Mechanization takes command: a contribution to anonymous history 3484zh00p

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MECHANIZATION TAKES COMMAND

MECHANIZATION

TAKES COMMAND a contribution to anonymous history

OXFORD UNIVERSITY Press

“COPYRIGHT 1948 by Oxford University Press, Inc.

All rights reserved, including the right to reproduce this book or portions thereof in any form.

Third Printing, 1970 Printed in the United States of America

FOREWORD In Space, Time and Architecture (1941) I attempted to show the split that exists in our period between thought and feeling. I am trying now to go a step further: to show how this break came about, by investigating one important aspect of our life — mechanization. At the origin of the inquiry stood the desire,te understand the effects of mechanization upon the human being; to discern how far mechanization corresponds

with and to what extent it contradicts the unalterable laws of human nature. The question of the limits of mechanization is bound to arise at any moment, as the human aspect, which is fundamental, cannot be disregarded.

The coming period has to remstate basic human values. It must be a time of reorganization in the broadest sense, a time that must find its way to universalism. The coming period must bring order to our minds, our production, our

feeling, our economic and social development. It has to bridge the gap that, since the onset of mechanization, has split our modes of thinking from our modes of feeling.

My first intention was to outline briefly the effects of mechanization, basing the study on specialized research in the particular fields with which we have to deal. I soon realized that this was impossible. Over vast stretches no research was available. I was unable to find any account of such revolutionary events as the development of the production line or the introduction of mechanical comfort and its tools in our intimate environment. I had, therefore, to go back to the sources, as I could not hope to understand the effects of mechanization without

knowing, in outline at least, its evolution. | The process leading up to the present role of mechanization can nowhere be observed better than in the United States, where the new methods of production were first applied, and where mechanization is inextricably woven into the pattern

of thought and customs. , oi

| But an amazing historical blindness has prevented the preservation of important historical documents, of models, manufacturer’s records, catalogues, advertising leaflets, and so on. Public opinion in general judges inventions and production exclusively from the point of view of their commercial success. To

y

forward.’ |

excuse this attitude the standard answer is: ‘We never look backward. We look This means the discarding of time, both past and future. Only the present day

matters. Later periods will not understand these acts of destruction, this murder of history.

One cannot blame the industrialist who dumped into the river apparently worthless documents. Nor, perhaps, can one blame the Patent Office for ridding itself (in 1926) of the original patent models. The historians who did not succeed in awakening a feeling for the continuity of history are to blame. The precious remnants of bygone periods would never have been collected or taken care of if several generations of historians had not shown us their significance.

The attitude described above had some direct consequences for the research underlying this book. Work for which a considerable staff should have been employed had to be done almost singlehanded. This led unavoidably to incompleteness, yet it had the advantage that, from the outset, the selection of the material was done by one individual. Mechanization Takes Command will serve perhaps more to reveal existing gaps than to fill them. The gaps will show, we hope, how badly research is needed into the anonymous history of our period, tracing our mode of life as affected by mechanization — its

impact on our dwellings, our food, our furniture. Research is needed into the links existing between industrial methods and methods used outside industry — in art, in visualization.

This is an exacting task for which special training is needed. It is a matter

of sifting the historically important from the less important. It demands a power of discrimination, even of vision — a hard task for which carefully prepared scholars are needed. Nothing of the kind is earnestly provided for in the curricula of present-day universities. Chairs of anonymous history ought to be

created, with the task not only of showing how facts and figures are to be gathered, but of showing their impact on culture and their meaning for us.

_ The first condition, of course, and the most difficult one to fulfil, is that the people in general should understand how their work and their invention — whether they know it or not — are continually shaping and reshaping the patterns of life. Once historical consciousness is awakened, self-respect will awaken too, a self-respect that inspires every true culture. This renewed awareness will find means of preserving the key sources to American history.

vi

I mentioned the primitive conditions under which this book had to be done, as an apology for its apparent incompleteness. I wish, however, to express my deep gratitude for all the personal help I received from many sides, and I wish to mention particularly the historian Herbert C. Kellar, Director of the McCormick Historical Society, Chicago; of industrialists like C. F. Frantz, President of the Apex Electrical Mfg. Co., Cleveland; of Mr. A. W. Robertson, Chairman of the Board of the Westinghouse Electric Corporation, Pittsburgh; of Mr. William Kitner, of the General Electric Mfg. Co.; and of many others mentioned in the text.

I am deeply indebted to Mr. Martin James who, with never tiring care, prepared the English version in collaboration with the author, and to Miss Lotte Labus for her constant help and the editing of the index, which will prove a valu-

able help in interrelating facts and notions. Mr. Herbert Bayer and Mrs. Elisabeth Wolff assisted me with the layout.

Research and manuscript, with the exception of the conclusion, which my friend Mr. J. M. Richards of London kindly corrected, were finished during my second stay in the United States, from December 1941 to December 1945. Last but not least, I had the precious advice of my dear friend, the late L. MoholyNagy. Special tribute is due to the Oxford University Press and its staff, who achieved the production of this book, which proved harder than we had foreseen. To facilitate the reading, special care was taken in the choice and the layout

of illustrations. Captions are provided in such a way as to convey the broad outline independently of and simultaneously with the text.

ZuricH, DOLDERTAL S. GIEDION November 1947

Vil

BLANK PAGE

CONTENTS

ES rr f | Part I

ANONYMOUS HISTORY

ANONYMOUS HISTORY . . .... 1. ee ew ww ww ww tt et lw 2

PROCEDURE ... . 2. 2 2 6 1 we ew ew ew we ew kw we le lw lel ele eC

Toward a Typological Approach . . . 1. 1. 6. 6 © © © © we we ew we lw le le ele COO

Part II

SPRINGS OF MECHANIZATION MOVEMENT

Movement: The Classical and Medieval Attitude . . . . 2. 2. 2. 2 « © © © «© @) 14 The Fourteenth Century, First to Represent Movement . . . . . 2. 2. © © «© «© «= 16

The Nineteenth Century and the Capturing of Movement . .. . .. . .... QW

Organic Movement in Graphic Form, c. 1860 . 2. . 6. 6 6 6 ee we ee le we we: CU@T

Movement Investigated a 7: | | Visualization of Movement in Space, c. 880 . . . 2. 2. 2 © © 6 we ee ew ele CI

THE CREED OF PROGRESS ...... 6.02. 2+ © © © © © © © © © «© ~~ 30

ASPECTS OF MECHANIZATION . . 2. 1. 1 1 6 ee ew ew we we we he le le le le CO

Invention and the Miraculous . . . . . 1 6 6 8 ee ee ew le ew we CBD

The Miraculous and the Utilitarian . . 2. 2. 1. 1 1 1 ee ew ew ee ew ee Cle CeO The Mechanizing of Production. . 2. 2. 0. 6 6 8 8 8 6 eo eo ew ee lw lw ee COT The Simple and the Complicated Craft . . . . . « «© «© « «© «© © «© «© © « «. 38 The Gothic Roots of the Highly Developed Craft. . . . «© «© © © «© «© «© «© « « 39

Profile of the Decades . . 1. 1 6 ww ew ew ww ee ww wt lw we lw le lw we 4D

The Sixties . 2. 6. 6 ew ww ew ww ew wt et el le lw lw AO The Time of Full Mechanization, 1918-39 . 2. 2. 2. «© 2 © © © © © © © © «© «© 4d

Part Il MEANS OF MECHANIZATION

THE HAND... .. 2. 1 1 ew we ew we ew ee we ww wl lw lw ew 4G STANDARDIZATION AND INTERCHANGEABILITY . . . 2. 2. 2. © © - «© ©) AT

MECHANIZATION OF A COMPLICATED CRAFT ..........-.~. Sl The Craft of the Locksmith . . 2. 2. 1. 06. 6 6 6 ee ee te ee we ee ee) CO From Handicraft to Mechanical Production . . . . 2 + 2 © © «© © © «© © © «© 92 The Early Stage: The Safe and Burglar-Proof Bank Locks — The Refinement of the Bank Lock— Linus Yale’s Bank Locks— Linus Yale’s Invention — Linus Yale’s Constructions

ix

Archetypes . 2. 2. 2 6 © © © © © © © © © © © © © © ew ew ew lw ltl lw lel wl ee! CUM The Wooden-Key Type . . 2. «© «© «© «© © «© © © © «© © © © © © © ew ew ew ew) TB The Wooden-Key Type in Pennsylvania . . 2. 2. 2. « 6 5 @ © @ © ew we ew lw he) (6

THE ASSEMBLY LINE AND SCIENTIFIC MANAGEMENT. ........ #77

The Continuous Production Line in the Eighteenth Century . ......... = Oliver Evans . 2. . © © 2 6 © © © © © © te ew ew ew we lt le le lw lw lw lw we!) CD

The Beginnings of the Assembly Line. . 2. 2. 1. 1 6 ee ew eee ee ew we 86 1804 — 1833 — 1839 — The Sixties — 1869

The Appearance of Scientific Management . . . . . 2. 2 2 «© © «© © © «© «© «© «© 96

Around 1900 . 2. 2. 6 6 ww ww ee ke ew ee ee tw lw lw 8G The Factory asan Organism . . . 1. 6 6 6 6 © 6 © ee wt ew le le le lee OY

Space-Time Studies in Scientific Management . . . . . « + «© «© «© « «© « « 100 Scientific Management and Contemporary Art . . . . . « «© «© «© «© « « « « « Ol The Precise Recording of Movement, c.1912 . . . . 2. «6 © «© «© «© «© « © « « 102 Movement in Successive Phases, c. 1912 . . . . 2. 2 2 « © ew ew ww ew lw lw lw 106 Movement in [ts Own Right, c. 1920 . 2. 1. 1 ew ee ew ww ee we ww ew «(107 Forerunners, Successors? . . .« .« « « «© « «© «© © © «© © © © © © «© « «© « « J14 Charles Babbage . . . «© «© «© «© © © © «© © © © © © © © © © © « « «© « 44 Charles Bedaux . . . «© 2. 6 6 6 © © © ee we lw lw lt lw lt lw lw lt lw le le «Cd

The Assembly Line in the Twentieth Century ....... . 26 « «© « « « « LS

913-14 © ww ww ee ee ww ee CD The Automatic Assembly Line, c. 1920 . . 2. 1 6 we eee ee ew le lw le Ce CB The Human Aspect of the Assembly Line . . . . «© «© 56 «© © © © © © © © © 12)

Part IV MECHANIZATION ENCOUNTERS THE ORGANIC MECHANIZATION AND THE SOIL: AGRICULTURE

The Farmer in Structural Change . . . . 2. . 1 2 6 © @© © © © © © © © © © «6130

The Rediscovery of Nature in the Eighteenth Century. . . . . . . . -. « « «© « 134

Natural Science. . 2. « . « «© © «© © © © © © © © © © © «© © © © © «© « 134

The Soil 2. 6 6 6 ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee we 15

Agriculture, Man’s Native Calling . . . . «© 6 6 © © © © © ee ew ew ew ew le «(136

The New Husbandry . . . 2. «6 6 6 © © ee ew we ew ew ww we: «1B

The Middle West and Mechanized Agriculture . . . 2. 2. 2. © «© © «© «© «© «© « «© SFA

The Prairie . . . 1. 2 6 © «© © © © ee ww le lw le ltl lw lw lw lll ew «C4

Time and the Social Moment . . 2. «© «© «© «© © © © © © © © © 6 © © «© « 143 The Carriers of Mechanization . . . 2. 2. 2 2 6 6 © © ee ew ew ew ew ew le lw ew «C4 The Reshaping of Toolsin America . . . »© «© «© «© «© © «© © © © © «© «© « « 146 Reaping Mechanized . . . . «© «© 2 2 © © © © © © © e we ew we ew ew ew he le «(N49

Agriculture in Full Mechanization. . . . . «6 2 « © «© © © «© © © © «© « « © 162 The Tractor . . 2. «© «© «© «© © © © © © © © we ew ee ww ew ww we hw le «(162 Combined Processes . . . «© «© © © 6 © © © © © © © © © © © © © «© « « 163 The Homestead and the Factory Farm . . « « 2 «© «© © «© © «© © «© © «© « « 164

The Human Implications . . . 6 6 6 1 ee we ww we ee ww ww tw «167 MECHANIZATION AND ORGANIC SUBSTANCE: BREAD

The Mechanization of Kneading . . . . . 2. 6+ © © © «© © «© © © © «© « « 169

The Mechanization of Baking . . . 1. «6 6 6 6 ee ee ee we we ww eh «CTD The Baker’s Oven in the Handicraft Age. . « . «© + «© © © © © © © « «© « IT The Influence of Technology: The Indirectly Heated Quen . «© - - «© © «© «© « «© IT

The Oven and the Endless Belt . . «© 6 6 6 6 © © 6 e © ee oe ee ww we we 1

x

The Mechanization of Bread Making. . . . . . 1. 2 «© © © © © © © © «© «© « 19

Bread and Gas . . . 6 6 ee ew we ee ll lt el le lt le lw lt le le Ce) «BO

The Human Aspect: Bread under Mechanization . . . . . 2. 2. 2. 6 © © e ee (187 Flour in Mass Production . . . «© «© «© «6 «© © © © © © © © © © «© © « «© « 188

Full Mechanization: Bread on the Production Line . . . . .« «© « «© » «© «© « IJ91 The Changed Nature of Mechanized Bread. . . «© «© «© «6 6 «© © © «© © «© «© « 196 Mechanization Alters Public Taste. . . . «© «© 1 «© «© «© «© © «© «© © «© © « « 200

Sylvester Graham (1794-1851) and the Devaluation of Bread . . . ... . . + 201 MECHANIZATION AND DEATH: MEAT

Centralization and Handicraft . . 2. 2. 1. 1. 1 6 6 ee ew we ew ew we «209 Paris, the Slaughterhouse of La Villette (1863-7) . . . 2. «© 2. 2. © © 2 © « « © 209 La Villette and Union Stock Yards (1864) . . 2. 2. «© © 6 2 we ee ee eh eC SCOT The Mechanizing of Meat Production in America . . . . 2. 2. 6 «© «© «© « « « « 213

The Beginnings of Mechanization: Cincinnati (1830-60) . . . . . . . . . - «214

Mechanization Extended: Chicago (1860-85) . . . 2. 2 2 2 6 eo ew ew ew ee 218

Packers and the Packing Industry . . . 2. 2. 2. 1 6 1 ee ee ew ew ee 22D Single Operations in Mechanized Meat Production . . . . . .« « «© « «© «© © «© 228

Mechanization and Organic Substance . . . «© 6 6 6 8 ee ee ew ww ee 229

The Mechanization of Death . . 2. 6. 6 6 ew wee ee ee we ee ww 2D

MECHANIZATION AND GROWTH ..... . 2. ee we ee ew ew ee we 246

Seed. 2. 6 6 6 eee ee ee ew ww DAT

The Egg . 2. 2. 1 ww ew we we ee ew ee ew ww ew ew 2G Mechanical Fertilization . . 2. 2. 2. «© 6 © «© © © © © © © © © © © © «© «© © ZL

Part V MECHANIZATION ENCOUNTERS HUMAN SURROUNDINGS MEDIEVAL COMFORT

The Middle Ages and Mechanization . . . . 6. 6 © © © © © © © © © © © 2 6 298 The Changing Conception of Comfort . . . 2. 2. 2. © «© © © © © © © © © «© « 260

Posture in the Middle Ages . . . . 2. 6. 2 6 ee ew ew ew we ew ew ew ww = 262 High Court of France, 1458 — Carnival ina Dutch Kitchen, c. 1475 — Upper Rhenish Interior, c. 1450 — Swiss Schoolroom, 1516 — A King’s Board, c. 1460

The Chair Makes Its Appearance, c. 1490 . 2. 2. 1. 6 6 ee ew ew ww ew ew 268 The Nomadic Furniture of the Middle Ages . . . 2. 2. 2. 2 6 6 6 e © oe we ew ew 270

The Chest as Universal Furniture . . 2... 1. 6 ee ee ee et ew ww ww QS The Drawer . 2. 2. 2. 2 6 6 6 6 ew ew we ww ee ew ew ew ew we 2G Gothic Joinery . . . . 2. 6 © © © © © © © © we ee ee le lw lw le lt lw lt le «28 Movability in Gothic Furniture . . . 2. 2. 6. 1 6 8 ee ee le le ee le le le le OGL

The Pivot . 2. 2. 6 6 6 ew 8 ew ew ww we ee ee ee ww ew ee ZBL The Hinge. . 2. 2. 6 6 8 we www ee ee ww ew ZOE The Demountable Table. . . . 2. 2. 2 © ee ee ee ee we ee ew ew 2GT

Creation of Intimate Surroundings: Differentiation into Types . . . . . . . . . 293

Chairs in Romanesque Time . . . . 6 6 6 6 8 ee ee ee ee ew we «296

Flanders and the Creation of Intimate Surroundings . . «© - «© «© + « © © « « 297%

Medieval Comfort, the Comfort of Space . . 2. 2. 6 6 6 ee ee ee ew ww BID COMFORT IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY

France: Rococo and Nature . . . . . 6 «© «© «© © © © © © © © © © © « «© « 305 The Building of Receptacles . . . «© 6 6 6 © © © © © © © © © we ew we we 6805 The Creation of a Sitting Comfort . . . 6 «© © © © © © © © «© © © «© © «© « 309 x1

England: Form and Mechanism .... . «© «© © © © «© © © © «© « © «© « « S18 The Gentleman Sets the Style . 2. «6 2. «© 6 «© © 6 © @ © ew ew ew we hw hele Cle ORL

The Library . . . 2. 6 «© © © © © © © © we ew ee ltl tll tlt lt lw ltl lw lw le «(8B The Dining Room... .« «© «© «© © «© © © © © © © «© «© © © © © © «© © « 324 The Rediscovery of Cleanliness . . «© «© «© «© © © © © «© © © © © © © © © « 324 Movability . 1. . «© 2 «© © © © © © © © © © © © © 6 © ew we ew hel wl ele «825 THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: MECHANIZATION AND RULING TASTE

The Beginnings of Ruling Taste: Empire Style . . . . . 2. . 6 © © © «© «© « © 329

Napoleon and the Devaluation of Symbols . . . «6 6 ee et ee le lw le BRD The Founders of Empire Style, Percier and Fontaine . . . .« . « « « «© « « « dd2

The Mechanization of Adornment. . . . . . «© «© © «© © «© «© © «© «© «© « « « S44

Substitute Materials and Imitation Handicraft, 1820-50 . . . . 2. . . . + « - 349

Against Misuse of Mechanization: The English Reformers of 1850 . . . . . . . 347 The Reign of the Upholsterer. . . . . 2. 6. 26 «© «© © © w© © © e ew ew ww ee 864

The Upholsterer . . . . 2 2 6 2 6 © © © eo eo ew ee le ww ww we (864

Counter-Currents: The Engineer and the Reformer . . . . «© + «© «© «© « « «+ 365

The Furniture of the Upholsterer . . . «©. «6 6 6 © 6 © ee ee eee 366

What Happens to Man’s Surroundings in the Nineteenth Century? . . . . . . . 385

THE CONSTITUENT FURNITURE OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY

Patent Furniture and Ruling Taste . . . . 2. 1. 6 © © © © © © © © © © «© « S89 Furniture and Mechanization . . . .« 6 «© © © © © © «© © © «© © «© © «© « S92

The Decades of Patent Furniture, 1850-90 . . . 2. 2. 2 6 6 ee ew ew ew we 89 An Approach to the Furniture of the Nineteenth Century . . . . . « « « « «+ S94

Furniture for the Middle Classes . . . .« 6 «© «© © «© «© © © © © © © «© « « 395 Posture in the Nineteenth Century . . . 2. 2. 2. 2 6+ © © © © © © «© «© © © « 396

Mobility . 2. 2. 6 6 6 ee ew ew we ee ee te et et ew we SOB Posture Physiologically Considered . . ~ « «© + © «© «© © © «© © © © «© « « 398

Sitting . 2. 2. 6 6 6 6 ee ew we ew ww ww we ww ee ew we 400

Tying . 1. 6 «© © © © © © © we ew ee ee et we we ew ee wwe OT Convertibility . . 2. 2. 6. 6 © © © © 8 © ew ew ee we te ew we 42S Metamorphosis in Mechanics . . . 2. © © © © © © © © © © © © © © © « 423

_ The Transmutability of Plane Surfaces . . 2. 2 6 © 6 6 © 8 ee ee ew we 426

Combinations and Mimicry . 2. 2. 2. 6 6 6 0 ee ew ee ee ee ee ww 45S

Railroads and Patent Furniture. . . . . 2. 2. 6 6 © @ © © © © © © ew ewe ABI

' The Traveler’s Comfort. . 2. 2. 2. 6 6 © © © © © © © © © «© © © © © «© « ABD The Coach and the Adjustable Seat . . . 2. © © 2 6 © © © © ee we ew ew ew 44D The Sleeping Car: Convertible Seat and Folding Bed . . . . «© «© «© «© © « « « 448

George W. Pullman and Luxury in Travel... 2 6 - 6 6 8 6 ee ew ww ADD

Precursors of the Sleeping Car (1836-65) . . 2 2. 2 2 2 6 © 6 7 ee ee ew 5 408

Pullman’s Expansion. . . 2. « © © © © © © © © © © © © © © © © «© 6 © 462 The Sleeping Carin Europe . 2. «© 2. 6 © 6 6 © © © © © © © © we ew ew 6 468 The Extension of Travel Comfort: Dining Car and Parlor Car. . . . «© «© « « + 463

Retrospect . 2. . «© 2. © © © © © © © © © 8 ee ee ew ew ww we 467 The Nomadic Furniture of the Nineteenth Century . . . . .- - . + + «© «© « « 469

_ Light Camp Furniture . . . 6 6 0 6 6 ee ee ee ww te ew ww 469

The Hammock. . . 2. 2 2 6 ee et ee ee ew tw ww GT

The Hammock and Alexander Calder. . . «© «© © © 6 © © «© «© © © © «© «© «© 476

The Constituent Furniture and Its Significance . . . .- 2. 2 «© «© «© «© « « « « 480

Against Mechanization in Furniture . . . 6 6 6 6 6 ee ee et ww ww 480

Patent Furniture and the 1920’s . 5 6 6 6 6 © © © ee ew we we ew ww ww AB

Xi

THE CONSTITUENT FURNITURE OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY

Furniture and Its Shapers. . 2. 2. 6. 04 6 6 6 ee eo ee we we ew ww ww) 482

The ‘Craftsman? «ww ww we we ee ee tw ew ew ww 482 The Architect, Former of Types. . . . 1 6 + © © © © 6 # ew we ww ee) «483

The Shaping of the Types . . 2. 1. 1. 1 ew eee ee ee ee ew ee ee) 485 G. Rietveld, the Precursor. . . . 2. 6 6 6 ew ee ee ee ee ee we we) 485 The Shaping of the Tubular Type . . . 2. 1 1 6 ee ww ew ew ee we «488 The Cantilever Tubular Chair . . 1. 1. 1 1 ww we ee we ew we = 493 The Mobile Tubular Chair. . 2. 1. 1 1 ee ew ee ee ee ee ew ww A9T The Cantilever Plywood Chair . . 2. 1. 2. 6 6 6 6 6 @ @ eo we ew ew ww we (504 The Diffusion . 2... 1 ee wwe ew ee ew we ek lt ew lw lw lw «(508 Part VI MECHANIZATION ENCOUNTERS THE HOUSEHOLD MECHANIZATION ENCOUNTERS THE HOUSEHOLD

The Feminist Mcvement and the Rational Household . . . . . . 2. 6 «© « « + S12

The Status of Woman. . . 2. 6 ew ee ee lw ee «CD

Female Education and the Feminist Question. . 2. . .« .« 6 «© «© © «© «© «© «© « 513

The Servant Problem. . 1. 6 6 6 6 wee ew ee ee ee ee ee «CG

Organization of the Work Process . . . . . 2. 2. 2 6 2 6 ee ee ee eee CG

Organization of the Work Process, 1869 . . . . . 2. 2. 2. «© 6 © 2 ew ew wee 518 Organization of the Work Process after 1910 . . . . 2. 2. «© © © 6 6 © we ee CSNY Organization of the Work Process in Europe around 1927 . . . . .« . «© «© «© s 6822

Mechanization of the Hearth. . . 2. 1. 0. 6 ee we ee ew ww ew ee 5D The Range: Concentration of the Heat Source . . . «© «© « «© «© «© «© «© «© «© © 527

The Cast-Tron Range. .« 2. 6 6 6 8 wee ew ee ee ew we «(528 The Time of the Gas Range, 1880-1930 . . 2. 2. 6. 6. 2 ee ee ee ee ee CBT

The Electrical Heat Source. . . «6. 6 6 6 8 ee ee we eee ww «(BAD MECHANICAL COMFORT IN THE HOUSEHOLD ......... . . . 548

Mechanization of the Smaller Tools around 1860. . . . . 2. . 2. 2. 2. ee ee C5

The Light Power Unit . . 2. 2. 2. 6 6 6 ew ee ee ew ew wee (8G The Mechanization of Cleaning: Laundering . . . . . 1. 2. 6. 6 6 © ee eee C560 Imitation of the Hand — The Two Ways of Mechanization — Faltering Introduction — Home Laundering Fully Mechanized

