Masculinity and Femininity: Stereotypes/Myths, Psychology and Role of Culture: Stereotypes/Myths, Psychology and Role of Culture [1 ed.] 9781624171864, 9781624171857

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Copyright © 2013. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved. Masculinity and Femininity: Stereotypes/Myths, Psychology and Role of Culture : Stereotypes/Myths, Psychology and Role of Culture, edited by Jacob

Copyright © 2013. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved. Masculinity and Femininity: Stereotypes/Myths, Psychology and Role of Culture : Stereotypes/Myths, Psychology and Role of Culture, edited by

SOCIAL ISSUES, JUSTICE AND STATUS

MASCULINITY AND FEMININITY

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STEREOTYPES/MYTHS, PSYCHOLOGY AND ROLE OF CULTURE

.

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Masculinity and Femininity: Stereotypes/Myths, Psychology and Role of Culture : Stereotypes/Myths, Psychology and Role of Culture, edited by

SOCIAL ISSUES, JUSTICE AND STATUS

MASCULINITY AND FEMININITY STEREOTYPES/MYTHS, PSYCHOLOGY AND ROLE OF CULTURE

JACOB M. ASTON AND

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ESTELA VASQUEZ EDITORS

New York

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Copyright © 2013 by Nova Science Publishers, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means: electronic, electrostatic, magnetic, tape, mechanical photocopying, recording or otherwise without the written permission of the Publisher. For permission to use material from this book please contact us: Telephone 631-231-7269; Fax 631-231-8175 Web Site: http://www.novapublishers.com NOTICE TO THE READER The Publisher has taken reasonable care in the preparation of this book, but makes no expressed or implied warranty of any kind and assumes no responsibility for any errors or omissions. No liability is assumed for incidental or consequential damages in connection with or arising out of information contained in this book. The Publisher shall not be liable for any special, consequential, or exemplary damages resulting, in whole or in part, from the readers’ use of, or reliance upon, this material. Any parts of this book based on government reports are so indicated and copyright is claimed for those parts to the extent applicable to compilations of such works.

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Masculinity and femininity : stereotypes/myths, psychology and role of culture / editors, Jacob M. Aston and Estela Vasquez. p. cm. Includes index. ISBN:  (eBook) 1. Masculinity. 2. Femininity. 3. Sex role. 4. Identity (Psychology) I. Aston, Jacob M. II. Vasquez, Estela. HQ1090.M37958 2013 155.2--dc23 2012040496

Published by Nova Science Publishers, Inc. † New York

Masculinity and Femininity: Stereotypes/Myths, Psychology and Role of Culture : Stereotypes/Myths, Psychology and Role of Culture, edited by

CONTENTS Preface Chapter 1

Chapter 2

Chapter 3

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Chapter 4

Chapter 5

Chapter 6

Chapter 7

Chapter 8

Chapter 9

vii Masculinities and Femininities: Student-Teachers‘ Changing Perceptions of Gender Advantages and Disadvantages in the New Zealand Primary School Environment Penni Cushman and Jenny Clarke

1

Who‘s Bad? The Performance of Black Masculinity in Michael Jackson‘s ―Bad‖ Video Cassandra Chaney and Bea Gyimah

25

Under the Watchful Eye: Masculinity among Latino Men in the Wake of Arizona SB 1070 Andrew S. Walters and Ivan Valenzuela

51

Masculinity Globally: Advertising-Based Observations from China and India James W. Gentry, Himadri Roy Chaudhuri and Jie Gao Fowler Mulan and Western Military Mothers: The Warrior Myth of Equality Nancy Taber

71

95

Masculinity and Health: A Comparison between the Gendered Attitudes, Beliefs and Behaviors of Latino and Caucasian Men Julie Gast and Terry Peak

111

Distributive and Procedural Justice in Korean and Malaysia: A Test of Gender and Culture Moderation Effect Jong-Wook Kwon

125

How to Measure Gender Myths: A Practical Tool for Gender-Sensitive Research in Experimental Psychology Anna Lindqvist

143

The Influence of Perceived Masculinity Upon College Male Health Promotion Efforts: The ‗Go On, Touch Yourself‘ Campaign Promoting Testicular Self-Examination Michael J. Rovito, Kathy E. Vazquez and Levani Odikadze

Index Masculinity and Femininity: Stereotypes/Myths, Psychology and Role of Culture : Stereotypes/Myths, Psychology and Role of Culture, edited by

155 167

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PREFACE In this book, the authors discuss the stereotypes and myths, psychology and role of culture in masculinity and femininity gender issues. Topics include student teachers' changing perceptions of gender advantages and disadvantages in the New Zealand primary school environment; the performance of black masculinity in Michael Jackson's "Bad" video; masculinity among Latino men in the wake of Arizona's 1070 Senate bill; changing masculinity norms in China and India from advertising-based observations; "Mulan" and western military mothers; gendered attitudes, beliefs and behaviors of Latino and Caucasian men; the effect of culture and gender on the relationship between justice and organizational outcomes in Korea and Malaysia; measuring gender myths and gender-sensitive research in experimental psychology; and the influence of perceived masculinity upon college males' health and wellness. Chapter 1 – This paper reports on first year student teachers’ perceptions of gender advantages and disadvantages in the primary school before and after their first school placement. Participants were a cohort of student teachers at the University of Canterbury, New Zealand, who filled in a questionnaire prior to and following their first placements. Results from questionnaires completed after the school placement suggested that while a number of perceived gender-related advantages and disadvantages appeared to be reinforced on school placements, other perceptions based on cultural stereotypes were eroded. For both men and women student teachers, there was an increased awareness of concerns for men around physical contact with children. However beliefs based on cultural stereotypes about women being more nurturing and approachable and men being more authoritative and sporty, were not reinforced in the school environment. In addition the perception that boys would relate better to men teachers, and girls to women appeared unsupported. The study results support the need to deconstruct and reframe of gender and sexuality in primary teacher education. Chapter 2 – Since the death of Michael Joseph Jackson (August 29, 1958 – June 25, 2009), various forms of media have highlighted the factors that contributed to the rise, fall, and planned resurgence of this late musical icon. However, given his national and international success, few scholars to date have provided scholarly insight into how Jackson, known as “The King of Pop” or “MJ” performed masculinity in his songs and music videos, and the authors are aware of no studies that have critically examined the masculinity demonstrated by Jackson in his 1987 music video, Bad. The authors focused on this particular video because it was the only song and music video in which they felt Jackson exemplified a

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Jacob M. Aston and Estela Vasquez

hyper-masculinity that was simultaneously supported by a large group of men. In light of the increasing body of work that has examined how Black men demonstrate masculinity as well as Clay’s (2011) recent scholarship regarding the masculinity demonstrated by Michael Jackson, the following questions were foundational to this study: (1) How is masculinity asserted in the lyrics of Michael Jackson’s Bad (1987)? (2) How is Black masculinity asserted in the lyrics of Michael Jackson’s Bad (1987)? (3) How is masculinity demonstrated in Michael Jackson’s Bad (1987) video? (4) Is it possible for a Black man in a racist world to create an alternate masculinity that is embraced by members of the dominant culture, and if so, how is this possible?” To answer these questions, special attention was given to the lyrics, dress, and behaviors in this video. In addition, the authors advance a conceptual framework of Black masculinity, the “Masculine-Feminine Dominant Figure,” that was instrumental to the international appeal and success of the late icon, Michael Jackson. Chapter 3 – The research presented in this chapter used narrative analysis to explore how Latino-identifying men demonstrated masculine performance in the context of cultural scrutiny. In 2010, the State of Arizona passed into law a controversial immigration policy. As a result of this legislation, ethnic minorities – particularly those identifying as Hispanic, Latino, or Mexican – perceived a heightened sense of state-sanctioned scrutiny and stigmatization. Twenty men completed in-depth, bibliographic interviews focusing on themes of cultural masculinity, gender performance, and sexuality. In the current analysis, narrative interpretations examined how men demonstrated a masculine role – including agenticism and providing for a family – while simultaneously disregarded by state law. Narrative analyses revealed men’s understanding of Arizona’s immigration policy paralleled the storied nature of bullies. Despite perceptions of societal disrespect, men configured a sense of masculinity and gender performance steeped in cultural heritage. Chapter 4 – US interpretations of masculinity are in a state of flux as Western culture moves away from masculine hegemony (or, at least, restructures it). Arguments have been made that young males in the US are confused as to what it means to be a man, with support coming in the observation of lower testosterone levels, a doubling of male anorexia since 1980, and higher suicide rates among young males. the authors attempt to investigate the generality of changing masculinity norms through interpretations of male portrayals in advertisements in China and India. Given China’s long tradition of different masculinities (wen and wu), the authors do not expect that the diverse portrayals of masculinity in China will result in serious physical or psychological harm occurring among young Chinese men. Changing portrayals of males in India are also occurring, but it is less clear what will result there. Chapter 5 – Despite the multitude of ways in which men and women enact gender, the increasing amount of women in non-traditional work roles, and the growing number of women represented as active heroines in popular culture, stereotypes of men and women still abound. This chapter connects fairy tales and popular culture to the lives of female military members by exploring how the Disney Mulan character interrelates with the life histories of western military women who are mothers. Both Mulan and the military mothers can be perceived as exceptions to gendered stereotypes due to their success in military contexts. However, a closer analysis suggests that, instead of demonstrating women's equality with men, their representations and experiences exhibit a complex relationship in that they are each still constrained by societal expectations of gender norms. In this chapter, after briefly discussing the concepts of masculinities and femininities, the author explores how, despite a

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Preface

ix

few notable exceptions, fairy tales and popular culture too often rely on the myth of handsome male heroes rescuing beautiful young female victims from violent situations. Next, the author’s argument turns to a feminist discourse analysis of the Disney movies Mulan and Mulan II, exploring how they connect to findings from research about western military mothers. I conclude with a discussion of the implications of these interconnections, exploring how western society continues to be pervaded with stereotypical representations and expectations that must be recognized, problematized, and challenged in ongoing ways. Chapter 6 – This chapter discusses the existing research in the area of men’s health. Health beliefs, attitudes, behaviors, and adherence to masculine ideals for both Latino and Caucasian men are compared and contrasted. For example, Latino men differ from Caucasian men in terms of health-promotion behaviors, sources of health information, reliance on spousal support, and expressions of masculinity. The relationship among interacting variables such as culture, masculinity, and health beliefs and behaviors is complex and, while the discussion presented here explores many interesting topics, it is not conclusive. The chapter concludes with suggestions for future research including how masculinity impacts health across and within cultures, and how men of color negotiate masculinity across cultural, social and private spheres, against a backdrop of institutionalized discrimination. Chapter 7 – The purpose of this paper is to investigate the effects of distributive and procedural justice on organizational commitment and intent-to-stay with data from Korean and Malaysian employees. For this study, an integrative justice model was developed to examine the effect of culture and gender on the relationship between justice and organizational outcomes on the basis of the Cultural Model and the Gender Moderation Effect Model. Partially supporting the Cultural Model, the study findings show that procedural justice had greater effects on organizational commitment and intent-to-stay than distributive justice for Korean employees. On the other hand, distributive justice is more significantly associated with organizational commitment and intent-to-stay for Malaysian employees. Distributive justice is more distinct for men in affecting intent-to-stay than for women among the Malaysian employees. The relation between procedural and organizational commitment was more significant for men than women among the Korean employees. Implications for this research and further studies were suggested. Chapter 8 – Research in social sciences and psychology often presents results concerning differences between women and men. It seems to be enough to claim that the observed differences between the group answering “F” and the group answering “M” in the dichotomous variable “gender” [F/M] are due to inborn differences between women and men. This kind of research reinforces already existing stereotypes about gender differences in its very assumption that dividing the population into the two groups of women and men is relevant. In this paper that assumption is discussed, and the importance of gender-sensitive research in gender psychology is described. When reflecting on what the variable “gender” actually stands for, i.e. what assumptions about gender that are hidden in the variable, it becomes apparent that another instrument than a dichotomous variable is needed. When making the assumptions within the dichotomous gender variable obvious, one can measure these assumptions as well. In this paper, such reflection is described in detail, and a practical tool for gender-sensitive research is presented, here with research on perfume preference as the explicit example. The gender-sensitive approach to experimental psychology makes it possible to measure gender myths, instead of reproducing and enhancing them.

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Chapter 9 – Introduction: The purpose of the “Go On, Touch Yourself” pilot study was to build upon past research where predictors of testicular self-examination (TSE) were assessed among a sample of college men aged 18-35. Further, this study discusses the sociological influence of perceived masculinity and how it may affect TSE rates. Research suggests, men prefer to receive information in more private venues, as the topic may prove to be embarrassing or serve as a threat to their masculinity if discussed in more open forums. Methods: This pilot study hypothesized that the use of restroom stalls/urinals would assuage concerns of a masculinity breach while effectively delivering a TSE promotional message. The authors’ goal was to test the effectiveness of restroom facilities (inherently, a private venue) to promote TSE and at the same time deliver said message in such a way that would enhance the efficacy of the male subject to perform TSE quickly and effectively. A survey was given to assess effectiveness of catching men’s attention to the poster and if it altered their intention to perform TSE. Results: The majority of pilot study participants looked favorably upon TSE performance and considered the restroom facility venue as a helpful way to inform men about, and encourage them to perform, TSE. Approximately 92% of respondents who observed the poster were at least somewhat willing to perform TSE. Conclusion: Due to the initial success of this pilot study, the authors advocate for men’s health researchers to continue testing the effectiveness of restroom facilities to promote TSE among men. Further, researchers need to highlight the role of perceived masculinity as a primary predictor variable in health promotion campaign success rate among male populations.

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In: Masculinity and Femininity Editors: Jacob M. Aston and Estela Vasquez

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Chapter 1

MASCULINITIES AND FEMININITIES: STUDENT-TEACHERS‟ CHANGING PERCEPTIONS OF GENDER ADVANTAGES AND DISADVANTAGES IN THE NEW ZEALAND PRIMARY SCHOOL ENVIRONMENT Penni Cushman and Jenny Clarke University of Canterbury, New Zealand

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ABSTRACT This paper reports on first year student teachers‘ perceptions of gender advantages and disadvantages in the primary school before and after their first school placement. Participants were a cohort of student teachers at the University of Canterbury, New Zealand, who filled in a questionnaire prior to and following their first placements. Results from questionnaires completed after the school placement suggested that while a number of perceived gender-related advantages and disadvantages appeared to be reinforced on school placements, other perceptions based on cultural stereotypes were eroded. For both men and women student teachers, there was an increased awareness of concerns for men around physical contact with children. However beliefs based on cultural stereotypes about women being more nurturing and approachable and men being more authoritative and sporty, were not reinforced in the school environment. In addition the perception that boys would relate better to men teachers, and girls to women appeared unsupported. The study results support the need to deconstruct and reframe of gender and sexuality in primary teacher education.

The small number of men teachers in primary schools is an ongoing cause for concern and debate in many countries. The percentage of men teachers in OECD primary schools is, on average, 18.5%, with the range extending from 13% in the USA, 16% in New Zealand, and 19% in the UK to 27% in Canada and 50% in Turkey (OECD, 2011). A staff of women headed by a man is a familiar sight in New Zealand primary schools, where men hold 52% of principal positions despite comprising only 16% of the workforce (Ministry of Education, 2009). Although teaching is one of many occupations in which there is an obvious imbalance of men and women, it is possibly unrivalled in the extent to which governments back drives

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to recruit men to the profession, and in the extent to which stakeholders debate the reasons for the imbalance itself and the need to redress it (Carrington & Skelton, 2003; Lingard, Martino, & Bahr, 2002; Martino & Kehler, 2006). The reasons underpinning the cry for more men teachers are diverse and vary from country to country. They have resulted for the most part, however, from the widely held beliefs that more men teachers will accomplish the following: 





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

Provide male role models for children, in particular boys from sole-parent families headed by women (Action for Children and Youth Aotearoa, 2003; Cushman, 2008; Drudy, Martin, Woods, & O‘Flynn, 2005); Help alleviate concerns about ―boys‘ problems‖ related to achievement and behavior management (Ashley, 2003; Education Queensland, 2002; Jones, 2007; Training and Development Agency for Schools, 2005); Provide a more (numerically) balanced teaching force that is representative of society (Berge, 2004; Foster & Newman, 2005); and Help counteract the perceived feminization of teaching (Skelton, 2002).

According to Francis, Skelton, Carrington, Hutchings, Read, and Hall (2008), most of these reasons are based on two implied assumptions. The first is that men teach and behave differently from women. The second is that men, simply by their presence, provide boys with role models of a kind that will increase boys‘ engagement in school. Research (Arnot & Miles, 2005; Ashley & Lee, 2003; Martino & Kehler, 2006; Skelton, Francis, & Valkanova, 2007) has systematically challenged each of the commonly espoused reasons. An increasing number of educationalists are now arguing that attracting more men to primary schools has the potential to provide greater opportunities to disrupt and reconstruct gender stereotypes in the educational field (Martino, 2008a; Montecinos & Nielsen, 2009; Riddell & Tett, 2010). How successful this aim might be is brought into question by several researchers, including those who see the its potential. Martino (2008b), for example, found that despite gendered rules impacting heavily on men teachers‘ practices, these teachers tended to support rather than challenge hegemonic masculinities in schools and Montecinos and Nielsen (2009), found that recruiting more men is currently more likely to reinforce rather than disrupt stereotypes. Although it is generally agreed (Brown, Sorrell, & Raffaeli, 2005) that social roles and identities are not essential or natural attributes but rather social constructions that develop over time (Brown, Sorrell, & Raffaeli, 2005), hegemonic masculinity refers to the dominant ideals of masculinity (as perceived by men and women) of how a man needs to behave to be seen as acceptably masculine (Talbot & Quayle, 2010). The nature of hegemonic masculinity, although continuing to be the subject of debate, generally has the core features of toughness/strength, dominance, power, minimal emotional expression, risk-taking, heterosexuality and competitiveness. In New Zealand, pressure on schools to appoint men teachers is largely rationalized in terms of the need for men to provide role models, particularly for boys (Cushman, 2008). Martino (2008b) considers that the ―role model‖ expectation for men teachers aligns closely with the view that ―being a real man [means being a man] who is able to ensure that boys‘ masculinity remains intact or is appropriately cultivated‖ (p.193). Mills, Haase, and Charlton

