thought and form, the encyclopedic

fruitful.21 Clémence’s inventory separates her books

work explicates a wide variety of topics including

in two categories: livres de chapelle and roumans.

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Her livres de chapelle, or service books, were all

expensive volumes. These included breviaries, Psal-

books with standardized, repeatable information

ters, graduals, a book of hours, a missal, an ordi-

used in the church. Roumans were books, usually

nary, a processionary, and a sequentiary (196–211).

written in French, that included fables, popular

One of Clémence’s breviaries, two of her graduals,

religious writings, and songbooks. In the case of

a missal, a processionary, and seven notebooks are

her husband’s inventory, his roumans were kept

all listed as noté, meaning that musical notation

in his chamber, literally separate from the books

appeared with the words. Her inventory even lists a

used in the chapel. (Clémence’s inventory does

small pillow on which the missal rested (242).

not indicate where her books were kept.) Her col-



lection of roumans included behavior manuals and

normally included a calendar, the Psalter, the

moralizing literature, like Le livre du gouvernement

temporale, the commune sanctorum, and the

des rois et des princes, written to advise Clémence’s

sanctorale.23 The sequentiary was a compilation

father-​in-​law, and a book by the Recluse of Mol-

of the sequences sung after the alleluia, and the

liens, a thirteenth-​century cenobite and poet,

processional held the chants to be sung during

as well as law books like the Institutes and the

processions. The gradual contained the chants for

Summate. Popular religious writings like the Vie de

the Mass. The ordinary contained the priest’s texts,

saints, Advocacie Notre Dame, and the Ovide mora-

probably for use by Clémence’s chaplains. The

lisé, as well as romances like the Roman de la Rose

missal had a calendar, temporale, Ordo Missae, and

and De la Penthère also appear in this category.

the Mass chants and the phrases to be said or sung



by the priest.24 The Psalter, of which Clémence had

22

The list of books indicates patterns and trends

A breviary, for saying the daily Office,

that open a window into the queen’s concerns and

three, contained the 150 psalms, which were often

identity. Of course this list might not be inclusive

sung. The queen and her ladies may have used

of all the books she owned or to which she had

these books personally, but it is probable that the

access, and she may have given some of her books

priests who officiated in her religious services used

away before her death. However, by comparing

many of the livres de chapelle.25 These service books

the prices and descriptions of the books listed

are similar to the chasubles, tunics, dalmatics, and

in her library, we can understand which of them

altar cloths listed in her inventory in that they are

were particularly important to the queen and her

counted among the queen’s possessions but were

culture. The most expensive books were those that

often used by others in her service.

were decorated with illuminations or had gold or



silver clasps, embellishments to the texts that signal

for use by an officiating priest, it is clear that the

their significance.

deluxe versions of the books in Clémence’s library

Although the breviary was primarily intended

were for her personal enjoyment as well. Clémence

Types of Livres de chapelle

owned six breviaries, and her most expensive ones sold for fifty and sixty pounds—twice the price

Service books made up almost half of the books

of the Peterborough Psalter, which sold for thirty

in Clémence’s collection and were by far her most

pounds (196–97, 200–202, 204). Clémence’s best

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breviary was therefore a deluxe version, arguably



equivalent to the renowned Belleville Breviary, pro-

library featured the writings of a cenobite named

duced in Paris between 1323 and 1326 (Bibliothèque

Barthélemy from the abbey of Saint-​Fuscien-​au-​

nationale de France, Paris, mss lat. 10483–84). The

Bois, near Amiens, who had had himself enclosed

Belleville Breviary was written in two volumes and,

next to the church of Sainte-​Marie de Molliens-​

like Clémence’s best breviary, was of Dominican use.

Vidame.28 This monk may be the same Barthélemy



In fact, Clémence had three breviaries of

who became abbot of Saint-​Fuscien-​au-​Bois in 1225

Dominican use and two of the use of Notre-​Dame

and died in 1230. Between 1224 and 1230, the recluse

de Paris (196, 197, 200, 201, 202, 204). Her confes-

wrote two octosyllable poems with twelve verses

sor was a Dominican, and she had herself buried

per stanza. These were the Roman de carité, which

at the Dominican church of the Jacobins in Paris,

recounts a quest for charity, and Miserere, which

suggesting she had a long-​term relationship with

questions the nature of human existence and pur-

this institution and probably worshipped there.

pose, then exhorts readers to eschew sin. The two

The “roumans du Reclus de Moliens” in her

books often appeared together in manuscripts, and

In contrast, when use of breviaries in her husband’s inventory was listed, it was the use of Paris.

the existence of numerous medieval iterations tes-

The mendicant orders were extremely popular in

tifies to their wide circulation in that period.29 Such

Naples, so it should come as no surprise that Clé-

moralizing reading would have aided the queen in

mence maintained this affiliation once she arrived

behaving correctly, so as to augment her reputation.

in Paris. Foreign brides continued to be cultural



26

The writings of the Recluse of Molliens fall

translators in their new homelands through their

into the category of moralizing and didactic lit-

books, objects, and commissions.

erature, which Clémence seemed to cherish. The monk cautions kings (and therefore queens) to be

Types of Roumans

virtuous, loyal, charitable, and to eschew cruelty.30 The message to rulers here dovetails with the

In addition to books used in religious functions,

teachings in Clémence’s copy of Le livre du gouver-

the inventory lists an equivalent number of rou-

nement des rois et des princes, counseling leaders

mans, books including the Roman de la Rose,

to be just and virtuous. Clémence’s testament says

Enfans Ogier, Roman des Sept Sages, and De la

that she wanted to be able to render to the Lord

Panthère. The Enfans Ogier, about one of Char-

a good account of the stewardship with which he

lemagne’s warriors, also appeared in the libraries

trusted her, indicating that she had read the dia-

of Jeanne d’Évreux and Mahaut d’Artois. The Sept

logue concerning just rulership and considered her

Sages was also a well-​known book, a copy of which

royal identity and material possessions a steward-

the Fauvel Master had illuminated.27 Many of Clé-

ship for which she needed to be responsible.31

mence’s religious books, like Vie de saints, De la Trinité, Advocacie Notre Dame, La vie des Pères, and Balaham et Josaphat, appear in the roumans section

96

Clémence’s French Bible

of her inventory because they were not used in the

Clémence’s two-​volume French Bible, like her

chapel and were in French rather than Latin.

romances and popular religious literature, was also

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classified in her inventory as a rouman because

own such a volume; it was an expected manuscript

it was in the vernacular. The Bible was one of the

in the courtly library of a fourteenth-​century

most popular titles in late medieval courtly librar-

woman. Clémence’s ownership of this work com-

ies, but there were striking differences in the Bibles

ports with the early but growing popularity of the

of courtly collections between the thirteenth and

Bible in the vernacular, just over a hundred years

the fifteenth centuries. One-, two-, and three-​

after parts of the Bible were first translated into

volume Bibles appear in inventories throughout

French.35

this time. During the thirteenth century moralized



Bibles were in vogue in royal circles; a manuscript

script, selling for eighty pounds, almost three times

preserved in Austria (Österreichische National-

the cost of the Peterborough Psalter, with its gold

bibliothek, ms 2554), probably made for Blanche

script and numerous illuminations. The scribes

Clémence’s Bible was her most valuable manu-

de Castile, is an excellent example of this type.

who recorded the inventory did not mention any

In moralized Bibles, eight round miniatures in two

gold clasps or jeweled covers that would have

columns of four dominated the pages, with mor-

inflated the value of this book, so it seems likely

alizing texts and images interpreting biblical texts

that it too was richly illuminated.

32

and images for royal readers.

Clémence’s was likely a Bible historiale, the

most prevalent type of Bible produced in the late

Patterns Within Clémence’s Library

Middle Ages. This fourteenth-​century book was

Several trends emerge within the types of books

the product of a long translation process of the

in Clémence’s library. Like many aristocrats of her

Bible from Latin into French. At the end of the

day, she seems to have been interested in history.

twelfth century a group of laymen in Metz who

She had books like the La Conqueste de Césile,

wished to study the Bible translated it into the

a lost work that probably told of her great-​

vernacular. A papal inquiry followed, and the

grandfather’s conquest of Sicily, and the Enfans

translations were burned.33 Then Petrus Comestor

Ogier, the romance whose narrative takes place

compiled the historical parts of the Bible, especially

during the time of Charlemagne, not to mention

the Old Testament, in his Latin book the Historia

the Ovide moralisé, which recounts events from the

scolastica. When Guiart des Moulins translated this

Trojan War.

work, between 1291 and 1294, it became and stayed



popular, making some sections of the Bible widely

de Navarre, who all commissioned behavior man-

available in the vernacular in la Bible historiale.

uals, Clémence had an interest in moralizing and

More than seventy of these survive today, indicat-

didactic literature. Her volumes like the Ovide

ing the popularity of the work in the late Middle

moralisé, Les dix commandements de la loy, Ysopet

Ages. Such Bibles appear regularly in the records of

(Aesop’s fables), as well as the often-​moralizing

French courtly bibliophiles. For example, Mahaut

behavior manual De regimine principum (Le livre

d’Artois and Jeanne d’Évreux both owned copies,

du gouvernement des rois et des princes), all sug-

as did Clémence’s grandmother Marie de Hon-

gested appropriate courtly behavior (212, 215,

grie. It would have been fitting for Clémence to

223, 226).36 In addition to books that instructed

34

Like Louis IX, Philippe IV, and Jeanne

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Clémence on governance, the queen’s copies of

to her grandfather or great-​grandfather is evi-

the law books Institutes and Summate (227, 231)

dence of her affiliation with and promotion of

might suggest that she was interested in law—she

her patrilineal ancestors, as seen in the effigy she

certainly was involved in the legal system as she

commissioned for her great-​grandfather in Paris

fought to maintain the rights to her lands. How-

(see figs. 10–11) and her commission of her own

ever, it seems more likely that, as with many of the

burial chapel, which was to be built like that of

livres de chapelle, these law books were for the use

her grandfather, with the two chapels forming the

of others who served her, such as her clerks.

arms of a cross in the church of Notre-​Dame-​de-​ Nazareth in Aix-​en-​Provence.38 Her possession

Clémence’s Books and the Angevin Dynasty Many of Clémence’s books proclaimed her Angevin

of her ancestor’s book reaffirms her allegiance to these relatives and her identification with the Angevin dynasty.

heritage, a conspicuous feature not only of the queen’s library but of her collection generally. At the time of her death, the sequentiary in her library was one that had belonged to King Charles

Clémence’s Library and Those of Other Courtly Bibliophiles

(this could have been her great-​grandfather Charles I d’Anjou, conqueror of Naples and Sicily,

Clémence’s library can be considered within the

or her grandfather Charles II) (211). The queen’s

context of other late medieval libraries, which

confessor took the book to return it to Clémence’s

reflected the growth of book collecting in the

uncle Robert d’Anjou, demonstrating how a family

thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Demand

heirloom could travel even eight hundred miles

increased for ancient and newly written texts, for

to circulate within a family group—and not just

courtly stories, for theological works, and for trans-

at the time of a woman’s marriage but throughout

lations of Arabic and Greek scientific works, and

her life. Many fourteenth-​century queens cher-

books came more and more to be associated with

ished books that had belonged to their ancestors.

individual patrons, who had their coats of arms

Jeanne d’Évreux owned and treasured a Psalter

painted prominently within them.39 Although an

that had belonged to Saint Louis, and Blanche

inventory of books at the Sorbonne in 1298 listed

de Navarre bequeathed important family books to

1,017 volumes in the collection, and an inventory

her loved ones in her testament. The practice of

of the papal library in Avignon in 1339 included

reading, looking at images, and turning pages of a

433 volumes, private collections were still relatively

book owned by a venerated predecessor provided

small.40 Nevertheless, the numbers of books owned

a tangible link to the ancestor, reinforcing family

by aristocrats appear to grow in this period.

identity.





phile mother, Blanche de Castile, owned remains

37

98

Clémence’s sequentiary must be considered

How many books Louis IX or his biblio-

with the Conqueste de Césile, a history book

unknown, but seven books associated with Blanche

about her family also in the queen’s collection.

survive and indicate the growing love of manu-

That Clémence had a book that had belonged

scripts among royals in the thirteenth century.41

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Clémence’s mother-​in-​law, Jeanne de Navarre, was

books.”45 The countess Mahaut d’Artois was another

active in commissioning translations of works like

great collector of books. Although no inventory of

the story of Kalila and Dimna, but we do not know

her books has come to light, purchase records and

how many other books she owned.

a claim for books stolen by her nephew do survive



and provide a good idea of the types of books she

The 1358 inventory of Isabelle de France,

Clémence’s sister-​in-​law, lists thirty-​four manu-

owned, if not the number. Mahaut acquired even

scripts, mostly romances and devotional books,

more historical books than either Clémence or

some richly illustrated. This document and other

Jeanne d’Évreux—she owned two histories of Troy,

evidence suggests she was associated with about

a chronicle of the kings of France, an account of

forty-​five books. For example, she had a copy of

Marco Polo’s travels to the court of Kublai Khan,

Lancelot, a history of the Trojan War, a book of

two copies of the medieval history of Britain

King Arthur’s deeds, two chansons de geste, three

known as the Brut, and a history of the Crusades.46

books of hours, and a Psalter. A richly illustrated

The different reading patterns of these women

Apocalypse is associated with her (Bibliothèque

demonstrate the diversity of interests even among

nationale de France, Paris, ms fr. 13096), as is the

contemporary peers.

Queen Mary Psalter (British Library, London,



ms Royal 2Bvii), among others.43 Like Clémence,

listed in the inventory of her husband, Louis X,

Isabelle had several books that were lavishly dec-

offers fruitful areas to explore in terms of gender in

orated, and she too had an interest in educational

the early fourteenth century. He had only twenty-​

42

Comparison of Clémence’s books with those

texts. Isabelle gave her daughter Joan of Scotland

six books and two groups of quires listed in his

her large leather-​covered book of Arthur’s deeds,

inventory, far fewer than Clémence’s forty-​four vol-

as well as two Franciscan missals, a two-​volume

umes.47 Like Clémence, he had numerous liturgical

French Bible, and a French Apocalypse. She also

books, including three missals, two ordinaries, four

gave Edward III, her son, sixteen service books,

breviaries, two Psalters, and three processionaries.

three books of hours, a Psalter covered with a silk

He also had a book with the king’s lines to be said

cloth, three romances, her history of the Trojan

during the Mass. While both husband and wife had

War, and her two chansons de geste. Both Clémence

these standard liturgical books that would have

and Isabelle seem to have had large collections

been used in their household worship, and both

of service books and were interested in reading

owned history books, their tastes appear to diverge

romances and war histories.

in other ways.





44

Remaining evidence does not offer a com-

His reading material largely echoed his well-​

prehensive record of the books of another famous

documented interests in tournaments and chess,

bibliophile, Jeanne d’Évreux, whose testament

while she had many more romances and popular

does not list all her books individually. After nam-

religious readings. He did not have a book of hours,

ing some of her books, Jeanne specified that “all

as she did, and Louis’s inventory does not list any

her other books” go to her daughter. However,

Bible, let alone anything comparable to Clémence’s

Joan Holladay has documented between fifty-​two

expensive two-​volume Bible. Although many of

and fifty-​four volumes in addition to her “other

Clémence’s and Louis’s religious book titles overlap,

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none of the descriptions of the romans stand out

interested in athletic events, while women focused

as matches in the two libraries except for the inex-

more on stories and spirituality. Nevertheless, other

pensive copy of the Roman du reclus [de Molliens],

evidence suggests that their preferences may not

which was in fact listed as “on loan” when Louis’s

have been so clear-​cut. Clémence herself owned

books were inventoried, so perhaps Clémence had

an elaborate chess set, suggesting her interest in

added it to her own collection already.

this game, and many male aristocrats, like Louis IX



himself, were renowned for their religious fervor.

48

According to his inventory, Louis had none

of the popular religious books and romances that

Perhaps the reading choices of Clémence and

appear in Clémence’s inventory, perhaps suggesting

Louis, or Isabelle and Edward, represent the dis-

that her copies of the Advocacie Notre Dame and

parate tastes of a man and a woman in a particular

the Roman de la Rose represented her individual

relationship rather than broad cultural differences.

taste or that they reflected the different cultural

Absolute conclusions are difficult to draw from

expectations and performances of gender at this

inventories, because these lists compiled at the

moment. That said, it is possible that Clémence

end of life might have been different from those

acquired some of Louis’s books after his death but

compiled at other times, because important books

before his inventory was made, in which case such

may already have moved to new owners before the

books would not have been listed. However, his

nobles’ deaths, and because nobles’ libraries were

inventory documents instances of her buying wine

“slippery,” their owners often having access to man-

from his estate and receiving plate directly with-

uscripts not listed in their own collections.52 Never-

out purchasing it, so it seems likely that if she had

theless, the lists are interesting to consider together.

acquired books from him, these transfers would



have been noted.

Jeanne d’Évreux, Isabelle de France, and Bonne



de Luxembourg were avid manuscript patrons and

49

A comparison of Clémence’s collection with

the books owned by Mahaut d’Artois does seem

collectors in the first half of the fourteenth cen-

to confirm a gendered pattern in book ownership

tury.53 Later, Bonne’s sons—the manuscript-​loving

in the early fourteenth century. Mahaut had many

brothers Charles V; Jean, duc de Berry; Louis I, duc

romance, history, and philosophy books, but no

d’Anjou; and Philippe, duc de Bourgogne—brought

books about tournaments or games. Comparison

book connoisseurship to new heights. The royal

of the libraries of Isabelle de France and her hus-

library organized by Charles V had more than two

band, Edward II, provides further evidence. Anne

thousand volumes in 1369.54 Jean, duc de Berry,

Stanton has found that he had more documented

had around three hundred books in his collection

law books and administrative materials, while Isa-

in 1401, while his brother, Philippe, duc de Bour-

belle held French romances and Franciscan service

gogne, had eighty volumes in 1404. It would appear

books, making her library quite similar to those of

then that these men eclipsed women as major book

her female relatives in France.

collectors. However, this perception might reflect



in part how royal libraries were inventoried and

50

51

100

Women like Clémence, Mahaut d’Artois,

It might be tempting to draw wide-​ranging

conclusions about these reading choices in terms

the vagaries of document survival.55 Moreover,

of gender, suggesting that men were more

men like Charles V absorbed manuscripts from

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earlier women’s collections and benefited from the

family, stating that their daughter was Clémence’s

women’s erudition. And while no inventory of the

lady-​in-​waiting.58 It would appear that Marguerite

books of Isabeau de Bavière, the wife of Charles VI,

was a good reader and that she customarily read

survives for comparison with those of her male

the breviary to Clémence and possibly to the other

contemporaries, the record of her expenses and

members of her household.

commissions, and the well-​known illumination of Christine de Pisan presenting her book to Isabeau (British Library, London, ms Harley 4431, fol. 3r),

Book-​Price Comparisons

certainly suggest that she, like her male contemporaries, was a serious collector too.56 So although

The prices recorded as Clémence’s manuscripts

men became voracious collectors of books in the

moved to new owners also reveal how the values

second half of the fourteenth century, without

of her books compared to those of other objects in

doubt women remained important patrons of the

her collection. The elevated prices of some of her

book arts as well.

volumes suggest they were probably illuminated and their covers decorated and, as the inventory mentions, often had gold or silver clasps.

Clémence’s Book of Hours and Group Reading



Comparing the prices paid for Clémence’s

books to those for her metalwork and her horses is The descriptions of Clémence’s books indicate that

instructive. The queen’s most expensive books were

she read her hours herself and also had one of her

her eighty-​pound Bible, her sixty-​pound breviary,

attendants read them to her. Reading in groups was

her fifty-​pound Ovide moralisé, her thirty-​pound

a common practice in late medieval France and

Psalter, and two other breviaries that sold for forty-​

England. The first book described in Clémence’s

five and fifty pounds. In contrast, her best pieces

inventory was “a breviary where Madame said her

of jewelry appear to have been much more highly

hours, of the use of the Jacobins” (196). Another

valued than any of her books. Her crowns sold

breviary is described as “a small breviary of the use

for 800, 600, 400, and 160 pounds, and her most

of the Jacobins, where Marguerite helped Madame

sumptuous ruby ring sold for 1,000 pounds (1–4,

say the hours” (201). Clémence’s testament indi-

18). The range of prices of Clémence’s manuscripts

cates that Marguerite was one of the most trusted

is roughly equivalent to the prices of her horses.

members of the queen’s household. In her will

The most expensive horse sold for 120 pounds,

Clémence gave Marguerite de Nantueil a generous

while others sold for 100, 60, 40, 12, and 4 pounds

gift of money, and as mentioned above, the inven-

(483–501).

tory records that one of the queen’s best gowns,



a red dress with four garments, lined with menu

mence’s best books were expensive, there were

vair, also went to her (268). Marguerite had come

more costly volumes made for the reigning mon-

with Clémence from Naples, as is known from

archs and other courtly patrons. In 1327 Charles IV

Clémence’s grandmother’s testament, in which

paid the extraordinary price of 120 pounds for a

the elder queen left a generous gift to Marguerite’s

Vie de saints and the Miracles de Notre Dame.59

57

Surviving records suggest that although Clé-

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The same year, he commissioned a grand Bible from Richard de Verdun for the same price.

Alongside Clémence’s most costly books

Most of Clémence’s books moved to Jeanne

were many that were inexpensive, like a book of

d’Évreux, King Philippe de Valois, and Pierre des

Gace Brulé’s songs and the queen’s chançons noté,

Essars. Jeanne d’Évreux’s purchase here is interest-

perhaps sheet music, each of which sold for just

ing because she could presumably choose from the

twenty sous. Clémence’s Livre du gouvernement des

vast array of Clémence’s possessions, and although

rois et des princes went for one hundred sous, and

she did buy a few small objects, she chose to buy

the compendium Des sept sages et d’Ysopet sold

mainly books. While the king bought both livres de

for the same amount. Sorting the books by price

chapelle and roumans, all nine books that Jeanne

indicates that eighteen of Clémence’s forty-​four

d’Évreux bought were roumans, most of which

books sold for one hundred sous or less. Although

were less expensive or inexpensive—a bit surpris-

these inexpensive books probably were not illu-

ing for a queen so well known for her piety and her

minated or decorated, they nevertheless serve as

luxurious taste.

strong evidence of women’s literacy and interest in



books.

every category, and then other people, not always



102

Book Buyers

60

The inventory descriptions of Clémence’s

The king bought the best objects in almost

royal, bought the remaining objects. It appears that

volumes focus on the coverings, decorations, and

the king’s agents had a right of first refusal. It is

clasps, not on their opening and closing lines,

unclear if the dowager queen, Jeanne d’Évreux,

as some inventories do. For example, they detail

exercised a similar precedence or not. In the case

the enamels or other decoration—“a breviary of

of Clémence’s library, King Philippe’s agents did

annual feasts of the use of Paris, with four silver

not buy the very most expensive books. Clémence’s

clasps” (200)—or they indicate musical notation,

close friend Robert d’Artois bought the most costly

“two graduals with notation” (203). Although the

title, her extravagant two-​volume French Bible, for

cover and clasps of the books receive detailed

eighty pounds, and one of Clémence’s chaplains,

descriptions in the inventory, the prices of the

Thibaut de Meaux, bought the next most expensive

manuscripts do appear to reflect the interior mate-

book, a sixty-​pound breviary (202, 221).

rials and illuminations, because Clémence’s most



expensive books are not always listed as having had

books to new owners reveals much about her iden-

elaborate covers or valuable clasps.

tity. It indicates her interests and her elite status,



When her inventory and sale occurred at

and it speaks of some of the cultural expectations

Corbeil, one book was deemed unsalable because

of queens of her day. The imagery and themes of

of its condition: “Item, a large old book with many

her surviving manuscripts such as the Peterbor-

stories; not appraised, not sold, for it is greatly

ough Psalter and the Ovide moralisé demonstrate

deteriorated” (579). The death of an owner was also

that she and her peers harnessed the legacies of

a time to dispose of objects no longer of monetary

ancient Hebrew and Roman culture. Her numer-

value.

ous moralizing, educational, and popular religious

The record of the movement of Clémence’s

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books suggest that Clémence studied behavior, which was extremely important in asserting her royal status and identity in fourteenth-​century Paris. She had a book that belonged to her grandfather or great-​grandfather as well as a book about the conquest of Sicily, suggesting that she read about the history of her family and cherished books that belonged to her ancestors (211, 224). She had a book about the Trojan War and one about Charlemagne’s conquest (212, 214). The topics of her books paralleled her own international background and accentuated her courtly connections. She had expensive and inexpensive manuscripts and books that were important because of their previous owners. All these books help us to piece together parts of the identity the queen cultivated.

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Gift Giving in the Gothic World

Chapter 5

As Christine de Pizan indicates in her Book of

The possessions that proclaimed Queen



Clémence’s identity became all the more

the Body Politic, written between 1404 and 1407 at

powerful as she mobilized them locally

the court of France, aristocrats linked gift giving

and internationally through gift giving. Her gifts

to royal identity and status. In her book, she draws

must be considered in the context of the culture of

together advice from a variety of older authors to

generosity that permeated late medieval European

teach royals long-​standing codes of proper behav-

courts; royal gift giving and generosity were deeply

ior with regard to the importance of generosity and

enmeshed with Gothic conceptions of aristocratic

giving fitting gifts. Each gift should be appropriate

etiquette that dated back to antiquity. Gifts were

to the recipient and the occasion because gifts

exchanged at the New Year, tribute was a required

endowed their donors and recipients with status:

gift that physically enforced landownership power

“But since we say so often that the good prince

structures, royal people offered members of their

ought to be generous, it is important to say in what

households livery at times throughout the year, and

manner and on what things he should extend his

aristocrats exchanged gifts with each other interna-

liberality. So Seneca declares in the second book

tionally. Moreover, testamentary bequests enabled

of On Benefices, that the prince or the giver must

dying nobles to move their cherished objects to

understand his own power and authority, and also

friends and family after their deaths. Late medieval

the power and rank of him to whom he would give,

behavior manuals as well as modern scholarship aid

so as not to give a lesser gift than is appropriate,

us in interpreting nobles’ gift-​giving gestures. These

nor to give more than appropriate.” Through trans-

customs knitted communities together but also vis-

fers of textiles, manuscripts, jewels, and land, the

ibly proclaimed the stations of the participants, dif-

giver signaled to the recipient and to others up and

ferentiating them and reestablishing their various

down the social ladder the rank and importance

identities and creating both bonds and debts.

of both the donor and the recipient. Christine

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de Pizan also writes that giving a gift that was too

But let one of her lovers

rich—or too lowly—might damage the donor’s rep-

Have it because it was richly

utation and reflect poorly on his or her judgment:

Elegant. Guinevere,

“the prince ought to look closely that the gift be

Mighty King Arthur’s wife,

such that it cannot be blamed as shabby or cheap.

Had deceived the Emperor Gassa

It ought always to be as generous as is merited.”

And gotten it, and had it used

The codes of gift giving were a subtle and import-

To celebrate Mass in her chapel,

ant language, and generosity had to be planned and

Because it was lovely. And when

executed. Christine goes on to warn that haphazard

Enide had left her, the queen

giving could generate unrealistic expectations and

Had made it a gift for Erec’s

cause nobles to miss opportunities to benefit from

Wife. It was said to be worth

gift giving: “This liberality must also be moderate

A hundred ounces of silver.2

and tempered by discretion. . . . For let us suppose that the prince or another gives willingly and gen-

The textile that Enide offers on the altar is import-

erously from his wealth, he still ought to consider

ant because it is exotic and luxurious. It is made of

how he will continue in that virtue and not be like

the finest silk imported from Andalusia and has

those who give foolishly and distribute without any

a fantastic legacy—supposedly woven by a fairy

order.” Gift giving was an opportunity to demon-

for her lover. That a textile had multiple owners

strate taste, to reinforce social standing, and to

and had been transformed by Guinevere from a

establish royal identity.

lover’s garment to a chasuble for a chapel endows



the fabric with a distinctive provenance.3 Exotic

1

Public gift giving, especially by queens, did

just that. To leave gifts on the altar of a church

silk textiles easily permeated national, religious,

was a well-​known and significant action, appear-

and vocational lines, and presenting this exotic and

ing throughout literature of the day. For example,

storied textile on the altar of a church brings honor

Chrétien de Troyes has his heroine Enide leave a

to its donor.

luxurious and exotic silk chasuble on the altar of a



church in his twelfth-​century poem Erec and Enide:

noble characteristic of generosity. Clémence owned

Books in Clémence’s own collection praise the

a copy of the Roman de la Rose, written by Guil . . . as an offering, she gave

laume de Lorris and Jean de Meun in the thirteenth

A wonderfully woven green

century. In the romance, the author meets differ-

Silk cloth and a priestly cloak,

ent allegorical figures in the Garden of Pleasure,

Covered with filigreed gold,

and one of the most striking is that of Generosity,

Made with all her skill

or Largesse:

And care by Morgana le Fay At her home in the Valley of Danger.

Next came Largesse, who was well trained and instructed

The silk was from Spain—and surely

in the art of doing honor and spending money. . . . Even

Morgana had never made

wretched Avarice was not so anxious to take as Largesse

The cloak for use in church,

was to give, and God caused her wealth to multiply,

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so that however much she gave away, she always had

actually mandatory and self-​interested: “The form

more. Largesse was greatly praised and esteemed; she

[of the gift] usually taken is that of the gift gener-

had achieved so much by her generous gifts that wise

ously offered; but the accompanying behavior is

and foolish alike were entirely at her mercy. If anyone

formal pretense and social deception, while the

happened to hate her, I believe she would make him her

transaction itself is based on obligation and eco-

friend by the great service she did him, and therefore

nomic self-​interest.”5 He saw that giving greater

she was dearly loved by rich and poor alike. . . . The man

gifts brought more honor to the givers in the soci-

who wants friends should not be too attached to his pos-

eties he studied. Release, rather than retention,

sessions, but should acquire friends by giving them fine

of belongings brought status within these groups.

gifts, for just as the magnet subtly draws iron to itself,

Mauss found that people benefited from the honor

so the gold and silver that we give attract the hearts of

of giving the best gifts, as seen most dramatically in

men. . . . Largesse wore a new robe of purple from the

the potlatch practiced by the Kwakiutl of the Pacific

Orient; her face was fair and well shaped, but her collar

Northwest Coast, who ritualistically gave to excess

was unfastened, for a short time ago she had, there and

(or even destroyed their belongings outright). In his

then, given the clasp to a lady. But it rather suited her for

study of Samoan gift giving, Mauss found that there

the neck to be open and her throat disclosed, so that soft

was an absolute obligation to reciprocate once a gift

whiteness of her skin showed through her chemise.4

had been received. He saw gift giving as obligatory, competitive, economically beneficial, and necessar-

106

Like the allegorical figure of Largesse, Clémence

ily reciprocal. These interpretations have relevance

owned a magnificent purple velvet robe (276), and

to medieval court culture; in the Middle Ages, rec-

she publicly gave away a clasp that fastened cloth-

iprocity tied nobles together and to other members

ing (in a ritual that is the topic of the next chapter).

of the society. The benefits that late medieval royals

Through their generosity, queens practiced the vir-

gained from their gifts were status, respect, fealty,

tue of largesse, which was praised in their culture

attention, and the opportunity to promote their

and in the books they read.

legacies after their deaths.





In addition to medieval didactic and romance

While Mauss suggested that gift giving was

literature, the writings of Marcel Mauss and other

mandatory, even when such generosity drove

modern anthropologists and sociologists offer

participants toward ruin, Pierre Bourdieu hypoth-

valuable insight into the culture of gift giving in the

esized in The Logic of Practice that gift giving

late Middle Ages. Although some of the cultures

involved much more agency.6 Even though gift-​

studied by these writers differ greatly in time and

giving rituals were choreographed events, the fact

place from early fourteenth-​century royal courts in

that they unfolded over time made them brim with

Europe, the questions they ask and the models they

moments of uncertainty in which the participants

propose have interesting intersections with late

chose to continue to give or to withdraw.

medieval court culture. In his seminal 1923 Essai sur



le don, Mauss examined gift exchange in Polynesian

they figured prominently in annual celebrations

and northwest American cultures and proposed

of the New Year at the Valois court around 1400.

that gifts that appeared to be freely given were

As Brigitte Buettner writes, these New Year’s gifts,

Whether gifts were mandatory or voluntary,

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Figure 47 Goldene Rössl, Paris, before 1405. Enameled and chiseled gold, silver-​ gilt, silver, sapphires, rubies, and pearls. Haus Papst Benedikt XVI.— Neue Schatzkammer und Wallfahrtsmuseum, Altötting.

Étrennes presented to a spouse also demon-

or étrennes, had their roots in ancient Near Eastern



cultures and accounted for a sizeable percentage

strated wealth and therefore argued for regal

of princely annual budgets. The beautiful works

power. Isabeau de Bavière gave the Goldene Rössl,

of art given were often lavish creations ordered

or Cheval d’or, to her husband, Charles VI, in 1405

months in advance. Choosing the perfect gift was

during a bout of his mental illness (fig. 47).8

a studied art in these circles, where popular gifts

Buettner calls this gift “a plea” for her husband

were precious objects in metal and gems or richly

to recuperate.9 In this multilayered structure, just

decorated manuscripts. Artifice was everything in

over two feet tall, enameled figures of Charles and

these works, and wit and ingenuity could outweigh

a knight kneel before the Virgin and Child. All

the cost of the materials in making a gift a success.

the figures are enameled en ronde bosse, a difficult

7

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goldsmith’s technique where colorful enamel is

tastes and her familiarity with exotic collectables,

applied to three-​dimensional figures. An elabo-

and Abbot Suger, who received it from Louis, also

rately worked trellis frames the Virgin and is dec-

understood the importance of the object’s status

orated with precious gems and pearls. Enameled

and history as a gift and enshrined its exotic and

figures of a squire and the king’s horse stand on the

regal provenance by recording its previous owners

bottom level of the work. Whatever its effect on

in a narrative on the base he commissioned for

the king, it would have been visually impressive to

the piece. The manner in which the elegant rock-​

the courtiers who witnessed its presentation. Sadly,

crystal vase was embellished, given, regiven and

in order to pay debts, the king had to pawn the

further embellished is a poignant example of medi-

magnificent work almost immediately after his wife

eval patterns of giving.12 Although objects were

offered it to him.

frequently passed on to others, rarely is this layered



ownership and patronage so clearly documented.

Provenance of objects was key in making gifts

more significant, as another gift from a queen to

This “genealogy of the object,” as Brigitte Buettner

her husband demonstrates. The rock-​crystal vase

calls it, was immensely important to late medieval

that Eleanor of Aquitaine (Aliénor d’Aquitaine in

patrons, and they often tracked the former owners

French, 1122/24–1204) offered her first husband,

of the objects they collected, carefully making sure

Louis VII, clearly displays the importance of

that these heritages continued to be appreciated.13

the lineage of ownership of objects given as gifts



(fig. 48). Abbot Suger recorded the series of gifts

to employees, often in the form of livery. For

that resulted in this marvelous donation to his

example, detailed records of a noblewoman living

abbey: “Still another vase, looking like a pint bottle

in England during Clémence’s lifetime, Elizabeth

of beryl or crystal, which the Queen of Aquitaine

de Burgh, reveal just what an investment livery

had presented to our Lord King Louis as a newly

was for patrons in fourteenth-​century England and

wed bride on their first voyage, and the King to us

France.14 She gave her clerks, ladies-​in-​waiting,

as a tribute of his great love, we offered most affec-

squires, grooms, pages, and other attendants cloth-

tionately to the Divine Table for libation. We have

ing in different colors, according to their positions.

recorded the sequence of these gifts on the vase

Such gifts were actually part of employees’ payment

itself, after it had been adorned with gems and

and were expected. However, highly visible gifts

gold in some little verses: As a bride, Eleanor gave

like livery not only served as part of a servant’s

this vase to King Louis, Mitadolus to her grand-

wages but also increased a ruler’s magnificence.15

father, the King to me, and Suger to the Saints.”10

When a whole group of servants could be seen

George T. Beech argues that Mitadolus was Imad

together, the variety or repetition of color and

al-​dawla Abd al-​Malik ibn Hud, the last Muslim

detail in their garments established an impressive

king of Saragossa (1110–30), and that Imad al-​dawla

image of colorful bodies reaffirming the standing

acquired the Eleanor Vase through trade with

of their patron. If clothes rather than skin were the

Mideastern merchants. The rock crystal probably

frontiers of self in the late Middle Ages, as Susan

originated with sixth- or seventh-​century Sasanian

Crane writes, then by extension the gifts of clothes

artists. The vase thus spoke of Eleanor’s cultivated

Clémence gave to her servants, who represented

11

108

In the Middle Ages, royal gifts also went

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her, could be seen as extensions of the queen’s identity as well.16

In addition to gifts to individuals, royal

women were expected to offer sumptuous objects to religious institutions. Clémence’s sister-​in-​law Jeanne d’Évreux was one of the most generous patrons of the fourteenth century.17 She and her husband donated a massive reliquary to the confraternity of Saint-​Jacques-​aux-​Pèlerins in Paris.18 Although this young queen reigned for only three years before her husband died, she spent the next forty-three years offering luxurious gifts. She gave income from her lands in Blesmes and Chierry to the abbey of Chézy, near Soissons, in 1337. In 1340 Jeanne founded a chapel dedicated to Saint Paul and Saint Catherine at the royal abbey of Maubuisson, and she also donated a retable depicting the Last Supper for the high altar of the abbey. Jeanne donated one of her crowns to the abbey of Saint-​Denis in 1343, and in 1339 she gave this abbey the famous large silver-​gilt reliquary of the Virgin and Child standing on an enameled base (Musée du Louvre, Paris, MR 342 and MR 419). She gave the Dominicans of Auxerre a silver châsse for the bones of Saint Pérégrin. In Paris she founded a chapel and the hospital of the Carthusians in 1341. And in that same city she founded a Franciscan hospital that housed her husband’s heart. She offered her crown, a belt, and a golden Figure 48 Eleanor of Aquitaine Vase, Iran?, sixth–seventh century, and France, before 1147. Rock crystal, silver-​gilt and niello, precious stones, pearls, and champlevé enamels on silver. Musée du Louvre, Paris, MR 340.

fleur-​de-​lys, emblems of her marriage and coronation, to the Great Carmelites in the Place Maubert in 1349. Giving gifts to religious institutions was an inherent part of reginal and pious identity, and Jeanne fulfilled her role adeptly, bestowing money and sumptuous objects during her long widowhood.

Gift giving was a powerful tool in interna-

tional relations as well. A luxurious gift could

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Figure 49 Nicholas Wurmser of Strasbourg (?), wall painting in the Chapel of Our Lady in Karlštejn Castle depicting Emperor Charles IV, at left, receiving gifts from the French dauphin, the future King Charles V of France, ca. 1357. National Historic Institute, The Regional Historic Sites Management in Prague.

communicate wealth, power, and even spiritual

The young French dauphin’s hands frame those of

resources. For example, the future Charles V of

the emperor. Offering these gifts proclaimed the

France offered Emperor Charles IV of Bohemia

Frenchman to be a generous owner of desirable

important objects, including part of the wood of

relics and enabled him to create and benefit from

the True Cross. A wall painting, probably by Nich-

the familial, spiritual, and political bonds with

olas Wurmser of Strasbourg, in the Chapel of Our

the emperor of Bohemia. Receiving and touching

Lady in Karlštejn Castle, depicts this offering of

these sacred objects would have been thought to

gifts (fig. 49). The older, bearded emperor on the

bring the Bohemian emperor divine protection and

left, wearing the imperial crown and silk decorated

would in addition remind him of the French king,

with birds, accepts a relic from the younger man.

cementing the link between them.

19

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Bequeathing beautiful objects became more



When someone selected a gift especially

and more popular in the fourteenth century.

suited to the recipient, it communicated interest,

While Jeanne de Navarre spent a great deal of time

knowledge, or special concern. The selection of a

detailing generous plans for her foundation of the

suitable object could be as important as the actual

Collège de Navarre and other charitable work in

gift itself. End-​of-​life gift giving was unlike gift

her 1304 testament, she did not describe specific

exchange between living people simply because the

gifts of objects. But in 1319 Jeanne de Bourgogne,

opportunities for tangible reciprocity were cut off.

