Medicine and madness: a social history of insanity in New South Wales, 1880-1940 9780868403069

Citation preview

MEDICINE AND MADNESS A Social History of Insanity in New South Wales

1880-1940 |

THE MODERN HISTORY SERIES | This series is published in conjunction with the School of History at the University

of NewSouth Wales. Whilesome of the planned titles will haveabroad readership, others will appeal toa limited audience and be published in aword processor format.

_ Suitable manuscripts for the series may be submitted to the Modern History Series Editorial Committee c/o School of History

University of New South Wales |

Box 1, P.O. Kensington. N.S.W. 2033.

1. LETTERS FROM IRISH AUSTRALIA 1825-1929 7 by Patrick O’Farrell 1984 rrp. $23.95

2. DIVORCE IN 19th CENTURY NEW SOUTH WALES by Hilary Golder 1985 rrp. $19.95

3. BEYOND BELIEF: Theosophy in Australia 1879-1939

by Jill Roe 1986 rrp. $19.95 ,

4. THE FENIANS IN AUSTRALIA: 1865-1880

by Keith Amos 1987 cased rr.p. $29.95, paperback $19.95 |

5. MEDICINE AND MADNESS: The Social History of Insanity in New South

Wales 1880-1940 by Stephen Garton 1988 cased rrp. $29.95, paperback $19.95

Forthcoming | ! POLICING IN AUSTRALIA edited by Mark Finnane THE MAKING OF THE LABOR PARTY IN NEW SOUTH WALES:

1880-1900 by Ray Markey ! Printed in Australia by Renwick Pride Pty. Ltd.

~~ MEDICINE

AND

MADNESS: © A SOCIAL HISTORY OF INSANITY IN NEW SOUTH WALES,

1880-1940

STEPHEN GARTON

WE

Published by ,

NEW SOUTH WALES UNIVERSITY PRESS PO Box 1 Kensington NSW Australia 2033 Telephone (02) 697 3403 © Stephen Garton 1988 This book is copyright. Apart from any fair dealing

for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or , review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced by any process without

written permission from the publisher. ,

National Library of Australia , Cataloguing-in-Publication entry: | : Garton, Stephen. Medicine and madness Bibliography. Includes index.

ISBN 0 86840 3067. _ 1. Mental illness - New South Wales - History. 2. Mental illness - New South Wales - Social aspects - History. 3. Mental illness - New South Wales - Treatment - History. I. Title.

362.2’042’09944 | Printed in Australia by Renwick Pride Pry. Ltd. . |

Acknowledgements a | a | re Abbreviations oe | oe vii

List of tables| oe | Viti | |Introduction , ee Part 1: The Doctors — -DO _ 10 1. Early Developments | crn 2. Cautious Optimism ee) 3. The Growing PainsYears : a : 47 4. Melancholy 75 Part 2: The Patients 97

5. The Vulnerable Population | 98 6. Men and Madness «114

, 7. Women and Madness | , 137 8. The Mental Hospitals , 161 Conclusion | | 187

Bibliography 191 Index , 205

aa

This work began as a Ph. D. thesis in the School of History at the University of New South Wales. It was submitted in 1984. In the course of the research I received help from a number of authorities who kindly granted me permission to examine restricted archival records. Special thanks are due to Dr. P. Shea, Acting Adviser on Mental Health in 1979, Health Commission of New South Wales, and Mr B.D. McCartney, Protective Chief Clerk, Supreme Court of New South Wales, Protective Division, who granted me access to records under their authority. Dr Beazley, Assistant Medical Superintendent of Rozelle Hospital in 1979, allowed me access to Callan Park Hospital records and kindly showed me round the old hospital. Others provided help. In particular Don McDonald offered some initial advice and allowed me access to the Frederick Norton Manning Papers in the National Library of Australia. Ann Mitchell and Barry Andrews kindly pointed me in the direction of sources I might not otherwise have examined. The staff of a number of libraries and record offices were most helpful. In particular John Cross, Dawn Troy, Chris Yates and all the staff at the Archives Office of

_ New South Wales provided friendly and efficient responses to my innumerable requests. Baiba Berzins and the staff of the Mitchell Library also deserve special thanks. Others who assisted include the staff at the University of Sydney Medical Library, and the National Library of Australia Manuscripts Room. The Archives Authority of New

South Wales kindly granted me permission to quote from restricted material in their | possession. Lori Wright, Pauline Williamson, Madelene Wisher and Erica Maddock typed drafts of this work with patience and care. The Griffith University School of Humanities Research Sub-Committee provided a grant for the typing of the manuscript.