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(2008) reinforce this claim when they state that the imaginary male teacher is ―often constructed as a saviour who will rescue school sport and will act as a disciplinarian with unruly students, in particular boys‖ (p. 80). Haase (2008) found that the men teachers in his study adhered to discourses of a ―patriarchal ideological politic‖ that considered men are needed in teaching to counteract the perceived feminization of the profession. According to Skelton (2001), because schools are perceived to be feminine environments, men teachers feel they have to present themselves as ―laddish‖ by demonstrating a passion for football. Renold (2003) also found that through the ―masculinity confirming practices‖ of sport, men are able to demonstrate an expression of masculinity that fits with the societal ideal of a ―normal‖ man. This rhetoric indicates that masculinities representing a hegemonic masculinity are particularly valued. Haase (2008) argues that these masculinities serve to separate men from aspects of teaching concerned with highly gendered (female) caring qualities such as sensitivity, compassion, nurturing and ―mothering‖ (Noddings, 2001). The men teachers in his study saw themselves as relating better to boys, and the women teachers as relating better to girls, a finding that interestingly is not borne out in more recent research (Split, Koomen, & Jak, 2012). Haase concluded from his study that such gendered beliefs about relationships between teacher and student contribute to the maintenance of segregated gender roles in education. On finding that more than half of the primary school teachers in his study perceived men teachers to be less nurturing than their female colleagues, Wood (2012) asked if schools are perhaps not hiring men with these characteristics. The implied answer to her question—that this is indeed the case—receives support from Cushman‘s (2008) study of a representative sample of New Zealand primary school principals. Cushman found that, in their quest to provide boys with role models, both men and women principals favoured male teacher applicants who demonstrated characteristics of hegemonic (―real men‖) masculinity, such as heterosexuality, authoritarianism, and rugby-playing. Cushman (2008) argued that the principals were applying narrow, constrictive constructions of gender that rely on the stereotype of a rugby-player and treat gender as a homogeneous commodity. Cushman‘s findings also suggest that, at the time of her study, the New Zealand male stereotype had not changed markedly since Phillips (1987) defined the New Zealand man in his book, The Stoic Male: Is It Time to Move On? as a rugged, rough, undemonstrative and practical ―bloke‖, able to turn his hand to fixing anything. Phillips also claimed that the beer-drinking and rugby-playing image of the New Zealand man had become a firm role model. Several years after Phillips‘ book was published, feminist author Sandra Coney (1990) wrote of the stereotypical New Zealand man as muscled and tough, ―not effete, weak and bookish‖ (p. 23, and expressing his cultural identity on the rugby field and in the great outdoors. Ferguson (2004), in his book, You‟ll Be a Man if You Play Rugby, similarly noted that characteristics epitomized by rugby players, such as strong, aggressive, stoic, consistent, reliable and good humoured, are exalted in New Zealand men. The power of the game of rugby in New Zealand and the part it plays in constructing a hegemonic masculinity cannot be underestimated. As a university professor stated, ―It does not matter whether one ignores or abhors rugby, it is a part of every New Zealander‘s national identity‖ (Jackson, 2008, p. 24). In emphasizing rugby‘s position as a defining feature of the

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nation and its identity, Jackson claimed that it was important that New Zealanders gained a greater appreciation of its power and significance as a part of our culture. Gender roles in New Zealand relationships away from the rugby field, and in line with international findings (e.g., Francis & Skelton, 2006), currently exhibit a far greater complexity. There is evidence, for example, that men and women still tend to adhere to traditional roles in terms of housework and child-rearing (Ministry of Social Development, 2004)... Bannister (2005) noted that attacks by feminists and indigenous groups on the historical New Zealand male stereotype, as previously illustrated (Coney, 1990; Ferguson, 2004; Phillips, 1987), had unfortunately not resulted in a less macho national identity for men. Bannister also perceived a change in the female stereotype, from one closely associated with traditional femininities to one that more closely aligned with traditional masculinities. Bannister claimed that women are now taking a greater interest in rugby and practical activities than in previous generations. His observation is supported to an extent by an account of the stereotype of New Zealand women given in MENZ Issues (‗ The Stereotype NZ Female‘, 2010), which portrays New Zealand women as independent and lacking in femininity and personal grooming. As mentioned earlier, men who demonstrate characteristics of hegemonic masculinity appear to be advantaged in employment practices in New Zealand schools (Cushman, 2008). Gender-related advantages were also found for beginning men teachers in England, who reported fears of being perceived as ―deviant‖ if they behaved in non-stereotypically masculine ways (Francis & Skelton, 2001; Martino & Berrill, 2003). Such anxieties, according to Martino and Berrill (2003), are grounded in the public perception that associates non-normative masculinities with attributions of homosexuality, which in turn are conflated with pedophilia. King (1998) wrote that the masculinities of men teachers are ―placed under a particular kind of normalizing surveillance‖ (p. 5). Francis and Skelton‘s (2001) finding that men not only lessen the chance of employment but also risk marginalization from peers if they do not ―achieve‖ an acceptable construction of masculinity supports Roulston and Mills‘ (2000) claim that homophobia often works in ―insidious ways to reinforce dominant constructs of masculinity‖ (p. 227). Support comes also from Smedley (2006), who argued, on the basis of her study of men student-teachers, that ongoing dichotomies which separate masculinity from the care of young children make it harder for men to work their way into certain possible versions of their professional identities. Even when men teachers adopt more gender-neutral behaviors, they still voice a fear of how their masculinity will be viewed relative to what they perceive society holds as ―acceptable‖ masculinity (Ferguson, 2004; Francis & Skelton, 2001; Lingard & Douglas, 1999). Such findings are of particular concern given the results of Francis‘s (2008) study of men teachers in the classroom. Her account provides an excellent exposé of the fluidity and complexity of gender. The study clearly demonstrates that there are many ways to be a man teacher, leading Francis to comment on ―the absurdity in expecting that men teachers would teach, or relate to pupils, in predictable or uniform ways simply on the basis of their ‗maleness‘‖ (p. 119). In similar vein, Split et al. (2012) challenge the assumption that men teachers naturally relate better than women to boys. Split and her colleagues found that the women teachers in their study tended to have better overall relationships than men teachers with all students—boys and girls. For Mills et al. (2008), gendered roles in teachers do not necessarily reflect hegemonic masculinities. They recognize that many men teachers want to

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care and nurture as well as provide male role models, and they pondered the contradictory emotions that this would raise for such teachers. Speer (2005) points out the ―ideological dilemma‖ that results from a situation in which non-traditional masculinities such as caring and nurturing are appreciated at the same time as typically masculine qualities, such as sporting prowess and strict management of student behavior, are expected from men. Johansson and Klinth (2008), however, suggest that these anomalies work to advance a more recent approach to hegemonic masculinity: ―… to qualify for hegemonic masculinity, it is no longer enough to be rational, goal-oriented, careerorientated and disciplined … men must show their readiness to engage in child-care, their child orientation‖ (p. 17). This statement resonates well with what one would expect in countries where gender equality has been to the fore for many years, but may have less currency in a country such as New Zealand where the attributes of a rugby player contribute so powerfully to the ―ideal man‖ image. However, there have also been major shifts in New Zealand in terms of the roles accredited to men and women, and it is imperative therefore to bear in mind Francis‘s (2008) suggestion that too much is made of the link between an individual‘s body and the way in which gender is performed in the classroom. Nevertheless, for many students and practicing teachers, Johansson and Klinth‘s (2008) theory on hegemony has not influenced attitudes towards their roles in the classroom. For example, Mills et al.‘s (2008) account of one man teacher who was unable to cope with the complexity of gender-related expectations provides an excellent discussion of the consequences for men who are unable or unwilling to demonstrate strengths in discipline and sport. These apparently contradictory and confusing expectations are further highlighted in Mills and colleagues‘ finding that men teachers feel valorized and treated as special on the one hand and under surveillance for signs of suspicion on the other. Regardless of the actual presence of a variety of versions of ―maleness‖ in the classroom, gender issues for some men teachers, such as gender stereotyping and the inability to reconcile their professional and personal identities (Mills et al., 2008), influence their subsequent decision to withdraw from teacher education (Cushman, 2006). Thornton and Bricheno (2006) found that men student-teachers fail, in disproportionate numbers (to women), to complete their course, or they have problems with it and their school placements. Foster and Newman (2005) coined the term ―identity bruising‖ to denote the gender-related conflicts that cause men student-teachers to question whether primary school teaching is a suitable career choice for men. A number of researchers, among them Allan (1993), Jones (2007), Sargent (2001), and Thornton and Bricheno (2006), have suggested that women teachers might have a strong influence on the drop-out rate of men student-teachers. They claim, for example, that men students are often exposed to comments from women teachers about teaching being an unsuitable job for men, and that some women teacher believe that men view classroom teaching as simply a route to more senior positions and principalships. Jones (2007) and Skelton (2007) state that although, for some men, fast-tracking to senior positions and administrative roles reinforces stereotyped expectations, it also removes immediate concerns about classroom-based gender issues such as physical contact with children. During the process of deciding to enroll in a teacher education course, potential students are likely to consider the related disadvantages and advantages that their gender affords them. Firmly entrenched stereotypes associated with primary school teaching, such as men not

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being sufficiently caring and primary school teaching being women‘s work, are areas of disquiet that men in particular have to contend with (Foster & Newman, 2005; Jones, 2007; Martino 2008a; Renold, 2003). However, if men believe that being a ―role model to young boys‖ is one of their responsibilities, then statements such as Jackson‘s (2008) that reinforce the importance of rugby in New Zealand men‘s identity have substantial implications for their teaching personas. For men, difficulties inherent in reconciling the national identity with other characteristics perceived to be desirable in teachers, such as caring and nurture, may well deter them from enrolling in a teacher education program. Because primary school teaching is, as the statistics attest, a predominantly female occupation, it can be an isolating experience for the men who choose to teach (Knight & Moore, 2012). Fears surrounding physical contact with children and possible repercussions can deter men from entering teaching or prove problematic for them once teaching (Cushman, 2005; Jones, 2007; Thornton & Bricheno, 2006). Much has been written about the issues confronting men teachers with respect to physical contact with children (see, for example, Cushman, 2005; Jones, 2003, 2007). A part of everyday life in New Zealand primary schools is comforting, assisting and, at times, physically restraining children, all of which involve some degree of physical contact. Junior class teachers are aware that, during children‘s first few years of school, five- and six-year-olds in particular seek physical engagement with teachers who are ―regularly grabbed, hugged, leaned against and clung to as children ‗naturally‘ express their affection and boisterous physicality‖ (Jones, 2003, p. 181). Jones adds that these practices can be sources of suspicion in a country where concerns about children‘s safety are paramount. Of the 179 men and women student-teachers in Jones‘ (2003) study, 83% had learned they must either not touch children unless in an emergency or be very cautious about touch. Forty-nine percent believed that touching children was ―simply not allowed‖ (p. 183), In 1998 the New Zealand Education Institute (NZEI) had developed and implemented a Physical contact code of practice directing all teachers to avoid inappropriate physical contact. Although the code of praqctice was written for all teachers, in reality it was seen by teachers and the community as being directed at men teachers (Cushman, 2005). Not surprisingly, the men student-teachers in Jones‘ study were particularly anxious and grappled with what they saw as gender-related constraints on their interactions with children. Williams and Jones (2005) also commented on the vulnerability of men students who are suddenly confronted with the need to monitor their behavior and adhere to rules that they see as clearly different from those for women teachers.In contrast, Szwed (2010), in the UK, found issues relating to child protection receive little attention from and have little impact on the student-teachers she interviewed. However, Skelton‘s recommendation (2007) that governments wanting to attract more men to teaching need to develop practical means that enable men to work ―safely‖ in schools suggests Szwed‘s finding is not necessarily representative of UK student-teachers, a point that Szwed herself acknowledges. Over two decades as a teacher educator, I have been privy to hundreds of discussions illustrating students‘ exposure to a raft of confusing messages regarding their role expectations. A time of particular significance in this regard, given the associated attrition rates, appears to be students‘ first school placement during their first year of teacher education. Adding further salience to this time period is Warin and Dempster‘s (2007) finding that gender is an important part of the identity of young men in their transition to university. Warin and Dempster found that, for some men, the transition to university results in

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particularly ―laddish‖ practices they temporarily engage in as part of an attempt to fit in and establish new friends. For New Zealand teacher education students who, early in their university teacher education program, embark on their first primary school placement, this finding might have particular importance. Caires, Almeida, and Martins (2010) describe the first school placement as a time when the switch from the role of student to teacher and the discovery of discrepancies between theory and practice and in relation to students‘ expectations regarding their future success as a teacher often culminates in a ―reality shock‖ for students. Flores (2006) describes the experience as a ―process of challenging and revisiting personal assumptions and beliefs‖ (p. 2027). Most of the 224 student-teachers in Caires et al.‘s study (2010) found the start of school placements to be particularly demanding and stressful. Of particular interest in their study, though, were the findings that despite younger, more academic students (both male and female) reporting, on average, higher levels of satisfaction with their placement than less academically inclined students, men students still reported lower levels of ‗socio-emotional‘ impact from the experience than women. Students in their final year of a teacher education program will have experienced a number of placements in various primary schools. By this time, they are likely to be aware of anomalies between a curriculum that advocates for social justice, inclusiveness and nondiscriminatory practices, and the realities of life for men and women teachers in the primary school classroom. Ideally, though, students who are nearing the completion of their teacher education course will have managed to successfully negotiate gender-related issues that may have challenged and perplexed them during their school placements. In my experience, student-teachers are keen to engage in discussion and critical debate around these issues. Unfortunately, initial teacher education programs in New Zealand are tightly proscribed, and I believe that recent trends to supplant smaller, more discussionfriendly groupings with larger classes, a greater emphasis on distance and independent learning, and fewer face-to-face, lecturer-student hours have resulted in fewer opportunities for critical analysis and robust debate. Moreover, as noted in other countries (e.g., Skelton, 2009), issues relating to social justice tend to occupy an ad hoc position in initial teacher education programs. The research described in the remainder of this chapter is rooted in my concern for social justice and my desire to further research that has been conducted with teacher education students (see, for example, Jones, 2007; Skelton, 2005; Smedley, 2006; Thornton & Bricheno, 2006). Many studies in this area have focused only on the views and experiences of men student-teachers. I wanted to seek the views of both sexes to establish gender-related similarities and differences. In addition, I considered the responses of both men and women would provide a better platform for consideration of the effectiveness of current course content in preparing all students for their first school placement. I therefore hoped to offer a somewhat different perspective by having both men and women student-teachers participate in the study, which was conducted at the time of the students‘ first school placement, a time that has historically, in New Zealand, at least, witnessed a number of student withdrawals, especially among men students. Another focus of my study was students‘ perceptions of teacher gender-related advantages and disadvantages in the classroom. I considered that findings would have the potential to provide teacher education programs with knowledge that could better prepare students for their first school placement. One other emphasis in my study was prompted by

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Szwed (2010), who found that nearly all of the teacher education students surveyed believed their gender to be inconsequential for teaching and having little impact on their experiences as a student-teacher. Because my own experiences and earlier research suggested otherwise, I was keen to explore this matter further. Szwed did point out, though, that students in her study resented the gendered expectations they encountered during their school placements. This facet therefore also featured in my investigation.

METHOD All first year on campus students (men = 20; women = 65) were invited to complete two questionnaires—one prior to their first school placement and the other during the first week following that placement. The first questionnaire asked students to supply demographic data such as name, age, and whether they had entered the teacher education course straight from school. Questions asked in both surveys relevant to this chapter included:

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Do you believe women teachers are advantaged in any way? Do you believe men teachers are advantaged in any way? Do you believe women teachers are disadvantaged in any way? Do you believe men teachers are disadvantaged in any way?

The post-placement questionnaire also asked students if their associate teacher (the teacher in whose classroom they were placed) was a man or women, and to rate their overall placement experience as either ―very positive‖, ―positive‖, ―negative‖, or ―very negative‖. I was aware of the potential impact of the researcher–researched relationship, particularly as I was also grading the students‘ work at the same time as carrying out the study. Because I was lecturing to the first-year students immediately preceding their first school placement, I had no option but to collect the data before grades for the course were determined. In order to overcome possible student concern, I asked a colleague to hand out the information sheets, collect the signed consent forms, and distribute and collect the first questionnaire. In the week following the conclusion of their placement, students gathered on campus for an unrelated lecture and at this time were asked to fill in the follow-up questionnaire. Students were asked to put their names on both questionnaires so that I could compare their pre- and postplacement responses. To allay fears that failure to respond or to respond in a particular way could affect grades, I asked a colleague to hold all completed questionnaires until course grades were submitted. Students who completed the first questionnaire but not the second were tracked down via their professional studies lecturer and asked to fill in the questionnaire. Follow-up emails were then sent to any students who still had not responded. Data collection therefore took place over six weeks, with Week 1 being the week before the four-week school placement, and Week 6 being the week immediately following it. Simple preliminary analysis comprised grouping responses to all questionnaire items on the basis of similarity and relatedness for both their qualitative and quantitative components. I then scrutinized the qualitative data for emergent themes. I rechecked the data and developed codes for further categorizing the data. Codings were cross-checked by a colleague in an

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effort to promote reliability. I used SPSS Version 19 software to generate simple descriptive statistics from these codings.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

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Questionnaire Respondents Fifty-two women students filled out the questionnaire before the school placement and 46 after. The students ranged in age from 18 to 42 years of age, with a median age of 23. Twenty of the 52 women were school-leavers. Of the six women students who did not complete the questionnaire after placement, five had successfully completed their placements and one had withdrawn for medical reasons. Eighteen men filled out the questionnaire before placement and 15 after it. These students ranged in age from 18 to 53 years of age, with a median age of 24. Seven of the 18 men were school-leavers. Of the three men who did not complete the questionnaire after placement, two had left the course and the other failed to respond to repeated attempts to contact him. It was not possible to track down the two who had left the university but of interest is the fact that both had entered the teacher education program straight from school. That two of the 18 men, compared with none of the 52 women, left the teacher education program at the time of their first school placement supports the findings of Foster and Newman (2005) and Thornton and Bricheno (2006), who observed worrying attrition rates for men at this time. It could be argued that the sample size is too small to comprise a representative sample of New Zealand first-year teacher education students. The sample size of 70 students, however, comprised 86% of the first-year students enrolled in the undergraduate teacher education program at the time the research was conducted. It should be noted that due to the earthquakes that plagued Christchurch in the same year (2011), a significant number of students had either withdrawn from the program or changed to distance education courses. While it is problematic with such a small sample to attempt to make generalized statements, it is possible to say that responses reflect patterns in the literature. For purposes of clarity, the comments of students who had entered the teacher education course straight from school are identified as such.

Perceptions of Gender-Related Advantages and Disadvantages When the women student-teachers were asked, before embarking on their first school placement, if they believed women teachers are advantaged in any way, 19 female students responded in the affirmative, 19 in the negative, 6 stated they were unsure, and the remainder did not respond to the question. School-leavers and mature-age students (non-school-leavers) among the cohort of women were equally divided in terms of believing women to be advantaged in some way. Slightly more (11 compared to 8) of the mature-age students believed women were not advantaged, and this same group was also more likely to state that they were unsure (5 versus 1).

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Before the men students went on placement, 11 of them considered men to be advantaged in some way in the teaching profession, and 4 did not. Six of the seven men school-leavers in the study saw themselves as advantaged in some ways compared to 5 of the 11 more mature respondents. For a very small number of men (one) and women (two), neither sex was seen as advantaged in any way:   

―It‘s not your sex; it‘s your personality [that counts].‖ (19-year-old woman) ―People have different strengths, but it‘s because of their individuality, not their sex.‖ (24-year-old woman) ―No, it‘s an even playing field. Both sexes bring useful and effective qualities to the table.‖ (22-year-old man)

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Comments such as these align with Francis‘s (2008) depiction of the fluidity and complexity of gender. For these three students, the competencies required to be a good teacher did not rest more naturally with men or women, nor did they reflect a particular combination of masculinities or femininities, supporting Szwed‘s (2010) claim that attention should be paid to teachers‘ professional identities rather than their gender. For the students who did see gender-related advantages and disadvantages for men and women teachers, fivepredominant themes emerged from the data; findings are presented under these headings:     

―Natural‖ qualities Physical contact with children Relationships Employment/promotion Predominance of women.

“Natural” Qualities For the 19 women who saw women to be advantaged in some way, all made reference, before embarking on their school placement, to the caring/nurturing qualities of women and 5 specifically mentioned the importance of these attributes in junior classes. This association of teaching young children with ―mothering‖ and nurturing supports Martino (2008a), Jones (2007), and Wood (2012), who found that these characteristics continue to be ones commonly associated with the teaching profession. The mature-age women in the sample, more likely to be mothers themselves, referred more frequently than the younger women to the association between femininities and teaching.   