20

21

the wife of Philippe V, gave jewelry, relics, and

However, models of reciprocity and keeping-​while-​

books to her mother, daughters, and a friend.22

giving still provide useful interpretative informa-

In 1323 Clémence’s grandmother, Marie de Hon-

tion, even within the construct of the medieval

grie, bequeathed numerous crowns, rings, pater-

testament. Queens’ gifts not only fulfilled customs

nosters, books, vessels, crosses, and statues of saints

but also anchored them to court society and in the

to her loved ones.23 And in 1328 Clémence carefully

memories of loved ones.

laid out plans for her crown, fermaux, sculptures,



and reliquary shrines. Parisian testamentary mod-

life, even during periods of personal crisis. Because

els as well as that of her own grandmother must

gift giving was among a queen’s expected practices,

have been important to her. Jeanne d’Évreux’s rel-

Clémence’s donations enabled her to reaffirm con-

atives received many luxurious jewels and manu-

spicuously her own right to be a queen and argued

scripts from her upon her death, and when Blanche

for her reginal income despite her transition from

Clémence gave generous gifts throughout her

de Navarre made her will, in 1396, she carefully

queen to childless dowager. This gift giving was

described her numerous cherished objects and

particularly important for royal women who had

traced the earlier ownership of the works as she

been separated from each other by their politically

specified their recipients.

advantageous marriages. Gifts of reliquaries, sculp-



tures, textiles, and jewelry were powerful objects

24

Anthropologist Annette Weiner’s work on

Oceanic cultures documents layered and nuanced

through which aristocrats proclaimed their identity

systems of gift giving that can inform the inter-

as magnificent, generous, and discerning. Through

pretation of these medieval women’s testamentary

gifts, Clémence asked for the prayers of recipients

giving. Weiner writes about ways in which givers,

and reconstituted the status that had dwindled

especially women, gave gifts while retaining them

with the deaths of her husband and son. Through

within a family or group. The testaments of

her generosity and ritual charity she lodged herself

Clémence de Hongrie, Jeanne d’Évreux, Blanche

in the consciousness of her social equals in Paris

de Navarre, and others demonstrate that aristocrats

and promoted her family and dynasty, and in her

practiced such planned giving as they targeted spe-

testament, she demonstrated concern that certain

cific objects to individual members of their fami-

objects be owned by members of her family. It is to

lies, often keeping them out of general circulation.

these gifts that I now turn.

25

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The Queen and Ritual Gift Giving

Chapter 6

Gift giving was undeniably linked to

in medieval European societies. Such rituals also

royal identity in the late Middle Ages,

included royal entries, monastic mealtimes, coro-

so Clémence de Hongrie performed

nations, marriages, baptisms, and knighting cere-

public gift giving—for example, moving works of

monies. These group events marked key moments

art and material culture through the streets of Paris

in the lives of individuals, families, and communi-

as she led a retinue of royal women to the altar of

ties. Such standardized rituals organized perform-

the abbey of Saint-​Magloire in a nighttime proces-

ers and observers as participants who repeated eas-

sion on Sunday, July 9, 1318. This ritual framed the

ily recognizable actions. The importance of ritual

translation, or transfer, of the arm and head relics

and this procession in particular help to explain the

of Saint Magloire to a new reliquary.1 As part of the

gift giving that Clémence and others performed.

event, Clémence and the four other royal women



offered lush textiles and sumptuous goldsmiths’

period marked by crisis in France. The years fol-

work to the church. I see this as the dowager’s

lowing the 1315 arrival of Clémence as the new

buttressing her flagging status in the first years of

queen were some of the most catastrophic in gen-

her widowhood, publicly performing acts that had

erations. Continual rain and violent windstorms

been linked with queens for centuries. One can

damaged buildings and wiped out crops, leading to

study the ritual itself, compare it to another public

seven years of widespread starvation and rampant

event that preceded it, interpret the procession

disease, even at the highest levels of society. Some

through medieval and modern thought, and finally

historians have called this crisis “the great depres-

study Clémence’s identity proclamation through

sion of the fourteenth century.”2 The devastation

her public gift giving.

stretched from Ireland to the Baltic, and Scandi-



navia to the Alps. Medieval accounts, which could

Processions like this were one of a number of

important sacred and secular rituals performed

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The procession of 1318 took place during a

overstate environmental catastrophes, are in fact

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corroborated by a 2001 study by Hans-​Rudolf Bork

the sixth-​century abbot’s aid through their demon-

and Berno Faust, which found that 50 percent of

stration of devotion.6 They organized a torch-​lit

the erosion in Germany in the last fifteen hundred

procession to wind through the streets of Paris. The

years happened in the 1310s and 1340s.

chronicler records the route the people walked, the



gifts the women gave, and the press of the crowds.

3

In Paris, people bemoaned their plight. The

chronicler of the life of Saint Magloire writes that

Processions like this one were societal mechanisms

in the year 1315

through which people might spiritually and physically cleanse and purify the urban fabric of the

Tempests of wind, . . . death, pestilence, and famine were

city, with the goal of bringing the crisis to an end.

in France.

The account states that textiles were hung along the



route of the procession. People hoped that such rit-

Wars, rains so abundant that much property was

uals might jolt the spiritual world, causing tangible

suddenly lost this year.

In Paris especially this great pestilence that

oppressed all the land was even more cruel.

4

change to the weather in their own world.

The ritual procession was a predawn event,

a multisensory spectacle. The chronicler writes, According to the Grandes chroniques de France, the

with gratitude, that it did not rain.7 People in the

rains and winds continued, and a comet appeared,

buildings and in the streets would have seen the

followed by a lunar eclipse and two earthquakes

participants carrying the relics of the saints and

that shook parts of France in 1316 and 1317—all

the three hundred sparkling torches noted by the

increasing doomsday anxiety. Descriptions

chronicler.8 It was customary for incense to be

included people starving in the streets; these were

burned, so people would also have smelled the

the textual sources of an engraving that depicted

burning torches that lit the darkness as they lis-

a procession in a downpour by Nicolas de Fer in

tened to recitation and the singing of hymns as the

his 1722 book Histoire des rois de France depuis

clergy and venerable laypeople wound their way

Pharamond jusqu’à notre auguste monarque Louis

through the streets.9

Quinze (fig. 50). To the chroniclers, and thus later



historians, processions of barefoot penitents carry-

makes clear the sector of the city that was impacted

ing the relics of their saints through downpours of

by the spectacle. The recorded path of the proces-

rain were the defining feature of the short reign of

sion as well as Clémence’s estate and burial site

Louis X.

appear here on map 4, the famed map of Paris from



1550 now in the Basel University Library.10 The

5

The chronicler of Saint-​Magloire records that

Reconstructing the route of the procession

the abbey had processed the relics of the saint

chronicler records that the procession started at the

through the streets of Paris often during this cri-

great Porte Saint-​Denis, wound left along the rue

sis, but as the tragedy continued to unfold, more

Oues and then right down the rue Salle-​au-​Comte,

extreme measures were deemed necessary. The

entering Saint-​Magloire through the cemetery in

Parisians decided to transfer the relics of Saint

the back. The pace was slow, with stops along the

Magliore from the wooden box that had held them

route to sing and pray. As the participants pro-

into a new, silver-​gilt reliquary, hoping to engage

cessed the relics through the streets, they moved

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Figure 50

114

The Reign of Louis X. From Nicolas de Fer, Histoire des rois de France depuis Pharamond jusqu’à notre auguste monarque Louis Quinze (1722), 91, plate 50.

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Map 4 Plan de Bâle, 1550 map of Paris with the route of the 1318 procession and the locations of Clémence’s estate and burial site, at the church of the Jacobins. Basel University Library, Kartenslg AA 140. The red line signifies the location of the city wall in 1318. The white line on the inset traces the route of the procession.

them through some of the suffering communities,

or change the course of events—so processing the

drawing the presence of the saint through the land-

relics through the streets enabled their power to

scape, allowing the relics to interact with the urban

spread through a neighborhood in the city.

environment and its inhabitants. Many people



believed that physical contact with a relic allowed a

first. The abbots or bishops of Saint-​Magloire,

person to access its intrinsic power and alter matter

Saint-​Germain, Sainte-​Geneviève, Saint-​Denis,

In the procession, the religious leaders walked

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Laon, Noyon, and Moissac passed with the relics



of Saint Magloire. After these important religious

yellow, one blue, and one green.16 The bones were

leaders, the members of the abbey followed in

wrapped in another cloth and then placed in a

pairs. Finally, the first royal person to appear was

new box decorated with tartaire cloth.17 Using such

Clémence de Hongrie. She was followed by the

exotic and expensive material to enshrine the most

reigning queen, who was her sister-​in-​law and

sacred relics was popular. What better way to show

successor, Jeanne de Bourgogne; then Blanche

the saint honor than to wrap the bones in some of

de Bretagne, the countess Mahaut d’Artois, and

the highest-​quality cloth available?

Pernelle de Sully, comtesse de Dreux, all followed



after. These women were the grand finale of the

streets and arrived at the church, at the altar of

procession, which featured mostly clerical men.

Saint-​Magloire, the bones of the saint were trans-

11

12

Once the procession had wound through the

Had the women been organized by rank, the cur-

ferred to the new reliquary. Then the dowager

rent queen, Jeanne de Bourgogne, would have led

queen Clémence began the gift-​giving phase of the

them or appeared last, but for some reason Clé-

ritual. She and the other royal women approached

mence came first.

the altar as the large crowd watched. First, she



offered a jeweled and enameled golden clasp and

13

The visual and material culture of the event—

the textiles, the gifts, the clothing—were import-

two silk draps, or textiles. After Clémence placed

ant enough for the chronicler to describe them in

her gifts on the altar, the reigning queen, Jeanne

some detail. They framed the procession and acted

de Bourgogne, gave two silver-​gilt lamps, a jew-

as the focus of the ritual: textiles decorated the

eled clasp, and two textiles. The other women also

route of the procession and marked the boundar-

offered clasps.18 Although these pieces have not

ies of the space created by the ritual, signaling to

survived or cannot be identified, extant examples

the singing participants as well as the numerous

of the types of objects described suggest what these

onlookers that this was a place and a time that

treasures may have been like and how they allowed

was special, a sacred space where union with

Clémence to play the part of the magnificent and

the divine could occur. The chronicler describes

generous queen.

the cross and silver-​gilt book of the Gospels that



were processed. The old and new reliquaries, the

Clémence’s jewel as “a golden fermail with precious

cloth in the trees, the clothing worn by the par-

stones and enamel.”19 The surviving fermail that

ticipants, and the gifts the women offered on the

most closely matches this description is a two-​inch

altar were the objects of decoration and devotion

silver-​gilt brooch with precious stones and enamel

intended to make the procession efficacious. Some

produced in the first half of the fourteenth century

participants wore red and white clothing.15 These

(fig. 51). In this surviving clasp, different colored

were Clémence’s colors, so this detail—along with

cabochon gems are placed in individual settings,

the fact that Clémence was the first woman to

and these precious stones encircle a central round

appear in the procession—raises the intriguing

cloisonné enamel.

possibility that she played a role in sponsoring the



procession.

mence left at Saint-​Magloire also proclaimed her

14

116

The relic itself was wrapped in fine silks, one

The chronicler of Saint-​Magloire describes

In addition to the fermail, the textiles that Clé-

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Figure 51 Fermail, Paris?, first half of the fourteenth century. Silver-​gilt, precious stones, cloisonné enamels. Musée du Louvre, Paris, OA 6336.

generosity and wealth. As discussed above, some of

Martini’s 1317 tempera panel painting of Saint Louis

the most luxurious textiles in fourteenth-​century

de Toulouse Crowning Robert d’Anjou (fig. 52).20

France were imported silks, and while most people

Saint Louis wears a cope made of scarlet silk dec-

wore wool, silk was the cloth of the royalty and

orated with gold octagons much like the cloth that

the church. There were many different types of

was produced in Tabriz at the time.

silk being produced in Paris and coming from



Italy, Spain, the Middle East, and China. One of

silk might be used, which designs and materials

the most lavish was tartaire cloth, which denoted

may have been popular, and what quantity could

extravagant cloth produced in Mongol-​held areas

be consumed easily in vestments and furnishings.

stretching from eastern Europe to China, and it

Richly brocaded silks could be sold or donated

is a good candidate for the type of silk Clémence

to the monastery and hung in the interior of the

gave, because several examples of it appear in her

church or incorporated into a priestly vestment,

inventory (287, 333, 383) and it is the type of textile

like that depicted on Clémence’s uncle. If Clé-

that decorated the new reliquary of Saint Magloire.

mence’s silks were turned into a cope like this one,

It is depicted in the costume and furnishings of

her gift would have proclaimed both her own mag-

Clémence’s uncles, Louis and Robert, in Simone

nificence and that of the abbey.

Martini’s painting suggests how royal gifts of

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Figure 52

118

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Simone Martini, Saint Louis de Toulouse Crowning Robert d’Anjou, ca. 1317. Tempera on panel. Museo nazionale di Capodimonte, Naples, Q1930, n.34.

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colored silk and the gold or silver threads created geometric, floral, or animal images, like birds, griffins, or dragons, in repeating patterns on the woven silk. These colorful and flashy textiles with radiant metallic threads could catch the light of the torches and impress an audience even if seen at a great distance through a crowd. The textiles these royal French women offered befitted their own position and were probably of the highest-​quality silks. The cost of the materials—the metallic threads, the coveted silk colored with expensive dyes—and the exquisite craftsmanship, as well as their exotic origins, were what made textiles such prized gifts.

The cost of the metals, jewels, and enamels

would have made Clémence’s clasp and textiles valuable, but as she transferred them to the church of Saint-​Magloire they acquired additional importance because they came from her and were perceived as a sacrifice of objects she had worn or used, testifying to her piety and generosity. As Clémence offered these objects at the church of Saint-​ Magloire, they became a sign of her presence in the church. The crowds that pressed in upon the noblewomen became the witnesses of their generosity. Figure 53 Diasper cloth, Italy, late thirteenth century. Silk and metal thread. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Rogers Fund, 1907.



Comparison of the procession to Saint-​

Magloire with a civic parade that took place just five years earlier, during a time of great prosperity, demonstrates just how different the two were.



Another type of silk that Clémence might have

On June 7, 1313, during the long and prosperous

offered was diasper cloth, like that woven in Lucca

reign of Clémence’s father-​in-​law, Philippe IV,

in the beginning of the fourteenth century (fig. 53).

a massive parade of Parisian citizens wound

This too was a popular ritual gift, and Clémence

through the Île Notre-​Dame (today’s Île Saint-​

had in her possession liturgical textiles made of

Louis) to the Île de la Cité and then across the river

this cloth upon her death (252). During the cor-

to the Left Bank and out into the fields around

onation of King Edward III of England in 1327,

St.-Germain-​des-​Prés. Elizabeth A. R. Brown and

he offered a silk pall made of diasper cloth to West-

Nancy Regaldo have studied this joyous event

minster Abbey.21 The contrast between the richly

at the feast of Pentecost, meant to celebrate the

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knighting of Philippe’s three sons, Louis, Philippe,

participants and served as the gifts the women left

and Charles, and to highlight the king’s own taking

on the altar of Saint-​Magloire. Drama was key in

of the cross. The event had the added benefit of

both, although one was joyful and the other suppli-

amazing the most important guest, King Edward II

cating, and one was in the daytime and the other at

of England, who had married Isabelle, the beloved

night. Comparison of the two community events

daughter of the French king. This was a perfor-

only five years apart in Paris highlights the very

mance of the economic and cultural power of the

different social environments, goals, and results

22

French country; according to the chronicler, twenty

that moving bodies and gifts through the streets of

thousand people rode on horseback and thirty

Paris accomplished under different circumstances.

thousand walked. If true, this was a quarter of the



population of Paris: “all the bourgeois and crafts of

events, medieval thought on processions and ritu-

the city of Paris made a most beautiful parade and

als throws light on the meaning of Clémence’s par-

came, some in sumptuous and richly made finery,

ticipation in the latter event. A thirteenth-​century

others in new garments, on foot and on horseback,

edition of the Liber quare offers a late medieval

each craft ordered in rank, to the aforementioned

interpretation of some of the ubiquitous elements

Isle of Notre Dame, with horns, drums, trumpets,

of the procession:25 “What does the procession sig-

timbrels, and kettle-​drums, making the most joyful

nify? The procession is the path toward the heav-

and festive sounds and playing beautiful scenes.”

enly homeland. Holy water advancing is the purity

Not only was this event unprecedented in size in

of life. Lights, works of mercy, according to the

Paris, but it also, unlike most other parades or pro-

verse, ‘Let your loins be girt, and lamps burning in

cessions, had no royal or ecclesiastical leadership;

your hands’ (Luke 12:35). Then follows the cross,

it was made up of citizens, who went to meet and

triumphal sign that purifies.”26 But this was just

honor the royals.24 King Philippe IV, King Edward,

one of many medieval interpretations of the sym-

and Queen Isabelle became the spectators rather

bolism of the procession. Some people envisioned

than performers as they watched the parade.

it as a symbolic walk toward God, as described

23



120

In every way that the 1313 event was novel, the

In addition to comparisons with other public

above, while others saw it as a representation of

procession in which Clémence participated was

the Hebrew exodus from Egypt, and yet others

traditional. The tone of the first parade, during a

viewed it as transmigration.27 The procession was a

time of plenty, was celebratory and sumptuous,

way to communally enter into dialogue with God.

while the later procession was somber, suppli-

Processions also had expiatory properties, cleans-

cating, reverent, and humble as people wound

ing the people from original and current sins, and

through the streets to the church. Objects, espe-

chronicles emphasize the emotional reactions of

cially clothing and cloth, figured prominently in

viewers of processions seeing the cross and relics.

both processions. In the earlier one, the luxurious



garments animated by the bodies of the Parisians

helps as well. Mircea Eliade interprets religious

created a panorama of power exhibited for King

rituals as events of hierophany, where quotidian

Edward of England; in the later procession, tex-

space and time are interrupted and union with the

tiles decorated the streets and the bodies of the

heavens may be achieved:

Modern thought on both ritual and gift giving

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[P]rofane temporal duration can be periodically arrested;

reliquary. This focused movement into the city

for certain rituals have the power to interrupt it by

drew attention to the urban environment of Paris

periods of a sacred time. . . . Just as a church constitutes

and its suffering inhabitants.

a break in plane in the profane space of a modern city,



the service celebrated inside it marks a break in profane

mence participated conveys the unifying and spir-

temporal duration. It is no longer today’s historical

itually cathartic experience that the observers and

time that is present—the time that is experienced, for

participants had during this procession. When the

example, in the adjacent streets—but the time in which

bones of the saint were shown, the people reacted

the historical existence of Jesus Christ occurred, the time

in great emotion—with joy and tears.31 Through

sanctified by his preaching, by his passion, death, and

this choreographed ritual, which climaxed with

resurrection.

the revelation and translation of the bones of the

28

The text describing the ritual in which Clé-

saint, the community shared a spiritual experience, Of premodern processions, Katja Gvozdeva and

enabling them to be unified in their supplication

Hans Rudolf Velten write that processional move-

for divine intervention.

ment is a medium of experience and perception



of self, a performative moment that ties together

power of rituals to unify communities. Some

things separated by daily life—the bodies of the

writers see rituals as moments in which one

participants, the present and the past, space and

group exerts overt or social control over another

place, divine and human. They argue that for its

by enacting a performance of societal harmony.

participants, the performative procession creates a

In 1912 Émile Durkheim wrote, “It is by uttering

new collective experiential space situated between

the same cry, pronouncing the same word, or per-

reality and imagination.

forming the same gesture in regard to some object



that they become and feel themselves to be in uni-

29

Tom Pettitt usefully categorizes ritual partic-

Many anthropologists have explored the

ipants into active and reactive groups and mobile

son.”32 As part of her larger study of ritual, Cath-

and stationary groups.30 He writes of two basic

erine Bell examines this idea further, arguing that

types of movements: the parade, where the active

rituals do not exert control but rather enable social

group moves through the reactive group; and the

empowerment.33

interception, where the active group is stationary



and the reactive group passes by them. Alternatively,

ritual processions can create and reinforce social

two groups of people can move toward each other,

harmony within communities, while more recent

as seen in royal entries.

writers have sought to complicate this interpreta-



tion of social cohesion, noting, for instance, com-

Ordinary processions—those performed each

Charles Phythian-​Adams has emphasized that

week and throughout the calendar year—differed

petitive display within processions.34 The anthro-

from extraordinary processions, particularly in

pologist David Kertzer argues that the ambiguity of

times of crisis such as drought, famine, disease, and

meaning in shared ritual action can allow people to

war. The procession in which Clémence partici-

reinforce their social solidarity even when they do

pated was an exceptional one, in which the bones

not agree on political issues or even the meaning of

of the saint were transferred to their new silver-​gilt

the ritual.35 Kertzer also writes of the value of ritual

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in uniting political groups: “This is of tremendous



political value, since what often underlies people’s

from the masses, they appeared as a cohesive group

political allegiances is their social identification

moving in unison and successively offering their

with a group rather than their sharing beliefs with

gifts. Their sometimes-​strained relationships in the

other members.”36

years shortly before this highlight the importance



of their movement here together. Due to the sud-

In the case of the procession that led to Saint-​

Magloire, both social identity and shared beliefs

den deaths of Clémence’s husband and son and the

were at work. This was a time of intense difficulty,

crowning of Mahaut d’Artois’s son-​in-​law as king

and I argue that the procession was a demonstra-

in their place, Mahaut was accused of witchcraft

tion of solidarity meant to please God and perhaps

and went on trial.39 Clémence testified in Mahaut’s

lessen the shared suffering. There were many par-

defense, but there still might have been some ran-

ticipants in this ritual. Some, like Clémence and

cor between the women. Also, the two had been

her companions, were the moving performers,

on opposite sides of the political showdown after

while others were reactive members of the audi-

Louis’s death. Mahaut d’Artois had long ruled the

ence, who pressed in on the performers. Viewers

duchy of Artois when in 1317 her nephew, Rob-

needed to be summoned in order to authenticate

ert III d’Artois, claimed it as his own and invaded

the ritual—otherwise it would have been unseen

her lands and robbed a castle. Clémence advocated

and unheard. Leaders had to plan ahead and pub-

for Robert to King Philippe V and to the pope, for

licize it. Before the procession, Guillaume Baufet,

which, as noted in chapter 1, she paid a dear price.

bishop of Paris, on June 30 and July 1, 1318, wrote

Robert’s mother, Blanche de Bretagne, was also

letters encouraging all the members of the diocese

among the group of women to participate in the

to attend the translation of the relics, promising

parade. This fraught history was certainly known to

indulgences to those who came.

the populace, but the women’s unity here, in spite



of previous differences, demonstrated to observers

37

Even though the active and reactive par-

ticipants seemed unified, social difference was

that all needed to band together to righteously seek

on display. The fact that the royal women made

divine intervention.

themselves visible to the public as they processed



through the streets, while sergeants kept the masses

to participate in this event, perhaps Clémence

at bay, would have put them in stark contrast to

had the most at stake in her gift giving that day in

the crowds. These women became more-​glorified

1318, as she was struggling for her social and finan-

embodiments of the populace, almost acting as

cial survival. Letters from the pope to Clémence

surrogates for the people, and yet they distin-

reveal that in 1317 the Bardi banking family was

guished themselves from the masses as they placed

demanding repayment of her loan.40 Only through

their rich gifts upon the altar. Encouraging the

the pope’s intervention on her behalf, just months

people to come and show by their presence and

before the procession, had the Bardi given her

their great emotion that the ritual was important

more time to repay it. Then, on December 13 of

and yet forcibly keeping them separate created a

either 1318 or 1319, she had to pawn her jewelry to

push and pull that symbolically enacted difference.

the Bardi for 14,907 pounds.41 To put this figure

38

122

But as much as the royal women stood out

Although many royal women came together

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into perspective, the value of her entire estate ten



years later was 21,083 pounds. She had to place her

her husband and baby that in order to improve her

jewels in a box that was secured in the convent of

reputation and her identity as a dowager queen,

Notre-​Dame-​de-​Nazareth in Aix-​en-​Provence.

she needed actively and humbly to engage in good

These valuables were inventoried, and both she

works and charity. Reputation and identity had to

and the Bardi held copies of the list. Clémence, the

be cultivated—often in public:

The pope wrote to Clémence after the death of

bankers, and the pope all received keys to the chest. If she did not repay the massive loan by Christmas,

you must take the greatest care, so that, keeping your

she would forfeit her jewelry.

foot from slipping, . . . you will avoid the snares of the



So then why did she give away luxurious

enemy, and you will weaken his power through praise-

objects that she might have sold for cash to pay

worthy occupation, less by abstaining from every sort

back her lenders? The jewels were much more than

of evil than by resourcefully applying your energies to

valuable commodities; they were the visual signifi-

what is pleasing to your Creator. And, . . . we advise you,

ers of her royal status. As discussed above, wearing

with counsel befitting your high station, that steadfastly

gold, silver, and precious gems was the exclusive

looking after your chastity with humility and charity, you

right of the royalty, making a queen immediately

show yourself moderate in your food, modest in your

recognizable within this codified social system;

speech, . . . not excessive in the adornment of your body

one therefore needed to wear jewels to look like a

and embellishment of your dress.43

queen. If she forfeited her jewels, she lost not only their financial value but their intangible value as

In light of the counsel the pope gave Clémence, the

elements of proper reginal costume—and this loss

sequence of events concluding with the procession

could contribute to her social extinction. Now, with

to Saint-​Magloire is subject to different interpre-

her performance of ritual generosity, she could

tations. On the one hand, one might speculate

fight for her identity and its concomitant income,

that the king and pope forced this foreign woman

which threatened to wash away with the floods.

to conform to the less spirited and less powerful



role they prescribed, participating in a procession

In order to promote her identity as a dowa-

ger queen, Clémence needed to donate luxurious

rather than lobbying for political change. On the

gifts publicly, even when she could not afford to

other hand, perhaps this ritual reveals the queen to

give. The chronicler describes Clémence’s bearing

be a more effective and agile woman, who, when

during the procession: “And then came in great

confronted with the realities of political power

humility the noble queen Clémence.” While the

in Capetian France, wisely took the advice of the

queen’s advocacy for the claim of Robert d’Artois

pope, inhabiting the humble persona that would

had been seen by Philippe V and the pope as overly

get her the results she required by reinforcing her

aggressive, humility, on the other hand, was seen as

royal identity and her claims to income. When Clé-

a queenly attribute and was praised and rewarded.

mence had advocated for Robert d’Artois, she had

Clémence needed to live within the bounds of her

grasped at power that was no longer hers, and she

new role as dowager queen in order to benefit from

had gone into significant debt with the Bardi bank-

even a few of its privileges.

ing family. Pope John XXII was giving her practical

42

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advice about managing her reputation: her public

...............................................

humility and generosity were an antidote to any

Your examples, splendid Berta, and saintly virtues,

impropriety she may have committed in the tumul-

truly reflect her [Irmingard’s] fair nobility;

tuous time at the beginning of her widowhood.

the people delight in you, our mirror of Irmingard,

The advice the pope offered Clémence drew on



and the rich and poor join in celebration.45

long-​standing models. Generosity was long associated with widowed queens. In the romanticized life

In Scottus’s eyes this widowed queen’s generosity

of Saint Radegund, a sixth-​century widowed queen

testified to her nobility and endeared her to the

living in Poitiers, her friend Venantius Fortunatus

people. He writes that she was a mirror of Queen

details how she offered textiles, jewels, and gems

Irmingard, her mother; if Berta’s generosity was

upon holy altars:

seen to reenact her regal mother’s appropriate behavior, then generosity was apparently seen

Soon she divested herself of the noble costume which she

already as a marker of women’s royal identity in the

was wont to wear as queen when she walked in proces-

ninth century. Publicly offering gifts upon church

sion on the day of a festival with her train of attendants.

altars was a way that medieval queens, especially

She laid it on the altar and piled the table of Divine Glory

widowed queens, demonstrated their piety and

with purple, gems, ornaments and like gifts to honor

charity and maintained royal identity.

Him. She gave a heavy girdle of costly gold for the relief



of the poor. Similarly, one day she ornamented herself

of royal activities prescribed in behavior manuals

in queenly splendor, as the barbarians would say—all

popular in the Capetian courts of the late thir-

decked out for stapione. Entering holy Jumerus’ cell, she

teenth and early fourteenth centuries.46 These late

laid her frontlets, chemise, bracelets, coif and pins all

medieval treatises were part of a long tradition in

decorated with gold, some with circlets of gems on the

writing “mirrors of princes,” or behavior guides

altar for future benefit.

to teach rulers the comportment proper to their

44

Generosity also conformed to the narrative

position in life. Five such treatises were composed Another writer who saw gift giving as a hallmark

for members of the French royal family, and Clé-

of royalty was Sedulius Scottus, an Irish poet and

mence had one, if not two, of these books in her

scholar writing in Liège in the mid-​ninth century.

library (215, 223). A well-​known book for queens

In a poem Scottus wrote to Berta, abbess of Avenay,

of the day was the Miroir des dames, written by

a widowed queen, about Berta’s mother, Irmingard,

the Franciscan Durand de Champagne for Jeanne

he praises Irmingard’s largesse and equates gener-

de Navarre. It was significant because it was one

osity with nobility. Here a queen’s outward actions

of the first treatises written specifically for queens.

of charity clearly demonstrate her inward character

The manual describes ideal manners and actions

and royal identity:

and prescribes how a ruler should interact with subjects, family, and others. Durand admonishes

124

[Irmingard’s] gracious hand enriched more of the poor

queens to go to the people who are suffering and

than there are stars in heaven—who can count them?

show mercy.47

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Books in the queen’s library such as the

catastrophe. In a time of breathtaking poverty and

behavior manual by Gilles de Rome, Le livre du

starvation, luxurious objects would seem all the

gouvernement des rois et des princes, written for

more out of reach and therefore more potent as

Clémence’s father-​in-​law, Philippe IV, also taught

offerings toward liberation from famine. This ritual

that generosity ingratiates the sovereign with the

may have had many different meanings to its per-

people: “the people love the king much when he

formers and to the members of the crowd through

is generous and gives wealth here as he should.”

which it traveled. It was an occasion for ceremo-

Gilles writes of the importance of magnificence

nially transferring a saint’s relics to a new reliquary,

as well: “We speak of a great virtue to make great

but it was also a moment of theater that amplified

appropriate expenditures on great buildings,

emotions and projected a narrative of social cohe-

48

in Latin called magnificence, in other words, a vir-

sion while demonstrating class difference.

tue of great strength and great undertakings.” Clé-



mence’s ritual giving, her clothing, and her perfor-

the depletion of seeds caused continued suffering

mance during the 1318 procession were a complex

for more than five more years, the cost of food

construction of humility and magnificence, as the

came down almost 80 percent in the year of the

pope and her books had counseled her.

procession to Saint-​Magloire, so perhaps people

49



When a royal woman moved in a procession

Although the massive death of livestock and

believed that this ritual and others during this

and then offered gifts at a church, she tied herself

time were efficacious.51 Additionally, it was only a

to the numerous queens who had performed such

few months after this, in September 1318, that Clé-

behavior many times before, so in conforming

mence’s brother-in-law significantly enlarged her

to this ritual narrative, Clémence asserted her

domains, helping her financially. In parting with

own royal identity. As she and the other royal

such luxurious objects during the procession, the

women participated in the important procession,

queen could have been moved by sincere concern

they communicated their motives and solidarity

for the well-​being of the people and her own reli-

through the repetition of prior women’s behav-

gious devotion; at the same time, she may have felt

ior—a readily recognizable language of action.

a degree of panic about her economic and social

Their performances and gifts were not extraordi-

survival and calculated that release of her gifts

nary. On the contrary, they were precisely what was

could garner tangible benefits. When she could

recommended to them and expected from them

least afford to give, she desperately needed to give

in times of crisis. Perhaps the people needed to see

in order to be seen as a royal woman. Clémence

a queen acting queenly—majestic yet remarkably

harnessed the power of her remaining riches, put-

humble, as the chronicler describes her. This con-

ting them to work through ritual gift giving, reas-

duct would convey a sense of order and normalcy

suring the people and proclaiming her identity as a

in the middle of economic and environmental

magnificent and generous queen.

50

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Gifts to Individuals, Near and Far

Chapter 7

In addition to the objects that Clémence



de Hongrie offered in a ritual context,

the subject of this chapter. Objects from her and

evidence survives for many other gifts

perhaps her husband were documented in the trea-

The courses taken by Clémence’s gifts are

that she gave to people in Paris and around Europe.

sury of Bari. The Peterborough Psalter, which was

She set her possessions in motion, and the trajec-

created in England, traveled to the pope in Avi-

tories, as well as the objects themselves, reveal the

gnon and then to Paris. Clémence’s grandmother

meaning of these gifts. Arjun Appadurai has writ-

bequeathed a large cup and a ruby ring to her in

ten, in his pioneering volume on material culture,

1323. Clémence also received a shrine of the Virgin

that “from a theoretical point of view human actors

from Naples, which, upon her death, she left to her

encode things with significance, from a methodolog-

sister in Vienne. She also left a sculpture of Saint

ical point of view it is the things-​in-​motion that illu-

John the Baptist to a kinswoman in Arlay. Finally,

minate their human and social context.” The trajec-

the famed reliquary shrine of Elizabeth of Hun-

tories of Clémence’s objects suggest some of the ways

gary, which is now at the Cloisters, probably came

she formed her reginal identity through gift giving

to Buda from Paris as a gift from Clémence to her

and connected with loved ones around Europe.

sister-​in-​law Elizabeth. The dotted line of this path

By cross-​referencing the queen’s inventory and tes-

on the map suggests the probability, but not cer-

tament, one can trace some of her objects from a

tainty, of this transfer.

former owner to Clémence and then from the queen



to a subsequent owner. Thus the social lives of her

were described in the treasury of the basilica of

objects have left documented trails that reveal the

Saint Nicolas of Bari, in Apulia, demonstrate that

queen’s own local and international social networks,

objects could symbolize their donors and that Clé-

including her connections to people in England,

mence acted as an intermediary between her natal

Avignon, Buda, Naples, and elsewhere (map 5).

and marital families. The basilica of Saint Nicolas

1

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The international paths of several works that

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North Sea Peterborough

ENGLAND

POLAND HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE Paris

Sc

ulp tu re

th of

Hun gary

HUNGARY

Ch

Buda

te n Pa

Avignon

er

lizab e

d an

Vienne

Sil v

e of E

i ce al

CASTILE

Arlay

y Shrin

up eC in arg irg eV dL an f th ng eo Ri rin by Sh Ru

r

NAVARRE

of ry ua n liq Joh Re int Sa

alte h Ps oroug Peterb

FRANCE

Reliquar

ARAGON

Naples

GRANADA

Bari

Mediterranean Sea 1 0 0 mi 1 6 0 km

Map 5 International gift giving of objects documented in the inventory and testament of Clémence de Hongrie.

127

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was a major Angevin shrine largely endowed by



Clémence’s grandfather Charles II d’Anjou. The

nationally was of course not exclusively a male or

1362 inventory of the treasury there lists a silver

female activity. The chalice and paten noted above

sculpture that had come from Clémence, as well

may have come to Bari from Louis X, and one of

as a chalice and paten decorated with the arms of

Louis’s ceintures, or belts, noted in his inventory,

Louis that could have originated with either Clé-

came from his sister, Isabelle, in England, perhaps

mence or her husband. Louis may have offered

upon his knighting or coronation.4 And Louis’s

the chalice and paten to the church before he mar-

executors set aside a silver-​gilt mail shirt for Oshin,

ried Clémence, or they may have sent it together,

king of Armenia.5 Nevertheless, these instances are

or Clémence may have sent it to Bari during her

infrequent in comparison to Clémence’s profound

widowhood. The queen’s inventory indicates

and repetitive links through gifts of art to family

that she owned a similar set at the time of her

members in distant places (map 5). And while a

death (105).

man could send gifts internationally, he could not

2



In Bari these sumptuous objects were pow-

be from both places, a crucial difference between

erful symbols of the Angevin link to the Parisian

these royal men and their mobile brides.

Capetians. It would have been meaningful to the



queen to have objects from Paris in the treasury

Clémence in her homeland, another of her objects,

of one of the most important shrines in her home-

the Peterborough Psalter, traveled a great distance

land. These items sat in the treasury along with

and was a symbol of its donor, Pope John XXII,

sumptuous gifts from her royal family members,

in the queen’s collection. Being a gift from the pope

including her uncle Robert and her sister-​in-​law

himself was so central to the book’s importance

Elizabeth of Hungary, among many others. The

among Clémence’s belongings that the clerks used

queen’s objects, some bearing the arms of France,

this as one of the primary identifiers in describing

would have symbolized her presence at her family

it in the inventory. The elderly pope was her great

shrine, even when she could not be there herself.

protector, and this manuscript was tangible proof

These gifts at the basilica in Bari were counterparts

of his esteem and concern for her. It may be more

of the tomb effigy that Clémence commissioned in

than a coincidence that she named her son Jean,

Paris for her great-​grandfather Charles I. The effigy

since it might have seemed a more obvious choice

reminded the French Capetians of their kinsman

to name the baby Louis after his father and their

who founded a kingdom in Naples and Sicily, while

great progenitor Louis IX. There were no earlier

the offerings in the treasury of Bari reminded Clé-

French kings named Jean, after whom the baby

mence’s Angevin family of her presence in Paris as

might have been named, and if Clémence had

their representative and the link between the two

looked to her own lineage for a name, Charles—

dynasties that she had become. Since objects repre-

the name of her brother, father, grandfather, and

sented the history, lineage, and connections of the

great-​grandfather—would have seemed the natural

3

128

Sending and receiving sumptuous works inter-

Just as the sumptuous gifts in Bari represented

people who sent them, she accrued honor for both

choice.

of her families as she gave gifts and patronized



tombs.

the pope gave the queen this Psalter, but in all

Medieval documents do not reveal when

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likelihood it was when she visited him in Avignon

alone. Sometimes in styles that differed from those

in 1318. This book, with high-​quality paintings,

around the woman in a new court, these pieces

unsparing use of gold leaf, and the text of the

might remind the bride of her roots, of her sup-

Psalms, was a particularly appropriate choice for

port, of her education, and of the people who had

the queen during the period after the death of her

taken care of her as a child and who loved her still.

husband and son, in which she was struggling



financially and emotionally. By giving Clémence

nently in the paths of an heirloom shrine, now lost,

6

Such woman-​to-​woman giving appears promi-

this gift, perhaps Pope John XXII offered his sup-

that Clémence left to her sister, Béatrice, in her

port and a model for how she might turn to God

will.7 In the queen’s inventory a “Madame de Sezile”

during times of anxiety. Additionally, the interna-

is cited as having sent the shrine to Clémence (89).

tional path of the book is a prime example of cross-​

This original owner was Clémence’s aunt Sancia

cultural movement of objects resulting from the

de Majorque or her grandmother Marie de Hon-

gift exchange of an international bride.

grie, both of whom ruled in Naples and used the



Much as the trajectory of Clémence’s Psalter

title Madame de Sezile. Clémence and her older

reveals the importance of having a powerful pro-

sister grew up together in Naples with their grand-

tector when negotiating the difficulties of being

mother Marie de Hongrie, and Clémence chose her

a dowager queen, other paths demonstrate the

sister’s son as her heir; so this gift would remind

importance of familial relationships. Clémence and

her sister of their shared family and childhood

her sister and other kinswomen exchanged works

home.8 The gift was a three-​dimensional shrine or

of art, enabling them to maintain contact with

tabernacle with painted wings surrounding a silver

one another despite their geographic separation.

image of the Virgin and Child. Tabernacles with

Most of the long-​distance gifts of art that appear

wings that could be opened to reveal a sculpture,

in Clémence’s documents were religious in nature,

usually of the Virgin and Child, became popular

and frequently they were objects of devotion. The

throughout Europe between the thirteenth and the

shrines and sculptures of saints these women used

early fifteenth centuries. The sculptures were often

in their private devotion assisted them in accessing

made of ivory, precious metal, or marble, and the

the divine. To handle such objects—to open and

panels might be painted or enameled in bright,

close the enameled or painted wings of a shrine

glassy colors.9 The paintings on the interior of the

or to hold a silver sculpture of a saint that had

queen’s piece are not described in her testament,

belonged to a sister, grandmother, or aunt—would

but it is likely that there were multiple images of

enable Clémence or another royal woman to feel

saints because many shrines of the day are deco-

spiritually connected to her loved ones. This con-

rated in this manner.

nection, established when objects were used in



quiet moments of worship and reflection, may have

mence transferred to her sister was likely similar

provided solace when the owner of the objects was

to a tabernacle now in the Moravian Gallery of

facing court intrigues or the death of a child or

Brno (fig. 54).10 The Brno shrine originated at

husband. The objects themselves were physical evi-

the court of King Robert d’Anjou, making it an

dence that a royal bride in a foreign court was not

excellent comparative piece for Clémence’s shrine,

The paneled shrine of the Virgin that Clé-

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Figure 54 Follower of Tino di Camaino, travel altar of Robert d’Anjou, Naples, early fourteenth century. Tempera, gilding, wood. The Moravian Gallery, Brno, Czech Republic, A 559.