The Mechanization of Cleaning: Ironing . . . 2. 2. 6 2 6 © © © © © © © «© «© OF

The Mechanization of Cleaning: The Dishwashing Machine . . ...... . . 576 The Mechanization of Cleaning: The Mechanical Garbage Disposer. . . . . . . . 579 The Mechanization of Cleaning: The Vacuum Cleaner . . . . . . «© «© - «© «© ~ 582 The Early Portable Machines, c. 1860 — The Street and the Carpet — Early Stages of the Vacuum Cleaner — The Vacuum Cleaner, c. 1900 — The Question of Origins — The Vacuum Becomes a Household Tool

REFRIGERATION MECHANIZED... . 2. 1. 6 6 ee we ew we ww we (59H Natural Ice — Mechanical Refrigeration after 1800 — Home Refrigeration Mechanized — Frozen Foods

STREAMLINING AND FULL MECHANIZATION . .. .. . 2. © 6 e © © «6607

The Industrial Designer — The Origins of Streamline Style . . . . . . . - . - + 610 Organization of the Work Process, c.1985 . . 2. 2. 2 © 2 © © © © «© © © «© « « 612 Industry Enters the Field . . . « «© © © © © «© © © © © © © © © «© « « « 614

xiii

The Kitchen in the Servantless Household. . . . . « «© «© «© © © © © «© « « 620

The Abandoning of the Isolated Kitchen and Isolated Dining Room . . . . . . 623

The Kitchen-Dining Room? . . . . 2 «© «© © © «© © © © © © © «© «© «© « « 624

The House and the Mechanical Core . . . « « «© « © © © » © © © © « « « 625

Part VII THE MECHANIZATION OF THE BATH THE MECHANIZATION OF THE BATH

Types of Regeneration . . . 2. 2. 1. 1 1 6 @ © ee ew ew ww lw lw lw lw lw ww: «628 External Ablution or Total Regeneration? . . . .« « «© «© © © «© «© «© «© «© « « 628

Regeneration in Antiquity . . . . «© 2. «© 6 © © © © © © © © © © © tw te «6630 Itinerary of the Regeneration Types . . . .« «6 « «© © © «© © «© © «© © « « « 634

Regeneration in Islam . . . . «© 6 6 6 © © © © © © © © © © © «© «© 6 6 636 The Steam Bath as a Social Institution . . . . 2. 1. 1 ew ew ew we ee et ww «(G44 The Late Gothic Vapor Bath — The Russian Vapor Bath — Popular Regeneration through Western Eyes

The Decay of Regeneration . . 2. 2. 1. 1 6 6 6 et ee oe ew ew lw lw lw we «C51 Regeneration in the Middle Ages . . . . «© «© «© © © «© © © © « © «© « « « 65] The Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries . . . . « «6 «© «© «© «© «© «© « « « 653 Medicine Paves the Way. . . . «© «6 6 «© © © © © © © © © © © © © «© 6 « 654

Natural Education. . . « 2. 6 6 6 6 6 8 ee ew et lw le ew lt lw le ww «655 The Bath in the Nineteenth Century . . . 2. 2. 2. 6 8 ew te ee et ew we) «659 Hydropathy and the Return to Nature . . . . 2. 6 6 2 8 ew ew we ww we e660 The Vapor Bath as a Private Cubicle, c. 1830 . 2. 2. 1 2 6 ee ew ew ee ee 662

Attempts at Total Regeneration, c. 1850. . 2. 1. 1 6 ee ee et le lw eg «(667

The Atmospheric Bath, c. 1870 . 2. 1 6 ww ww we we et we ww GTI The People’s Bath in the ’Eighties: The Shower . . . . .© «© . «© «© © «© «© «© « 676

The Bathroom Becomes Mechanized . . . . . 2. 2 2 6 6 © © © © © © e ww 6682

From the Nomadic to the Stable . . «© 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 ee we ee we ee (682

Running Water. . . . «© «© 6 «© «© © © © © © © © © «© © © © «© © © « « 684

The English Bathroom around 1900 . 2. . 1 6 1 ee ww ee le le ee 886

Bathroom Equipment and Ruling Taste. . . 2. «© « 2 «© «6 © © «© © «© «© « « 689

The American Bath Cell, c. 1915. 2. . 2. 6 6 6 6 ee te ew ee le le lt lw ww) «G93

The Chaos around 1900. . 1 ew ww we we we lw lt lw lw Cw CTO The Shaping of the Standard Type, c. 1920. . 2. 2. 1 1 6 6 ew tw ww ew lt lw lw TO

The Bathroom and the Mechanical Core. . . . . «© «© © © «© © «© «© «© «© « »« 706 Regeneration a Gauge of Culture . . . 2. 2. 2 © © 6 © © © © © © © © we ew ew UTD

IN CONCLUSION

MAN IN EQUIPOISE . . 1 1 1 1 ew ew ew we ew we wt le lw lw Cl CTE On the Hilusion of Progress . . 2. 2. 6 6 6 2 © © © © © @ oe © we we ew ew lw hw CTS The Ending of Mechanistic Conceptions . . . 2. 2. «© «© © © © © © © «© «© « « FT

Dynamic Equilibrium . . . . 2. 6 6 «© © © © © © © © © © © © © © © «© « T19

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS . . 2. © «© © «© © © © © © © © © © © © ee oe ew 725

INDEX . 2. «4 2 © © © © © © © © we ew ew el lle lll tll ltl lw lw we «TBH

XIV

PART IL ANONYMOUS HISTORY

ANONYMOUS HISTORY History is a magical mirror. Who peers into it sees his own image in the shape of events and developments. It is never stilled. It is ever in movement, like

the generation observing it. Its totality cannot be embraced: History bares itself only in facets, which fluctuate with the vantage point of the observer. Facts may occasionally be bridled within a date or a name, but not their more complex significance. The meaning of history arises in the uncovering of relationships. That is why the writing of history has less to do with facts as such

than with their relations. These relations will vary with the shifting point of view, for, like constellations of stars, they are ceaselessly in change. Every true historical image is based on relationship, appearing in the historian’s choice

from among the fullness of events, a choice that varies with the century and often with the decade, just as paintings differ in subject, technique, and psychic content. Now great historical panoramas are painted, now fragments of everyday things suffice to carry the feeling of an epoch.

The historian deals with a perishable material, men. He cannot calculate the course of future events like the astronomer. But in common with the astronomer, he may see new constellations and hitherto invisible worlds appearing over the horizon. And like the astronomer, he must be an ever-watchful spectator. His role is to put in order in its historical setting what we experience piecemeal from day to day, so that in place of sporadic experience, the continuity of events becomes visible. An age that has lost its consciousness of the things that shape its life will know neither where it stands nor, even less, at what it aims. A civilization that has lost its memory and stumbles from day to day, from happening to

happening, lives more irresponsibly than the cattle, who at least have their instincts to fall back upon. History, regarded as insight into the moving process of life, draws closer to biological phenomena. We shall speak little, here, of general lines and great events, and then only when necessary to connect occurrences with the bedrock in which they are rooted. We shall inquire in the first line into the tools that have molded our presentday living. We would know how this mode of life came about, and something of the process of its growth. 2

We shall deal here with humble things, things not usually granted earnest consideration, or at least not valued for their historical import. But no more in history than in painting is it the impressiveness of the subject that matters. The sun is mirrored even in a coffee spoon. In their aggregate, the humble objects of which we shall speak have shaken our mode of living to its very roots. Modest things of daily life, they accumulate into forces acting upon whoever moves within the orbit of our civilization.

The slow shaping of daily life is of equal importance to the explosions of | history; for, in the anonymous life, the particles accumulate into an explosive force. Tools and objects are outgrowths of fundamental attitudes to the world. These attitudes set the course followed by thought and action. Every problem, every picture, every invention, is founded on a specific attitude, without which it would never have come into being. The performer is led by outward impulses — money, fame, power — but behind him, unbeknown, is the orientation of the period, is its bent toward this particular problem, that particular form. For the historian there are no banal things. Like the scientist, the historian does not take anything for granted. He has to see objects not as they appear to the daily user, but as the inventor saw them when they first took shape. He needs the unworn eyes of contemporaries, to whom they appeared marvelous or frightening. At the same time, he has to establish their constellations before and after, and thus establish their meaning. History writing is ever tied to the fragment. The known facts are often scattered broadcast, like stars across the firmament. It should not be assumed that they form a coherent body in the historical night. Consciously, then, we represent them as fragments, and do not hesitate, when necessary, to spring from one

period to another. Pictures and words are but auxiliaries; the decisive step must be taken by the reader. In his mind the fragments of meaning here displayed should become alive in new and manifold relations.

Before we entered upon the present work we tried, at Yale University in the

winter of 1941, to suggest in broad outline what brought us to anonymous history. At that time we could not foresee how far the inquiry was to lead. For this very reason a few passages as then spoken may not be out of place: Any inquiry today into the rise of our modern way of life must remain incomplete. There is no lack of works tracing the broad political, economic, or socio-

logical trends of our time. Specialized researches into the various fields are also available. But few bridges have been thrown between them. If we seek a more general insight into the rise of our way of life — of our com-

3

fort, of our attitudes — we are stopped at every turn by gaps and unanswered questions.

We know furthermore that isolated studies are inadequate to embrace the complex structure of the nineteenth century. More than the bare history of an industry, an invention, an organization, we have to observe what was occurring in various other fields at the same time. Then we see that without conscious forethought phenomena simultaneously arise, bearing striking similarities to one another. They need only be displayed side by side to call into consciousness the tendencies and sometimes the meaning of their period. Iron filings, these small insignificant particles, by the interference of a magnet become form and design, revealing existing lines of force. So, too, the details of anonymous history can be made to reveal the guiding trends of a period. Our task is clearly outlined: to inquire how our contemporary life, with its

mixture of constituent and chaotic elements, came about. The difficulty hes in sifting and separating those facts that may be called constituent and that are the true pomters of their age. Once this has been done the material does the rest. Anonymous history is directly connected with the general, guiding ideas of an epoch. But at the same time it must be traced back to the particulars from

which it arises. |

Anonymous history is many sided, and its different departments flow into one another. Only with difficulty can they be separated. The ideal in anonymous history would be to show simultaneously the various facets as they exist side by side, together with the process of their interpenetration. Nature does this in the eye of the insect —a lens of multiple facets — fusing its distinct images of the outer world into an integrated picture. The individual does not have such power. We must be grateful if this objective is fulfilled only m the fragment.

PROCEDURE | In Space, Time and Architecture we attempted to show how our period came to consciousness of itself in a single field, architecture. Now to broaden the scope, we shall observe the coming about of mechanization, that almost unescapable influence over our way of life, our attitudes, our instincts. We shall deal with mechanization from the human standpoint. Its results and its implications cannot be simply stated. The prerequisite is that we should 4

understand its tools, even if our interest here is not a technica] one. It is not enough for a physician to know that a body is attacked by a disease. Even if he is not a bacteriologist, he must push his research into usually invisible realms,

be must have a modest knowledge of bacteriology, he must know when the organism was attacked and how the tuberculosis spread. Likewise, the historian cannot dispense with the microscope. He cannot relent in tracing the theme to its origins. He has to show when an idea first appears; how quickly or slowly it spreads or disappears. He cannot confine himself to mechanization alone any more than the doctor can to bacteria. He must take psychic factors into reckoning, for often they exert a decisive influence. In our case art represents the psychic factor. It will serve as the surest aid to an understanding of certain phenomena.

We begin with the concept of Movement, which underlies all mechanization. There follows the Hand, which is to be supplanted; and Mechanization as a Phenomenon.

Mechanization of the Complicated Craft The elimination of the complicated handicraft marks the beginning of high mechanization. This transition takes place in America during the second half of the nineteenth century. We shall meet with it in the callings of the farmer, the

baker, the butcher, the joiner, and the housewife. But only m one instance shall we follow it closely: in the masterful transformation of the door lock from handicraft to mechanized production.

The Means of Mechanization The symptom of full mechanization is the assembly line, wherein the entire factory is consolidated into a synchronous organism. From its first appearance in the eighteenth century down to its later and decisive elaboration between the two World Wars, the assembly line is an American institution. What we shall have to say about it is but roughly carved out. So far as we know, no historic account yet covers this most significant factor in America’s productive capacity. For this reason, but especially because they closely touch upon human problems, the assembly line and scientific management will be given somewhat closer treatment. 5)

Mechanization Encounters the Organic What happens when mechanization encounters organic substance? Here we face the great constants running through human development: soil, growth, bread, meat. The questions involved are but narrow sectors of a far broader complex: man’s relation today to those organic forces that act upon and within him. The catastrophes that threaten to destroy civilization and existence are but outward signs that our organism has lost its balance. Their causes lie deeply buried in the great anonymous movements of the epoch. Our contact with the organic forces within us and outside of us has been interrupted — a paralyzed, torn, chaotic condition. This contact is increasingly menaced as the tie with basic human values becomes frayed. Here, if anywhere, overturn has become inevitable. We shall therefore open with the question: What happens when mechanization meets an organic substance? And shall close by inquiring into the attitude of our culture toward our own organism. MECHANIZATION OF AGRICULTURE

After remaining stationary for a thousand years, the structure of the farmer is revolutionized. At first in literary and tentative ways, in the eighteenth century; experimentally in the first half of the nineteenth century; sweepingly in the second

half. England forms the hub of the movement during the eighteenth century, the American Middle West during the latter half of the nineteenth. Here begins what is perhaps a new chapter in the history of man: a changed relation to the soil and the uprooting of the farmer. Of the instruments of mechanization we shall touch only the reaper, which by its replacement of the hand holds the most important place among the tools of mechanized agriculture. BREAD

What happens when mechanization comes up against an organic substance, bread, which, like the door lock or the farmer, belongs among the symbols of humanity? How did mechanization alter the structure of bread and the taste of the consumer? When did this mechanization set in? How are popular taste and production related to one another? MEAT

What are mechanization’s limits in dealing with so complex an organism as the

butcher’s — proceed? ,

animal? And how does the elimination of a complicated craft— such as the

6

Still of unmeasured significance is mechanization’s intervention in the procreation of plants and of animals.

Mechanization Encounters Human Surroundings What happens to the human setting in the presence of mechanization? Dangerous tendencies declare themselves before the advent of mechanization

(on which the whole blame is thrown) and independently of it. There is no doubt that nineteenth-century mechanization facilitated these trends. But they appear distinctly in the interior before the impact of mechanization is felt.

The Changing Conception of Comfort: Medieval Comfort

We shall look to the late medieval period for a secure starting point. Here lie the roots of our existence and of our continuous development. Since typological researches in this field are unfortunately lacking, the Middle Ages will be included and dealt with from this point of view. What interests us in the first line here is the type of comfort developed in different periods. How did the Middle Ages understand comfort? How does the medieval conception differ from our contemporary view? Where do connecting links exist?

To take a short path, we shall follow the relation between man and space. How does man order his intimate setting in the fifteenth century, the eighteenth,

the nineteenth, the twentieth? How, in other words, has his feeling for space changed?

A parallel question is that of human posture in the various periods, and of posture’s projection into seating.

Comfort in the Eighteenth Century

The creation of modern sitting comfort is to be sought in the Rococo. The Rococo’s great power of observation in shaping furniture organically so as to favor relaxation of the body forms a counterpart to that period’s exploration of the plant and animal world. Late eighteenth-century England is primarily concerned with the technical

virtuosity of the cabinetmaker, and affords, within the most refined type of handicraft, a foretaste of the mechanized furniture of the nineteenth century. ri

The Nineteenth Century | The Beginnings of Ruling Taste More than in the Rococo, in which Louis XV’s role was not a very active one,

a particular type of man becomes decisive in the Empire: Napoleon. Here phenomena appear, such as the devaluation of symbols, which have been laid at the door of mechanization alone. The Mechanization of Adornment

The misuse of mechanization to imitate handicraft production and the use of substitute materials comes to the fore in England between 1820 and 1850. The blurring of the instincts is clearly recognized by English Reformers around

1850. Through criticism and encouragement, attempts are made to influence industry directly. The Reign of the Upholsterer

From the upholsterer’s hand comes that cushion furniture of the latter half of the century which seems to have lost all structure. These are transitory products of a surprising longevity. To avoid vague judgments, we have thought it useful to consider them typologically. What types are found? In what way are they connected with mechanization? How is their form related to the introduction of spiral springs? When do they first come into use? The Surrealists have given us keys to the psychic unrest that haunted mechanized adornment, cushion furniture, and the whole interior.

The Constituent Furniture of the Nineteenth Century

Over against the ruling taste stands the unexplored complex of ‘patentfurniture.’ In this case, mechanization is harnessed to the opening of new fields. Here, where unobserved, the creative instinct of the nineteenth century reveals

itself, fulfilling needs formerly without solution. This furniture that answers to the posture of the nineteenth century is the work of the engineer. It is based on movability and adjustability to the body. In America, between 1850 and the late ‘eighties there grew a facility never known in Europe for solving motion problems of this kind, which America lost back to the influence of ruling taste after 1893.

The Constituent Furniture of the Twentieth Century The initiative now passes into European hands. The new furniture created in this period is bound up with the spatial conceptions of the new architecture. 3

It is a furniture of types, not of individual pieces. It is the work, with few exceptions, of the architects who at the same time became the leaders of contemporary building.

Mechanization of the Household The mechanizing of the housewife’s work is not unlike the mechanizing of the other complex handicrafts. The alleviation of domestic drudgery proceeds along

like paths: first, through mechanization of the work process; and again by its organization. Both are best observed in America, in the early ’sixties, and — at their peak — in the period between the two World Wars. Questions that require an answer are, among others: Is household rationalization connected with the status of woman in America? Is it rooted in the Quaker or the Puritan outlook? The organization of the kitchen had its starting point in the new architectural movement in Europe around 1927. It came about in the general reshaping of the house. We have placed the mechanization of the hearth at the head of the various mechanisms. An ever-growing concentration and automatization of the heat source is observed — from the coal range to electric cooking. This trend seems to be still in progress. We shall survey the various aids to mechanical comfort in the household, their individual appearance and general acceptance. Central among them are the mechanized cleaning appliances: for washing, for ironing, for dishwashing, for removing dust, etc. The influence of feeling upon the aspect of the appliances cannot be overlooked: streamline style. Only when the mechanical appliances had already been worked out and were becoming popularized did the interest of American industry turn to the integra-

tion of the appliances within the work process. Thus emerging in the midthirties, the streamline kitchen was raised, with its devices, into the idol of the house.

It was in the time of full mechanization that the domestic servant question, recognized around 1860 as irreconcilable with democracy, became an immediate

problem: the servantless household. Connected with the servant problem was the attempt to reduce the ever-rising cost of mechanical utilities by a rationally planned mechanical core of the house.

9

Mechanization of the Bath The history of its technical equipment affords no standard by which to evaluate the modern bath. Closer insight is immediately gained in registering the uncertainty and wavering throughout the century from the moment a choice between types became necessary.

Just as it left no style untouched, the nineteenth century left none of the historical types untried. But scant progress was made, outside of reformistic propaganda or the development of luxury bathrooms. For the masses of the population, only the cheapest mode of bathing was seriously debated. The chaos around 1900 appears in the failure of the expert to recommend a

single satisfactory bathtub. But even this would have offered no historically acceptable standard, and the question remains: is bathing a simple ablution, or is it part of a broader concept, regeneration of the human organism? Looking backward, we find that in past cultures the bath was embodied in types affording total regeneration. Though shortened to the utmost, a typology of Western regeneration will have to be drawn up. Ancient, Islamic, Late Gothic, Russian regeneration seem to reflect a common archetype, its path traceable to the interior of Asia.

All these types aim not merely at outward ablution, but at a total vivification of the body by differentiated means, which vary with the culture. Our civilization from the waning Middle Ages on has believed that it can do without a systematic type of regeneration to help the organism recoup the damage which each civilization in its own way entails. Mechanization did no more than give a glittering facade to the most primitive type of bath.

Toward a Typological Approach A treatment of problems suited to our day will constantly bear interrelations in mind. This leads to a typological approach. The history of styles follows its theme along a horizontal direction; the history of types along a vertical one. Both are necessary if things are to be seen in historical space. The specialistic approach that grew in strength through the nineteenth century brought stylistic history to the fore. Typological thinking rarely finds a place there, and mainly when unavoidable, as is the case in the encyclopedias of furniture. The French contributions around 1880, in which a vein of univer-

sality still runs, are the more satisfactory in this respect. The large Oxford English Dictionary too is sometimes a friend in need.

We are interested in following the growth of phenomena, or if one will, in 10

reading their line of fate, over wide spans of time. Vertical sections make it possible to trace the organic changes of a type. How far a type need be followed back into its history varies with the case. There are no rules or recipes. It is not the historian who guides, but the material. Some of the developments will call for far-reaching retrospect, others only for rapid backward glances. What is essential is the panoramic and simultaneous view. This may lead to discontinuous treatment. For only through simultaneous perception of various periods and of various fields within a period can there be insight into the inner growth.

Conceiving of history as constellations, the historian can claim one more freedom. He assumes the right to observe at close range certain phenomena, certain fragments of meaning, while omitting others from his field of attention. This may lead to unwonted proportions, as in contemporary painting when a

hand is made to spread over the picture while the body remains a hint or a fragment. This freedom in handling proportion is no less necessary when one seeks to represent the meaning of historical complexes.

Dates The historian’s objectivity may be voiced in a treatment faithful to the nature of the material as well as to its constellations in time. Dates are the historian’s yardstick. They enable him to measure off historical space. In themselves or when pinned to isolated facts, they are as meaningless

as the numbers on a ticket. But conceived in interrelation, that is vertically and horizontally connected within the network of historical objects, they delimit constellations. In such cases dates take on meaning. Dates marking when and where phenomena first appear or have become com-

monplace in various spheres form complexes that give objective insight into srowth.

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BLANK PAGE

PART II sprincs OF MECHANIZATION

MOVEMENT Ever in flux and process, reality cannot be approached directly. Reality is too vast, and direct means fail. Suitable tools are needed, as in the raising of an obelisk.

In technics, as in science and art, we must create the tools with which to dominate reality. These tools may differ. They may be shaped for mechanization, for thought, or for the expression of feeling. But between them are inner bonds, methodological ties. Again and again, we shall recall these ties.

Movement: The Classical and Medieval Attitude Our thinking and feeling in all their ramifications are fraught with the concept

of movement. We owe, in large measure, our understanding of the world to the Greeks. From them we inherited a magnificent foundation: mathematics and geometry, modes of thought and expression. Yet, we have departed a long way from the Greeks. In many respects we have gained; in the main, we have lost. One of the spheres in which we have gone beyond Greece is in the comprehension of movement. The urge to explore movement — that is, the changing

in all its forms — determined the channels through which flow our scientific thought and ultimately our emotional expression. If the Greeks did not find an adequate explanation of movement, if they did not reduce it to exact logical terms, 1t was not because they were incapable, but because of their fundamental view of the cosmos. They lived in a world of eternal ideas, a world of constants. In that world, they were capable of finding the appropriate formulation for thought and feeling. We inherited their geometry

and their logic. Aristotle and all antiquity with him thought of the world as something reposing in itself, as something that had been in existence since the beginning of time.

In opposition came the religious idea that the world was created and set in motion by an act of will. In high Gothic times, this conception of the moved. world yielded scientific consequences. The Scholastics rehabilitated Aristotle. As is well known, Aristotelian authority became so powerful in the seventeenth century that it almost succeeded in crushing the new idea of a world based on movement (Galileo). At the same time the Scholastics challenged 14

Aristotle on an important issue. Thomas Aquinas’ questioning how the world was created from nothingness, and what principles and first causes underlay God’s action, led to a searching into the question of change and, closely related to this, into the nature of movement. As the Greek temple symbolizes forces in equilibrium, in which neither verticals

nor horizontals dominate, the earth in the classical view formed the forever immovable center of the cosmos. The soaring verticals of the Gothic cathedrals mark no equilibrium of forces. They seem the symbols of everlasting change, of movement. The stillness and contemplation emanating from these churches escapes no one; but, at the same time, the whole architecture, both within and without, is caught up in an unceasing stream of movement. Parallel in time, the Scholastics become ever more concerned with explaining

the nature of movement. The hypothesis of the earth’s daily rotation was increasingly discussed, as Pierre Duhem has pointed out, by the circle of Parisian philosophers from the fourteenth century on. Nicolas Oresme, Bishop of Lisieux (1320?-82), gave ample support to this hypothesis,! and — says Duhem, the great French physicist, mathematician, and historian — with greater preci-

sion than Copernicus later. Oresme propounds the theory in a penetrating commentary to the first translation into the French, made at Charles V’s behest, of Aristotle’s Treatise on the Heavens (Du Ciel et du Monde). He entitles the

relevant chapter: ‘Several fine arguments ... to show that the earth moves in daily movement and the sky not.’ ? Here he proposes that the movement of the heavens can equally well be explained by the circling of the earth around the sun; that the earth revolves, not the sky around the earth. To Pierre Duhem’s question whether Oresme inspired Copernicus, it has been objected that Coperni-

cus started from the logical and geometrical contradictions of the Ptolemaic system.’ This in no way lessens Oresme’s achievement. Nicolas Oresme rises from the brilliant circle of Parisian Scholastics, its last

creat representative after Jean Buridan (1300-c.1358) and Albert of Saxony (1316-90). Ever present in their discussions and cogitations 1s the giant figure of Aristotle. There was no other guide. On him they test their thought; on 1 Pierre Duhem, 1861-1916, has brought this aspect of Nicolas Oresme to light in ‘Un précurseur francais de Copernic, Nicole Oresme (1377),’ Revue générale des sciences pures et appliquées, Paris, 1909, vol. 20, pp.866-73. 2 Le livre du Ciel et du Monde, Oresme’s French translation of Aristotle, has recently been printed in Medieval Studies, vols. 11-v, New York, 1941, with a commentary by Albert D. Menut and A. J. Denomy. 3 Duhem’s third volume of his Hiudes sur Léonard de Vinet, Les précurseurs parisiens de Galilée, Paris, 1913, demonstrates in monumental fashion that the principles of Galilean mechanics were already formulated in this circle.