―Women are seen as nurturers, carers and teachers—it is a more ‗natural‘ role for a woman than a man.‖ (29-year-old woman) ―The compassion, the woman‘s heart.‖ (25-year-old woman) ―Women are seen as more empathetic and motherly.‖ (36-year-old woman)

Five of the 18 men respondents also saw women to be advantaged and themselves comparatively disadvantaged because of women‘s caring qualities. Masculinity and Femininity: Stereotypes/Myths, Psychology and Role of Culture : Stereotypes/Myths, Psychology and Role of Culture, edited by

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―Children are drawn to female teachers because they are often seen as kind and caring.‖ (22-year-old man) ―Not having the natural ‗mothering instincts‘ that women have.‖ (39-year-old man) ―Without stereotyping, my thought is women might have a more nurturing and patient disposition with children, which may make them well suited in the child‘s earlier developmental stage.‖ (53-year-old man)

These quotations illustrate that some men also align typically feminine qualities such as caring with the teaching role. The third student‘s statement, prefaced by ―without stereotyping‖, suggests that he believed that such qualities are naturally inherent in women rather than a stereotyped misconception as suggested by Renold (2003). After completing their school placements, three of the five men did not list these qualities as an advantage. The 53-year-old quoted above, in responding post-placement to the question, ―Do you believe women teachers are advantaged in any way?‖ stated: ―I don‟t believe so at this stage. If anything, maybe in the nurturing type roles; however, that depends on the individual woman teacher‟s disposition.‖ For this man, the school placement appears to have triggered a shift in his stance to one more in line with Francis‘s (2008). His reference to ―individual woman teacher‘s disposition‖ clearly shows him now linking qualities to individuals rather than to their gender. One can only surmise the roots of his attitude change. On the one hand, it might have been because his female associate teacher did not manifest the caring nature he associated with women teachers or that he found himself to be equally as caring as the women teachers he observed. On the other hand, he may have observed men teachers in caring roles or, and perhaps most likely, observed the fluidity and complexity of gender roles in both men and women teachers as depicted by Skelton (2007). In the survey responses collected post-placement, the number of women students who saw themselves as advantaged in some way dropped from 19 to 15. For three of these women who, prior to placement, had seem their caring qualities as providing them with an advantage in the classroom, time in the school environment appeared to have diminished this belief. This does not necessarily mean that they saw caring qualities as any less important, but rather saw that ―caring‖ does not naturally reside only in the female body. Each made a comment similar to this one: ―I think the quality of the teacher is more valuable than the gender” (26-year-old woman). Because each of these three women students spent their school placement in the classroom of a woman teacher, the change in their stance cannot be attributed to their ongoing observation of one caring male teacher. It is very likely, however, that they observed daily interactions between men teachers and students in the playground, a location where all teachers continuously engage with distressed and needy children. While the advantage of women teachers was most commonly linked by both men and women students to women‘s ―naturally‖ caring dispositions, men were seen to be naturally advantaged due to their strengths in sport and their ability to command respect. Prior to placement, seven women students and three men students stated men were advantaged and women disadvantaged in terms of their physical abilities.

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―Come from a strong sporting background [so I] will have a lot to contribute outside the classroom.‖ (18-year-old male school-leaver) ―Boys might not take me as seriously as they would a male—especially with sports.‖(20-year-old woman) ―Sporting disadvantage—I don‘t want my students to think they‘ll miss out on PE ‘cause they have a female teacher.‖ (21-year-old woman)

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After their placements, five of the seven women who saw men as advantaged by their sporting abilities retained this belief. Of interest is that not one of the three men who identified this advantage pre-placement commented on it following his time in school, and the man who is quoted above (the 18-year-old school-leaver) did not return to the university following his placement. Given that the male stereotype in New Zealand is so strongly sportsoriented, it is unlikely men‘s views of themselves as sportspeople would have diminished. However, in line with Bannister‘s (2005) belief that the stereotyped New Zealand woman has become more sports-oriented, it is possible that men found women to be equally competent. In addition, in New Zealand primary schools, every teacher is expected to teach physical education and sports and therefore the men students would have been exposed on a daily basis to active women teachers teaching physical education classes, a situation they might have forgotten in the years since their primary education. It is also possible that those who chose to go teaching believing in a need for men teachers who, through their sporting prowess and naturally male characteristics, would provide boys with strong male role models, found too great a dissonance between the hegemonic qualities of these models and the qualities desirable in teachers. Before their school placements, seven women and eight men stated that men are more likely than women to gain students‘ respect, a quality inextricably connected to authority and behavior management:  

―More respect for male teachers I think.‖ (19-year-old male school-leaver) ―I know males tend to have a natural ability of gaining authority.‖ (26-year-old woman)

After their placements, the seven women retained their belief that men are advantaged in terms of greater authority and disciplining. However, the number of men holding this belief dropped from eight to three. The reason for the change may have something to do with Wood‘s (2012) finding that the effectiveness of classroom management is not determined by the gender of the teacher. While the numbers concerned are too small to suggest clear causal links, it is interesting that two of the men who left the course during placement had previously seen men teachers as advantaged in terms of factors closely reflecting the New Zealand male stereotype. Once on placement, they may have discovered that these so-called natural abilities did not, in fact, advantage them, nor were they characteristics strictly tied to one gender. It is possible that school placement experiences do work to erode some gender-related stereotypes, particularly evident for men, and may be a factor linked to men students‘ greater attrition rates. These are considerations that warrant further research.

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Physical Contact While the more mature women students were more likely than the younger women to align their advantages solely with natural femininities, the latter were more likely to align the advantages of being a women teacher with a lack of concern about engaging in behaviors commonly associated with those femininities. Before embarking on placement, 12 women, all under 24 years of age, and six of them school-leavers, saw their advantages in terms of being free from suspicion pertaining to physical contact with children (Cushman, 2005; Jones, 2007; Thornton & Bricheno, 2006).  

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―Not as many issues relating to contact with children.‖ (18-year-old female schoolleaver) ―Able to hold a child‘s hand without being judged.‖ (18-year-old female schoolleaver) ―I believe that as a woman we tend to be involved in a lot less scandal, problems at school and cannot be as easily targeted.‖ (21-year-old woman)

For these students, their teaching advantages arose from what they perceived to be a major disadvantage for men. Issues emanating from physical contact with children have received a great deal of attention in New Zealand (Cushman, 2005, 2011; Jones 2003). For these women, who also saw nurturing and caring behaviors as important facets of their interaction with children, the perceived inability of men to engage in such interactions impacted heavily on men‘s effectiveness as teachers. These findings support Cushman (2005) and Skelton‘s (2007) argument that the possibility of child abuse allegations deters men from entering or remaining in teacher education programs. This perception on the part of the women students changed only slightly over the school placement, with the number who saw freedom from concerns around physical contact with children as a reason why women are advantaged rising from 12 to 13. Given the media highlighting issues centered on child abuse, it is perhaps surprising that only 5 of the 18 men saw themselves as vulnerable to accusations of child abuse prior to going on their school placement. This finding may also support Cushman (2005) and Skelton‘s (2007) proposition that men with a heightened awareness of this issue are deterred from a career in teaching. Prior to his school placement, one man (an 18-year-old schoolleaver) noted: ―Will have to be really careful with children, as people could see something and report abuse. Even if it‟s not, people are more wary.‖ Of the five men who expressed concern regarding their vulnerability before placement, four were school-leavers and the other was 22 years of age. Although not one man had, before his placement, viewed women teachers as advantaged in terms of being able to engage in physical contact with children without fear of censure or allegation, 11 of the 15 male respondents specifically mentioned this perceived advantage after completing their placements.  

―They [women] are able to forge close bonds with children without being worried about the sexual or inappropriate problems that might occur.‖ (31-year-old man) ―Women can hug or hold hands and care for children. For men, it might end up in jail.‖ (22-year-old man)

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For some of the men, the apparently different rules for men and women teachers resulted in confusion. 



―On an outing, the female teachers were holding hands with the students. When two of the girls tried to hold my hand, I wasn‘t sure if I should let them.‖ (31-year-old man) ―It was a bit awkward at the end of placement when the students hugged me.‖ (18year-old male school-leaver)

The fact that not one woman student expressed the same concerns regarding women teachers‘ interactions with children strongly suggests that this inequity, in New Zealand at least, lies firmly with men. It adds credence to Skelton‘s (2007) call for governments and communities to develop practical ways of enabling men to interact with students in schools without fear of accusations of inappropriate physical contact.

Relationships Haase (2008) found women teachers believed they related better to children, a belief corroborated by Split et al. (2012). Before embarking on placement, nine of the women in my study stated that women formed better relationships than men with children, girls in particular. 

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―Students will relate to me better because they see me as a mother figure.‖ (20-yearold woman) ―Girls won‘t open up the same to male teachers.‖ (18-year-old female school- leaver)

The belief that women relate better to girls meant that, correspondingly, women teachers saw themselves as disadvantaged in their ability to relate to boys. For the 19 women respondents who believed (pre-placement) women experience disadvantages as primary school teachers, the greatest disadvantage (14) was viewed as their inability to relate well to boys, particularly boys in the senior classes. Responses from women regarding men teachers‘ advantage in relating to boys were scattered evenly throughout the respondents‘ age range.  

―Boys might not want to talk to you about different things bugging them— especially older boys.‖ (39-year-old woman) ―Older boys tend to love male teachers more and get a lot more out of them.‖ (19year-old female school-leaver)

Time spent in schools caused some women to rethink their relationship advantage. The post-placement questionnaire showed a decrease in support for Split et al.‘s (2012) belief that women relate better than men to children, with only three women maintaining this position. Moreover, the number of women who saw men as advantaged in their ability to relate to boys dropped from 14 to 9. Although a small number of men (four), before their placement, saw themselves as advantaged in being able to relate well to boys, they did not anticipate or mention a corresponding disadvantage in their ability to relate to girls.

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―The boys at the school would feel more comfortable telling me things than [they would to] a female teacher.‖ (18-year-old male school-leaver) ―Can relate to male students very well.‖ (22-year-old man)

Both these comments suggest that simply being a man automatically guarantees one‘s ability to relate well to boys. Given the national call in New Zealand for men teachers as role models (Cushman, 2008) and displaying a masculine stereotype that encompasses attributes of a rugby player (Cushman, 2005; Ferguson, 2004), it is interesting that not one of the men referred to the importance of rugby playing or other strongly masculine pursuits as important in their relationships with boys. After their school placements, only one of the four men reiterated that men are advantaged in their ability to relate to boys. With the drop in numbers of both men and women who saw men as able to relate better to boys, it appears that time spent in a school eroded this assumption. These findings not only support Francis‘s (2008) aforementioned argument that it is ―absurd‖ to expect men teachers to relate to students in predictable ways on the basis of their ―maleness‖ but also suggest that some students may have moved to a position consistent with Szwed‘s (2010) finding that gender is, in fact, inconsequential. What the findings do demonstrate is that school placements compel most students to challenge and revisit personal assumptions and beliefs (Flores, 2006)

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Employment/Promotion Before the students embarked on their first school placement in schools, there was already awareness for 14 of the women students and more than half (10) of the men that men might be advantaged in terms of employment and promotion to leadership roles.   

―Easier to get a job as less males around.‖ (20-year-old man) ―Due to shortages in male teachers, they [men] may be more favored in job interviews.‖ (37-year-old woman) ―Just by being male, they might get to be a principal earlier.‖ (37-year-old woman)

Cushman‘s (2008) study of New Zealand principals‘ hiring views and practices found a bias in favor of men, a finding that appears not to have gone unnoticed by women. There appeared to be a hint of resentment among the women student-teachers with respect to the ratios of women to men on school staff not being reflected in senior staff and principalships (Ministry of Education, 2009).  

―Leadership roles often go to men. More principals are men.‖ (19-year-old female school-leaver) I still believe men are seen as superior to women. Because of the lack of jobs, men might get jobs over women.‖ (21-year-old woman)

The school placement reinforced this perception among the women students. After placement, the number of women who saw men advantaged in the employment stakes increased from 14 to 19. One student, 20 years of age, gave an example where, in her estimation, her female associate teacher had been clearly discriminated against. ―Men

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teachers are advantaged in leadership positions. My associate teacher did not get the dean job, as a guy had applied for it. Even after one year of doing a bad job, he was given it again.‖ A surprising finding is that for the 10 men who embarked on their first placement with the knowledge that they were, because of their gender, actively sought, this perception declined (to six) following placement. Before their placement, men tended to attribute their employment advantage solely to their smaller numbers and the concurrent need to increase their presence in schools. After placement, however, four of the six men who still believed they were advantaged in employment, attached employment advantage specifically to the need for more male role models: ―There is a real want for male teachers in the primary school as a positive role model for students, particularly those who don‟t have fathers‖ (18year-old male school-leaver). This finding supports earlier studies where the most common reason principals gave when justifying the need for more men teachers was the need for role models, especially those demonstrating a hegemonic masculinity (Action for Children and Youth Aotearoa, 2003; Cushman, 2008). As noted earlier, two of the 10 men who, prior to placement, believed men to be advantaged in terms of employment opportunities withdrew from the course during their placement. Two others did not mention their employment advantage after their placement, but did speak of the importance of an individual‘s qualities rather than his or her gender. 

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

―I don‘t believe in stereotypes. Being a good teacher is more important.‖ (22-yearold man) ―I believe it comes down to the quality of the teacher.‖ (19-year-old man)

Because the numbers are small, it is not possible to identify any particular factor that might account for these men‘s attitudinal shift, and for the decision of the two men to leave the teacher education course. A possible disputing of the overemphasis on the importance of men along with valuing teacher quality rather than gender can only be suggested as possible reasons. The same can be said of the lack of congruence between the men students‘ expectations on entering the course and the realities of their school placement. It does seem possible, though, that the men discovered that the need for more men teachers does not mean every man will be naturally advantaged in this way and that the man/employment connection is not as clear-cut as they had previously anticipated.

Predominance of Women Before their school placements, six women and three men believed women had an inschool advantage due to the predominance of women teachers. In New Zealand, men are vastly outnumbered in primary schools, with 84% of teachers being women (Ministry of Education, 2009).  

―Teaching is a female-dominated field and so it‘s easy to find same sex support.‖ (19-year-old woman) ―There are more of us, so it‘s easier to fit in and feel comfortable within the profession.‖ (20-year-old woman)

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In highlighting their own advantages, women recognized there would be equivalent disadvantages for men. 

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

―Because of their low numbers, it will be hard to make collegial relationships.‖ (31year-old woman) ―In minority—might make them outcasts.‖ (19-year-old woman)

Two of the three men who before their first placement acknowledged that the predominance of women disadvantaged men had entered the teacher education course straight from high school. All were 18 years of age. For one of them, concern relating to his minority (numerical) status supported the women‘s comments and was already causing him to reconsider his future. ―Men are disadvantaged because they are in low numbers in schools. Men may find the low numbers may lead to them looking for other careers where there are more male co-workers.‖ Because this man withdrew from the course during placement and could not be followed up, his comment may have forewarned of his intention to leave if he did not experience the companionship of other men in the school. The second of the three students to acknowledge this disadvantage before placement also expressed concern emanating from a lack of male company—―Do not have as many people of the same sex to get advice from‖—and the possibility that primary school teaching can be an isolating experience for men (Knight & Moore, 2012). Such comments raise the issue of providing appropriate support for men students and other ―minority‖ groups. It is for these reasons that a number of institutions in the United Kingdom and United States have implemented various measures such as male mentors and men‘s support groups to assist men teachers address these challenges and lessen the subsequent chances of attrition (Nelson & Shikwambi, 2010; Smedley, 2006; Warwick et al., 2012). For the women students, the number who considered women are advantaged due to their greater numbers dropped from six to four. Given the predominance of women in primary school staffrooms, it is possible that the drop simply reflected an acceptance of the status quo.

RATINGS OF SCHOOL PLACEMENT EXPERIENCE After their school placements, students rated their experience on a scale ranging from ―very negative‖ to ―very positive‖. The nine men who spent their placement with women associate teachers rated their placement as very positive. Two men who had men associate teachers rated their experiences as very positive, and the other four rated the experience as positive. Again, although the numbers are too small to indicate a definite trend, these ratings do suggest that, on this school placement, men students experienced more positive placements with women associate teachers. This possibility does not align with the perceived importance for some men students of being matched with men associate teachers or mentors (Szwed, 2010). However, 35 women who had women associates rated their experience as very positive, 7 rated it as positive and 1 as very negative. Of the four women who had men associate teachers, three rated their experiences as very positive and one as positive. After their teaching practice, the number of women seeing themselves as advantaged dropped from 17 to

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13, and the number who saw themselves as disadvantaged rose from 25 to 30. This increase in perceived disadvantage for women was not matched by a perception of increased advantage for men. Prior to placement, 24 women saw men as advantaged, but this number dropped to 16 after time spent in schools. Moreover, the perception that men were disadvantaged rose from 11 to 22. Men also experienced considerable changes in their views on gender-related advantage and disadvantage. Before placement, 11 of the 18 men saw men as advantaged in the primary school environment. Three of these same men left the course during placement and another two altered their perceptions. These findings suggest that a large number of men and women enter teacher education programs under the impression that they are advantaged because of their gender. For a number of these students, their first school placement appeared to culminate in Caires et al.‘s (2010) reality shock of having one‘s personal assumptions and beliefs challenged (Flores, 2006) and, in this study, clearly eroded.

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CONCLUSION Because of the low numbers, particularly of men student-teachers, who participated in my study, it is not possible to draw firm conclusions regarding the influence of the first school placement on gender-related beliefs. The discussion in this chapter does, however, offer a contribution to the debate concerning recruitment and education of student-teachers by giving insight not only into the changes in attitudes and beliefs that students can experience during their first school placement but also into the possible consequences in terms of student attrition. The findings of this research reflect and reinforce those of earlier studies. The shift from what students regarded as gender-related advantages and disadvantages before and after their placement resonates with Caires and colleagues‘ (2010) description of the first school placement as a reality shock for students. The national focus in New Zealand on the need for men teachers as role models may influence men‘s decisions to take up primary school teaching as a career. On the one hand, men who reflect the sporty, authoritative New Zealand male stereotype might be attracted to teaching based on the publicity given to the need for role models such as themselves and the career-based advantages this will provide them. On the other hand, the emphasis on men who reflect the New Zealand male stereotype could also mean that men who do not reflect this stereotype are currently deterred from seeking a teaching career. The finding that the three men student-teachers who nominated their sporting prowess as an advantage prior to their school placement did not reiterate this following their placement, and the fact that one of them left the program, suggests that the current emphasis on men as role models in terms of the New Zealand stereotype is essentially a cause for concern. The findings of my study also support Flores‘ (2006) finding that the first school placement entails a ―process of challenging and revisiting personal assumptions and beliefs‖ (p. 2027). For the women students, the reality of their time in school resulted in a drop in the number who saw themselves as advantaged in terms of their caring qualities and their relationships with children. At the same time as these perceived advantages decreased, their

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perceived disadvantage in terms of their relationships with boys also decreased. This pattern suggests a softening of attitudes regarding strict gender stereotypes for women students and a realization of the concept of gender as one more in line with that portrayed by Francis (2008). While the women students‘ recognition of men‘s advantage in the employment stakes increased on school placement, there was a corresponding drop for men. Not only did men complete their first placement with less conviction that they were advantaged in terms of employment and promotion, but most of them now recognized that all their relationships with students needed to be carefully monitored to minimize accusations of abuse. The subject of physical contact is especially fraught in New Zealand, as evidenced by the regular and highly emotive attention it receives in the country‘s media. This decrease in advantages and concomitant increase in disadvantages afforded by their gender may be another reason why men found their school placement a reality shock (Caires et al., 2010). The results of this study, assuming they can be verified by replicating this study with larger samples of student-teachers, also have implications for teacher education programs and recruitment strategies. If the first school placement is indeed a reality shock that forces students to confront their gender-related beliefs and assumptions, then teacher education programs have a responsibility to ensure students are adequately prepared. The current focus in New Zealand programs on lesson planning and basic management strategies to prepare students for their first school placement diminishes the importance of the students‘ professional identities. Understanding and addressing the perceptions of gender-based differences with respect to the role of teacher that student- teachers bring with them can lead to improvements in teacher education by providing students with the knowledge and skills they need to recognize and manage gender-related challenges in the school. The results of this study, along with the findings of and commentary from other researchers such as Skelton (2007) and Younger (2007), indicate that a strong case can be made for ensuring gender occupies a more prominent position in initial teacher education and continuing professional development courses. Teacher education should not only prepare students for a world where their own gender-related misconceptions will be challenged, but also (and perhaps more importantly) prepare them to model and teach gender equity in their classrooms. If we are to encourage more men into teaching, we need to question and critically analyze the perceived advantages and disadvantages men and women students attach to their roles in primary schools. Such a critique cannot happen in the ad hoc fashion in which gender is frequently dealt with in teacher education programs. Students need explicit information on school communities and, in particular, the pervasive gender regimes. Critical discussion around their gender-related experiences will help prepare teacher education students for the challenges they will face in schools. Raising such issues is difficult in the semester between students entering the program and embarking on their first placement, particularly at a time when trends point to fewer course-contact hours, but the importance of this approach needs to be viewed as outweighing associated issues. The call for more men primary school teachers in New Zealand has been closely linked to the need for male role models who reflect a hegemonic masculinity. The tentative results of this study suggest that this appeal might be misguided and that, instead, recruitment campaigns need to focus on men and women teachers who reflect the complexity and fluidity of gender described by Francis (2008). Gender alone can never determine the quality of a teacher. Rather, having at hand a representation of competent men and women teachers who

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not only illustrate the diversity of masculinities and femininities but come to teaching well equipped to challenge gender stereotypes can only enhance the quality of the teaching profession.