130

since Clémence’s piece came from Robert’s mother

stigmata and preaching to the animals. The favored

or wife in Naples. In the Brno piece, a marble

family saint, Louis de Toulouse, appears next to

sculpture of the Virgin and Child stands on a rect-

the Virgin and Child. Below, on the left, the Three

angular base, framed by a baldachin that forms

Magi appear in the arches of the painting, kneeling

a structure around which the hinged panels can

as they offer gifts to Mary and Jesus. Saint John

close. Behind the Virgin Mary are the Angevin

the Baptist, Saint Peter, Saint Nicholas, and Saint

coats of arms: adjacent diamonds, one with vertical

Anthony of Padua are on the upper right. Saints

alternating red and gold stripes and the other with

Clare, Elizabeth, Catherine, and Agnes appear in

golden fleurs-​de-​lys on an azure background. The

the arches on the lower right. This is the ultimate

painted panels protect the sculpture in the closed

movable tabernacle; it folds into itself, facilitating

position or open to provide a background for the

easy and protected transport.

piece, adding interpretive context. On the upper



left there are images of Saint Francis receiving his

Weiner’s “keeping-​while-​giving” theory, according

Clémence’s shrine is an example of Annette

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to which donors, especially women, offered testa-

removing price tags and wrapping gifts in paper

mentary bequests while retaining them within a

disconnect them from the commodity market and

family or group. Weiner argues that some things

imbue them with distinctive characteristics.12 In a

were such charged symbols of their earlier owners

similar way, Clémence de Hongrie removed shrines

that donors forbore to consign them to wide circu-

from the market by making them gifts. Among

lation; these particular possessions were inalienable

all of Clémence’s possessions, it was the shrine

when their owners died. Instead, they were passed

with the silver Virgin and its special heritage that

to appropriate people within family or social circles

the queen chose to give her sister, knowing that

who were meant to accrue prestige from ownership

Béatrice, like herself, would value this heirloom as

of the objects. And perhaps ownership itself was

a token of memory and an object of devotion.

not as absolute as we think of it today. While an



aristocrat might have “owned” an important object,

shrine—Marie de Hongrie or Sancia de Majorque,

trusts and connections may additionally have

Clémence de Hongrie, and her sister, Béatrice—

restricted its circulation to only those who would

had left their homelands to marry foreign men.

be considered appropriate by the social network—

While women certainly sent letters to one another

meaning that women may have considered them-

and visited when possible, sending gifts of works

selves merely temporary guardians of important

of art was a central way in which women sepa-

family heirlooms.

rated by their politically advantageous marriages



maintained their relationships. When mapped,

For example, when Blanche de Navarre

All the women surrounding the transfer of the

bequeathed the breviary that had belonged to

the international trajectories of the queen’s shrine

Saint Louis to Charles III, king of Navarre, she

illustrate the impact that such foreign marriages

insisted that he keep the book “as a precious and

could have on the cross-​fertilization of the arts.

noble jewel . . . and that it never leave the [family]

As these women sent each other gifts, local artists

line.” Similarly, Clémence, keeping-​while-​giving,

could study them and choose which traits to adopt

retained her important shrine in the family, care-

or adapt in their own work.

fully placing the object into the hands of her sister.



As works were created and accumulated prove-

tion was not unique to women. The inventory of

nance and sometimes enclosed relics, they took

Clémence’s husband, Louis X, lists two objects as

on spiritual, emotional, and dynastic significance.

having belonged to Louis IX, who became Saint

Clémence did not want her shrine to become a

Louis: a knife and a gold cup.13 The cup was clearly

commodity, sold by weight to someone who might

a special item because the clerks noted that “one

11

This focus on keeping objects out of circula-

not fully appreciate its importance or might derive

never drinks from it.” It was not sold, so this obvi-

undeserved status from its possession.

ously important heirloom passed to Louis’s brother



Lee Anne Fennell examines modern gift

Philippe V.14 However, although the cup was not

giving, especially among women, and argues that

used and was kept from sale, it does not seem to

people today give gifts rather than money in order

have ascended to the rank of a contact relic, some-

to establish dialogue and maintain emotional and

thing revered because it had belonged to Saint

social ties to each other. She claims that actions like

Louis. Such an object certainly would have been

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kept among Louis’s joyaux or with his precious gold

ascribes the work to the goldsmith Jean de Touyl,

and silver liturgical vessels in the chapel. Rather,

who worked there.19 The closely spaced eyes with

the cup was kept in the eschançonnerie, or area that

dark circles around them in the figures on the

held drinking vessels and service items. Likewise,

enameled panels correspond to details of figures

the knife appears midway through the list of Louis

on the chalice in the church treasury of Wipper-

X’s armor, not at the top, where one might have

fürth mentioned above, a work identified with Jean

expected it, as one of the most expensive or special

de Touyl by the goldsmith’s mark. Although Eliza-

items in its inventory section, to be.

beth could have ordered this shrine to be sent from



Paris to Buda, several factors point to Clémence

15

Clémence kept another sculpture out of

wide circulation when she bequeathed her reli-

herself as a likely donor. If Elizabeth had desired

quary statue of Saint John the Baptist to Béatrice

a Parisian shrine, who better to commission or

de Viennois, dame d’Arlay. This was Béatrice de

select it for her than her sister-​in-​law, Clémence?

la Tour-​du-​Pin, the sister-​in-​law of Clémence’s

Additionally, the Cloisters shrine largely conforms

sister, who was also named Béatrice. According

to the description of another in Clémence’s inven-

to the inventory, this reliquary was “an image of

tory: “Item, a shrine with Our Lady and two angels,

Saint John with an entablement enameled with the

with panels enameled with arms” (114).20 Finally,

arms of Hungary” (87). This gift was appraised at

Jean de Touyl, the goldsmith of Elizabeth’s shrine,

more than 195 pounds and weighed twenty-​four

was one of the artists who appraised Clémence’s

marcs, three onces, eighteen estelins. The fact that

works after her death. He may have been involved

it was weighed indicates that it was probably sil-

in making objects for the queen, as was Simon

ver or silver-​gilt, given that objects of marble or

de Lille, another appraiser and the goldsmith of

ivory were only described, and not weighed, in the

Clémence’s best crown.

inventory. This long-​distance gift between women



adds yet another person to the international net-

takes Gothic architectural form, and enameled

work of friends with whom Clémence exchanged

panels imitating stained-​glass windows open to

gifts.

reveal the Christ child nursing at the breast of the



Virgin. The seated Virgin and Child occupy the

16

17

The enameled reliquary shrine of Elizabeth

of Hungary, now at the Cloisters, may have been

central space, and angels stand on either side hold-

another generous long-​distance gift, this one from

ing transparent hinged boxes. Behind the figures

Clémence, in Paris, to her sister-​in-​law in Buda

is gold repoussé rinceaux decoration. Basse-​taille

(fig. 55). Elizabeth, who was married to Clé-

translucent enamels on the wings depict scenes

mence’s brother, Carobert, founded the convent of

of the Annunciation, the Visitation, the Nativity,

the Poor Clares of Buda, where Elizabeth lived, and

the Annunciation to the Shepherds, the Adoration

a 1714 inventory made at the convent links the rel-

of the Magi, the Presentation at the Temple, and

iquary with the “Blessed Queen Elizabeth of Hun-

the Flight into Egypt. Slender images of Saints

gary.” Danielle Gaborit-​Chopin argues persuasively

James the Less and Bartholomew and two women

that this object came from Paris, as the style and

martyrs on the edges of the folding doors frame

craftsmanship of the shrine are Parisian, and she

the scenes. Because Saint Louis de Toulouse and

18

132

The reliquary, sixteen inches wide when open,

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Figure 55 Attributed to Jean de Touyl, reliquary shrine of Elizabeth of Hungary, Paris, 1320–40. Silver-​gilt with translucent enamel and paint. The Cloisters Collection, New York, 1962.

133

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other saints who would have been important to

It would have been a potent symbol of Humbert’s

Elizabeth of Hungary do not appear on the shrine,

position as the queen’s heir and of the dowager’s

Gaborit-​Chopin argues that this piece was pur-

love for him. Here, the gift of the object was itself

chased in complete form rather than ordered and

much more significant than the price of the pre-

customized for the patron.21 The transfer of this

cious stones and gold of which it was composed.

piece from Paris to Buda provides a glimpse of

In fact, since Humbert received the proceeds of

the cross-​cultural artistic contact that could result

the sale of her belongings, the fact that she gave

from the social links between far-​flung women

him this crown instead of just having it sold clearly

who maintained their relationships with each other

indicates that she wanted him to have the crown

by sending works of art. Sumptuous confections of

itself, not just the cash.24

the goldsmith, often more lavish than illuminated



manuscripts, were even more common than books

de Bourgogne, wife of Philippe de Valois, Clé-

as international gifts in the inventory and testa-

mence bequeathed a reliquary bust enshrining

ment of Clémence de Hongrie.

what was thought to be a skull of one of the Eleven



Additionally, the queen bequeathed an image

Thousand Virgins.25 According to the Golden

of the Annunciation to her confessor, Jacques

Legend, the pagan prince of Anglia asked for the

de Corvo, the bishop of Cornouaille, a Dominican

hand of an English Christian princess, Ursula, well

appointed by Pope John XXII in 1326. The pope

known for her wisdom, beauty, and virtue. After

specifically told Clémence to heed this man’s advice

negotiations, she agreed to marry the man if he

during her time of instability following the deaths

would be baptized and if she could have three years

of her husband and son. The descriptions of the gift

in which to make a pilgrimage to Rome. Ten noble

in the testament and inventory vary markedly, even

companions were to be assigned to her, and a thou-

though they both clearly refer to the same object,

sand women then attended Ursula and each of her

illustrating how difficult visualizing destroyed

ten companions. As she traveled from her native

objects based on records can be. Her testament says

Britain to Rome and back, more and more women

that Clémence left Jacques de Corvo “our silver

and men (including the pope himself) joined her.

tablets with the Annunciation of our Lady,” while

Finally, while in Cologne, Huns attacked the group

the inventory refers to the object as “a tabernacle

and killed them for their faith, making the virgins

with an Annunciation with a copper engraving”

martyrs for Christ. The growth of the popularity

that could be removed (88).

of the virgin martyrs in medieval art dates to 1106,



One of the most important bequests that

when a Roman cemetery was found in Cologne,

Clémence gave was her best crown, which she

whose bones people believed belonged to Ursula

bequeathed to her heir—her nephew Humbert,

and her followers. Bodies were exhumed and relics

as discussed above. During her life it was a visual

taken, often to be housed as remnants of the mar-

signifier of Clémence’s status as a queen, making

tyrs in reliquary busts.26 Saint Ursula might have

her immediately recognizable and differentiating

been an important model for medieval women

her from those around her. The crown represented

like Clémence and Jeanne de Bourgogne because,

the status and lifestyle to which she so dearly clung.

unlike other saints, who eschewed marriage, Ursula

22

23

134

To the reigning queen of France, Jeanne

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agreed to marry and yet fulfilled her duty to God

to their families but who might have longed to be

by living a pious and devoted Christian life.

united with their sisters.



The period between 1320 and 1340 was a zenith

for the production of Ursula busts in Cologne.

27



Clémence described the present as “our head

of the eleven thousand Virgins and the sanctuary”

Joan Holladay argues that the popularity of the

and asked her executors to have it repaired or

busts in early fourteenth-​century Cologne was

embellished by Jean de Montpellier, who already

a reaction to the growing Beguine movement.

had it in his possession.32 Jean’s name appears

Traditional clergy pointed to the example of the

in records of goldsmiths, so the sculpture was

virgins and to Ursula’s willingness to marry as they

undoubtedly a work in precious metal.33 A con-

tried to discourage middle- and upper-​class girls

temporary, fourteenth-​century reliquary of Saint

from joining the Beguines, whom clergy viewed

Ursula survives today in Castiglion Fiorentino

as extreme. Traces of the cult of these virgins also

(fig. 56).34 This silver-​gilt bust depicts the young

appear in the courtly accounts and traditions

martyr as a youthful queen with splendid clothing

of early fourteenth-​century France. While men,

and magnificent jewels. Pictorial enamels surround

notably Louis IX, also collected the virgins’ relics,

the base of the sculpture, and polychromy renders

women were integral to the growth of the virgins’

the saint’s face in lifelike tones. She has a high

cult and in the circulation of their relics, and reli-

forehead, broad cheeks, a long nose, and a small

quary busts might have been particularly popular

mouth. The large arches of her eyebrows frame

with women. In 1321 Mahaut d’Artois purchased

her prominent colored eyes, and the girl appears

from the estate of Queen Marie de Brabant, the

to gaze directly at the viewer. Her uncovered curly

widow of Philippe III, two chefs (heads) of the

hair hugs her neck, and the open collar of her dress

Eleven Thousand Virgins decorated in silver.

exposes her collarbones.

28

29

Clémence’s sister-​in-​law Isabelle de France had a



head of one of virgins as well—and she may well

art-​historical scholarship about the body. For

have brought it with her from France in 1308.30

instance, Jeannette Kohl studies reliquary busts of

Clémence’s 1328 gift of a reliquary head from the

the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, arguing that

Eleven Thousand Virgins to Jeanne de Bourgogne

they attracted male viewers yet kept them at a dis-

confirms the enthusiasm for the cult of these vir-

tance.35 But what impact might these lifelike busts

gins in courtly circles in Paris. That all four of the

have had in the hands and gazes of royal women?

reliquaries of the virgins documented in France

These sculptures, which imitated women in more

during this period moved from one royal woman

or less life size, rendered visible role models that

to another suggests that, in Paris, relics of the vir-

demonstrated that marriage and duty could coexist

gins were particularly important to royal women.31

with virtue and faith. As royal women put their

Perhaps the virgins of strong faith who united with

skills, relationships, and bodies in the service of

each other in bonds of sisterhood through travel

their families, perhaps these sculptures enabled

and martyrdom were particularly poignant models

them to imagine that they too would receive

to royal women of the fourteenth century, women

rewards in the afterlife, as the virgin martyrs were

who often left their homes to fulfill a higher duty

thought to have. Clémence anticipated that Jeanne

Reliquary busts have been a focus of recent

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Figure 56 Reliquary head of one of the Eleven Thousand Virgins, France, late fourteenth century. Silver-​gilt, enamels, pearls, gemstones, and paint. Pinacoteca Comunale, Castiglion Fiorentino.

136

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de Bourgogne, the reigning queen, would appreci-

twenty-​three inches, this large statue is gilded sil-

ate this reliquary as she herself had.

ver, which was repoussé, chased, and engraved to



Finally, the most politically significant bequest

form the drapery and to imitate the rich textiles

that Clémence gave in her testament was the sculp-

that a bishop would wear. Like other repoussé

ture of her uncle Saint Louis de Toulouse. Louis

sculptures in precious metals from this period,

was the pride of the Angevin family, its preeminent

the slender body of the saint is elongated, with

dynastic saint. When Clémence’s father, Charles

chiseled patterns articulating the decoration of his

Martel, died, Louis was next in line for the Angevin

vestments. The tight curls in the saint’s hair and

Crown, but he turned it down in order to con-

beard are also typical of sculptures of the period.

tinue in his calling as a Franciscan. Before he died,

The description in the inventory indicates that

in 1297, he served as bishop of Toulouse, and upon

the bishop in the sculpture had a miter covered

his death his family members avidly collected and

in perrerie, or small precious stones.39 Clémence’s

enshrined his remains as relics. Louis chose to let

sculpture was undoubtedly a work in precious

the Crown pass to another of Clémence’s uncles,

metal because the goldsmiths weighed it, which

Louis’s younger brother, Robert d’Anjou. The 1317

was the practice in the inventory only for metal-

tempera panel painting by Simone Martini, Saint

work. In one hand Clémence’s sculpture of Saint

Louis de Toulouse Crowning Robert d’Anjou, now

Louis held a small crown, a reference to the Crown

in the Capodimonte Museum in Naples, was com-

he declined in order to fulfill his spiritual calling.

missioned by Robert to memorialize his brother

The other hand was poised in a blessing gesture,

and to legitimize Robert’s own claim to the throne

probably much like that depicted in a rock-​crystal

(fig. 52). The family had celebrated his canonization

and silver-​gilt reliquary arm of Saint Louis made at

only eleven years before Clémence’s own death.

the court of Naples between 1336 and 1338 for Clé-

Robert, his wife Sancia, and Clémence’s paternal

mence’s aunt Sancia de Majorque and today housed

grandmother, Marie de Hongrie, all owned or com-

at the Louvre (fig. 58). The forefinger and middle

missioned reliquaries for Louis’s body parts. Robert

finger point up, while the ring finger and last finger

commissioned a golden reliquary for the brain, and

curl.40

Robert and Sancia together gave another reliquary



of Louis to the convent of Santa Chiara. Louis’s

of Saint Louis de Toulouse but did not own a statue

mother, Marie, also commissioned a reliquary of

of the revered Saint Louis de France, like other

her son, and his image appears prominently on her

Capetian collectors, suggests that she identified

tomb.

herself as a member of the Angevin branch of the



family even more than as a member of her hus-

36

Clémence’s testament and inventory (86) both

The fact that Clémence had a prized sculpture

describe the sculpture of her sainted uncle that she

band’s Capetian line, which counted Louis IX as its

chose as a legacy for Philippe de Valois. A general

most distinguished member.41

sense of Clémence’s statue of Saint Louis can be



gleaned from a surviving sculpture of Saint Blaise

to whom she bequeathed this work of art, had only

made in Paris between 1280 and 1300, now in the

ascended to the throne five months before Clé-

cathedral of Namur (fig. 57). Standing at almost

mence’s death, so he was at a formative moment

37

38

Philippe de Valois, the new king of France,

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Figure 57

138

Sculpture of Saint Blaise as a bishop, Paris, ca. 1280–1300. Silver-​gilt with precious stones. Cathedral Treasury, Namur.

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Clémence, herself a beautiful gift sent to the

court of France, fostered links between the capitals of Naples and Paris by employing the power of gift giving and acting as an intermediary throughout the rest of her life. Several trends emerge from study of the group of gifts that Clémence gave and received: First, almost all the documented gifts that she offered during her lifetime and upon her death were works of the goldsmith.43 Among them, reliquaries, shrines, and religious sculptures were the most valuable and meaningful. Second, the gifts of art acted as surrogates not only for the queen but for their earlier donors. In her collection, the Peterborough Psalter denoted the queen’s close relationship with Pope John XXII, and the sculpture, chalice, and paten probably sent to Bari would have reminded her family of her when they visited their important religious foundation in Apulia. Third, gifts often bolstered a sense of community with loved ones, even when great distances

Figure 58 Reliquary arm of Saint Louis de Toulouse, made for Clémence’s aunt Sancia de Majorque, Naples, 1336–38. Silver-​gilt, basse-​taille enamels on silver, rock crystal. Musée du Louvre, Paris, OA 3254, Gift of Mme Spitzer, 1891.

separated them. Fourth, at the same time that the queen’s gifts united her with people of her own class across Europe, they also differentiated her from others. As seen in the last chapter, when the queen offered a fermail and textiles at the church

when he was establishing the priorities for his

of Saint-​Magloire in 1318, she visibly distinguished

reign. This was a highly appropriate gift, since

herself, proclaiming her right to her royal status

Saint Louis de Toulouse was the new king’s uncle

and income. Fifth, the more gifts circulated, the

as well. Philippe’s mother was Marguerite d’Anjou,

more they accumulated importance, and Clémence

one of Clémence’s aunts from Naples and Louis’s

tried to keep works with important family prov-

sister. This gift sent a clear deathbed message from

enance in her family, practicing “keeping-​while-​

Clémence to the French king. Through this work of

giving.” She gave her sister, Béatrice, the shrine that

art, Clémence focused the new king’s attention on

had been sent to her in Paris by a kinswoman in

his own heritage and responsibility as an Angevin,

Naples. Finally, a well-​chosen gift could convey a

encouraging him to interact favorably with Naples

particular message, as when the queen bequeathed

during his reign. Here, the dowager was once

to her cousin Philippe de Valois, the new king

again acting as an intermediary between her

of France, the sculpture of their mutual Angevin

Angevin natal family and the French court in Paris.

uncle, encouraging the king to favor Naples during

42

Gifts to Individuals, Near and Far

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his reign. When considered together, the trajectories of the gifts that Clémence de Hongrie gave and received reveal her own local and pan-​European social network and the impact that a foreign bride, her physical body, and her gift giving could have on cross-​cultural exchange. The objects were even more precious than their weight in silver and gold because of their provenance, their subject matter or contents, and their ability to tie people together despite vast geographic separation.

140

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Conclusion Good and Glorious Exchange

As Clémence de Hongrie considered

identities through material culture and gift giving

her objects days before her death, she

in fourteenth-​century France and Naples. Like all

recorded in her testament that she

projects that stem from interesting material, this

foresaw “good and glorious exchange” that would

one invites further inquiry.

move her earthly possessions to new owners.



Indeed, this study has considered the many forms

tional information that, while not art historical,

of exchange demonstrated in the documents sur-

is still important to the historical record. For

rounding this French queen, including loans, ritual

example, of the more than one hundred people Clé-

donations, personal gifts, sales, and testamentary

mence named and identified in her testament, only

bequests. Clémence was not alone in leaving her

those to whom Clémence gave joyaux have been

family to marry a foreign man or in circulating

the subjects of this book. Nonetheless, the care with

objects; her grandmother, mother, aunts, and

which she named and gave her staff money—a gift

sisters all did the same. The bodies of these royal

type only touched on in this study—suggests that

women were objects of exchange at the time of

she shared close bonds with them, just as she did

their marriages, and then through their patronage,

with people of her own rank in society outside

gift giving, and the circulation of works of art, the

her household. An engaging digital project would

women often continued in this intermediary role.

thus be to chart the different realms of her social

Analyzing the movement of their objects reveals

network: her household, her contemporaries in

their international social networks. The present

Paris, and her international connections. Similarly,

microhistory, focusing on one woman, has cast

the numerous institutions to which Clémence gave

light on larger trends surrounding art, patron-

gifts of money might be interesting to scholars

age, the art markets and networks people used,

studying the history of important hospitals, chari-

and the manner in which they established their

table institutions, and churches in France.

1

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Clémence’s documents present copious addi-

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The geographical movement of the women

and shifts over time among these different patrons.

seen in this book is another area for further devel-

Fortunately, many of these documents have been

opment, and related projects might include the

published, and having them all available in a

study of many more mobile brides of the Middle

searchable format on a website would be invaluable

Ages. For example, with Tracy Chapman Ham-

for scholars in a number of fields, including art

ilton, who also has a long scholarly interest in

history, history, economic history, and historical

royal women and geography, I have co-​edited a

geography. Such a project is under way through the

volume of essays, from a range of scholars, on the

Institut de recherche et d’histoire des textes.

movement of women and their objects in medi-



eval Europe. In Moving Women Moving Objects

documents is the irregular, often phonetic spell-

(500–1500) it is exciting to see and document the

ing that was common in medieval documents.

mobile Scandinavian, Byzantine, Russian, French,

The same word can be spelled in different ways,

German, and Spanish women who transferred

even in adjacent lines. Thus tagging would be an

their jewelry, icons, reliquaries, manuscripts, and

important characteristic of such a digital project,

even shoes in the Middle Ages.

so that if one searched for a term, all the different



Geospatial mapping of object movement

spellings of it would appear. Other difficulties

and of women’s impact on urban space, as I have

remain as well. As Marguerite Keane observes,

done here, but for a wide range of women whose

using databases to compare these documents can

documents survive, is another context for discov-

“flatten,” or oversimplify, them because sometimes

ery. Tracy Chapman Hamilton and I began such

the very same objects can be described in quite

a project at the Samuel H. Kress Digital Mapping

different terminology that a computer program

and Art History Institute at Middlebury College.

might read as denoting different objects.4 Another

We mapped the residences, burial sites, commis-

challenge for textual analysis, and therefore for a

sions, marriage sites, and processions of Clémence

potential database of testaments and inventories,

de Hongrie, Jeanne de Navarre, Jeanne de Bour-

is the sliding meanings of words over time.5 Con-

gogne, Mahaut d’Artois, Jeanne d’Évreux, and

text is key. So even though having as many of these

Blanche de Navarre in fourteenth-​century Paris.

documents as possible available in one digital place

We envision expanding this project, which we are

would be extremely useful, a searchable database

calling Mapping the Medieval Woman, to include

would just be a starting point for the necessary

as many women as possible. A related and already-​

human intellectual work of interpreting them.

available large-​scale geospatial mapping website is



ALPAGE (AnaLyse diachronique de l’espace urbain

ingful objects at the same time as it has attempted

PArisien: approche GEomatique), which examines

to study the larger collection of Clémence de Hon-

the history of the urban fabric of Paris over time

grie. A similar approach might be useful for

using a variety of filters.

documents like the execution of the testament of



Jeanne d’Évreux. Her document does have section

2

3

142

One of the challenges in working with these

Textual analysis would be yet another way

This book has focused on particularly mean-

of comparing and working with a larger group of

totals like Clémence’s, so it would be possible to

inventories and testaments together to see patterns

make a pie chart of the relative values of her types

Medieval Art in Motion

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of belongings, as seen here for Clémence in chapter 3. Each individual document lends itself to this process with greater or lesser success, depending on the amount of information the clerks recorded or omitted. In inventories and testaments, these documents of “good and glorious exchange,” we see that women sent political messages, stayed in touch with other far-​flung kinswomen and friends, and built the reputation of their families through gifts as they launched their works of art into motion.

Conclusion

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Appendix 1: The Testament of Clémence de Hongrie

Reprinted from Jean Pierre Moret de Bourchenu, marquis de Valbonnais, ed., Histoire de Dauphiné et des princes qui ont porté le nom de dauphins, particulierement de ceux de la troisieme race, descendus des barons de la Tour-​du-​Pin, sous le dernier desquels a été fait le transport de leurs états à la couronne de France (Geneva: Fabri & Barrillot, 1722), 2:217–21. I have numbered the sections for easy reference. 1. En nom de la sainte Trinité du Pere du Fils & du saint Esprit, Amen. Nous Clemence par la grace de Dieu Royne de France & de Navarre; faisons assavoir à tous que nous attendens & considerens que le Roy des Roys Tout-​puissant, qui tout le monde crea de nient, a mis fin & terme à toute creature que l’on ne peut passer, & qu’il a fait nostre char humaine corrumpable & mortelle pour la transgression de nostre premier Pere, & pensant & regardant que riens n’est plus certain que la mort, & que l’heure d’ycelle est toute incertaine; & voulans & desirans les biens transitoires de cette mortelle vie, permuer & échangier par bon & glorieux échange es biens permanens de vie perdurable, à ce que nous puissiens rendre bon compte & loïal au souverain Seigneur de l’administration qu’il nous a commise, saine de cuer & de pensée par bon entendement & toute avisée, combien que nous soyons infermes de corps, de nous & des biens que Dieux nous a donné en ce siecle. Ordonnons & disposons par ce present Testament que nous faisons de certaine science selon la forme & en la maniere que il s’ensuit. Premierement, nous rendons & donons nostre ame à son Createur nostre Seigneur Jésus-​Christ le Benoist Fils Dieu, & à sa tres douce Mere la Glorieuse Vierge Marie, & à tout la Court de Paradis. Et ellisons nostre sepulture de tout nostre corps entierement, & toutes les entrailles, si nous mourons en Provence, & estre puet & bonnement en l’Eglise ou Moustier des sereurs de l’Ordre des Prescheurs, de Nostre-​Dame de Nazareth de Ays en Provence, & se il avenoit que nous mourissiens es parties de France, nous voulons & ordenons, si l’on le

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peut faire selon la teneur du Privilege que nous avons sur la division de nostre corps, que nostre cuer soit traiz hors de nostre corps, & que le corps & les entrailles ensemble soient mises en sepulture, en l’Eglise des Freres Prescheurs de Paris, & que le cuer soit portez & ensevelis en ladite Eglise Nostre-​Dame de Nazareth d’Ays, en une Chapelle qui y sera faite semblable à celle de nostre ayol le Roy Charles de Secile, dont Dieux ayt l’ame, à l’opposite d’icelle en maniere de Croix, & que il soit guardez honnêtement en ladite Eglise des Freres Prescheurs à Paris, jusques à tant que l’on le puisse porter à ladite Eglise de Nostre Dame de Nazareth d’Ays en Provence. Et voulons & ordenons que nostre sepulture, nostre obseque & nos aumônes au temps de nostre Enterrement soient faites & faits au lieu où nostre corps jarra honorablement selon nostre état, à l’arbitre & à l’ordenance de nos Executeurs cy-​dessous nommez, selon ce que bon leur semblera. 2. Item, voulons que à l’enterrement de nostre cuer ait quatre cent livres de cire, & que il soit couverts de draps de soye jusques à la valeur cinquante livres parisis. 3. Item nous voulons & ordenons expressement que toutes nos dettes soient payées, tant à nos familiers pour leurs gaiges, & autres dettes que nous leur pourrions devoir, comme à autres personnes, & nos atorfaits amender selon la discretion, & le jugement de nos Executeurs cy-​dessous écrits. 4. Item nous laissons au Couvent des Sereurs de Nostre-​Dame d’Ays dessusdictes mil livres parisis, pour acheter rentes par la main de nos Executeurs, desquelles sera fondé un Autel ou dit Moustier en ladite Chapelle, en l’honneur de Monsieur Saint Jehan Baptiste & de S. Michel l’Arcange, & sera établis un Frere chascune semaine, pour chanter une Messe tous les jours perpetuelment pour les ames de nostre tres-​chier Seigneur Monsieur le Roy Looys, de nostre pere & de nostre mere dont Dieux ayt les ames, & de nous & de tous ceux de nostre lignaige. Et voulons & ordenons expressement que quatre fois en l’an; c’est assavoir le jour de nostre

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sepulture se nous gisons là, ou de nostre cuer, se nous ny gisons, & lendemain de la S. Jehan Baptiste, & lendemain de la S. Michel, & le cinquiéme jour de Juing que nostre tres-​chier Seigneur le Roy Looys morut, soient faits anniversaires, & pitances perpetuelment desdites rentes par le Prieur dudit Moustier, qui pour le temps sera aus Freres & aus Sereurs d’iceluy. Et voulons que en chascun anniversaire soit faite pitance de soissante sous parisis au meins. 5. Item, nous voulons & ordenons que ledit Prieur dudit Moustier doigne & soit tenus de donner chascun an aux quatre jours dessusdits au Couvent des Freres Prescheurs d’Ays pour faire les anniversaires aux dits quatre jours, si comme dessus est dit en pitance pour chascun desdits quatre jours, vingt-​cinq sous parisis. 6. Item, nous voulons & ordenons que ledit Prieur paye par chascun an à une fois, c’est assavoir la veillie de la S. Michiel aux Freres du Couvent de Cisteron ou à leur messaige, pour faire en l’Eglise dudit Couvent lesdits anniversaires esdits quatre jours, si comme dessus est dit cens sous parisis. 7. Item, nous laissons & denons pour faire ladicte Chapelle ou Moustier de Nostre-​Dame d’Ays où nostre corps jarra se nous mourons es Provence, & nôtre cuer jarra tant seulement se nous mourons en France, & nostre sepulture condecent, si comme il appartiendra deux mille livres parisis, & que ladite monnoie soit mise en dépost en lieu segur & certain du Moustier dessusdit, & que de iceluy dépost aucunes bonnes personnes de l’Ordre, qui à ce seront établies & députées par nos Executeurs ayent les clés, lesquelles personnes administreront la monnoie necessaire & convenable pour ladite Oeuvre faire, & rendront chascun mois compte, & toutes fois que il en seront requis à nos Executeurs ou ceux qui à ce ou par eux seront députez, & se ladite monnoie ne souffisoit à faire & parfaire l’Oeuvre dessusdite, comme dessus est dit, nos Executeurs bailleront & paieront ce que il conviendra à la parfaire, & se ladite Oeuvre accomplie avenamment comme dessus dit, il demouroit desdictes deux mille livres aucune chose, ce qui demourroit seroit converti & mis en l’Oeuvre de ladite Eglise, au regart & à l’ordenance de nos Executeurs en lieu convenable & profitable.

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8. Item, nous voulons que à l’Enterrement de nostre cuer soit faite aumône aux povres par la main de l’un de nos Executeurs ou de nostre Aumosnier, qui pour le temps sera de cinquante livres parisis. 9. Item, nous denons & laissons pour la Conqueste de la Terre Saincte à payer une fois tant seulement deux cent & quarante livres parisis. 10. Item, à nostre chiere suer Bietrix Dauphine de Viennoys nostre Image de Nostre-​Dame d’argent aux Tableaux peins. 11. Item, à Reverend Pere en Dieu, nostre amé Confessor Freres Jacques Evêque de Cornoaille, nos Tablettes d’argent à l’Annonciation de Nostre-​Dame. 12. Item, à nostre chiere Cousine Madame Bietrix de Viennois Dame d’Arlay, nostre Image de S. Jean Baptiste avec les Reliques qui y sont. 13. Item, à Messire Jehan Beaumont nostre amé & feal Conseiller Seigneur de Sainte Geneviéve quatre cent livres parisis. 14. Item, à Missire Pierre de Villepareur, Missire. Jehan de la Fresnaie, Missire Jehan Druget & Missire Pierre Saunier nos amez Chevaliers, à chascun deux cent livres parisis. 15. Item, à Madame Pasque Famme Missire Jehan Druget trois cent livres parisis; & à Marguerite de Nantueil nostre Damoiselle, nous laissons deux cent livres parisis. 16. Item, à Agnes de Bolonnois, Ysabeau de Til, & Jehanne de Lorriz nos amées Damoiselles, a chascune cent livres parisis. 17. Item, à Madame Jehanne la Baillie de Varde cent livres parisis. 18. Item, à Missire François de Montflascon, Missire Nicole de Cailloüe, & Mestre Guillaume de Fourqueux, nos amez Clercs & Conseillers, à chascun trois cent livres parisis. 19. Item, à Missire Jehan Cartaut, Missire Guillaume de Poissi, & Missire Thibaut de Meaux, nos amez Chapelains, & à Missire Jacque nostre. . . . . . . à chascun deux cent livres parisis. 20. Item, à Frere Roger Clarot de l’Ordre des Prescheurs nostre Chapelain, quatre vingt livres parisis. 21. Item, à Missire Thierry, nostre Chapelain, cent livres parisis.

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22. Item, à Perrotin de Naples, & Colin de Bequerel nos Escuyers, à chascun deux cent livres parisis. 23. Item, à Philippe de Nantuel, pour les bons services de sa mere & de ly & à Pierre de la Forest nos Escuyers, à chascun huit vingt livres parisis. 24. Item, à Jehan Petit-​pas, Jehan de Buichon, Jacques de Boulonois, Robert de Mauvinez, Gilebert d’Alboy, Raymon Vincent, Perceval son fils, Guillaume Saunier, Jehan de S. Marcel, Guillaume Druget, & Pierre de Seure nos Escuyers, cent livres parisis à chascun. 25. Item, à Gremon de Pigon, Jehan de Cailloüe, nos Escuyers & Baudet nostre Fauconnier, Anchier, nostre Huissier de Sale, & à Jamon de Pigon nos Escuyers, & à Marie de la Chambre fame jadis feu Adam le Sautier, à chascun quarante livres parisis. 26. Item, à Jehan de Gagni nostre Taaillieur, & à Clemance nôtre filliole sa femme, quatre-​vingt livres parisis. 27. Item, aux enfans Madame Pasque, & Marguerite de Nantueil dessusdites, qui sont nos fillieus ou nos fillioles, à chascun cent livres parisis. 28. Item à chascun de nos autres fillieus & fillioles, où que ils soient, vingt livres parisis. 29. Item, à Missire Pierre Curé du Mez le Mareschal, Missire Jehan Chapelain de nostre dit Confessor, & Jehannette nostre Lavendiere, à chascun seize livres parisis. 30. Item, au Clerc de nostre Chapelle, qui pour le temps sera vingt livres parisis. 31. Item, à Renier de Roye nostre Procureur, trente livres parisis. 32. Item, à Jaquemin de Loraz, & à sa famme, quatre-​ vingt livres parisis. 33. Item, à Gilet de l’Eschansonnerie, & à Jehannette sa femme, quarante livres parisis. 34. Item, à Katherine nostre Esclave que nous feimes baptisier, cinquante livres parisis. 35. Item, à Adam de Meaux, Mestre Pierre de la Mote Hervart de la Cuisine, & à Geffroi le Saucier, à chacun quarante livres parisis. 36. Item, à Geffroi Portier du Temple, & à Colin nostre Portier à chascun trante livres parisis. 37. Item, à Jarqueau & Robinet de Eschansonnerie, Guillot de Meaux Garde de Long-​Champ, Jehan de

Maineville Charretier, Raulet de la Fruitterie, Charlot, Colin, Chevance Folet, fous de Tonnel, Perrot le Potagier qui fut de la Cuisine, Robin & Duchar, & Jehannet de la chapelle, à chascun vingt livres parisis. 38. Item, à Jehan Hurtaut de la Panneterie, Jehan de Nantueil, Guerin de la Forge, Clavel qui nous servi en Provence, Guillotin Escuyer de nostre Confessor dessusdit, le Camus qui fut nostre Messagier, & à Jehan Beson qui fut de nostre Chambre, & à Guillot de Mont-​pinçon Vallet de nostre Chambre, à chascun seize livres parisis. 39. Item, à Lorencin, Jehannot de Longueville, Huguenin de la Cuisine qui prés nous ont servi, Colin le Messagier, Guiot le Breton Messagier, Jehan Damblegin, Jehannot le Vallet Madame Pasque, Monnet de la Saucerie, le Lorrain Duchar, Colin de Meaus, Guillot le Mairre, Jehannet Charretier aux Damoiselles, Mahiet des Palefrois, Symonet des Palefrois, Martin Petruche le Ner, Jehannot le Page des Chars, Jehannot de Meaus Vallet de la Fourrerie, & à Phelippe de Meaus de la Chambre aux Deniers, à chascun dis livres parisis. 40. Item, à Chapellet, & à Guillotin le Petit, à chascun huit livres parisis. 41. Item, au Sourt, à Coutrat le Ner, au Bourgat de l’Eschansonnerie, & au Bouvier ayde de la Cuisine, à chascun cent sous parisis. 42. Item, nous voulons & ordenons que se aucuns de nos Servitiaus qui nous ont servie, estoient oublié à mettre en ce present Testament que convenable remun­ eration leur soit faite par nos Executeurs cy-​après écrits, consideré le temps que il nous auront servie, & la qualité des services & de leur personne. 43. Item, nous laissons & donnons au Couvent des Freres Prescheurs de Paris, où notre corps jarra, deux cent livres parisis pour nostre Obit. 44. Item, à la grant Meson Dieu de Paris, se nous morons en France, nostre lit où nous jarrons à l’heure de nostre mort, où se nous mourrons autre part, quatre vingt livres parisis. 45. Item, nous voulons que nos Executeurs ayent toutes naus robes quelles que elles soient, lesqueles nous neauron données ou laissées, & que il les doipnent pour Dieu, à povres gentils fammes, Vierges, veuves & orphelines, selon ce que bon leur semblera.

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46. Item, nous laissons au Couvent des Sereurs Saint Pere au Chastel de Naples, de l’Ordre S. Dominique, quarante livres parisis. 47. Item, au premier Chapitre general des Freres Prescheurs, puis nostre mort, quarante livres parisis. 48. Item, au premier Chapitre general des Freres Mineurs autant. 49. Item, au Couvent des Freres Mineurs de Paris, quarante livres parisis. 50. Item, au Couvent des Freres Saint Augustin de Paris, vingt livres parisis. 51. Item, au Couvent des Freres du Carmel de Paris, dix livres parisis. 52. Item, au Couvent des Freres du Val des Escoliers, dix livres parisis. 53. Item, aux Freres de Chartreuse de Paris, vingt livres parisis. 54. Item, aux Bons Enfans emprés, la Porte Saint Victor de Paris, dix livres parisis. 55. Item, au Couvent de Saint Materin de Paris, dix livres parisis. 56. Item, au Couvent de Saint Croix de Paris, dix livres parisis. 57. Item, au Couvent Saint Guillaume de Paris, dix livres parisis. 58. Item, au Couvent où Dieu fu bouliz de Paris, dix livres parisis. 59. Item, à la Meson des Aveugles de Paris, cinquante livres parisis. 60. Item, aux Filles Dieu de Paris, vingt-​quatre livres parisis. 61. Item, aux Beguines de Paris, dix livres parisis. 62. Item, aux Escoliers Saint Nicolas du Louvre, dix livres parisis. 63. Item, a la Meson de la Sauçaye, vingt livres parisis. 64. Item, à toutes les Mesons Dieu de Paris, à diviser par la main de nos Executeurs selone ce que il leur semblera cent livres parisis. Celle mise hors à qui nous avons devant laissié. 65. Item, au Couvent des Sereurs de Montargis, cinquante livres parisis. 66. Item, à la Meson Dieu de Courb[eil] vingt livres parisis.