Iam greatly indebted to David Walker, who has guided this work from the begin- | ning. His wit, encouragement and criticism have proven invaluable. Judith Allen, Ian Davey, Mark Finnane, Beverley Kingston, Allan Martin, Heather Radi and Tom Stannage have provided many helpful comments and criticisms at various stages; but responsibility for the shortcomings of the work rests on my shoulders alone. Lesley and Gloria Garton have provided encouragement. Marie Wilkinson provided a convivial space to write. My greatest debt is to Lyn Garton and Pat White who, for many | years now, have supported my faltering efforts to learn some Australian history.

aan ne AMCT Australasian Medical Congress Transactions

AMG Australasian Medical Gazette : AM] Australian Medical Journal

AONSW Archives Office of New South Wales | IG Inspector-General of the Insane (from 1918 Inspector-General of Men-

tal Hospitals) IMCT Inter-colonial Medical Congress Transactions IMJA Inter-colonial Medical Journal of Australasia JRAHS Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society

MIA Medical Journal of Australia : MLMSS Mitchell Library Manuscripts |

NLMSS National Library of Australia Manuscripts NSWLAVEP New South Wales Legislative Assembly Votes and Proceedings | NSWLCVGP New South Wales Legislative Council Votes and Proceedings

NSWPD New South Wales Parliamentary Debates | | NSWPP New South Wales Parliamentary Papers , | NSWSR New South Wales Statistical Register

SMH Sydney Morning Herald

a

ane

LIST OF TABLES

Table 2.1 Admissions to mental hospitals 1880-1891 33

Table 3.1 Police apprehensions for lunacy 1890-1919 48

Table 4.1 Admissions to Broughton Hall 1922-1939 88 Table 5.1 Percentage of admissions/age 1880-1889 102 Table6.1 = ~—sIncidence of symptoms: Male patients 117

Table 7.1 Incidence of symptoms: Female patients 138

Table 8.1 Seclusion and restraint: Callan Park and Gladesville 171

Table 8.2 Fatal and non-fatal accidents 178

Table 8.3 Suicides — 180 Table 8.4 Escapes | 180

To Lyn and Pat

BLANK PAGE

anne O nnn OOOO intellects. : FN Manning 1868! (Asylums should be) hospitals for the treatment of diseased

: _ brains, and not cemeteries for the burial of disordered

| Victor C 1925? oe Refusal to work ts considered a sign of lunacy but work ts

notasignofcure. . . Alienists find signs oflunacy anywhere.

| n 1880Wales the typical lunatic New | ii7sammadl was a man. By in 1940 the South typical patient was a woman. This simple shift of gender was an indicator of a significant transformation in the system of treatment for the mentally ill and the place of that system within a set of broader social relations. The men admitted to lunatic asylums in 1880 were usually single, rural, itinerant labourers, first apprehended by police after creating a public disturbance. The women patients of 1940 were most often suicidally depressed domestic servants or housewives, living in a Sydney suburb.

Changes in the nature of the patient population were accompanied by an increase in the number of patients. In 1880 323 persons in every 100 000 of the general population were treated in a mental hospital; by 1940 the number receiving treatment in mental hospitals had risen to 499 persons in every 100 000 of the general population. In 1940 there were also patients in private hospitals and clinics, in outpatient clinics and the wards of general hospitals, along with others who sought help from ‘Macquarie Street’ specialists, patient populations unknown in 1880. The patient population in 1880 was small and confined to large institutions — a lunatic fringe. By 1940 the patient population was significantly larger and treated in a diverse array of institutions.