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REFERENCES Action for Children and Youth Aotearoa. (2003). Children and youth in Aotearoa. Wellington, New Zealand: Author. Allan, J. (1993). Male elementary teachers: Experiences and perspectives. In C. L. Williams (Ed.) Doing “women‟s work”: Men in non-traditional occupations (pp. 113–127). London, UK: Sage. Arnot, M., & Miles. P. (2005). A reconstruction of the gender agenda: The contradictory gender dimensions in New Labour‘s educational and economic policy. Oxford Review of Education, 31(7), 173–89. Ashley, M. (2003). Primary school boys‘ identity formation and the male role model: An exploration of sexual identity and gender identity in the UK through attachment theory. Sex Education, 3(3), 257–270. Ashley, M., & Lee. J. (2003). Women teaching boys: Caring and working in the primary school. Stoke on Trent, UK: Trentham Books. Bannister, M. (2005). Kiwi blokes: Recontextualising white New Zealand masculinities in a global setting. Genders, Issues 42. Available online at http://www.genders.org/g42/ g42_ bannister.html Berge, B. (2004). Whatever happened to the male teacher? Gendered discourses and progressive education in Sweden 1945–2000. History of Education Review, 33(2), 5–29. Brown, J., Sorrell, J., & Raffaeli, M. (2005). An exploratory study of constructions of masculinity, sexuality and HIV/AIDs in Namibia, Southern Africa. Culture, Health and Sexuality, 7, 585–598. Caires, S., Almeida, L., & Martins, C. (2010). The socioemotional experiences of student teachers during practicum: A case of reality shock? The Journal of Educational Research, 103, 17–27. Carrrington, B., & Skelton, C. (2003). Re-thinking role-models: Equal opportunities in teacher recruitment in England and Wales. Journal of Educational Policy, 18(3), 287– 303. Coney, S. (1990). Out of the frying pan: Inflammatory writing 1972–89. Auckland, New Zealand: Penguin. Cushman, P. (2005). Will a revised code of practice change the practices of male teachers in their interactions with children? New Zealand Journal of Teachers‟ Work, 2(2) 83–93. Cushman, P. (2006). Primary school teaching as a second career choice for men: The choice and challenges for adult learners. New Zealand Journal of Adult Learning, 34(1) 103– 121. Cushman, P. (2008). So what exactly do you want? What principals mean when they say ―male role model‖. Gender and Education, 20(2) 123–136. Cushman, P. (2011). ‗You‘re not a teacher, you‘re a man‘: the need for a greater focus on gender studies in teacher education. International Journal of Inclusive Education.

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Available online at http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13603116.2010.516774Cushman_ 12631345.pdf Drudy, S., Martin, M., Woods, M., & O‘Flynn, J. (2005). Men and the classroom: Teachers in today‟s primary schools. London, UK: Routledge. Education Queensland. (2002). Male teachers‟ strategy 2002–2005. Brisbane, Qld, Australia: Author. Ferguson, G. (2004). You‟ll be a man if you play rugby. Palmerston North, New Zealand: Dunmore Press. Flores, A. (2006). Being a novice teacher in two different settings: Struggles, continuities and discontinuities. Teachers College Record, 108, 2021–2027. Foster, T., & Newman, E. (2005). Just a knock back? Identity bruising on the route to becoming a male primary school. Teachers and Teaching: Theory and Practice, 11(4), 341–358. Francis, B. (2008). Teaching manfully? Exploring gendered subjectivities and power via analysis of men teachers‘ gender performance. Gender and Education, 20(2), 109–122. Francis, B., & Skelton, C. (2001). Men teachers and the construction of heterosexual masculinity in the classroom. Sex Education, 1(1), 1–17. Francis, B. & Skelton, C. (2006). Reassessing gender and achievement: Questioning contemporary key debates. London, UK: Routledge. Francis, B., Skelton, C., Carrington, B., Hutchings, M., Read, B., & Hall, I. (2008). A perfect match? Pupils and teachers‘ views of the impact of matching educators and learners by gender. Research Papers in Education, 23(1), 21–36. Haase, M. (2008). ―I don‘t do the mothering role that lots of female teachers do‖: Male teachers, gender, power and social organisation. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 29(6) 597–608. Jackson, S. (2008). Rugby and the future of New Zealand‘s national identity. University of Otago Magazine, 19(February), 24–25. Johansson, T., & Klinth, R. (2008). Caring fathers: The ideology of gender equality and masculine positions. Men and Masculinities, 11, 42–62. Jones, A. (2003). Primary teacher trainees: Identity formation in an age of anxiety. AsiaPacific Journal of Teacher Education, 31(3), 181–193. Jones, D. (2007). Millennium Man: Constructing identities of male teachers in early years contexts. Educational Review, 59(2), 179–194. King, T. (1998). Uncommon caring: Learning from men who teach young children. New York, NY: Teachers College Press. Knight, B., & Moore, T. (2012). Supporting beginning male teachers as they transform to skilled professionals. Improving Schools, 15. Available online at http://imp.sagepub.com/content/15/1/61 Lingard, B., & Douglas, P. (1999). Men engaging feminisms: Profeminism, backlashes and schooling. Buckingham, UK: Open University Press. Lingard, B., Martino, W., Mills, M., & Bahr, M. (2002). Addressing the educational needs of boys. Canberra, ACT, Australia: Department of Education, Science and Training. Martino, W. (2008a). Issues in boys‘ education: Encouraging broader definitions of masculinity in schools. Curriculum Leadership, 6(3). Available online at www.curriculum.edu.au/leader/issues-boys

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Martino, W. (2008b). Male teachers as role models: Addressing issues of masculinity, pedagogy and the re-masculinization of schooling. Curriculum Inquiry, 38(2) 189–223. Martino, W., & Berrill, D. (2003). Boys, schooling and masculinities: Interrogating the ―right‖ way to educate boys. Educational Review, 55(2), 99–117. Martino, W., & Kehler, M. (2006). Male teachers and the ―boy problem‖: An issue of recuperative masculinity politics. McGill Journal of Education, 41(2), 1–19. Mills., M., Haase, M., & Charlton, E. (2008). Being the ―right‖ kind of male teacher: The disciplining of John. Pedagogy, Culture and Society, 16(1), 71–84. Ministry of Education. (2009). Education at a glance. Wellington, NZ: Author. Ministry of Social Development. (2004). New Zealand Families Today. Wellington: Author. Montecinos, C., & Nielsen, L. (2009). Male elementary preservice teachers‘ gendering of teaching. Multicultural Perspectives, 6(2), 3–9. Nelson, B., & Shikwambi, S. (2010). Men in your teacher education programme: Five strategies to recruit and retain them. Young Children, May, 36–40. New Zealand Educational Institute Te Riu Roa (NZEI). (1998). Physical contact code of practice. Wellington: Author. Noddings, N. (2001). In V. Richardson (Ed.). Handbook of research on teaching, p. 99-105. Washington D.C.: American Educational Research Association. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). (2011), Education at a Glance 2011: OECD Indicators. Paris, France: OECD Publishing. Available online at http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/ Phillips, J. (1987). A man‟s country? The image of the pakeha male: A history. Auckland, New Zealand: Penguin. Renold, E. (2003). ―If you don‘t kiss me, you‘re dumped‖: Boys, boyfriends and heterosexualized masculinities in the primary school. Educational Review, 55(2), 179– 194. Riddell, S., & Tett, L. (2010). Gender balance in the teaching debate: Tensions between gender theory and equality policy. International Journal of Inclusive Education, 14(5) 463–477. Roulston, K., & Mills, M. (2000). Male teachers in feminised teaching areas: Marching to the men‘s movement drums. Oxford Review of Education, 26(1), 221–237. Sargent, P. (2001). Real men or real teachers? Contradictions in the lives of male elementary school teachers. Harriman, TN: Men‘s Studies Press. Skelton, C. (2001). Schooling the boys: Masculinities and primary education. Buckingham, UK: Open University Press. Skelton, C. (2002). The feminisation of schooling or masculinising primary education? International Studies in Sociology of Education 12(1), 77–96. Skelton, C. (2005). Role models or proper teachers? Male student teachers and constructions of masculinities. Paper presented to the joint SESBERA Social Justice and Teacher Training Seminar, University of Sunderland, Sunderland, UK. Skelton, C. (2007). Gender, policy and initial teacher education. Gender and Education, 19(6), 677–690. Skelton, C. (2009). Failing to get men into primary teaching: A feminist critique. Journal of Education Policy, 24(1), 39–54.

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Skelton, C., Francis, B., & Valkanova, Y. (2007). Breaking down the stereotypes: Gender and achievement in schools. Manchester, UK: Equal Opportunities Commission. Available online at www.eoc.org.uk/research Smedley, S. (2006). Listening to men student primary school teachers: Some thoughts on pedagogy. Changing English, 13(1), 125–135. Speer, S. (2005). Gender talk: Feminism, discourse and conversation analysis. London, UK: Routledge. Split, J., Koomen, H., & Jak, S. (2012). Are boys better off with male and girls with female teachers? A multilevel investigation of measurement invariance and gender match in teacher–student relationship quality. Journal of School Psychology, 50, 363–378. Szwed, C. (2010). Gender balance in primary teacher initial teacher education: Some current perspectives. Journal of Education for Teaching, 36(3), 303–317. Talbot, K., & Quayle, M. (2010). The perils of being a nice guy: Contextual variation in five young women‘s constructions of acceptable hegemonic and alternative masculinities. Men and Masculinities 13, 255. Available online at http://jmm.sagepub.com/content/13/2/255 The stereotype NZ female. (2010, March 30). MENZ Issues. Available online at http://menz.org.nz/2010/the-stereotype-nz-female/ Thornton, M., & Bricheno, P. (2006). Missing men in education. Stoke on Trent, UK: Trentham Books. Training and Development Agency for Schools. (2005, October 13). News release: Parents call for more primary teachers. Available online at www.teach.gov.uk Warin, J., & Dempster, S. (2007). The salience of gender during the transition to higher education: Male students‘ accounts of performed and authentic identities. British Educational Research Journal, 3(6), 887–904. Warwick, J., Warwick, P., & Hopper, B. (2012). Primary teacher trainee perspectives on a male-only support group: Moving male trainee teachers beyond the ―freak show‖. Teacher Development, 16(1), 55–76. Williams, E& Jones, A. (2005). An unprotected species? On teachers as risky subjects. British Educational Research Journal, 31(1), 109-120. Wood, T. (2012). Teachers‘ perceptions of gender-based differences among elementary school teachers. International Electronic Journal of Elementary Education, 4(2), 317– 345. Younger, M. (2007). The gender agenda in secondary ITET in England: Forgotten, misconceived or what? Gender and Education, 19(3), 387-414.

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In: Masculinity and Femininity Editors: Jacob M. Aston and Estela Vasquez

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Chapter 2

WHO‟S BAD? THE PERFORMANCE OF BLACK MASCULINITY IN MICHAEL JACKSON‟S “BAD” VIDEO Cassandra Chaney*1 and Bea Gyimah#2 1

Louisiana State University, College of Human Sciences and Education, School of Social Work, Child and Family Studies, Baton Rouge, Louisiana, US 2 Baton Rouge Community College, English Department, Baton Rouge, Louisiana, US

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ABSTRACT Since the death of Michael Joseph Jackson (August 29, 1958 – June 25, 2009), various forms of media have highlighted the factors that contributed to the rise, fall, and planned resurgence of this late musical icon. However, given his national and international success, few scholars to date (Clay, 2011) have provided scholarly insight into how Jackson, known as ―The King of Pop‖ or ―MJ‖ performed masculinity in his songs and music videos, and we are aware of no studies that have critically examined the masculinity demonstrated by Jackson in his 1987 music video, Bad. We focused on this particular video because it was the only song and music video in which we felt Jackson exemplified a hyper-masculinity that was simultaneously supported by a large group of men. In light of the increasing body of work that has examined how Black men demonstrate masculinity (Alexander, 2006; Chaney, 2009; Dottolo & Stewart, 2008; Ferber, 2007; Gilligan, 2012; Harris, Palmer, & Struve, 2011; Richardson, 2007; Summers, 2004; Vincent 2006) as well as Clay‘s (2011) recent scholarship regarding the masculinity demonstrated by Michael Jackson, the following questions were foundational to this study: (1) How is masculinity asserted in the lyrics of Michael Jackson‘s Bad (1987)? (2) How is Black masculinity asserted in the lyrics of Michael Jackson‘s Bad (1987)? (3) How is masculinity demonstrated in Michael Jackson‘s Bad (1987) video? (4) *

Cassandra Chaney, Ph.D., Associate Professor, Louisiana State University, College of Human Sciences and Education, School of Social Work, Child and Family Studies, 323 Huey P. Long Fieldhouse, Baton Rouge, Louisiana 70803-4300, Phone: (225) 578-1159, Fax: (225) 578-1357, Email: [email protected]. # Bea Gyimah, M.A., Assistant Professor of English, Baton Rouge Community College, English Department, 201 Community College Drive, Baton Rouge, Louisiana 70806, Phone: (225) 216-8637, Email: [email protected].

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Cassandra Chaney and Bea Gyimah Is it possible for a Black man in a racist world to create an alternate masculinity that is embraced by members of the dominant culture, and if so, how is this possible?‖ To answer these questions, special attention was given to the lyrics, dress, and behaviors in this video. In addition, we advance a conceptual framework of Black masculinity, the ―Masculine-Feminine Dominant Figure,‖ that was instrumental to the international appeal and success of the late icon, Michael Jackson.

Keywords: Black, Black Romance, Femininity, Masculinity, Michael Jackson

INTRODUCTION

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―As the human body took on symbolic form, its construction and its beauty became of increasing importance. Modern masculinity was to define itself through an ideal of manly beauty that symbolized virtue‖ – George Mosse (p. 5)

As the most commercially successful entertainer of all time, Michael Joseph Jackson (August 29, 1958 – June 25, 2009) made an indelible mark on the entertainment industry. 1 However, in his adult life, the masculinity exemplified by Jackson became a source of amusement, condemnation, and intrigue (Dineen, 1993; Jones, 2005; Lewis, 2005). In this chapter, we examine how Jackson demonstrated masculinity in the lyrics and video for the song Bad (1987). We deliberately focused on Bad (1987) because it was the only song and video in which we found that exemplified Jackson with a hyper-masculine identity that was simultaneously supported by a large group of men. In particular, we will give special attention to the lyrics, dress, and behaviors in this video. Past research has highlighted how Black2 masculinity informs how Black men see themselves, as well as the ways in which they navigate their familial and social worlds (Akbar, 1991; Anderson, 1999; Billingsley, 1968; Bush, 1998; Hare & Hare, 1985; Hine & Jenkins, 2001; hooks, 2004; Hunter & Davis, 1994; Majors & Billson, 1993; Majors & Gordon, 1994; Nandi, 2002; Oliver, 1984; Ross, 2004; Whitehead, 2002), however, few scholars to date have provided scholarly insight into how Jackson, frequently referred to as ―The King of Pop‖ or ―MJ,‖ performed masculinity in his songs and music videos. Thus, this discussion bridges the masculinity, sociological and pop culture literatures in a unique way. In addition to the aforementioned, the authors will advance a conceptual framework that was instrumental in the national and international appeal of Michael Jackson ─ a Black man in a racist world. However, before doing so, we place the focus of this discussion within the context of past literature on Black masculinity.

1

According to the Michael Jackson Website (2012), Michael Jackson‘s accomplishments include, but are not limited to his induction into The Hall of Fame (1995), The World Music Awards Biggest Selling Artist Ever (1996), and The Grammy Hall of Fame (1999), World Music Awards Best-Selling Artist of the Millennium (2000), American Music Awards Artist of the Century Award (2002), Guinness Book of World Records Most Successful Entertainer of All Time (2006), the World Music Award for World‘s Best Pop/Rock Male Artist (2008), and MOBO Music Awards Lifetime Achievement Award (2009). 2 Throughout this chapter, we use the term Black to refer to people of African Diaspora, and to such populations that reside within the United States. To some, African Americans are a subgroup within a larger Black community. Since our discussion purposely includes those who may be first-generation immigrants or who, for whatever reason, do not identify as African American, we employ the term ―Black.‖ Furthermore, we capitalize the term Black to distinguish this racial category and related identity from the color. Similarly, we capitalize the word White when referring to race.

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Who‘s Bad?