15

him it kindles. He affords the one foothold. They grope in scientific night, cautiously feeling their way into the unknown. Now they argue, against ancient authority, that the earth turns; now, that it does not. We must take care not to read into their theological and Aristotelian conceptions our own mathematical conception, one that has been growing in our consciousness ever since Descartes.

Amid their groping they think as boldly as the Gothic master builders; they lay aside the fantastic Aristotelian conception of movement, and put a new one in its place — one that still prevails.

The Fourteenth Century, First to Represent Movement All that concerns us in this connection is the first graphical representation of movement. The treatise in which Nicolas Oresme achieves this, the treatise On Intensities,* proceeds after the Aristotelian fashion from the general investigation of the qualities and quantities of an object. Oresme seeks insight into the changing intensity of a quality. He determines this by a graphical method. He traces the extension (extensio) of the subject or bearer on a base line that corresponds to Descartes’ x-axis of the seventeenth century; and he marks the intensity of the bearer in different stages by straight lines drawn vertically from the base line (y-axis). The ratio of the intensities to one another appears in these vertical lines. The changing quality of the bearer is represented in the geometrical figure delimited by the summits of the vertical lines. Oresme’s treatise is accompanied by marginal figures in one of which (fig. 1) the intensities rise side by side like organ pipes.® The curve they delimit represents variation in the quality. Oresme carries over this basic method as he investigates the essence of movement, thus gaining insight into the nature of speed (velocitas) and of accelera-

tion. By a graphical method he represents movement, time, speed, and acceleration. °®

What was new in Oresme’s graphical system? Oresme was the first to recognize that movement can be represented only by movement, the changing only

by the changing. This is done by repeatedly representing the same subject at various times. To portray a subject freely several times in a single picture was not unusual in medieval art. One has only to think of the late Gothic works

— 16 in which the same figure (for instance Christ in the stations of the Cross) appears

4 Tractatus de uniformitate et difformitate intensium. MS. Bibliothéque Nationale, Paris. Printed in several editions, toward the end of the fifteenth century. 5 See also H. Wieleitner, “Ueber den Funktionsbegriff und die graphische Darstellung bei Oresme,’ in Zeitschrift fuer die Geschichte der mathematischen Wissenschaften, dritte Folge, vol. 14, Leipzig, 1913. 6 Summarized in Ernst Borchert’s doctoral thesis ‘Die Lehre von der Bewegung bei Nikolaus Oresme,’ in Beitraege zur Geschichte und Philosophie des Mittelalters, Band xxx1, 3, Miinster, 1934, p.93.

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canda Darte patebit. Totandum tameni eff li gp ficut in fapradictis oiffunitoib? ubi logtur LLL G oc exceflu graduum inter fe eque oullantium 1. NICOLAS ORESME: The First Graphic Representation of Movement, c.1350. The changing qualities of a body were graphically interpreted for the first time by Nicolas Oresme, bishop of Lisieux. The variation is shown by verticals erected above a horizontal, the later X-azis. (Tractatus de Latitudine Formarum, Second edition, Padua, 1486)

more than once within one frame of reference. When Descartes, in his Geometria (1637), represented the laws of conic sections by a system of co-ordinates, the Aristotelian-scholastic conception had disappeared and variables had become

basic, not only in graphic representation but in mathematics. By means of variables, Descartes interrelates mathematics and geometry.

The Nineteenth Century and the Capturing of Movement Organic Movement in Graphic Form, c.1860

The nineteenth century makes the great leap and literally learns to feel the pulse of nature. Early in his career, the French physiologist, Etienne Jules Marey, 1830-1904, invented the Spygmograph (1860), which inscribed on a smoke-blackened cylinder the form and frequency of the human pulse beat.

17

gQ ii}ry pee i’ Ri s,.0ght? 22 < Wigs Se eee ae” Zo 2. E. J. MAREY: The Myograph, Se =n = Es ee SN Device for Recording the Movements

eS aN‘reactions of a Muscle. JitiS| ;a:RENEE SS coerce of aBefore frog's1868. leg toRegistering repeated

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In this period scientists such as Wundt and Helmholtz were eager to devise apparatus to gauge motion in muscles and nerves (fig. 2). Marey is one of these

great savants, key witnesses today for the constituent side of the nineteenth century. Movement, movement in all its form — in the blood stream, in the stimulated muscle, in the gait of the horse, in aquatic animals and molluscs, in the flights

of insects and birds — was the ever-returning burden of Marey’s research. From the start of his career, when he devised the recorder for the human pulse beat, down to his last studies in 1900, when he investigated the eddies of moving air streams and registered them on the photographic plate; from his first book on the circulation of the blood ‘based on a graphical study of the blood,’ down to his last and most popular book, Le Mouvement (1894), translated into English

¥ = SSS === SS = FF 18 ee ZN ———

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; nme —_— anaanaeCUTENSESEONET Responses of betaine the frog’s leg Rea to stimulation —— =y Y ZC SS

by an electric current. (Marey,de Dula| Se __/§ mouvement dans les fonctions ZzaL\NNS===

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the following year, Marey’s thought ever revolves around a central concept of our epoch: Movement. Marey quite consciously looks back to Descartes,’ but instead of graphically representing conic sections he translates organic movement into graphic form. In his book La Méthode graphique dans les sciences expérimentales, which reflects

his mastery of the subject and his universal outlook at its most brilliant, he acknowledges his spiritual ancestors * with the respect that only the great can give.

The eighteenth century had witnessed early efforts to extend graphic representation to new domains. The object was to make intelligible a movement of historical dimensions, as Playfair did in 1789 when he charted the fluctuating national debt between 1688 and 1786 in curves that clearly betrayed the effect of wars. Later the phases of the cholera epidemic of 1832 were traced by the same method. The drawing of contour lines on maps was attempted, according to Marey, as far back as the sixteenth century, but only became current in post-

Napoleonic times. Marey also mentions an eighteenth-century attempt to represent the successive phases of the horse’s gait (fig. 11). James Watt, inventor of the steam engine, has some claim to be called Marey’s

De

direct ancestor. For Watt, Marey reports, ‘introduced the first registering device in mechanics, penetrated at first blow one of the most difficult problems:

to measure graphically within the cylinder the work developed by steam.’ ° These indicators, diagrammatically registering the movement of the steam, 7 Marey, La Méthode graphique dans les sciences experimentales, Paris, 1885, p.iv. 8 Tbid. pp.11-24. 9 Ibid. p.114.

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ee ————————— POT ae ees Ee OO — 4. E. J. MAREY: Trajectory of Responses in a Frog’s Leg. Before 1868. Coagulation of the muscle and gradual loss of function as the effect of rising temperature. (Marey, Du mouvement dans les fonctions de la vie, Paris, 1868)

19

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5. E, J. MAREY: Recording Larger Movements — Flight, 1868. To trace the more exlensive movements of a bird in flight, Marey harnessed a pigeon to the arm of a merry-go-round. The wings, connected to pneumatic drums, record their trajectory on a cylinder.

form a bridge to Marey’s activity. Marey unites the genius of the experimental physiologist with that of the engineer. He is inexhaustible, in the first half of , his career, asan inventor of a ‘recording apparatus’ (fig. 2) whose needles register the movement on smoked cylinders.1° The forms that develop often have a fascination all of their own (figs. 3,4). These curves, says the savant, might

be called the ‘language of phenomena themselves.’ Early in the ’eighties Marey began to use photography. 10 When Marey studied the flight of birds he constructed a working model of a monoplane having two propellers (1872) driven by a compressed air motor (today at Musée de l’Aeronautique, Paris). In 1886 he invented daylight-loading film. And with the first movie camera (which contained all essential parts), he made a brief scene of a man climbing off a bicycle in the Champs-Elysées. 11 Marey, op.cit.

20.

Visualization of Movement in Space, c.1880

Finally Marey comes to the domain that is of particular concern to us: rendering the true form of a movement as it is described in space. Such movement, Marey stresses again and again, ‘escapes the eye.’

He first attempted a graphic portrayal of movement in the late ’sixties. A dove harnessed to a registering device (fig. 5) transmits the curve of its wing beats to smoked cylinders. From these the form of the movement is plotted out point by point. At the beginning of the eighties, Marey began to use photography for the representation of movement. The idea occurred to him in 1873, when an astronomer showed the Académie des Sciences four successive phases of the sun on a

single plate. Another hint he found in the ‘astronomical revolver’ of his colleague Janssen, who — approximately at the same time — caught on its revolving cylinder the passage of the planet Venus across the sun. Marey now tried using this procedure for terrestrial objects. He devised his ‘photographic gun’ (fig. 6) to follow flying sea gulls. Instead of stars in motion he portrayed birds in flight.'?

The astonishing photographic studies of motion that Muybridge was perform-

ing in California also stimulated Marey to work along these lines, although their methods, as we shall see, differed considerably. Muybridge arranged a series of cameras side by side so that each camera caught an isolated phase of the movement. Marey, as a physiologist, wanted to capture movement on a single plate and from a single point of view, to obtain the undisguised record

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of continuous motion as he had graphically registered it on his smoked drums. 122 Marey also devised the first movie camera with film reels (1886), and showed Edison his first short ‘movie’ during the Paris Exhibition of 1889. Like most of the great nineteenth-century scientists, Marey was not interested in the market value of his ideas. The practical solutions came from Edison in the beginning of the nineties and from Lumiére in 1895.

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, Ae Zin ment by Photography. Photo-gun to

1 * aoe SS STE es ee ri Le a Register Phases of a Bird’s Flight, 1885. foooe = i = Pare pee a ae i . 4 The barrel houses a camera lens. The

- KU “Sry plates are carried on a revolving cylinder 1Pp Cn = and changed by action of the trigger. } pee Sixteen exposures a minute. (La wa“ méthode graphique, Paris, 1885) 5 Vo, &

21

Marey invited Muybridge to visit him in Paris (1881), and introduced him in his house to a gathering of Europe’s most brilliant physicists, astronomers, and physiologists, who welcomed Muybridge’s straightforward tackling of the problem.

Muybridge’s photography of flying birds did not entirely satisfy Marey, who wished to gain full insight into the three-dimensional character of flight — as Descartes had projected geometrical forms: for the flight of insects and of

7. E. J. MAREY: { Recording a Gull’s cs e

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In , ly ’thirti Ameri iedtriedtoto 1improve n theth late twenties and the earlyhe ‘thirties, the Americans

the construction of the safe and the insulating material of 1ts walls. Its first success was registered in the early ‘thirties on the occasion of a big fire; the public was greatly impressed to see a safe that had survived, with its

contents unharmed, the gutting of a building. They spontaneously dubbed it he‘salamander, ‘Sal der,’ut © but its official firstHreproor ‘fi f’ (as ininthe the its othcial name was at Hirst the Phil Fnua-

a4°nen Pi 1 is t eel f i ’s lock, b ide of iali lphia Di f in the fifties, ‘1 fe’ (figs. 27, 28

delphia Directory of 1838) and later, in the ’fifties, “iron-safe’ (figs. 27, 28).

Pin-tumbler cylinder lock’ is the technical name for Linus Yale’s loc ut outside of specialists

5 C bd .e**.P ee °° »*he ]La d e49h elid. ?

e

nobody calls it thus. —

Even in the ’thirties this French safe was not very different from the ancient chests closed with a hd.

9 e C7 » s

Several examples of these will be found in: Musée industriel, description complete de exposition des produits de Vindustrie francaise en 1834, Paris, 1838. 6 One Hundred Years of Progress, Hartford, 1871, p.396. 3

It was in the fifties that the fireproof safe reached its standard form. Widely advertised as an excellent American product, it spread from banks, insurance companies, and factories into the ordinary store and private house. But some wonderment even then, it seems, clung to the idea of a catastrophe-resistant container. Wood’s store in this place has been consumed by fire last night. ... The heat melted the hinges of the doors, a smoke of heat was coming out of the safe containing all our books and money . . . acrowd gathered around to see it opened . . . but to their astonishment every book, paper and the money came out perfect as far as the paper and the writing was concerned.’

The development of the fireproof safe and of bank locks coincides with the

rise of industry, large-scale banking and finance, the growth of the stock exchange, expanding wealth, the multiplication of fortunes. As the first opulent residences were being built along Regent’s Park in London for the anonymous rising class established around 1825 through the development of industry and trade,® fireproof chests and burglar-proof locks were at hand.

The Refinement of the Bank Lock On the technical side, the mechanized lock of Linus Yale has its roots in the complicated mechanism of burglar-proof bank locks. The French excelled in everything connected with refined handicrafts, from furniture and painting — the highest skill of the human hand — to amazingly cunning automatons. The lock, as normally used since the fifteenth century, keeps the door closed

by means of a bolt held fast by a spring. The key, passed through the keyhole, directly acts with its winged end on the bolt so that by twisting the key one moves the bolt that locks or unlocks the door. Its principle is that the bit of the key acts directly, without any intermediary, on the bolt. The eighteenth century made locks more complicated by inserting, between key and bolt, a set of movable plates on pivots. These parallel plates had to

, be aligned by the key before they would allow the bolt to be shot. Soon, still in the eighteenth century, England took the lead, keeping it well into the middle of the nineteenth, when the United States came to the fore. The English developed still more complicated interplay between tumbler and bolt, providing the key end tumbler with slits and notches.® 7 Herring’s Fireproof Safe. Interesting and important information respecting the preservation of books, papers, etc., New York, 1854, p.36. 8S. Giedion, Space, Time and Architecture, Cambridge, 1941, pp.460ff. 9 The Barron lock, 1778, forerunner of modern bank locks.

26

29. The Elder Yale’s Door

Lock, Patented 1844. The (Cc) door lock of the elder Yale rep- ; ()

resents a transition from the tT | :

complicated bank lock to the i Ss simple mechanized Linus Yale Jr. Its fourdoor tum-lock meeofwi5=sjii!_ x: a] So7_,\ blers are radially 4 Ti around thepacked movable cylinder . al7

puerced with holes to take them. ll ori 5j Each of the tumblers (still called pistons) composed ‘a \A two pieces thatissprings (G) =ofe/ era =}P10 |\ keep pressed toward the center. of Z —_ i . The key, which moves the tum- !g3 SO a oe") blers outward, ts cylindrical a |)a

in shape, and in many ways m8! 2s oo resembles It eraane acts on theBramah’s ‘pistons’key. (D,F) Jeehy ‘a*,a

on his ‘sliders.’ >

much as Bramah’s key acted ton 30. JOSEPH BRAMAH’S BANK LOCK. 1784. There is a close a

relation between the bank lock of the eighteenth century and the Yales’ ff i solutions for the mechanized door lock. This appears from a detail of the —— " famous eighteenth-century bank lock illustrated in the Edinburgh Ency- a ?

clopedia published at Philadelphia in 1832. ‘In the plate f f, the whole ° ° number of sliders are pressed up, or caused to rise in their grooves, as far Ae) i °

as the top of the Cylinder E, by a spiral spring, coiled loosely round the > f= ee: pin, b. The first locks were made with a separate and independent spring ea to each slider; but it is a very great improvement, the introduction of one | te common spring to raise up the whole number.’

The lock (invented 1784) that is connected with the name of Joseph Bramah, inventor of the hydraulic press became the burglar-proof lock of its period, and

its fame lasted throughout the first half of the nineteenth century (fig. 30). Its principle is that of the earlier locks, but the interior arrangement is entirely altered. It already anticipates the bank lock in the way, for instance, that the tumblers are circularly packed around the key, thus solving the problem of the safe lock before the safe actually existed. And although Bramah’s lock was at last picked at the great Exhibition of 1851 in London, it yielded only to hard work such as could not be hurriedly performed. It was a Mr. A. G. Hobbs of New York who won the two-hundred guineas the manufacturers of Bramah’s lock had put up for anyone who could manage to pick it. Hobbs, who according to his boast ‘could pick any lock in England in a few minutes,’ had distinguished himself by picking another famous lock after a brief struggle. But Bramah’s lock fully occupied him for nearly a month, from 24 July to 23 August, when he finally succeeded. Hobbs thus proved that ‘any lock which leaves its tumblers exposed to sight or feeling through the key-

| a7 hole can be opened.’

Hobbs’s theatrical procedure was at the same time a brilliant advertisement for the lock he was exhibiting for Day & Newell, New York (fig. 31), which

won the Prize Medal at the London Exhibition. This was the ‘ Parautoptic lock,’ for which his firm offered.a reward of two-hundred guineas to anyone who

could pick it. But no one succeeded. _

A. G. Hobbs had invented a way of fastening glass doorknobs into their sockets. But first and foremost he was the crack salesman of Day & Newell, New York,

and had become most dexterous in picking rival manufacturers’ locks to sell those of his own firm. Day & Newell’s ‘Parautoptic lock’ (‘parautoptic’ meant preventing internal inspection) had come into use in America in the mid-’forties and was also known in Europe before the London Exhibition of 1851.1 10 Report of the National Mechanics Institute of Lower Austria on Newell’s Parautoptic Combination Lock, Awarding the Institute’s Diploma and Gold Medal, New York, 1848. The Newell, or parautoptic,

lock was first manufactured in 1836. -

31. American Bank Lock: Day and Newell’s ‘Parautoptic Lock,’ 1851. Introduced in America in the 1840’s, it was indeed the champion of the day, ‘from which no impressions could be taken.’ Its salesman, A. C. Hobbs, became famous by picking Bramah’s lock during the Great London Exhibition of 1851. A few years later (1856) the Champion Parautoptic was in turn picked by Linus Yale, Jr., who claims to have cut a wooden key for it‘ solely by inspection through the keyhole.’ Note the free yet sensitive typography of this advertisement of

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enormous jaws like heads of mythical birds, press the rivets at a single bite. This is the final assembly station, following 552 automatic operations. (Courtesy A. O. Smith Corp., Milwaukee, Wis.)

P) .

Here scientific management, so far as it is the analysis of human motions, is replaced by new tools of production. Five hundred engineers transform a factory into an automatic unit, producing more quickly, cheaply, and profitably, and freeing man from mechanical movement. This automatic assembly line begins with an ‘inspection machine,’ which straightens and checks every piece of strip steel as received from the mill.’ ” ° *is worked upon and moves back and forth through the factory The material on the most varied types of conveyor systems in an uninterrupted process. First

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in a sub-assembly line, often in parallel operations, the steel bars are cut, unched, and formed. A second group of machines assembles the various parts until they are finally clamped together in the general assembly line (fig. 62). ——S a seta seen ean eae iene ee en neeanemmnaiel

74 Sidney G. Koon, ‘10,000 Automobile Frames a Day,’ in The Iron Age, 5 June 1930. ’

120

t

‘Automatic rivet feeding heads swing into position and rivets are shot into the

holes waiting to receive them. Air pressure accomplishes this task.’7> The rivets are pressed into rows of automatic riveters with enormous jaws like the heads of mythical birds (fig. 63). Cleaning and painting follow. Something of the 1830 spirit of Johann Georg Bodmer lives on in the way manufacturing tools — presses, riveters, conveyor systems — are freshly invented,

constructed, and integrated. No longer is the individual machine alone autom-

atized, as is usual in bulk manufacture. Here, extremely precise time charts guide the automatic co-operation of instruments which, like the atom or a planetary system, consist of separate units, yet gravitate about one another in obedience to their inherent laws. The Human Aspect of the Assembly Line It is not easy to take a historical view of recent periods, especially in so sensitive and ramified an aspect as the inquest into human work.

The assembly line and scientific management are essentially rationalizing measures. Tendencies in this direction extend relatively far back. But it was in the twentieth century that they were elaborated and became a sweeping influence. In the second decade (with Frederick Taylor as the central figure), it was scientific management that aroused the greatest attention: the interest of industry, the opposition of workers, public discussion, and governmental enquiries.” This is the period of its further refinement and of its joining with experimental psychology (Frank B. Gilbreth, central and most universal figure). In the third decade (Henry Ford, the central figure), the assembly line moves to a key position in all industry. Its scope is constantly growing. In the time of full mechanization, the production engineer gained sway over manufactures of the most diverse types, seeking every possible opening in which an assembly

line might be inserted. The forming of a more comprehensive picture would well reward the effort, for the assembly line becomes almost a symbol of the period between the two world wars. Looking at the impact of mechanization on man, we must stress those aspects which bear upon man’s very nature. We must sharply distinguish the impulse that gave rise to the assembly line and scientific management from the human repercussions. The impulse sprang from the epoch’s imperious demand: production, ever-faster production, production at any cost. As soon as evaluation is called for, we find often diametrically opposed views: on the one side, a disgruntled worker; on the other, the enthusiastic promoter of the idea.

Ibid. 121

76 Hearings before special committee of the House of Representatives to investigate Taylor's and other systems of Shop Management. 3 vols. Government Printing Office, 1912.

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RR Eo es PS Dh 66. Manin the Assembly Line. Charlie Chaplin in ‘Modern Times.’ 1936. * The mechanized indwidualist goes mad and proceeds to turn the factory into the madhouse tt has always been.’ (Courtesy United Artists Corp.)

describe the impact of a mechanized world on the human organism and on human feeling.

In a Chicago packing house, hogs, hanging head downwards, moved uninterruptedly past a staunch Negro woman at the curve of the conveyor system. Her task was to stamp, with a rubber stamp, the carcasses examined by the inspectors. With a sweeping movement she smacked the rubber stamp on each skin.

Perhaps we start from false premises; but in an outside observer a strange feeling was aroused: a creature of the human race trained to do nothing else but,

day after day, and eight hours each day, stamp thousand after thousand of

carcasses in four places. 7

Henry Ford tells (1922) * of a worker who had to perform a particularly monotonous task, actually one single motion of the hand. At his request, he 8 Henry Ford, My Life and Work, in the chapter on ‘The Torture of the Machine.’

124

enon asslum y Ford hia eeks heknow who enry Ftoaits wask itions resettle: ack conditi -dwellers onlew phenome ed to be put b their sl , new a certain erpret how -alw sasprimitive ery urbani .tions um for h number will nist | ho ound wh lary ouses, and w always be f and unsanita

in his olJOD. o another posit s old jobHere sition, b after » but

The eTn. mod erassemb by far thei o refuse ° old and fto‘1:le c

. e TS T b m } for th prevail of measur ° sopart| mat tiftime, i

packin ly lne . amiliar condi g houses of Cinci as It appea “ue which use and , probably f anincinnati, as , certain e first ti

ailing onl an automati es of scienti , In the i , are transiti gement its wh Oo yaccord ong asachinery ma 2 iC Process Wc Manage

. s unable to ional ph en 3 Ad document perform certai omena ols arlie isj Charl ates rtain the hoperati ons of symbols that translat ; uman »

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attitude: ‘What his political views are I don’t know and I do not care... .’ 8 The decisive point in this document is the revolt against subordination! to the machine.

It is the story of an individual who, eight hours a day, year in and year out, must perform the same motion, and for whom the whole world is transformed into nuts to be turned by his wrench. The monotony and compulsion of the high-speed conveyor belt destroy his mental balance. ‘The mechanized individualist goes mad and proceeds to turn the factory into the madhouse that it really always has been.’ ®” He loosens dangerous screws that accelerate the assembly line to a mad pace. In the nose of a foreman, the buttons of an office girl, the breasts of a fat woman, everywhere he sees nuts that have to be tightened.

By grotesque exaggeration the human core of the problem is revealed. What is this automatism, this reflex movement of screw-tightening, but the observation

: which can be made every day upon the workers streaming from the factories, who have the machine in their very gait? It is the ceaseless mechanizing drive that leads Chaplin to invent the eating machine, which feeds the worker automatically without loss of time; he does not need to stop for lunch, and the assembly line goes on. All this, though intensified to the grotesque, has a glint of that inner truth which dwells in Shakespeare’s comedies.

True, the eating machine is rejected by the manager as too complicated. But a few years later, does not reality begin to approach that symbol of eating in factory tempo? At lunch counters, do not endless belts carry hot plates from

kitchen to customer? In drug stores and in the basements of 5- and 10-cent stores do not counter after counter wind like mountain paths to feed as many men as quickly as possible?

The assembly line and scientific management can be put to work within quite opposite economic systems. Their implications, like those of mechanization

as a whole, are not unilaterally tied to any one system. They reach into the depths of a basic human problem — labor — and the historical verdict will depend on how far one may expect the human being to become part of an automaton.

Before these methods had come into being, the Reverend William Ellery Channing, one of the great New England preachers of the 1830’s, formulated 8 New Masses, 18 Feb. 1936, vol. 18, no. 6. 87 Herald Tribune, New York, 7 Feb. 1936.

126

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78. WALTER A. WOOD: Reaper with Self-Raker. 1864. Mechanical reaping was solved. Now the problem was to do away with hand labor in raking. The earliest mechanized raker, replacing the man on the platform, and sweeping in the manner of a human arm, dates from 1853. Soon the driver is sitting on the cantilever seat at the rear. His weight helps to balance the machine and he can supervise its work. (Walter A. Wood’s Self-Raking Reaper, 1864, Catalogue. McCormick Historical Society, Chicago)

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of wire (fig. 84).* But metal did not seem agreeable for this purpose. The complaint that pieces of wire remained in the fodder may have been less decisive than the dislike of having to deal with so refractory a material.