New patients and more patients were not the only significant changes in this period. There was also a shift in the language of madness. Between 1880 and 1940 — lunacy became mental illness, lunatic asylums became mental hospitals, and alienists became psychiatrists. New words signified wider changes in the perception of mental illness and the policies implemented for its treatment. Most importantly they indicated

| the increasing medicalisation of the field of mental illness; a development accom-

2 Introduction

. profession. : ,

_ panied by the emergence of a group of mental disease experts — the psychiatric

These developments are the focus of this study. What was the nature of these changes? Why did they happen? What was the social and political context in which these changes developed? In attempting to answer these questions a central argument 7

is proposed: Patient populations are constructed by particular social contexts and | ‘specific social policies. It is through the examination of these issues that we can come

to-some understanding of why patient populations have particular characteristics,

and characteristics that change over time. a - oe _ °°. There aretwo sides to this argument. First, it is necessary to examine the develop-

ment of social policies about mental illness. What wasthe legal positionofthementally .

iil? What.procedures existed to govern their treatment? Who was responsible-for. isiptemeriting these policies? Who-defined the nature of mental illness? Who decided = wildttreatmerits were to be provided for patients? These questions form the core of. > shetirtpartof.this study. They are linked-to the growth-of the psychiatric profession -° in) New South Walesand its increasing influence over the formulation ofsocial policies fgpthe-mentally ill. Secondly, it is important to study theveffects of these policies; = Wich social groups were the most vulnerable to being considered mentally ill?What ~~ were’the social: contexts of this vulnerability? What. behaviours were defined as ill? : What was the social experience of patients after. admission to. treatment facilities? _ _ These questions are the basis for the second part of this study. Through this division the themes of policy and professionalisation are linked with those of the social context

of committal and the social experience of treatment. | ~The connections between policy and social effect are central to the development of a social history of insanity. It is a connection largely ignored by the majority of _ British, European, American and Australian writers concerned with the history of insanity. Their works have concentrated on the history of medical ideas and lunacy reform. Their focus is the significant transformations in the treatment of mental illness since the eighteenth century. Two broad traditions exist within this historiography: the progressivist and the social control traditions. The progressivist tradition traces the evolution of ideas about madness. The majority of works in this tradition examine the role of healers in particular societies and detail the complex range of ideas about madness that have existed since ancient times. This linear evolution culminates in modern psychiatry. These historians uncritically assume that modern theories of mental illness are correct and thus construct 4 narrative that traces the passage from ignorance and superstition to science. It is a tale of important discoveries and great medical men, one that obscures the social context in which ideas are produced and excludes theories, popular in their

time, which are not part of the lineage of modern medical science. | , A variant of this tradition focuses on a crucial period in the history of lunacy reform, the years from 1750 to 1850 in Britain, Europe and North America. In this period a significant group of reformers challenged traditional assumptions about madness. They argued that madness was a moral problem and that lunatics were

Introduction , 3 capable of reform. These new ‘humanist’ attitudes influenced the struggle for improved conditions within institutions, the creation of new asylums geared to the moral reform of inmates and the development of laws governing the committal of lunatics to institutions. This period of reform is characterised as the passage from ‘barbarism’ to enlightened humanism and is seen as the foundation for modern treatments for the mentally ill.* Sometimes this passage is far from easy or consistent. Reforms were undermined by institutional inertia and government neglect, but this was the basis for renewed reform efforts and gradual improvements in conditions for

the mentally ill. In this tradition, however, the ‘beneficent’ social impact of lunacy | reform is assumed, not investigated.