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REVIEW OF LITERATURE In Our Living Manhood: Literature, Black Power, and Masculine Ideology, Rolland Murray (2007) defined ―masculinity‖ as the ideals or expectations associated with being male (i.e., the belief that men be expected to ―hold dominant roles in society‘s basic institutions – e.g., the family, the economy, politics, religion, and education‖) (p. 18). Thus, masculinity influences how Black men perceive themselves, how they are perceived by others, as well as how they present themselves to others (Akbar, 1991; Bedermen, 1995; Chaney, 2009; Clay, 2011; Gates, 2010; Hine & Jenkins, 2001; hooks, 2004; Jackson, 2006; Jones, 2004; Mutua, 2006). Given its importance in shaping how Black men think, speak, and look, scholars have examined how masculinity is expressed by Black professional sports athletes (Atencio & Wright, 2007; Dunbar, 1999), the ways that white boys identify with Black masculinity through language crossing (Bucholtz, 1999; Ferber, 2007), the instrumental role that Black mothers play in the Black masculinity developed by their sons (Bush, 2004, 1998), as well as the fashionable Black body and masculinity exemplified by African American actors (Gilligan, 2012). Emerging scholarship related to this construct has examined the stereotypes associated with Black masculinity (Staples, 1978). In particular, these stereotypical assumptions have associated Black masculinity with emasculation, domination by women, and lacking positive self-esteem (Staples, 1978). To support Staples (1978) earlier findings, other scholars have highlighted the expression of Black masculinity by White men as well as the effects of negative masculine stereotypes on Black men. In their study of the narratives of Black and biracial men who have been excluded from dominant culture, Wright, Weeks, McGlaughlin, and Webb (1998) revealed: (i) the masculinity of young Black men is perceived less positively by White men; (ii) expressions of Black masculinity are distinct in their own right and should not be compared with those highly regarded by White men; (iii) many young Black males view stereotypical modes of masculinity damaging and detrimental to the identity of young Black boys; and (iv) concentrating on how Black men express masculinity masks the external forces (e.g., the problematic nature of relationships between Black males and White teachers and male peers) that suggest that the status of Black men is solely their responsibility. Through their examination of the behavioral expressions among 22 Black men enrolled at a private research university, Harris, Palmer, and Struve‘s (2011) recent work in this area found toughness, aggressiveness, material wealth, restrictive emotionality, and responsibility were foundational to the masculinities demonstrated by these young Black men. Interestingly, these young Black men expressed these concepts behaviorally through their pursuit of leadership and academic success, homophobia, and the fear of femininity, and through the sexist and constrained relationships they experienced with women (Harris, Palmer, & Struve, 2011). Thus, findings from the Wright et al (1998) and the Harris et al (2001) study demonstrate society‘s general disdain for Black men, the inherent need for Black men to create masculine expressions that are separate from those of white men, and the desire for Black men to refrain from advancing negative images of Black masculinity. Consequently, society‘s general disdain for Black men creates within these men an ―excluded identity‖ that makes it difficult for them to fully experience what it means to be a member of the dominant culture (Wright, Weeks, McGlaughlin, & Webb, 1998).

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In light of the increasing amount of scholarship that has focused on various aspects of Black masculinity in recent years (Alexander, 2006; Chaney, 2009; Clay, 2011; Dottolo & Stewart, 2008; Ferber, 2007; Gilligan, 2012; Harris, Palmer, & Struve, 2011; Richardson, 2007; Summers, 2004; Vincent 2006), we will focus on the work of three scholars, which inform how men generally demonstrate this construct. In addition to examining attitudes, beliefs, and perceptions regarding how men should think, act, and behave, we address how definitions of masculinity have been refined (redefined) over time. Concentrating on these past studies will lay the foundation for the conceptual framework on which our study is built.

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Hegemonic Masculinity vs. Complicit Masculinit Over twenty years ago, Robert Connell (1987) coined the term ―hegemonic masculinity,‖ which identified the strategies that men use to willingly or unwillingly align themselves with dominant masculine styles. These dominant masculine styles comprise a complex blend of power and domination that men systematically rely on to demonstrate ―aggression, competition, heterosexism, homophobia, stoicism, and misogyny‖ (Wall & Kristjanson, 2004, p. 89). Although Connell (1987) believed ―hegemonic masculinity‖ to be the ideal standard for most men, Frank (1991) asserted masculinity operated on a continuum, which allowed most men to reject all or most of what ―hegemonic masculinity‖ represents. While Connell (1987) believed this conscious adaptation or integration was part and parcel of ―complicit masculinity,‖ Frank (1991) asserted there is considerable variability in how men demonstrate masculinity. In other words, Frank (1991) believed that men could choose whether or not they would uphold masculine traits that were generally exhibited (Wetherell & Edley, 1999), or create a form of masculinity that was separate from that of the dominant culture. Essentially, Connell (1987) believed there is an ideal masculinity to which most men aspire (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005), while Frank (1991) believed the masculinity that men create and demonstrate is largely based on their unique experiences, background, and values.

Heterosexual As. Homosexual Masculinity Given its strengths, however, Connell‘s (1987) theory of ―hegemonic masculinity‖ disregards the inherent power hierarchy that exists between Black and White men. Since White men, in general, have greater education, higher incomes, and more stable family units than Black men (Ferguson, 2007; McAdoo, 1997; Taylor, Jackson, & Chatters, 1997; Tolliver, 1998), one could reasonably argue that it is impossible for Black men to totally experience ―hegemonic masculinity‖ due to their marginalized place in society, juxtaposed to White men. Furthermore, the historical oppression of Black men makes it harder for them to demonstrate masculinity in ways that are comparable to those exhibited by White men, which is in turn a socialization process that is especially challenging for Black homosexual men. In her qualitative study of the characteristics of successful Black gay men, Wise (2001) revealed that homosexual Black men are completely overlooked in dialogues regarding masculinity because the word ―success‖ implies ―prosperity, wealth and position‖ (p. 4) and heterosexuality. Essentially, the findings of this study make clear that Black gay men experience a unique version of masculinity that both supports and contradicts the one that is

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generally esteemed by straight Black men. Even though Wise (2001) posits the experiences of Black and White heterosexual men are not equal, they may however, be more similar than those experienced by Black heterosexual and homosexual men. Simply put, when it comes to the way that Black men demonstrate masculinity, the experiences of all men, within and between both groups, are not equal. There are several deficits with previous work related to Black masculinity. First, Connell‘s (1987) theory of ―hegemonic masculinity‖ suggests Black men seek to embrace dominant styles of manhood that are generally exhibited by White men and only in rare cases do Black men reject the values of the dominant culture. Unfortunately, this view fails to recognize that Black men have the ability to create legitimate versions of manhood that are similar and distinctly different from those of the dominant culture. Second, Frank‘s (1991) infusion of variability into Connell‘s (1987) hegemonic masculinity model is a much-needed extension, however, it fails to specifically examine how alternate masculinities can be recognized and revered by members of the minority and dominant cultures. Finally, although Wise (2001) acknowledges that homosexuality is generally incompatible with ―success,‖ she fails to recognize situations when a Black man, who is perceived as homosexual enjoys ―prosperity, wealth and position‖ (p. 4), eclipsing that experienced by most heterosexual White men.

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The Masculine-Feminine Dominant Figure To extend the work presented by Connell (1987), Frank (1991), and Wise (2001), we propose Michael Jackson as a ―Masculine-Feminine Dominant Figure.‖ In particular, this conceptual framework has three levels: First, this framework acknowledges the social context that facilitates the introduction of the Masculine-Feminine Dominant Figure. Thus, embedded within this context are the socio-historical events that make it possible for the MasculineFeminine Dominant Figure to emerge. When Michael Jackson and his brothers, who comprised the Motown-inspired Bubblegum Pop group The Jackson 5 burst onto the music scene in 1969, a few years prior, The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and The Voting Rights Act of 1965 changed the lives of African American minorities in the United States by outlawing major forms of discrimination and legally ensuring equal rights for all. In addition to the aforementioned, this era also saw the nation‘s captivation with the inspiring and hopeful messages of Dr. Martin Luther King, the stirring Black Nationalist rhetoric provided by Malcolm X, the assassination of both of these dynamic Black leaders, as well as a dramatic increase in the number of college students that successfully used ―peaceful‖ demonstrations as a means of public expression, disapproval, and effecting social change. Thus, in contrast to the previous decade where racial segregation via Jim Crow was a legally-dictated norm, the social zeitgeist of the 1960‘s made it possible for The Jackson 5 to represent Afrocentric pride through their dress and hairstyles, to publicly perform in venues whose access was previously denied to Blacks, and increased the likelihood that they would be embraced by individuals in America, besides Blacks in the 1970‘s. Second, this framework acknowledges the natural and/or developed talents of the Masculine-Feminine Dominant Figure, compared to others within and/or outside of their peer group in society, as well as the Jackson 5‘s entrée into the music industry. When the Jackson 5 rose to stardom, they were the only professional singing group in the United States with

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members so young, talented, and visible. In addition, while their perfect pitch, flawless dance moves, colorful clothing, and catchy lyrics resulted in a formula that made the group successful, Michael Jackson, the youngest member and lead singer of the group, was the standout member whose attention made it more likely for him to transition from boy-band member to successful solo artist. Another important component of this level is the introduction of The Jackson 5 to the world by Diana Ross, the beautiful lead singer of the Motown-group The Supremes, who had already been accepted by America. Thus, Ross‘ place in America‘s heart and consciousness substantially increased the likelihood that The Jackson Figure 1 5 would be successful. THE MASCULINE-FEMININE DOMINANT FIGURE

International Success of Michael Joseph Jackson

APPEARANCE

MANNERISMS

 Small Frame  Cosmetics  Hairstyle (Shoulderlength; Windblown; Ponytail)  Unisex Clothing

     

Soft, High-Pitched Voice Child-like Innocence Emotional Vulnerability Hypersensitivity Non-Threatening Mysterious

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 Eccentric  Ambiguous Sexuality

GLOBAL ACCEPTANCE      

Race Gender SES Education Sexual Orientation Geographical Boundaries

LEVEL III: MICHAEL JACKSON, THE SOLO ARTIST 



Safe; unassuming; harmless

LEVEL II: THE INTRODUCTION OF THE JACKSON 5 TO THE MUSIC INDUSTRY Perfect pitch; catchy lyrics; flawless dance moves; colorful clothing; MJ as the standout member attention.

LEVEL I: THE SOCIO-HISTORICAL CONTEXTOF THE 1960’S  

The Civil Rights Act of 1964 The Voting Rights Act of 1965

Figure 1. The masculine-feminine dominant figure.

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Lastly, this framework acknowledges the process by which the Masculine-Feminine Dominant Figure equally demonstrates both masculine and feminine traits, which simultaneously create a figure who is ―safe,‖ ―unassuming‖ and ―harmless.‖ During an interview with television talk-show host Oprah Winfrey in 1993, Jackson several times hinted at his vulnerability. For example, Jackson publicly admitted that his father was ―very strict, very hard, very stern‖ and that a mere look from his father― would scare‖ him; into being ―embarrass[ed] easily,‖ resulting in him developing a habit of hiding his face in the dark due to his pimples because he was incessantly teased by his father, Joseph Jackson (http://www.allgreatquotes.com/michael_jackson_quotes2.shtml). Essentially, by sharing such private emotions, Jackson separated himself from the masculine-ideal introduced by Connell (1987) and perfected by his older brothers. On the contrary, Jackson offered the world a vulnerable man-child that clearly had the ability to be successful. Thus, by sharing his private emotions, Jackson allowed individuals who had similar experiences related to strict parentage, frequent embarrassment, and self-consciousness to empathize with his tormented experiences in youth. For us, this third level of dominance is pivotal to the success that Jackson established as a solo artist, separate and apart from his brothers. As a solo artist, Jackson had greater freedom to develop his own identity, create an identity that was salient to him, and become an international success. In particular, through his appearance and mannerisms, Jackson was able to achieve global success, and thereby increase the likelihood that individuals, regardless of race, gender, SES, education, sexual orientation or geographic region would accept the form of masculinity that he offered. Almost fifty years ago, the sociologist George Herbert Mead (1966) advanced the symbolic interactionism perspective that supported the Masculine-Feminine Dominant Figure as a process rather than a structure. According to Mead, ―The possession of a self converts the human being into a special kind of actor, transforms his relation to the world, and gives his action a unique character.‖ (p. 535). Therefore, symbolic interactionism is a process by which the figure learns about self, learns how others perceive him, and modifies his behavior in a way that creates an identity that he is known for. The core of symbolic interaction is that meaning is socially constructed and humans act toward people and things based upon the meanings that they have given to those people or things (Blumer, 1966). In addition to meaning, symbolic interactionism posits that language, (engaging in speech acts with others) and thought (thought based in language or the mental dialogue that requires role taking), lead to conclusions about the creation of a person's self and socialization into a larger community (Charen, 2011; Griffin, 1997). Thus, within a dominant culture that stresses men‘s dominance and women‘s subservience to men, men that adapt masculine and feminine qualities are nonthreatening (in particular, to White men) and are able to successfully navigate the world of the dominant culture. Therefore, unlike other successful Black sports figures, this form of masculinity is attractive to both heterosexual and homosexual Black and White men and women. Although biologically male, the ―Masculine-Feminine Dominant Figure‖ skillfully demonstrates both masculine and feminine traits, thereby making it possible for him to successfully transcend racial, gender, and socioeconomic boundaries, a point to which we will return later in the chapter when discussing the masculinity that Jackson offers in the lyrics and behaviors in his Bad (1987) video [See Figure 1 for a graphical representation of our Masculine-Feminine Dominant Figure Framework].

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This qualitative study has two major goals. First, it aims to identify the words that indicate masculinity in Michael Jackson‘s Bad (1987) video. Second, this study seeks to identify the behaviors that indicate masculinity in Michael Jackson‘s Bad (1987) video. This study‘s focus on Michael Jackson is deliberate and there are three reasons that this late musical icon is the center of this work. For one, since no artist to date has achieved the level of international success of Michael Jackson, it behooves researchers to critically examine the extent that the masculinity demonstrated by this artist supports or contradicts those advanced by previous researchers, namely Connell (1987), Frank (1991), and Wise (2001). However, it is important to note that it is not our intention to negate the ideas set forth by the aforementioned scholars, but rather to integrate all three perspectives into one that best represents the Black male musical anomaly: Michael Jackson. Secondly, Jackson‘s enigmatic expression of both masculine and feminine traits makes him a controversial, unique, and interesting case-study. Although much of the controversy surrounding Jackson was based on his eccentric nature, much of this intrigue is based on speculation regarding his sexual orientation, as well. Although one of Jackson‘s sisters (La Toya) previously claimed in a Barbara Walters‘ interview that her brother ―liked girls‖ (Wallace & Thomson, 2009), some have expressed doubt about Jackson‘s sexual orientation, boldly claiming that he hid behind ―multiple sexual identities‖ (Sohn, 2005). Most importantly, this examination of the masculinity exhibited by Michael Jackson can extend burgeoning scholarship in this area and provide a window into how Jackson performs hegemonic masculinity. In the only scholarly piece that we found related to the masculinity demonstrated by Michael Jackson, Andreana Clay (2011) argues that this iconic performer was the victim of adultification (the expectation that young Black boys act like men through the expression of sexuality), and that the emotions, authority, and passion by which he sang the song ―Who‟s Lovin‟ You‖ (1969) as a child, caused members of society to ―simultaneously accept his sexual authority and reject his status as youth‖ (p. 8). In addition, Clay (2011) further asserts that even when performing in the sexually suggestive and aggressive In the Closet (1992) music video with a female love interest, Naomi Campbell, Jackson‘s attempts at a hyper-masculine bad boy image are unconvincing because ―he either consciously or unconsciously is unable to achieve the script of Black male masculinity, demanding to ‗keep it in the closet‘‖ (p. 12). In addition to these two songs which spanned several years in Jackson‘s career, in the song ―Working Day and Night,‖ (1972) Jackson affirms ―heteronormative expectations of manhood are: working, day and night, to get and keep a woman‖ (p. 15). In light of Clay‘s (2011) recent scholarship regarding the masculinity demonstrated by Michael Jackson, the following questions were foundational to this study: (1) How is masculinity asserted in the lyrics of Michael Jackson‘s Bad (1987)? (2) How is Black masculinity asserted in the lyrics of Michael Jackson‘s Bad (1987)? (3) How is masculinity demonstrated in Michael Jackson‘s Bad (1987) video? (4) Is it possible for a Black man in a racist world to create an alternate masculinity that is embraced by members of the dominant culture, and if so, how is this possible?‖ This study will answer these questions by qualitatively analyzing the words and behaviors exhibited by Michael Jackson in his Bad (1987) video.

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METHOD

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Coding snd Analysis To identify the themes that emerged, the lyrics and video were content analyzed using grounded theory and an open-coding process (Corbin & Strauss, 2008; Holsti, 1969; Strauss & Corbin, 1990; Taylor & Bogdan, 1998). Coding systems were developed to summarize the words, phrases, and behaviors that were indicative of masculinity. In keeping with these open-coding techniques, no a priori categories were imposed on the narrative data. Instead, themes were identified from the lyrics and behaviors. In order to identify the primary themes that would serve as the focus of the current study, words, phrases, and behaviors were the units of analysis. This required carefully examining the lyrics and behavior, keeping track of all emergent themes, and comparing those themes with the lyrics in the song and the images presented in the video. Establishing Reliability and Validity. To ensure the validity of this study, several steps were taken. First, the authors obtained the full lyrics by performing a Google search, using the key words: Michael Jackson Bad Lyrics. The complete lyrics were obtained from the following website: http://www.azlyrics.com/lyrics/michaeljackson/bad.html [See Appendix A for a full copy of the lyrics]. Second, since the visual imagery that accompanied the song was a supplemental and key aspect of the study, the authors conducted a YouTube search, using the key words: Bad (Full Version – Part 1) and Bad (Full Version – Part 2). Third, the authors viewed the entire video five times separately, without taking notes. This allowed us to identify the name of each character, the relationship of characters to one another, as well as the unfolding of the story. Fourth, we viewed the video an additional five times, identifying words and phrases that were indicative of masculinity. Themes were based on those frequently used in the literature as well as those that were compatible with the conceptual framework of this study. So, for example, masculinity as aggression was based on Connell‘s (1987) previous work, masculinity as the ―cool pose‖ was based on the work of Majors and Billson (1993), while ―Masculinity as Isolated from the White man‘s world‖ and ―Masculinity as Disconnected from the Black Man‘s World‖ explain the artistic and racial conundrum in which Jackson found himself. Lastly, we watched the video together five times. Thereafter, we established themes, extended themes, created sub-themes, and collapsed themes, when necessary. All themes were agreed upon through consensus.

Training Coders The coders were 21 (8 males; 13 females) second year community college students that majored in the fields of criminal justice, liberal arts, business, business technology, science, and general science. The students were on average, 21 years of age (age range 18-40), unmarried (17 single; 2 married; 2 divorced), did not have children (16 did not have children; 5 had children) and were racially diverse (5 white males; 3 Black males; 2 white females; 9 Black females; 1 Hispanic female; 1 Asian female). Before proceeding with the task of coding, the researchers took three steps to ensure the reliability of the study. In addition to becoming familiar with the codes, raters were required to demonstrate that they could make accurate distinctions between the codes. This involved four steps. After thoroughly examining the purpose of the study, the coders read the complete lyrics of the song. Second, the coders

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listened to the song (without viewing the lyrics). Third, the coders listened to the song while viewing the complete lyrics. Next, the coders were given the Bad (1987) Video Coding Sheet before proceeding with the task of coding. This sheet allowed them to primarily focus on the characters, their relationship to one another, the unfolding of the story, as well as the enunciation of words and phrases. Third, the coders listened to the song while viewing the complete lyrics. This process allowed the coders to focus on the words and phrases that were associated with masculinity. Finally, the coders viewed the Bad (1987) video. This last process required that the coders conduct a line-by-line analysis of the words and phrases in the lyrics of the song as well as a behavioral analysis of the dress and actions associated with the masculinity themes established by the authors. Agreement only occurred when the coders provided the same words, phrases, and behaviors. Reliability was established when coders agreed on at least 80% of the codes.