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67. Item, à la Maladerie de Courb[eil] dix livres parisis. 68. Item, à toutes les autres Mesons Dieu de nostre terre excepté Baugency, à chascune cent sols parisis. Et à la Meson Dieu de Baugency, dix livres parisis. 69. Item, à chascune des Maladeries de nostre terre, cent sols parisis. 70. Item, au Couvent de Saint Antoine les Paris, quarante livres parisis. 71. Item, au Couvent de Nemox des Sereurs, cinquante livres parisis. 72. Item, nous laissons & donons à nostre tres-​chier Seigneur & tres amé Cousin le Roy de France nostre image de Monsieur Sainct Looys, fait en la maniere d’Evesque qui tient son doit, ainsi comme il est à tout le doit dessusdit. 73. Item, à nostre tres-​chiere & tres-​amée Cousine la Royne de France regnant à présent nostre chef des onze mille Vierges à tout le sanctuaire, & voulons que nos Executeurs le fassent parfaire par Jehan de Montpellier qui l’a encore. 74. Item, à nostre tres-​chier Cousin le Comte d’Alençon, nostre meilleur Fermail que nous ayens en France. 75. Item, à notre chier Cousin le Duc de Bourbon nostre meilleur Fermail empres. 76. Item, à nostre chier cousin le Comte de Beaumont nostre meilleur Fermail emprès les deux. 77. Item, à nostre chier neveu le Dauphin de Viennoys nostre bon Chapel gros que Symon de Lisle fist. 78. Item, nous donnons & laissons à l’Abbé & ou Couvent S. Denis de France, trante livres parisis de annuelle & perpetuelle rente, à prendre & à avoir desdits Religieux sur nostre terre de Wardes en Normandie, aprés la mort de nostre amé Chevalier Missire Jehan de la Fresnaye, auquel nous y avons donné cent livres parisis de rente à sa vie par nos autres Lettres, & jusques à la mort dudit Chevalier, lesdits Religieux les prendront sur nostre autre terre de Normandie, pour faire chanter chascun jour perpetuelment une Messe de mors en une déterminée Chapelle, par un des Moines de leur Eglise, pour les ames de nostre chier Seigneur le Roy Looys que Dieux absoille, & la nostre & les ames de tous nos amis. 79. Item, nous laissons & donnons trente livres parisis de rente annuelle & perpetuelle à nos Eglises de

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Courbeil. C’est assavoir à l’Eglise de Saint Spire, dix huit livres parisis. Et à l’Eglise Nostre Dame, douze livres parisis, pour faire chascun mois le Service dudit nostre chier Seigneur le Roy Looys, & le nostre. Et voulons que nos Executeurs à chatent ladite rente, toute amortie de nôtre meuble se tant y en a les choses dessusdictes accomplies de démourant, & se tant n’en y avoit; Nous voulons & ordenons que les Chapitres desdictes Eglises les ayent & pregnent sur nostre terre de Normandie. 80. Item, nous voulons & ordenons encore que se accomplies toutes les choses cy-​dessus dictes demouroit de nos biens muebles, que nos Executeurs en ayent & pregnent jusques à la value de quatre mille livres parisis, pour donner à povres pour Dieu par leur main en nostre terre de nostre Doaire, & se tant n’en demouroit, nos dettes & nos executions payées, si voulons nous que il ayent & doignent ce que il demourra desdits meubles pour Dieu si comme dessus est dit. 81. Item, nous faisons, laissons & instituons en la meilleure maniere que nous poons nostre hoir universel, en tout ce qui demourra de nos biens, tant en muebles come en heritages & en conques quelconque il soient, nostre derniere volonté si comme dessus est escript entierement & parfaitement payée & accomplie, nostre chier neveu Ymbert Dauphin fils de nostre suer la Dauphine, & voulons que ce ly vaillie quant audit remanant, tant pour cause de heredation ou d’institution ou de lays comme en la meillieure maniere qui l’y puisse valoir de droit & de coustume. 82. Item, nous deffendons expressement à tous nos Executeurs, & à chascun par soi que il ne baillent ou délivrent nuls de nos biens muebles joiaux d’or ou d’argent, chevaus, pierces prétieuses ou autres choses que les que elles soient, à quelconque personne de quelconque autorité que elle soit, jusques à tant que il aient receu en bonne monnoye comptant, le juste prix des choses que il voudront bailler & délivrer, mais toutes voyes nous voulons bien que il les puissent ballier en payemens à ceus à qui nous devrons ou à qui nous aurons laissie, receu de eus quittance, & ce par aventure pour raison d’aucune solemnité oubliée à mettre ou de desheredation, ou pour quelconque autre cause, cette présente ordination ne puait valoir comme Testament. Nous voulons que elle vaillie

par droit de Codicille ou comme ordination de quelconque derniere volonté, & en la meilleure maniere que elle pourra valoir de droit & de Coustume, & à ces choses toutes & à chascune par soi faire enteriner & accomplir, nous establissons, faisons & ordenons nos Executeurs, nostre treschier Seigneur & Cousin Monsieur Phelippe par la grace de Dieu Roy de France, & nos chiers Cousins Missire Looys Duc de Bourbon, & Missire Robert Comte de Beaumont, Reverens Peres en Dieu, Frere Jaques Evesque de Cornoaille nostre Confessor, & l’Abbé de Sainct Denis en France, & nos amez & feaux Conseillers Frere Pierre de la Palu de l’Ordre des Prescheurs, Missire Jehan de Beaumont, Seigneur de Saincte Genevieve, & Missire Pierre de Villepereur Chevalier, Missire François de Mont-​Flascon, Missire Nicole de Cailloue, & Mestre Guillaume de Fourqueux nos Clers, ausquels nous donnons pooir autorité & mandement especial, de prendre, saisir & lever de leur propre autorité, sans requerir congié, ne juge tous nos biens, muebles, heritages & conques quelque part que il soient, & en quelque chose que ce soit, & tout ce en que nous poons avoir aucun droit, & tous nos droits quels que il soient pour faire enteriner & accomplir les choses devant dites, & des maintenant pour le temps d’alors nous nous en dessaisissons en tant comme nous poons & transportons à eus la possession, & saisine de toutes ces choses pour vendre esploitier & obligier jusques au plain & entier accomplissement de ceste nostre derniere volenté. Voulons encore que se en ce présent Testament, par lequel nous voulons que tous les autres soient rappellez, & les quelx des maintenant, nous rappellons avoit aucune chose doubtable ou oscure que nos Executeurs dessusdicts le puissent desclairier & enterpreter, si comme il leur semblera bon & raisonnable, & se il estoit ainsi que tous nos Executeurs dessusdicts ne voulussent ou ne poissent vaquer & entendre à faire traitier & executer les choses toutes dessusdictes ou aucunes dicelles. Nous voulons expressement & ordenons que quatre ou trois ou deux d’iceux du consentement & de la volenté nostredit tres chier Seigneur le Roy façent & accomplissent, & puissent faire & accomplir du tout en tout, les choses dessusdictes, & leur donons pooir & autorité de faire enteriner & accomplir en tout & pour tout, autant comme se tuit y estoient présent.

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83. Item, nous voulons & commandons que nostre livrée soit faite à cette presente Toussains, de Draps & de Pannes à tous ceux qui en orent à nostre derniere livrée, en témoins desqueles choses à ce que elle soient plus entierement & plus parfaitement guardées, nous avons fait sceller ce present Testament de nostre seau, & signer de nostre signet, & avons requis nos amez & seaus Clers & Tabellions publiques, & dessous escrits que il publient ce présent Testament, & signent de leur signet, & en façent plusieurs en cette fourme se mestier est & il en sont requis. Ce fut fait l’an de grace mil trois cens & vingt & huit, le cinquiéme jour d’Octobre en nostre Chambre du Temple, présens à la publication, par devant nous Reverent Pere en Dieu Frere Jaque Evesque de Cornoaille, Missire Pierre de Villepereur, Missire Jehan de la Fresnaie, & Missire Pierre Saunier, Chevaliers, Missire Guillaume de Cailloue, Mestre Jaque le Physien, Missire Guillaume l’Aumosnier & Missire Thiery nos Familiers, & Jehan de Faeucourt, témoins à ce appellez & priez. 84. Et ego Theobaldus de Meldis Imperiali autoritate publicus Notarius, prædicti Testamenti confectioni,

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hæredis institutioni, Executorum constitutioni & omnibus aliis supra scriptis, in præsentia præfatæ Dom. Reginæ, per me de verbo ad verbum lectis & publicatis, unà cum prædictis testibus præsens, interfui & mandato ipsius, Dom. Reginæ ea propria manu scripsi signoque meo, salvo requisitus signavi, scilicet anno Domini, die, mense, & loco prædictis, indictione verò undecimâ Pontificatus Sanctissimi Patris & Dom. Dom. Johannis Papæ Vicesimi secundi, anno decimo tertio, Constat de Rasuris legatis Dom. Pascæ & Johannis de Media-​villa Cadrigarii, ac Guillelmi de Montpinçon, quæ feci de præcepto ejusdem Dom. Reginae. 85. Et ego Guillermus de Fulcosa dictæ Dom. Reginæ Clericus publicus, apostolica & imperiali autoritate Notarius, in omnibus & singulis præmissis, unà, cum dictis Notario & testibus præsens interfui, meumque signum, in hoc præsenti Testamento unà cum signo dicti Notarii apposui ab ipsa Dom. Regina requisitus & jussus in testimonium præmissorum sub anno Dom. mense, die & loco prædictis.

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Appendix 2: The Inventory of Clémence de Hongrie

Reprinted from Douët-​d’Arcq’s edition, keeping his numbering. I have compared his publication to the original, and he was meticulous. He changed the Roman numerals in the original into Arabic numerals.

❧ Inventaire et vente après décès des biens de la reine Clémence de Hongrie, veuve de Louis le Hutin, 1328. L’inventoire des biens moebles madame la royne Clémence, jadis fame du roy Loys jadis rois de France et de Navarre, que Diex absoille, laquelle trespassa au Temple à Paris, le joedi xiij jours en octobre, l’an mil ccc xxviii; laquelle inventoire fut commencié en la présence mons. de Bourbon, mons. de Beaumont, mons. l’abbé de Sainct Denys, mons. l’évesque de Cornoaille, missire Pierres de Villepereur, chevalier, missire François de Montflascon, missire Nicole de Calloue, mestre Guillaume de Fourqueus, exécuteurs, aveques autres, du testament de ladite dame, et Jehan Billouart et Pierres des Essars, commis de par le roy à veoir et foire faire faire les diz inventaires, par commission du roy, donc la teneur est après escripte, le mardi xviij jours oudit mois, l’an dessus dit. Et y furent nos seigneurs présens, le mardi, le merquedi, le joedi et le vendredi que l’inventoire des gros joyaux se fist, et puis s’en départirent aucuns, c’est assavoir: mons. de Bourbon, mons. de Beaumont, et mons. l’abbé de S. Denys. Et le dénombrement de l’inventoire fut fait, présent les autres.

premièrement les choses qui estoient a paris ou temple. Joyaux présiés par Symon de Lille, Jehan Pascon, Félix d’Auccurre, Jehan de Toul, Pierres de Besançon et Jehan de Lille, tous orfeivres. 1. Premièrement. Ung bon chappel d’or ouquel il a 10 gros balois 50 petite emeraudes et 40 grosses pelles, présié 800l par. Lessié au Dalphin par le testament et

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livré par sa lettre la veille S. Symon et Saint Jude l’an ccc xxviii à mons. Ymbert, chancellier dudit Dalphin, et à un sien chevalier. 2. Item un bon chapel sus deux vergetes où il a 6 balois, 6 emeraudes, 48 grosses pelles, 6 petis rubis d’Alixandre et 6 petites emeraudes, prisié 400l parisis, vendu au Roy et livré à lui par Johan Billouart et à Pierre des Essars, xxiij jours d’octobre, l’an mil ccc xxviii. 3. Item un bon chapel d’or, ouquel il a 4 gros balois, 4 grosses emeraudes, 16 petis balois, 16 petites emeraudes, 80 pelles et 8 rubiz d’Alixandre; prisié 600l vendu au Roy et livré à lui par Johan Billouart et Pierre des Essars le jour dessusdit. 4. Item, un chapel dépécié, où il a 6 grosses émeraudes, donc l’une est dépécié, et 10 troches, de 40 perles en chascune troche, 3 rubis d’Alixandre: présié 160l par.; vendu au Roy et livré à lui par J. et P., le jour dessusdit. Somma prima de ces 3 chapeaux vendus . . . . . . . . 1160l par. 5. Item, 1 doit où il a 4 saphirs, donc il en y a 3 quarrez et un cabeu, présié 40l par.; vendu au Roy et livré à lui par Johan Billouart et Pierres des Essars, à Saint Germain en Laye, le jour dessusdit. 6. Item, 1 doit où il a 3 saphirs et une truquoise présié 16l p.; vendu au Roy et livré à lui par J. et P. le jour dessusdit et ou lieu dessusdit. 7. Item, un autre doit où il a 7 gros balois, percié, presie 100l; vendu au Roy et livré à lui par Johan Billouart et P. des Essars, le jour dessusdit. 8. Item, un doit où il a 2 rubiz d’Oriant et 3 émeraudes en anneau; chascun des rubiz, 200l p., et les emeraudes ensemble 60l, valent tout : 460l; vendu au Roy et livré à lui par J. Billouart et P. des Essars le jour dessusdit. 9. Item, un autre doit où il a 5 rubiz d’Oriant, 3 emeraudes carrées et 3 diamans d’esmeraude entour un des rubiz en anneau, présié ce doit ensemble 200l par.; vendu au roi, livré à lui par les dessusdis le jour dessusdit. 10. Item, un autre doit ouquel a un gros daimant en anneau, et 3 petis daymans en un annel et 2 petis rubiz

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et un annel et un daymant ou millieu et 2 petites emeraudes; présié tout ensemble 60l vendu au Roy et livré à li par les dessusdis le jour dessusdit. 11. Item une belle emeraude en un annel, présié 20l. 12. Item un annel où il a un cressant d’un rubi et un d’une emeraude, présié 10l par. valent pour tout 30l; vendu au Roy et livré à lui par les dessusd. au jour dessusdit. 13. Item, un escrin d’argent, esmallié; présié 20l; vendu au Roy et livré à lui par les dessusd. au jour dessusd. 14. Item, uns tableaus d’or, semés de pierrerie; présié 100l par., vendus au Roy et livrés à lui par les dessusdis au jour dessusdit. 15. Item, une petite croix d’or où il a reliques et une émeraude ou millieu, 4 balois, 4 petites émeraudes, 12 grosses perles et 6 petites: 260l par.; vendus au Roy et livrés comme dessus. 16. Item, 17 saphirs en un neu, donc il en y a un enchassonné, 70l par., vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 17. Item, une bourcete broudée d’or, semée de perles et de doublez; et dedens la bourse a un saphir d’Oriant percié; présié tout 16l par., vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 18. Item, un doit ouquel est le gros balloy Madame, présié 1000l par., vendu à la compagnie des Bardes, ledit pris. 19. Item, un petit annel d’un rubiet, 8l par., vendu à la royne Johanne d’Evreus. Seconda somma alia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2380l par.

Fermaux et autres choses. 20. Premièrement. Un fermal à une grosse émeraude, 4 ballois, 4 petites émeraudes et 16 perles, 60l par., donné à mons. de Beaumont à qui Madame le lessa par son testament, et livré à lui, à Saint Germain en Laye, xxiij jours en octobre, l’an xxviii, par J. Billouart et P. des Essars. 21. Item, un autre fermal quarré, où il a un balay, 4 émeraudes et 16 perlez, présié 150l, ballié à Johan Billouart pour ballier à mons. d’Alençon à qui Madame l’avoit lessié en son testament.

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22. Item, un autre fermail où il a un saphir ou milieu, des armes de France, à 4 balais et 16 perles, prisié 50l par. Mons. de Bourbon l’a, pour ce que Madame li avoit lessié en son testament. 23. Item, un fermail ront à pent-​à-​col où il a une esmeraude parmi et 6, que balois que rubis, et 3 grosses perles, 50l par.; vendus au Roy et livrés à lui comme dessus. 24. Item, un autre fermail où il a un baloy, 2 saphirs et 8 perles d’Escosce, prisié 50 l par.; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 25. Item, un autre fermail à 6 balois, 6 perles et une émeraude, prisié 45l par.; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 26. Item, un autre, en guise d’une M, où il a un ruby parmi et autre menue perrerie, prisié 30l par.; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 27. Item, un fermail à une grosse émeraude, 4 rubis et 4 emeraudes, 12 perlez et 4 petis saphirs, présié 35l par.; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 28. Item, un autre fermail où il a un saphir parmi, 4 balais et 12 perles, présié 24l par.; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 29. Item, un autre fermail à 9 perles et 3 saphirs, présié 20l parisis; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 30. Item, un autre fermail à deux papegaus, 6 perles et 1 baloy, présié 18l par.; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 31. Item, un autre fermail, à deux pies, à un ballay et 7 perles et 2 emeraudes, présié 24l par.; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 32. Item, un autre fermaillet à un camahyeu, et un pou de perrerie entour, présié 6l par.; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 33. Item, un fermaillet en guise d’un B, et y a un Saint Johan, présié 8l par.; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 34. Item, un A esmallié de France et de Hongrie, présié 60s par.; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 35. Item, un coc semé de perrerie à une perle de Compiègne, présié 7l par.; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 36. Item, un autre petit fermaillet semé de perrière, présié 6l; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus.

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37. Item, un Pent à col d’un saphir, dedens une boursete, présié 100l par.; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 38. Item, une loupe de saphir grosse, encerclée en or, présié 60s par.; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 39. Item, un bien gros saphir à Pent à col, présié 100l par.; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 40. Item, un gros saphir emprès à Pent à col, présié 10l; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 41. Item, une louppe de saphir assis en argent, à Pent à col, présié 60s par.; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 42. Item, un autre saphir à Pent à col, présié 100l par.; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 43. Item, un autre saphir cler, à Pent à col, présié 16l par.; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 44. Item, un autre saphir à Pent à col, plat, prisié 4l par.; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 45. Item, une liace de perles où il a 21 fil et en chascun fil 20 perles, 2s p. pour pièce, vault le fil 40s par.: valent 42l par.; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 46. Item, d’une autre liace où il a 7 filz et en chascun fil 20 perles, présié 3s 6d la pièce, valent sur le tout 24l 10s par.; vendus au Roy et livrés comme dessus. 47. Item, une autre liace où il a 9 fils, en chascun fil 20 perles, 18d pour pièce, valent sur le tout: 13l 10s par.; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 48. Item, une autre liace de perles où il a 8 fils et en chascun fil 20 perles, 3s la pièce, valent 24l par.; vendus au Roy et livrés comme dessus. 49. Item, unes paternostres où il a 48 grosses perles, 6 saphirs et 12 saigniaus d’or, et un nouel de perles, présié 100l; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 50. Item, unes paternostres où il a 92 perles, 5 baloys et 5 saphirs, présié 150l par.; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 51. Item, unes paternostres où il a 101 perles et 12 saigniaus d’or, présié 40l par.; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 52. Item, unes paternostres où il a 5 grosses perles d’Escosce et saigniaux d’argent, présié 15l par.; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 53. Item, une pierre de Cassidoine aveques ce qui est pendant, 40s par.; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus.

54. Item, menues perles en un drapel, pesans 3 onces, 15 esterlins, 6l l’once, valent 22l 10s par.; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 55. Item, 47 perles en un neu, présié 24l; vendu au Roy, livré comme dessus. 56. Item, 2 onces de perles en un neu de drapel, présié 30l; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 57. Item, un petit escrin d’argent doré esmallié des armes de France et de Angleterre et de Hongrie présié 8l, vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 58. Item, plusieurs doublez et signiaus à paternostres 66l 10s par.; vendus au Roy et livrés comme dessus. 59. Item, un escrin de cuir garni d’argent, 16l par.; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 60. Item, un fermaillet donc le fons est esmallié de France, à 4 camahieuz, 4 perles et une émeraude, présié 20l; vendu à la royne Johanne d’Evreux. 61. Item, un autre fermaillet de petite pierrerie, à un couronnement esmallié, présié 6l par.; vendu à la royne Johanne d’Evreux. 62. Item, unes paternostres où il y a 10 saphirs, et sont les paternostres d’or, présié 48l par.; vendu à madame la royne Johanne d’Evreux. 63. Item, unes paternostres de geest à saigniaux d’or, où il a sainctuer présié 12l; vendu à madame la royne Johanne d’Evreux. 64. Item, un petit tableau d’or en guise de croissant, présié 10l par.; vendu à mons. de Beaumont. 65. Item, un grenat assis en une autre pierre, 40s assis en cuvel; vendu à Pierre Neelle. 66. Item, un escrin d’ivoire garni d’argent, une boueste d’ivoire dedens et deux vaissellès d’argent dedens, vendu 40s p.; à Pierre de Neelle. 67. Item, 1100 de doubles d’argent en un drapel, présiés 50s par.; vendus à P. Neelle. 68. Item, une gravouere de cristal garnie d’or, 40s par.; vendue à Pierre de Neelle. 69. Item, un escrinet d’yvoère garni d’argent, à 1 pou de fretin dedens 40s p.; vendu à Pierre de Neelle. 70. Item, une petite boueste de cuir garnie d’argent 5s; à Pierres de Neelle. 71. Item, une béricle garnie de cuivre o tout un estui de cuir, 20s par.; vendu à Pierre Neelle.

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72. Item ung pou de frétin de perrière en un escrinet 8l par.; vendu à P. Neelle. Tercia somma ab alia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1200l 15s par. 73. Item, une courte touaille de l’euvre d’Outremer 40s par. 74. Item, une vielle bourse de soie et d’argent tret 40s par. 75. Item, une bourse de saye sanz or, où il a sanctuaire et une petite touaille de l’euvre d’Outremer 60s par. 76. Item, 12 grosses perles d’Escosce qui sont venues des deux manteaus Madame, présiés 24l, balliés en garde à Pierre des Essars, vendues 30l par. 77. Item, uns tableaus de fust paint pour chapelle présié 6l par.; vendus au Roy et livrés par Johan Billouart et Pierres des Essars. 78. Item, 4 florins d’or desguisés en une boueste d’argent esmalliée, présié tout 100s par.; vendu à Pierre des Essars. 79. Item, une bourse de soie de l’euvre d’Angleterre où il a sainctuers, 40s; vendue à Pierres des Essars. 80. Item, 20 florins de Florence présiés 21l. 81. Item, 3 royauls présiés 4l 2s 6d. 82. Item, 1 florin ou mouton 25s. 83. Item, 1 mace 33s. Valent tout: 28l 6d par. balliés à missire Nicole. 84. Item, en un sac, en maallez blanches et en doubles, 18l 3s, balliés à missire Nicole. 85. Item, un escrinet paint de France et de Hongrie, garni de cuivre, 40s par.; vendu à Pierre Neelle. Quarta somma ab alia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97l 3s 6d

joyaux et vesselle d’argent. 86. Premièrement. Un ymage de saint Loys à un entablement et à une mitre de perrerie, qui tient son doit en une main et une petite couronne en l’autre, pesant 20 mars et 2 onces. No proisiée pour ce que Madame l’a lessié au Roy, livré à luy par Johan Billouart et Pierre des Essars le xxiije jour d’octobre l’an mil ccc xxviii. 87. Item, un ymage de saint Jehan à un entablement esmallié de Hongrie, pesant 24 mars, 3 onces, 18 esterlins

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et obole, 8l. par. le marc, valent 195l 17s 6d. Il est lessié à madame d’Arley par le testament. 88. Item, un tabernacle à une Annonciacion à un entaillement de cuivre, pesant 15 mars, 7 onces, sanz l’entaillement, 8l le marc, valent 127 l par.; lessié à messire l’évesque par le testament Madame. 89. Item, uns tableaus que madame de Sezile envoia à Madame, prisié 180l par. laisié à madame la mère du Dalphin et livré aus gens du Dalphin par sa lettre donnée la veille de la S. Symon et S. Jude, l’an xxviii, livré à mons. Ymbert, son chancelier, et à un de ses chevaliers. Nota. Ces quatre parties ne sont pas gectés. 90. Item, une crois d’argent sourorée, à deux ymages en costé, de Notre Dame et de Saint Johan, pesant 6 mars, 4 onces et 10 esterlins, 100s le marc, valent 32l 3s 9d par.; vendus à mons. de Beaumont. 91. Item, deux plateaux d’argent, pes. 6 mars, 2 onces, 4l 10s le marc, valent 28l 2s 6d par.; vendus à mons. de Beaumont. 92. Item, une sonnete d’argent de 45s par.; vendue à mons. de Beaumont. 93. Item, deux chandeliers d’argent, pes. 10 mars, 4l 12s le marc, valent 46l par.; vendus à mons. de Beaumont. 94. Item, un orcel d’argent à eaue benoiste et le getouer, pes. 3 mars, 2 onces, 4l 10s le marc, valent 14l 12s 6d; vendu à mons. de Beaumont. 95. Item, un vairre d’argent doré à coste, pes. 1 marc, 5 onces et demie. 96. Item, 25 hanas d’argent pour Eschançonnerie, pesant 24 mars et demi, 4l 9s le marc, valent 109l 6d par.; vendus à mons. de Beaumont. 97. Item, un grant reliquaire à plusieurs reliques, où il a une grant pièce de la vraie Crois, et est ou pris de 800l; vendu au Roy et livré par sire Johan Billouart et Pierre des Essars. 98. Item, un bel parement à touaille, à perles, prisié 400l; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 99. Item, deux grans chandeliers à 3 lyons esmalliés enmantelez, pes 6 mars, 7 onces, 5 estellins, 8l le marc, valent 55l 5s par.; vendus au Roy et livrés à lui le xxxe jour d’octobre par J. Billouart et P. des Essars. 100. Item, un pastour, en entablement, esmallié, et 1 gobelet de cristal sus, pes. 9 mars, une once, 7l 9s le marc,

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valent 68l 8s 9d par.; vendu au Roy et livré xxxe jour d’octobre par J. Billouart et P. des Essars. 101. Item, un broetier d’argent où il a escrin en la broete, pesant 5 mars, 6l 10s le marc, valent 32l 10s p.; vendu au Roy et livré xxxe jour d’octobre par Johan Billouart et P. des Essars. 102. Item, 12 hanaps d’argent dorez, plains, à esmaus ou fonz de France et de Hongrie, dont les 10 vindrent de chiés les Bardes et le 2 de l’Eschançonnerie, pesants 12 mars, une once, 5 esterlins, 100s le marc, valent 60l 15s 10d par.; vendus au Roy et livrés le xxxe jour d’octobre par les dessusdiz. 103. Item, une galie d’argent dorée à esmaus, pesant 22 mars, 5 onces, 4l 15s le marc, valent 107l 9s 4d ob.; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 104. Item, une autre grant gallie dorée, esmalliée dehors sur 4 babouins, à 4 brochetes; pesant tout ensemble 37 mars, prisiée 110s le marc, valent 203l 10s par.; vendue au Roy et livrée comme dessus. Quinta somma ab alia . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1971l 3s 2d ob. parisis. Autres joyaux et vaissele présié par les dessusdiz orfèvres et vendue en la manière que il apparra en la fin de ces joyaux et de ceste vessele. 105. Premièrement. Un calice o tout la plateine et la cuiller d’argent dorée à un pommeau esmallié de France et de Navarre, pes. 3 mars, 5 onces et 15 estellins, 110s le marc, valent 20l 9s ob. par.; vendu à Pierre Neelle et Guill. le Flament. 106. Item, une crois esmalliée toute sengle, pes. 6 mars, 1 once, 15 esterlins, 100s le marc, valent 31l 22d ob. p.; vendue au diz P. et Guillaume. 107. Item, une crois esmalliée à deux ymages en costé de Nostre-​Dame et de Saint-​Jehan, pes. 7 mars, 7 onces et demie, 100s le marc, valent 39l 13s 9d; vendue au diz P. et G. 108. Item, un calice d’argent doré tout plain et la plateine, pes. un marc, 6 onces, 100s le marc, valent 8l 15s par.; vendu au diz P. et Guillaume. 109. Item, deux buretes d’argent dorées, pes. 2 mars 3 onces. 100s le marc, valent 11l 17s 6d; vendues aus dessus diz. 110. Item, deux autres buretes d’argent blanc, pes. 1 mars, 5 onces, 15 estellins, 4l 8s le marc, valent 7 l 11s 3d p.; vendues. au diz P. et G.

111. Item, quatre chandeliers, pesans 10 mars, une once, 4l 12s le marc, valent 46l 11s 6d; vendus au diz P. et G. 112. Item, un encensier d’argent, pesant 2 mars, 4l 15s le marc, valent 9l 10s; vend. ou diz P. et G. 113. Item, un portepais d’argent, pesant 2 mars, 4l 16s le marc, 9l 12s; vend. au diz P. et G. 114. Item, un entablement, ouquel a Nostre Dame et deux angeles, à tableaux esmalliés d’armes, pes. 7 mars, une once, prisié, 8l le marc, valent 57l par.; vend. au diz P. et G. 115. Item, un ymage de Nostre Dame à une couronne de perles, pes. 5 mars, 5 onces, 6l le marc, valent 33l 15s; vend. au dit P. et G. 116. Item, une crois à un crucefix, assis sur un entablement à quatre escus de France et de Hongrie, pesans 13 mars, 3 onces, 17 estellins et ob., 100s le marc, valent 67l 8s 7d ob. par.; vend. aus diz P. et G. 117. Item, un godet à un esmail ou fons, de France et de Hongrie, pes. 1 marc, 10 esterlins, 100s le marc, valent 106s 5d; vendu au dit P. et G. 118. Item, un cerf enmantelé esmallié de France et de Hongrie, et un mirouer, pes. 11 mars, une once, 4l 12s le marc, valent 50l 12s p.; vend. aus diz P. et G. 119. Item, un hanap d’une coquille de perle à couvercle surs un pié esmallié, pesant 5 mars, 2 onces, présié 8l par. le marc, valent 42l par.; vend. aus diz P. et G. 120. Item, une damoisele d’argent en quatre pièces, pesant 7 mars, 10 esterlins, présié 4l 8s le marc, valent 31l 18d par.; vend. au diz P. et G. 121. Item, une salière d’argent dorée, pesant 9 onces, présié sur le tout 8l par.; vendue au diz P. et G. 122. Item, deux esparjouers dorés à gicter eaue rose, pesant 2 mars, 10 esterlins, présié 100s le marc, valent 10l 6s 3d par.; vendus aus diz P. et G. 123. Item, une petite salière d’une perle, garnie d’argent, présiée 65s; vendue aus diz P. et G. 124. Item, une coupe de cristal à un pié d’argent, pesant 3 mars, 8l le marc, valent 24l; vend. au dit P. et G. 125. Item, une salière esmalliée à trépié à trois serpenteles, pes. 4 mars, 10 esterlins, 8l le marc, valent 32l 10s par.; vend. aus diz P. et G. 126. Item, un dragier de cristal à un pié esmallié, pes. 7 mars et demi et 5 esterlins, 10l le marc, valent 75l 6s 3d par.; vend. au diz P. et G.

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127. Item, une noiz d’Inde sur un pié d’argent, pesant marc et demy, 10 esterlins, prisié pour tout 6l par.; vend. aus diz P. et G. 128. Item, deux salières de deux cers, pes. 3 mars, 7 onces, prisié 7l le marc, valent 27l 2s 6d; vend. au diz P. et G. 129. Item, 2 douzainnes de cuilliers d’argent blanc, pes. 2 mars, 7 onces, 15 esterlins, 4l 10s pour le marc, valent 13l 6s 2d ob. par.; vend. ou dis P. et G. 130. Item, un coq d’une perle et une géline de perle de coquille, pes. ensemble 10 mars, une once, presié 7l le marc, valent 70l 17s 6d par.; vend. au dit P. et G. 131. Item, un estui d’argent à poudre, esmallié, et un tuiau d’argent à boire lait pour les yelz, tout prisié 50s par.; vend. au diz P. et G. 132. Item, un hanap d’argent doré en guise de voirre à couvercle, pes. 2 mars, 5 onces, 7 esterlins et ob., 7l le marc, valent 18l 13s 7d ob. p.; vend. au dit P. et G. 133. Item, deux bouteilles d’argent esmalliées, pes. 17 mars, prisié 110s le marc, valent 93l 10s; vend. au diz P. et G. 134. Item, deux barils d’argent vairré, pes. 10 mars et demi, 100s le marc, valent 52l 10s par.; vendus au diz P. et G. 135. Item, deux petis barillès d’argent à mettre eaue rose, pes. 1 marc, 2 onces, 12 estellins ob., 110s le marc, valent 7l 6s 1d par.; vendus aus dis P. et G. 136. Item, 24 saussieres d’argent nuèves, pesans 15 mars, 4l 10s le marc, valent 67l 10s, vend. aus diz P. et G. 137. Item, 12 plaz à fruit d’argent nués, pesans 12 mars, une once, 4l 10s le marc, valent 54l 11s 3d; vend. aus diz P. et G. 138. Item, deux bacins d’argent dorés à esmaus de plice au fons, pes. 14 mars, 15 esterlins, 110l le marc, valent 77l 10s 4d; vend. aus diz P. et G. 139. Item, deux bacins dorés à esmaux au fons, pes. 11 mars, 4 onces, 110s le marc, valent 63l 5s par.; vend. aus diz P. et G. 139 bis. Item, deux bacins dorés, sanz esmaus, pes. 16 mars, 4 onces, 110s le marc, valent 30l 15s par.; vendus aus diz P. et G. 140. Item, deux bacins d’argent vairrié, pes. 8 mars 6 onces 15 esterllins, 4l 16s le marc, valent 42l 9s par.; vendus aus diz P. et G.

156

141. Item, 10 quartes d’argent dorées, pesans toutes ensemble 58 mars, 3 onces, prisié 110s le marc, valent 321l 15d par.; vend. aus diz P. et G. 142. Item, un hanap d’argent à couvercle esmallié et de cristal, pes. 3 mars, 7 onces et 10 esterllins, 6l 10s le marc, valent 25l 11s 10d ob. p.; vend. aus diz P. et G. 143. Item, une nef d’argent dorée esmalliée, pes. 21 mars, 3 onces, 6l le marc, valent 128l 5s par.; vend. aus diz P. et G. 144. Item, deux flascons d’argent vairrié, pes. 25 mars, 4l 10s le marc, valent 112l 10s par.; vend. aus diz P. et G. 145. Item, un petit pot à eaue, d’argent doré cizelé, pesant 1 marc, 4 onces, 15 esterllins, 110s le marc, valent 8l 15s 4d; vendu aus diz P. et G. 145 bis. Item, un hanap de cristal à couvercle, à pié d’argent esmaillié, pes. 2 mars, 7 onces, 15 esterlins, 7l le marc, valent 20l 15s 7d ob.; vendu aus diz P. et G. 146. Item, un gobelet de cristal à un petit pié esmaillié, pes. 2 mars, 3 onces, 7l 10s le marc, valent 17l 16s 3d par.; vend. aus diz P. et G. 147. Item, un gobelet à pié à couvercle, trois petis pos d’argent à biberon, un petit bacin à laver et un hanap à couvercle, tout lié en un drapel, pesant tout 1 marc 5 onces, 4l 10s le marc, valent 7l 6s 3d par.; vend. aus diz P. et G. 148. Item, un godet de cristal, présié 60s p.; vend. aus dis P. et G. 149. Item, un hanap de madre à pié d’argent, pesant un marc, 2 onces, pesant sur le tout 6l 10s p.; vend. aus diz P. et G. 150. Item, une coupe de madre à pié d’argent, présié 6l 10d; vend. aus diz P. et G. 151. Item, deux petites coupes de madre sanz pié, prisié 4l; vend. aus diz P. et G. 152. Item, un hanap de madre jaune, 10s p.; vend. aus diz P. et G. 153. Item, trois salières de cristal, 40s pour pièce, valent 6l par.; vend. au diz P. et G. 154. Item, un mirouer d’argent esmallié, pesant marc et demi, présié 7l 10s p. sur le tout; vend. aus diz P. et G. 155. Item, une escriptoire et un cornet d’argent esmallié, pes. 5 onces, 15 esterlins, présié tout 100s p.; vend. au dit P. et G.

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156. Item, un pigne et mirouer d’yvoire, présié 6l par.; vend. aus diz P. et G. 157. Item, une fiole d’argent dorée à metre eaue rose, prisiée 56s; vend. aus diz P. et V. 158. Item, deux barils de jaspre garnis d’argent, présié 10l p.; vend. aus diz P. et G. 159. Item, six plas d’argent dorez plains, pes. ensemble 30 mars, 6 onces, 15 esterlins, 110s le marc, valent 169l 12s 9d ob. par.; vend. au diz P. et G. 160. Item, six quartes d’argent plaines, pes. toutes ensemble 31 mars, 5 onces, 4l 9s le marc, valent 140l 14s 7d ob. p.; vendus aus diz P. et G. 161. Item, une douzaine de cuilliers d’argent, pes. 1 marc, 4 onces, 4l 10s le marc, valent 6l 15s par.; vendus au diz P. et G. 162. Item, deux chopines à eaue, dorées, pes. 4 mars 3 onces, 100s le marc, valent 21l 17s 6d; vend. aus diz P. et G. 163. Item, deux bacins à laver, d’argent pes. 12 mars, 4l 8s le marc, valent 54l par.; vend. aus diz P. et G. 164. Item, un gobelet d’argent à pié et à couvercle, pesant un marc, 7 onces, 4l 15s le marc, valent 8l 18s 1d et ob. par.; vend. aus diz P. et G. 165. Item, 21 hanaps d’argent plains, pes. tout ensemble 20 mars, 3 onces, 4l 9s le marc, valent 90l 13s 4d ob. par.; vendus aus diz P. et G. 166. Item, un pot à aumosne d’argent blanc, pesant 8 mars, 4 onces, 4l 8s le marc, valent 37l 8s par.; vendus au diz P. et G. 166 bis. Item, six quartes d’argent blanc, pes. ensemble 24 mars, 3 onces, 4l 8s le marc, valent 151l 5s par.; vendus aus diz P. et G. 167. Item, deux pos à eaue, blans, pes. 5 mars 7 onches, 4l 8s le marc, valent 25l 17s par.; vend. au diz P. et G. 168. Item, onze platz à fruit et un grand à couvercle, pesant ensemble 15 mars, 5 onces, 4l 9s le marc, valent 69l 10s 7d ob. par.; vend. au diz P. et G. 169. Item, quatre chandeliers d’argent à mettre à table, pesans ensemble 11 mars, 4l 9s le marc, valent 48l 19s par.; vendus au diz P. et G. 170. Item, une nef d’argent et une langue de serpent aveques, pesans ensemble 15 mars, 4 onces, 10 esterlins, 4l le marc, valent 70l 9d par.; vend. au diz P. et G.