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Wire was to be replaced by twine. By 1880 the twine binder was ready.

John F. Appleby, the third name and important milestone in the mechanization of reaping, had patented, by 1858, a device for binding sheaves with twine, had abandoned it in favor of wire, finally returning, around 1875, to the original idea.

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64 In 1871, by the pioneer firm of this period: Walter A. Wood, Hoosick Falls, N.Y. This manufacturer produced machines of strikingly elegant construction and was the first out with many of the most interesting inventions. Among these was the use of tubular steel frames in agricultural machines. On the firm’s dissolution in 1904, the new owner, it is said, dumped its archives into the river. Thus was lost one of the most precious sources for the history of mechanization. His behavior appears less strange when one recalls that the Patent Office did not act much differently when it ridded itself of its models in 1926, with the sanction of Congress,

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92. Mechanized Bakery, Mouchot Bros., 1847. The first bakery successfully mechanized in France. The partial mechanization found here is characteristic of European bakeries to the present day. Their small-scale equipment permits only the most strenuous tasks to be performed mechanically. (C. H. Schmidt, Das deutsche Backerhandwerk )

This aerotherme oven, which shows beginnings of distinctly mechanical opera-

tion, was to be found in several French cities around 1840." , Finally, toward mid-century, steam heat was employed.” The earliest to do this was Angier March Perkins (1799-1881), foremost exponent of hot-water heating for dwellings. An American living in England, he first worked with hotair heating, but soon shifted to hot-water coils. He even hoped to use steam in 16 Tt was introduced in the ‘thirties. In 1836 the Société d’Encouragement pour Industrie Nationale offered a prize for a ‘four aerotherme,’ with a specially efficient system of heat circulation. Cf. Benoit, op.cit. vol. 1, pp.23 Lf. 17 Rollet, op.cit. p.440, states that in Gap, Grenoble, Avignon, and other cities, ‘it is heated with anthracite or soft coal.’ Cf. plates M and N, and Atlas vol., pl.45. 18 The idea of ‘making the steam of boiling liquors useful for boiling and baking’ was patented in the early eighteenth century (British Patent 430, 25 June 1720). 19 Perkins, Apparatus for heating air in buildings, British Patent 6146, 30 July 1831. Apparatus for transmitting heat by circulating of water, British Patent 8311, 16 Dec. 1839; apparatus for heating by the circulation of hot water, British Patent 8804, 21 Jan, 1841.

174

iron production. Later, in 1851, he heated the inside of a bake oven by means of inch-thick pipes connected with coils passing through the fire box.”° ‘It has before been proposed to heat ovens by the circulation of hot water im branch channels made in cast plates,’ he stresses in his patent. He claims only the ‘distribution of heat by a series of branches’ of circulating pipes. This closes the series of types that came to perfection only when bread making reached the fully mechanized stage, mainly after 1910. In contrast to the steam

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93. Mechanized Bakery, Mouchot Bros., 1847. The kneading machines are powered by dogs who work a treadmill outside. Coke-heated, aerotherme ovens. Kneading machines and ovens progressed with the times, but the small scale prevails in Europe to the present day. (C. H. Schmidt, Das deutsche Bickerhandwerk)

boiler, which, with Wilcox’s tubular type (1856), attained a considerable perfectedness by the ’fifties, the bake ovens of the same period are mere beginnings, and, all in all, shelved inventions. The Oven and the Endless Belt Aribert, whose aerotherme oven (1832) with its plates running on rails pointed to a clearly mechanizing trend, called his invention a four continu, continuously working oven. Around 1850 efforts in this field focused on bringing about continuous operation by means of a moving mechanism within the baking chamber.

The ordinary hot-air ovens could be heated continuously, but changing the loaves took too much time. Trained workers were needed to manipulate the peel, the flat wooden shovel with the long handle used to introduce and remove the loaves. 20 Perkins, Heating Ovens, British Patent 13509, 11 Feb. 1851.

175»

Attempts were made to increase production in two ways. One was the use of draw plates, which could be thrust into the oven or taken out by unskilled workers with a single motion. This type has been preserved and developed in the most varied forms. The decisive step toward mass production lies in the use of a continuously running mechanism. Many possibilities were considered for equipping the baking chamber with moving devices. In one variety this was done by means of horizontally or vertically rotating wheels. Wheels revolving around a vertical axle have been retained up to the present time in mechanical pie baking. This means that the hearth plate, which normally was fixed, becomes movable; it is transformed into a wheel. This type of thinking seems to have become possible only

in the nineteenth century. The eighteenth century had toyed with the idea of mobility. In 1788 an English patent was issued for a cast-iron oven in which the hearth plate remained fixed, but the oven itself revolved. In 1851, I. F. Rolland invented the modern form of the rotary oven ” with the movable wheels. Wheels revolving around a horizontal axle allowed the baking trays to remain horizontal, much like the cars of the giant Ferris wheel at the Chicago Exposition of 1893.

But far more persistent were the efforts to obtain a continuous flow by building

a chain conveyor through the baking chamber. Between 1850 and 1860, the most diverse solutions were attempted: chains running horizontally, chains running vertically, singly, or in series, until, by the early ’sixties, the bake oven of 1800 had become a highly complicated mechanism. The first use of the endless chain occurs surprisingly early. In the first decade of the nineteenth century, Admiral Sir Isaac Coffin (1759-1839) built for the British Navy an oven ‘intended for baking sea-biscuits’ (figs. 99, 101) which he named the ‘perpetual oven.’ * His invention falls at the end of his long and adventurous career, when, forced out of active service by the consequences of an

‘accidental strain,’ he had become superintendent of Portsmouth navy yard. The Portsmouth ‘victualling office’ has been mentioned earlier in connection with important innovations. Coffin thus explains the name he gave to his oven: ‘It is called a perpetual oven because the operation of baking may be continued for any length of time.’ It was indirectly heated. An endless belt a yard wide and made of a loose wire 21 John Naylor, British Patent 1656, 29 July 1788. ‘An oven for making bread... placed upon or hung over a kitchen fire ... may be turned around while the bread .. . contained in it remains in a fixed position . . . which I called Rotative Oven.’ 227, F. Rolland, Four de boulangerie, French Patent 7015, 8 Apr. 1851. Description de brevets d’ inventions, vol. 23, p.176. 23 British Patent No, 3337, 15 May 1810.

176

mesh ran the whole length of the baking chamber. At either end, outside of the

oven, the belt ran around large cast-iron rollers, which kept it continually moving. Coffin’s independence of the conventional solutions was quite in keeping with

his temperament. Even when court-martialed for disobedience and contempt, he stood fast in refusing to keep inadequately trained officers on his ship. Coffin was born in Boston, Massachusetts, the son of a customs officer. It would be misleading to call this British officer an American; but we may note that he spent his youth in Boston. Admiral Coffin’s proposal of 1810 differs from the long series of patents between 1850 and 1860 in one respect: all the mid-century patents place the endless belt entirely within the baking chamber, so as to prevent loss of heat. The first proposal of this sort, made by a Philadelphia inventor, claims to be the first time an endless-chain platform was combined with a baking oven (figs. 100, 102). Historically speaking, this is certainly not true, but what was new and of future promise was the idea of placing the conveyor within the baking

chamber. All successors adopted this feature. Proposal follows proposal for raising production; the belts are multiplied; soon attempts are made with upright

chains, the bread’s being baked during its short vertical transit through the baking chamber. Around 1860, the problem of the bake oven seems to have stimulated such outstanding engineers as William Sellers, the machine-tool builder.2® William Sellers’ organization of the interior of the oven, his arrangement of the vertical endless chains so that ‘they shail nearly balance each other, to make the reception and discharge of the material automatic,”* as well as his mode of heat regulation, all reveal the expert engineer. At the time these automatic ovens came into being, Boston, Chicago, New York, and especially Philadelphia had mechanical bakeries using ovens, sometimes several storeys high, fed by an endless belt. Some of these were successful,

others ill fated, either burning down or, when they failed to pay their way, passing from hand to hand. But successful or otherwise, they were on the whole show pieces. Small bakers were the rule, and, much longer than the European, American housewives continued to make their bread at home. #4 H. Ball, Bake Oven, U.S. Patent 7778, 19 Nov. 1850. % William Sellers (1824-1905) of Philadelphia belongs to the early generation of American industrialists, in which the manufacturer and inventor were combined in one person. He was active in many fields, from tool making to bridge building and skyscraper construction. As president of the Midvale Steel Co., he was Frederick Winslow Taylor’s chief; it was he who enabled Taylor to develop his system in Midvale

| 177

ae W. Sellers, Improvement in Ovens, U.S. Patent 31192, 22 Jan. 1861.

There was another factor, too: the automatic manufacture of bread is an unusually exacting task. In the second half of the nineteenth century only the first and last phases of the process were at hand: kneading machines and conveyor ovens. The middle links were lacking: machines to weigh the dough automatically, to divide it, to make it into balls, roll it, and carry it on endless belts through glass-paneled passages exactly controlled for warmth and humidity. And modern yeast, which cuts fermentation time almost by half, was not yet available. After 1900, as mechanical baking approached readiness for final mechanization,

all experiments had to go back to the beginning. The astonishingly diverse baking ovens of the ’fifties and ’sixties, which clearly developed the principles underlying all types, had been forgotten. They belonged to the great realm of shelved inventions. This broken continuity impresses the historian much as

a mine shaft left unworked and unexploited. |

Around 1907, before a Canadian bakers’ convention, a Mr. Roberts, representative of a London baking-oven firm, envisioned what he called an ‘oven of the future’ in which the dough would be put in at one end and the finished bread come out of the other.”” These are the very words we read in the specifications of 1850. In his audience was an enterprising baker, Dent Harrison of Westmount, Quebec, who became the initiator of the present-day development. At that time traveling ovens existed, but they were used only in biscuit-making

factories. In one of these, at Montreal, Harrison and Roberts baked experimental batches on the traveling oven. The loaves coming out of the other end were burned black. Dent Harrison nevertheless continued to think the ‘new’ idea practicable, and gave Roberts an order ‘for the first travelling oven in the world for baking bread.’ 7° In 1913 this oven, constructed in England, was set up in Montreal. Its baking

plate was 50 feet long and 6 feet wide. Fired with coal, it functioned from the very start. Thus a century had elapsed between the ‘perpetual oven’ (1810), invented for the British Navy by Isaac Coffin, and this tunnel oven, finally marking full mechanization of the process. Baking companies bent upon large-scale production were on the increase and began to experiment with similar ovens. Such an oven built in Chicago in 1914-15

had to be torn down several times. All were heavy ovens with massive walls of brick, weighing heavily on the floor and calling for special foundations. Soon gas took the place of coal in heating the ovens; in 1917 a series of gas 27 Gordon E. Harrison, ‘The First Travelling Oven,’ The Baker’s Helper, 50th Anniversary Number, 17 Apr. 1937, p.832. 28 Thid.

178

burners was placed at fixed intervals above and below the hearth plate throughout the length of the oven.

Finally, in the *twenties, high pressure steam was used, which circulated through a series of tubes around the hearth.” It seems that gas explosions led to this measure, yet it should not be forgotten that this most recent device renews the principle which Angier March Perkins in 1851 modestly claimed as his: exact control of the baking temperature by direct radiation from steam pipes. The heavy brick walls now disappear in favor of insulated steel plates, which allow more accurate regulation of temperature, greater flexibility, and a reduc-

tion of the heating time to one quarter; and electric lighting is installed in the baking chamber.

The Mechanization of Bread Making Thus far we have been dealing with individual phases in the process of bread

manufacture. So long as an uninterrupted production line was lacking, mass production remained impossible. The first assembly line came into being, as we recall,?° in an English ‘victual-

ling office,’ when the various machines for making ships’ biscuits were interrelated. This was in 1833, just a half century after Oliver Evans had devised his mechanical mill. In this royal victualling office, the amounts of flour and water flowing into the mixer, as well as the rolling of the dough, were automatically regulated (fig. 46). “Heavy cast iron rollers ... run alternately with great rapidity from one end of a table to the other ky means of a beam connected

with the steam-engine below.’*! These heavy rollers were inspired by the Castilian braga, French writers say. “When this operation is finished, the dough is conveyed on rollers to a second table’ — where it is divided into pieces — ‘and finally, still running on friction tables, to the machine which at the same

moment cuts and stamps the biscuits.’ Thus the three main phases of modern mass production — mixing, rolling, and molding — were at once mechanized, and connected in a single production line. The unfermented dough of flat ships’ biscuit is of far sumpler structure than the sensitive dough of bread. But it was not long before bread too was being turned

out in continuous manufacture and even in mass production. The French had such establishments successfully operating as early as the 1840’s. The machine 29'V. C. Kylberg, ‘Baking for Profit,’ The Northwestern Miller and American Baker, 6 Oct. 1937, Minne-

Lp. 89 31 Barlow, op.cit. p.803.

2 Rollet, op.cit.

179

bakery of the Mouchot brothers in Paris (figs. 92, 93) won continental fame. It

used the latest hot-air ovens and large efficient kneading machines. These kneaders were driven by a tread wheel, as used in the Renaissance and in the municipal bakeries of Genoa in the late eighteenth century. The wheel was suspended outside the baking room and was trodden by well-drilled dogs. When the kneader had completed the necessary revolutions and the mixing was com-

pleted, a whistle automatically blew and the animals ceased their labor. The new aerotherme ovens were heated by coke (fig. 92), which was 50 per cent cheaper and offered greater ‘production capacity.’ * Two bake ovens turned o1t 6240 kilograms of bread in 24 hours. The gas used to illuminate this cellar bakery was manufactured by the ingenious baker himself. In England at this time one could have found no Renaissance tread wheels for bread making. In 1850 a mechanism was put into operation in Glasgow," which was said to manufacture one and a half tons of bread an hour, or approximately four times as much as the Paris bakery of the Mouchot brothers. This was a bread factory packed within a few square yards. Everything was automatic and concentrated in one machine. A fly-wheel regulator, as used in steam engines, controlled the flow of flour and water into the mixer; rotary or sliding knives cut the dough into pieces which were mechanically molded into loaves and propelled into the oven. This bread factory in miniature recalls those queer musical contrivances that unite a whole orchestra in one instrument. But this grotesque scheme embraced two ingenious ideas: coiled pipes were used to heat

two of its four baking chambers, and soda water to saturate the dough. In France this device would have been unthinkable, for the people would never have accepted such bread. Nor did it enjoy much success in England. It is one of the starting points, however, for more refined methods. Bread and Gas

To make the dough tasty and porous, two kinds of ferment were generally used: leaven and yeast. In bread making with leaven, some of the dough from one baking is set aside and used for the next. The leaven acts as a sort of starter.. It yields a full-bodied and tasty bread, with the slightly sour aroma that many people still prefer.*® Leaven was used throughout the Middle Ages, and long after. The Italians still insist on leaven for their white bread, the Germans for their mixed rye breads,** the Russians for their black bread. |

8 Detailed description in C. H. Schmidt, op.cit. pp.320ff. 7 7 34G. A. Robinson and R. E. Lee, Manufacture of bread, British Patent No. 12703, 10 July 1849. 3 Some modern authorities seem to prefer leaven. L. Boutroux, in Le Pain et la panification, considers bread made with leaven more healthful than that made with yeast, because the acids it contains aid in its digestion. Quoted in Emil Braun, The Baker’s Book, New York, 1903, p.52. 86 Pumpernickel and Schwarzbrot.

180

In many highly mechanized countries, leaven has been altogether supplanted by yeast. First brewer’s yeast was used. Opinions vary about when this began. Some say that yeast did not come into general use until the middle of the nine-

teenth century,” while others point out that brewer’s yeast was used in Paris bakeries as early as the seventeenth. Yeast dough, like leaven dough, is left to rise overnight. During this time it slowly rises as a result of the gas formed by fermentation, and a natural warmth develops. On the Continent, special high-fermenting types of yeast were later developed and sold in compressed form. These ultimately led to the modern bakery yeast, which American concerns produce in large quantities. High-fermenting yeast reduces the time of fermentation from ten hours to five.

Prior to the mechanization of baking, the bread’s aroma was held in great esteem. It comes from the natural bouquet of baked grain, from the volatile esters developed in fermentation or during baking, and sometimes from added aromatic herbs (caraway seed). These volatile esters, together with carbonic acid gas, are slowly produced in the course of fermentation. Chemists have stressed that a large and rapid generation of carbonic acid results in a loss of flavor.

In the ‘fifties, bread, in its very substance as a material, was attacked by mechanization. For the sake of increased production, carbonic acid, instead of the slower-working ferments, was mixed with the dough. From mid-eighteenth century on, chemicals were resorted to in bread manu-

facture in order to make the bread weigh more than its flour content would allow, or to make it look whiter than was to be expected from the quality of the flour: plaster, alum,*° sulphate of copper — ‘a liqueur glass of weak copper sul-

phate solution for 200 loaves of bread’ 4‘ — or such substitutes as potato or bean flour.*? This tampering gave the illusion of greater quantity or of better quality. Punitive measures were taken to reduce or eliminate adulteration. In the 1850’s, attempts to increase production resorted not only to mechanical means, but also to the natural sciences. The laws of the expansion and contraction of gases, which John Dalton and Gay-Lussac discovered shortly after 1800, 37 J. C. Drummond and Anne Wilbraham, The Englishman’s Food, London, 1939, p.353. 38K. and L. Bunyard, The Epicure’s Companion, London, 1937. 39 Arkady, a collection of articles reprinted from the Arkady Review, Manchester, England, 1938. 40 ‘ Alum was used in the town bakeries as much as four ounces to the sack of flour; this chemical in-

creases the size and at the same time the texture and the colour of a loaf baked from inferior flour.’ Drummond and Wilbraham, op.cit. p.342. 41 Schmidt, op.cit. p.146. 42 Sylvester Graham writes in his Treatise on Bread and Breadmaking, Boston, 1837, that in 1829 25 bakers were punished for the use of copper sulphate. The first to attack the adulteration of food was F. Accum, Treatise on the Adulteration of Food, London, 1820. His description of ‘illicit methods’ did him no good. He was forced to leave England.

181

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;at ee ets He dy gun EBRRE ORR St lek Iain gh hn SOE UE nee a SONS eeEU 2SPR EEE adie SE Be ge eeeahs aesee aeERNE 0 SC IR, SE HEaSBE es $sRRR ee Ee byeS. a WB a osBee Peroni OE EBS yeRgEB EEbee BRA ae Bott iasic 0S EUS ecak Maes OS a i anthatt Uo CPOE ie Soe Sethe 2CUE EI SS ES iRe UH ceo SCTE GR UE eg ge ¢ 2me moEME Feeare “4 eeOEE S05 tb SERRERAR” CARS AeTie SES RAN UES LU PADS! DUN USSU eS Te ae 2seRRS esa esTERRE ete Graham "91 Graham, Lectures on the Science of Human Health, Boston, 1839, p.12. ® Graham, Aesculapian Tablets of the Nineteenth Century, Providence, 1834. Some hundred pages are devoted to testimonials which show that his ideas aroused great public interest at the time. % The rules and mode of life in one of these boarding houses are briefly described and explained by Graham himself in [A. Nicholson’s} Nature’s Own Book.

203

later lived in a small Massachusetts town and acquired a number of active followers in Boston, who, through periodicals and societies, carried on the teach-

ings after his death. Grahamism in diet was later joined in a combined cure with Priessnitzian hydropathy. In various forms this union of diet, exercise, and water treatment has survived in European countries to the present day. More than half a century before mechanization came to dominate life, Sylvester

Graham uttered the sharpest indictment of its effects. What at that time was in its beginnings and mainly limited to the ‘vitiated taste of refined society’ has since engulfed the broad masses of the people. Sylvester Graham’s interest in nutrition arose from a wish to reconcile man with the constants that govern his organism. Sometimes Graham’s ideas border on the extreme; but on the whole his rules, far in advance of his time, are framed with surprisingly sure instinct.°® He could not know precisely what vital elements were stored in the germ or the husk of the grain, or what was the secret of the

raw fruit and whole vegetable he so zealously advocated. But his one great concern is recognizable throughout: food should not be robbed of its most impor-

tant values in the course of preparation. In like manner, we are to read these lines from the ‘Laws of Diet’ %: ‘If man were to subsist wholly on alimentary substances in their natural state, or without any artificial preparation by cooking,

then he would be obliged to use his teeth frequently in masticating food and by so doing not only preserve his teeth from decay, but at the same time and by the same means, would he thoroughly mix his food with the fluid of his mouth.’

For the same reasons, Graham warns against mashed potatoes, which almost altogether relieve the eater of mastication and reach the stomach as a cloggy ~ and concentrated mass. Mashing, in our day, has visibly outstripped all other modes of preparing this food. In the course of our century the preference has become ever more marked for foodstuffs that can be swallowed with a minimum of time and effort — from

chopped meat (hamburger) to ice cream, both of which deserve the title of national dishes. Fruit is favoritely taken in liquid form (juices) or diced in small cubes (fruit cup). Children, we have noticed, often refuse to eat whole peaches, having been brought up largely on sliced fruits. How these trends took shape % Dr. T. H. Trall, New York, was successful in the amalgamation of these two tendencies; his periodical was maintained under different titles for forty years. (The Water Cure Journal, The Herald of Health, The New York Journal of ITygiene.) Cf. Shryock, op.cit. p.177. % |Asenath Nicholson] op.cit. 2nd ed., Boston, 1835, p.6. % Tbid., pp.13ff.: ‘Rules and Regulations of the Temperance Boarding House in New York, 1832.’ ” Graham, Treatise on Bread and Breadmaking, Boston, 1837, ch. ‘Laws of Diet,’ p.17.

204 ;

and how seriously the time-saving compulsion has recoiled upon the people's food are questions for more searching enquiry. If we consider powdered and packaged ingredients for making soups and cakes, coffee sold ready ground in cans, granulated sugar used in preference to the less rapidly dissolving cubes, the limits of this ever-growing field seem almost impossible to draw.

Bread was Graham’s starting point, and to bread he always returns. He sings the praises of that ‘delicious bread’ which, he reminisces, the women of New England baked around 1800: ‘There was a natural sweetness and richness in it which made it always desirable.’ °° Such times were past, and Graham sensed

this. While bread should be made ‘within the precincts of our own thresholds ... from the best new quality of wheat,’ every family being ‘furnished with a modern patent hand-miull,’ and while even home yeast ‘can be made of a far superior quality’ to that obtainable from the brewer, Graham himself suspected that these preposals were condemned in the long run and ran counter to the trend of the times. Not so far from the possible was his recommendation that bread should have

a hard protective crust and be kept twenty-four hours before eating. What Sylvester Graham taught in 1832 now reads like a warning against blurred instincts, a warning of the soft, forever fresh, and crustless bread that the ruling taste in most industrialized countries now demands. Elsewhere Graham sharply attacks American custom: It is a general fault of bread of every description made in this country that it is not sufficiently baked. ... The multitude eat their bread hot and smoking from the oven in a half-cooked state. Stale bread: this ought to be written in capitals upon every plate. Every child, as soon as it has teeth, should be taught to eat stale hard bread. The crust is far preferable. It answers more than one good purpose. It is better for the teeth, more palatable to a correct taste, more suitable to the stomach.

A century later, at the high point of mechanized bread manufacture, the most

reliable guide, we recall, instructs bakers to make the crust of their bread as tender and as thin as possible: “Some faults in the character of the crust are: too thick, too hard.... A desirable character of the crust must be described as tender, even surface and uniformity ...’1° A more radical transformation of taste is hard to conceive.

_ 205

%8 Tbid. In a few localities it is still possible to corroborate Graham’s remarks. In the high valley of Wallis Canton in Switzerland, along with late Gothic houses and language of late Gothic plasticity, some-

thing of the strength of that period has been preserved in the native bread. It has a distinctive content which, as Graham says of the bread of New England, makes it ‘always desirable.’ 99 Thid. pp.39, 49, 131. 100 Thid. p.97.

101 Wihlfahrt, op.cit. p.380.

Sylvester Graham, we may assume, would react to the bread of full mechaniza-

tion much as a noted French painter who observed of his white bread, *C’est de la neige, il n’a pas de goft.’

Nutrition was the instrument through which Graham sought to approach the inherent laws of the human organism. In this, bread was for him the central

pillar, or, as he put it, “Bread has been in nearly every portion of the world and every period of time one of the first and most important universal articles of food.’ 1 But he does not stop here. In his ‘Laws of Diet,’ he comes close to the raw-food diet which has widely influenced eating habits in certain countries with a high living standard, such as Switzerland, from about 1930 on. Many of his rules imply this, as does his remark: ‘If man were to subsist entirely on food in a natural state he would never suffer from concentrated ailments.’ !% When certain physicians objected with excessive logic that since Graham’s coarse wheaten bread was totally indigestible it should never be allowed to enter the human stomach, he answered as might a modern dietician, who knows that the stomach muscles, like those of our arms and legs, must be given an opportunity for exercise if they are not to grow flabby: ‘This objection betrays so much ignorance of . . . final causes and constitutional laws . . . that it scarcely

deserves the slightest objection.’ Here he touches on a problem with which he was much preoccupied and which

has grown dangerously acute in our time: belief that primary elements lost by improper preparation can be replaced in pill-form. ‘Nature produces nothing for the alimentary use of man which is purely concentrated nutrient substance.’ 1% The present-day scientist will find it easy to red pencil the fallacies in Graham’s

rules. Nevertheless, few reformers of his time have left so much in their teachings that is valid for ours. Pages from the “Laws of Diet’ and the Treatise on Bread, with suitable commentation, might well be used in schools and on the radio until they permeate the general consciousness. The nature of bread has changed but little in the course of centuries. A certain coarseness, as in many things handed down from generation to generation, is one of bread’s basic traits. Among foodstuffs, bread has always held a status bordering on the symbolic. Graham’s remarks return again and again to bread’s essential nature, and rest on age-old human experience. He understood that a people’s bread reveals 1022 Graham, op.cit. p.16. 103 Thid. p.53.