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THE “BAD” VIDEO IN CONTEXT (OVERVIEW OF PARTS 1 AND 2) Before presenting the findings of our study, in this section of the chapter, we provide a brief summary of the characters, circumstances, and events of Parts 1 and 2 of this almost 17minute video. In addition, the themes presented will be supported by primary qualitative data from these sections. Part 1. This short-film chronicles Michael Jackson‘s earliest foray into asserting his masculinity. This video begins when Darryl (Michael Jackson), exits his classroom on the last day of class. As the only Black male present at Duxston School, a prestigious high school, he is commended by one of his White classmates for his academic performance during the school year. As Darryl and his colleagues return home to family and friends on the subway, they look like any other group of boys ─ rowdy, excited, and playful. However, as the White males exit the subway, Darryl notices a Hispanic man staring at him. When this man questions how many men are proud of him and admonishes Darryl to ―Be the man,‖ he confidently answers that he will, ―Be the man.‖ As Darryl enters his home, his mother is not present, yet a ―Black‖ female voice, Roberta Flack, assures Darryl that she will be home later and that she has fixed him a meal. Moments later, Darryl is sitting on the sidewalk with his old friends, Mini Max, Tip, and Ski, who jokingly mock his learning environment and his new yet unfamiliar demeanor. Their ―reunion‖ with Darryl is seemingly made of light hearted jesting as they question him about how students dress at Duxston. Their questions are initially sparked by curiosity but the conversation turns sour once Darryl sternly corrects one of his friends who mispronounced the word ―tortoise.‖ There is no recovery from the remark made by Darryl as his soon to be antagonist, Mini Max, played by Wesley Snipes, decides to measure exactly how much of ―Duxston‖ has rubbed off on Darryl by challenging him to engage in petty robberies. The first robbery proves to be more than the group has bargained for since they have laid their eyes on a handicapped drug dealer who is armed and not intimidated by these young hoodlums. Mini Max doesn‘t want to end the night without at least one successful robbery. Also, he starts to crowd the timid Darryl as he senses that the Duxston pupil isn‘t receptive to being a part of his delinquent antics: We got victims out there waiting for us [Darryl seems disinterested which further incites Mini Max] Homeboy [referring to Darryl] ain‘t home. Naw he up in Dunesberry [Duxston] Masculinity and Femininity: Stereotypes/Myths, Psychology and Role of Culture : Stereotypes/Myths, Psychology and Role of Culture, edited by

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playing tennis with his tortoise shells. Are you bad…hmmm or is that what they teach you at that little sissy school of yours how to forget who your friends are? Well, let me tell you something, I don‘t care what they teach you up there. You either down or you ain‘t down. The question is… Are you bad or what? (BAD video)

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Immediately, Darryl sets out to prove his masculinity by encouraging his friends to follow him as he takes them to an isolated subway station. Moments later, Darryl attempts to rob an elderly man as his friends watch. However, Darryl experiences a change of heart, pushes the man out of the way, and yells for him to run away to escape the impending danger (7 minutes, 30 seconds BAD video). Part 2. Obviously upset that Darryl no longer has the desire to demonstrate his masculinity by partaking in criminal activity, Mini Max, inflicts the ultimate insult, he accuses Darryl of no longer being ―bad.‖ Upon hearing this, Darryl responds with telling his delinquent friend that ―you ain‘t nothing.‖ Instantly, an interlude of music starts to play as Jackson is suddenly clad in all Black leather and boots (with studs and belt buckles on them), and the film, formerly in black-and-white is now in vivid color. With a resolute grittiness in his voice, Darryl assures his friends of his masculinity and that he is indeed ―bad.‖ Through an elaborate, forceful, and harmonious song and dance routine, Darryl and his multi-racial comrades (e.g., back-up dancers) assure his former friends, Mini Max and his gang, that their deviant behavior has reduced them into an abyss of mediocrity which, thereby elevates Darryl into the positive embodiment of being ―bad.‖ The scene ends with Darryl extending his hand to his former friends to show solidarity with his apparent need to uplift them from the drudges of gang life. He encourages (via an acapella rebuke) his former friends to no longer ‗‗do wrong‘‘ and to stand up for what is right. After Darryl and Mini Max engage in a friendly handshake, he and his comrades walk away. Seconds later, the video returns to black and white, Darryl is back in his former clothes as the video ends with a close-up of Darryl‘s face (8 minutes, 43 seconds BAD video).

RESULTS Our in-depth content and behavioral analysis led to several findings. First, lyrics related to masculinity were associated with the three themes of aggression (lyrics that indicate anger, hostility, and/or violent behavior), condemnation (lyrics that indicate disdain regarding the type of masculinity demonstrated by other men) and optimism (lyrics that indicate the ability of men to work together to solve their problems). Second, the four themes related to the Black masculinity construct were: (1) Black Masculinity as Isolated from the White Man‘s World: “I‟m Proud of You‖ (masculinity that is based on the race and class hierarchy that exists between Black and White men); (2) Black Masculinity as Disconnected from the Black Man‘s World: “You Ain‟t Bad;” (masculinity that is based on the class hierarchy that exists between Black men and members of their community); (3) Black Masculinity through Words: “Be The Man” (Masculinity that is based on the word ―Man‖); and (4) Black Masculinity as Aggressive Behaviors: “Your butt is mine” (Masculinity that is based on anger, hostility, and/or violent behavior). Third, behaviors related to masculinity in the video were associated with dress, speech, and conduct. In addition, phenotypic characteristics generally associated with femininity, such as a high-pitched voice, small statue, cosmetic adornment, and hairstyle

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were also recognized and coded. Codes, definitions, examples, and inter-rater agreement for masculinity, Black masculinity, and behaviors in the lyrics and video for Bad (1987) are provided in Tables 1-3. Table 1. Codes, Definitions, Examples, and Inter-Rater Agreement of Masculinity in the Lyrics of Michael Jackson’s Bad (1987). Code

Definition

Example

Aggression

Lyrics that indicate anger, hostility, and/or violent behavior.

“Your butt is mine” “If You Don't Like What I'm Sayin' Then Won't You Slap My Face”. “Bad Bad-Really, Really Bad” “Your Talk Is Cheap You're Not 98% A Man, You're Throwin' Stones, To Hide Your Hands”

Condemnation

Inter-Rater Agreement 98%

Lyrics that indicate disdain regarding the type of masculinity demonstrated by other men. Optimism Lyrics that indicate the ability “Well They Say The Sky's The 99% of men to work together to solve Limit And To Me That's Really their problems. True” “We Can Change The World TomorrowThis Could Be A Better Place” Total Inter-Rater 98% Agreement

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Table 2. Codes, Definitions, Examples, and Inter-Rater Agreement of Black Masculinity in Michael Jackson’s Bad (1987). Code

Definition

Black Masculinity as Isolated from the White Man‘s World Black Masculinity as Disconnected from the Black Man‘s World

Masculinity that is based on the “I‟m Proud of You” race and class hierarchy that exists between Black and White men Masculinity that is based on the “You Ain‟t Bad” class hierarchy that exists between Black men and members of their community Masculinity that is based on the ”Be The Man” word ―Man‖ Masculinity that is based on “Your butt is mine” anger, hostility, and/or violent behavior -

Black Masculinity through Words Black Masculinity as Aggressive Behaviors Total Inter-Rater Agreement

Example

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Inter-Rater Agreement 95%

96%

99% 97%

97%

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Table 3. Codes, Definitions, Examples, and Inter-Rater Agreement of Demonstrations of Masculinity in Michael Jackson’s Bad (1987) Video. Code Dress

Speech

Behavior

Total Inter-Rater Agreement

Definition

Example

Inter-Rater Agreement Clothes, hairstyles, and Black leather ensemble 98% cosmetic adornment (worn by Michael Jackson) Shoulder-length, windblown hair Cosmetics Words that are loud, “If You Don't Like What 97% threatening, and forceful I'm Sayin' Then Won't You Slap My Face . . .” Actions that are Aggression 95% generally demonstrated Hanging out on Street by males Corners 97%

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DISCUSSION In this chapter, we examined the words and behaviors that demonstrate masculinity in Michael Jackson‘s Bad (1987) video. However, before the findings are discussed, the limitations of this study should be noted. For one, since both authors were Black, one may argue that shared cultural experiences shaped the themes elicited and advanced in this study. However, to minimize the likelihood that the findings presented could have been primarily influenced by one researcher; the authors had several meetings, watched the video several times, trained and utilized the findings of a racially diverse group of coders, and developed an inductive-deductive coding approach to establish the reliability and validity of the study. Also, since this study focused on the prevalent themes found in one song and music video, one must be cautious when extending these findings to other songs and videos by Michael Jackson or those of other Pop artists, more broadly. In spite of these limitations, however, this study has provided a scholarly critique of a particular piece of Michael Jackson music and can therefore facilitate critical inter-disciplinary dialogue regarding the work of this international pop sensation.

How Michael Jackson Asserted Masculinity in the Lyrics of Bad (1987) By identifying the themes related to aggression, condemnation, and optimism in the lyrics in this song, we were able to ascertain how these themes supported the work of previous scholars. For example, the song lyrics reveal direct parallels to the findings of Wright, et al (1988) which claims that Black men who have been excluded from white patriarchal society tend to view popularized notions of Black masculinity as harmful. Having positioned himself

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as the King of Pop, Jackson‘s aggressive approach in addressing his antagonists, Mini Max and the other thugs, with such charged language as: ―your butt is mine/if you don‘t like what I am saying, then won‘t you slap my face/bad-bad really bad/‖ demonstrates his ability to speak ―the language of the street‖; furthermore, Jackson is able to produce a level of authenticity recognizable and inherent to gang life (BAD lyrics). Jackson‘s aggressive delivery further endorses his own masculine nature void of cowardice and naiveté when faced with an ultimatum quite familiar to those living in the inner city— stand up for one‘s self by disapproving of the ―Black Brute‖ paradigm perpetuated by white racism or cower down to it in exchange for a false sense of manhood. Thus, the aggression theme offered by Jackson through these lyrics directly supports Connell‘s (1987) view that masculinity is based on power and dominance. Echoing the sentiment shared among the 22 participants in Wright‘s study regarding the unfair displacement of Black masculinity, Jackson goes on to explicitly condemn the stereotypes that criminalize Black men at birth and the masculinity demonstrated by other men with the following lyrics: ―your talk is cheap you're not a man/ you're throwin' stones/ to hide your hands” which ultimately captures his audiences‘ attention; in other words, these lyrics perhaps would provoke his viewers to rethink the legitimacy of what true ―toughness‖ or masculinity really is and how this legitimacy is altered in regards to the reigning mainstream views of Black masculinity. Thus, Jackson simultaneously rejects the male dominance that is an inherent part of Connell‘s (1987) masculinity and embraces the alternative way of expressing masculinity asserted by Frank (1991) and Wise (2001) whereby male conflict is not necessarily handled through physical confrontation. In short, Darryl‘s resistance to carry out the robbery highlights Jackson‘s personal stance against engaging in unfavorable activities that would jeopardize one‘s moral compass and consequently perpetuate white notions of Black masculinity being measured by one‘s receptiveness to unlawfulness. In fact, Jackson‘s inspiration for the BAD video was loosely based off of an article in Time or Newsweek magazine which detailed the life of an inner-city youth who had been given the opportunity to attend a prestigious prep school. During his Thanksgiving break, his dreams were tragically cut short as he was murdered by the same kids he had grown up with. Jackson went on further to say in his 1988 autobiography, Moon Walk, that ―‘'Bad' is a song about the street[s]. It's about this kid from a bad neighborhood who gets to go away to a private school. He comes back to the old neighborhood when he's on a break from school and the kids from the neighborhood start giving him trouble. He sings, 'I'm bad, you're bad, who's bad, who's the best?' He's saying when you're strong and good, then you're bad‖ (Moonwalk, p. 265). To further extend the work of Wright‘s discussion on behavioral expressions particularly those linking masculinity to leadership, Jackson mirrors the concept of Black men still being responsible for how they are perceived, especially being socially mindful of the weight that their masculinity is measured upon. A prevalent ideal throughout American life and culture, leadership is a commonly revered quality used to define one‘s masculinity. If a man lacks the ability to lead, then he is thereby emasculated and invisible to those men who possess this admirable quality. Jackson cements his place as ―the bearer of goodwill‖ through offering optimism which emphasizes that one is given free agency in being the architect of their own lives regardless of their racial or socioeconomic background with such lyrics as ―Well They Say The Sky's The Limit/And To Me That's Really True‖/―We Can Change The World Tomorrow/This Could Be A Better Place‖ (BAD lyrics). Through these words, Jackson simultaneously rejects the male dominance masculinity that was advanced by Connell (1987) and like other scholars

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(Alexander, 2006; Chaney, 2009; Clay, 2011; Dottolo & Stewart, 2008; Ferber, 2007; Gilligan, 2012; Harris, Palmer, & Struve, 2011; Richardson, 2007; Summers, 2004; Vincent 2006), reveals a new way of conceptualizing Black masculinity. Thus, Jackson holds fast to this belief as he offers not only hope but also redemption for those who have fallen to the fringes of society. Initially, Jackson‘s lyrics are meant for entertainment purposes befitting his ―pop‖ persona. Yet with a critical examination of the concepts of aggression, condemnation, and optimism, it is evident this song is also very didactic due to its reinvention of the word ―Bad‖ which disassociates it from being that which is criminal but instead that which is humane. Indeed, the lyrics demonstrate urgency for those who have blindly indoctrinated falsehoods of Black masculinity to abandon the dictates of such negative thinking and adopt positive thinking to improve their interpretations of their true selves, their interactions with each other, and their involvements within their community.

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How Michael Jackson Asserted Black Masculinity in the Lyrics of Bad (1987) The themes related to the Black masculinity construct were: (1) Black Masculinity as Isolated from the White Man‘s World: “I‟m Proud of You‖ (masculinity that is based on the race and class hierarchy that exists between Black and White men); (2) Black Masculinity as Disconnected from the Black Man‘s World: “You Ain‟t Bad;” (masculinity that is based on the class hierarchy that exists between Black men and members of their community); (3) Black Masculinity through Words: ”Be The Man” (Masculinity that is based on the word ―Man‖); and (4) Black Masculinity as Aggressive Behaviors: “Your butt is mine” (Masculinity that is based on anger, hostility, and/or violent behavior). Darryl‘s interaction with his white counterparts can be interpreted as the first theme detailing the isolation faced by Black males from the white world in that Darryl appears to not entirely fit in with the world of white elitism. There is a disconnect between how he appears amongst these white youths, since he has such strong feminine characteristics which contrasts with their preppy haircuts and boyish good looks; meanwhile, Michael‘s altered Eurocentric features don‘t even remotely resemble the obvious European ancestry found within this crowd of white masculinity which therefore leaves him as not only an exception to the stereotypical Black male identity (due to him being granted entry into this prep school that presumably had historically denied African Americans admission) but also as ―the elephant in the room.‖ Unfortunately, his attempts at masculinity are further challenged since he only interacts with one of his classmates who directly tells Darryl ―I am proud of you.‖ When the teenagers are on the subway, his classmates are fully engaged in horseplay as they place shredded paper down the shirts of Jackson and the white classmate seated beside him. It can be inferred that white patriarchal society gives Black men nominal recognition for their achievements meanwhile still passively emasculating and distancing these men from fully entering into their world. On the other hand, Jackson is also isolated from the world of his Black peers as he is confronted by Snipes with the remark ―You ain‘t Bad‖ which offers insight into how Black men evaluate themselves and each other‘s level of manliness. Although Snipes‘ character is valuing one‘s masculinity based on their criminal involvement, he is essentially challenging not only Darryl‘s manhood, but also his right to consider himself both Black and a man. Clearly, Jackson is confronting the negative stereotypes of Black males being innately fascinated with crime and violent behavior perpetuated by disparaging notions that ―define[s]

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Black masculinities as non-normative, monstrous, dangerous…‖ (Miller-Young, p. 275). What Jackson does next to combat the ―sellout‖ mentality echoed by Snipes is a reinvention on Darryl‘s behalf to introduce a different form of Black masculinity—one that is socially conscious, respectful, and a definite ―performance of hyper masculinity to subvert such constructions by embracing them on one‘s own terms‖ (Miller-Young, p. 275). But no matter the social setting, Jackson‘s unique form of masculinity is sending a message that he is consistently to be played with or challenged by his male peers regardless of their racial makeup. In fact, the third theme of Black masculinity being exhibited through the words ―Be the man‖ is surprisingly said to Darryl on the subway ride home by a bystander, who is neither White nor Black. The man appears to be Hispanic and challenges Darryl‘s manhood by asking him ―How many guys are proud of you?‖ The bystander claims that he has more men that are proud of him than Darryl and instructs Jackson to ―Be the Man‖ which can be also interpreted in a larger context to mean that no matter how much acclaim or stardom that Jackson was able to garner for himself, there surprisingly remained men out there who would not want to trade places with the sequined gloved one due to preconceived notions surrounding his demonstration of Black masculinity. Lastly, Black masculinity in regards to aggressive behavior ―your butt is mine‖ demonstrates the commonly held belief that males are considered to be ―men‖ based on how aggressively they assert themselves in being heard, seen, and reckoned with. For his masculinity to be viewed as a legitimate one, Jackson must include lyrics that prove he can ―talk the talk,‖ while still offering a message of nonviolence to his listeners and viewers.

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How Michael Jackson Demonstrated Masculinity in the Bad (1987) Video Judging by Jackson‘s slender exterior, profuse use of stage makeup, and manicured look, it is questionable whether or not he is able to successfully depict the ―ruggedness‖ required to prevent a standoff with the likes of Wesley Snipes‘ character, Mini Max. Yet, Jackson does present an alternative yet familiar projection of masculinity with his bulky sweatshirt and jeans worn in the beginning of the video and his leather ―bad to the bone‖ costume at the close of his performance. Darryl is intended to be an average, African American youth and Jackson does initially attempt to give off that image in a shy and unassuming manner. For a moment, the audience is expected to forget that they are watching ―the supernova‖ known as Michael Jackson but are instead fixated on better understanding what life is like for the ―Darryls‖ or impoverished African American males across this country. If one is able to separate this icon from the role that he is attempting to portray, then it is clear that Jackson‘s behavior is a blend of both masculinity and effeminacy. For instance, Darryl doesn‘t throw shredded paper back at his white classmates nor does appear to be offended by it, but instead laughs at them. This behavior shows that he has taken upon a heighten level of maturity that his white counterparts lack which further fortifies Jackson‘s ties to being masculine. Even more so, Jackson advances this level of maturity when interacting with his ―homeboys‖ through his refusal to engage in criminal activity. Even if Jackson does physically stand out from his Black peers, he doesn‘t appear to be displaced in the slightest with how he interacts with them. But, his masculinity is blurred in how he merges his superstar status with transforming Darryl into a heroic figure with his emphasis on wearing a well-tailored Black jacket, tight fitting pants, and boots—all of which are embellished with countless buckles and

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adornments. His hair is styled perfectly and his make-up is fully visible now that the video is in Technicolor. But what gives validity to his sudden wardrobe change is that Jackson is not alone in his confrontation with his antagonists, he is joined by several supporters or dancers that actual blend in well with the costumed Jackson—they look natural, aren‘t dressed out of the ordinary, and their masculinity isn‘t exaggerated. By having these back up dancers rally alongside the naturally effeminate Jackson, it gives more legitimacy to his showdown with Snipes and furthers the idea that he is cool, popular, and essentially ―bad.‖ Furthermore, Jackson‘s dynamic ability to lead these men, in a song and dance routine, hearkens back to Wright‘s assessment of behavioral expressions used to define favorable Black masculinity based on one‘s leadership qualities. A simple head nod from Jackson or snap of his fingers can influence men of various racial backgrounds to support his ideas of non-violence to such an extent that that his ―crew‖ greatly outnumbers that of Snipes‘ gang. Crystallizing his claims to masculinity, Jackson provides an aggressive delivery of his lyrics and intense gyrations in hopes of expressing his artistic freedom to slightly ―toy‖ with traditionally ascribed gender roles while being uniquely masculine.