171. Item, six plas d’argent et 48 escueles, 2 cuilliers 2 pos à sausse, pes. tout ensemble 114 mars, 5 onces, présié 4l 8s le marc, valent 504l 7s par.; vend. au diz P. et G. 172. Item, uns gobeles d’argent, pes. 5 mars, 4l 12s le marc, valent 23l par.; vend. au diz P. et G. 173. Item, deux plas à dragié et trois cuilliers dedens, pesant ensemble 9 mars, 4 onces, 10 esterlins, 4l 12s le marc, valent 43l 19s 9d par.; vend. au diz P. et G. 174. Item, trois bacins d’argent à laver chief, pes. 16 mars, 4l 8s le marc, valent 70l 8s par.; vend. aus diz P. et G. 175. Item, un orcel à eaue beneste à tout le gutineur ? et un pou de fretin, pes. 2 mars, 5 onces, 4l 8s le marc, valent 11l 11s par,; vendus au diz P. et G. 176. Item, deux bacins à laver chief, pesans 20 mars, 4l 10s par. le marc, valent 90l par.; vend. aus diz P. et G. 177. Item, un arbre de courail à langues de serpent, présié 40s par.; vend. au diz P. et G. Toutle laquelle vesselle dessus dite, dont la somme mont 3654l 5s 3d par., fut vendue aus diz P. et Guillaume le Flament en la manière qu’il s’ensuit. C’est assavoir le marc d’argent blanc et vairié, l’un par l’autre, 4l 10s par. le marc. Le marc d’argent doré 110s par. Le marc d’argent doré esmaillié 6l 10s par. Et monta la somme toute de la vente 3661l 10s par. Et ainsi se creut du pris 7l 4s 9d. Sexta soma ab alia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3661l 10s par. 178. Item, une coupe de madre à pié d’argent, dorée, esmalliée, pes. tout 2 mars, 2 onces, 15 esterlins, 6l le marc, valent 14l par.; vendue à messire Nicole de Cailloue. 179. Item, un hanap de madre 20s; vendu à messire P. de Villepereur. 180. Item, une summe, un bahu, une malle et deux coffres de soye pour un chien, garnis d’argent, prisié tout 100s; vend. à Pierres des Essars. 181. Item, une ceinture ferrée d’or et à perles, présié 40l par.; vendue à messire Johan le mercier 45l par. 182. Item, une ceinture ferrée d’or à perles et à croissans, présiée 20l par.; vend. à P. Neelle. 183. Item, une bource à pelles broudée, en quoi Madame fut espousée; vendue à P. des Essars 70l. 184. Item, un escrin de fust garni d’argent entallié; vendu à P. Neelle.

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185. Item, quatre petites cuilliers de cristal, 5 petites broches de courail et 2 fouez, présié tout 70s; tout ce en un drapel; vendu à P. Neelle. 186. Item, 5 mars 6 onches d’argent de seaus et d’autres choses, et y a une boueste et un mirouer, tout ensemble prisié 26l par. ; vend. à P. Neelle. 187. Item, un petit saigneau d’or à une pierre dedens et une petite chainnette d’argent; vend. à P. Nelle 60s par. Septima summa ab alia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195l 10s parisis.

Tout lequel or dessus dit, excepté celui qui a esté vendu au Roy, fut vendu ensemble au dessus dit P. Neelle et G. le Flament le mar 64l par. l’un par l’autre. Et pesa tout ensemble 8 mars, 30 esterlins. Monta la somme 524l parisis. Octava summa ab alia, pro auro. . . . . . . . . . . . 1258l parisis.

livres de chappelle, roumans et autres livres. Premièrement. Livres de Chapelle.

Joyaux d’or. 188. Premièrement. Un hanap d’or à couvercle, séant sur un trépié d’un serpent, pesant 7 mars, 4 onces, 12 esterlins, ob., présié 64l par. le marc, valent 485l par.; vendu au Roy et livré le xxxme jour d’octobre par Johan Billouart et P. des Essars. 189. Item, une coupe d’or à pié; pesant 3 mars, 7 onces, 2 esterlins et ob., prisié 64l le marc, valent 249l par.; vend. au Roy et livré comme dessus. 190. Item, un hanap d’or à couvercle, sans pié; pes. 2 mars, une once, 2 estellins et ob., prisié 62l par. le marc, valent 132l 14s 4d ob. par.; vend. ou dit Pierre et Guillaume le Flament si comme il s’ensuit. 191. Item, une petite salière en guise de lyon, à couvercle, une petite fiole d’or et deux broches d’or; pesant tout 1 marc, 5 onces, 5 esterlins, prisié 62l par. le marc, valent 100l 53s 9d par.; vend. au diz P. et G. si comme dessus. 192. Item, un gobelet d’or à pié et à couvercle; pes. 2 mars, 5 esterlins, présié 60l le marc, valent 120l 37s 6d p.; vend. au diz P. et G. 193. Item, un hanap plain sans couvercle, pesant 11 onces, 60l par. le marc, valent 82l 10s par.; vendus au diz P. et G. 194. Item, 3 onces, 15 esterlins d’or de seaus et autre fretin en un drapel, prisié 26l par.; vend. au diz P. et G comme dessus. 195. Item, deux culliers et une fourchète d’or, qui vindrent de l’Eschançonnerie, pesant 4 onces, 62l le marc, valent 31l par.; vend. au diz G. et Pierre Neelle comme dessus.

158

196. Un bréviaire où Madame disoit ses heures, à l’usage des Jacobins, à fermaus d’argent, présié 45l; vendu au Roy, livré comme dessus. 197. Item, un autre bréviaire audit usage, nuef, 50l par. fermaus et tout; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 198. Item, un beau sautier à letters d’or et d’asur, que le Pape li donna présié 30l par.; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 199. Item, unes heures couvertes d’ais esmalliés garnis de perrière, prisié ais et tout, 28l par.; vendus au Roy et livré comme dessus. 200. Item, un bréviaire des festes anuelz à l’us de Paris, à quatre fermaus d’argent, présié tout 20l par.; vendu à mons. de Beaumont. 201. Item, un petit bréviaire à l’us de Jacobins, où Marguerite aidoit à dire les heures Madame, présié 12l; vend. à Johan Billouart. 202. Item, un autre bréviaire à l’us de Paris, à fermaus d’or, présié tout 60l par.; vendu à missire Thebaut de Meaux. 203. Item, deux greelz notés, 6l par.; vendus, l’un à Pierres des Essars 50s par., l’autre à missire P. de Villepereur 70s par. 204. Item, un bréviaire en deux volumes notés, prisié, vendu à Pierre des Essars, 34l p.; pour S. Germain l’Auceurrois. 205. Item, un messel noté présié 16l; vendu à Pierre des Essars pour S. Germain. 206. Item, un épistolier vendu à Pierres des Essars 40s pour S. Germain. 207. Item, un ordinaire 4l; vend. à Pierres des Essars.

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208. Item, un prousessionnaire noté; vendu au dit Pierre des Essars 6s. 209. Item, deux soutiers présiés 4l par.; vendus à P. des Essars. 210. Item, sept caers, notez de pluseurs offices, présié 20s; vendus à Pierres des Essars, 30s par. 211. Item, un séquencier du Roy Charles, rendu à mons. l’évesque de Cornouaille pour le rendre au Roy Robert, à cui il estoit, et l’a rendu.

Roumans. 212. Premièrement. Un grant roumans couvert de cuir vermeil de Fables d’Ovide qui sont ramoiées à moralité de la mort Jhesu Crist, présié 50l p.; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 213. Item, un grant roumans, où il a dix sept ystoires, et se commence de l’anemallat aus juys, présié 30l par.; vendu au Roy et livré comme dessus. 214. Item, un roumant couvert de cuir vert Des enfans Ogier, présié 8l.1 215. Item, un roumans des X comandemens de la Loy, 40s p. 216. Item, un de la Penthère, présié 40s. 217. Item, un petit De la Trinité, présié 20s. 218. Item, un, couvert de cuir vermeil, du Roumans de la Rose, présié 50s.2 219. Item, un petit de l’Advocacie Nostre Dame présié 10s. 220. Item, un petit roumant sans ais de la Penthère, 10s p.; vendu à Johan Billouart. 221. Item, la Bible en françois en 2 volumes, présié 80l par.; vend. à mons. de Beaumont. 222. Item, un roumans de la Vie de Sains, présié 6l.3 223. Item, un livre en françois De regimine Principum, présié 100s.

1. Items 214–17 are marked “Vendus à la royne Johanne d’Evreux.” 2. Items 218–19 are marked “Vendus à Johan Billouart.” 3. Items 222–30 are marked “Vendus à la royne Johanne d’Evreux.”

224. Item, un roumans de la Conqueste de Césile, présié 16l. 225. Item, un chançonnier de mons. Gasse Brulé, présié 20s. 226. Item, le roumans des vii sages et d’Ysopet, présié 100s. 227. Item, un Institute en françois, présié 16s. 228. Item, un roumans du Reclus de Moliens, présié 30s. 229. Item, un petit livret en englais et en françois, présié 5s. 230. Item, un roumans de la vie des Pères et de Balaham et de Josaphat, présié 16l. 231. Item, un summate ou code en françois, présié 4l.4 232. Item, un roumans de chançons noté, présié 20s. Nona somma ab alia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 530l 13s.

vestemens, dras et autres choses de chapelle. 233. Premièrement. Trois chappes à mors d’argent esmalliées, chasuble, tunique et domatique, 2 estoles, 3 fanons, 3 aubes, 3 amiz parez, frontel, dossel, touaille parée de draps de fleur de liz; présié tout ensemble et vendu à Suplicet le chasublier, pour l’évesque de Chartres, 68l p. 234. Item, trois chapes sanz mors, chasuble, tunique et domatique, 2 estolles, 3 fanons, les paremens de 3 aubes et 3 amiz, frontel et dossel, tout de drap d’or; tout vendu à Eustace la chasublière 74l. 235. Item, une aube parée de un autre drap d’or, pour les dimenches et le festes, de ix liçons, présié 16l par.; vendue à mons. François de Montflascon, 20s. 236. Item, 3 sourceintes de soye vermeilles, 15s par.; vendu à mons. Adan de Précy, les deux, 10s, et une à mons. Nicole, 5s. 237. Item, une touaille blanche de soye délyée, pour escommigner, 5s; vendue à P. des Essars. 238. Item, deux draps d’or de petit pris, pour parer autel, 4l par.; vendus à Eustace la chasublière.

4. Items 231–32 are marked “Vendus à missire P. de Coignières.”

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239. Item, quatre aumuces, 6 sourpelis, présié 4l; vendus 6l à mestre Guillaume de Fourqueux. 240. Item, huit touailles à autel, présié 16l; vendu à mons. de Beaumont. 241. Item, quatre touailles à essuyer mains, présié 4s; vend à mons. Franç. 242. Item, un petit oreillier à mettre souz le messel, 2s par.; vend. à missire Nicole. 243. Item, un corporallier de samit vermeill à tous les corporauls, 4s.5 244. Item, un autre corporallier ouvré, à ymages, présié 16s. 245. Item, quatre aubez, 3 amiz, des queles les 3 sont esartés des paremens dessus diz, dont les 3 aubes parées sont aveques la chapelle seconde escripte, demeure une aube desparée, présié 20s; vendue à missire Franç., 24s par. 246. Item, deux vielles custodes de cendal vermeil, présié 24s; vend. à missire Franç., 30s par. 247. Item, deux autres custodes de cendal, emble, 60s; vend. à P. des Essars. 248. Item, un frontel, un dossier de viès draps de soye, 20s; vend. à missire Franç. 249. Item, une petite touaille ouvrée, pour letrin, 5s par.; vend. à Huistasce la chasublière. 250. Item, un esmouchouer de soye, broudé, 6s par.; vendu à Pierre des Essars. 251. Item, une boueste d’yviere à mettre pain à chanter, garnie d’argent, 40s; vend. à J. Billouart. 252. Item, pour les Mors: chasuble, domatique et tunique, 3 chapes à noyaux de perles, frontel et dossel, 2 estoles, 3 fanons, 3 colerez, les paremens de 3 aubes et les aubes et les amiz, le parement de la touaille d’autel, tout de drap noir dyaprez, présié 180l par.; vend. à missire P. de Condé, pour Nostre Dame de Paris. 253. Item, pour Nostre-​Dame: 3 vies chapes blanches, et à chascune un mors d’argent, une chasuble blanche, tunique et domatique, frontel et dossel de drap d’or nuef, présié tout 64l par.; venduz à mons. de Nouyers. 254. Item, une chasuble, tunique et domatique de samit vermeil, vendue à Guillaume le frère Soupplicet, 23l par. 5. Items 243–44 are marked “Vendus à Pierre des Essars.”

160

255. Item, deux bons draps d’or touz nuefs, présié 20l par.; vend. à Johan Billouart, 22l par. 256. Item, pour Caresme: deux devantiers vies, de drap encendrés, un frontel, un dossier nuef, de draps encendrez, fourrez de toille vermeille, et une chasuble de ce drap meismes, fourrée de cendal vermeil, présié tout 20l; vendu à madame la royne Johanne de Evreux. 257. Item, une touaille à Apoustres et à arbres, de soye, présié 8l par.; vendue à mons. de Beaumont. 258. Item, un frontel, un dossier, de draps, fais à l’aguille, présié 12l par.; vendu à Pierres des Essars, 16l par. 259. Item, une aube, un amit, non parez, estole et fanons et paremens viez. Et sont les diz paremens de viez draps d’or remanens d’orfrais; tout ensemble vendu à Pierres des Essars, 60s par. 260. Item, une touaille de viez paremens, présié 12s; vend. à Pierres des Essars, 21s par. 261. Item, deux sayeries de soye, l’une vert, l’autre vermeille, royées de travers, 30s; vendus à missire Franç. pour le pris. 262. Item, une touaille parée, à Apostres, cointe, présié 100s; vendue à Eustace la chasublière. 263. Item, cinq rochès; vendus à Pierre des Essars, 16s. 264. Item, un tapis de chapelle, vendu à Huistace la chasublière, 20s par. 265. Item, deux paremens à deux petis autiex, et 2 estolles et 2 fanons de petite value; vendu tout 6l par. à missire François de Montflascon. 266. Item, une chapelle jaune, nuève, de samit, fourrée de cendal, en laquelle a trois chappes, chasuble, tunique et domatique; vendue à mons. P. de Villepereur, 80l par., pour l’évesque de Chartres. Decima soma ab alia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 596l 14s.

Inventoire des robes Madame, livrées par Johanot, son tailleur. 267. Premierement. Une robe donnée à madame Pasque par le testament, laquele estoit de marbré vermeil, de 4 garnemens, fourrée de menu vair. 268. Item, une robe d’autre marbré plus vermeil, de 4 garnemens, fourrée de menu vair, la quele fut donné à Marguerite de Nantueil par le testament.

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269. Item, une robe d’escarlate paonnecé, de 4 garnemens, fourrée de menu vair, donnée par le testament à Agnès de Boulonnoys. 270. Item, une robe de marbré de Brouesselles, de 4 garnemens, fourrée de menu vair, donnée à Ysabeau de Til par le testament. 271. Item, une robe de pers, auques de 4 garnemens, fourrée de menu vair, donnée à Johanne, fame Perrotin de Napples, par le testament. 272. Item, deux cotes hardies, fourrées de menu vair, données à Marie et à Johannette, fille de ladite Marie. 273. Item, un mantel ront, fourré de menu vair, donné à la lavendière. 274. Item, une cote et un sercot de marbré violet, donc le sercot est fourré de menu vair, donné à la fame Johan de Gaangni le taillouer, fillole Madame. Toutes ces robes dessus dites non getées, pour ce que elles furent données. 275. Item, une robe de veluau, fourrée de cendal violet, et est de 2 garnemens, présié 18l par., non getée, balliée de commandement aus exécuteurs à suer Marie de Coulencour, quar Madame li avoit donnée. 276. Item, une robe de violet veluiau, de 5 garnemens, fourrée de menu vair, présié 120l par.; vendue à madame de Beaumarchès, 180l par. 277. Item, une robe de veluau encendrez, de 4 garnemens, fourrée de menu vair, présié 70l par.; vendue à Guillaume Pidouë Bouffart, 80l par. 278. Item, une robe de drap caignet, de 4 garnemens, fourrée de cendal noir, présié 28l par.; vendue à madame de Beaumarchès, 36l par. 279. Item, un corset ront et un mantelet de marbré vermeillet, fourré de cendal ynde, présié 6l; vendu à missire Adam de Précy (ou Pacy). 280. Item, un mantelet double, fons de cuve, présié 4l 5s; vendu à missire Thébaut de Meaux. 281. Item, un mantelet d’un marbré brun naïf sengle, présié 100s par.; ballié à mons. Nicole; et fut donné à suer Ysabeau de Valoys. 282. Item, un corset sengle d’un marbré vermeillet, 4l par.; vendu à missire P. de Villepereur. 283. Item, une robe de veluau noir, de 3 garnemens, sanz pennes, présié 20l.

284. Item, une robe de soye d’Illande, de 3 garnemens, fourrée de cuissètes de lièvres blans, presié 10l. 285. Item, une robe de soye d’Irlande violete, de 3 garnemens de menu vair, présié 20l par. 286. Item, une robe de tiretaine noire de Saint-​Marcel en graine, de 3 garnemens, fourré de taffetais, présié 8l. 287. Item, une robe de tiretaine de Saint-​Marcel tannée, de 2 garnemens, fourrée de tartaire violet, présié 4l 10s. 288. Item, une robe de tiretaine de Saint-​Marcel toute vermeille, de 2 garnemens, fourrée de taffetas, présié 4l 10s par. 289. Item, une robe de camelin blanc, de 5 garnemens, fourrée de cendal noir, présié 32l p.6 290. Item, un corset ront de camoquois vyolet, fourré de menu vair à pourfil, présié 24l par. 291. Item, un autre corset de camoquois ynde, fourré de menu vair à pourfil, présié 20l par. 292. Item, une cote hardie de camelin caignet, fourré de cendal ynde, présié 70s p. 293. Item, une robe de broissequin, de 2 garnemens, fourrée de cendal ynde, présié 6l p. 294. Item, un corset de camoquois sanz manches, violet, fourré de menu vair, présié 6l p. 295. Item, une fourreure de menu vair, à mantel, présié 11l par. 296. Item, un mantel à Alemant, ront, d’escarlate violet, fourré de menu vair, présié 12l. 297. Item, un mantel à Alemant de escarlate noire, fourré de menu vair, présié 26l. 298. Item, un mantelet sengle, de camelot, présié 20s. 299. Item, une robe de tiretaine de Saint-​Marcel, de 2 garnemens, fourrée de cendal ynde, présié 100s. 300. Item, un mantelet ront et un chaperon de vyolet, fourré de menu vair; et vint de l’Escuerie; présié 24l par. 301. Item, cinq chapes pour damoiseles, de drap marbré, donc les chaperons sont fourrés de cendal, présié ensemble 30l par. 302. Item, cote et sercot de marbré brun, sengles, présié 10l. Toutes les robes devant dites, qui sont à Billouart vendues, li furent vendues le pris qui est escript sur les présiées, et 20l oultre. 6. Items 289–302 are marked “Vend. à Billouart.”

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Remenans de draps. 303. Premièrement. Une pièce de drap pers, tenant 7 aunes, présié 9l par.7 304. Item, six aunes de drap royé, de la livrée aus Escuiers, présié 4l 10s par. 305. Item, cinq aunes de mugelaine, présié 60s par. 306. Item, cinq aunes et demie de noire burnete, présié 6l 10s par.8 307. Item, onze aunes d’escarlate blanche, présié 13l. 308. Item, en deux pièces, de la livrée des Chevaliers de Penthecoste mil ccc xxviii, 7 aunes, présié 7l 10s p.9 309. Item, une pièce de vert jaune, tenant 4 aunes et demie, présié 50s. par. 310. Item, 2 aunes et demie de drap vert, présié 40s par.10 311. Item, 8 aunes de camelin, présié 8l par. 312. Item, 3 aunes de drap en plusieurs pièces, 60s par. Undecima somma ab alia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 648l 5s parisis.

Couvertures. 313. Premièrement. Un couverteur et demi de marbré violet, fourré de menu vair, présié tout ensemble pennes et drap, 140l par.; vend. à madame de Bouloigne. 314. Item, un couvertouer et demi de marbré, fourré de gris, présié tout ensemble pennes et drap, 40l par.11 315. Item, un couvertouer de drap pers, fourré de gris, présié tout ensemble penne et drap, 12l par. Duodecima somma ab alia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 192l parisis.

Coutetespoinctes et Tapis. 316. Premièrement. Une coutepoincte de cendal ynde, à fleur de liz, présié 25l par. Et trois tapis de la sorte, 7. Items 303–5 are marked “Vend. à missire Nicole.” 8. Items 306–7 are marked “Ces 2 parties furent balliés à missire Nicole pour faire robes à frère Roger à son compaignon, et ne sont mie getées.” 9. Items 308–9 are marked “Vend. à Johanne la coustière et à Estienne Chevalier.” 10. Items 310–12 are marked “Vend. à Johanne la Coustière et à Estienne Chevalier.” 11. Items 314–15 are marked “Vend. à G. de Dicy.”

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présié 15l par. Et le demourant de la chambre fut donné à l’Ostel-​Dieu. Valent par le tout 40l par.; ballié à l’Ostel-​ Dieu de Paris, et n’est pas geté. 317. Item, un ciel d’une salle de marramas, à une bordeure de marramas, armez de Hongrie, ballié à messire Nicole, pour ballier à metre sur la tombe Madame. Non geté. 318. Item, quatre tapis de laine ouvrés de papegaus et à compas, présié 20l par.12 319. Item, un dossier de sale et un suige (pour siége) à marguerites, présié 16l par. 320. Item, un eschiquier, à eschas d’ivoire et d’ibernus; vend. à mestre G. de Fourqueus, 40s p. 321. Item, huit carreaux pour char, de camoquois taney et vermeillet, présié 12l.13 322. Item, neuf carreaux de laine vers, présié 60s par. 323. Item, huit carreaux; vendus Johan Billouart, c’est assavoir 2 grans et 6 petis, d’un camoquois plonquié, présié 8l p. 324. Item, huit tapis d’une sorte, à parer une chambre, à ymages et à arbres, de la devise d’une Chace, dont il en y a six de 4 aunes de lonc, et un de 7 aunes de lonc, et un des 4 aunes de lonc, touz de 2 aunes de lé; montent 68 aunes carrées, présié 64l par.; vend. à missire l’évesque de Laon. 325. Item, deux tapis velus d’outremer, présié 8l; vendus à Pierre des Essars. 326. Item, un viez materas brun, de bougueran; vendu à Pierre Neelle, 30s. 327. Item, une chambre de cendal ynde, où il a coutepoincte, ciel et ceveciel, deux tapis de meismes et courtines, présié 30l par.; vend. à Estienne Chevalier et Johanne la Coutière, si comme il est contenu cy après. 328. Item, une chambre de bougueran blanc, où il a coutepoincte, ciel, cheveciel, courtines et une grant courtine, 3 tapis et 12 tayes à quarreaux, présié 45l par.14 329. Item, une coutepoincte de bougueran blanc, 8l par. 330. Item, un doublet de bougueran blanc, 5l. 12. Items 318–19 are marked “Vend. à G. de Dicy.” 13. Items 321–22 are marked “Touz ces carreaux furent venduz à missire P. de Villepereur 20l.” 14. Items 328–39 are marked “Vend. à Johanne la coustière et Estienne Chevalier.”

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331. Item, un chiel et un chevet de cendal ynde, mauvais, présié 10l. 332. Item, une coutepoincte dont le fons est de samit semé de dalphins, et la bourdeure des armes de Hongrie, présié 32l par., et le chiel et le chevez de meismes entretenans, présié 22l par.; valent pour tout 54l. 333. Item, une chambre tané, où il a coutepointe, chiel, chevecier et courtines entour le ciel, de tartaire, tennée, et la chambre de cendal tenné, et 14 tapis de meismes la chambre, donc il en y a six de 5 aunes de lonc chascun, et huit de 4 aunes de lonc chascun, et sont touz de 2 aunes de lé. Montent les tapis 120 aunes, et 12 carreaux de meismes, c’est assavoir quatre grans et huit petis; présié toute la chambre ensemble, 160l par. 334. Item, un cheveciel ynde plonquié de cendal, présié 100s par. 335. Item, une coutepoincte de cendal ynde, fourrée de toile vert, et un ciel et les courtines de meismes, présié tout 16l par. 336. Item, sept toyes (pour taies) de cendal pour carreaus, à fleurs de lis, présié 70s. 337. Item, une chambre noire de cendal, ciel, chevecier, trois courtines et 3 pièces de viez chevès et de viez chiels, présié ensemble 20l. 338. Item, une coutepoincte de bougueran pommetée, présié 16l par. 339. Item, un doublet de fusteine ridée royé, présié 10l p. Toutes les choses dessus dites signées, vendues à Estienne Chevalier et Johanne la Coutière, donc la somme monte, du pris que elles furent prisées, 386l 10s par.; furent venduz aus diz Estienne et Johanne le xiiije jour de novembre, l’an xxviii. Ensemble 420l par. 340. Item, trois courtines de cendal vermeil et blanc, présié tout ensemble, vendu aus diz Estienne et Johanne, 16l par. Tercia decima somma ab alia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 575l 10s par.

342. Item, une pièce de toile de Reinz, tenant 30 aunes, présié 12l par. 343. Item, une pièce de toille de Compiègne, tenant 10 aunes, présié 6l par. 344. Item, quatre cuevrechies en une pièce de toille de Compiègne, présié 48s. 345. Item, une pièce de toille bourgoise, tenant 35 aunes, 3s l’aune, 105s par. 346. Item, une pièce de teille bourgoise, tenant 23 aunes, 2s 6d l’aune, 57s 6d p. 347. Item, une pièce de teille bourgoise, tenant 15 aunes, 3s l’aune, 45s par. 348. Item, une pièce de teille bourgoise, tenant 18 aunes, 3s 6d l’aune, valent 64s. 349. Item, une pièce de toille bourgoise, tenant 21 aunes, 3s l’aune, valent 63s. 350. Item, une pièce de teille, tenant 15 aunes, 4s l’aune; 60s par. 351. Item, une autre pièce, tenant 17 aunes, 3s l’aune, valent 51s par. 352. Item, une pièce de napes, tenant 43 aunes, 8s par. l’aune, valent 17l 4s p. 353. Item, une douzainne de touailles, chascune de 2 aunes de lonc, 8s p. pièce, valent 4l 16s par. 354. Item, une pièce de touailles, tenant autant, à celui pris, valent 4l 16d. 355. Item, quatre draps de quatre lez, 40s pour pièce, valent 8l par. 356. Item, quatre draps de trois lez, 20s pour pièce, valent 4l p. 357. Item, neuf draps de deux lez, à baingneoères, 6s pour pièce, 54s par. 358. Item, 46 aunes de fustaine en trois pièces, 4s l’aune, valent 9l 4s. Tout ce linge jusques ci fut vendu tout ensemble à Erembour de Mousteruel, le viije jour de novembre l’an mil ccc xxviii, 160l parisis.

Draps linges et linge nuef.

Inventoire de viez linge.

341. Premièrement. Une paire de draps de six lez de 6 aunes de lonc, tenant sur le tout 70 aunes, présié 40l p.

359. Premièrement. Dix nappes toutes entières, chascun de 7 aunes, présié 20s par. la pièce, valent 10l par.

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360. Item, 16 aunes de nappes, chascune de 5 aunes, présié sur le tout 7l par. 361. Item, onze nappes, de 3 aunes et demie chascune, présié tout 72s par. 362. Item, 62 touailles coupées de 2 aunes chascune, présié sur le tout 100s. 363. Item, 22 touailles et 7 pesnes, présié 22s. 364. Item, 45 nappes mauvoises, dépéciées, présiées sur le tout 4l par. 365. Item, 12 nappes plaines, de plusieurs longueurs, présié sur le tout 36s. 366. Item, un faisselet de très mauvaises nappes et très mauvaises touailles, toutes derromptez (ou derrompeez), et de pou de valeur, présié tout 5s par. Tout ce linge acolé, vendu à mons. de Nouyers, 32l 15s par., et livré à Johan Billouart pour lui. Quarta decima summa ab alia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 192l 15s par.

Veluiaux ceintures et autres choses, et Bourses. 367. Premièrement. Cinq pièces de veluaus coquès; vend. ensemble 196l par. 368. Item, un veluau noir et un violet, 45l par.15 369. Item, un nassis d’or de Cipre, présié 40l 370. Item, 2 nacez, demie aune mains, 20l par. 371. Item, un marremas, présié 11l. 372. Item, 3 aunes et demie de taffetais chingant, présié 60s. par. 373. Item, deux camelloz en 2 pièces et 3 demies pièces, touz encendrés, présié 21l par. 374. Item, 2 petites pièces de drap vert samit, présié ensemble 16l par. 375. Item, un camoquois ynde, présié 8l par. 376. Item, une touaille de soye eschiquetée, tenant 3 aunes et demie, pour faire un dossier, et une autele pour faire un frontel, présié 6l par.; vend. à l’évesque de Cornouaille. 377. Item, quatre tayes à oreilliés de saye, présié 60s par.16 15. Items 367–75 are marked “Tout ce vendu à Laudebelon.” 16. Items 377–82 are marked “Tout ce vendu à l’évesque de Cornouaille le dit pris.”

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378. Item, une chaère de cuir garnie de fer et une dossière de fer, 7l par. 379. Item, 12 boutons d’yvoire, une surgenie? (ou surqenie) et 1 touaille à autel, 20s par. 380. Item, deux taies à oreilliés et plusieurs choses de l’euvre d’Outremer, 100s. 381. Item, uns couteaus à trenchier, 4l. 382. Item, deux touailles d’autel, pour paremens, 100s. 383. Item, 29 aunes de tartaire roy, et 2 pièces, présié 12l par.; vend. 7 aunes et demie, 8s l’aune, à missire P. de Villepereur, et 21 aunes et demie à Johan Billouart, 9l par. 384. Item, une chaère de cuivre, garnie de veluau roy, 100s p.; vendue à Gillet le Chasublier. 385. Item, une pomme d’ambre, garnie d’or et à perrerie, présié 30l par.17 386. Item, une autre pomme d’ambre, garnie d’argent, présié 20l. 387. Item, un escrin d’ivoire à ymages, garni d’argent, présié 10l par. 388. Item, un petit ponconnet de cristal, garni d’argent, à mectre sainctuères, présié 20s par. 389. Item, uns pendens à une sèle de Hongrie, un cornet, une corne, un fer, tout présié, 20s par.; vendu à Pierre des Essars. 390. Item, une ceinture des armes de Hongrie, 35s par.; vendue à missire Nicole de Cailloue. 391. Item, une surceinte des armes de Hongrie, 35s par.; vend. à mestre Guillaume de Fourqueus. 392. Item, une ceinture, une bourse et une gibecière, et une autre gibecière, 35s par.; vend. à missire François de Montflacon. 393. Item, plusieurs pièces de cuevrecies, en un coffret, prisié tout ensemble o tout le coffre, 48l par.; vend. 60l à Johanne l’aumosnière. 394. Item, deux vielles ceintures, 4l par.18 395. Item, 2 livres de saye deffillée, de toutes couleurs, 6l p. 396. Item, une ceinture de cuir, une bourse tanée, et un aguillier, 10s. 397. Item, une ceinture et une bourse jaune, 20s p. 17. Items 385–88 are marked “Tout vendu à la royne de France ledit pris.” 18. Items 394–427 were purchased by Johanne l’Aumosnière.

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398. Item, une sourceinte de paon, une bourse et un aguillier, 50s. 399. Item, une bourse garnie de perles, 6l par. 400. Item, un fournement et unes tables, 40s. par. 401. Item, une bourse de l’euvre d’Engleterre, où il a deux lyons à perles, 60l par. 402. Item, une petite boursete à rosetes, 50s par. 403. Item, une petite gibecière de l’euvre d’Engleterre, 60s par. 404. Item, une ceinture ferrée, à doublez vers, 60s par. 405. Item, 5 ceintures, 2 blanches et 3 noires, présié 7l. 406. Item, 3 fournemens, 60s. 407. Item, une petite bourse, où il a les armes de Bar et d’Engleterre, présié 10l par. 408. Item, une ceinture à 3 boutons de perles, 4l par. 409. Item, 20 pièces, que bourses, que aguilliers, 11l par. 410. Item, un fournement ynde, garni d’or, 10l 10s par. 411. Item, unes paternostres de gest, et une bourse, 10s. 412. Item, deux tréçons danbefain, et une surceinte, 24s. 413. Item, 2 paere de ciseaux, 20s par. 414. Item, un petit saint Johan d’ivoire, 60s. 415. Item, uns viez orfrais de chasuble, 12s par. 416. Item, un saint Estienne d’yvoire, 30s par. 417. Item, 14 petites surceintes, 42s par. 418. Item, une douzainne de petites bourses, 20s p. 419. Item, une ceinture, 40s par. 420. Item, un mirouer et une boueste, d’ivoire, 8s. 421. Item, une ceinture viez, une gibecière et un cadran, un coutel; et tout viez, 4l par. 422. Item, uns couteaux à manche d’argent, 20s. 423. Item, 2 fouès à chevaux, 10s. 424. Item, une desvuidouère, une damoisele, et unes tables, et un estui.19 425. Item, une ceinture noire, et unes tables d’yvoire, 100s. 426. Item, deux gibecières, 4l. 427. Item, deux renges d’espée, l’une vert, l’autre vermeille, et deux gaines, présié 10l par. 19. Items 424–25 are marked “100s.”

Toutes les parties acolées dessus dites furent vendues à Johanne l’Aumosnière, donc la somme monte 106l 16s par., li furent vendues 112l par. Quinta decima somma ab alia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 657l 5s par.

Inventoire de coffres. 428. Premièrement. Une paire de coffres, de fust ferrés, vendu à mons. l’évesque de Cornouaille, 50s par., et un petit coffre de cuir, 5s; valent pour tout 55s. 429. Item, un petit coffre, de fust ferré, 12s par., vendu audit évesque de Cornouaille. 430. Item, six petis coffres, c’est assavoir 2 rouges, 2 noirs, un petit couvert de cuir, et un autre fustin, 9l par.; vend. à Pierres des Essars. 431. Item, huit escrins, 100s par.; vend. à J. Billouart. 432. Item, une paere de coffres cloués, 60s par.; vend. à mons. des Nouyers. 433. Item, deux vies coffres de Chappelle; vendus à Pierres des Essars, 40s par., pour Saint Germain. 434. Item, deux coffres de Chapelle, cloués, vies; vend. à Eustace la Chasublière, 30s par. 435. Item, un coffre ferré, où les veluaus estaient, 30s par.; vend. à mestre Guillaume de Fourquois. 436. Item, sept vies coffres de chambre, cloués; vend. à Gassot, 6l p. 437. Item, une paire de coffres; vendus à Pierre Neelle et à Guillaume le Flamenc, pour porter leur vesselle, 4l par. Sexta decima somma ab alia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35s 7s par.

Vessellemente d’estain rendue par le Saussier. 438. Premièrement. 3 douzaines et demie d’escuèles, d’esteim nuèves, présié sur le tout 48s. 439. Item, 100 autres escuelles d’esteim, et 12 mauvaises, depeciées, prisié sur le tout 4l 10s. 440. Item, deux coffres où elles sont. Tout prisié 8l, pour escuèles et coffre; vendu à Gillet, de l’Aumosnerie. 441. Item, audit Gillet, vendu 30 escuelles brisées, et un scel, tout 24s.

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442. Item, un pennier blanc pour aumosne, 10s p.; vendu à P. des Essars. Septima decima somma ab alia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9l 14s par.

Inventoire de la cuisine Madame par Pierre de Sentré. 443. Premièrement, 10 paeles à bouez, présié 15l p. 444. Item, 2 grans chaudières à 4 anneaux chascune, présie 16l par. C’est assavoir la plus grant 10l, et l’autre 6l par. 445. Item, un baquet à 4 anneaus, prisié 4l par. 446. Item, un autre baquet plus petit, prisié 40s p. 447. Item, 4 autres baquès, 4l 10s par. 448. Item, 4 paeles à queue, 20s par. 449. Item, 3 puisetes, 20s par. 450. Item, 5 petis pos d’arain, 60s par. 451. Item, 2 petites chaudières, et un grant pot d’arain, 70s par. 452. Item, 3 broches et 2 contrerostiers, de fer, 40s par. 453. Item, 2 guerils sengles et 1 double, 40s par. 454. Item, 3 mortiers, 3 pestiaus, 2 penniers, et un coffre, 20s par. Tout ce vendu à mons. de Noyers, le pris de 55l p., et livré pour lui à Johan Billouart. Octava decima summa ab alia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55l par.

Inventoire de plusieurs choses, Coffres et autres choses, qui estoient de l’Eschançonnerie et autres offices. 455. Premièrement, 2 coffres rons, ferrés, à porter vesselle; vendus 30s par. 456. Item, une cuirie pour le chariot, 8l par. 457. Item, 25 pos de cuir, 25d. 458. Une chaudière pour fruicterie, 12s. 459. Item, deux sacs, unes balences, une cloyere et limaignon, 20s par. 460. Item, une vielle somme, et une banne, 15s par. 461. Item, deux coffres lons, pour torches, et deux autres coffres de cuir, ferrés, 4l. 462. Item, un entonnouer de cuir, 3s; vendu à Gillet de l’Eschançonnerie. 463. Item, quatre bouges, à tout la ferreure, pour forge, 60s par.; vend. au mareschal.

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464. Item, quatre paellas petites à queue, pour oignemens, un pot à laver mains, de cuivre, deux petis pos de cuivre, cinq chandelliers de cuivre. Tout ce vendu à mons. Franç., 32s par. 465. Item, onze barils ferrés, 6l 12s par.; vend. deux au grant Prieur, 24s par.; à Johan Billouart quatre, 48s par.; à Pierres des Essars quatre, 4s par.; et à Johan Billouart un, 12s par. 466. Item, quatre autres barils, 30s par.; deux vendus à Pierre des Essars, 15s, et à missire P. de Villepereur deux, 15s. Nona decima somma ab alia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29l 19s par.

Sambues et autres choses, qui sont venues de l’Escuerie, rendues par Johan de Bouchon. 467. Premièrement. Une sambue, à tout le lorain, garnie d’argent, donc la sambue est de veluau violet, et sont les escuex d’argent esmallié de Puille et de Hongrie. 468. Item, une autre sambue, sur violet, et sont les arçons d’argent tres, et est le siège d’un veluau noir, broudé de rosetes, et est le lorain garni d’argent, et la garnison de la sele aussi. 469. Item, une autre sambue de veluau encendré, et est le lorain et toute la garnison d’argent. Ces trois sambues devant dites furent depeciées en la présence des exécuteurs, et présié l’argent, 65 mars, vend. à Jehan Poilevillain et P. Neelle, ensemble 290l par., et les fus et les veluaus à Guillaume de Meaux, 24l par. 470. Item, une vielle sambue de drap pers, donc les arçons sont de perles yndes, et est la garnison de la sele et le lorain de cuivre, présié 8l par.20 471. Item, une autre sambue pareille, excepté que les perles sont violés, prisié 8l. 472. Item, quatre sambues pour damoiseles, présié 12l par.; vend. à Johanne la Coutière les trois, 8l par., et l’autre fut donnée à Johan de Bouchon pour sa fame. 473. Item, une sambue pareille, nuève, présié 8l.21



474. Item, une selle à paleffroy et le lorain, 4l.

20. Items 470–71 are marked “Vend. à Johanne la coutière et à Estienne Chevalier.” 21. Items 473–74 are marked “Vend. à Johanne la coutière.”

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475. Item, un parement à paleffroy, d’un pers asuré, semé de fleurs de lis, 8l par.22 476. Item, un tané, 60s par. 477. Item, un autre, d’un pers noir, 50s par. 478. Item, le tapis du char Madame décendre, et 6 esois au bout; vend. à Estienne Chevalier et à Johanne la Coutière, 30s p. 479. Item, une couverture de drap pers pour batel.23 480. Item, une couverture de teile pour batel. 481. Item, un tapis velu de Roumenie; vendu à missire Franç., 60s par. 482. Item, quatre flautees et 1 pou de toille grosse; vend. à Gassot le Peletier, 32s par. xx ma somma ab alia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 378l 12s

Inventoire des chevaux Madame, rendus par Johan de Bouchon, son escuier. 483. Premièrement, 1 grant cheval morel, qui n’a que 1 oel; et fu du char Madame; vendu à Johan de Bouchon, 120l par. 484. Item, un cheval morel.24 485. Item, un cheval ferrant. 486. Item, un cheval lyart, qui fu du char.25 487. Item, un paleffroy morel. 488. Item, un paileffroy liart. 489. Item, un pallefroy bay. 490. Item, un morel cheval, qui fut du char Madame; vendu à madame de Valois, à tout le colier, 40l par. 491. Item, un cheval bay.26 492. Item, un cheval ferrant. 493. Item, un cheval bay, qui estoit du chariot; vendu à Pierre des Essars, à tout le collier, 12l par.

22. Items 475–77 are marked “Tout vendu à Estienne Chevalier et à Johanne la coutière.” 23. Items 479–80 are marked “Vend. aus diz Est. et Johe 8l p.” 24. Items 484–85 are marked “Vendus au Roy 200l t., qui valent 180l p., et furent du char Madame.” 25. Items 486–89 are marked “Vendus au Roy de Navarre, tout ensemble les 4, 272l p.” 26. Items 491–92 are marked “Qui estoient du chariot; vend. à Johan Billouart, ou tout les colliers, 40l par.”