The social control tradition focuses on problems common to the progressivist. | -. The analysis of the lunacy reform movement in Britain and North America in the late :

eighteenth and nineteenth centuries is the central concern of both traditions; but > where:the progressivists have described a triumph of humanistic medicine, thesociak control historians have argued that psychiatry is one arm of an increasingly active _» -bourgebdis.state concernéd with regulating social relations and'‘repressing working- => ' _ class resistance for the maintenance of a capitalist social order. The industrial revolution and accompanying social upheavals created a crisis in the social order which

necessitated new forms of control: notably professional police forces, prisons, | reformatories and lunatic asylums.° Once these forms of control were established the , state utilised them in accordance with the demands of the labour market. In times of high unemployment, when the prospect of working-class unrest was greatest, rates

ment declined.’ | |

of policing and admission to institutions of control rose, and they fell when unemploy-

Anumber of questions arise in considering the social control tradition. If lunatic

, asylums are just one part of a wider response to threats to the social order what is it that differentiates the lunatic asylum from other forms of social control? In other words if the aim is control why did institutions as different as the prison, thealmshouse, the lunatic asylum and the hospital emerge? The answer from social control historians has been professionalisation. Doctors in the early nineteenth century began to argue

that madness was a physical problem requiring medical intervention. Doctors struggled for the recognition of their expertise and the exclusion of alternative beliefs and forms of treatment. By 1850 doctors had largely succeeded in achieving legit-imacy as mental disease experts. Thereafter they sought to extend the influence of the asylum system and broaden the concept of mental illness to encompass a range of ‘deviant’ behaviours.°

The social control theory is a compelling and increasingly influential historiographical tradition. It links medical ideas, legal reforms and new institutions with wider social, political and economic contexts. Nonetheless, in recent years questions have been raised about the analytic utility of social control concepts.? The issue of control is more often assumed than investigated, and once this assumption is made almost any action or reform is then an instance of a more elaborate control mechanism. If this is the case then control is not a concept with great powers of discrimination.

4 Introduction It affords little opportunity to investigate points of conflict within the state, resistance

- to control, or simple problems such as inefficiency and reluctance on the part of agents of the state to implement their full powers. Nor can it account for the diverse motives of different reformers. Recent studies of psychiatry and insanity have begun to suggest that these are relevant questions for historical investigation." Social control theory is a form of libertarianism. By placing control at the centre of analysis it implicitly assumes that social systems can operate without forms of control. This is a highly questionable assumption; all societies have laws, regulations and rituals which organise social life and control challenges to the established order. The central question is more properly the changing forms of regulation and control, not control itself. Similarly many social control theorists assume that control is a result of elaborate labelling systems. Problems such as crime, madness and delinquency are implicitly fictions manipulated to maintain social order. These assumptions obscure the problem of classification. Diverse and disturbed social behaviours do occur; the problem for historians is the process of classification — how do some behaviours become categorised as madness, and do these categories change? Social control theorists ignore the reality of disturbed behaviour and thus struggle to explain the legitimacy of some forms of state intervention amongst local populations; the working classes sometimes sought state action to protect the local order from public

and familial disruption. |

Other questions remain unanswered. Social control theory has usually failed to investigate the social impact of institutions. More often it is assumed that the working classes were the object of control; but which sections of the working class? Are there differences in the social groups controlled by the prison and those controlled by the lunatic asylum? In neglecting these questions social control theory has ignored the problem of gender, a shortcoming now admitted by some proponents of social control

theory." ,

An alternative to social control explanations is the work of controversial French historian and philosopher, Michel Foucault. One of Foucault’s major concerns was to trace the formation of modern scientific knowledges, in particular criminology,

_ psychiatry and sexology, which emerged in the nineteenth century. In doing so Foucault sought to explore how these knowledges were organised and how they were inextricably linked with specific social institutions. For instance the science of psychiatry was dependent on the establishment of lunatic asylums for its existence. It was only after the confinement of a population deemed insane that medicine was capable of classifying, describing and analysing the specific characteristics of an ‘insane’ _ population. New medical knowledges in turn effected the development of future com-

mittal and treatment policies. In Foucault’s scheme power and knowledge are integrally linked and mutually dependent. But this is not the power of state and class, as in social control theory, rather it is the micro-politics of moral behaviours, bodily capacities and human attributes. !” These formulations have been the object of considerable criticism. Historians have argued that his analyses are impressionistic and not properly grounded in tra-