10 Thid. p.18. 105 Tbid. p.19.

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° ig ourt 0 rance it de Justice), 1458: Jean Fouquet's

F rontispiece to the M ich B i The disth } p unic occacclo. e death sentence be. ung »

for}conspiracy pronounced on the Dukencon of Alenco ith th English

sat — rqd t el ° gly .}. }*}°ys Por three months pr tor to this moment the dignitart yf th [

closely packed on bvencnes VL no oac ustices

(P D Y i

°

parquet — sti on e floor in an astonishin ly informal wa

. Lurrteu, occace Ge UNC.

with the English. 263

ancient world as Gothic skeleton construction, with its horror of the massive, from the heavy vaults of the thermae. Late medieval living standards could have allowed comfort in the sense of convenience. But this thought was foreign to the Gothic. The Gothic produced no furniture modeled to the shape of the body. In the fifteenth century, low three-legged stools were as much in use as in Romanesque times. Everything intimates that medieval people used to sit in improvised and informal fashion. They squatted more often than they sat. Seen in sideview, the arch-backed madonnas, sculpted in Romanesque times, tell how the woman was accustomed to squatting; she did not lean her body against the throne back. Only the sculptor sat her on this hierarchic seat. Thus too should be understood the richly worked draperies, hung on walls behind benches in the thirteenth century, and still seen in Italian Renaissance represen-

tations of the madonna. | 7

People sat on the bare floor and on cushions. They sat on stairs and on the steps leading up to the high-posted beds. Romanesque chests — at least the few that have come down to us — were for sacred purposes and much too high to have been used as seats. As chests become lower, we will find them aligned along the walls. They filled the role of chairs and couches. Following this tra-

: dition, chairs and tables were made that were also containers, a custom still , prevalent around 1500. The latter half of the fifteenth century closes the medi| eval period but is still penetrated with the medieval spirit. At the same time century-old habits are relaxed and new ones press forward.

How did people sit in the Middle Ages? A few examples drawn from divers countries and social strata of this transition period may give the most direct insight into its changing comfort. High Court of France, Presided over by Charles VII, 1458 This miniature illumination by Jean Fouquet (fig. 139) depicts the sentencing to death of the Duke of Alencon, accused of conspiracy with the English against France — a solemn assembly and a solemn moment, as the three months’ hear-

ing reaches its conclusion. At the focal point, the king is on his raised seat; to his right and left, dignitaries of the realm, clergy, nobles, and justices are on rows of benches. Kneeling before the king is the proclaimer of the death sentence. The state proceedings observe the social hierarchy. An unmistakable solemnity

pervades this audience, it fills the whole atmosphere: raiment, bearing, the tall Gobelin tapestries emblazoned to full height with heraldic figures. But what comfort accompanies these proceedings? For three months, from August to October, the brilliant court sat closely packed — as always in the 264

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40. arnival in a Dutc itc en, C. A479. utc ngraving O . e entire social scale lies between F f’ §t Supreme and court th yan €of revel in this kitch hus} ouquel company OF reveters in Us utcDutch conen. et common to botY places the improvised manner of sittin cy use everythin available > an overturned basket, stools o vary in eignts, or a cna Wun a stump ack ana turned tegs, Stemming from é€ momanesque tradition.

1 e es —— on ain wooden benches without back rests, affordin ut little room tor the legs —a striking contrast to the choir stall. e justices sit on 9

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royal throne are not muc etter om. ere 18 no more comtort at this roya audience than in a circus tent. uch renunciation of comtort of the tlesh at the French court — known wit the Durgundian, as the most retined of its day — typities the attitude the meleval period preserved to the last. In the seventeenth century such an assembly

wou e unthinkable without the seating appropriate to its authority.

ival itiaDutc h Kitch 1475 arrnivat ttcnen, C.

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the company of revelers in this Dutch engraving * (fig. 140), but similar practices

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142. Italian Bedroom and Study: Two Woodcuts from Francesco Colonna, ‘Hypnerotomachia,’ Venice, 1499. Polyphilo’s lady in her bedroom, reading his letter. Polyphilo writing to his lady. As in the Rhenish living room about four decades earlier, the main furniture consists of standard chests set end to end along the walls. The atmosphere is monastic in its simplicity. The purpose of each room is apparent in the furniture: the bed with its platform-like chests; the table near the wall with a portable desk on which Polyphilo writes.

Upper Rhenish Interior, c.1450: Drawing of the School of Konrad Witz

Along the bare walls — paneling is not yet customary — a series of uniform chests are aligned (fig. 141). Mary, whose Child is gazing at His reflection in the hand basin, sits in a room that has no table. In the statues of the saints of this period, our eye is drawn to the cascading robes surrounding their figures like the interlaced ornament around illuminated manuscripts. The broad folds of garments as seen in the Burgundian sculpture, so well mastered by Konrad Witz, are, in the whole interior, the only signs of Mary’s rank. They hide from us whether she rests on cushions, on a low stool, or on the floor itself. The cushions lying upon the chests would suggest that she was using one of them. Swiss Schoolroom, 1516

No less improvised was the posture when writing. This signboard, which Hans Holbein the Younger painted for a schoolmaster, shows a plain and simple

installation (fig. 143). It differs but little from the haphazard seating in the Dutch kitchen some three decades earlier. One pupil, seated on a low stool, uses his neighbor’s bench as a writing desk, while the other rests his exercise book on his knees. This is the habit of centuries, here carried on in a popular setting. On the north porch of Chartres Cathedral, Pythagoras occupies a 267

low stool in a similar posture (fig. 138). With bowed back, he holds the narrow writing desk on his lap. In the fifteenth century, the desks of monastic painters or of secular scholars were carefully fashioned for convenience and adaptability (figs. 151, 152, 154). In Holbein’s schoolroom of 1516, with its stools and benches of varying heights,

a woman, seated at a sloping lectern, is teaching a child. She now occupies a folding chair (Dante chair) as favored by the rising Renaissance. A King’s Board: Salome Dancing before Herod. Catalan School, c.1469 In what posture did medieval people take their meals? The company is seated on benches with their backs to the wall (fig. 144). Here, as in the Lit de Justice

of the French court, finely worked brocades and costly apparel set the tone. Here again we find not the slightest sign of refinement in furniture. The table consists of loose boards, which at mealtime are laid across roughly hewn trestles.

As we shall see, the austerity of this furniture — which to later times would seem improvised — is not due to a technical inability to achieve comfort.

The Chair Makes Its Appearance, c.1490 We are nearing the time when the chair will be regarded as a standard article. A few forerunners (c.1496) 2 of present-day comfort have been preserved from the Palazzo Strozzi, Florence (fig. 145). In this chair the eye immediately recognizes traits of the earlier types, whose stamp it still bears: the three-legged stool, with roughly hewn peg-legs set directly into the slab, as in the stools of the Dutch kitchen or Holbein’s schoolroom. Then refinements set in. The seat becomes smooth, and a profiled molding conceals where the legs enter. The octagonal shape invites one to sit not only frontally, but diagonally, or at an angle, informally, like the people in the Dutch ‘Carnival Scene.’ The new style focuses in the narrow, stele-like back, topped by the carved arms of the Strozzi, in a fondo (circle).

It is hard to say whether this stiff, narrow board is meant as a back rest or whether it is a vestige of the Gothic backing intended as a symbol of rank. The chair’s proportions reflect its lineage; the low and heavy understructure contradicts the finely elongated back shaped with early Renaissance delicacy. It is a beginning full of contradictions. Most important of all is the fact that several uniform chairs have been preserved from the Strozzi Palace. This too suggests that around 1490 — in the 2 Wilhelm Bode sets at c.1490 the date of the chair in the Figdor Collection. Cf. Wilhelni Bode, Das Hausmoebel der Renaissance, Berlin, 1921, p.21.

268

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Archaeologists now tend to agree that the oldest medieval folding chair, the gilded bronze armchair of the Merovingian King Dagobert, is of antique origin and formed part of the Merovingian treasure.” Folding chairs of metal (iron _ rods) are found in the Renaissance. The fifteenth-century craftsman shows himself astonishingly adept at bring-

ing mobility to writing and reading desks. From the first, medieval writing desks had sloping tops. They are better suited to the position of the head in reading or writing than are our horizontal-topped writing desks, whose whole construction follows English library tables of the late eighteenth century, roomy enough for the great folios of engravings then in fashion. Medieval desks were small in size, just wide enough to hold an open book.

one. |

People rested them on their knees, on a table, or mounted them on stands.*° The desk tops gradually broaden in the late fifteenth century, and are endowed with a new mobility. The painting or writing desk developed in the cells of monks who used them diagonally. The swing desk (fig. 152) is asymmetrically mounted on a metal crank pivoting in a socket. Thus it can be moved at will. Also produced were various combinations — book rest, desk, and locker all in The secular scholars of the late fifteenth century were no less interested in convenient instruments for study. We are in the age of Humanism, with its growing interest in the Bible, the ancient authors, and comparison of texts. Hence, revolving reading desks were developed, with polygonal or conic planes. 29 Emile Molinier, Les Meubles du Moyen Age et de la Renaissance, Paris, 1897, p.4. 30 The Middle Ages did not pedantically follow these rules. Boccaccio in the Munich miniature of 1458 is writing on a primitive bench (fig. 151), and Jerome in Carpaccio’s painting of 1505 writes on a

narrow table (fig. 158). Yet the strongly inclined plane is the rule. In Holbein’s schoolmaster’s sign (fig. 143) the steepness of the desk is more striking because it surmounts a massive body.

~ j — Bo ON ome VBA 153a. Movability in Gothic Furniture: Gothic Swing7 Lo 7 : Bem NO, 4 . in] Back Bench, Detail of Werl Altar. 1438. A remote fore-

, em ic. i Pe runner of the American railway seat (fig. 271), where the J oN Le | P swing back allows the passenger to face forward ait all eS ) ¥ he times. (Prado, Madrid; photo courtesy Fogg Museum)

ena ee bo 153b. Gothic Swing-Back Bench, St. Barbara Panel of Wer! Altar, Master of Flemalle. 1438. Saint Barbara is seated near the fireplace on a Gothic swing-back bench.

IBA The wooden bar serves as a backrest and is mobile, so that the user may turn her back to the fire or face it as she pleases. (Prado, Madrid; photo courtesy Fogg Museum)

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e

posture was accepted in high society. (. °°

, — scr evre 1 lass whicn 1 I ainted glass, n bd 4 ‘ wre inti ’ 66 IS WOT Var 5 owwords Ww were | ntur , et , d’ own re imi : "ed aithnou V ISSI ad has that d TiVatlv one a es and “mit atl tions of sixteenth-c

tion was . ; pre ef echa ization took effect. . sent b ore mecnan | P ing

gn ph ugh V 1oneqd, aire e; ;e lifele havL COMMIss - upro Wrivatel the hol interior. atl W n toe style spread whole inte W t we id mhust e:throug Thebe signs of rn ruil W sald Oof thee€ idlof Empire also sai ere; aste e

1

° . , ted se | e

' |substitute V1 intell molds IN} materi ; ctual | France made t e ad read he in W aste the was Tuung to run. Chen h. {t certain an hich tas «rat Vy influenced tastesph through his albums1 rather than rough 1 . torere,jects this Te, ;innova ects win eInhHuenc desi urt of Louis ppe e or desig Phiil : whic the art objects a * °wh de tapis, tapisseries, et autres o jets dameu 6Chenav Ch ard’s| iins designs are colle ' earie n aaa tes, ef lected in his Recueil de dessins ,A ; res abies ageu ene p tureexecutés de M.|Chenavard & Paris, Paris, n ue d . nt blement dan ental wa nufacture bo thie | ype Or w an urqu 1wa ecoration. was accu -d th k and ovatp |ut .— }itiS]ount ris nov )tres eoOofe ruling aste V} yChenav ; nails acthe Wh Eng and hape LE workshop of mechaniz d adornment Lamp ng °

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*

ral Parisian - 66esPainted and pl.e24,a. d3 glass, pl. ibiscreens, l, 24ibid. apestrl

3 69

Perceptive men immediately sensed the temper of their day, an atmosphere that was to prevail throughout the century: “We have left no imprint of our age either on our dwellings, on our gardens, or on anything else,’ was Alfred de Musset’s comment in 1836, “we have culled something from every century but our own. . . we live off fragments.’ Our interest here, however, is only in the rising

tide of orientalism as it appeared in the pattern collections of the industrial-art trade. The rule of the upholsterer was to reach its full extent in the ’seventies.

The Orient, to the nmeteenth century, meant at once color and adventure, romance and legend, and was somehow felt to reflect that wisdom of life the period seemed to have lost.

Everywhere the Oriental influence appears: in countless genre paintings for the ruling taste; or again in the Odalisques, or reposing nudes which Ingres painted around 1800, down to the Odalisques of Henri Matisse. It is seen in attempts to mtroduce the Turkish bath in industrial England (c.1850); in the Moorish-style villas; or in the borrowing of ‘ Persian’ carpets, genuine or machine-

made. Mechanized man in the nineteenth century yearned for an atmosphere other than that of his own surroundings. In the East everyone, rich and poor alike, has time and leisure. In the West no one has. Western life tends toward strain; Eastern life toward relaxation. The Oriental influence must be counted as one of the many strivings for

escape that darkened the emotional life of the last century and gave it a tragic note. Man was not content to live in his own skin. This could lead to nothing but the grotesque. The chambers of the Orient were spacious and serene; their couches closely skirt the wall. Now, as these are transformed by

the upholsterer into cushion furniture with springs, the divans jut forth in sudden and conspicuous isolation. As banal as the East became in the upholsterer’s hands, the Oriental influence proved far more persistent than most revivals. Medievalism, brought so lovingly

to the fore in the Romantic era, left no lasting traces upon the dwelling. More influential were the several Louis revivals. Yet their role was a more superficial one than their recurrent popularity would suggest. The Oriental influence is often found at work beneath the surface, and not recognizable at first. With it may be connected the latter half-century’s penchant for dimly lighted interiors. What this influence did to furniture we shall have occasion to observe in the following pages. TYPES OF CUSHION FURNITURE

France was the first country to voice the Oriental influence, and here cushionfurniture first became fashionable. Thus France became the center for the rep-

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223. Fauteuil-Coussin Confortable, c. . e coniortable at its peak. e Skeleton is entirely cloaked in fa ric and the armrests have grown into cylindrical cushions. The whole seems an agg omeration of CUSNLONS

é€ ogether DY SOMme Miracuious Means. avard, Victionnalre de lameu ement)

than horsehair or feather stu ng. ese springs consisted of 1ron wire coile into two inverted cones. One base was fastened to straps, on top o ich a In layer O orsenalr Was spread. us furniture turned into ags omerate

thi l f h h 1 d Th 1 hi f hconfortables t bl brought theh first fi extensive e 1Vuse eo springs f 11m1urniture. f At he slices of mattress.

° ® . 81

this time, mechanical manu acture considera y reauce the cost of tneir cous. e first use of spiral springs has not been exactly dated. Some say that a erman blacksmith of the ear y nineteenth centur yY Was the pioneer but everything would suggest that they were invented earlier.

thi would h h Ww inv d hi

all imaginable purposes: to power its cunningly conceived automata or to len reslency to its elastic chairpacks. NPus patents or Springs ate pack to the ear y €lg teenth centur Vy. atente In 0 » WwW ithnout detaile speci cations, was a ‘mathematical instrument con*

eteeter e® e e $ @ « NE A SS 8! eville, Devill 179 dotally i hithisd and other f op.cit.cl p.1/9, anecdotally mentions other forerunners.

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. . ° e . d. ° 82 Pp | | fi 1 1 83 | Ve{spiral hi uf: hspring’ a4 1s 1 , seee>.

see rman ie cnn tartan simmons matte ae am antten ei tac erent a eos eee aap hata tute nuts eatin cients ate tae uence maataaantae ea ete ah oot teagan sn eeeiare teeta Remne esc or hen tot animmageaitt OES earn SRS ita eae apis ice ce” gaa

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i U, ho i 1793 h this cabinetmaker is‘ wished ridi } dl tl th Sid

. 224. Springs Used for Exercise: Thomas Sheraton, Chamber Horse. . The great cabinetmaker de-

signed this ‘chamber horse’ for the gentleman who wished his riding exercise regardless of the weather. Since

Sheraton could only obtain springs of very limited travel, he used several layers separated by thin boards. ion,Appendix A di he toCabinet Mak d Upholsterer’s Drawing (Thomas Sheraton, the Cabinet Maker and Upholsterer’s DrawingBook boo

isti f l r for th f iding 1 h hai d other conveyances. atents were also taken out for Carriage springs © anc even for a machine to manutacture them.

‘A.|““y(7-ry* e

The ‘spiral ing’ is mentioned in 1769, here again as a “method for better

construction of wheel carriages by the application of united spiral springs.

The phases of this development are not fu nown. So tar aS we cou

establish, e brs angus .

v

| first English patent to use spiral springs im turniture was not

Ce e-emmremtinnsamimanaibeesmnemgmnemmme e tenenememmemneneemnnn amine aemmemamerteemeanmmma meant

ritis atent INo. ,. 8 British P No.376, 1706

ritis aten O.sy , 4, g 4 s e 85 Q ; 2 «) 83 British P t No.470, 1724

British Patent No.768, 1762. ** British Patent No.932, ° - 41769 oI .

& ON , |

> ’ Py| form +7ofJa |swinging K li h . : | ‘lo b dapparatus hipb

v4 SS aso SS SS SSteMS S| +OS Springs toGt Prevent SeaSY ee Se * : tm aa el> fot ray 0 i hoe cians : — = ~ Mee Soe OS OMe oe CRs a “7 ¢ _—— . INS -_— = re ANY sickness: Lilastic and Swinging Ae JS, Ss rand Fn, OR E> > >> a “4 LAK Kok + ASIP?) | S t 182 I * . SSS ODOT SS: | me? eat. . us first springCoS rr mmama upholstered chair, patented by voto ple me baleenna A eee Mh Rei~ ei, ayeliaientite ¥en een we al § *li ale 225 S$ ’ t P t S | f} ppnaanarerbiPinae leer: meale a we ” -..,Did ate adie oI om2aermiantions « sprint

| , ont l} nyApen _ ,Patent be os,5418) A (British **

AT a 5 NEA | loof be used on shipboardthe for | | INANAT | , the purpose preventing

|wyTP leasant effects wae unpleasant €j/ ectsof Ofseasickness.’ S€ASICRNESS.

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applied for until 1826. But several intermediate stages were never put into the shape of patent specifications. Chippendale is said to have invented gymnastic chairs consisting of spiral springs in several layers. Thomas Sheraton gives a thorough description and drawings of a ‘chamber horse’ (1793) (fig. 224), designed for the gentleman who, eager to take riding exercise in all weathers, might do so gymnastically in his own room. The inside of this chamber horse consisted of ‘five wainscoat inch boards clamped at the ends; to which are fixed strong wire twisted around a block in regular gradation, so that when the wire is compressed by those who exercise each turn of it may clear itself and fall within each other.’ * Thomas Sheraton describes the springs in great detail, as one announcing a new invention. Also vouching for the novelty of the method is the fact that Sheraton was able to construct springs of but very limited extension. The only way he could prevent his springs from buckling was to use them in distinct layers separated by thin boards. At this point further developments enter the picture.

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86 Thomas Sheraton, Appendix to the Cabinet Maker and Upholsterer’s Drawing Book, London, 1793, pl. 22, p.43.

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| (Me. 9, Etahifdhe Santenils von Gropins,

226. Spring Fauteuil, Caricature of Martin | — Man erbalt einen Defud une faret thn jun

Gropius, ¢.1850. A Berlin humorous paper imag- | Siben ett. Der Arembe bewunreri vie Flaficitat) ined the following adventure: “A visitor comes in | bed Stuble, will aber widt qlauben vag berfelbe and is asked to sit down. He admires the chair's | 24 Repern enthatte, Won feeneinet aber raft pag | resiliency, but will not believe that tt contains 24 | Potfier aul unr per Gal biht purd cine raiche | springs. They cut open the upholstery, and the visitor Picdt gay wangenebme Beweging (rine Sawer

pays for his distrust by a sudden and not altogether | qiaubigfet, =| , |. r—“‘isOsOsOCOSOSOSOSOSCSCOCSSCizsCN

agreeable movement. (Kladderadatsch, Berlin) as

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ae: BAN nenNeaihearne AS SeSS SARE STA ARE 7 7] . Vs Ss SERN TSS 227. Early Wire Mattress. gern : steers wastes x “y* mn: 6 Far A CR WERE NEO. ERS VON (British Patent 99, 12 January Sm ON ON RR (ira HAT NR RN ASS ay RySOKO eeaN SFL 1865) EBT AE SERRE SAN a RASS ae a }ar a eee Sas QeSss SS = Sy us ES \Se OS 2c ee Fhe ee=> a et We = Ve YesJSer (Se. WS tes aNwos, = «6§hSSUCUC( Ss Wes, See Ce ame ds TAA ANSARI WNL: RST a ee NN Hn CRN SUE pe,

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Eighteenth-century endeavor, early and late, used spiral springs for purely technical purposes, either to take up and buffer impact (carriage springs), or to reciprocate impact (chamber horse). The owner of the chamber horse rode a hard leather-covered board and did not use the springs’ resiliency to further his comfort. In 1826 Samuel Pratt ® took out a patent for a spring chair; now the seat, fabric covered and with spiral springs, is used as a cushion and aims to promote comfort. But even here the resiliency mainly serves as a shock-absorber: the first spring-upholstered chair was invented for seasick persons. ‘Conceived as a swinging apparatus,’ says Pratt, ‘the object of my invention is to construct an elastic and swinging seat, to be used on shipboard for the purpose of preventing

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the unpleasant effects of seasickness’ (fig. 225) .8

The ‘cushion,’ which spiral springs make elastic, is for this inventor a mere

accessory. We may note that the cushion has a ‘swinging frame, made of wrought iron, upon which the seat is secured.’ (This may explain why Dervilliers built his first spring-upholstered fauteuils around a frame of iron.)

ai

A foundation of canvas upon which are placed a convenient number of spiral springs

made by twisting steel wire into the form of an hour-glass. The lower parts of these

item mm nthe nn ik nn ail ari ne

87 Samuel Pratt: British Patent -No.5418, 1826. ‘The patent,’ he adds, ‘was partly communicated to me by a foreigner resident abroad and partly my own discovery.’ 88 Tbid.

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. Sid - aWoven-W - / _eeheire- "eves wel jeegee Made . ,, aa ote 228. Amer ican eS . _ ae EEE NEESres ae .aewea “2 ae oe

Riil. oe 1871) a | 7 PkRU 0 a RE no.5, May ee Mattress, 1871. (The Manu- | 0S SSESE Rg 2A ara lioe o oA

facturer and Builder, vol. 11 ib ntew om tina gah ic: ai on Lg oh et alent cite

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\UNS | | NER se yAN \yRA . vy W s h EES Ne , .2= SSEOSNSAQW Ok! we WD | Ee Se here Ee eee 229. The Wire Mattress |) in Se the Home. 1 eeEe ee eS ea English Children’s Beds. 1878. (Lady F SSS rt Saw Barker, 1878) ‘The Bedroom andSore Boudoir, Lon- Ke ee yn-| FB Rr ee = don, S35) Life Cops (ML Sat QL TES & SSHESCEEI HAN), ane

springs are to be sewn to the canvas or webbing, their upper part secured in their erect position by small cords tied or braced from one to the other, crossing like a net.®

The principal aim of the inventor was to neutralize the tossings of the ship, so he balanced his seat in flexible suspension on four large springs: ‘lateral springs are applied below a swinging frame to meet resistance. .. .’ This complex construction shows how in England toward 1830 mechanization

affected furniture in extravagant, sometimes fantastic ways. The time was shortly before America developed its patent furniture. The French, on the other

hand, made use of the new process by manufacturing cushions of wire, and fashioned the confortable, furniture of the ruling taste. At the same time, in the ’twenties, beds and chairs were being made of metal tubes,*° the beginnings of a development that was not carried to fulfilment until ia een eeeeen emt eam eee een 89 Thid.

* Robert Walter Wingfield, British Patent No.5573, 4 Dec. 1827. Tubes or rods for furniture. The same, British Patent No.6206, 20 Dec. 1831; Bedsteads from hollow tubes. The same, British Patent No.8891, 22 Mar. 1841; Metallic bedsteads,

383

more than a century later. But the emotional climate then prevailing and the technical temper of the times followed entirely divergent paths. This explains why the new potentialities of the nineteenth century found no inner contact with the objects whose structure they formed. Here in the sphere of comfort, the same phenomenon can be seen as later on in architecture, when stylistic fancies cloaked skeleton construction.