494. Item, un cheval bay baucen, qui estoit du char aus damoiseles; vend. à Philippe de Nantuel, o tout le colier, 10l 10s. 495. Item, 2 chevaux du char aus damoiseles; vendus à Godeffroy le Courratier, 24l p. 496. Item, un cheval bay.27 497. Item, un cheval gris. 498. Item, un cheval gris; vendu à Johanot le fourr, 4l t., valent 64s par. 499. Item, un cheval blanc du chariot. Il fut rendu à mons. l’évesque de Cornouaille, à qui il estoit, si comme missire Nicole de Cailloue et missire Thébaut de Meaux, le tesmoignèrent. 500. Item, un cheval blanc, qui fut d’un serjant des foires de Champaigne, qui mourut en la terre Madame. Il fut rendu à ses hoirs, pour ce que il avoit esté pris sans cause. 501. Item, un petit noir, rendu au Gratteur, ménesterel, à qui il estoit. xxjma somma ab alia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 692l 14s p.

Inventoire de Chars et de charios, et d’autre hernais. 502. Premièrement. Le char Madame, avec la couverture de drap pers et de toile, vendu à mons. Pierres de Maucourt, chevalier, 115l par. 503. Item, les coliers et les trais de cinq chevaux dudit char, trois selles, l’avalouère et la dossière; vend. à Guillaume du Moustier, 12l par. 504. Item, le char aus damoiseles, donc la couverture est de drap et de toille, deux selles, une avalouère, et une dossière. Item, une letière sanz hernois et sanz courtine; vend. ensemble 36l par., à la dame de Beaumarchès. 505. Item. 2 charios; vendus à Pierres des Essars, 10l par. xxijma somma ab alia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173l par.

Inventoire de vins. 506. Premièrement. 14 queues de vin nouvel, venu à Paris du Mès le Mareschal, en Grève, et 10 queues de 27. Items 496–97 are marked “Qui estoient du char aus damoiselles; vendus à Johanne la Coutière, o tout les coliers, 11l par.”

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vin viez, venu de Fonteinebliaut des vins de Gastinois, et tenoient 5 sestiers, ovec la gauge; vendu par Dimenche le Courretier, demourant en la rue du Temple, à Robert le Paumier, 4l par. la queue, l’une par l’autre, valent 96l 8s 4d par. 507. Item, 2 tonneaus de vins, venus de Corbuel à Paris, des vignes Pierres d’Escharçon et Johan de Tigery; vendus à l’évesque de Cornouaille, 7l par. le tonnel, valent 14l par. 508. Item, d’icelles vignes meismes, 2 tonneaus; vendus à missire Nicole du Calloe, 14l par. 509. Item, d’icelles vignes meismes, 2 queues de vin; vendues à mons. François de Montflacon, 7l par. 510. Item, 2 queues de saugié, des vins du Mez; vend. en Grève, 10l par. 511. Item, 2 queues de vin viez, qui estoient eu chastel de Courbuel; vend. à Johanot de Saumur, 7l par. 512. Item, ou cellier du Temple, une queue de vin vermeil viez, et une queue de saugie blanc, viez vuidié environ demi pyé, et une bessière en une queue, où il a environ 1 muy de vin; vendu tout à Gillet, de l’Eschançonnerie, 8l. xxiijma somma ab alia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156l 8s 4d par.

Inventoire de Coutes, qui estoient en l’ostel du Temple. 513. Premièrement, une grant coucte en un coissin. présié 100s par. 28 514. Item, trois autres coute, présié chascune 4l p., valent 12l par. 515. Item, trois coutes, 60s la pièce, valent 9l. 516. Item, une coute, 40s par. 517. Item, 17 coutes, 30s la pièce, valent 25l 10s p. xxiiijma somma ab alia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60l par.

Inventoire de plusieurs autres choses qui estoient au Temple. 518. Premièrement. Ou cellier 23 queues vuides; vendues ensemble à mons. Pierres de Villepereur, 40s par. 519. Item, 7 quartes et demie d’uyle d’olive, pourrie et de nulle valeur, ne ne pout estre vendue. 28. Items 513–17 are marked “Vend. ensemble à mons. des Noyers, 60l par. Et monte le pris 55l 10s p.”

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520. Item, 2 sestiers et 6 bouesseaus de pois, le sestier 12s, valent 30s par.; vendus à l’évesque de Cornouaille, et à missire Nicole. 521. Item, 10 bouesseaus de fèves, 6s 4d; vend. à Gieffroy de Breton. 522. Item, 2 sestiers de fèves viez, et 3 minos; vend. à Gieffroy le Breton, 13s 9d. 523. Item, une chauffouere, 2s 6d.29 524. Item, 1 bacin ront, 6s par. 525. Item, 1 bacin plat, 6s par. 526. Item, 1 petit bacin ront, 2s 6d. 527. Item, 1 chauderon d’estuves, 10s. 528. Item, 1 chaudière, 10s. 529. Item, 1 coquemart, 3s. 530. Item, un bacin plat, 8s.30 531. Item, 1 bacin ront, 6s. 532. Item, une poche de fer, 3s.31 533. Item, uns fers à gauffres, et une autre paele, 5s 6d. 534. Item, 2 coqmars, 6s par. 535. Item, 24 tables, 15 paere de trétiaux, 2 dréçouers, 26 fourmes; vend. au Hospitaliers, 7l par. 536. Item, 25 lars et demi, des quiex furent vendus 19 lars et demi à Johanot de Saint Marcel, 17l par. 537. Item, 6, vend. à plusieurs personnes, 6l par. 538. Item, 1 mortier et un pesteil à batre espices, ballié à Jaques de Boulonnois. xxvma somma ab alia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37l 18s 7d 539. Item, un drap d’escarlate morée, moullié et tondu, tenant 17 aunes; vend. 60l par.; vend. à Pierre des Essars, pour la Royne. Somme toute de ces choses dessusdites jusques ci. 17,004l 16s 7d ob. parisis.

Inventoire des choses qui estoient à Courbuel en l’ostel Madame. 540. Premièrement. 6 petites coutes et 6 coissins, présié 100s par.32 29. Items 523–29 are marked “Vendu à Ysabeau de Til, 40s.” 30. Items 530–31 are marked “Vend. à Marie de la Chambre, 14s.” 31. Items 532–34 are marked “Vendu à Philippe de Nantuel, 14s 6d.” 32. Items 540–42 are marked “Vendu à Johanne la Coutière.”

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541. Item, 10 draps petis, pour mesnie, et 4 viez nappes, prisié 30s par. 542. Item, 4 viez tapis de lainne, et 2 dépeciés 32s par. 543. Item, 20 nappes, que plaines que ouvrées, et 2 touailles, en 1 penne, tout en un coffre, présié coffre et tout, 6l par.; vend. à mons. Adam de Préci, 8l par. 544. Item, une pièce de teille, tenant 32 aunes, 32d l’aune, valent 4l 5s 4d par.33 545. Item, une pièce de toille, tenant 27 aunes, 3s 6d l’aune, valent 4l 13s 6d par. 546. Item, une pièce de toille, tenant 33 aunes, 3s 6d l’aune, valent 115s 6d par. 547. Item, une pièce de toille, tenant 10 aunes, 3s 6d l’aune, valent 35s par. 548. Item, 4 nappes, tenant 20 aunes en une pièce, présié 5s l’aune, valent 100s par. 549. Item, 4 nappes en une pièce, 100s par. 549 bis. Item, un buscau, tenant 12 aunes, présié 48s p. 550. Item, 1 buscau, tenant 13 aunes, présié 52d p. 551. Item, une pièce de touailles, tenant 30 aunes, présié 50s p. 552. Item, une autre pièce de touailles, tenant 30 aunes, 60s par. 553. Item, unes pièce de touailles, tenant 15 aunes, présié 22s 6d. 554. Item, 5 touailles en une pièce, de 5 aunes chascune, 37s 6d. 555. Item, 4 touailles en une pièce, 32s par. 556. Item, 2 pièces de petites touailles, tenant 24 aunes, 3s l’aune, valent 72s, donc Pierres des Essars prist la moitié, et mons. de Nouyers l’autre. 557. Item, 17 touailles, en 4 pièces, tenant 5 aunes chascune, présié 2s 6d l’aune, valent 10l 12s 6d; vendu à mons. de Nouyers, donc Billouart eut une pièce, tenant 15 aunes, de 37s 6d. 558. Item, une pièce de toille, tenant 32 aunes, 32d l’aune, valent 4l 5s 4d par. Mons. Nicole, chapelain, mons. de Nouyers, les out vend. à lui. 559. Item, une pièce de toille, tenant 39 aunes, 3s 6d l’aune, valent 6l 16s 6d.34 560. Item, 2 nappes en une pièce, 40s. 33. Items 544–54 are marked “Vendu à mons. De Nouyers.” 34. Items 559–61 are marked “Vend. à Johan Billouart.”

561. Item, un buscau, tenant 14 aunes, présié 56s. 562. Item, une pièce de toille, tenant 32 aunes, 3s 6d l’aune, valent 112s par.; vend. à P. des Essars. 563. Item, 2 napes en une pièce, présié 50s par.35 564. Item, 2 nappes en une pièce, présié 60s par. 565. Item, 3 orilliés, prisié 32s par. 566. Item, uns grans tabliaus pour chappelle, et un eschiquier, vies, prisié 16l par.; vend. à P. des Essars pour Madame la Roynne. 567. Item, 12 draps mauvais, petis, 4l par.; vend. à mestre G. de Fourqueus. 568. Item, 17 draps mauvais, petis, 64s par.; vend. à missire Nicole. 569. Item, une pièce de drap de Loviers, tenant 18 aunes, 10s l’aune, valent 9l par.36 570. Item, un drap de royé de Gant, entier, moullié et tendu, 10l p. 571. Item, 2 vielles coustespointes, 1 petis couverteurs, 2 tapis, une flaxaye, et 2 mortiers, 4l 16s par. 572. Item, 3 viez pos de cuivre, 5 viez paeles, 4 petiz pos d’estain, 18 escuelles d’estain, tout vendu 70s par. 573. Item, 2 seaus à eaue, 6s par.37 574. Item, un pié à bacin, 1 banc, 1 mortier et 1 péteil, 14s par. 575. Item, une queue à vin aigre, où il a environ 1 muy, 25s par. 576. Item, une huche longue, qui vint de Tigery, 16s. 577. Item, 3 viez socz à chaine, 2 coutres et une cheville de fer; vend. à P. le Courant, 18 s; et 2 lieures, et 2 trais, 6s par. S. à li 24s p. 578. Item, 2 huches nuèves. présié 28s; vend. à Jehan de Saumur. 579. Item, 1 grant Roumant viel, de plusieurs ystoires; non présié, non vendu, quar il est moult gastés. 580. Item, 1 drap marbré vermeillet, de Loviers, entier, rendu à la fame Johan de Tygery, à qui Madame commanda en son vivant que il li fust ballié, à la relacion Guillaume de Fourques et Nicole de Cailloue. Somme. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156l 13s 8d par.

35. Items 563–65 are marked “Vend. à P. des Essars.” 36. Items 569–72 are marked “Tout vendu à Johanne la Coutière.” 37. Items 573–76 are marked “Vendu tout à Philippot de Meaux.”

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Tygery. 581. Premièrement, 4 huches à buleter et à pestrin.38 582. Item, une autre huche à metre lars. 583. Item, une petite huche. 584. Item, une petite table, une fourme, 2 trètes, et 3 chaères petites, présiées 4s, et tout vendu. 585. Item, 2 chevaux qui furent Johan de Thygery et 2 qui furent Pierres d’Escharçon, 2 charètes, 1 tombereau, 2 viez chaines et tout le harnois des chevaux; vendu à Pierres le Contant, 32l par. 586. Item, 3 queues où il a despense, présié 20s.39 587. Item, 3 queues vuides, présié 6s. 588. Item, 2 tones à fouler et 1 cuvier, 30s. 589. Item, environ 200 de vèce, présié 32s.40 590. Item, 300 d’autre vèce, présié 18s. 591. Item, 18 sextiers du blé de Tygery, venu et vendu en Grève, à Paris, le sextier 12s 6d par., à Jehan de Saint Marcel; valent 11l 5d par. 592. Item, 8 sextiers d’avoine venus de Tigeray; vend. à mons. Nicole de Calloue, 13s par., valent 104s p. 593. Item, 8 rastelliers à brebis; vend. 12s à Jehan le Mesnagier, de Corbuel. 594. Item, receu premier jour de février, de Robin l’Ostellier, serjant de Corbuel, pour deniers que il devoit par la fin de ses comptes, les partiez dudit Robin, 55l 13s 9d par. Somme, puis l’autre. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111l 8s 9d par. 595. Item, 3 viez huches, un estal de cuisine, 2 trétiaux, 2 petites selles, une fourme petite à Escharçon, présié 16s par. 596. Item, une petite table à piés, 2 viez ais, 2 petites fourmes, présié 5s. 597. Item, une queue où il a environ un pié de vin; vendu à Tévenon Richon, 20s. 598. Item, 2 queues de despense, présié 20s. 599. Item, 3 cuves, que grans que petites, 4 cuviers? 2 tinneis? 2 mauvais entonneurs, 2 tonnelès à verjus, une civière et un lardier, 60s p. (Nota. Pas de nº 600.) 601. Item, 200 ou environ de vèce, présié 32s par. 38. Items 581–83 are marked “Prisié tout 24s par.; vend. à Johan le Mesnagier de Courbuel.” 39. Items 586–88 are marked “Vend. à Estienne de Corbuel.” 40. Items 589–90 are marked “Vend. à Renier, du Séjour.”

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Toutes ces choses vendues à Thevenon Richon, et à Guillaume de Saint Pers, et à plusieurs autres, par P. le Courant. 602. Item, 4 chartées de gros fain et 2 chartées d’autre; vendu à Jehan Postellet, 4l. 603. Item, viijm de fein, 80 bottaus mains, venus à Paris du chastel de Corbuel, et fut botelé du commandement les exécuteurs; vendu à Symon de Lille, mons. François et autres, 50s le millier, valent 19l 16s par. Somme puis l’autre . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31l 9s par.

Inventoire de moebles qui estoient à Fonteinnebliaut. 604. Premièrement. Une grande coute pour Madame et le coissin; vendus à Drion le chevalier, 8l par. 605. Item, à Robin le Gastellier, vend. une autre coute. Item, 24 coutes et 24 coissins, 21 coute sans coinssins; vend. ensemble 37l par. 606. Item, à Pierres Maciquart, 10 coutes et 10 coissins; vend. 9l par. 607. Item, à Jehan d’Aubligny (ou d’Anbligny), 3 coutes et 3 coissins, 54s p. 608. Item, à Johan Rousseau, 4 coutes et 4 coissins, 64s p. 609. Item, à Robin le Gastellier, 20 coutes, 20 coissins; vend. 20l par. 610. Item, une queue de verjus et une autre queue plaine à moitié; vend. à Drion le clerc, 4l par. 611. Item, xm de pommes; vend. à Robin le Gastellier, 40s par. 612. Item, à lui une cuve et la chapelle pour estuve, 36s p. 613. Item, à Philippot du Til; vend. unes aumoires de fust qui estoient en la chambre, présié 24s. Somme de Fonteinebliaut. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83l 18s Le rentage de Byère fut vendu pour l’aoust xxviii à Drion le Queu, 37l par., et 37 m. d’aveine à la mesure de Gastinois, non paiés, et sont deus à l’Ascension prochain.

Inventoire des biens qui estoient à Moret. 614. Premièrement, 8 coutes et 7 coissins, lessés en garde à Sicaire? présié 10l par.; vend. à Aagnesine, 11l par.

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615. Item, 2 nascelles, présié 40s.41 616. Item, une saimme aveques les cordes, présié 60s. 617. Item, les poissons qui sont en l’estanc de Mourcient et de toutes les eaues du domaine, furent vendus au Roy, ensemble 800l par., par marchié fait aus thrésoriers. Somme pour Moret. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 816l.

Inventoire des biens qui estoient à Flagi. 618. Premièrement. Pour les terrages à la par Madame, 3 m. 1 sextier de grain à la mesure dou lyeu, pour l’aoust l’an xxviii, c’est assavoir demi muy fourment, demi muy sègle, et 25 sextiers d’avene, présié par Regnaut le Munier et Johan de Launoy. Le blé 14s par. le sextier l’un par l’autre, et l’avoine 8s le sextier. Non vendu. 619. Item. Robin Gaudin doit 9 sextiers d’avoine pour l’aoust l’an xxvii, présié 8s le sextier. Et ne sont pas vendu, quar il sont à poier à l’Ascension.

Inventoire fait à Lorrez. 620. Premièrement. Laurent Verreau doit pour l’aoust l’an xxviii, pour les terrages à la part Madame, 14 muis que blé que avène, tel comme il y a en la granche, présié le blé 4s 6d le sextier, et l’avoine 3s 4d par. le sextier.42 621. Item, les miniaus ne sont pas cuillis juques à la mi-​caresme, et pevent valoir par estimacion 15 sextiers de sègle à la mesure du lyeu, et peut valoir le sextier 4s 6d par.

Inventoire fait à Grez. 622. Premièrement. Guillaume Patin tient les terrages, et doit pour ce 6 m. d’avoine à la mesure du lieu, présié la mine 20d par.43 623. Item, Gieffroy Vuide Bourse doit de terme passé 8 muis et demy avène, présié 20d la mine; vendue ensemble à Robin de Guye, et à Perot Jaoylier, 21l par. 41. Items 615–16 are marked “Vendus à Renart.” 42. Items 620–21 are marked “Et sont à paier à l’Ascencion proch.” 43. Items 622–23 are marked “Ils sont à paier à l’Ascencion proch.

Inventoire fait à Nemox 624. Premièrement. Jehan le Doyen, autrement des Vignes, et Johan Arnoul, tiennent les terrages à 26 muys, c’est assavoir 12 muis sègle et 14 muis avoine; de ce chiet pour les assignés 5 muys et demi de seigle, et demi muy avoine, demeure pour Madame 6 muis et demi de seigle et 13 muis et demi avene, présié le sègle 24d la mine, et l’avoine 20d la mine; vendu le sègle à Estienne Crestienne 2s 6d la mine, valent 19l 2s par. et l’avoine 50s le muy, valent 33l 15s par. 625. Item, 5 escuelles d’esteim, vend. au prévost 3s par. Somme de Nemox. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53l 10s par.

Inventoire faite au Mez le Mareschal. 626. Premièrement. En la grant sale 6 grans tables, présié 60s.44 627. Item, 14 tables mendres, présié 42s. 628. Item, 22 fourmes, présiés 24s. 629. Item, 33 trétiaus. 630. Item, 1 derecouer, présiés 18d. 631. Item, en la chambre dessous, où les escuiers gésaient, 5 grans tables fournies de cat., présiés 40s par. 632. Item, 8 petites tables, présié avec les trétiaus, 16s. 633. Item, 25 fourmes, que grans que petites, présié 25s. 632. Item, 65 trétiaus, présié le remanant les tables fournies, 2d la pièce. 635. Item, 8 coutes, 7 coissins, présié 7l par.; vend. à missire Johan Cartaut, 7l. 636. Item, 7 queues vuides, vend. à Johanot, 14s p. 637. Item, 3 tonneaus vuis à despense, vend. à Jahot, 12s par. 638. Item, ou pressouer 3 grans cuves.45 639. Item, une en la tour. 640. Item, 3 autres cuves, présié 30s. 641. Item, en la tour, 4 fourmes, 2 tables et 7 trétiaus, présié 6s. 642. Item, environ vijc fagos, vend. à Jahot, 12s. 44. Items 626–34 are marked “Lessié au Roy tout; et sont au Mès le Marescal.” 45. Items 638–39 are marked “Lessié au Roy.”

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643. Item, 5 escuelles d’estaim, présiés 5s, vend. à Jahot. 644. Item, 5 muis et demi, moitié blé, moitié avène, des terrages; vendus pieçà par Johan à Johan Caschier de Dourdines, le blé 2s la mine, et l’avoine 16d la mine; et en a receu la monnoie li diz Jahos et mis en la réparation de l’ostel, si comme il dit. Monte la somme 11l par. 645. Item, les muniers doivent blé pour le mouturage juques au jour du trespassement Madame. 646. Item, monnoie reçeue par Jahot de Montigny. Primo des misses Thierry, 40s par. 647. Pour cens le jour Saint Leu, 6d. 648. Item, pour cens, le jour Saint Remy, 15l 2s 5d. 649. Item, pour autre cens dessus les vignes, 9s 9d à ce terme. 650. Item, à ce terme pour les cens de la Gerville, 60s. 651. Item, pour les cens du Mès à la saint Denys, 44s 3d. 652. Item, de Dryon le clerc, 20s. Somme du Mez le Mareschal. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43l 19s 11d.

Lorrys en Gastinois. 653. Premièrement, 3 bonnes coutes et 3 coissins, présié, la meilleur 60s par., et les autres 40s pour pièce, valent 4l par., valent pour tout 7l par. 654. Item, 2 mendres coutes et 3 coissins.46 655. Item, 2 coutes sans coissins, présié ensemble. 656. Item, 7 mauvais draps touz descirés.47 657. Item, 4 nappes mauvaises. 658. Item, 1 tablier. 659. Item, 4 touailles, que bonnes que mauvaises. 660. Item, 2 oreilliers, présié 6s. 661. Item, 1 couvertouer rouge, fourré de gris, tout pelé, présié 25s. 662. Item, 1 autre de contrefille, fourré de connins et de chevriaux, présié 15s. 663. Item, une coute poincte blanche, présié 8s. 664. Item, 3 mauvais tapis royés, présié 20s. 665. Item, 4 pos de cuivre, donc l’un est depeciés, une petite paele d’arain à 2 anneaus, une paelle de fer toute 46. Items 654–55 are marked “60s par.” 47. Items 656–59 are marked “Présié tout 16s par.”

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dépécié, et 1 pot d’estaim pour aumosne; présié tout 48s par. Et y a un des pos de cuivre, le greigneur, à 24s p. 666. Item, une petite chaudière, présié 8s. Tout ce vendu à Jaquemin le concierge, ensemble 18l par. Somme par soy. Somme par soy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18l par. 667. Item, les terrages et les minages sont vendus à Girart le Paignye, 48 muys de grain, c’est à savoir 14 muys fourment, 14 muys sègle et 20 muys d’avène, donc les rentiers prennent les 14 muys fourment, et 6 muys de sègle, demeure que il doit 8 muys sègle et 20 muys avoine. Et dit que il ne les doit juques à l’Ascencion. Présié le blé 2s 4d la mine, et l’avene 2s la mine. Et sont à poier à l’Ascencion prochaine. 668. Item, 17 chièvres, que grans que petites, présié l’une par l’autre 20s par., et sont données aux amis Madame.

Chasteauneuf. 669. Premièrement, une queue de verjus viez.48 670. Item, une queue de verjus nouvel. 671. Item, 2 queues de vin des treilles. Somme par soy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10l par. G. secunda. Somma grossa ab alia,. . . . . . . . . . 1324l 19s 4d p.

Inventoire des biens qui estoient ès hostiex Madame en Normendie. 672. Premièrement. Au Plessis, 219 chiefs de brebis à leine et une pel d’aignel, vend. à Mahieu Gaudart 218, chascune beste 9s par., valent 98l 2s, et la 19e beste davantage. 673. Item, 58 pouceaus (sic), vend. à Thomas Hanon, du Pont St Pierre, 58l par. 674. Item, une truie et 4 pourcelès petis.49 675. Item, 10 petis pourceaus non vendus. 676. Item, 6 vaches et un torel, vend. à Robin le boucher, 16l 10s par. 48. Items 669–71 are marked “Vendu ensemble à Thevenin le Jordinier, 10l par.” 49. Items 674–75 are marked “Et en comptera J. de la Prée, et d’un petit cheval qui li est demouré.”

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677. Item, 4 chevaux de charue, vendus les 3 (sic), aveques les colliers et leur harnois, à Guillebert Poline, 24l par. 678. Item, 2 selles à charetier, 2 dossières, l’une nuève et l’autre viez, 2 viez avalouères, 2 coliers de limons, 4 autres enhernechiés, une bonne cherète 2 viez cherètes ferrées, 2 tumbereaus sans roez, 2 chérus à fers et à roueles, et 4 herches. Tout vendu ensemble audit Guillebert Pooline, 9l par. 679. Item, les blez de la granche ne pevent estre présiés juques à tant que il soient vendus et les pois aussi. Et en comptera ledit Johan, et a ballié sur ce 39l 10s. 680. Item, environ xijc de vèce, vendu vijc au balli de Gysors 8l 8s par. Et le remenant est de la granche. 681. Item, environ 6 chartées de fain, vend. à Guillebert Pooline, 10l. 682. Item, environ 28 acres de blez en terre, faiz aus coux Madame. 683. Item, 10 costes de poirreaus ou environ. 684. Item, la revenue du moulin juques au trespas Madame. Et des autres revenues de l’ostel, Johan de la Prée en comptera. 685. Coutes. Premièrement, 2 coutes de 2 lez et 2 coissins.50 686. Item, 7 autres petites coutes et 7 coissins. 687. Item, 1 couvertouer ver, fourré de connins. 688. Item, un couvertouer rouge, fourré de connins. 689. Item, 1 couvertouer de pers banc? fourré de connins. 690. Item, 3 viez mauvaises coutespointes, qui furent de samit noir. 691. Item, 3 couvertouers de burel petis sans fourreure. 692. Item, un couvertouer de pers cler sengle. 693. Item, 1 couvertouer rouge tout dépécié. 694. Item, 6 carreaus à seoir, de bourre, touz viez. 695. Item, 2 petis orelliers à lit.

Hernoys de cuisine.

696. Premièrement, 2 pos d’arain à traire vaches.51

50. Items 685–95 are marked “Sont apresiés et à vendre, et en comptera J. de la Prée.” 51. Items 696–719 are marked “Non vendu et en comptera J. de la Prée.”

697. Item, un grant bacin à laver mains. 698. Item, 1 autre mendre. 699. Item, 2 chaufeurs. 700. Item, 2 trépiés, l’un grant et l’autre petit. 701. Item, 1 grant chenet de fer et 2 petis. 702. Item, un bacin à laver testes. 703. Item, une lèchefrée d’arain à queue de fer. 704. Item, une viez paelle d’arain. 705. Item, 2 paelles de fer de nulle valleur. 706. Item, 4 plateaus d’estein mauvais. 707. Item, un petit potonnet (ou poçonnet) de cuivre. 708. Item, un pot de cuivre plus grant. 709. Item, 3 viez paelles d’arain à bouez. 710. Item, une autre à 2 anneaux. 711. Item, 3 viez chaudières. 712. Item, 1 grant pot de cuivre à 2 anneaus de fer. 713. Item, 20 escuelles d’esteim et 4 saussières. 714. Item, 9 pos d’estaim, que grans que petis. 715. Item, 1 grant mortier. 716. Item, 49 fourmes et 31 tables, 68 trétiaux et 5 chaères. 717. Item, 1 banc en la sale. 718. Item, une broche de fer et unes tenailles de fer, viès. 719. Item, 8 huches mauvaises, donc l’une et ferrée.

Chappelle. 720. Premièrement, 2 chasubles, une de samit rouge, et l’autre de drap de soye à oiselès jaunes, fourrées de teille taincte, et un corporalier viez de cendal vermeil, et 2 corporeauls dedens.52 721. Item, une aube parée, estole et fanon de meismes. Et une aube et 2 amiz desparés. 722. Item, 1 calice d’argent doré. 723. Item, un oreillier de saye pour le messel. 724. Item, 2 messals, l’un nuef, l’autre viez. 725. Item, 1 rochet. 726. Item, 1 frontel et 1 dossel de cendal noir, de fleur de lis batus d’or, fourrés de toile. 727. Item, 4 mauvaises touailles d’autel. 52. Items 720–30 are marked “Tout ce lessié à l’ostel, pour ce que il y a chappellain perpetuel.”

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728. Item, un viez chandellier de cuivre. 729. Item, 1 orcel d’estaim à eaue benoiste. 730. Item, une huche pour les aournemens. 731. Item, du balli de Gisors, receu pour muy et demy d’avène vendu à li, 13l 10s. 732. Item, de li pour vij c de pesas et iiijc fuerre d’avoine, 77s. 733. De li pour vijc fuerre de blé, 42s. Somme reçeue pour le Plessis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 282l 19s.

Maineville. 734. Premièrement, 26 coutes et 23 coissins, présié tout ensemble 12l, lessié à mons. de Nouyers, pour 12l par. 735. Item, en la granche devant, environ 60 chertées de fain, présié 60l, non vendu. 736. Item, de 60 mines d’aveine que les gens de la ville doivent, vendu à Estienne Flaquet et au neveu, au bailli de Gisors, 3s la mine, valent 18l par. 737. Item, Ode de la Rue doit rendre à Noël ccc xxviii à Maineville, pour les 3 villes S. Denys, 190 mines d’avoine, non vend. 738. Item, 3 chenès de fer.53 739. Item, une cloche pour moustier, gésant. 740. Item, 36 tables à trétiaus et 36 fourmes. 741. Item, 2 grans mortiers.54 742. Item, 1 grant banc. 743. Item, viijm de tuylle ou environ. 744. Item, 10 verveux, 2 trainaux, un trainel et une chausce à peeschier, qui valent environ 30s. 745. Item, en la chapelle un messel. 746. Item, une chasuble. 747. Item, une aube, un amit, une estole, un fanon. 748. Item, un autel benoist et 3 touailles à autel. Somme receu de Meineville . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30l par.

53. Items 738–40 are marked “Donc il y a 12 tables noèves et 10 fourmes lessiés en l’ostel que Madame fist faire.” 54. Items 741–48 are marked “Lessié à l’ostel.”

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Item les debtes que Perceval Vincent, receveur Madame, a balliées à recevoir par les exécuteurs, partie receue et partie à recevoir. Premièrement. La fame feu Philippon Guillebert pour son? compte des enchières de la vente de Mez, 29l 5s. Garcin de Chevigny, dit de Prégirmaut, pour 3 amendes, 120l p. Gauillaume d’Ampouville, pour partie d’une amende de 60l pour le remenant, 45l 10s 4d p. Mons. Johan d’Uisy, pour le restas de ses comptes, 24l 2s 6d p. La fame feu Estienne le Voussi, jadis receveur, pour son restas, 94l 9s 3d p. Estienne Bouteau, pour une amende, 200l. poié 120l. Jehan Chamaillart, prévost de Chasteau Landon, pour le charroy d’Orfarville, que il a tenu puis la Saint Johan, 11s 4d par. Item, ledit prévost, pour les cens de la Saint Pierre et S. Pol. 4l 5s 6d. Item, ledit prévost, pour les cens de la Saint Remy, 101s 9d. Item, ledit prévost, pour les cens de la Saint Denys ensievant, 27s 2d. Item, Pierre le Convers de Baugency, pour le restat du compte que il a receu pouiz la Saint Johan, 60l 7d. Item, ledit Pierre, pour 8 mines de noys et pour une livre de poivre, 29s par. Item, les fieffermes de Normendie, 194l 3s 7d. Mons. Pierres de Giroles, pour une amende, 20l p. La Boulote de Neufville, de la somme de 24l, que elle devoit pour amende, 10l par.55 Thiesselot Quatressouls, dudit lieu, pour le remenant de 10l pour amende, 60s. La fame Renaut Pillastre, pour amende, 10l. Gillet Thion, pour 13 brebis d’espave, 59s. Missire Nicole de Challoue, pour 6 royés achatez à Prouvins pour la livrée des petis varlès, du terme de ceste Toussains, qui coustèrent 12l 8s la pièce, et 6 autres qui coustèrent 11l 4s, et pour 36s que les draps coustèrent à amener de Prouvins à Paris, 143l 8s par. 55. This item and the next are marked “Madame leur quitta par ses lettres.”

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Mestre Johan de Herches, pour le droit que Madame avoit ès brebis de Thigery, 8l par. Item, ladicte Royne devoit à Jehan de l’Ospital 11l, lesquiex ledit Perceval a paiez pour lad. Dame, et li donne cour lieu. Somme pour Perceval. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 988l 12s 10d p. De ce receu. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 550l 9s 9d. Resta à recevoir. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 426l 3s 2d.

Item, autres debtes deues à Madame au temps de son trespassement. Premièrement. Guillaume le Tourneur, de Courbuel, demourant pour amende de greigneur, somme, 60s. Item, vij jours en décembre, poié par Chardot Godart, pour le grillage des boys de Violete et de Cornouaille, en la chastellenie de Corbuel, 100s. Item, ce jour, pour le crois de 600 florins royals, pris la pièce pour 28s et mis en Gastinois pour 28s 4d, 10l par. Item, pour 292 connins, vendus à Philippot le poullallier de Corbuel, à prendre en la garenne de Ferrières, 60l le millier, du temps que Madame vivoit, 17l 10s. Item, Gieffroy Challot, prévost de Samoys (ou Sainoys), pour 5 minaus d’aveine pris sus Henri le Queu, pour debte que il devoit à Madame, vendu à li, 12s 6d. Item, de li pour celle cause des biens dudit Henri, 30s p. Item, de l’appostolle de Moret, pour la vente de 15 queeus wides, prises à Fonteinebliaut, 60s. Item, de Aucher, le jour S. Luce, pour deniers que il devoit pour prest fait à li par Madame, 10l p. Item, de Renaut de Villers, prévost de Montargis, pour les cens de Poocourt, au terme de la S. Remy, 38s p. Item, de Pierre de Sourti, serjant de Chasteau Landon, pour le demourant des esplois Johan du Cimetière, jadis prévost de Chasteau Landon, 9l 5s 7d p.

Item, de Gieffroy, portier du Temple, pour les coutumes du Temple, depuis la Saint Denys l’an xxvii, juques à cel jour l’an xxviii, 48l. Item, de Martin de Villeines, pour les jardins du Temple et les prés du Temple, ascensés à lui depuis la Saint Martin l’an xxvii, juques à la S. Martin l’an xxviii, 58l par., de ce chiet, pour ce que Madame ne vesqui pas l’an entier, et en vouloit porter le prieur de l’Ospital les porées et les poreaus, lesquiex devoient garantir li exécuteur pour ce 16l par., et de la somme de 58l, a compté missire Thyerry, garde de la Chambre aus Deniers, en ses receptes, 12l par. Restat receu 30l p. De Guillaume Soufflet, pour deniers recouvrez de li qui li estoient paiez 2 foiz 9l 3s 1d. De Johannot L’Ermite, tondeur, pour 8 aunes et demie de drap des escuiers, demourant de la livrée de la Toussains l’an xxviii. 8l par. Item, de li, pour 3 aunes et demie du drap des clers, de ce terme, 66s. Somme de ces parties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 160l 5s 2d.

Recepte des fieffermes de Normendie pour le terme de la S. Michel l’an xxviii. Premièrement. Du balli de Caen, 1516l 5s 4d ob. tornois, valent 1213l 3d ob. par. Item, en la ballie de Rouen, par la main du viconte d’Auge, 645l 5s 11d t., valent 516l 4s 9d par. Somme pour les diz fieffermes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1729l 5s ob. Tertia. Somma grossa ab alia,. . . . . . . . . . 2752l 18s 11d ob. p. Somme toute de cest présent inventoire. . . . . . 21,082l 14s 11d.

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Appendix 3: Glossary

Based on Gay and Stein, Glossaire archéologique; the “Table des mots techniques” in Douët-​d’Arcq, Comptes de l’argenterie des rois de France au xive siècle; and Piponnier and Mane, Dress in the Middle Ages. amiz amice, the light undergarment worn under the alb by the priest during the Mass anel or anneau a ring argent silver argent verré silver metalwork with parts that are gilded and parts that are not aube alb, a garment worn by the priest during the Mass aune a measurement of length, used especially in describing textiles baril a small container for liquids that imitates a full-​sized barrel boueste a container or a case bouteille a bottle that could be capped with a plug burette a glass vessel for wine or water used in celebrating the Mass caignet Douët-​d’Arcq debates whether this was a type of material, a color, or a type of weave camelin a woolen fabric of medium quality, made from camel’s hair cendal a light silk, much like taffeta, that frequently lined garments. This material was used also to line the walls of rooms. chaperon a hood char abbreviation for chariot, or carriage chopine a table vase without a foot but usually with a lid Cipre Cyprus coquille de perle mother-​of-​pearl cote a tunic worn over a chemise both by men and women, normally ankle length and with long tight sleeves, worn under a surcoat cote hardie a sleeved garment worn over the cote, usually outdoors. A cote hardie was often worn for horseback riding. coustepointe a lined bed cover, often decorated with needlework crucifix Clémence owned a “croix à un crucifix.” The crucifix was the sculptural body of Jesus that was attached to the cross. custode a container used in the chapel. It could hold unconsecrated bread or other objects. Clémence owned custodes of cendal silk. doit a cylinder on which rings were stored domatique dalmatic, the garment worn by a deacon or priest over the alb during the Mass écuelle a dish, often with a broad rim. Clémence had a set of forty-​eight silver escueles, suggesting that these would have been the primary dishes in the place settings for her guests. émaux de plique Documents before the eighteenth century refer to all cloisonné enamels by this term, but today it refers to those with hearts, vines, rosettes, or quadrilobes on an emerald background.

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entablement a stand on which a sculpture rests or in which it is encased escarlate a woolen fabric, a high-​quality material that was much more expensive than others. Often red or pink, but also blue purple and sometimes even black or white. Clémence had escarlate outfits in peacock blue, purple, and black. fiole a small-​necked bottle flacon a flask. Clémence owned two of these in silver and silver-​gilt. At twenty-​five marcs, they were much heavier than her other containers. fleurons the vertical peaks around the top of a crown. Those of Clémence were leaf-​shaped, while those of crowns worn by members of the Valois dynasty were in the shape of fleurs-​de-​lys. florin the monetary unit in use in Florence. Clémence had 20 Florentine florins that were exchanged for 21 Parisian pounds (80). frontel the cloth hung on the front of the altar hanap a drinking vessel, sometimes with a base livre the Parisian pound used in Clémence’s inventory and testament. One livre = 20 sous = 240 deniers. The Parisian pound was worth 1.25 livres tournois. mantel a loose outer garment or cloak cut in the round, open down the front and fastened either on the shoulder or in front mantelet a short, full garment, usually for men, open on both sides marbré a textile in a category of fabrics called meschi, which were primarily of Italian origin and were made by combining different colored wool fibers, then carding and combing the wool without mixing the fibers completely, allowing the material to appear to change from one shade to another as the textile moved marc a measurement of weight used in Clémence’s inventory. 1 marc = 8 onces = 160 estelins = 192 deniers menu vair fur that frequently lined the inside of garments. Together the pieces of fur rendered a spotted pattern. nef an often richly decorated container to hold salt, spice, or objects used at the table. It often took the shape of a boat, but other forms have survived as well. Opus Anglicanum a type of embroidery originating in England and characterized by an underside couching technique paonnecé a color evocative of the highly saturated hue of the paon, or peacock pastour a paten pent-​à-​col a pendant pié the foot on a metalwork piece like a hanap robe an outfit comprising several garments, usually including a cote, a surcoat, and a mantel salière a container used on the table to hold salt. It was often in the shape of a boat but sometimes took other forms. samit a weft-​faced compound twill, heavy silk textile often used in clothing surcoat a garment usually worn indoors over the cote. One of the garments included in a robe. The open surcoat had very wide sleeves that revealed the cote worn underneath and, sometimes, its side lacing.

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Appendix 3

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tabernacle a devotional work, often made by goldsmiths, that took the form of a miniature building tableau a depiction on metal, wood, or cloth, or a folding diptych or triptych tartaire textiles produced in Mongol-​held areas stretching from eastern Europe to China toile a woven cloth veluau velour, or velvet. Clémence’s most costly dress was made of purple velour.