The Masculine-Feminine Dominant Figure At this point in the chapter, we would like to return to the conceptual model that we outlined earlier to respond to the question: Is it possible for a Black man in a racist world to create an alternate masculinity that is embraced by members of the dominant culture, and if so, how is this possible? First, the masculinity demonstrated by this figure has allowed him to successfully enter into and remain in an industry that has primarily been dominated by White men. As was previously mentioned, the gendered and racial identity stereotypes associated with Black masculinity generally increase these men‘s feelings of isolation, anger, and conflict, particularly when these stereotypes are linked to emasculation, domination by women, and lacking a positive self-esteem (Staples, 1978). And while the domination of women was not a theme offered in the song and video for Bad (1987), feelings of emasculation and lack of self-esteem were no doubt foundational to the presentation of Darryl to his peers and enemies as ―bad.‖ However, unlike the Black and biracial men who oftentimes feel excluded from the white dominant culture in institutions of higher learning (Harris et al, 2011; Wright et al, 1998), Darryl becomes painfully aware that his peers no longer see him as a viable associate and accuse him of ‗forgetting who his friends are.‘ Collectively, society‘s general disdain for Black men, their inherent need to create masculine expressions that are separate from those of white men, their desire to refrain from advancing negative images of Black masculinity through hyper-aggression, and society‘s general disdain creates within Black men an ―excluded identity‖ that makes it difficult for them to fully experience what it means to be a member of the dominant culture (Wright, et al, 1998), and in some cases, feel alienated from their own. In particular, this study parallels the exclusion that both Darryl and Michael experienced in their cinematic and actual lives. Second, the feminine nature of this figure, as exemplified by his thin frame, high-pitched quiet voice, bashfulness, and wearing of make-up creates a conceptualization of Black masculinity that is unassuming, safe, and harmless, and is non-threatening to White men. For example, although Michael Jackson and Prince both wore make-up, Jackson‘s references to sexuality in his In The Closet (1992) video were perceived as forced, strained, and unbelievable while Prince‘s were regarded as excessively sensual and dangerous (Clay, 2011). To further support this, Stephen Holden of Rolling Stone Magazine (April 3, 1980)

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described Prince‘s album, aptly titled Prince (1980) as ―erotic declarations issued on the dance floor or in bed‖ as well as compositions that ―begin and end in sexual heat,‖ while three years later, Christopher Connelly (January 28, 1983) described Jackson‘s Thriller album as one marked by ―a feisty determination that is tinged by sadness.‖ Clearly, as noted by these music critics, Prince‘s career was marked by ―sexual heat‖ while Jackson‘s was marked by a determination to appear strong, with an underlying sadness. Third, the masculinity demonstrated in the clothes of this figure does not necessarily cause society to regard Jackson as a dangerous figure. To illustrate this: Even though Jackson is dressed in head-to-toe Black leather, garments worn by actors such as Yul Brenner and James Dean, who are generally considered ―real men,‖ his alto-pitched voice, make-up, long, windblown hairstyle, and choreographed ballet dance moves make it impossible to see Jackson as a real threat. In addition, even though he tries to convince his detractors by repeatedly stating that he is ―bad, bad, really really bad‖ (he states this phrase 24 times throughout the entire song), in contrast to Hip-Hop artists such as the late Notorious B.I.G. and Tupac Shakur who embraced anger, confrontation, and violence, Jackson‘s attempts at a hyper-aggressive masculinity fail miserably. Through his continued use of the word ―bad,‖ Jackson embraced dominant hyperaggressiveness (Connell, 1987), created an alternative masculinity by condemning this position (hyper-aggressiveness), infused the future with optimism (Frank, 1991), and blurred his sexuality by presenting a masculine (clothes that hinted at his toughness) and feminine self (through this effeminate hairstyle and wearing of make-up) (Wise, 2001). In short, by embodying masculine dominance, condemning others who rely on violence to accomplish their goals, and creating an alternative way to express masculinity through his words and dress, Jackson re-defines masculinity, appeals to a large number of individuals that can identify with or accept his stance, and ultimately achieves international success.

Directions for Future Research There are three ways that future studies can expound upon the findings that have been presented here. First, future scholars could extend these findings by providing new conceptual frameworks related to how Michael Jackson demonstrated masculinity in the lyrics and videos of his other songs. In addition, future scholars can explore whether the masculinities expressed by Caushun, the musician who bills himself as ―The Black Gay Rapper‖ parallels and contradicts the masculinities expressed by Michael Jackson and other Black musicians. Lastly, future work in this area could qualitatively examine how Black men and women, of various age groups, feel about the masculinity expressed by this iconic performer. In particular, research in this area would reveal the most salient aspects of masculinity in the life of Jackson, as well as those that men, women, and children from various racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic groups most relate and identify.

CONCLUSION From the onset of this chapter, we asserted that Connell‘s (1987), Frank‘s (1991) and Wise‘s (2001) theories of masculinity were insufficient to explain the international success of Michael Jackson, a Black man in a racist world. In addition, we discussed how the alternate

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and conflicting masculinities embodied by Michael Jackson contributed to his likeability, acceptance, and ascendance in the music world. Further, it is expected that the findings herein can better facilitate disciplinary and inter-disciplinary dialogue related to complimentary yet divergent issues related to race, gender, pop music, and masculinity. Fundamentally, although Black men are generally considered dangerous, the vulnerability, virtuousness, and child-like mystery of Jackson contradict ―hegemonic masculinity,‖ allowed him to forge a new expression of Black masculinity that simultaneously embraced masculine and feminine traits, and made his international success possible. Clearly, more research is needed and we hope that the ideas presented in this chapter will initiate deeper scholarly inquiry in these areas. We bring this chapter to a close by drawing the reader‘s attention to the Mosse (1996) quote that we offered at the onset of this paper: “As the human body took on symbolic form, its construction and its beauty became of increasing importance. Modern masculinity was to define itself through an ideal of manly beauty that symbolized virtue” (p. 5). In closing, as a ―Masculine-Feminine Dominant Figure,‖ the late Michael Jackson is the perfect embodiment of virtue because the unique masculinity that he crafted was based on the socio-historical context by which he was introduced to the world, his undeniable talent, his innocence, vulnerability, and his nonthreatening nature, which together made this iconic performer the most commercially successful entertainer of all time.

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Taylor, S. J. & Bogdan, R. (1998). Introduction to qualitative research methods: A guidebook and resource (3rd ed). New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Vincent, L. (2006). Destined to come to blows? Race and constructions of ―rationalintellectual‖ masculinity ten years after apartheid. Men and Masculinities, 8(3), 350-366. Wall, D.W., & Kristjanson, L. (2004). Men, culture and hegemonic masculinity: Understanding the experience of prostate cancer. Nursing Inquiry, 12(2), 87-97. Wallace, R., & Thomson, K. (September 10, 2009). Exclusive: La Toya Jackson opens upon on family‘s grief, future. Retrieved on Saturday, July 14, 2012 from:http://abcnews.go. com/2020/MichaelJackson/la-toya-jackson-grief-michael-jackson-barbara-walters/story? id=8529898. Wetherell, M., & Edley, N. (1999). Negotiating hegemonic masculinity: Imaginary positions and psychodiscursive practices. Feminism and Psychology, 9(3), 335-356. Whitehead, S. (2002). Men and masculinities. Malden, MA: Polity Press. Wright, C., Weekes, D., McGlaughlin, A., & Webb, D. (1998). Masculinised discourses within education and the construction of Black male identities amongst African Caribbean youth. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 19(1), 75-87. Wise, S.J. (2001). Redefining Black masculinity and manhood: Successful Black gay men speak out. Journal of African American Men 5, 3-22.

APPENDIX A

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"Bad" (1987) Your Butt Is Mine Gonna Take You Right Just Show Your Face In Broad Daylight I'm Telling You On How I Feel Gonna Hurt Your Mind Don't Shoot To Kill Come On, Come On, Lay It On Me All Right... I'm Giving You On Count Of Three To Show Your Stuff Or Let It Be . . . I'm Telling You Just Watch Your Mouth I Know Your Game What You're About

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Who‘s Bad?

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Well They Say The Sky's The Limit And To Me That's Really True But My Friend You Have Seen NothingJust Wait 'Til I Get Through . . . Because I'm Bad, I'm BadCome On (Bad Bad-Really, Really Bad) You Know I'm Bad, I'm BadYou Know It (Bad Bad-Really, Really Bad) You Know I'm Bad, I'm BadCome On, You Know (Bad Bad-Really, Really Bad) And The Whole World Has To Answer Right Now Just To Tell You Once Again, Who's Bad . . . The Word Is Out You're Doin' Wrong Gonna Lock You Up Before Too Long, Your Lyin' Eyes Gonna Take You Right So Listen Up Don't Make A Fight, Your Talk Is Cheap You're Not A Man You're Throwin' Stones To Hide Your Hands But They Say The Sky's The Limit And To Me That's Really True And My Friends You Have Seen Nothin' Just Wait 'Til I Get Through . . Because I'm Bad, I'm BadCome On (Bad Bad-Really, Really Bad) You Know I'm Bad, I'm BadYou Know It (Bad Bad-Really, Really Bad) You Know I'm Bad, I'm BadYou Know It, You Know

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Cassandra Chaney and Bea Gyimah (Bad Bad-Really, Really Bad) And The Whole World Has To Answer Right Now(And The Whole World Has ToAnswer Right Now) Just To Tell You Once Again, (Just To Tell You Once Again) Who's Bad . . We Can Change The World Tomorrow This Could Be A Better Place If You Don't Like What I'm Sayin' Then Won't You Slap MyFace . . .

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Because I'm Bad, I'm BadCome On (Bad Bad-Really, Really Bad) You Know I'm Bad, I'm BadYou Know It (Bad Bad-Really, Really Bad) You Know I'm Bad, I'm BadYou Know It, You Know (Bad Bad-Really, Really Bad) Woo! Woo! Woo! (And The Whole World Has To Answer Right Now Just To Tell You Once Again . . .) You Know I'm Bad, I'm BadCome On (Bad Bad-Really, Really Bad) You Know I'm Bad, I'm BadYou Know It-You Know It (Bad Bad-Really, Really Bad) You Know, You Know, You Know, Come On (Bad Bad-Really, Really Bad) And The Whole World Has To Answer Right Now (And The Whole World Has To Answer Right Now) Just To Tell You (Just To Tell You Once Again)

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Who‘s Bad? You Know I'm Smooth, I'm Bad, You Know It (Bad Bad-Really, Really Bad) You Know I'm Bad, I'm Bad Baby (Bad Bad-Really, Really Bad) You Know, You Know, You Know It, Come On (Bad Bad-Really, Really Bad) And The Whole World Has To Answer Right Now (And The Whole World Has To Answer Right Now) Woo! (Just To Tell You Once Again) You Know I'm Bad, I'm BadYou Know It (Bad Bad-Really, Really Bad) You Know I'm Bad-You Know-Hoo! (Bad Bad-Really, Really Bad) You Know I'm Bad-I'm BadYou Know It, You Know (Bad Bad-Really, Really Bad) And The Whole World Has To Answer Right Now (And The Whole World Has To Answer Right Now) Just To Tell You Once Again . . . (Just To Tell You Once Again . . .) Who's Bad? Source:http://www.azlyrics.com/lyrics/michaeljackson/bad.html

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In: Masculinity and Femininity Editors: Jacob M. Aston and Estela Vasquez

ISBN: 978-1-62417-185-7 © 2013 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 3

UNDER THE WATCHFUL EYE: MASCULINITY AMONG LATINO MEN IN THE WAKE OF ARIZONA SB 1070 Andrew S. Walters and Ivan Valenzuela Northern Arizona University, AZ, US

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ABSTRACT The research presented in this chapter used narrative analysis to explore how Latinoidentifying men demonstrated masculine performance in the context of cultural scrutiny. In 2010, the State of Arizona passed into law a controversial immigration policy. As a result of this legislation, ethnic minorities – particularly those identifying as Hispanic, Latino, or Mexican – perceived a heightened sense of state-sanctioned scrutiny and stigmatization. Twenty men completed in-depth, bibliographic interviews focusing on themes of cultural masculinity, gender performance, and sexuality. In the current analysis, narrative interpretations examined how men demonstrated a masculine role – including agenticism and providing for a family – while simultaneously disregarded by state law. Narrative analyses revealed men‘s understanding of Arizona‘s immigration policy paralleled the storied nature of bullies. Despite perceptions of societal disrespect, men configured a sense of masculinity and gender performance steeped in cultural heritage.

Keywords: Immigration, Gender Performance, Latino Men, Masculinity, Narrative Analysis

Immigration characterizes much of the foundational history of the United States. Representations of immigration often favor romanticized views of a welcoming new country, but historical documents chronicle challenges posed to immigrants depending on when they immigrated, where they immigrated from, and how similar they looked to existing residents 

Andrew S. Walters, Ph.D., MPH, Department of Psychology, Northern Arizona University, Flagstaff, AZ, 86011. Ivan Valenzuela is currently a graduate student in the Department of Psychology, University of Colorado at Colorado Springs. Please address correspondence regarding this chapter to [email protected].

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of the United States (Dinnerstein, Nichols, and Reimers, 1990; Ngai, 1999; Shapiro, 1997). Derogatory phrases – and the cognitive representations that create and maintain them – have been used for and against successive waves of immigrants to the United States (Mullen, 2001). These ethnic slurs – referred to as ethnophaulisms – vary across several dimensions, but do seem to cluster rather neatly in terms of the dominant group‘s ingroup/outgroup perceptions of the immigrant population (Mullen, 2001). Mirroring historical efforts to dismiss the potential value of immigrants, some scholars conceptualize recent discourses about immigration as shrouded in codes of racism, privilege, and dominance (Cha-Jua, 2010; Kunnie, 2010; Martinez, 2012). These claims would be hard to dismiss given a perception that Caucasian Americans have a more salient American identity compared to Latinos (Devos, Gavin, and Quintana, 2010), that much of the voiced outraged against immigrants is targeted against persons characterized as non-White, and the systemic legally-sanctioned antiimmigrant legislation against persons originating from Mexico and Central America (ChaJua, 2010; Provine and Sanchez, 2011; Torres, 2012). The entirety of immigration – a decision to leave one‘s country of origin, the processes of transportation, the adaptation to a new and potentially quite different geography, the process of assimilating to a new society while maintaining a cultural identity – is multi-disciplinary in scope, and, until quite recently, has not been studied extensively in psychology (Dovidio and Esses, 2001). Psychological research has examined the need to belong (Walton and Cohen, 2007), identity and adjustment or well-being (Buss, 2001; Horenczyk, 1996; Nesdale, Rooney, and Smith, 1997; Phinney, 1990; Phinney, Horenczyk, Liebkind, and Vedder, 2001; Waters, 1990), and the various psychological threats that immigration poses (Dovidio and Esses, 2001; Esses, Jackson, and Armstrong, 1998; Pratto and Lemieux, 2001). Primary areas of psychological research have focused on authoritarianism, social dominance theory, and perceptions that zero-sum beliefs create and sustain attitudes toward immigrants, minorities, and perceived threats to personal and cultural resources (Esses, Dovidio, Jackson, and Armstrong, 2001; Feldman and Stenner, 1997; Fisher, Deason, Borgida, and Oyamot, 2011; Oyamot, Borgida, and Fisher, 2006; Pratto and Lemieux, 2001). Much of the national conversation on recent immigration surrounded and stemmed from a controversial – and, arguably, intentionally combative – law in the State of Arizona. On 23 April 2010, Governor Janice Brewer signed into law Arizona Senate Bill 1070 (hereafter SB 1070). All of the sudden it became a state misdemeanor for not carrying and providing required documentation for undocumented persons; persons arrested could not be released until their immigration status was confirmed by the federal government. Although the principles of the law were amended such that persons could not be detained or arrested based on race, SB 1070 was only one piece of the arsenal that many saw as the State‘s targeted efforts against Mexicans. There are, after all, few Norwegians immigrating to Arizona. The law, whether by design or circumstance, polarized opinions about a state government and governor but also brought to the fore a percolating undercurrent of how a minority population simultaneously could be valued as a cheap labor force and be actively repudiated for their mere presence. Communities of color perceived new laws as an active effort to stigmatize immigrants and, at least potentially, as a form of personal harassment (Kunnie, 2010; Torres, 2012). Hispanic- and Latino-identifying women and men felt ―demonized‖ (Trejo, 2010-2011, p. 24) and entrapped by waves of what Martinez refers to as an ―epistemology of whiteness‖ (2012, p. 181). By June 2012, the United States Supreme Court had rejected the majority of SB 1070 (Arizona et al., Petitioners v. United States, 2012) but,

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by this time, the State had succeeded in conveying a message to ethnic minorities and persons who might employ undocumented workers: You are under our surveillance. Arizona‘s state-sanctioned behavior toward immigrants or persons perceived to be immigrants demonstrably suggests elements of racism, xenophobia, and protection of resources (Hardy, Getrich, Quezada, Guay, Michalowski, and Henley, 2012; Provine and Sanchez, 2011). Arizona‘s population has increased at a rate three times that of the country (Trejo, 2010-2011); clearly much of this increase is attributable to retirees who spend part of the year in a warmer climate, as well as the labor force brought in to, in fact, build the infrastructure for burgeoning population growth. Arizona long has maintained a Latino population; Latinos‘ or Mexicans‘ residence in Arizona is not new (Provine and Sanchez, 2011). Yet recent inflammatory claims about the crime rates committed by undocumented immigrants – a core focus embedded in the hyperbole preceding legislation – are less well substantiated. The Immigration Policy Center has shown that crime rates have fallen in Arizona since 2005 and that, in fact, most crimes are not committed by immigrants (Immigration Policy Center, 2010). Instead, the weight behind Arizona‘s posture against immigration seems to have rested upon basic social psychological processes of ingroup/outgroup dynamics, fear popularized against the threat group (i.e., immigrants could take jobs away from legal residents), and that material resources were in jeopardy (Fisher et al., 2011; McDowell and Wonders, 2010; Trejo, 2010-2011). It is likely no coincidence that Arizona‘s assortment of bills against immigrants dovetailed the historical period of time when its economy – based substantively on a housing industry that all but stopped during the country‘s recession – was spiraling downward. In fact, researchers have found that, over the period of years where the economy worsened, attitudes about undocumented immigrants became progressively more negative (Diaz, Saenz, and Kwan, 2011). It could be that the worsening economy provided rich fodder for a political agenda that simultaneously could exacerbate fear in state residents against a stigmatized minority and reinforce the privileges of maintaining a White social order (Martinez, 2012).