Introduction > ditional historical methodology'’, a charge that is true but which misses the point of Foucault’s enterprise. Marxist and socialist historians have argued that Foucault fails to connect his analyses with wider structures of social power such as the state, capital accumulation and class struggle’. It is arguable, however, that this is a strength not a weakness. For Foucault capitalism provides the ‘conditions of possibility’ for the emergence of particular institutions and knowledge relations but it cannot explain why specific knowledges develop particular characteristics, how these change, nor how certain knowledges have demonstrable ‘truth’ effects. Knowledges have histories

, that cannot be reduced to the logic of capital accumulation. Nonetheless, what Foucault ignores is the social population caught within the knowledge/power relation. More specifically gender is a silence in his schemas of ‘truth’. | Historians of insanity in Australia have not had to grapple with the transition froma ‘classical’ conception of madness to a modern medical system. The foundation. of Australia was an event contemporaneous with the rise of the western lunacy reform movement which ushered in the lunatic asylum system. With fewexceptions histories of insanity in Australia have primarily focused on the efforts to differentiate the mental

hospital system from the convict system, the development of lunacy law and the | emergence of the psychiatric profession'®. They are useful but narrowly based legal, administrative and medical histories that adopt ‘progressive’ assumptions about the © course of lunacy reform. The social context for these reforms is neglected, and the question of social effect is not investigated. In recent years, with the growing importance of social history within the disci- _ pline, a number of studies have examined questions previously ignored within the

dominant historiographical traditions. The central concerns of these studies have been the social characteristics of those deemed insane and the types of behaviour that influenced doctors, families or police to institute committal proceedings: These his-

torians have pioneered the use of new sources, such as hospital case papers and admission registers, demonstrating the richness of these sources for an examination © of the social texture of insanity. Three works in this field are particularly significant: MacDonald’s excellent study of the characteristics of seventeenth-century lunatics in

Bethlem Hospital,!’ Finnane’s analysis of the social context of committal in nineteenth-century Ireland’* and Fox’s examination of the social patterns of incarceration in early-twentieth-century California.” Each of these works focuses on a central problem in the social history of insanity.

| An alternative focus is that offered by Jill Matthews in Good and Mad Women.” Matthews uses the case histories of women admitted to mental hospitals in South Australia. Her primary object, however, is to use these histories in a wider project concerned with the ‘construction of femininity in twentieth-century Australia’. In the process she raises important issues relevant to understanding the significance of gender in its historical context, but her focus is primarily ‘femininity’ not ‘insanity’. The central concern of this work is the social context of committal and treatment

and the construction of a patient population. It focuses on the years from 1880 to 1940 as a period of significant transformation in the mental health care system. It

6 Introduction | was a period in which the modern mental hospital system emerged. In this context it is not a history of psychiatric professionalisation, a history of a particular institution, , an administrative history of insanity, nor a systematic history of ideas about insanity. It does, however, deal with many of these themes where they help to illuminate the

social history of insanity. |

The main sources used for this study are the records of the Lunacy Department and individual mental hospitals held in the Archives Office of New South Wales. They provide a rich source for the examination of the aims of psychiatrists in the employ of the Lunacy Department and essential information on the processes of committal, patient behaviour, social characteristics of the patient population and the treatments provided for patients after admission. These files are a major source of information about the day-to-day operation of the department and the attempts by the department

to extend the influence of psychiatry within the government service. However, the bulk of correspondence in the years before 1920 has been destroyed. Similarly files continue only to 1939, as correspondence after this date has yet to be transferred to the Archives Authority. Information on these issues can be supplemented by /nspector-

General Annual Reports, but many important themes can only be traced for the interwar years. Hospital records consist of admission registers, case papers, medical journals and medical case books. Admission registers provide essential information on the age,

conjugal condition, place of birth, residence, occupation, mode of admission and diagnosis of each patient admitted. Case papers provide similar information but, in addition, contain the certificates from doctors describing the behaviour thought indicative of insanity and any comments by relatives. The case papers provide insights _ into prevailing perceptions about insanity and the reasons that led families and doc-

tors to recommend committal. :