Appendix 3

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Notes

Introduction

1. Chronicle attributed to Geoffroi de Paris in de Wally and Delisle, Recueil des historiens, 22:161, lines 7427–41. “Car en mer perdi mains joyaus, / Des siens les meillors, les plus biax. / Aussi li et sa compaingnie / Furent près de perdre la vie; / Dont forment se doulourousoit, / Et par très grant doulor disoit: / ‘Omnipotens, biax Sire Diex, / Qui es gouvernerres des ciex / Et qui soustiens trestout le monde, / Garde que ta gent ci n’afonde. / Ne sueffre pas que ta gent muire / Por moi; mès saus les fai conduire, / Et por elz touz ci me retien. / Por moi ne doivent perdre rien; / Mès por elz touz me retenez.’ ” 2. According to Aubin-​Louis Millin, in 1790 an inscription around Clémence’s effigy read, “Cy-​gist, de bonne mémoire, madame Clémence de Hongrie jadis royne de France et de Navarre, fame du roy Loys, fils du roy Philippe-​le-​Bel, et fut fille de haut prince, le roi de Hongrie; laquelle tréspassa au Temple à Paris, xiii jour en octobre, l’an de grace m ccc xxviii. Priez dieu pour l’ame.” Millin, Antiquités nationales, 4:82. Both the inventory and this inscription give the date of Clémence’s death as October 13, although later historians cite October 12. 3. Earenfight, Queenship in Medieval Europe. 4. S. Bell, “Medieval Women Book Owners.” 5. Martin, Reassessing the Roles of Women, 3–33. 6. Woodacre, Queenship in the Mediterranean. 7. On Jeanne d’Évreux, see E. Brown, “Jeanne d’Évreux”; E. Brown, “Testamentary Strategies of Jeanne d’Évreux”; Holladay, “Education of Jeanne d’Évreux”; Boehm, “Le mécénat de Jeanne d’Évreux.” 8. Boehm, “Jeanne d’Évreux, Queen of France,” 53. 9. Richard, Une petite-​nièce de saint Louis. 10. Buettner, “Le système des objets”; Keane, “Most Beautiful and Next Best”; Keane, Material Culture and Queenship, 61–76. 11. The inventory survives as Bibliothèque nationale de France, Clairambault 471, and was published in 1874. Douët-​d’Arcq, “Inventaire et vente.”

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12. The much shorter inventory of Jeanne de Boulogne, second wife of Jean II, dates to 1360. Douët-​d’Arcq, Inventaire des meubles, 547–62. Although we do not have inventories for Jeanne d’Évreux and Blanche de Navarre, their testamentary documents are rich in detail. 13. De Bourchenu, “Testament de Clemence de Hongrie reyne de France.” The original testament is lost, but copies survive. Bibliothèque nationale de France, n.a. fr. 9636 and De Camps 43, n.a. fr. 7371. I am grateful to Elizabeth A. R. Brown for calling the latter document to my attention. 14. Gaborit-​Chopin, L’inventaire du trésor. 15. Buettner, “Past Presents,” 614. 16. Stanton, “Isabelle of France and Her Manuscripts,” 228. 17. Keane, Material Culture and Queenship, 77–115. On gender and medieval art, see also Dressler, “Continuing the Discourse.” 18. Bibliothèque nationale de France, Clairambault 832, 393–457; Bibliothèque nationale de France, ms fr. 7855, 157–88; Bibliothèque Sainte-​Geneviève, ms 786, 686–711; Bibliothèque municipale de Rouen, ms 3406 (Leber 5870, Menant 9), fols. 49r– 88v; and extracts (Bibliothèque nationale de France, ms fr. 9497, 339–43). E. Brown, “Ceremonial of Royal Succession . . . Louis X,” 228 n. 6. I am grateful to Elizabeth A. R. Brown for calling the document to my attention and generously sharing a draft of her transcription with me. I quote Bibliothèque nationale de France, ms fr. 7855, throughout this study. 19. Gilles de Rome, Le livre du gouvernement des rois et des princes, Bibliothèque nationale de France, ms fr. 1202. 20. It was most likely Jeanne d’Évreux who commissioned the French translation. Mastny, “Durand of Champagne and the ‘Mirror of the Queen,’ ” 125; Mews, “Speculum dominarum,” 14–17. 21. Mauss, Gift, 37–43. 22. Bourdieu, Logic of Practice, 98–111. 23. Weiner, Inalienable Possessions.

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24. Appadurai, Social Life of Things. 25. Buettner, “Past Presents,” 598. 26. Buettner, “Le système des objets.” 27. Also important in terms of gift giving is Buettner, “Women and the Circulation of Books.” 28. Keane, Material Culture and Queenship. 29. Holladay, “Fourteenth-​Century French Queens,” 92–95. I am grateful to Joan Holladay for sharing this article with me before its publication.

Chapter 1



182

1. Minieri-​Riccio, Genealogia di Carlo II d’Angiò, 39. Minieri-​Riccio cites the document Reg. Ang. 1272. E. n. 16 fol. 188, of the now-​destroyed archives of Naples. 2. Léonard, Les Angevins de Naples. Caroline Bruzelius has written extensively about the architectural patronage of Charles I and Charles II, Clémence’s grandfather. See, by Bruzelius, “Ad Modum Franciae,” “L’architecture du royaume de Naples,” and Stones of Naples. 3. After Clémence’s grandfather Charles II died, a complex question of succession faced the family. Clémence’s brother, the young Carobert, was the rightful heir to the Crowns of both Hungary and Naples, but it would have been exceedingly difficult for a minor to effectively rule such geographically distant lands. So the family engineered an arrangement whereby Carobert and loyal advisors were sent to claim the Crown of Hungary, while the Crown of Naples went to Marie’s third son, Robert, Carobert’s uncle. 4. The pope ratified the decision to make Marie the guardian of her three grandchildren. Baddeley, Robert the Wise, 15. An example of the role Marie played in Clémence’s life appears in an account where Marie is recorded giving money to her “daughter” Clémence. Marie is referred to as “Illustrae Dominae Mariae Hirusalem Siciliae et Ungariae Reginae,” and then Clémence is named as her daughter “Clementia Regina Francorum et Navarrae filia dictae Reginae.” Minieri-​Riccio, Studi storici su’ fascicoli angioini, 37. When Clémence married Louis, Marie contributed a crown made of one hundred ounces of gold. Huffelmann, Clemenza von Ungarn, 27.

5. Baddeley, Robert the Wise, 3. The year after Clémence married Louis, and after years of divisive negotiations, d’Euse was appointed pope and named John XXII when he was sixty. 6. Petit, Charles de Valois, 18–19. 7. Elliott and Warr, Church of Santa Maria Donna Regina; Bruzelius, “Hearing Is Believing.” 8. The way her grandfather Charles II spoke of her destiny in his testament reveals this as an option. She was to receive eight thousand gold pieces per year if she married, and only one thousand pieces per year if she went to a convent. Minieri-​Riccio, Genealogia di Carlo I di Angiò, 192. 9. Huffelmann, Clemenza von Ungarn, 11. 10. E. Brown, “Case of Philip the Fair,” 236. 11. “Les barons de France s’advisèrent qu’il seroit bon que le roy de France fust marié. Adont ilz envoièrent querre une moult noble dame qui estoit fille du roy de Honguerie, et avoit à nom Clémence; et quant elle fut venue en France, le roy la prist à femme, et porta couronne.” “Extraits d’une chronique anonyme,” in de Wally and Delisle, Recueil des historiens, 22:402. On the death of Marguerite and the negotiations for the hand of Clémence de Hongrie, see E. Brown, “Kings like Semi-​Gods.” 12. De Wally and Delisle, Recueil des historiens, 22:402 n. 2. The marriage contract of Clémence and Louis, dated July 1, 1315, survives today in the Archives municipales de Marseille, B 446, pièce 2. 13. Petrarch, Letters on Familiar Matters, bk. 4, letter 3, 1:186. Consoling her mourning uncle after her death, Petrarch wrote, “Quamvis enim in ipso etatis et forme flore subtracta sit, publica fere totius orbis querimonia multisque precipue populorum utriusque regni, et unde ortum et in quod translatum illud rarum et eximium decus erat, lacrimis ac lamentis, ipsa tamen felix est.” Petrarch, Lettres Familières 2:45–47. 14. E. Brown, “Kings like Semi-​Gods,” 27. 15. “Et humblement se déportoit; / En parole et en fet fu sage.” De Wally and Delisle, Recueil des historiens, 22:161. 16. Allirot, “Les mariages royaux à la cour de France,” 238. 17. Her attendants must have told the clerks of its origins. 18. E. Brown, “Kings like Semi-​Gods,” 9. 19. “Loys, par la grâce Dieu rois de France et de Navarre. Nous faisons savoir à touz présenz et à

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venir, que Nous, considéranz la joieuse et agréable compaingnie que Climence, par la grâce Dieu Royne de France et de Navarre, nostre très chère compaigne, nous porte humblement et amiablement, par quoi elle dessert bien que nous li en doiens faire guerredon courtoisement, à ladite Royne et à ses hoirs et à cues qui de lui auront cause, donnons perpetuelment à touz jours, sans espérance de rappel, les choses qui s’ensuivent.” Archives nationales, J 423, no. 34. The lands in Normandy that Louis gave Clémence had been confiscated from Enguerrand de Marigny, the disgraced administrator of Louis’s father. In 1315 Louis also gave Clémence a promise of income from the cities Lorris, Beaugency, Montargis, and Fontainebleau. “Continuatio chronici Guillelmi de Nangiaco,” in Naudet and Daunou, Recueil des historiens, 20:614. 20. Appendix 1, item 80. 21. Archives nationales, J 404, no. 22. 22. Geoffroi de Paris wrote in his Chronique rimée, “Li autres dient qu’il avoit / Joué à i gieu qu’il savoit, / A la paume; si s’eschaufa, / Et son conseil, qui le bifa, / L’en a mené en une cave / Froide; et i henap l’en lave / Si but trop, et froit se bouta, / Et li sitost si se coucha / Qu’au lit acouchier le convint, / Et de ce cèle mort li vint.” De Wally and Delisle, Recueil des historiens, 22:163, lines 7677–86. See E. Brown, “Ceremonial of Royal Succession . . . Louis X,” 232. 23. Elizabeth A. R. Brown studies this period closely. E. Brown, “Ceremonial of Royal Succession . . . Louis X.” 24. Coulon, Lettres secrètes, col. 55, letter 62. Here the pope sanctioned the agreement between Philippe and Clémence. 25. The chronicler who was probably Geoffroi de Paris wrote, “Clymence veuve demora, / Qui grant tems souvent en plora.” Chronique rimée, in de Wally and Delisle, Recueil des historiens, 22:164, lines 7703–4. 26. On November 14, Galot, Clémence’s goldsmith, came to the residence of Mahaut d’Artois in Paris to announce the birth of the child. Richard, Une petite-​ nièce de saint Louis, 64. “La royne Climence qui estoit enceinte chei en une quartaine qui moult greva sa porteure et enfanta i. filz qui avoist nom Jehan qui mourut assez tost.” “Chroniques de

Saint-​Denis,” in Naudet and Daunou, Recueil des historiens, 20:699. Almost immediately Mahaut d’Artois was accused of witchcraft and poisoning Louis. At trial Clémence testified that there had been nothing unusual in the behavior of the countess toward her husband, and Mahaut was acquitted on October 9, 1317. Richard, Une petite-​nièce de saint Louis, 21–22, 41–42. 27. Huffelmann, Clemenza von Ungarn, 36–38. 28. For the letters from the pope to Clémence, Philippe, Charles de Valois, and others involved in the conflict, see Coulon, Lettres secrètes, cols. 26–62. See also, for discussion of the conflict, Lehugeur, Histoire de Philippe le Long, 61–72. 29. Coulon, Lettres secrètes, cols. 180–82. 30. The advice the pope offered Clémence is key to the examination of her public gift giving in chapter 6. 31. Archives nationales, JJ 53, no. 270; E. Brown, “Ceremonial of Royal Succession . . . Louis X,” 267. 32. When Philippe was attacked in his own residence at the Louvre in 1305, he sought refuge at the Temple, and in 1315 Enguerrand de Marigny, fallen superintendent of finances, had been imprisoned at the Temple before his execution. Hoffbauer, Paris à travers les âges, 366. 33. Ibid., 114–15. 34. Ibid., 118–19. 35. Matthew Paris, Chronica majora, 5:478–80. 36. Philippe gave the city of Corbeil to Clémence in June 1318. Archives nationales, JJ 65a, fol. 85. And he assigned the income from other cities to her as well. Archives nationales, JJ 56, 183, no. 423; E. Brown, “Ceremonial of Royal Succession . . . Louis X,” 234 n. 29. In September of 1318 Philippe gave her income from Fontainebleau, Samois, Moret, Grez-​sur-​Loing, Flagy, Lorrez-​le-​Bocage, Nemours, Château-​Landon, Montargis, Lorris-​en-​ Gâtinois, Vitry-​en-​Loge, Boiscommun, Château-​ neuf-​sur-​Loire, Yèvre-​le-​Châtel, Neuville-​en-​Loge, Beaugency, and the forests of Bière, Paucourt, Chaumontois, Vitry, and Goumats. Guerout, Registres du trésor des chartes, 2:2050. 37. Clémence was in Avignon on November 28, 1318. Coulon, Lettres secrètes, cols. 681–82, letter 779; Viard, Les grandes chroniques de France, 8:343. The convent was a Dominican institution founded by Clémence’s family. Coulet, “Un couvent royal.”

Notes to Pages 17–22

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38. Huffelmann, Clemenza von Ungarn, 60–61. 39. A receipt indicates that Clémence paid to have twenty “ballots” of her “draps, couvertures, et vestements” transported from Aix-​en-​Provence to Paris. Coulet, Aix-​en-​Provence, 213. Coulet cites the document Archives départementales des Bouches-​du-​ Rhône, dépot d’annexe d’Aix, 308 E 4, fol. 53v. 40. In 1322 Clémence received substantial payments from Charles. For example, shortly after Philippe’s death, Charles paid her the large sum of 13,263 pounds parisis. Viard, Les journaux du trésor de Charles IV le Bel, cols. 37, 299. 41. Hellot, Chronique parisienne anonyme du xive siècle, 70; Archives nationales, J 411, no. 43. 42. This foundation was next to Saint-​Magloire, the church to which she processed in 1318. Hellot, Chronique parisienne anonyme du xive siècle, 103; Le Grand, Les maisons-​Dieu et léproseries du diocèse de Paris, 23; Allirot, Filles de roy de France, 333. 43. Terroine, Fossier, and Montenon, Chartes et documents, 3:87. 44. Petrarch, Letters on Familiar Matters, 1:186. 45. Nolan, Queens in Stone and Silver. 46. Douët-​d’Arcq, Collection de sceaux, 1:288: “s[igilum] clemencie dei g[racia regina francie et n]avarre.” 47. Gaborit-​Chopin, “Reliquary of Elizabeth of Hungary,” 350. 48. Erlande-​Brandenburg, Gisants et tombeaux, 21. 49. “Ci gist li cuers du grant roy Charles q’ conquit Cezile q’ fu freres de mo[n] seigneur S. Loys d’France et lie ceste tombe la royne Clemence sa niece.” Millin writes that there were two more lines, not visible today, that dated the effigy to 1326. “Fut enterré l’an de grâce m ccc xxvi. Séant le chapître general des frères prêcheurs à Paris à Pentecoste.” Millin, Antiquités nationales, 4:60. 50. Erlande-​Brandenburg, Le roi est mort, 118. 51. Baron, L’enfant oublié, 58. 52. E. Brown, Saint-​Denis, 411. 53. Baron, “Jean 1er, roi de France,” in L’art au temps des rois maudits, 130. 54. Appendix 1, items 1, 7. 55. “La chapelle St. Louys, à main droicte des martyrs, joignant le degree de l’abbayie. Où il y a contre le mur une grande Notre Dame peinte, avec la figure de Louys Hutin, à genoulx à coste droict, adsisté de son petit Jean couronné par derrière luy, et à

184

coste gauche, la figure à genoulx de la royne Marie [Peiresc crossed out “Marie” and wrote “Clémence”] de Hongrie, sa seconde femme, couronnée. Et le dessoubz peint en tapisserie de lozanges de France et de Hongrie, qui est faiscé d’argent et de gueulles. L’habit du roy Louys faict comme celuy de son image aux Heures de sa première femme, de couleur néantmoings de brunette.” Cf. Bibliothèque nationale de France, n.a. fr. 5174, fol. 31v; Carpentras, ms 1791, fol. 128v. Published in Montesquiou-​ Fezensac and Gaborit-​Chopin, Le trésor de Saint-​ Denis, 2:420. 56. Elizabeth A. R. Brown has reconstructed decoration of this chapel and discussed this painting. E. Brown, “Chapels and Cult of Saint Louis,” 291. See also Ferré, “Clémence de Hongrie,” 233–35. 57. Archives nationales, K 42, no. 8a. 58. Appendix 1, item 78. 59. “Item, une grant belle et noble chasse de laton ou cuivre doré estant sur quatre pilliers de pierre au dessus dudit autel, en laquelle sont et reposent des Reliquiaires du precieux corps Monseigneur Sainct Spire, Patron principal, apres nostre Seigneur ihesu Xrist et la glorieuse Virge Marie, dicelle eglise, autour de laquelle chasse sont tenans douze ymaiges dargent dorez.” Dufour, Le trésor de Saint-​Spire de Corbeil, 11. 60. De La Barre, Les antiquitez de la ville, 186.

Chapter 2



1. Appendix 1, item 1. 2. Ibid., item 81. 3. Ibid., item 82. 4. E. Brown, “Jeanne d’Évreux”; E. Brown, “Testamentary Strategies of Jeanne d’Évreux,” 218. I am grateful to Elizabeth A. R. Brown for sharing these essays with me before their publication. 5. The king’s representatives were Jean de Billouart, his chief financial officer, and Pierre des Essars. Jean de Billouart is listed as the “maître en la chamber des comptes” in a document of July 1, 1327. Maillard, Comptes royaux, 2:170. 6. Multiple currencies had to be converted, which enables us to see, for example, that the exchange rate was 1.25 pounds tournois to 1 pound parisis

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in 1328. Before the inventory total, 1,516 pounds tournois were converted to 1,213 pounds parisis. 7. Welch, “From Retail to Resale,” 285–86; Mueller, “Procurators of San Marco.” 8. Clothing is documented entering the second-​hand market in Strasbourg as well, where laypeople from 1275 to 1520 often gave garments that could be sold to support the construction and upkeep of the cathedral. The book of donors recorded these donations but did not detail the format of the sale. Stanford, “Donations from the Body for the Soul,” 173–76. 9. Welch, “From Retail to Resale,” 285. 10. Regulations governing the auctions were made in 1425 and 1441. Mallett, Florentine Galleys in the Fifteenth Century, 40–45. 11. Schnapper, “Probate Inventories, Public Sales.” 12. Guiffrey, Inventaires de Jean duc de Berry, 2:218. Examples of this pattern are items 89, 92, 93, and 94 of the 1416 inventory. I am grateful to Brigitte Buettner for calling these instances to my attention. 13. His belongings were sold and distributed after his death, and the final report was submitted in 1321. 14. National Archives, London, E101/393/4. See Stanton, “Personal Geography of a Dowager Queen.” 15. Douët-​d’Arcq, Inventaire des meubles, 547–62. 16. Leber, “Le compte de l’execution.” 17. Gaborit-​Chopin, L’inventaire du trésor, 1–23. 18. Bapst, Testament du roi Jean le Bon, 25–53. 19. Moranvillé, Inventaire de l’orfèvrerie et des joyaux; Guiffrey, Inventaires de Jean duc de Berry. 20. Gaborit-​Chopin, L’inventaire du trésor, 3–6. 21. Douët-​d’Arcq, Inventaire des meubles, 547–62. In modern French, meubles refers to furniture, but in the fourteenth century this term denoted anything movable, including clothing and jewels. 22. Ibid., 561: “pour les officiers qui ce despartoient et pour ce que li falut aller aultre part pour doubte des autres choses qui ne se perdissent, etc.” 23. Appendix 1, item 74. 24. Jordan, Women and Credit, 32–36. 25. The Bardi were particularly active thirteenth- and fourteenth-​century bankers. Sapori, Le compagnie dei Bardi e dei Peruzzi, 5–9. 26. Huffelmann, Clemenza von Ungarn, 52. 27. Mack, Bazaar to Piazza, 1. 28. Ibid., 15.

29. Baker, Islamic Textiles, 57. 30. Mack, Bazaar to Piazza, 51. 31. Ibid., 52. 32. Grossman and Walker, Mechanisms of Exchange, 1–16. 33. Lightbown, Mediaeval European Jewellery, 25–32. 34. Barnet, Images in Ivory, 3–5; Horton, “Swahili Corridor,” 86, 93. 35. Lightbown, Mediaeval European Jewellery, 69–70. 36. Ibid. 37. Lightbown, Secular Goldsmiths’ Work, 58–59. 38. Lightbown, Mediaeval European Jewellery, 237. 39. Ibid., 31. 40. Bibliothèque nationale de France, ms fr. 7855, 158: “4 soieries, une broudée des armes de France, l’autre de France et de Castelle.” 41. Gaborit-​Chopin, “Les collections d’orfèvrerie.” 42. Poull, La maison souveraine et ducale de Bar, 258. 43. Gaborit-​Chopin, “Les collections d’orfèvrerie.” 44. Abbot Suger on the Abbey Church of St.-Denis, 59. Italics added by the author. 45. Ibid., 63. Italics added by the author. 46. Ibid., 63–65. 47. Brigitte Buettner observes Blanche’s distinctive language. Buettner, “Le système des objets,” 54. 48. “Item, à nostre très chier cousin le conte d’Estampes, un fermail d’or à une chaenne d’or, lequel fait reliquiaire et fermail, ouquel a un cerf ou milieu, dont le corps est d’un saphir, et autour a trios rubys, trois dyamans, treze perles et six esmeraudes, et dedens pluseurs bonnes reliques; et le nous donna madame la royne Jehanne.” Delisle, “Testament de Blanche de Navarre,” 33. 49. Boehm, “Le mécénat de Jeanne d’Évreux,” 24. 50. Keane, Material Culture and Queenship, 61–76. 51. Ibid., 143. 52. Leber, “Le compte de l’execution,” 165. 53. Appendix 1, item 77. 54. M. Rouse and R. Rouse, “Goldsmith and the Peacocks.” 55. Ibid., 285. 56. Dehaisnes, Histoire de l’art dans la Flandre, 190–91. 57. Richard, Une petite-​nièce de saint Louis, 246–47. 58. Dehaisnes, Histoire de l’art dans la Flandre, 250–55: “une grande couronne d’or a gros safirs, a fins rubis, a fines esmeraudes et a grosses fines pielles d’Orient.”

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59. Ibid., 301. 60. Nocq, Le poinçon de Paris, 3:142. 61. Ibid.; Gaborit-​Chopin, L’inventaire du trésor, 32. Gaborit-​Chopin quotes Bibliothèque nationale de France, n.a. fr. 21201, fols. 24r, 24v. 62. Gaborit-​Chopin, L’inventaire du trésor, 37. Gaborit-​ Chopin quotes Bibliothèque nationale de France, n.a. fr. 21201, fol. 67v. 63. Ibid., 66. Gaborit-​Chopin quotes Bibliothèque nationale de France, n.a. fr. 21201, fol. 30r. 64. Nocq, Le poinçon de Paris, 3:142. 65. Vidier, “Le trésor de la Sainte-​Chapelle” (1907), 207. 66. Richard, Une petite-​nièce de saint Louis, 246. Richard quotes Archives d’Arras, A 1003. 67. Ibid., 247. 68. Ibid., 247–48. 69. Ibid., 248. 70. Ibid., 248–49. 71. Nocq, Le poinçon de Paris, 1:37. 72. Martin, “Exceptions and Assumptions.” 73. Dahl, Trade, Trust, and Networks, 25–31. 74. Richard, Une petite-​nièce de saint Louis, 203. 75. Howell, Commerce Before Capitalism in Europe, 1–48. 76. These objects appear in the 1343 inventory of the treasury of Notre-​Dame. Fagniez, Inventaires du trésor de Notre-​Dame de Paris, 19, item 91. 77. “Ce joyeux séjour des plus agréables divertissements offre, en de très-​grandes montres pleines de trésors inestimables, toutes les espèces les plus diverses de joyaux réunis dans la maison dite les Halles des Champeaux. Là, si vous en avez le désir et les moyens, vous pourrez acheter tous les genres d’ornements que l’industrie la plus exercée, l’esprit le plus inventif se hâtent d’imaginer pour combler tous vos désirs. . . . dans quelques endroits des parties inférieures de ce marché, et pour ainsi dire sous des amas, des monceaux d’autres marchandises se trouvent des draps plus beaux les uns que les autres; dans d’autres de superbes pelisses, les unes faites de peaux de bêtes, les autres d’étoffes de soie.” Le Roux de Lincy and Tisserand, Paris et ses historiens, 51. Translation, R. Berger, In Old Paris, 11–12. 78. “Dans la partie supérieure de l’édifice, qui forme comme une rue d’une étonnante longueur, sont exposés tous les objets qui servent à parer les

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différentes parties du corps humain: pour la tête, des couronnes, des tresses, des bonnets; des peignes d’ivoire pour les cheveux, des miroirs pour se regarder, des ceintures pour les reins, des bourses pour suspendre au côté, des gants pour les mains, des colliers pour la poitrine.” Le Roux de Lincy and Tisserand, Paris et ses historiens, 51. Translation, R. Berger, In Old Paris, 11–12. 79. La dame de Beaumarchès is identified in a document of December 21, 1326, as a noblewoman who held rights to the toll at the arch in the city of Corbeil. Coüard-​Luys, Cartulaire de Saint-​Spire de Corbeil, 177. 80. Bibliothèque nationale de France, ms fr. 7855, 162.

Chapter 3

1. “Il ne porteront, ne pourront porter Or, ne pierres precieuses, ne couronnes d’Or, ne d’Argent.” Laurière, Ordonnances des roys de France, 1:541. 2. Killerby, Sumptuary Law in Italy, 25. 3. Hunt, Governance of the Consuming Passions, 18–33. 4. Ibid., 112. 5. Bynum, Jesus as Mother, 82–109. 6. Crane, Performance of Self, 6, 11–38. 7. Coulon, Lettres secrètes, cols. 180–82, letter 231. Coulon dates this letter between September 5, 1316, and May 17, 1317. 8. Appendix 1, item 73. 9. Appendix 2, after item 232. “Nona somma ab alia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 530l 13s.” 10. Silver and gold appear in other parts of her inventory as well, for example on the harnesses of her horses and woven into many of her best textiles. 11. Leber, “Le compte de l’execution,” 122–25. 12. For example, Jeanne’s first crown was “une couronne dor desmeraudes ou il y a x florons et sur chascun floron une perle, et y a x troches de perles chascune de vi perles et en chascune troche un petit rubis d’Alexandrie.” Leber, “Le compte de l’execution,” 122–23. 13. Appendix 1, item 77. 14. Clémence’s son’s effigy still has the inserts. Such glass imitations of precious stones also appear as decoration on a purse in her inventory, where they are referred to as doublez, or “doubles” (17).

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15. “Item dominae Clementiae Reginae franciae anulum unum cum uno rubino, quem donavit ei quondam Rex Carolus secundus vir eius.” Minieri-​Riccio, Genealogia di Carlo I di Angiò, 200. 16. The numerous surviving images of the Coronation of the Virgin suggest that this was probably the subject matter, not a coronation of a European queen. 17. Crane, Performance of Self, 15–20. 18. Gay and Stein, Glossaire archéologique, 2:225. 19. Lightbown, Mediaeval European Jewellery, 31. 20. Winston-​Allen, Stories of the Rose, esp. 111–26. See also Lightbown, Mediaeval European Jewellery, 342. 21. As cited by Lightbown, Mediaeval European Jewellery, 343. 22. Keane, Material Culture and Queenship, 151–59, 166–69. 23. Lightbown, Mediaeval European Jewellery, 343. 24. Appendix 1, items 10, 11, 12, 72, 73. 25. Gaborit-​Chopin, L’inventaire du trésor. Several of Clémence’s key sculptures that were also important gifts are the subjects of chapter 7. 26. Alison Stones argues persuasively that this image depicts the Comtesse de la Table de Coeuvres. Stones, “Full-​Page Miniatures of the Psalter-​Hours.” 27. “Item 1 tableau d’argent esmaillié.” ms fr. 7855, 160. 28. L’art au temps des rois maudits, 228–31. 29. An ordinance of 1260 decreed that all crucifixes had to be made in one piece so that the body would not break apart. Gay and Stein, Glossaire archéologique, 1:510. 30. Laurière, Ordonnances des roys de France, 1:542. 31. “Bourgois qui auront la valüe de deux mille livres tournois, & au-​dessus, ne pourront faire robe de plus de douze sols six derniers tournois, l’aune de Paris.” Ibid., 1:543. 32. “Item. Nul Bourgois, ne Bourgoise, ne portera vair, ne gris, ne Ermines, & se delivreront de ceux que ils ont, de Pâques prochaines en un an.” Ibid., 1:541. 33. Appendix 1, item 26. 34. “Pour 5 veluiaus adsurez, déliverez audit Toutain, pour faire une robe à nostre sire le Roy, de 4 garnemenz, que il ot le jour de son sacre, 15l pour pièce, valent 75l.” Douët-​d’Arcq, “Comte de l’argenterie de Geoffroi de Fleuri,” in Comptes de l’argenterie des rois de France, 48. 35. Leber, “Le compte de l’execution,” 157.

36. The custom of giving attendants dresses in one’s testament appears frequently in the late medieval period. 37. Minieri-​Riccio, Genealogia di Carlo I di Angiò, 204. 38. Cardon, La draperie au Moyen Âge, 196. 39. Douët-​d’Arcq, “Comte de l’argenterie de Geoffroi de Fleuri,” 18–19. “Item, pour 8 onces de cendal noir dont le coffre fu envellopé, 20s. . . . Item, pour 35 onces de cendaus indes, que l’en bati dessus des armes de France, et en furent bordez les 2 draps de Turquie dessus dis, 4s l’once, valent 7l.” Interestingly, the royal expenses for the infant Jean’s funeral were 111 pounds, while those for his father were only 59 pounds. 40. Bibliothèque nationale de France, ms fr. 7855, 164. 41. Crane, Performance of Self, 73–106. 42. In the marriage contract Clémence is listed as a guest. Archives nationales, J 411, no. 43. 43. Campbell, “Art of Gothic Ivory Carving”; Barnet, Images in Ivory, cat. nos. 54–60. 44. L’art au temps des rois maudits, 159. 45. Zupko, French Weights and Measures, 11. 46. Minieri-​Riccio, Genealogia di Carlo I di Angiò, 200: “et unam cupam de auro in qua dicta Regina bibere consueverat.” 47. Rebora, Culture of the Fork, 16. 48. Gay and Stein, Glossaire archéologique, 1:736–37. 49. Gaborit-​Chopin, L’inventaire du trésor, 17, also item 762. 50. Lightbown, Secular Goldsmiths’ Work, 30. 51. Wixom, “Saltcellar of Crystal and Gold.” 52. Lightbown, Secular Goldsmiths’ Work, 20. 53. These were sorted into lots of new bowls, other bowls, and broken bowls. Although the word étain can denote both pewter and tin, it seems likely that these bowls were tin, because they sold for so little. She had more in Corbeil (572) and in Nemours (625, 643). 54. Bauer, Klimeš, and Kopřiva, Crystals from the St. Vitus Treasury, 46–47. 55. Gaborit-​Chopin, L’inventaire du trésor, 49. 56. Lightbown, Secular Goldsmiths’ Work, 48, 72. 57. Leber, “Le compte de l’execution,” 140. 58. “Nulle Bourgeoise n’aura char.” Laurière, Ordonnances des roys de France, 1:541. 59. Quant li temps est frès comme beurre Il me fauldroit avoir un curre,

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A cheannes, bien ordonné Dedenz et dehors painturé, Couvert de drap de camocas.  . . . pour quoy ne l’araige, A quatre roncins atelé? Raynaud, Oeuvres complètes de Eustache Deschamps, 9:44, lines 1269–73, 1276–77, as transcribed in Boyer, “Mediaeval Suspended Carriages,” 360. Translation by Boyer, 360 n. 7. 60. Bibliothèque nationale de France, ms fr. 7855, 182. 61. Ibid. 62. Such small dogs appear, even eating on the table, in the January calendar page of Jean, duc de Berry (fig. 31). 63. Appendix 1, item 25.

Chapter 4

1. The classic study of this manuscript is Sandler, Peterborough Psalter. M. R. James was the first to identify the Brussels manuscript as the Psalter originating in Peterborough. James, Lists of Manuscripts, 16. Gaspar and Lyna, Les principaux manuscrits à peintures, 63–64, 173; Avril, La librairie de Charles V, 63–64. 2. The Peterborough Psalter has 141 folios. The text is written in two columns of thirty-​one lines. Folios 1r–6v include a calendar for Peterborough Abbey, followed by an explanation of the Psalms, the prayer before the Psalter, and then the Psalms in folios 14–89. The Peterborough litany and canticles follow. Various prayers appear in folios 100–105. The Psalter of the Virgin, the litany of the Virgin, and other prayers come next, followed by prayers to God-​the-​ Father, the Son, the Holy Spirit, archangels, angels, and saints in folios 122–41. 3. We do not know whether the Psalter was meant for the envoy or for the pope himself. The Psalter first appears in the Book of Walter of Whittlesey, a history of the Peterborough Abbey that ends in 1321, “a certain psalter, written in letters of gold and blue and admirably illuminated” (quoddam psalterium literis aureis et assures scriptum et mirabiliter luminatum). Friis-​Jensen and Willoughby, Peterborough Abbey, xxii and 39.

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4. Gaspar and Lyna, Les principaux manuscrits à peintures, 63–64, 173. 5. Sandler, Peterborough Psalter, 9–10. 6. Bousmanne and Van Hoorebeeck, La librairie des ducs de Bourgogne, 1:191. 7. R. Rouse and M. Rouse, Manuscripts and Their Makers, 1:209. 8. The arms of Poitiers that appear on the opening folio are those of the fifteenth-​century owners of the book. The palette, scale, level of detail, and style of the arms clearly differ from those of the other decoration on the page. 9. Lord, “Marks of Ownership in Medieval Manuscripts.” Another surviving copy of the Ovide moralisé, Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal, ms 5069, also dates to the queen’s lifetime, but there is nothing that ties the manuscript to Clémence. Lord, “Three Manuscripts of the Ovide moralisé,” 163. 10. Pichard, Bossuat, and Raynaud de Lage, Le Moyen Âge, 1093–94. 11. For a discussion of this process, see Blumenfeld-​ Kosinski, Reading Myth. See also Seznec, Survival of the Pagan Gods. 12. Morgan, “Old Testament Illustration,” 172. 13. R. Rouse and M. Rouse, Manuscripts and Their Makers, 1:208–11. 14. Ibid., 2:178–79. 15. The Rennes manuscript belonged to Christophe-​Paul de Robien, an eighteenth-​century collector and historian, and the current cover of the book bears his arms. The manuscript was seized during the French Revolution and has been in the collection of the Bibliothèque de Rennes since the beginning of the nineteenth century. Cassagnes-​Brouquet, L’image du monde, 120 n. 4. 16. Ibid., 8. 17. R. Rouse and M. Rouse, Manuscripts and Their Makers, 1:10 and 110. 18. Hamilton, Pleasure and Politics; Pichard, Bossuat, and Raynaud de Lage, Le Moyen Âge, 643. Marie de Brabant commissioned the Kalendarium regine from the astronomer Guillaume de Saint-​Cloud in 1296, and the same astronomer translated the work into French (Le calendrier) at the behest of Jeanne de Navarre, Clémence’s mother-​in-​law. 19. Folios 86v–103v, poems in honor of the Virgin, beginning in the list with “Le marriage de Nostre Dame” and finishing with “D’un cleric qui saluoit

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volentiers Nostre Dame,” are a collection of works that count as one “story” in the volume. Cassagnes-​ Brouquet, L’image du monde, 25–29. I am grateful to Petra Waffner, who is writing her dissertation at the University of Hagen, Germany, about Rennes ms 593, for sharing her observations about the manuscript with me. 20. Le Goff, “Pourquoi le xiiie siècle a-​t-​il été un siècle d’encyclopédisme?” 21. It is important to note that lists of books in the immediate possession of medieval readers were not closed sets of the manuscripts to which they had access. Medieval aristocrats regularly circulated their books, as is evident in Clémence’s inventory itself, which indicates she had a book in her library that belonged to her uncle, and it was returned upon her death. In England they also had access to wider reading libraries of the court. Stanton, “Isabelle of France and Her Manuscripts,” 227. 22. Bibliothèque nationale de France, ms fr. 7855, 159. 23. Harper, Forms and Orders of Western Liturgy, 65. 24. Ibid., 60–64. 25. In addition to the livres de chapelle at Clémence’s estate in Paris, she also had two missals at her chapel in Plessis in Normandy (724). 26. Bibliothèque nationale de France, ms fr. 7855, 163: “tres biau breviaire a l’usaige de Paris.” 27. This manuscript survives as Bibliothèque royale de Belgique 9245. R. Rouse and M. Rouse, Manuscripts and Their Makers, 1:212. 28. Pichard, Bossuat, and Raynaud de Lage, Le Moyen Âge, 1247–48. 29. Ibid. 30. Li romans de carité et miserere du Renclus de Moiliens, 1:19, stanza 34. 31. Appendix 1, item 1: “à ce que nous puissiens rendre bon compte & loïal au souverain Seigneur de l’administration qu’il nous a commise.” 32. Hamilton, “Queenship and Kinship.” 33. Bonnard, Les traductions de la Bible. 34. Mahaut d’Artois purchased from Thomas de Maubeuge a “Bible en François” for one hundred pounds. R. Rouse and M. Rouse, Manuscripts and Their Makers, 1:183; Minieri-​Riccio, Genealogia di Carlo I di Angiò, 203. 35. As a point of reference, John Wycliffe first translated the Bible into English in the second half of

the fourteenth century, much later than the French translation. 36. The text Les dix commandements appears at the beginning of the Somme le roi, so the Somme le roi was sometimes referred to under this title. It was written in 1279 by Frère Lorens, the confessor of Philippe III of France. This was a compilation of the key elements of the Christian faith, focusing on the virtues and vices. 37. Jeanne’s Psalter (Bibliothèque nationale de France, ms Lat. 10525) has an inscription identifying it as having belonged to Saint Louis and stating that Jeanne gave it to Charles V. See Holladay, “Fourteenth-​Century French Queens,” 76–79. On Blanche’s books, see Delisle, “Testament de Blanche de Navarre,” 30, and Keane, Material Culture and Queenship, 89–91. 38. By 1330 the queen’s executors had paid for the chapel and the transportation of Clémence’s heart. E. Brown, “Death and the Human Body,” 260. 39. Stirnemann, “Les bibliothèques princières,” 184. 40. Vernet, Histoire des bibliothèques françaises, 1:xiii–xiv. 41. Hamilton, “Queenship and Kinship,” 180–81. 42. Stanton, “Isabelle of France and Her Manuscripts,” 227. 43. Ibid., 227–37. 44. Ibid. 45. Holladay, “Fourteenth-​Century French Queens,” 89. Joan Holladay’s work on Jeanne d’Évreux, Clémence de Hongrie, and Mahaut d’Artois has aided me in considering these women together. 46. Ibid., 93. 47. Bibliothèque nationale de France, ms fr. 7855, 159, 162–63. 48. “Le livre du reclus et de l’office de la messe doivent estre ou lien.” Ibid., 163. 49. Ibid., 178, 180. 50. Richard, “Les livres de Mahaut.” 51. Most of the documentation on Isabelle’s library comes from the end of her life, whereas the records of Edward’s library come from different periods throughout his life, so the evidence is not entirely equivalent. Stanton, “Isabelle of France and Her Manuscripts,” 228. 52. Ibid., 227. 53. De Hamel, History of Illuminated Manuscripts, 148.

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54. Vernet, Histoire des bibliothèques françaises, 1:xiii. 55. Joan Holladay believes this period marks a sea change, when men surpassed women as the great collectors of books. Holladay, “Fourteenth-​Century French Queens,” 94. 56. Vallet de Viriville, “La bibliothèque d’Isabeau de Baviere.” I thank Anne Stanton for this observation. 57. Coleman, Public Reading and the Reading Public. 58. Minieri-​Riccio, Genealogia di Carlo I di Angiò, 204. 59. R. Rouse and M. Rouse, Manuscripts and Their Makers, 2:183; Lord, “Thomas de Maubeuge,” 2. 60. R. Rouse and M. Rouse, Manuscripts and Their Makers, 1:139.