The adoption of springs for non-technical purposes spread rather slowly. Even in 1851 it seems not to have been usual for easy chairs to be fitted with coil springs. Early in the ‘fifties the well-known architect Martin Gropius constructed elastic easy chairs in this way. The humorous Berlin paper Kladderadatsch, made fun of it, in a page devoted to ‘Latest Inventions,’ showing how a skeptical visitor was lifted to the ceiling for having tried to discover whether there were really twenty-four of these coil springs (fig. 226). After a number of preliminaries (fig. 227),°? springs in the form of woven-wire mattresses were invented around 1870. *The discovery was recently made that a long spiral spring of small wire, when interlocked in a certain way and put to a certain degree of tension, formed a [flexible] fabric of great strength and durability’ (fig. 228).%

In the novelty of the find, quite understandably, the virtues of the wire mattress were somewhat exaggerated: °. . . strange as it may appear, it can be used as an excellent sleeping arrangement with only a folded blanket above the wire. The surface of the wire . . . mattress is in fact as sensitive as water, yielding to every pressure and resuming its shape as soon as it is removed.’ % When iron bedsteads were introduced around 1830, they were used in hospitals and prisons, not in the household. Now in the ’seventies the elastic mattress

desired.’ % |

is used in the new means of transportation: ‘... intended for steamer berths, sleeping cars ... for any place where a clean and cool sleeping arrangement is _ A-use for it was nevertheless seen in upholstered furniture: ‘this device appears to be also destined to fill a place in the upholstery line, and already lounges, carseats, etc., are being made of it. The company ** hopes before next summer to % Martin Gropius (1824-80) ranks as one of the few distinguished architects of the third quarter of the nineteenth century and was later especially noted for his functional hospital buildings and for his Berliner Kunstgewerbemuseum with its large glass-roofed inner court. He is the great-uncle of Walter Gropius. ” British Patent No.99, 12 Jan. 1865. * The Manufacturer and Builder, vol. 111, no. 5, May 1871, p.97. 4 Thid. % [bid.

%® Woven Wire Mattress Company, Hartford, Connecticut.

304

put on the market a neat and very comfortable settee for country piazzas, which

shall be as easy as the hammock to lie on...” The airy wire mattress soon became a favorite. In “Art and Home,’ one of the handy popular series of the time, which directed the English public toward sensibly hygienic furnishing, one reads (1878): ‘I would recommend a new sort of elastic mattress; it resembles a coat of mail and possesses the triple merit

in these travelling days, of being cool, clean and portable.’ °° Lady Barker recommends the wire mattress for low iron cribs for children (fig. 229).

What Happens to Man’s Surroundings in the Nineteenth Century?

The history of nineteenth-century ruling taste, with the sociological and emotive documentation it would need, is still waiting to be written. Here we have merely drawn out fragments indicating the power of mechanization over man. For the mechanization of adornment we have confined ourselves to England. Here, around 1850, mechanization was running ahead of other countries. Here,

the first dangerous symptoms appeared. Here, the first warners and reformers

were heard. Which is not to say that France played a minor part. From the time of Colbert, who fostered the luxury industries and brought them to the fore in the seventeenth century, France had been the arbiter of fashion. And she performed brilliantly, from the standpoint of ruling taste, at the great international exhibitions of the nineteenth century. The exhibition catalogues and those of the large Parisian firms, mass producers of statues and balustrades, fancy railing and clocks of gilded zinc, are conclusive enough. In 1867 the jury

of the Parisian International Exhibition computed at 150,000 the number of gilded zinc clocks that French industry had delivered throughout the world. The specially commissioned cutlery of Christoffle metal for Napoleon III

and the hand-chased, silver gondola that the Empress Eugénie presented to Fernand de Lesseps when opening the Suez Canal have as definitely lapsed into insignificance as the names of the artisans who designed them. But the anonymous products of mass fabrication are of leading interest in this period, because of their influence on the emotional formation of the masses. The multiplication

and development of this mechanized adornment is by no means explored. For furniture, we confined ourselves to a few examples from France. More plastically than the English, the French development shows what inroads the nineteenth century made into the organism of furniture. Side by side with ” The Manufacturer and Builder, May 1871. 98 Lady Barker, The Bedroom and Boudoir, in Art and Home Series, London, 1878. 9 Cf. Henri Clouzot, Des Tuileries a4 St, Cloud, Paris, 1925, p.104.

385

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230. Surrealist Interpretation of the 19th-Century Interior, Max Ernst, 1929. Peering from a glassed bookcase, the woman with a hundred no-heads in the guise of a plaster bust startles a pensive bystander. The stamped lion heads of the chairs are changed into a giant ape. (Maz Ernst, La Femme 100 tétes, Paris, 1929)

France’s orientalizing cushion furniture, England developed a plainer style, connected with the habits of club life. These black leather easy chairs and sofas were destined for groups of pipe-smoking men. From this furniture, direct lines lead to the reforms of William Morris and his followers and thence to the present

day. The English also did not allow the upholsterer so free a hand in their comfortable seating for the drawing room or the bedroom. But our knowledge of this development is fragmentary. For a time it seemed that the Rococo wave that gripped France in the ’thirties promised more than a stylistic revival. The chairs of the Rococo, molded to the human form were elaborated in the ’sixties with an originality that cannot be wholly ignored. The seats become broader, lower, and deeper. Various hybrid forms arise, designed for what is neither sitting nor lying. They have one point in common: the invitation to informal posture. We shall see how truly this nonstatic, changing posture corresponds to the character of the century. Describing this furniture, a writer in whom the Ancien Régime still lives on, as in so many Frenchmen, cannot repress the comment as he surveys the various species of confortables, “On entering our salons these days (1878) one involuntarily asks oneself whether these women, these men, so nonchalantly reclining and sprawled, can be the descendants of that French société, once outstanding for its brilliancy, its deportment and its savoir-vivre.’ !

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flores enterp . fO plo erson. d with a ing an ignifie 5 °, dign ‘ ed W eat t"Theioneer! e e: ve desc own p it start ibed, se ith their Seat tits TIDE, e ¢ I b l bed e | Adj ust IM pre ; Ca iste noCer.T nat C. ch f.t e t for ue, th °can Coa ues Cgo the 1eS was § Techi k consis

meri in one a ile bar ravel. he an O ODI , O ; . of m . en ine. bu direct Go an en tam . tion iC eption Inge ’s spine, ing the the no e over S no thing

oach a of the ’fortie mfort. e, the ba passenger

concep became one’s it |facing nd backtbar. a propfor ioht alway d beforhe e hearth,

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more tha so that h ing new. AAT

AS Os RECLINING AND SELF-ADJUSTING —“‘“‘OCOOCOwCO~O*wC*CO*O*O*w*OCOC—C~COC*Os*~*:~*~*~*:*:*”*”*”COCSCSS”*ti‘“C:i‘CS

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— | ee 7 ok Ke #«§,. gg Car Seat, 1855. The swing back een. OOS heSo:OO SCOC=C*“‘i‘iDecoomesca point for comfort. ROY SERIO Sade OCR ROO Bi | RG IR SN ie SRS OR, starting Se Bini. Rie sree _EERE[l~ OP BoMONS kkSS60° | = The convex side of the. ° curved back 1Jf/ UX hag’ ° Nee|“Sd Nt }F| |__ rest bolstersside the spine for day “Se “ASL. the concave supports thetravel; head

Ss WR SRS UEC and shoulders at night. (Courtesy _ FOR NIGHT OR DAY TRAVELING. York Historical Society)

68 |fee,fF —en eee SS a eC

273. Portable, Adjustable, Re- | of oa A r i pee eh. \ i

: ee Ot teen

clining ‘ Railroad Rest,’ 1857. The a eos ek ee. .— eee Be Se %

passenger the ‘railroad SbF. to his seat atfixed a convenient angle. rest es i gs ge age naeae{

ciety) | Oo a a etek ee ee eek ee ee lection, New-York Historical Sc- Da tih BL »EN OD Pe FOR

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JIi 274. Adjustable, Reversible | Railroad Seat, 1851. The i ————— ee second United States 1} a j= 5 for an adjustable railroadpatent seat. LA, Gil | NG Back rest adjusted by an ‘arAPT ft : ‘ GS fxg | \ | Git Ay] ;oN rangement of two levers... so d that any required height of back

GC : a Q . . = i, * * ~ “Ry V4 | e,* ‘

\Ss ie \eebs| eee i } (from may and be carried andside reversed to either of the NPete ees _/§ \ /j seat’ and secured ‘firmly in us “tASY ‘ position at any required angle.’ SN J (U.S. 11 Novem~X\XY ViPatent ber 8508, 1851)

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275. Recumbent Seat for Railway Carriages, 1855. Mounted on a metal disk clamped between two plates, tilting backward and forward, and swiveling. (U.S. Paterit 13,164, 21 August 1855)

276. Adjustable Railroad Seat, 1858. .Wobility is achieved by a system of slotted hemicircles and thumbscrews. The leg rest slides oul leleseopically. (U.S. Patent 21,052, 27 July 1858)

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°LgAT . Another suggested ‘constructing every alternate seat in two distinct parts’ — one, the frame, remaining fixed; the other being raised on guiding columns or posts. ‘In this manner the seats are enabled to be converted into comfortable double sleeping couches situated upon horizontal planes at different elevations, the backs of the several seats being thrown back and sustained ... to effect this result.’ Thus the passengers would sleep in two tiers, which overlapped like the tiles on a roof °° (fig. 277). A whole string of inventors, mainly around 1858," tried to devise railroad seats as, later on, barbers’ chairs or dentists’ chairs came to be designed: with

adjustable headrests, hinged backs, and swing footrests. One — as early as 1855 — mounted his swivel seat on a clamping disk carried by a post. It could tilt backward and forward like a bicycle seat ® (fig. 275). A second inventor aimed at mobility by a system of slotted hemicircles and thumbscrews, while he slid out the leg rest telescopically ™ (fig. 276). A third balanced his seat on an ‘oscillating pedestal.’ = A fourth constructed his with swinging footrests, adjustable back, and headrest regulated by helical springs ® (fig. 278). ‘These complicated devices also were adapted to barbers’ chairs, but not until decades later (fig. 279). A simplified form of this type of armchair with extensible footrests appeared in the ’eighties in the parlor car, destined for wealthier passengers (fig. 281). It was then in current use: An advertisement shows a gentleman travel55 U.S. Patent 21,870, 26 Oct. 1858. 66 U.S, Patent 21,985, 2 Nov. 1858. 57 In 1858, thirteen patents were issued for improvements in car seats, and eight for improvements in

car seats and berths (or couches). 88U.S. Patent 13,464, 21 Aug. 1855. 59 U.S. Patent 19,910, 13 Apr. 1858.

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284. ‘Car Seat and Couch,’ 1854, ‘First’ American Sleeping-Car Patent. Horizontal sleeping surfaces are obtained by folding over the seats and the seat backs. The sleeping car evolved from the reversible and convertible car-seal: early inventors did not use the word ‘sleeping car,’ but, like the inventors of railway seats,

spoke of ‘couches’ or ‘seat improvements.’ As there are no sharp transitions, there is some arbitrariness in calling this solution of 1854. the ‘first’ American sleeping-car patent. (U.S. Patent 11,699, 19 September 1854)

On the threshold of the great railroad panic in 1873, a record trackage was built: almost 7500 miles in 1871, or more than the total construction of the first twenty years. Closely connected with this expansion was the rise of the luxury car in its various types. But — it should always be stressed — a demand for heightened comfort in American travel was already finding its response at a time when train runs on European and American lines were nearly comparable

in length. The luxury types were in use on the regular routes several years before the transcontinental lines were opened. In 1869 the Union Pacific, building from the East, made junction with the Central Pacific, building from San

Francisco. And in 1870, when George M. Pullman invited the Boston Board of ‘Trade on the first through-journey across the continent, made in seven days, he had only to pool the cars in his depots. The luxury types entered service in this sequence: 1865, the palace sleeping

car Pioneer; 1867-8, hotel car and dining car; ® 1867, drawing-room car of Webster Wagner, Pullman’s competitor, who succeeded in running bis cars on the Vanderbilt lines, where they continued in operation until after Pullman’s death in 1897; 1875, Pullman’s drawing-room car, at first called ‘reclining-chair ® ‘The hotel car combined the sleeping and dining cars; the dining car pointed to the present-day type. Pullman’s patents for these types were granted the following year, 1869 (U.S. Patents 89,537 and 89,538, 27 Apr. 1869).

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nearly tw enty years later Came the V estibu e, b Y whic the entire train was brou t under one TOO like the di erent rooms of a house Fr om the technica an le this important safet device, continua ly 1m TOV ed, is erha S the most origimal CONtTIvance to Na eft Fullman's OrKSDOP. o other itting oun °

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such rapid an entnusiastic acceptance. ere aS In Many other spneres, the uture deve opment ad aiready taken s ape In its basic features 1890. e

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irst train to be equipped with it, ;. patented, . For its reception contemporaries, see Porter aiulway PassengerScribner's Lrave cribnerM: s Magazine, .29 eptember Horace P “Railway P Travel,’ ine, vol.vol. Iv 1296-319 (S b1888 8

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About a half-century later (1934) the streamline train came in. But this innovation, like the streamlining movement as a whole, 1S more a matter of formal design. The Story of Pullman, 1893. e

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2by ’s‘ ‘Pi * . 1865. E 1car,lik The | hich h of travel, 6 bll 87.Pull Pullman's Pioneer, ixterior. e long which makes for smooth travel, becomes possible th 1b j bogies; this, hes, t hmak istic Ameri the flexible mounting on bogies;. this, like movable seats and couches, is a characteristic of American travel. (Courtesy of the Pullman Company)

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The art and architecture of our day show many facets. A movement may represent but one segment, a single trend within our time. But different as the trends may be in themselves, each works with means of its own to clarify reality. As a whole they constitute the vision of our time. And when a movement ends

484 -

or flows into another, it still remains a living parcel of our consciousness. No single country, no one person, has created our furniture or the equipment of the house. Each land contributed its atmosphere, its talents, whenever an idea was being worked out. This co-operation guarantees the validity of the whole development.

5 Die Bauwelt, Berlin, 1933, no. 33.

No sooner has a new idea appeared — the tubular chair for instance — than its implications are worked out by new creative talents, only to return to the inventor who resolves them into standard form. As in all periods, there is continual give and take, an unconscious but active collaboration.

Yet the manner of mvention is different from in the patent-furniture era. Invention of form now takes precedence. Inventors are no longer anonymous like the subscribers in the telephone directory. Their names and personalities are all sharply defined; and often behind an abstract form we may perceive the contribution of a country or of an individual.

The Shaping of the Types G. Rietveld, the Precursor

The Dutch were the first to project the new artistic vision into furniture. Among them G. Rietveld of Utrecht had already pointed the way before 1920. Rietveld did not stand alone. He was linked with the Dutch avant-garde, with Theo van Doesburg, with Piet Mondrian, with J. J. P. Oud, all of whom, from 1917 on, had been voicing their esthetic in the periodical De Stil. ‘Our chairs, tables, cupboards . . . will become the abstract-real artifacts of future interiors,’ Rietveld proclaims as he publishes his early chair designs in 1919.°®

As in painting and architecture, it was necessary temporarily to forget everything and begin afresh, as if no chair had ever before been built. There should be no dovetailing. The framework of the chair is composed of square members simply screwed together. They cross one another but do not penetrate, and their overlapping distinctness is emphasized. As Rietveld puts it, the separate elements shall be ‘visibly connected’ (fig. 309). Line likewise crosses line in Piet Mondrian’s colorless paintings and drawings of the same period, often called

the ‘plus and minus’ pictures (fig. 310). Seat and back in the chair of 1918 consist of smooth, unbent plywood planes kept at a deliberate distance from one another.

It is easy to see what was going on: Furniture was being dissected into its elements, into a system of struts and planes. The effect should be as light, as transparent, as hovering as possible, almost like an iron skeleton. This becomes even clearer in Rietveld’s buffet of 19177 (fig. 311). Here, furniture resolves into vertical and horizontal elements. The dresser top, a plain board, | 6 De Stijl, Jahrg. 2, Leyden, 1918-19, no. 11. 7 Reproduced in 70 Jaaren Stijl, Jubilee serres, 1927, p.47.

| 485

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not interested in the problem of its practical application. His was the attitude of the eighteenth-century scientist, interested only in discovery. Regarding himself as a natural philosopher, he left the industrial exploitation to others. Many obstacles stood in the way of immediate solution. Over half a century had to pass before the electric motor, from the small dimensions in which Faraday had conceived it, after passing through the gigantic, was again condensed into the small and reliable instrument; and almost a century before its ubiquitous use was taken for granted.

The coming onto the market of the small electric power unit is closely linked with the name of Nicola Tesla, although it was far from being the main achievement of this master of high-frequency currents and of the multiple-phase motor that first made possible the economical transmission of energy. In the spring

of 1889, almost immediately after his pioneer patent for the multiple-phase motor, Nicola Tesla, together with the Westinghouse Company, put on the market a + horsepower alternating current motor directly driving a three-blade fan (fig. 386). This motor could not be regulated in speed or direction. But the simple appliance, easily portable from one room to another, marks the starting point of innumerable moves to punctuate the house with local power units. The year 1889 saw many other patents drawn up for fans driven by electric motors.®° But Tesla’s simple apparatus owes its significance to the fact that it did not remain a mere idea, but was commercially manufactured

| and put on the market. The hot and damp American summer inevitably brought attempts to substitute mechanical devices for the hand fan — something, at any rate, that should free the hand of its waving to-and-fro motion. Such mechanisms ‘operated by means of a single lever and cord’ ” might be pedal-driven or harnessed

to a rocking chair. ‘When a person is sitting in the chair and rocks it...’ the fan placed overhead ‘is vibrated by the slightest motion of the chair.’ ® If in the ’sixties one wanted a truly automatic fan, it would have to be a clockwork one. ‘The case containing the works is attached to the ceiling and provided with revolving wings.’ © There were also at this time clockwork fans for tabletop use, adjustable in speed.” Nicola Tesla’s electric fan of 1889 led the development by about a quarter century. Electric current in the ‘nineties in Europe as in America, was a luxury. 66 For instance, U.S. Patent 414,758, 12 Nov. 1889; or 417,474, 17 Dec. 1889. 67 U.S. Patent 133,164, 19 Nov. 1872. 68 Thid. As is well known, Franklin’s visitors admired such a device on his easy chair around 1780. 69 TJ.S. Patent 76,175, 31 May 1868. 70 U.S. Patent 81,539, 25 Aug. 1868.

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Th tl h the electricitye °sou € made avallaple °

e e «a . r °. P.. Barrett, eeey 4,*p.446 e XDUDI .

iSSi f el 1 Ww for the International >ctrici y i El icity E hibition held at Munich.in.1882 7 Other e installations proj e eC. } lar Ww roject a iSwere time {tor °vol.5..O36; > } ccCf. Revi Lond Sacramento and another of 12,000 for Por tland, Oregon. E lectr le 1895, £r€vlew, onaon 7 The first long-distance transmission of ele ctric curren as realize

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discussed everywhere in the ‘nineties. At London’s exclusive Society of Arts, which, we recall, sponsored the first International Exhibition in 1851, a lecturer, Crompton, concluded that electric current was ‘too expensive to become general.” Wherever the question was raised, in Philadelphia “ or in London, the experts were dubious. Only the great inventors saw its possibilities. Nicola Tesla, at the start of the ‘nineties, foretold that electricity would soon be used

asEvencasually as water. | around 1900 people were wondering whether electricity would ever dis-

place gas.

The cheapening of current went hand in hand with the gradual introduction of the small electric motor. Toward 1910 this trend made itself more strongly felt. But the motor was still seen as an outside body, a unit distinct from the

object to be driven. More usual was the water motor. Leafing through the catalogues of the time, one immediately notices that the electric motor is a rarity. Should a housewife wish an electric motor, instead of the customary water motor, the manufacturer warns: ‘I can’t quote you a price on an electric

motor to run the washer until I have the information what kind of electric

current you have and the voltage.’ 7 The Mechanization of Cleaning: Laundering

IMITATION OF THE HAND | Eighteenth-Century England: The Americans ever take the lead in mechanically overcoming the difficulties of a complicated craft. This does not mean that other countries failed to show an early interest in the problem. Late eight-

eenth-century England turned a slight stream of its tremendous inventive current into the modest sphere of washing machines. With the exception of a solitary forerunner of 1691,’° whose mechanism is rather hard to picture from the letters patent, invention in this field begins in 1780, bringing new patents almost each year, five in 1790.”

By and large, they are cumbrous constructions moved by cranks, wheels, levers, and balances. Like the early steam engines they employ a mighty apparatus to little effect, amid great agitation of pistons, hammers, or sliding trays. Even when it claimed domesticity — and the inventor hopefully entitles his 7 J. Chester Wilson, ‘Electric Heating,’ Engineering Club, Philadelphia, Proceedings, 1895, vol. 12, ee Motor Self-working Washer,’ catalogue c.1906. 76 British Patent No. 271, 27 Aug. 1691. 77 British Patents Nos. 1744, 1759, 1770, 1772, 1786. This period demands more detailed investigation.

960

drawing ‘Washerwoman’s assistant or Housewives’ Economist’ “— such machinery was out of question for the household. No more than a minimum of skepticism is needed to tell one that these contrivances could neither assist the washerwoman nor bring economy to the house-

hold. It is a time of groping, in which the guiding principles were not to be discovered. It was too early. America before 1850: By its very nature America was moved more than any other country to invent compact and handy washing machines for household use.

Both eighteenth-century England and America until 1850 started from the idea of directly imitating the to-and-fro movement of the hand. What the washerwoman accomplished with her fist, vigorously rubbing the fabrics against the ribbed washboard, the machine should now perform. Taking

over her drudgery, the machine should, like her, scrub and wash the clothes piece by piece.

In the first half of the nineteenth century, even in America where the mechanisms were more simple, the eagerness for a direct solution often led to quite grotesque contraptions. To take one whose lineage dates back to the eighteenth century, and which had a surprisingly long life, a model of 1846” (fig. 389): Here the to-and-fro motion of the human hand is imitated by causing a curved receptacle to slide over a similarly curved bed of rollers, thus pressing and rubbing the linen caught between these two mechanisms.” A threefold crank simultaneously swings the bed of rollers and the receptacle in opposite directions. The ‘swinging box for holding the clothes,’ which also presses them against the

washboard, is directly abstracted from the human hand. Despite its rather grotesque design, this type with the curved, mobile washboard and the container passing over it in an opposite direction has remained in use until well into this century, and is found, for instance, in Montgomery Ward’s catalogue for 1927 as ‘Our Famous Old Faithful’ (fig. 390). The inventor of 1846 readily admits that the idea of using a bed of rollers is not new. He asks credit only for its curved form, also given to the box. Actually

this awkward arrangement, which travels like a swing through the tub, goes back to English forerunners. There the idea already appears of replacing the hand by a swinging and curved grating of boards, which rubs the linen and presses it against the bottom of the tub. 78 British Patent No. 1882, 21 May 1792. Washmachine by John Harrison. 79U.S. Patent 4891, 15 Dec. 1846. 80 It had its beginnings in England. British Patent No. 1772, 18 Aug. 1790.

561

Likewise imitative of the human hand was the ‘wringing out’ before rollers or centrifugal force were used. Such a proposal appears in the first washingmachine patent of 1780 * ‘In the machine over the trough are fixed two hooks, over which wet linen is hung, and by giving a circular movement to one of the hooks, presses the water out of the linen.’ Ten years later, in 1790, the washing is already laid in a ‘wringing cloth of netting’ ® which is a slit sack fastened at either end, to receive the wet clothes. The sack and its contents are twisted by means of a crank much as if it were being wrung by hand. The American patent of 1847 ® (fig. 391) improves the fastenings but in other respects it follows

in the track of the eighteenth-century types. THE TWO WAYS OF MECHANIZATION

Technically considered, washing machines fall into several types. Four is the number usually given. Whoever cares to look further will find them often described in special literature.** But methodological enquiry is more in our line

of interest. Considered from this standpoint, two ways of mechanizing the laundry process have so far appeared. Both are closely bound up with the

developments of the period. | -

The first method is mainly of service in the larger commercial laundries. Here

automatic operation is based on the use of steam. This method has remained supreme in the large-scale establishments from mid-century down to the present. Here too the system that has prevailed is that of the first industrially produced model. The model of 1851 (fig. 396) immediately proved its worth. Exploiting the natural circulation of steam and boiling water, it reinforces this action by a rotary movement. The mechanical parts consist of a pair of concentric cylinders

of which the inner one is mobile. Fire plays beneath the outer, fixed cylinder. They are to be half filled. ‘As soon as steam begins to escape from the boiler, put in sufficient soap, give the boiler a few turns ... then put in your clothes ... and let them stay in from 3 to 20 minutes turning the boiler occasionally.’ ® In a now rare catalogue preserved by the Library of Congress, the inventor explains what truly takes place in the washing process with the same careful detail as his contemporaries argue the advantages of the bath. ‘Dirt is a compound held together and fastened to the fabric by oily glutinous or vegetable 81 British Patent No. 1269, 5 Dec. 1780.

8 British Patent No. 1772, 18 Aug. 1790. |

8 U.S. Patent 5106, 8 May 1847. 8 Edna B. Snyder, A Study of Washing. Machines, Nebraska, 1931. The types distinguished are: The Dolly, the Gyrator, the Cylinder, and the Vacuum. 8 U.S. Patent 8446, 21 Oct. 1851, James T. King, Washing Apparatus.

962

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@ eT ion Ee ? ~~ ae, . ; 4 389. Washing‘J Machine, 1846. .. sy. “Hh, i ij 7°

Qe NN N 5 Y ff Imitation of the to-and-fro movement ’&, S49 | a” of the human hand by a curved recepWotSee & \ yeA » 8 SIT 4 tacle sliding E ee S éover a bed of rollers.