Medical journals and case books record the experience of the patients after committal. Case books are the daily record of each patient’s activities, and comments on their behaviour made by medical and nursing staff. They indicate common criteria used by staff in deciding whether to discharge a patient. Medical journals kept by hospitals record the daily use of restraint and seclusion in each hospital.

| These hospital records are generally comprehensive for the period 1880 to 1939 but are available for only three hospitals, Callan Park, Gladesville and Parramatta. The vast extent of these records has necessitated random sampling. This involved the random selection of a quarter of the patients admitted to each hospital every third year, giving a total sample of 3,178 patients in the period 1880 to 1939. This allowed for cross tabulation of variables such as age, religion, place of birth and occupation. Nonetheless, the three hospitals whose records are available were hospitals for acute patients. The Archives Authority is still processing records for other hospitals, such as Rydalmere, used for chronic patients. Once these become available, individual hospi-

_ tal case studies and examination of the chronic hospitals will considerably extend the range of information available for historical investigation. Another major source are letters from patients, of which over 2000 are still

| Introduction / ~ extant. These provide a rare means of examining the response of patients to their

situation: both the event that led up to their committal and experiences after admission. It is likely that the perceptions of patients differed from those of doctors and relatives. The use of such evidence presents some problems for interpretation, and they need to be used with caution because it is difficult to verify the opinions of patients. However, two factors need to be borne in mind. Firstly, in the light of other evidence complaints from patients about such matters as ill-treatment cannot always be dismissed as the product of delusion. Secondly, patients able to write letters were the least afflicted by overt mental debilities. Although a select group they were able to articulate perceptions of family and hospital life from the perspective of the patient. Increasingly historians are turning to such evidence as a means of examining the social experience of committal and incarceration. What was the patient’s world view? It is not the purpose of this study to give priority to one set of perceptions over another. Rather, the aim is to see both sides of the story.and thus register that the process of

incarceration was often, at heart, a clash of perceptions. — The other central body of material relevant to this study is medical theory and the growth of the psychiatric profession in Australia. The major sources for these issues are the medical journals published here, notably the Australasian Medical Gazette,

and later the Medical Journal of Australia, which provide a comprehensive coverage of the period under study. In addition papers presented to professional conferences are important supplements to journal literature. Although these journals represent the opinions of psychiatrists throughout Australia, it is in this wider Australian context that New South Wales doctors developed their ideas. The aim here has been to examine the larger Australian context rather than merely selecting the opinions of New South

Wales psychiatrists. | These sources relate to the history of a select institutional population. In providing a basis for the investigation of the social context of committal they also touch upon wider issues of interest in Australian social history. In examining the growth of the psychiatric profession this study focuses on issues such as state intervention in

| social life, policing, social policy and the gradual secularisation of social thought. In addition examination of the patient population involves such themes as poverty, vagabondage, family violence, drunkenness, old age, sexuality and the family. Psychiatric patients were involved in a variety of social relations, and reports of their experiences

tell us much about these. | -

Since 1940 the Australian mental health care system has expanded even further. Psychiatric patients are now the single largest category of public hospital patient, and the consumption of tranquillisers and related mental health drugs has reached significant, if not alarming, levels. In this context serious questions have been raised about our current methods of dealing with the mentally ill. The 1983 Richmond Inquiry in New South Wales recommended major reforms to existing policies. It seems an appropriate time to investigate the beginnings of the modern mental hospital system and

the origin of our contemporary mental health care dilemma. | i }

8 | Introduction Notes 1. FN Manning Report on Lunatic Asylums Sydney 1868 p115 , 2. Victor C to Rev L 22 March 1925 IG Correspondence AONSW 12/3436 3. For example W Bromberg From Shaman to Psychotherapist Chicago 1975, G Zilboorg and G W Henry A History of Medical Psychology New York 1941, F Alexander and S Selesnick 7he History of Psychiatry New York 1966 4. See A Deutsch 7he Mentally Ill in America New York 1965, R Hunter and I MacAlpine Psychiatry for the Poor London 1974, R Caplan Psychiatry and the Community in Nineteenth-Century America New York 1969, C T Andrews