Chapter 5

1. Christine de Pizan, Book of the Body Politic, 27. 2. Chrétien de Troyes, Erec and Enide, 75–76, lines 2358–79. 3. Kinoshita, “Almería Silk.” 4. Guillaume de Lorris and Jean de Meun, Romance of the Rose, 18–19. 5. Mauss, Gift, 1. 6. Bourdieu, Logic of Practice, 98–111. 7. Buettner, “Past Presents,” 600–604. 8. The gift is recorded in Bibliothèque nationale de France, n.a. fr. 21.446, fol. 24: “Item un image de Nostre-​Dame qui tient son enfant, assis en un jardin fait en manière de traille . . . et fu donné per la reine au Roy le premier jour de l’an 1404.” Paris 1400, 174. 9. Buettner, “Past Presents,” 607. 10. Abbot Suger on the Abbey Church of St.-Denis, 78–79. 11. Beech, “Eleanor of Aquitaine Vase.” 12. Marguerite Keane also studies the importance of provenance to medieval aristocrats in her article on Blanche de Navarre, “Most Beautiful and Next Best,” 367. 13. Buettner, “Le système des objets,” 50; Keane, Material Culture and Queenship, 61–76. 14. Underhill, “Elizabeth de Burgh,” 268. Both Jennifer Ward and Christopher Woolgar have done extensive research on fourteenth-​century English courtly households, including those of Elizabeth de Burgh, Isabelle de France, and Philippa de Hainault. Ward,

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Elizabeth de Burgh; Woolgar, Senses in Late Medieval England; Woolgar, Great Household in Late Medieval England. 15. Christopher Woolgar examines the possessions of Philippa de Hainault, an English contemporary of Clémence, and the manner in which her ornaments, and even her attendants’ clothing, amplified her magnificence. Woolgar, “Queens and Crowns,” 201–28. 16. Crane, Performance of Self, 6. 17. Boehm, “Le mécénat de Jeanne d’Évreux”; Holladay, “Education of Jeanne d’Évreux,” 601–2. Holladay argues convincingly that the tiny book of hours commissioned for Jeanne d’Évreux by her husband was to train the young queen in appropriate acts of charity modeled on those of their great progenitor Louis IX. This education would have been key in prompting Jeanne in these donations. 18. Boehm, “Jeanne d’Evreux, Queen of France,” 40. 19. These and other gifts are discussed in Boehm, “Charles IV: The Realm of Faith,” 26–27. 20. Buettner, “Le système des objets,” 52–53; Keane, Material Culture and Queenship, 61–76. 21. Bibliothèque nationale de France, n.a. fr. 7111, fol. 91. Gorochov, Le collège de Navarre, 136; E. Brown, “La mort, les testaments et les fondations,” 133. 22. Gaude-​Ferragu, “Les dernières volontés,” 35, citing Archives nationales, J 404 A, no. 23. 23. Minieri-​Riccio, Genealogia di Carlo I di Angiò, 200–206. 24. Leber, “Le compte de l’execution”; Keane, “Most Beautiful and Next Best.” 25. Weiner, Inalienable Possessions.

Chapter 6

1. The chronicler of the life of Saint Magloire writes that it seemed to him to have been a Sunday in June, but a letter from Guillaume Baufet, bishop of Paris, in the Grand cartulaire de saint Magloire, promises indulgences to those who attended the translation of the relics on July 9. “Extrait de la vie de saint Magloire,” in de Wally and Delisle, Recueil des historiens, 22:166–70; Terrione, Fossier, and Montenon, Chartes et documents. There are two

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manuscripts of this account. The one published in the Recueil des historiens is from Sorbonne ms 1282, and the other is Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal ms 300. The quotations here are from the “Extrait de la vie de saint Magloire.” 2. Jordan, Great Famine, 7–23. 3. As cited in N. Brown, History and Climate Change, 251. 4. Tempestes de venz, ce me samble, De mortalité, pestilence Et famine furent en France; Guerres, pluies si largement Qu’auques les biens communément Temporeus cel an se perdirent ............................... A Paris espéciaument; Car là entour plus cruaument Cèle grant pestilence estoit, Qui tout le païs contrestoit. “Extrait de la vie de saint Magloire,” lines 2–7 and 13–16. 5. Jordan, Great Famine, 23. According to Les grandes chroniques de France, “la comete, un signe ou ciel, fu veue ou royaume de France, decourant et denonçant le detriment du royaume.” Viard, Les grandes chroniques de France, 8:327. 6. Le cors saint Magloire osté fust De la vielle chasse de fust Et translaté en la nuevelle. “Extrait de la vie de saint Magloire,” lines 47–49. 7. Et sachiez qu’en cèle journée Le temps fu cler et gracieus (Qui mout avoit esté pluieus Grant pièce avant) . . . Ibid., lines 270–73. 8. Ibid., line 89. 9. Ceux chantèrent, si comme samble, L’Alleluya mout hautement, Et bien, et mesuréement. Ibid., lines 244–46. 10. Ceus par la grant porte en alèrent, Et la neuve chasse portèrent

Par la Grant Rue, qui parée Lors estoit et encourtiné; Puis par la rue au Hoes vindrent, Et d’ilecques leur chemin tindrent Par la rue au Conte Damartin: Ibid., lines 67–73. The procession exited Saint-​ Magloire along rue Quincampoix, rue aux Oues, and then rue Saint-​Denis. Ibid., lines 204–5. Previously, I traced this procession on a modern map of medieval Paris. When Tracy Chapman Hamilton and I found the exceptional medieval Plan de Bâle, we mapped this ritual as well as other sites of fourteenth-​century women’s patronage in Paris on it while we were fellows at the Samuel H. Kress Digital Mapping and Art History Institute. I thank Jacqueline Peña for her graphic-​design work on this map. 11. Ibid., lines 114–27. 12. Puis vint en grant humiliance La noble roïne Climence, Et puis revint à grant arroi La fame à Phelipe le roi, Laquèle est Jehanne apelée, Roïne des Frans couronnée, Et de Navarrois ensement. Après venoit dévotement Madame Blanche de Bretaigne. Avecques fu en leur compaigne La contesse aussi de l’Artois. ............................ De Dreux après vint la contesse. Ibid., lines 131–41, 151. 13. Another important event, shortly after this, also featured many of the same women. On February 18, 1319, Queen Jeanne de Bourgogne laid the first stone of the Hôpital Saint-​Jacques-​au-​Pèlerins in Paris. Jeanne’s mother (Mahaut d’Artois) and the queen’s daughters (the Duchess of Bourgogne, the Countess of Flanders, and the wife of the dauphin of Viennois), as well as bishops and abbots from important sites, were all in attendance. Bordier, La Confrérie des pèlerins de Saint Jacques, 344. Perhaps in the ritual culminating at Saint-​Magloire and in the ceremony of laying the first stone of the hospital of Saint-​Jacques, women functioned as charitable

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intermediaries representing the populace before God. 14. Puis le texte de l’Euvangile D’argent doré parmi la ville “Extrait de la vie de saint Magloire,” lines 101–2. 15. S’en fu la Grant Rue parée D’arbres, de dras encourtiné: De faire feste n’ont finé. ........................... Chascun robe ot neuve partie: Blanc et vermeil fu la partie. Ibid., lines 52–54, 65–66. 16. Cilz cors saint dont vous m’oëz dire, De trois samis estoit couvert: C’est de jaune, et d’inde, et de vert; Ibid., lines 178–80. 17. Et puis en un ardant samit L’un après l’autre touz les mit, Envelopez de bon afaire En un nuef escrin de tartaire. Ibid., lines 195–98. 18. Puis les nobles dames offrirent, E tèles offrandes i mirent: Deus dras de soie et un fermail Dorez, à pierres et esmail Offri la roïne Climence; Jehanne, roïne de France, Deuz lampes d’argent bien dorées A saint Magloire a présentées, Et un noble fermail encor; Et avec deuz riches dras d’or, Madame Blanche de Bretaingne, Un fermail d’or de riche ouvraigne Et la contesse ausine de Dreux, Un autre; ainsi offrirent eux. Ibid., lines 249–62. 19. Ibid., 251–53. 20. Monnas, Merchants, Princes, and Painters, 13, 70. 21. Monnas, “Textiles for the Coronation of Edward III,” 16. 22. Display of wealth and number of people in attendance were crucial to the success of the event.

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Brown and Regalado, “Universitas et communitas.” The details of the parade are known from several sources: an anonymous metrical chronicle in Bibliothèque nationale de France, ms fr. 146 (ca. 1317), the Livre de Fauvel, and Viard, Les grandes chroniques de France. 23. Viard, Les grandes chroniques de France, 8:288–90. Trans. Brown and Regalado, “Universitas et communitas,” 142. 24. Brown and Regalado, “Universitas et communitas,” 126. 25. The Liber quare survives in numerous copies, some dating to as early as the eleventh century. Collomb, “Écrire la performance processionnelle,” 107. 26. “Que signifie la procession? La procession est le chemin ver la patrie celeste. L’eau bénite s’avançant est la pureté de la vie. Les luminaires, œuvres de miséricorde, conformément au verset: ‘Restez en tenue de travail et gardez vos lampes allumées’ (LC 12, 35). Suit la croix, signe triumphal qui purifie.” Ibid. 27. Ibid., 108. 28. Eliade, Sacred and the Profane, 71–72. 29. Gvozdeva and Velten, Medialität der Prozession, 23–24. 30. Pettitt, “Morphology of the Parade.” 31. Lors à grant joie et à solas Espiritel, ceus le baisoient Qui là furent, et aouroient En dévocion et en lermes. “Extrait de la vie de saint Magloire,” lines 186–89. 32. Durkheim, Elementary Forms of Religious Life, 230. 33. C. Bell, Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice. 34. Phythian-​Adams, “Ceremony and the Citizen”; Hanawalt and Reyerson, City and Spectacle in Medieval Europe. 35. Kertzer, Ritual, Politics, and Power, 69. 36. Ibid., 67. 37. Terroine, Fossier, and Montenon, Chartes et documents, 2:343–44. 38. Et pour la presse de la gent Garder, là avoit maint sergent. “Extrait de la vie de saint Magloire,” lines 155–56. 39. Mahaut was acquitted October 9, 1317. Richard, Une petite-​nièce de saint Louis, 21–22, 41–42.

Notes to Pages 116–122

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40. Coulon, Lettres secrètes, cols. 180–82, letter 232. 41. Ibid., 838–42, letters 974–75. 42. Puis vint en grant humiliance La noble roïne Climence, “Extrait de la vie de saint Magloire,” lines 131–32. 43. Italics added by the author for emphasis. Coulon, Lettres secrètes, col. 180, letter 231: “curandum est tibi summopere ut pedem tuum a lapsu cohibens . . . operum ipsius hostis insidiis obvies, ejusque lares per laudabilem occupationem enerves, nedum ab omni mali specie abstinens quin etiam hiis que tuo sint placita Creatori solerter intendens, et . . . , celsitudini tue sano consilio suademus quatinus castitatem cum humilitate ac caritate perseveranter observans, te in cibo sobriam, in loquendo modestam et, . . . in cultu corporis et ornatu vestium non effusam.” 44. McNamara and Halborg, Sainted Women, 75–76. 45. Sedulius Scottus, On Christian Rulers, 169. 46. Holladay, “Education of Jeanne d’Évreux,” 601–2. 47. Mastny, “Durand of Champagne and the ‘Mirror of the Queen.’ ” Only ten copies of Durand de Champagne’s Miroir survive, and no edition has been published. Durand de Champagne drew on the twelfth-​century De consideratione by Bernard of Clairvaux and the thirteenth-​century De eruditione principum by William Peraldus, as well as the writings of other church fathers. The Miroir des dames enjoyed wide circulation among the French royalty. In the early sixteenth century Ysambert de Saint Léger revised the Miroir des dames for Marguerite de Navarre. I studied the fifteenth-​century Bibliothèque nationale de France, ms fr. 610. 48. Gilles de Rome, Le livre du gouvernement des rois et des princes, 1.2.17: “le peuple aime moult le Roy quant il est larges et depart les biens si comme il doit. . . . Et quant le roy donne et despent pour avoir vaine gloire et louenge du monde ou pour autre choses et ne donne pas pour bien ce que il donne il nest pas large ni liberal. Donc se le Roy vault etre large et liberal il doit aider aux bons et faire bien a ceulx qui en sont dignes pour bien et non pour la vaine gloire du monde.” Bibliothèque nationale de France, ms français 1202. 49. Ibid.: “nous dirons de une vertu grant qui est en faire grans despens convenablement en grans euvres

que lon appelle selon latin magnificence cest adire vertu de grant force et de grand euvre.” 50. Crane, Performance of Self, 3. 51. “Celle année et celle devant fu moult grant chierté de blé et de vin en France, que le sextier de fourmant fu vendu au pris de lx sols parisis. Mais ainsi comme par miracle, la chierté cessa soudainement, si que le sextier revint à xiii sols.” Viard, Les grandes chroniques de France, 8:341.

Chapter 7

1. Appadurai, Social Life of Things, 5. 2. Rogadeo, “Il tesoro della regia chiesa,” 420–21: “577. Item Ymago una de argento longitudinis palmi fere minus cum dimidio ipsarum . . . [lacuna] corona una in capite ad modum mulieris Regine ornata de nochis et alijs lapidibus, missa per Reginam Francie, ponderis librarum sex et unciarum novem.” The entry in the inventory has a lacuna, suggesting either that the sculpture included a crown or possibly that, in addition to the silver sculpture, Clémence sent a crown with gems. A separate entry for the chalice and paten appears in the inventory as well. Ibid., 322: “34. Item calix unus magnus de argento deauratus, cum patena una de argento deaurata in cuius pomo et pede sunt ymalti duodecim ad arma quondam domini Loysii Regis Francie cum ymaginibus et in patena ex parte inferiori est Agnus Dei et ex parte superiori sunt arma quondam domini Regis Francie, ponderis librarum duarum et unciarum undecim cum dimidia.” I am grateful to Matthew J. Clear for calling my attention to these entries in the inventory of Saint Nicholas of Bari. 3. Rogadeo, “Il tesoro della regia chiesa,” 320–22. 4. “Item une ceinture a pelles que li donna la Royne d’Angleterre.” Bibliothèque nationale de France, ms fr. 7855, 160. 5. Ibid., 167: “la plus bel doré a test de liepart pour envoyer au Roy d’Ermenie.” Another example of international giving between men occurred when Philippe de Valois in 1331 gave King Edward III of England relics, which Edward shared with his mother, Isabelle, and others. The gifts are recorded for October 15, 1331. Lyte, Calendar of the Patent

Notes to Pages 122–128

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Rolls . . . : Edward III, 2:190. I am grateful to Anne Stanton for this reference. 6. Bousmanne and Van Hoorebeeck, La librairie des ducs de Bourgogne, 1:190. 7. Appendix 1, item 10. 8. Marguerite Keane finds that Blanche de Navarre often chose gifts because the giver knew that the object would resonate with and have special meaning for the recipient. Keane, Material Culture and Queenship, 180. 9. Frinta, “Closing Tabernacle,” 104. 10. Pujmanova, “Robert of Anjou’s Unknown Tabernacle in Brno.” 11. In the codicil of March 20, 1396, Blanche said, “nous voulons et ordonnons que à nostre dit neveu il demeure, et desormais ensuivament à ses successeurs, senz estre aucunement estrange, et les requerons que ilz le facent tousjours garder comme precieux et noble jouel venu de noz anccesseurs, et qu’il ne parte point de la lignie.” Delisle, “Testament de Blanche de Navarre,” 29, item 196; Buettner, “Le système des objets,” 51; Keane, Material Culture and Queenship, 86. 12. Fennell, “Unpacking the Gift,” 89–93 and 98–99. 13. Bibliothèque nationale de France, ms fr. 7855, 164: “1 couteau a manche de fust et de fer qui fu saint Loys si comme l’en dit.” Ibid., 176: “Item la coupe d’or saint Loys ou l’en ne boit point.” 14. This was the cup that the goldsmith Jean de Lille repaired in 1353. Gaborit-​Chopin, L’inventaire du trésor, 37. Gaborit-​Chopin quotes Bibliothèque nationale de France, n.a. fr. 21201, fol. 67v. 15. Bibliothèque nationale de France, ms fr. 7855, 177. 16. Appendix 1, item 12. 17. De Bourchenu, Histoire de Dauphiné, 1:159. 18. Although I have not seen evidence that Clémence ever went to Hungary, she may have practiced charity there. Camillo Minieri-​Riccio wrote without reference that Clémence had an orphanage built in Buda. Minieri-​Riccio, Genealogia di Carlo I di Angiò, 40. 19. Gaborit-​Chopin, “Reliquary of Elizabeth of Hungary,” 349–50. 20. The piece described in the inventory was probably not the reliquary shrine of Elizabeth of Hungary, since the description mentions coats of arms, which do not appear on the extant piece.

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21. The price of the similar shrine in Clémence’s inventory (114) was fifty-​seven pounds, which would not have been prohibitively expensive for a successful goldsmith to shoulder. Analysis of the finances of Simon de Lille, for example, indicates that he was a wealthy landowner on retainer for the king. Records show that Simon produced objects for members of the aristocracy for which he was paid up to three thousand pounds. M. Rouse and R. Rouse, “Goldsmith and the Peacocks,” 284–86. 22. Pocquet du Haut-​Jussé, Les papes et les ducs de Bretagne, 229–30. Cornouaille is in Brittany. 23. Appendix 1, item 11. 24. Humbert was the second son of Clémence’s sister, Béatrice. He spent much of his youth at the court of Robert d’Anjou, and it was evidently a shock to him when in 1333 his older brother was killed in battle and he was required to rule the Dauphiné. Clearly what he longed for was a well-​funded existence without responsibility. Eventually, in 1343, he sold the Dauphiné to Philippe de Valois. Cox, Green Count of Savoy, 25–30. 25. Clémence’s book the Vies de saints, which may have been the Golden Legend, written in the thirteenth century by Jacobus de Voragine, included a detailed story of the lives and martyrdom of these women. Jacobus de Voragine, Golden Legend, 256–60. 26. Holladay, “Relics, Reliquaries, and Religious Women,” 67, 89–94. 27. Ibid., 86. 28. Ibid., 78–80. 29. Richard, Une petite-​nièce de saint Louis, 247: “Item, pour ii chiez des xim virges garniz d’argent, dis et sept livres et deux souls.” Richard cites the archives of Arras, A 406. 30. The inventory of goods owned by Isabelle was made in 1358 and included the relic. National Archives, London, E 101/393/4, fol. 10r: “Unum capud xim virginum cum uno circulo auri cum pluribus petris”— it then passed to her son, Edward III, “liberatur domino regi per secundum indenturam thesaurarii sine precio.” I am grateful to Christopher Woolgar for this reference. 31. In comparison, reliquaries of the virgins do not appear in the 1363 inventory of the dauphin who became King Charles V. Gaborit-​Chopin, L’inventaire du trésor.

Notes to Pages 129–135

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32. Appendix 1, item 73. 33. Nocq, Le poinçon de Paris, 3:256. 34. Torriti, “Busto reliquiario di sant’Orsola.” I appreciate Joan Holladay for calling this reliquary to my attention. 35. Kohl, “Icons of Chastity.” 36. Huffelmann, Clemenza von Ungarn, 60–61. 37. Appendix 1, item 72. 38. L’art au temps des rois maudits, 225. 39. The miter was added after the original creation of this sculpture of Saint Blaise. 40. Gaborit-​Chopin, “Le bras-​reliquaire de saint Luc,” 5–10. 41. There is much literature about the manner in which medieval dynasties established their legitimacy through the cult of saintly ancestors. For example, Kelly, New Solomon, 96–104; Klaniczay, Holy Rulers and Blessed Princesses; Boehm, “Charles IV: The Realm of Faith.” 42. Buettner, “Le système des objets,” 52–53. Buettner remarks that Blanche de Navarre used a similar

approach, strategically placing behavior manuals that had belonged to early fourteenth-​century rulers into the hands of Louis d’Orléans and Isabeau de Bavière. 43. Exceptions are the textiles she offered at Saint-​ Magloire and the dresses she gave her ladies-​in-​ waiting upon her death.

Conclusion

1. Appendix 1, item 1. 2. We began this project in GIS, have used Neatline, and have since moved to Carto while experimenting with the best platform for the larger project. 3. See http://​alpage​.huma​-num​.fr​/en/. 4. Keane, Material Culture and Queenship, 204. 5. Salet, “Remarques sur le vocabulaire ancien de la tapisserie.”

Notes to Pages 135–142

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Index

Page numbers in italics refer to illustrations. Advocacie Notre Dame, 95–96, 100 agency, 9–10, 32, 106 Aix-​en-​Provence, 22, 28, 36, 55, 98, 123 church of Notre-​Dame-​de-​Nazareth, 22, 98, 123 angels, 49, 132 Angevin dynasty, 98, 137, 139 animals, 45, 63, 78, 81, 188, n. 62. See also dogs, baboons, dolphins, falcons, hens, lions, parrots, roosters, stags Annunciation, 10, 63–64, 67, 89–91, 134 appraisals, 6, 8, 33–35, 40, 57, 67, 132 books, 83, 91, 102 clothing, 33 joyaux, 47–49 textiles, 70 Arabic and pseudo-​Arabic, 37 armor, 68, 132 artists, 16, 44, 46–49 auctions, 6, 33–35, 185, n. 10 baboons, 73, 78 balas rubies, 36, 40 Bar, 44 Bardi bankers, 19, 36, 122–23 Bari, 126, 128, 139 basilica of Saint Nicolas, 126 barils, 75, 76 Béatrice, dauphine of Viennois, 9, 44, 129 Béatrice de Provence, queen of Naples and Jerusalem, 14, 63 beds and bedding, 37, 44, 78 Beguines, 135 behavior, 17, 54, 104, 124–25 behavior manuals, 10, 12, 54, 97, 104, 124–25 belts, 51, 109, 128 Belun, Laude, 49–50 bibles, 67, 96–97, 99, 101–2 Blanche de Castile, queen of France, 41–42, 97–98 Blanche de Navarre, queen of France, 6, 9 bequests of books, 98, 131

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bequests of objects, 46, 64, 111 collector, 46 patronage of, 10 testament of, 6, 9–10, 46, 64, 98 body, 11–12, 17, 53–55, 58, 135 books. See manuscripts books of hours, 47, 64, 95, 99, 101 boxes, 39, 78, 113, 116 breviaries, 95–96, 99, 101 buyers, 34–35, 50–52 cabochons, 60, 116 cameos, 44, 46, 63 candlesticks, 76 capital, 36 Carobert, king of Hungary, 14, 132, carriages, 51, 77–78 castle of love, 39, 70, 83, 85 catharsis, 121 chalices, 48, 64, 66, 128, 132 chaplets, 58, 70 charity, 12, 111, 123–24 chasubles, 50, 70, 95, 105 Charles I d’Anjou, count of Anjou, king of Naples and Jerusalem, 14, 16, 24, 25, 98 Charles II d’Anjou, king of Naples and Jerusalem, 14, 16, 25, 61, 97–98, 128 Charles IV, emperor of Bohemia, receiving relics, 110 Charles IV, king of France, 8, 22, 28, 59, 101 Charles V, king of France, 8, 35, 80–81, 100, 110 inventory of, 8, 44, 64, 71, 77, 81 Charles VI, king of France, 107 Charles de Valois, 14 Charles Martel d’Anjou, titular king of Hungary, 14, 137 chasing, 137 châsse, 30–31, 109 Châsse of Saint Romain, 31 chopines, 75 Chrétien de Troyes, 12, 105 Christine de Pizan, 12, 104–5 Christus, Petrus, painter, 40 circulation of objects, 32, 35–38, 111, 131–32, 141

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class, 11, 34, 51–52, 54, 66, 71, 125 Clémence de Hongrie, queen of France clothing of, 66–69 coats of arms of, 23 confessor of, 134. See Jacques de Corvo domains of, 17, 19–21 effigy of, 3–4 gift giving of, 112–25, 126–40 inventory of, 6–9, 32–37, 53–79 jewels of, 58–64 liturgical pieces of, 66 manuscripts of, 80–103 objects of, 55–58, 64–66, 71–77 paintings of, 77 personal grooming of, 69–70 status of, 2, 6, 12–13, 68–70, 123, 134 testament of, 23, 28, 51, 55, 96, 137 textiles of, 70–71 clothing, 18, 33, 54, 58, 66–69 coats of arms, 23, 36, 41–44, 98, 130 cohesion, social, 121–22, 125 collateral, 36 collections, 7–9, 35, 44–46, 58, 78–79 collectors and collecting, 44, 46, 100–101, 137 Colmar treasure, 60–61 color, 61, 66–68, 89, 108, 116 combs, 39, 51, 69 commodities, 50, 123 community, 54, 120–21, 139 comparanda, 8 coral, 40–41, 64 Corbeil, 20, 22, 30–31, 37, 66, 77, 102 coronation, 17, 63, 119, 187, n. 16 crops, 18, 112 crosses, 49, 64, 66, 116 crowns, 8, 23–24, 58–59, 132, 134, 185, n. 58 crystal, 40, 69, 73, 75–76, 108–9, 137–38 currencies, 184, n. 6 Cyprus, 40 damoiselles. See ladies-​in-​waiting Dante, 16 David and Goliath, 81–82 dealers, 6, 32, 44, 49–52, 92 debt, 9, 16, 19, 33, 36, 123 De la Penthère, 95

212

depression, 18 De regimine principum. See Gouvernement des rois et des princes devotion, private, 64, 125, 129 diasper cloth, 119 didactic literature, 10, 96. See also behavior manuals digital humanities, 141–42 dining, 58, 71–76 discounts, 33 disease, 18, 112, 121 Dix commandements de la loy, 97, 189 n. 36. See Somme le roi dogs, 4, 48, 70, 78 dolphins, 44, 78 doomsday, 113 dress, 18, 23–24, 51, 59, 67–69. See also clothing Durand de Champagne, 10, 124 eclipse, 92–93 écuelles, 74, 75 education, 14, 54, 99, 129 Edward II, king of England, 9, 23, 100, 120 Edward III, king of England, 99, 119 effigies, 2, 3–4, 24–28, 59, 61, 128. See also tombs Eleanor of Aquitaine Vase, 108, 109 Elizabeth de Burgh, 108 Elizabeth of Hungary, queen of Hungary, 24, 48, 126, 128, 132–34. See also Reliquary shrine of Elizabeth of Hungary enamels, 46, 63, 107, 116–17, 132, 135 basse-​taille, 63, 132 cloisonné, 116 en ronde bosse, 107 Enfans Ogier, 96–97 Enguerrand de Marigny, 183 n. 19 Erec and Enide, 12, 105 etiquette, 12, 104. See also behavior manuals Ewer with a noix d’Inde, 40 exchange, cross-​cultural, 37, 129, 134, 140 exoticism, 37–41, 105, 108, 116, 119 extinction, social, 2, 123 falcons and falconry, 70, 78 family, 2, 10, 14, 28–31, 129, 131 famine, 113, 121, 125 fantasy, 45

Index

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farms, 20, 37 Fauvel Master, 67, 80, 83, 88–91, 96 Félix d’Auxerre, goldsmith, 47, 49 fermaux, 41, 46–48, 60, 61–63, 116, 117 fleurons, 2, 23–24, 59, 81, 87 fleurs-​de-​lys, 23–24, 59, 109, 130 forks, 71, 75 Fortunatus, Venantius, 124 gemstones, 35, 45, 54, 59, 61. See also emeralds, rubies, and sapphires gender, 9, 64, 68, 100, 128, 131, 181, n. 17 generosity, 11–12, 104–6, 111, 119, 124–25 Geoffrey of Crowland, abbot of Peterborough, 81 gift giving, 24, 104–11, 112–25, 126–40. See also generosity Gilles de Rome, 10, 125 Giotto di Bondone, 16, 37 gold, 33, 36, 53–54, 71 Goldene Rössl, 107 Goldsmith in His Shop, 42 goldsmiths, 33, 46–49, 55. See also Félix d’Auxerre, Jean de Lille, Jean de Montpellier, Jean de Touyl, Jean Pascon, Pierre de Besançon, Simon de Lille gravity, 92–94 Gui de Castres, 29 Guillaume le Flament, 50 Halles des Champeaux, 51 hanaps, 33, 36, 40, 71–74 heart, 24, 26, 28 heirlooms, 98, 129, 131 hens, 76 hierophany, 120 history, 12, 24, 28, 46, 83, 97–100 horses, 33, 52, 57–58, 77–78, 101 Humbert, dauphin of Viennois, 10, 33, 134, 194, n. 24 humility, 123–25 identity, 105, 112, 123 manuscripts and, 95–96, 98 objects and, 53–55, 58–66, 70–71 illness, mental, 18, 107 import, 32, 38–39, 117 income, 6, 17–18, 20, 36–37, 123 India, 37–38, 40

indulgences, 18, 122, 190 n. 1 ingenuity, 107 interception, 121 intermediaries, 126, 139, 141 inventories, 6–7 analysis of, 6, 55–58 making of, 7–8, 32–35 comparison of, 35–36 Irmingard, 124 Isabeau de Bavière, queen of France, 101, 107 Isabelle de France, queen of England 23, 44, 99, 100, 120, 128 Islamic cultures, 38 ivory, 38–39, 46, 51, 64, 69–70, 78 Jacques de Corvo, bishop of Cornouaille, 134 Jacques d’Euse, 14, 182 n. 5. See John XXII Jean, duc de Berry, 34–35, 44, 71–72, 100 Jean I, 26, 28 Jean de Billouart, 34, 184, n. 5 Jean de Lille, goldsmith, 47–48, 194, n. 14 Jean de Montpellier, goldsmith, 135 Jean de Touyl, goldsmith, 47–48, 132–33 Jean le Bon, king of France, 5, 35, 48 Jeanne de Bourgogne, queen of France, 33, 76, 78, 111, 116, 134–37 Jeanne de Navarre, queen of France, 2, 53, 92, 97, 99, 111, 124 Jeanne II de Navarre, queen of Navarre, 16, 19 Jeanne d’Évreux, queen of France, 23 gift giving of, 109, 111 manuscripts of, 47, 80, 96–99, 102 purchases of, 33, 63–64, 70 taste of, 46, 77–78 testament of, 33, 47, 99, 111 Jewish almanac, 91–94 Joan of Arc, 68 John XXII (pope), 14, 18, 22, 139, 182 n. 5. counsel, 13–24 Peterborough Psalter and, 80–83, 128–29, 139 support of Clémence, 18 joyaux, 8, 49, 71, 132, 141 Juno, goddess, 87 keeping-​while-​giving, 111, 130–31, 139 Knights Templar, 16, 19, 20

Index

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213

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ladies-​in-​waiting, 9, 67–68, 108 lamps, 116 land, 5–6, 17, 20–21, 36–37 land dispute, 18, 98 langue de serpent, 40, 41 largesse. See generosity law books, 98 Legouais, Chrétien, 84 Lent, 50, 70 libraries, 12, 58, 80, 94–101, 102, 125 L’image du monde, 93–94 lions, 26, 49, 71, 73, 76, 78 livery, 104, 108 Livre du gouvernement des rois et des princes, 10, 95–97, 102, 125 livres de chapelle, 94–96, 102 lots, 6, 33, 49–50, 57, 68, 74 Louis IX, saint, king of France, 14, 98, 100, 128, 131–32, 135, 137 Louis X, king of France, 16, 80, 99, 113, 128, 131–32 death of, 16 effigy of, 27–28, 59 inventory of, 35, 131 library of, 80, 99 marriage of, 1–2, 16–17 madre wood, 73, 74 magnificence, 12, 108, 117, 125 Mahaut d’Artois, countess of Artois and Bourgogne, 5 manuscripts of, 10, 80, 96–97, 99–100 conflict with, 18, 122 patronage of, 28, 44, 47–49, 135 ritual participation of, 116 Marco Polo, 40, 99 markets, 32, 34, 49, 51, 131, 141 marriages, 23, 47, 98, 134–35, 141 Clémence de Hongrie’s, 16–17, 31, 46, 182 n. 12 negotiation of, 14 politically advantageous, 5, 111, 131 manuscripts, 12, 58, 80–103, 111 mapping, 7, 13, 38–44, 142 Marguerite d’Anjou, 14 Marguerite de Nantueil, 68, 101 Marie de Brabant, queen of France, 92, 135 Marie de Hongrie, queen of Naples and Jerusalem, 14, 16, 22, 40, 63, 137 manuscripts of, 97

214

objects of, 40, 111, 129, 131 raising children, 1, 14 testament of, 61, 67 Martini, Simone, painter, 16, 117–18, 137 materials, origins of, 11, 37–41 Matthew Paris, 20 memory, 31, 44, 46, 128, 131 menu vair, 67–68, 101 merchants, 34, 38, 49–50, 108 mercy, 12, 120, 124 metalwork, 8, 33, 57–58, 101, 137, 139 Miroir des dames, 10, 124, 193 n. 47. See Speculum dominarum mirrors, 39, 51, 69–70, 83 missals, 95, 99 modesty, 18, 55 money, 10, 12, 50, 131, 141 monograms, 84 Myanmar, 38, 40 Naples, 14, 16, 24, 36, 55 cathedral of Naples, 16 church of Santa Chiara, 16 church of Santa Marie Donna Regina, 16 nefs, 71–73 Neelle, Pierre, 50 noix d’Inde, 40 object trajectories, 7, 11, 126–27, 129 Opus Anglicanum, 40 The “Orient,” 37, 106 “oriental” pearls, 37, 40, 47 Ovide moralisé, 24, 67, 83–91, 97, 101 ownership, 6, 11, 51, 76, 108, 131 pagan mythology, 86 paintings, 29–30, 77, 110, 117, 130, 184, n. 55 Parade of the Parisians, 119–20 parades, 119–22 Paris, 39, 113, 142 burial, 2–4, 28–29 church of the Jacobins, 23–24, 28, 96 church of Saint-​Magloire, 112–13, 116 church of Saint-​Sépulcre, 23 goldsmiths in 47–49 Hôpital Saint-​Jacques-​au-​Pèlerins, 109, 191, n. 13 markets in, 34, 51

Index

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patronage in, 24, 98, 109, 139 procession in, 112–25 Sainte-​Chapelle, 48 Pascon, Jean, goldsmith, 47, 49 patens, 48, 64, 66, 128, 139 paternosters, 8, 40, 58, 63–64, 111 patronage, 10, 16, 29, 84, 108, 141 pawn, 12, 37, 108, 122 payments, 22, 33 pearls, 37–38, 40–41, 47, 58, 63, 69 pendants, 63 performance of identity, 11–12, 54–55 perrerie, 137 Persia, 40 Peterborough Psalter, 23, 46, 80–85, 102, 126–29 illuminations in, 82, 84–85 Petrarch, Francesco, 16–17, 23 Philippe IV, king of France, 16, 19, 53, 77, 119–20, 125 Philippe V, king of France, 18–20, 48, 55, 66–67 Philippe VI de Valois, king of France, 8, 10, 14, 23, 46–47, 59 purchases of, 33, 81 statue of Saint Louis de Toulouse, 46, 137–39 crown of, 59 piercé, 60 Pierre de Besançon, goldsmith, 47–49 Pierre des Essars, 34, 50, 102, 184, n. 5 plate, 8, 46, 71 portepais, 66 possessions, inalienable, 131 pregnancy, 18, 23 prices, 6, 33–36, 45, 57, 66–67, 95, 101–2 processions, 20, 112–16, 119–25. See also ritual provenance, 44, 46, 105, 108, 131, 139 Psalter-​Hours of Yolande de Soissons, 64, 65 Psalters, 64, 95, 98–99, 101–2. See also Peterborough Psalter Pucelle, Jean, illuminator, 47 purification, 113, 120 purses, 17, 44, 46, 51 quality, 33, 40, 47–48, 66, 87–91, 116 quarrez, 60 quartes, 75 queens dowagers, 18, 55, 112, 123, 129 patronage of, 10, 16, 23, 92, 141 power of, 2, 5, 104, 123

rain, 18, 112–13 reading, group, 101 reciprocity, 10, 106, 111 Recluse of Molliens, 95–96, 100 recycling, 38, 58 regency, 18 Reign of Louis X, 114 relics and reliquaries, 8, 37, 46, 49, 64, 109–10 Reliquary arm of Saint Louis de Toulouse, 137, 139 Reliquary head of one of the Eleven Thousand Virgins, 136 Reliquary shrine of Elizabeth of Hungary, 24, 48, 126, 132–34 Saint John the Baptist, 132 Saint Magloire, 112 Saint Martin, 47–48 Saint Spire, 30 Saint Ursula and the Eleven Thousand Virgins, 134–37 True Cross, 8, 64, 110 Virgin Mary, 109 repetition, 68, 89, 108, 125 repoussé, 132, 137 Richard de Verdun, 102 rings, 59–61, 60 rituals, 11, 106, 112–23, 125 Robert III d’Artois, 10, 18, 102, 122–23 Robert d’Anjou, king of Naples and Jerusalem, 14, 23, 117–18, 129–30, 137 robes, 66–68. See also clothes rock crystal. See crystal Roman de la Rose, 95–96, 100, 105 roosters, 63, 76–77, 81 roumans, 83, 94–96, 102 rubies, 36–37, 40, 58, 61, 126 Rudolphe de Habsbourg, king of Germany, 61 saddles, 44, 51, 77–78 Saint Denis, 45, 109 abbey, 5, 24, 29, 45, 59, 109 chapel of Saint Louis at the abbey of Saint-​Denis, 29 Saint Louis de Toulouse Crowning Robert d’Anjou, 118 Saints Blaise, 137–38 John, 49, 63–64, 66, 132 John the Baptist, 9, 64, 126, 130, 132 Louis de Toulouse, 117–18, 130, 132; sculpture of, 46, 64, 78, 137

Index

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215

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Saints (cont’d) Martin, 47–48 Radegund, 124 Spire, 20, 22, 30–31 Stephen, 64 Ursula and the Eleven Thousand Virgins, 64, 134–37 sales, 6, 23, 32–36, 46, 49–50, 55 saltcellars, 76, 78, 71, 73 Sancia de Majorque, queen of Naples and Jerusalem, 14, 16, 22, 129, 131, 137 sapphires, 8, 40, 46–47, 63–64 science, 80, 92–94 Sculpture of Saint Blaise as a bishop, 138 sculptures, 9–10, 28, 64, 76–77, 129, 137 seals, 23, 24, 35, 67 Sedulius Scottus, 124 service books. See livres de chapelle shopping, 40, 42 malls, 51 shrines, 8, 48, 64, 126, 129, 130–34 silk, 37, 50, 54, 67–70, 105, 116–19 silver, 11, 33, 36, 53–54, 58, 71 silver-​gilt, 30, 36, 44, 49, 71, 74 Simon de Lille, goldsmith, 8, 47-48, 59, 132, 194, n. 21 social lives of things, 10, 126 social networks, 11, 126, 132, 140–41 solidarity, 121–22, 125 Somme le roi, 189 n. 36. See also Dix commandements de la loy souvenirs, 44. See also heirlooms Speculum dominarum, 10. See also Miroir des dames spoons, 49, 71, 75 stags, 46, 71, 73, 77–78, 81 statues. See sculptures status, 13, 18, 33, 54, 79, 112, 123, 134. See also Clémence de Hongrie, status of Suger, abbot of Saint-​Denis, 45–46, 108 sumptuary legislation, 11, 53–54, 56, 58, 66–67, 77 surcoats, 28, 66–67, 83

216

surrogates, 122, 139 Swahili traders, 39 systems of exchange, 11, 32, 39, 41, 44, 50–52 tableaux, 39, 64, 77 tailor, 67 tapestries, 8, 29, 50, 70–71 tartaire cloth, 39, 116–17 the Temple, 19–20, 66, 75 testaments, 9, 23, 32, 35, 46. See also wills; Blanche de Navarre, testament of; Clémence de Hongrie, testament of; Jeanne d’Évreux, testament of textiles, 8, 37, 39–40, 50, 70, 105, 111 Thomas de Maubeuge Master, 24, 92–94 tiraz, 37 tombs, 2–4, 24–29, 59, 128, 137. See also effigies trade, 34, 49, 108. See also merchants Translation of the Head of Saint Martin, 48 Travel altar of Robert d’Anjou, 130 Très riches heures of Jean, duc de Berry, 72 tribute, 50, 104 Trojan War, 97, 99 Unicorn Tapestries, 71 value, 8, 33–36, 47, 55–58 velour, 44, 67 Vie de saints, 95–96, 101 washerwomen, 9, 11, 52, 68 weddings, 17, 47. See also marriages weights, 8, 33, 35, 50, 52 widows and widowhood, 2, 5, 31, 64, 109, 112 wills, 6, 23, 32–33, 36, 101, 111, 129. See also testaments wit, 107 witchcraft, 122 Wurmser, Nicholas, painter, 110

Index

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Typeset by click! Publishing Services Printed and bound by Regent Publishing Services Composed in Minion Pro Printed on Neo Matt Bound in JHT

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