SON“nell ay collin x Z PILATE raked al N,slide theagainst rollers the cradle one and another in

i ; opposite directions, squeezing the clothes between them.’ (U.S. Patent 4891, 15 December 1846)

ig OT ee eeere LEF—eF" Se fe a oersne. i ee. ee i iss

-_— -. “€¢ .6hCllm! Lt ULULUCUCUCULDG

(rer! ee me Ow Es BRS ee

390. Washer, 1927. re PR ee _SI GF The Hand-Power lineage of this curved washboard

goes back to late eighteenth-century oe ag : oe ie aoe — oe

England. It is a hardy type, appear- A ae ing even in our century, in the mail- 0 fe Re Aa,

order-house catalogues, where it is still ee ee, ®t OO

carefully described: ‘ At every stroke of Be fF eer ae ees

the hand .lever, curved “hoo rs a . e ‘.two bn GE Cgcorrugated go — - ieSS a aOF ee:stfoo... washboards, moving in opposite direc- oe -. fa; 27 OB N ae

Z ions, rub the clothes tir much the same - eee Ce So a i j be 4 ; ~—é« Orr ae Sek RRS. Lge : eee eeees EE oc ced “ ERR RE sa P os Poca chine t ie, mate NeeSM alm 2Sane as ne RES BS nan

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415. French Vacuum Cleaner Mounted on Truck, 1903. Operated from the street, these vacuum ovlants on wheels required a crew of two. The semi-mobile machines were soon reduced in size, although portable domes-

tic machines in the U.S.A. around 1905 were closer to the type shown above than to today’s light appliance. (La Nature, 1903) ?

vacuum cleaner] had no right to work on a public thoroughfare.... The acuum Cleaner Company was frequently sued for damages for alleged frighten-

i i of°1322 mobile units si ing cab horsesThe in the street. e mobile units were reducedin in size. * Ld ew soon educed

The French had such moderate sized machines in operation at an early date (fig. 415). They represent a transition phase prior to introduction of the port-

2e

able type in the private home.

f ] e . e ° e es » | s » ® f LJ ° e e » Occasionall is | fusion of e thods. e eThe*f f §th | the** d

THE QUESTION OF ORIGINS

The cl wn ti he | istorical inf

In th f is littl

e closer we are to our own time, the less accurate is our historical information. In the present state of research, there is little certainty where the modern

type of cleaner with mechanically-created suction first appeared. Hesitation is noticeable in the experiments around 1900, which waver between the use o suction and compressed air, between sucking up the dust and blowing it away. *

ccasionally, this led to a dual method, a complex fusion of compressed air and

vacuum metnoas. e forerunner of the vacuum cleaner was the COMpresse

air cleaner used in foundries to blow dust from castings.’ The first use in clean-

SS a SS ene SS a i hhPPPaE

1822 Booth, ‘TheOOrigin of the V Clewcomen "N Society T. tions, London, 1935,»vol. 15‘ 2 Booth, e Urigin e Yacuum eaner, oociely transactions, Lonaon, VOL,

p.93. ”

, ws

ing buildings, we are told, “was undoubtedly in the form of an open jet for dis-

lodging dust from carvings.’ American machines that blew compressed air into the carpet were also demonstrated to the public of other countries. In one of his few references to himself, the Englishman Booth recalls: ‘My attention was first directed to the mechanical removal of dust from carpets in 1901 through a demonstration of an Ameri-

can machine by its inventor.... The machine consisted of a box to which compressed air was supplied, the air was blown down in the carpet from two

opposite directions.’ As we see, it is hard to ascertain where a satisfactory vacuum cleaner first came into being. The English name Booth as the inventor of the first machine operating exclusively by suction. His device was patented in 19011 and successfully introduced. The inventor claims as his own the idea of using suction by itself, having been stimulated by demonstrations of those American machines that blew air into the carpet. Booth suggested that the American try blowing

in the opposite way, and he attempted ‘the experiment of sucking with my mouth against the back of a plush seat in a restaurant in Victoria Street with the result that I was almost choked. ...°° There is no doubt that Booth made his invention mdependently, not finding out until later that a long series of nineteenth-century patents had traveled the same path. In his reminiscences upon ‘the origin of the vacuum cleaner,’ he gives an interesting enumeration of

early patents. Booth’s machine of 1901 was a mobile one, mounted on a pushcart.?3”

Shortly after 1900 the French too, as the illustration shows, were building compact machines driven by electric motors and mounted on wheelcarts. They claim the invention of a nozzle (which Booth claims as his) for use in cleaning their furniture. Booth claims moreover to have been the earliest to introduce this combination of hose and handle. In France such machines seem to have been originally used for cleaning theater seats. Two hundred and seventeen 183 Cooley, op.cit. p.4. Mr. Joseph H. Young, the superintendent for the Union Pacific at Salt Lake City, and David Patterson, master mechanic, attempted in 1892-3 to clean car interiors by coupling together a number of air-brake pumps so as to blow away the dust. As this proved impracticable, they worked out a syphon method, whereby air was sucked up and blown out of the window, with such success that it was generally adopted by the Union Pacific for cleaning coaches and Pullman cars at its passenger terminals. They also developed a nozzle to spray paint on freight cars and wooden buildings, a procedure that was adopted for painting ships. A patent was denied, however, on the ground that the principle was covered by patents that blew oil from a tank by compressed air to kindle fires in locomotive fire boxes. We owe this information to Mr. Young, now vice-president of the Westinghouse Brake Co. 134 Booth, op.cit. p.85. 135 British Patent No.17,433, 30 Aug. 1901. 186 Booth, op.cit. p.86.

137 Tlustrations, ibid. pl. xt.

288

kilograms of dust are said to have been sucked from the chairs of a single theater.'°®

Taking over an English model in 1905, the Germans performed experiments to test its efficiency.® Wet gelatine plates should allow a comparison of the dust that settled in ordinary beating and sweeping with that raised by the new vacuum cleaner. The machine is described as if it were some newly discovered variety of plant life. Favorable tests notwithstanding, the hygienists concluded that vacuum cleaning failed to save either time or labor. In keeping with the general trend of household mechanization, the initiative

then passed into American hands. The Americans support the candidacy of David T. Kenney, who ‘installed the first mechanical cleaning system in which the vacuum alone was used as a cleaning agent’ '° in the Frick Building, New York (1902). Kenney’s pioneering patent was granted by 1903 and is said to have been lying in the Patent Office for years before. Here the chronological trail becomes rather blurred, particularly as the English inventor mentions his forerunners, but remains silent concerning his successful foreign contemporaries. We can roughly decide as follows. America pioneered in the stationary models while England and France developed the early mobile ones. One thing is certain in all this. The American vacuum-cleaner industry — whether manufacturers of portable or of stationary types — became licensees of the Kenney patents, the validity of which was upheld in official inquests into the state of the vacuum-cleaner industry. ‘The Kenney patents (fig. 416) are the basic vacuum-cleaner patents that have been litigated and upheld by the courts.’ 14 THE VACUUM BECOMES A HOUSEHOLD TOOL

The circle closes some six decades after the advent of the first portable machines in which suction was tried out.

In the interval it was especially the type with bellows and revolving brush that received most attention. We find it in 1917, the year a large mail-order firm introduced the portable electric machine. The type, one is assured, ‘accomplishes practically as much as an electric cleaner at much less cost.’ 138 G. Richou, ‘Nettoyage sanitaire par le vide,’ La Nature, Paris, 1903, p.577. 189 Dr. Berghaus, ‘Der Vacuumreiniger, ein Apparat zur staubfreien Reinigung der Wohnraeume,’ Archw fuer Hygiene, vol. 52 (Miinchen, 1905). 140 Cooley, op.cit. p.13.

141 Report of the Federal Trade Commission on the House Furnishing Industry, 6 Oct., p.6 (Washington,

ee Catalogue of the Montgomery Ward Co., 1917, p.703.

589

The standard types were created within a few years after this lapse of several decades. The years 1901 and 1902 brought the first satisfactory fixed vacuums in America and in England. ‘The first portable vacuum cleaner is said to have materialized in 1905.18 But this American machine with large turbine fan and motor mounted on a chassis was still rather voluminous and closer to the French machines on wheels than to the later and lighter instruments. Two years later, 1907, the patent was submitted for a more portable machine tending toward the now standard form.™ (fig. 372). Now the fan revolves around a vertical spindle directly coupled to the moter, just as in Tesla’s electric fan of 1889. The carefully shaped motor-casing is made to carry a swivel handle. In brief, the carpet sweeper has been mechanized. The main trend is now toward simplifying and reducing the number of parts. The inventor formulates this in his next patent (1915) (fig. 421): ‘The object of this invention is to provide a construction which will be composed of few simple parts, put together in a practical mechanical manner.’ 1*

In short, hardly more than five years elapsed from the advent of the cumbersome fixed vacuum to the creation of the portable standard form in which the vacuum became an everyday household. tool.

416. ThePatent, Basic American VacuumJy: 'r>Ug eee5 Aa Cleaner 1903. From 1902 on, Xe stationary plants, whose pipes ran through AED | | | the structure like central heating, were in- aad 1 1 j stalled in the larger American buildings — i \F/ | Astor Hotel, (1902). Fig.[bo 2 | >LAL au A| The first andFrick basicBuilding patent for both Right: fixed and

portable vacuum cleaners was that of D. T. 7 i cm | oe Kenney: ‘Separcior for apparefus for re- jy ly : moving dust,’ 1903. Lere tie handie and the , a i | fl

hose are still Left: The vacuum jf, 0WHH cleaner a distinct. hes standard CT; |. |if|| pproaches standard form: a few iWi | RA=Vaal

years after his first patent Kenney ran the | aN = ——_ I x r\ Za ‘ suction through a tubular handle with a dust | \ er HS. Fe S-< inlet slot at tis end, mounting the whole = Va Ne = aaa

flexibly on wheels. From this the bag type a ; — of today was apparently derived. (U.S.

Patent 781,532, 31 January 1905) Y

143 Tllustrations by Cooley, op.cit. p.16. Inventor: Dr. William Noe, San Francisco. 41U.S. Patent 889,823, 2 June 1908. James M. Spangler. He already shows the dust bag. 145 [J.S, Patent 1,151,731, 1915, 31Aug. This is the machine that was made over to the Hoover SuctionSweeper Company, a corporation of Ohio. In a sequence of further improvements the present standard type was developed.

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ABCD 424a,b. Ice-Harvesting Apparatus, 1883. The ice plane is used to clean the frozen surface of the pond. ‘When the plane has rcndered the ice smooth, the marker marks the field in blocks 22 by 32 inches. The ice plough is used to finish off the work begun

by the marker. Each of its teeth will cut about a quarter inch of ice, so that a plough with 8 teeth will go through about 2 inches each time it passes along

eo} wo the grooves.’ The blocks are broken up and manipulated with ice-hook (A); fork-splitting bar (B); groov-

| | | | ing bar (C); channel hook bar (D). (Appleton’s Cyclopaedia of Applied Mechanics, vol. 11, New York, 1883)

has its continuation in quite unexpected form today. George Washington had a large icehouse on bis Mount Vernon estate. At first icehouses were dug into the ground, as in Europe, the excavation being covered by a roof. The aboveground icehouse, as Cummings notes, was introduced in the early nineteenth century; it was constructed with double walls and doors on the principle of the ice stores of the ships that exported ice to the West Indies. Wastage was thus reduced from 60 per cent to less than 8 per cent. Export of natural ice to the tropics began with shipments to Martinique in 1805, to Cuba ten years later, and in 1833 on the famous clipper ships to Calcutta, where a triple-walled ice store held 30,000 tons of ice. Cutting and storing ice in large quantities for export and for domestic supply is [1872] a strictly American enterprise, which began nearly seventy years ago, and from a small beginning has grown to a great business employing thousands of men and millions of 63 Cummings, op.cit. p.83.

597

capital. Besides the great depots (Portland, Maine, and Boston) .. . almost every town has its local companies to supply what has long since ceased to be a luxury, and has become a necessity in almost every family.!*

This is well confirmed by Thomas Cook’s observation that same year when he made a first world tour with his travel-agency. Nothing in New York seems to have more strongly impressed him, the Quaker and temperance man, than the jugs of iced water found on every table. “In 1876 the amount required for home consumption was over 2,000,000 tons, requiring a force of 4,000 horses and 10,000 men.’ 155

As well as anything, it typifies the American entrepreneurial spirit of the times; that around a common material, such as natural ice, a whole export indus-

try should be built up. Just as mechanisms were devised to tear tree trunks from the soil, so in order to harvest ice on American ponds, this heavy manual task was broken into its elements and tools were fashioned to ease and reduce it toa minimum. Invention of the ice cutters, which revolutionized the industry, dates from the late 1820’s. The ‘ice plows’ had shares armed with teeth that cut into the ice like a saw, leaving a deep groove. We recall the tremendous inventive activity of this period, which devised new forms of the plow, while McCormick was perfecting his reaper and its cutting-bar with shark-like teeth. Scraping and planing tools, crowbars in great variety, as well as conveyor bands to transport the ice from the quarrying place to the icehouse, completed the ice-

harvesting equipment. Even spiral conveyors were patented. | Such remained the normal method of obtaining ice throughout the century, as may be seen from the detailed illustrations given in a technical encyclopedia

of the 1880’s 1°6 (fig. 424). |

_ Icehouses are directly linked with the time of full mechanization. Once more we find small houses scattered across the land, preserving supplies over long periods. This time, however, they are not for storing ice — obtainable by simpler,

mechanized means — but for preserving perishable foods, which a new quickfreezing process allows to be kept for many months in unaltered freshness. The first installations of this kind are said to have been converted from unremunerative artificial ice factories. 154 The Great Industries of the United States, Hartford, 1872, p.156. 155 A ppleton’s Cyclopedia of Applied Mechanics, New York, 1883, vol. II, p.127. 156 Thid.

y —— es 425. Ice-Delivery Trade Card, ¢.1830. Refrigeration = = was first used to take dairy products to market in 1803, says

Cummings, the historian of American food habits. The

™— —— tradeespecially increasedwhen greatly the invention of the was ice plow, yhoo i ae ae, and theafter above-ground icehouse intro-

eT OE OW RE duced in the 1820's.

ey De SF Se io

MECHANICAL REFRIGERATION AFTER 1800

The universally minded eighteenth century was interested in the overall view, in cyclic processes. Giambattista Vico, in his Scienza Nuova (1730) looks for cyclical processes in history: who knows the history of one people knows the

history of all peoples. Parallel with this, there is a turning of awareness to cyclic processes in physics and to their utilization in practical life. Contempo-

raries found a most strong stimulus to their inventive fantasy in the gas-toliquid, liquid-to-solid cycle and its reverse.

The cyclic passage from water to steam and from steam back to water led the practical mind of James Watt, with a minimum of technical knowledge, to the invention of the condenser (1769), the function of which is to recondense water vapor after expansion to sub-atmospheric pressure. This supplied the missing link in the cycle, and the modern steam engine was made possible.

Mechanical refrigeration relies upon a similar method. A liquid of low boiling point is in turn evaporated and reliquefied. Through evaporation it absorbs heat from its environment, in other words produces cold. Michael Faraday is known as the first successful experimenter in mechanical refrigeration. He observed in 1823, during his study of gases, that ammonia heated in a U-tube would recondense in the other limb. Left to itself the ammonia would evaporate anew, producing intense cold. No more than he thought of utilizing for practical purposes the electric motor, whose principle he was to discover nine years later, did Faraday think of a utilitarian exploitation of the discovery upon which mechanical refrigeration is based.1°” The first precise scientific vision of how cold might be mechanically produced

and utilized is found in an apparently overlooked passage of Oliver Evans’s Abortion of the Young Steam Engineer’s Guide, Philadelphia, 1805. Oliver Evans, who introduced the earliest production line in the milling process, is, in concep-

tion at least, the father of modern cold-making. He starts from the observation: ‘If an open glass be filled with ether and set in water under vacuo, the ether will

boil rapidly and rob the water of its latent heat till it freezes... . 8 Evans now sets himself a problem similar to the earlier one in which he transformed the endless belt and the Archimedean screw into the assembly line: how and for what purposes can physical laws be utilized? Evans imagines refrigeration of the drinking water reservoirs of American cities, and proposes a powerful vacuum pump driven by a steam engine to volatilize ether, thus taking heat 157 Jacob Perkins, an American living in England, used ether in the first compression machines in 1834.

Ferdinand Carré, who in 1857 patented the first commercially exploitable ice-making machine, later (1859) used like Faraday a solution of ammonia and water. 168 Kvans, op.cit. p.136,

599

from the water around it; a second pump recompresses the ether within a barrel immersed in water, and the ether is changed to vapor again. The Englishman Leslie succeeded in vaporizing ether under the vacuum pump in 1811.1 Oliver Evans was an embittered inventor. Embittered because he came too

s a e ° es $

early for his environment, and was continually frustrated. After his short description, he cannot help likening himself ‘lest I be thought extravagant,’ to James Watt’s unfortunate forerunner, the Marquess of Worcester, whose words

also fell on closed ears. | HOME REFRIGERATION MECHANIZED

The prerequisites were the same as those for the other mechanized household

tools: reduction to compact size, and the built-in electric motor. As with the washing-machine, motor and equipment had to be merged into a unit not requir459 A good account of the early efforts and of the development of ice-making machines down to the mid-’sixties is given in the contemporary Louis Figuier’s Les Merveilles de lindustrie ou description des

Se ee aS Ce ee q ~~)ni a a gaee | i — Co — ——— SS _ ==er =: , een ma ; i; y ee eee Ee EE A a caen (

principales industries modernes, Paris, n.d., vol. 11, pp.591-632. ,

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Pictet Catalogue, Paris, 1877) 2

period when the manufacture of ice by artificial means became commercially possible on a larger scale. (Raoul

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427. Forerunner of the Domestic Refrigerator: Ferdinand Carré’s Artificial Ice Machine, 1860. Ferdinand Carré invented the first practical ice machine, and later introduced the first household refrigerator. This is essentially a boiler three-quarters filled with ammonia, standing in a portable stove, and a small conic vessel

with double walls immersed in cold water. When the ammonia gas liquefied by the surrounding water ts volatilized, the heat thus absorbed causes the water in the smaller vessel to freeze. One kilogram of ice is produced in two hours. (Louis Figuier, Les merveilles de l’industrie, Paris, n.d.)

ing supervision or maintenance. This calls for thermostatic control and the sealed motor housing. We need not go into the stages of this development.1©

The ice machine of Ferdinand Carré, capable of producing thousands of pounds at a time, was a great attraction to visitors at the London Exhibition of 1862, who saw enormous blocks of ice manufactured almost continuously before their eyes. Ferdinand Carré not only built the first successful commercial freezing machine; he introduced in 1860 a forerunner of the household refrigerator (fig. 427). This ‘appareil refrigérant pour la production de la glace’ used

ammonia as its refrigerant. It consisted of a small portable stove acting as the heat-source, a boiler three-quarters filled with ammonia, a freezing vessel, and a reservoir. Despite its small scale, this appliance was rather complicated for the housewife — one hour of heating and one hour of freezing to produce a kilogram of ice — and no truly automatic solution using a heat source was found before the time of full mechanization, when the Swedes refined upon Carré’s principle and replaced the stove by a gas flame. 160 Various technical works are informative on this point; especially so is H. B. Hull, Household Refrigeration, Chicago, 1924, 1927, 1933 — the three editions giving precise insight into the main period of devel-

opment and vulgarization of the mechanical refrigerator.

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PeLLeee eee eee ee en Pe ee eae ee 428. Ice Box for Commerical Use, 1882. ‘Refrigerator for butter, fish or fruit dealers, dining saloons, hotels, etc.’ The chest form, which prevents the entrance of warm air more effectively than the upright type, is the forerunner of ice-cream cabinets refrigerated at 0° Fahrenheit. As mechanical ice-cream cabinets came onto the market, increasing numbers filtered into the hands of sportsmen who wished to preserve fish and game for out-of-season consumption. The earliest chest-type lockers other than ice-cream cabinets were made by Frigidaire in 1930. However, as with the automatic washers tn the 1920's, if was not until a decade later were they able to command a market. (L. H. Mace and Co., Courtesy Bella C. Landauer Collection)

The problem of mechanical cooling was in the air.‘* In the second decade of this century almost every country of Western civilization brought forth patents attempting to reduce the large machinery to the scale of the kitchen. Sweden, as we have mentioned, contributed the scheme in which a gas flame ensures the cycle. A large American corporation improved the patent of a French monk. The first French hand-built refrigerators driven by an electric motor are said to be still running today. Around 1916-17 the large corporations started production. The price was still rather high, the refrigerator costing about $900. Not until the mid-’twenties did the mechanical refrigerator become popularized. ‘It is only between the last five years that machines have been produced in quantities,’

it was stated in 1924.1 In 1923 there were 20,000 refrigerators in the United States; in 1933, 850,000. How the curve rises sharply: 1936, two million; 1941, three and a half million. With the automobile the mechanical refrigerator had become an indispensable element of the American household. Curves comparing the average retail price with annual production show a relation between price 16 According to information communicated to us by George F. Taubeneck, editor and publisher, Business News Publishing Co., Detroit, Mich., Kelvinator got started in 1916; Frigidaire, then called ‘Guardian,’ in 1917, and Servel shortly afterwards. Back in 1911-12 E. T. Williams and Fred Wolfe were exhibiting hand-made home refrigerators. 162 Hull, op.cit. 1924 ed., p.98.

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bath, maght ss eneath its floc * had a h 1 Egyptians, . rt,but still classi ga dee ool incenter iolisin become Lon ssical descripti Its sa ste London, 18 ption of thi e years 18 yman editi en by nMod gypt during th25-8 7 *° in Everym is process is b tun oO € eE (1801-76) liived in and L I. La n ondon . Lane, ° , edition, . Edward sMann of given the °

*

with the Oriental preference for steam bathing, two such maghtas, steamed to different temperatures, usually radiated from the beié-al-harara.

The ministration of the bath, as outlined by the ground plan (fig. 446) proceeds thus: from the divesting room (apodyterium, maslak) — the tepidarium has become a mere passageway — to the domed hot-air room (caldarium, beital-harara), where limbering and special massages are administered; hence to the steam bath (maghtas); finally a soap massage, and return to the maslak for a rest. -

Islam found its basic scheme in the thermae of third- to sixth-century Syria." Here the balance has already shifted. Disappearance of the palestra and frigidarium; dominance of the apodyterium (divesting and resting hall); dwarfing of the tepidartum; and increased importance of the caldarium. Hypocausts and double walls are already Jacking. In comparison with the Roman buildings, everything is on an extremely reduced scale. The baths of early Christian times in Syria are to the thermae of imperial Rome what a primitive Romanesque mountain chapel is to the finesse of a Romanesque cathedral. Everything is provincially simplified, but at the same time adjusted to new surroundings. Here the provincialized version gave rise to a fresh development, as so often in history when foreign influences renew an older pattern.

When the Mohammedans shaped their own baths in the eighth century,” they instilled new life into the Syrian institutions. The builders of the earliest Islamic baths were Omayyad caliphs, who still preserved a half-bedouin way of life. They despised the shut-in and ordered life of cities. This trait was common to the Arabic conquerors everywhere: in Mesopotamia, in Egypt, and likewise in Syria. The bath of Kusair’ Amra, near the Dead Sea, stands isolated in the desert wastes like a hotel among the glaciers. The initial chamber (apodyterium,

maslak), for all its modesty of size, becomes a social hall with a gallery and delicate murals. The actual bath chambers, on the other hand, lose some of their importance. The dominant mood is undeniably one of intimacy, an atmosphere that was not lost even when, as time went on, the Islamic bath grew in scale. As in the Syrian prototypes the rooms form a continuous sequence. The caliph’s bath in the Alhambra at Granada (fourteenth century), still follows this pattern. Alongside these, cruciform ground plans develop, as in the hammams

642 7 of Cairo, which a French archeologist has so precisely revealed to us.2 Here

the domed caldarium (fig. 447) (bett-al-harara) becomes the architectural center.

16 De Vogue, Syrie Centrale, Edifices chrétiens et architecture civile du IV"? au VII™ siécle, pp.55-7. Pauty, op.cit. pp.14ff. 17 Cf. Pauty, op.cit. p.17. Ruins of Kusair’ Amra, built by an Omayyad caliph before 715. Also As-Sakarh, discovered in 1905.

18 Pauty, op.cit. |

Setting aside the athletic and intellectual framework, Islam makes regeneration a religious matter. Thus the hammam is regarded as complementary to

the Mosque. Here the great ablutions are performed. The endowment of hammams was regarded as an act of piety. The baths were open to the poor, payment being left to the bather’s discretion. ‘I leave it to the bather,’ says a caliph in the Thousand and One Nighis, ‘to pay according to his rank.’ ° This custom was conscientiously observed to the end of the nineteenth century, for the gratuity given to bath attendants was considered a religious deed. And to promote the hammams, Islam made bath attendants tax-exempt subjects.