The Dark Awakening Truro 1978 |

5. Examples of these more complex analyses of the rise of psychiatry include K Jones A History of the Mental Health Services London 1972, G Grob The State and the Mentally IliChapel Hill 1966, N Dain Concepts of Insanity in the United

States 1789-1865 New Jersey 1964, and V Skultans Madness and Morals

London 1975 ,

6. For example K Doerner Madman and the Bourgeoisie London 1981, - D Rothman 7he Discovery of the Asylum Boston 1971, and D Ingleby ‘Mental Health and Social Order’ in S Cohen and A Scull (eds) Social Control and the State Oxford 1983 pp 141-8

7. MH Brenner Mental Illness and the Economy Cambridge 1973 8. A Scull Museums of Madness London 1979 9. G Stedman Jones ‘Class Expression versus Social Control? A Critique of recent trends in the history of leisure’ History Workshop No 4 1977 pp 163-70, D Adlam and N Rose ‘The Politics of Psychiatry’ Politics and Power No 4 1981

pp 165-202 |

10. DJ Mellett 7he Prerogative of Asylumdom New York 1982, and J Saunders ‘Magistrates and Madmen: Segregating the Criminally Insane in Late Nineteeth-

Century Warwickshire’ in V. Bailey (ed) Policing and Punishment in Nineteenth-Century Britain London 1981 pp 217-241 11. S Cohen and A Scull ‘Introduction: Social Control in History and Sociology’ in

Cohen and Scull (eds) Social Control and the State p 11 ; 12. M Foucault Madness and Civilization New York 1971, Discipline and Punish New York 1977, and C Gordon (ed) Michel Foucault: Power/Knowledge New York 1980. Histories of insanity which utilise Foucauldian concepts include , M Donnelly Managing the Mind London 1983 andP Hirstand P Woolley Social Relations and Human Attributes London 1982 pp. 164-196 13. L Stone ‘Madness’ New York Review of Books 16 December 1983 pp 28-30,and A Megill ‘Foucault, Structuralism and the Ends of History’ Journal of Modern

History Vol 51 1979 pp 477-480 | a

14. N Poulantzas State, Power, Socialism London 1978 pp 66-99 15. The exceptions are R Evans ‘Charitable Institutions of the Queensland Govern-

Introduction 9 ment to 1919’ unpublished MA University of Queensland 1969, and M Finnane ‘The Management of the Insane in 19th century New South Wales 1868-1879’

unpublished BA Hons University of NSW 1973 16. SeeJ Bostock The Dawn of Australian Psychiatry Glebe 1968, C Brothers Early Victorian Pyschiatry 1835-1905 Melbourne 1961, CJ Cummins 7heAdministration of Lunacy and Idiocy in New South Wales 1788-1855 Sydney 1967, D I McDonald ‘Gladesville Hospital: The Formative Years, 1838-1850’ /RAHS Vol 51 December 1965 pp 273-295 17. M MacDonald Mystical Bedlam Cambridge 1982 18. M Finnane /nsanity and the Insane in Post-Famine Ireland London 1981 and more recently ‘Asylums, Families and the state’ History Workshop No 20 1985 19. R Fox So Far Disordered in Mind Berkeley 1978

20. J Matthews Good and Mad Women Sydney 1984 |

RR ee ee eRee eS See eeeeeee es SS SO SENGacoatearpadameatct oR eeRESeONCaeRe sobre SR eg a eas nd ee eater eae ease senctprina eee as gar mnasancieasntne angina

a i... | ......}.}.}.}—| See —r——“‘C SRR eects occ m cacatpere mince ace tanner tie SUN ecg ec SER ec aeee heres ae Bian Oa RO A

Skee see eco aRRNE —rrt—“‘i‘O_—s—r——sws—~