As in Antiquity, the bath was a place of social intercourse. To women, it meant the one opportunity to visit outside their home. As late as 1933, Pauty could count in Cairo some fifty hammams of the twelfth,

thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries, and a few of later date. Several of those built in the twelfth century — contemporaries of the north portals at Chartres — were still in use. Since everything athletic had been eliminated, a small area and narrow frontage, like that of any other house on the street, sufficed. Only the doorway was more richly treated, drawing the eye like an eighteenth-century innkeeper’s sign. A glance at the map of a quarter of Cairo shows that the hammams, each serving its immediate neighborhood, were as numerous as are taverns in a European city (fig. 448). In view of the warmer climate, this was probably more convenient than the gigantic Roman installations with their crowds drawn from afar. Like the thermae of the Roman Empire, hammams developed in all cities and city quarters, in villages and on highways, wherever Mohammedan influence reached. Lands in which fuel was very scarce burnt straw or cow and camel dung, and, to the present day, refuse from the native quarters — a rather neat mode of garbage disposal. Hammams were to be found in the Balkans, in Persia, in Asia Minor, in Africa,

from Egypt to Morocco, and in the Spain of the Moors. Cordova is said to have had about 900 baths at the peak of its development, around the year 1000.74 In Budapest several hot-sulphur baths still stand today, their springs spanned by vaults dating back to Turkish times. The most flourishing period of the Islamic bath coincides with the Romanesque

and Gothic in the West. The hammam attained the height of its refinement in the fifteenth century. In other words: the Arabs had carried its organization to full maturity just as the Turks came upon it. 19 [bid. p.7. 20 Quoted ibid. p.7. 21 Such indications are not confirmable; in some cases they seem to have been exaggerated.

643

With the awakening of interest in things Oriental around 1830, the ‘Turkish’ bath impressed itself upon the notice of European travelers. An English diplomat, David Urquhart, was foremost in recognizing its human significance. He dreamed of bringing such baths to the industrial towns of mid-nineteenthcentury England, as regeneration for all classes. When Urquhart first encountered the hammam, in Greece in 1830, it still flourished under the patronage of the well-to-do. Around 1850, its decline under Western influence could be foreseen, although there were as yet no bathrooms in the apartments. It seems to

have been finally doomed when the mechanized bath began to penetrate the Oriental world. The hammams lost their wealthy patrons. Only the poorer classes, Pauty reports, now use the baths. Stripped of their ornaments, their carpets, their mosaics, the hammams have lapsed into dirtiness. The upper classes have adopted our habits and are now content with bathrooms in their own living quarters. .

The Steam Bath as a Social Institution Bathing in steam-saturated air is at once the simplest and the cheapest type

of bath that will cleanse the body with desirable thoroughness. The moist heat stimulates the skin and sweat glands, promoting the elimination of waste products. A pile of heated stones and a pail of water is all the equipment needed. Such bathing is on record from the time of Herodotus on; it existed in the classical world, much as in any village of Russia or Finland today. The vapor bath’s

popularity begins with the twelfth century and perhaps even earlier. Like the wooden tumbler lock, it is found everywhere. But, in keeping with its trend, the nineteenth century produced no inventor who, with an eye to human needs,

might have shaped the medieval vapor bath into an institution adequate to our period as successfully as Linus Yale transformed the wooden tumbler lock into a marvel of mechanization. THE LATE GOTHIC VAPOR BATH

From Russia and Finland the archetype of the steam and hot-air bath continued its march toward Western Europe. Its full development occurs in the late

644 |

Middle Ages.

In the West no less than in Russia, the medieval vapor bath was thought of as a social institution. Few differences exist between a Finnish sauna, a Siberian

bath hut, and the late Gothic vapor bath, ‘sweat-house,’ ‘stew,’ or ‘stove,’ which we see depicted in Albrecht Diirer’s *Woman’s Bath’ (1496) (fig. 450).

Diirer had just returned from his first journey to Italy. In this drawing, he wished to portray various postures of the female nude. He sought his models

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450: Late Gothic Steam Bath.Drawing ‘ The O ’*sby Bath,’ wl bNuremberg, Alb tht Di N b 1496 , Women’s Bath,’ rec D urer, 1496.

fD fiu dfththu is ‘ i , b h hi d he f° ° *I ®

of niteenth-century Nuremberg. Like Ingres for his ‘Turkis at 1859

urer used the bath moment as his pretext. Ingres drew upon the famous

etters of Lady Montague, and her description of a Turkish bath in Adrianapolls. A brec t urer, like the onlooker in the acK2ZTound oO iS drawin

cou witness the event e recorded it with all the precision that Was DIS:

1 t d ti f th h d th t j d t iki h ki

heated stones, the round or chest-shaped cauldrons, and the various levels within the bath chamber.

Medieval bath customs varied but little throughout Europe. When David Urquhart campaigned to introduce the Turkish bath among the English, he learned, in 1856, that the Isle of Rathlin, on the Irish coast, still possessed medieval sweating houses, and that ‘especially at the Fair of the neighbourhood the people get themselves bathed.’ ?? In Switzerland, in the Ziircher Oberland for

instance, communal vapor baths remained in use even later. The abundant steam generated in breadmaking was often used for this purpose. Having introduced a tube into the oven, the company might bathe in the vapor so generously given off in the baking process. Conflicts arose from time to time between the bakers’ guild and that of the bathmen, who resisted this injury to their trade.

THE RUSSIAN VAPOR BATH , The Russian vapor bath is the most simple of regeneration types and has proved the most enduring. The pattern apparently goes back to eras and regions for which we have no historical evidence. It was connected with the myths of pre-Christian times, with the worship of the dead, with the cult of springs and rivers. On holy days, on Maundy Thursday, before Easter, one left an offering

of meat, eggs, and milk, heated the bathhouse, scattered ashes on the floor, bidding ‘Wash-ye, spirits’ to the beings that inhabited the place. For the furtherance of good health, herbs endowed with magical virtues were tied into the bath wisp.” The origins of the vapor bath as practiced by the Russians and the Finns are so remote as to have left none but the most meager clues. Simple analysis of the type seems to give more reliable guidance than the written sources. Like the baths of Antiquity and of Islam, the Russian vapor bath is a social institu-

tion. But its type suggests an earlier social structure, a milieu that did not depend on slave labor. One bather serves the other. No provincial simplifica-

tion, it is a type that, unlike the urban gymnasia and thermae, attained its common form in peasant surroundings and in wooded regions.

We side with one of the few precise investigators of the question, who discards the easy assumption of Greco-Roman origin. ‘I would rather suppose,’ he says, ‘that the idea of this type was derived from the Orient or from the Scythians, who possessed such vapour baths™ ... or perhaps from the Sar22 Descriptive Notice of the Rise and Progress of the Irish Graefenberg, Sit. Ann’s Hill, Blarney, to Which is Added a Lecture ... by the Proprietor, Dr. Barter, on the Improved Turkish Bath, London, 1858, p.15. 23 Felix Haase, Volksglaube und Brauchium der Ostslaven, Breslau, 1939, pp.137, 194, and 158. # Cf. Herodotus, rv, 73-5.

646

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459. American Steam-Bed Bath, 1814. The steam bath was regarded primarily as a medical treatment in the early nineteenth century — hence its frequent association with beds. Everywhere, from the beginning to the end of the century, apparatus generating steam in more or less complicated ways were invented. (U.S. Patent 2049x, 21 January 1814) 460. Recumbent Steam Bath, 1832. Portable steam baths were in use from the 1830’s on. The user sat ona chair, lay in a bed, a tent, a bag. Such collapsible apparatus could easily be ordered by mail. (E. L. Meissner, Abhandlung ueber die Baeder, Leipzig, 1832)

introduction to England is also mentioned at this time. They were called ‘Rus-

sian’ and ‘Oriental’ rather indiscriminately. Properly speaking, they were neither the one nor the other, for, significantly enough, everything took place im small private cubicles.” Economy of steam was quite secondary in these baths intended for leisured society or for invalids. Rather was it fear of nakedness that inspired this segregation. The bath becomes a private matter. Home steam baths of primitive design were proposed in all countries then issuing patents during the early part of the century. In America (fig. 459) % is found a steam bed bath of the type that was to be built throughout the period.

Similar ones appeared in France. There is no doubt that various portable and collapsible home steam baths were constructed in Germany during the thirties. It was the time when the fame of Vincenz Priessnitz’s water cure was so rapidly spreading, and when Sylvester Graham in America was preaching a return to nature through the agency of nutrition. Such apparatus for home vapor baths were on the market by 1832,5° designed for various purposes, apparently along medical lines. There were vapor baths

Be Toc %2 C.. Lambert, op.cit., p.28.

63 Vapor bath, U.S. Patent 2049x, 21 Jan. 1814. % Boite fumigatoire, French Patent 1816, 29 Nov. 1815. ** A pamphlet containing numerous illustrations and quoting prices for variously executed apparatus is F. L. Meissner, Abhandlung ueber die Baeder im Allgemeinen und ueber die neuen A pparate, Sprudel und Dampfbaeder insbesondere, Leipzig, 1832. Around this time vapor baths similar to those in Meissner’s catalogue were patented in France also: ‘Bain en forme de pluie,’ M. Walz, French Patent No. 4230, 23 Oct. 1829,

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. oorish seen by an Bath’ Englishman the Time of he the Islamic 463. A Bath’ ‘Moorish b atEnglish Ti f iBath Movement, 1858. The

rest hall (maslak) is portrayed. e author thus describes his experience in the Illustrated London News (24 April 1858): e day was hot, the narrow streets were burning in the glare of noon. The prospect of the

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hot bath was not very inviting. I opened the door of the first apartment... Allaround it was a raised platform covered with mats on which lay several bathers in the state of profound repose. I was mounted on a pair of wooden clogs. e bath attendant rubbed and pinched and pulled every limb and joint of my body. He knelt upon my stomach so thai 4 could hardly breathe, wrenched my arms and legs ... Having been pinched and poked and pressed sufficiently, this genius of the bath lathered me from head to foot and took in hand a huge glove, with which he proceeded to thrub me with the most lively animation. The amount of matter he managed to peel off the crust of the body is certainly surprising. Having been well soused in cool water, I was sofily wiped and dried by another attendant. This done, he wrapped me up from head to feet in soft towels and led me to the outer apartment {maslak |, the air of which seemed very much like that of an ice-house. I sank exhausted on a dian. And now it was ecstatic enjoyment, tt was elysium, nothing seemed wanting to perfect bliss.

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failure of our time to use naturall ilabl t k "g joy i iving. One chapter deals with his visit to the bath of a Moroccan Caid, to

which Urquhart gainedruse. a by ruse. This chapter, imted by itself 6 | 4 CCeSS is Cnapter, later lat reprinte 1tsenH, effectively relates the various stages of the procedure: the loosening of the e

oints; the hot-air rooms, the refined shampoo-massage, followed by relaxation

In e would a 1s eloquence, meansininhis his power, inaim dimDashalls. Heusewould Il his elevevery pow to conince the West of its need to assimilate such regeneration.

Urquhart recalls the nine hundred baths the Spaniards found turi

Cordova. He calls Byzantium to mind and points out that Constantinople with its half-million inhabitants still had over three hundred baths in operation. He reckons that London would need a thousand. But how might they be financed? This problem always arises when human

needs come into question in our period. How are they to be financed? As reformers do in every other period, Urquhart replies: by endowments by the city, or by the state. For decades, together with his campaigns for justice and righteousness, Urqu-

hart obstinately pressed the introduction of the Turkish bath, but in vain. He built a simple Turkish bath in his own house in London, and another which he opened to the public. He always wished to have the hot air at his side, and

did not give up his custom when in later years he built a house on a spur of Mont-Blanc. He was able to carry out his idea on a broader scale in 1856, when Dr. Richard

Barter, owner of the ‘Irish Graefenberg,’ the St. Ann’s Hill water-cure establishment (fig. 464), placed ‘land, workmen, materials, besides a number of patients,’ at Urquhart’s disposal.” Here Priessnitz’s procedure was used in connection with the hot-air bath. Urquhart spoke everywhere: in English country towns and bathing resorts he engaged with the doctors in debates, which he later published. He lectured in 1862 before the celebrated Society of Arts, which had so often assisted new ideas. It was at this time that the first public Turkish bath, the ‘Hammam,’ still standing in Jermyn Street, London, was built under his supervision. It was a faithful reflection of his Eastern memories: ‘The bathrooms have quite an oriental effect with the stars of stained glass sparkling in the sombre domed tepidarium.’ © This installation became the prototype of hot-air baths both in Europe and in America. Exclusive bath clubs were formed in London during the ’seventies. In addition to their club rooms they possessed a complete gymnasium with hot-air baths and swimming pool excellently arranged. Hot-air baths, also having a series of steam rooms (Turkish-Russian baths),

played no small role during the latter half of the century, when it was still uncertain which type of bath would prevail and when private bathrooms were

still a luxury. Unlike the Oriental baths, they never served the people as a 6 Gertrude Robinson, David Urquhart, Oxford, 1920. 67 Dr. Richard Barter, On the Rise and Progress of the Irish Graefenberg, London,1856, p. 15. 68 Lecture on the Art of Constructing a Turkish Bath, London, 1862. On the Society of Arts and its role in the London Exhibition of 1851, cf. our chapter on the ‘Mechanization of Adornment.’ 69 Robert Owen Allsop, The Turkish Bath, its Design and Construction, London, 1890, pp.18-19. According to more recent research it would be better to call it the ‘caldarium,’ for the Orientals, as we have seen, allowed the tepidarium to dwindle to minor dimensions,

670

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a. Sudatorium, or Hot Room b. Divan, or Cooling Room

(Beit-al-harara) (Maslak)

In the ‘ Irish Graefenberg,’ as its owner named it, the influence of the water doctor Priessnitz combines with that

of the Turkish bath. Left: the hot-air room with massage table in its center. Right: the rest hall. Both are in restrained Gothic revival style. Note the rest bed molding the shape of the body. Unfortunately the century’s ortentation did not allow fulfillment of these interesting beginnings. (Dr. Richard Barter, On the Rise and Progress of the [rish Graefenberg, London, 1856)

whole, and were only accessible to the well-to-do. ‘So little,’ it was complained in England around 1890, “has been done in connection with the Turkish-bath building for the people.’ 7°

At this time one still discussed the idea of incorporating hot-air baths in the house; from David Urquhart’s simple scheme of a tiled room, with insulated floor and ceiling, a stove, sofa, bench, and water vessels, to ‘elaborate suites of

apartments.’ But the times were not favorable. The idea of total regeneration could not penetrate our period. These Turkish-

Russian baths were for cultures having a dignified rhythm of life. In an age of mechanization, they were like exotic plants confined to forcing houses for lack of a natural soil in which to grow.

As the tub bath and the dwelling tended to become indivisibly associated, interest in these differentiated types progressively faded away. The Atmospheric Bath, c. 1870

The most direct and accessible means of achieving the circuitous return to nature, through the radiation of air and sunlight, was rediscovered in 1869 by

Arnold Rikh (1823-1906). Evolving it for curative purposes, he named it ‘atmospheric cure.’ Sun bathing, practiced in Antiquity, had long been for-

70 Tbid. p.7. 7 [bid. p.118. 671

gotten, just as the habit of sitting on chairs had fallen into oblivion in the early Middle Ages. Nineteenth-century medicine with its specialization knew less about the organism’s reaction to sun bathing than Hippocrates, whose confident heliotherapeutic prescriptions suggest an experience gathered in the course of earlier ages. The Romans particularly enjoyed the sun bath. Everyone knew

how to take it without ill effects. They like to avail themselves of it daily, summer and winter (fig. 442). When Seneca, looking back to the exemplary mode of life in Scipio the African’s time, cites Scipio’s fortress-like house with its bath, half lit by occasional window slits, adjoining the kitchen on the ground floor, he follows this description with a satirical comment on the softness of his own time, Nero’s. ‘We reckon a bath fit only for moth and vermin,’ he writes in Epistle Lxxxv, ‘whose windows are not disposed so as to receive the rays of the sun during the whole course, unless we are washed and sunbathed at the same time.’ Like Priessnitz, the Swiss Arnold Rikli had to begin from scratch when he attempted to exploit systematically the effects of radiation. This was a quartercentury after Priessnitz began his work at Graefenberg. In 1855, at the height of hydrotherapy’s vogue, Rikli too opened a nature-therapy establishment ” in which the main stress fell on the atmospheric cure. Light and sun bathing, he discovered, favored more gradual and more organic healing than water used alone. Rikh proceeded with utmost prudence and circumspection until fourteen years of experience “deeply convinced’ him that air baths, that is, movement of the unclothed body in the open air ‘formed the basic element of atmospheric cure and sun-bathing its necessary complement.’ Later research bore him out in his insistence on bodily motion with the fewest possible coverings. Only thus can the easily weakened ultra-violet rays take effect. The sun bath, as Rikli continually emphasized, was but the last stage of the atmospheric bath. He did not senselessly leave the body to roast in the sun until burns appeared; he exposed the acclimatized organism to direct rays for about twenty or thirty

minutes, keeping the head shaded. The patient lay on wool blankets on an inclined plane of boards.

Thus Rikli’s basic idea consisted in utilizing rays to which, beginning with the Middle Ages, our bodies had become unaccustomed. How far our clothes with their insulating effect derive from the fear of nakedness lies beyond our present discussion. We are concerned only with the results, and with tracing the uphill path that Rousseau, Priessnitz, Rikli, and many others had to tread toward a more organic way of life that was taken for granted in the Ancient World. 72 At Veldes, Upper Carniola, Austria. It outlived its founder, remaining in operation down to the first world war. The tradition was continued in Switzerland.

672

In Rikli’s treatment the air bath was the foundation, the sun bath an intensification, and the sweat bath the conclusion. Even in his sweat bath he used the rays of the sun, the patient wrapping himself in the blankets on which he had been lying. Here too, Rikli instinctively decided against linen covers long before

it was known that the sun’s infra-red rays pass more readily through loosewoven materials. If the sun fails to shine, one is to sweat in a bed steam bath, which, as we have seen, was a widely used type in the nineteenth century. Some Swiss establishments, carrying on Rikli’s tradition, offered sweat baths in

the winter sun as well. This takes place in a sun lounge, a solarium having a southern wall of glass (1912), somewhat like the winter solarium (fig. 442) of the

Forum thermae in Ostia. The winter sunlight and its intense refraction from the snow penetrate the transparent wall, warming the bathers within, who lie wrapped in their porous woolen blankets. The skeptic must perhaps discover from experience how rapidly perspiration sets in even under the oblique winter rays, and how much greater is the psychological tonic of looking out upon snow and blue sky, rather than sitting imprisoned within an electric sweat box. Contemporaries of Arnold Rikli’s, such as Browns and Blunt (1877), pointed

out the germ-killing power of sunlight. We are in the time of Pasteur’s discoveries. There were also occasional advocates of sunlight for curative purposes

earlier, in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.” But they had little to do with the subtle appraisal of the body as a whole. Ruikli tried his idea out on himself, when still a boy. Not without opposition, he progressively laid off his clothing until he dared to stroll naked through the woods in his native canton

of Berne. Like Priessnitz and Urquhart, he was an outsider to medicine.“ He drew his direct inspiration from the prolific hydropathic literature of the midcentury and, as he himself points out, from the Renaissance advocate of moderate living, the Venetian Luigi Cornaro (1467-1566).

Of the bath types aiming at total regeneration that sought a place in the century, Rikli’s air bath and sun bath came last: the cubicle vapor bath around 1825, the Turkish bath around 1855, and the sun bath around 1870. Arnold Rikli’s contribution was to have concentrated the effects of air and

sun into an ‘atmospheric bath.’ He showed how sunlight — that intangible and dangerous medium — might be used with safety. In a time of light-excluding interiors and of flight from the sun, be could not hope for a popular following. 74 He was of the class of small Swiss industrialists — his father had owned a dyeing-plant before him ~—— who emigrated around the mid-century to sparsely industrialized regions, such as Italy or Austria. Rikli’s 300-worker factory in outlying Carniola was quite successful, but he left it to his brothers, to found his sanatorium at Veldes castle.

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‘For more than thirty years,’ he writes, ‘I stood alone with the cult of ‘“‘atmospheric bathing.” ’ Later developments, both scientific and popular, show that Rikh’s orientation stemmed from the innermost springs of the period. It was Dr. Auguste Rollier, discoverer of the curative effects of sunlight at high altitudes in the treatment of tuberculosis, who most directly elaborated Rikli’s beginnings into a scientific therapy. In 1903, at Leysin, Waadt Canton, Switzerland, high above the Rhone

valley, Rollier began his treatment of tuberculosis by well-gauged doses of mountain sunlight aided by favorable psychological conditions. Ray therapy was here coupled with occupational therapy, classes in the sun, workshops, university courses. Medicine did not accept heliotherapy as a scientific curative agent until after

Rikli’s death, when, stimulated by Roentgen’s discoveries, it was forced to acknowledge interrelation of the body with ray phenomena. Ray therapy, which embraces the ever-widening range of emanations, electrical and other, is unexplored in many of its areas. But even more shallowly explored is the type of daily regeneration in which radiation might find its place. As a method, Rikli’s treatment never made headway among the broad public.

But a rougher and less satisfactory form of air and sun bath has become the common property of our time. In a radical form, the air bath has appealed to the partisans of nudism, which spread out from Germany after 1900 and established its colonies in many countries.

The sun bath as taken weekends by city dwellers, seeking to make up in a few hours, weeks or months of starvation for sun and air, has little in com674

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were worn by a few eccentrics walking Oy oe ee ee behind the high that surrotended hiseee pe i . spy. tin, ime SeNN eee sanatorium. (Dr.fences ArnoldSRE Rikli,aLet SS SS ee | There Be Light, or The Atmospheric Belleidung fiir ben Ausmarfd) gum Lidhtluftbad in Veldes. |

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mon with Rikli’s prudent dosage of the rays. Altogether unskilled in its use, the people dazedly leave their bodies to roast in the sun. Civic authorities pride themselves when, after many struggles, they have succeeded in wresting a stretch of beach for the recreation of the masses. Establishments of this sort record all the ineptitude and helplessness of our period when faced with the problem of regeneration. The people are ignorant about what is permissible in

dealing with the body and what is not. Everything is left to the dilettante fancy of the individual. There are books and rules, with do’s and don’t’s, but the complete lack of a tradition in which, from childhood up, harmonious treatment of one’s body might be so learned as to become second nature. The rules of sun bathing are often given as beauty hints in women’s magazines.”

Around 1859 the pre-Raphaelite painter Burne-Jones commissioned the architect Philip Webb to design some drinking glasses for his personal use. *% Glorify your Figure, New York, Summer 1944,

They were plain, unornamented glasses conceived entirely according to function. One of them has a small bulge to provide a better hold. In form and execution, they are identical with the American drinking glasses turned out in mass produc-

tion a half-century later, and found in every bar and ten-cent store. This does not mean that the glasses designed by the painter served as models for the later ones.’ It means that these glasses, in their functional simplicity already embodied the inherent trend of the period. Something similar occurs in the case of Rikli and the clothing he prescribed for the use of his patients. The frontispiece of Rikli’s Atmospheric Cure (fig. 466)

shows the enterprising lone walker, alpenstock in hand, breathing deeply, and

wearing his ‘clothing for the walk to the air bath’ — a loose, open-necked, porous, and short-sleeved shirt, shorts that leave the thighs exposed, sandals carried around the waist; he is hatless, barefoot, and bareheaded. These things were quite out of question in the time of parasols, high-collared and corset-like clothes. Shelved inventions of the ’eighties, they were the insignia of a few

eccentrics walking behind the palisades of the Veldes nature park. A halfcentury later replicas of the lone walker’s outfit await the man in the street at every clothing store.

The People’s Bath in the ’Eighties: The Shower The nineteenth century gradually acquired hygiene.

It learned to control diseases that had formerly run unchecked. Even the year 1850 in England and Wales brought its 50,000 deaths from the cholera. Disease-bearing matter was to be eliminated at its source by disinfection and cleanliness.

But how were the masses to be won over to cleanliness? The public baths that appeared in England from the ’forties on, and in France under Napoleon ITI,

were appendages to the public laundries, using whatever hot water was left after the clothes had been washed. But these never made much headway. The size of the populace was out of all proportion to the number of baths. What, then, could be done?

The axiom that sound finance should have the last word when it came to public regeneration left but a single choice: ‘cleansing stations’ with shower baths. The belatedness with which the first acceptable scheme was proposed 7% They were preserved in a rather inconspicuous place in the South Kensington Museum, London. Even photographs were not available until the Museum was kind enough to make them so to us. :

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During the first two decades of this century the well-to-do European middle class adopted the English bathroom. Each might simplify its equipment accord-

ing to his means. Normally one bathroom served all the occupants. | How were the individual fixtures to be arranged? There was space enough for variety, which explains the lack of a fixed ground plan for the English bathroom. Where the bathroom was to be located and how it was to be arranged fell to chance or to taste. Even in the most modern European buildings today, there is some uncertainty in the ground plan. The bathroom became smaller, but the question still remained: Is the bathroom a room in itself, or is it, even if walled off, a unit with the bedroom?

Bathroom Equipment and Ruling Taste The mighty penetration of ruling taste into every sphere also reached the bathroom, sometimes with rather grotesque results. The tub, washbasin, and toilet were regarded as pieces of furniture, which should therefore express the

personal taste of the owner. |

_ The flight from pure forms, seen in furniture, architecture and adornment, left its mark on the bathroom fixtures too. As ruling taste reached its peak in

the ‘eighties the house of means would surround its tub and shower with massive ‘enclosures’ hiding both (fig. 478). In the bathroom the same process takes place

that we observed among the confortables, those easy chairs whose structure 481. Plumber’s Cabinet Woodwork. En- 482. American Non-Encased Washbasin cased Washstand, 1875. Hitherto washtubs, with Exposed Plumbing, 1888. The unbathtubs, and toilets were simply encased. encased washbasin was thought fit only for But the cabinetmaker intervened, introducing more menial uses. (Catalogue, Standard ornate casings to conceal the fixtures. ‘ As gen- Manufacturing Co., Pittsburgh)

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