Research on Latino Men The inclusion of Latino-identifying men into systematic research protocols has not been commensurate with Latinos‘ steady increases to the population. It seems that research endeavors that targeted Latinos for intentional inclusion into research studies paralleled larger-scale, often epidemiological, efforts to include racial and ethnic minorities during peak years of HIV transmission (Gómez, Mason, and Alvarado, 2005; Marín, Gómez, and Hearst, 1993; Marín, Gómez, and Tschann, 1993; Marín and Marín, 1992). Individuals who were members of under-represented groups (e.g., women at risk for HIV seroconversion, sexually active gay men, men who had sex with other men, intravenous drug users, commercial sex workers) suddenly were seen as important informants to include into research protocols as an effort to ameliorate a public health crisis (Diaz, 1997; Epstein, 1998; Gómez et al., 2005; Knight, 2005; Marín and Marín, 1991; Moore, 1997a; 1997b; Pavich, 1986). Increasingly, Latinos have been embedded into sampling frames. Researchers have investigated characteristics of the Hispanic or Latino family (Calzada, Fernandez, and Cortes, 2010; Galanti, 2003; Glass and Owen, 2010; González-López, 2004) and associations

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between perceived racism or discrimination with mental health outcomes (e.g., Araújo, and Borrell, 2006; Finch, Kolody, and Vega, 2000; Liang, Salcedo, and Miller, 2010; Long and Martinez, 1997). In the past twenty years, much of the work on Latino men has focused on dimensions of gender, gender performance/role, and the often misunderstood and culturally stereotyped demonstration of machismo (Abreu, Goodyear, Campos, and Newcomb, 2000; Arciniega, Anderson, Tovar-Blank, and Tracey, 2008; Fragoso and Kashubeck, 2000; Liang et al., Mirandé, 1997). In the United States, machismo often is understood as an exaggerated display of masculinity, a masculine performance predicated on sexual conquests over women, homophobia, aggression, and self-centeredness (Fragoso and Kashubeck, 2000; Mirandé, 1997; Saez, Casado, and Wade, 2009). Although this may be the popularized – and certainly media promulgated – version of machismo, many Latinos and Latinas attribute positive qualities to machismo, such as emotional connectedness, ethnic pride, responsibility to family, and hard work. Indeed, research by Arciniega and colleagues (2008) demonstrated that the concept of machismo is not a unitary construct. It might be argued that early research studies including Latinos sought to understand how different Latinos were from other racial groups, both Caucasians, the dominant racial group in the United States, but also of persons identifying as Black or African-American, who, until recently, were identified as the largest racial minority in the U.S. population. This tendency to maximize differences between groups is referred to as an alpha bias (Hyde, 2005). Detailing how groups are different from one another can be helpful. On the other hand, focusing on the differences among groups (e.g., Latinos and Caucasians, women and men, heterosexuals and homosexuals) may result in a perception that groups are vastly different from one another when they are not, and also tends to minimize the variability of individuals within a group (Hyde, 2005). A limited perception that displays of machismo by Latino-, Hispanic-, or Mexican-identifying men reflect a culturally negative stereotype – womanizing men who consume large quantities of alcohol, and engage in physical violence, including against their wives – fails to capture the lived experiences of men.

Goals of the Current Study The research presented in this chapter focuses on the intersectionality of Latino masculinity and living under the surveillance of a state government perceived as decidedly antagonistic toward racial minorities. Using men‘s own narratives, we explored how Latinoidentifying men understood Arizona SB 1070, what they believed the true meaning of the law to be, and the extent to which they perceived either the law itself, or the cultural tenor of the state which produced the law, as affecting the ways they enacted masculinity. Using a qualitative research analytical method, we investigated the ways in which Latino men performed masculinity in a larger context that sought to emasculate their value as sons, husbands/lovers, and workers.

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METHOD Participants The sample included twenty men. Men were recruited using purposive sampling. In order to participate in the study, informants had to have met three inclusion criteria. First, men consented to participate in a study examining the intersection of masculinities, gender, and ethnic identity. Second, men understood the larger study included quantitative and qualitative components. Third, for the qualitative portion of the study, men were willing to participate in an audio-/video-taped interview. Informants lived in a medium-sized city in Arizona. Men ranged in age from 18-55, with a mean age of 24. Three men had received high school diplomas, 11 men were in college at the time of their participation, three men were college graduates, and three men had graduate or professional degrees. All men self-identified as heterosexual. Most of the men in the sample (n = 11) were single and casually dating; three men were single and in committed relationships, five men were married, and one man was divorced but dating. When men were asked how they identified their race or ethnicity, 6 men identified themselves as Hispanic, 2 as Latino, 1 as Cuban-American, 1 as Puerto Rican, 3 as Mexican, 6 as Mexican-American, and 1 as ethnically mixed.

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Procedure The current study was part of a larger study of men and masculinity, was funded in part by a grant from the National Science Foundation, and was approved by the university‘s Institutional Review Board. Informants were interviewed in a university office that had been transformed into a professional interviewing room. The room was outfitted with new carpeting, soothing wall tones, and new, comfortable furniture. Informants were greeted by the interviewer, who reviewed the protocol reminding the informant that the interview portion of the study would be audio- and video-taped, and that confidential transcriptions would be made from tapes (this also was specified clearly on the consent form). Upon providing consent, informants completed a questionnaire packet which contained quantitative scales measuring indices of demographic variables, gender beliefs, sexuality, and masculinity. These measures constituted the quantitative portion of the study and are not presented in this chapter. Once the interviewer provided the questionnaire to the informant, the interviewer left the room, permitting the informant to complete all measures with complete privacy. Informants were asked to insert their completed questionnaire into a large mailing envelope before returning it to the interviewer, who was seated immediately outside the interview room. The questionnaire remained in the envelope until completed responses were entered into a statistical software program, usually one- to two-days after the interview. Because the interviewer did not see informants‘ responses to quantitative items prior to the interview, we can be reasonably sure that responses to interview probes were independent from responses to psychological and sexological scales. 

In qualitative research, individuals are considered to be experts of their own experience. For analysis purposes, we primarily refer to the men interviewed in our sample as informants, rather than as subjects or participants.

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The qualitative portion of the study contained interview questions constructed to situate informants in the broader context of orchestrating gender performances when Latinos, as a group, were perceived to be under a state-sanctioned surveillance program. Informants were offered bottle water or bottled soft drinks (tea, fruit mixes) before the interview, and told that they were free to pause the interview at any time (e.g., to use the rest room, to obtain another drink). Interviews lasted between 47-129 minutes, with a mean length of 54 minutes. Upon completion of the interview informants were thanked and, as a gratuity for their time, presented with a gift card in the amount of $20.00 redeemable at a national chain grocery store. Audio- and video-recordings were downloaded directly onto a computer. Interviews were recorded in their entirety. Verbatim transcriptions were created from recordings. All interviews produced usable tapes and all transcriptions represented complete interviews. Once transcriptions were complete, a research assistant unrelated to the study checked the accuracy of transcriptions. For each interview, this person read the complete transcript while listening to the audiofile. Discrepancies were noted and checked against the initial transcription notes. Upon replaying the audio file, if the discrepancy could not be resolved, the primary researchers checked the transcription against the video file, where, from visual cues, and context of conversation, discrepancies were discussed until agreement had been reached. In most cases, a transcription-audio file discrepancy resulted from the informant turning away from the microphone (i.e., as a gesture, while collecting thoughts, to cough, etc.). With the visual feed available, discrepancies were corrected, and the reliability check produced virtually identical representations of tapes (> 99%). In qualitative methods, this process establishes an internal validity referred to as synchronic reliability (Kirk and Miller, 1986).

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Qualitative Analyses The interpretive construction of gender performance in the wake of SB 1070 was explored through qualitative analytic procedures. Informants‘ experiences were transcribed and then interrogated using narrative analysis (Cortazzi, 1993; Crossley, 2000; Riessman, 1993; Sarbin, 1986), a qualitative analysis procedure which assumes individuals reorder and reframe life experiences, and come to ascribe meaning to them in terms of a story (i.e., fabula) and plot (i.e., szujet). Narrative analysis usually stems from interviews where informants are asked to share their understanding of an event or a series of events surrounding a theme. Narrative analyses permit an extraction of meaning making that often includes pivotal transformations in how events are re-conceptualized and understood. Interviews enable informants to speak about how their experience parallels those of dramaturgy. Probes guide the informant to discuss themes relevant to the research question. Questions and prompts frame the interview and guide narrative responses (Holstein and Gubrium, 1995). Analyses of transcriptions began at the macro level – i.e., how informants experienced the brunt force of cultural repudiation from a governmental entity against a largely powerless and compliant minority – and continued through analyses that define the structure of stories (Atkinson, 1990), self-constructions of social relationships (Mishler, 1986a) and the reframing of situations into a coherent, storied meaning (Riessman, 1993).

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RESULTS Quantitative and qualitative scientific methods both are concerned about capturing an individual‘s experience. Qualitative research, however, places a major focus on context and seeks to explain how intrapersonal and social processes locate a meaningful understanding of events, and of relationships with others, into interpretations of the self. A central tenet of qualitative methodologies is that the range of human experience cannot be explained fully by reducing experience to quantitative measures (Denzin and Lincoln, 1994; Holman, 1993), despite the usefulness of psychometrically sound scales. Because psychology rests upon the principles of positivism, most psychological research mirrors the central tenets of this epistemology. Consequently, detached measurement – believed to reduce biases – have taken precedence, although, in the very recent past, contextualist methods and procedures, long valued in sociology and anthropology, have gained some ground in the psychological sciences (Kazdin, 1992; Smith, 2008). Narrative analysis is a qualitative method used in psychology to investigate how events are understood and how we shape and reconfigure the meaning of events by our revised understanding of them. Because narrative analysis is less well known, even within some networks of qualitative researchers, we review it briefly below.

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Narrative Analysis Narrative analysis is a flexible method of examining the ways in which individuals understand their experience. Narrative analysis is an interdisciplinary method (Riessman, 1993), is adaptable to multiple settings and circumstances (Manning and Cullum-Swan, 1994), and can be used to understand developmental and personality dimensions of the self as well as the outcomes of events as they are understood to impact persons‘ lives (Crossley, 2000; Potter and Wetherell, 1987; Riessman, 1993). Narrative analysis has been used to investigate intimate partner violence (Hydèn, 1994; Riessman, 1994), gendered senses of self (Gergen and Gergen, 1993), with children and adolescents (McCabe, Capron, and Peterson, 1991; McCabe and Peterson, 1991), and can be incorporated into mixed qualitativequantitative designs (Adler, Skalina, and McAdams, 2008). Although narrative analysis – broadly defined – is said to be interdisciplinary (Manning and Cullum-Swan, 1994; Riessman, 1993), permeable versions of narrative work tend to be used in several core areas. For example, linguists and cognitive psychologists may focus on the mental representation of speech, semantic memory, and linguistic structures (Labov and Waletzky, 1997; Mishler, 1986a; Pavlenko, 2008). In this version of narrative work, levels of the narrative are labeled, coded (e.g., semantic content, the narrative superstructure, a microstructure), and analyzed, usually with responses provided by subjects in experimental, laboratory-based studies (Bruner, 1990; Cortazzi, 1993). Others use narrative analysis to examine bibliographic life histories – larger epochs of how lives are understood and how meaning is attributed to them (Gergen and Gergen, 1983; Hydèn, 1994; McAdams, 1988). This view assumes that stories are culture bound, that cultures structure narrative coherence (McAdams, 2006a; Rosenwald and Ochberg, 1992). One of the more flexible and frequently used versions of narrative analyses examines meaning making of particular life events (e.g.,

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diagnosis of medical disease) or experiences (e.g., surviving sexual abuse) by organizing events into a temporal narrative – that is, into a story (Crossley, 2000; Gergen and Gergen, 1986; Mishler, 1986a; Riessman, 1993). When self-narratives take the form of stories, individuals can configure life events into an archetypal image where there is a beginning, a middle, and an end. Narratives do not merely convey events, they are used to craft personal identities. Researchers have conceptualized storied narratives in different ways. Gergan and Gergan (1983) reported that the plot structures of persons with serious illness or disease were bound by narratives of stability, regression, and progression of the illness. Labov and Waletzky (1997) proposed a structural approach where complete narratives contained six parts (an abstract, an orientation of time, place and characters, complicating actions, evaluation, resolution, and coda). White (1973, as cited in Crossley, 2000) postured plot structures that nuance or direct the narrative as ones of satire, romance, tragedy, and comedy. In stories, the familiar structure of plot allows individuals to position their experience in a frame that is organized (Crossley, 2000), contains a sequence (Riessman, 1993), and communicate a message to self and others (McAdams, 2006b). Narratives include the volition of actors – motives, attributions, failures, etc. – and consolidate elements of the story into a coherent, if somewhat reconstructed, understanding of identity (Pals and McAdams, 2004; Mishler, 1986b; Sarbin, 1986). In the context of meaning making, stories are rehearsed and revised; stories are, according to McAdams, ―made and remade, performed and edited, instantiated, contoured, and lived out in the social ecology of everyday life...‖ (2006a, p. 16). Our personal stories, then, are integrative narratives that provide a contextualist structure – with actors, scenes, protagonists, themes, and a resolution – that consolidate often disparate events in such a way that we are able to craft meaning to experience and link meaning to our identity.

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The Meaning of AZ 1070 Informants largely understood the discourse and events leading to SB 1070 in a larger narrative of the powerful bully who victimizes the weaker. Men spoke to the active duplicity of arguments used to support what was postured as tough immigration reform. That is, some men parodied the pride U.S. Americans extol about a country built with the strengths of immigrants across time and from disparate regions of the world. And yet, at this particular juncture of time – conveniently aligned with Arizona‘s economic recession – the very persons who provided cheap labor in housing and road construction, and who tended to manicured lawns for dollars a day – were framed unfavorably. Arizona‘s efforts to reform immigration focused really on some potential immigrants. For example, the state was trying to lure higher-end technology businesses to relocate to Arizona, businesses that likely were comprised of persons in the United States from other countries (India, China) residing in the U.S. on temporary work permits. Instead, informants attributed the spirit of SB 1070 to cultural imperialism. It was a White and privileged Arizona government who crafted a law against persons who were seen as poor, dark-skinned, and a burden. The national narrative Americans cite of a nation of immigrants had been altered to accommodate those who might better look the part or who could pay for sponsorship. Many men understood that individuals migrate to seek a better life for themselves and for their families. This is, in fact, descriptive of why waves of immigrants from Europe left their

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homes for the U.S. The storied nature of European immigrants, establishing lives in the U.S. through hard work and achieving a better life, was juxtaposed to the more current immigrants from Mexico and Central America. Men saw the motivations to create a better life as similar. As one of our informants said:

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Arizona is kind of a disgrace right now. People have been here for generations and generations. We contributed a lot to the state, and yet they are going to get singled out because of this nonsense. It‘s just horrible for the government to cast blame on other people who are just here coming for a better life. When it comes to Europeans, okay. When it comes to Mexicans, we are like ―no no no.‖ I think it‘s ridiculous. Look how much work they [Mexicans] do, they do jobs that no one else would do. People are all like, ―Oh, I could do that.‖ Then why aren‘t you doing it? Cause you couldn‘t do it, that‘s why. They try to do what a Mexican would do, and they could not handle it! My Nana and Tata are from Tajitos, Sonora. He was born in the United States, but they went back to Tajitos, seventeen years of his life he grew up there, [and] came across to the United States for a better life. Worked on the railroad for twenty-somewhat years raising his family and stuff. My Mom is a judge now, but my Tios were janitors. All my Tios on my Mom‘s side of the family are all hard-workers. A lot of my friends and family are from Ajo, all hard workers and they all have Mexican roots. Everyone says, ―Oh. They‘re lazy.‖ Lazy? They do most of the hard jobs that no one else does.―Oh. They take everything.‖ They actually pay taxes and they don‘t take out of it [they have no return on paid taxes]. So it‘s not like they don‘t pay taxes, cause they do.

One informant spoke to concerns Americans have about the illegal drug trade that originates in Mexico – and understood the real concerns that surround drugs – but was also aware of the arms sales of U.S. companies to Mexico which are intricately embedded in the drug market. The same informant paralleled how constituencies associated with the B.P. oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico scrambled to blame other parties (i.e., the oil executives on workers, the U.S. government on lax standards, the two dominant political parties on the other party for its cozy relationship to ―Big Oil‖) was not unlike how politicians single out racial or ethnic minorities when it is advantageous to them. I think it‘s just politicians trying to pick on an easy scapegoat. You always pick on people who are not gonna be able to defend themselves as much. And that‘s what it is. They‘re like ―Oh, let‘s blame it [drug use by US adolescents and adults] on the Mexicans. [But it‘s not] let‘s get our kids off drugs in this country so that they can stop the drug trade. I‘m not trying to put myself on a pedestal, but if other people read and knew the history of what went on, then they‘d understand. Like, ―Oh. Why are we blaming these people?‖ They‘re not doing anything wrong, they‘re just doing what .... [pause] America prides themselves as a nation of immigrants, but when it‘s Mexicans it‘s not. They just blame Mexicans. That‘s what it comes out to, really.

The majority of informants sensed an escalation of racism as the rhetoric about SB 1070 emerged into news headlines. Although the majority of men did not report feeling unsafe in Arizona, some did. One informant who was from Puerto Rico, for example, recognized that, having been from a U.S. territory, he was free to travel between the U.S. and Puerto Rico without difficulty, and that the racial overtones of SB 1070 were not targeted against him specifically. Still, this same man perceived the law was designed to put him under scrutiny, to watch over him.

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Andrew S. Walters and Ivan Valenzuela I feel threatened just like, I‘m pretty sure other Latinos feel like that in this point in time. I guess, truthfully, I mean, I don‘t feel less threatened. I guess being born in a U.S. territory makes this weird air of, well, I was born a citizen, so if they ask me for identification, I am a citizen. I can say, I still feel threatened that I‘ll be pulled over and questioned and all that.

Informants who were from other states spoke to the palpable sense of disregard for Latinos which they experienced only in Arizona. Families in other states expressed concern for their sons and brothers, noting that the fact our informants were legal citizens seemed inconsequential to a cultural tide of energy that was designed to posture Latinos as shiftless and lazy thieves who were in the United States to ―steal jobs‖ away from the more deserving. Naturally, men‘s narratives of SB 1070 were wedded to their cultural identity. Men perceived the intent of the law as less about immigration, protection of state residents (presumably legal and, therefore of higher value), or regard for the rule of law – claims made by government officials in defending the law. Nearly all men framed the law as one of bullying, a story line where the bully lines up other supports (e.g., inflamed rhetoric, corporate media, power-hungry politicians) in a concerted effort to minimize the worth of an opponent. But as with other narrative plots of good versus evil, many informants believed there would be a positive resolution: that either truth, or kindness, or logic would prevail in the hearts of Americans or through a court system. As one informant said:

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Ohhh, a lot of people say [they‘re] betrayed, some people say nervous. I, myself, I am saddened, obviously, by SB 1070, but hopefully it will work itself out. Hopefully there will be some sort of litigation that will keep profiling from happening. That‘s what I‘m most afraid of – mostly for my father and mother who look more Hispanic than I do.They are both legal citizens, but I don‘t want them to be targeted as, you know, the stereotyped: ―They look Hispanic. They could be illegal‖ [when] obviously they‘re not. But it saddens me.

Other men perceived something positive might stem from the aftermath of SB 1070 and recognized that they were in the middle of a plot dense with competing story lines. Only one informant was supportive of Arizona state law. This man recognized his Latino ancestry, but simultaneously acknowledged his identity was aligned more with dominant White culture and, because he was economically privileged, was able to see Mexican immigrants as threats to his own livelihood. I‘m a hundred percent in favor of it. Too many people in this world consider the U.S. as a kind of entitlement to them. My family, everyone, the members of my family came legally and – for what it‘s worth – half of them should not have been let in, because they didn‘t really contribute much to this country. If this chaos at the border continues there‘s just going to be more and more people. The immigration laws in Mexico are five times more strict than the ones in the U.S., but, that‘ okay: ‗What‘s mine is mine and what‘s yours is negotiable.‘ So I am one Hispanic male who is in favor of this. I am sure most Cubans support the Arizona law. I am sure most from Puerto Rico support it. Of course, it‘s the countries that have more social problems, more economic problems, those are the ones that unload tons of people here because, of course, it‘s a huge economic and social advantage [to the country of origin]. I am a Hispanic male who has no linguistic, or cultural, or educational problems in this country. So, obviously, I can navigate this society a lot easier than most. So I‘m completely confident, socially. I consider myself more American than Hispanic.

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This informant affirms privileges beyond his control (e.g., that his own family‘s citizenship to the U.S. benefitted from the United States‘ immigration policy toward Cuba, that he married a White European woman and that they have dual citizenship to a Nordic country, and that, because he is educated and can navigate the cultural system, he can be seen as a White). Without seeming to care that others seek in the United States only what he has and has benefitted from, this informant was able to assume the character role of the bully picking on the less fortunate. To this man, the cultural privileges afforded by the U.S. to him were deserving but to others are not. The storied nature of the powerful bully picking on the weak was understood in terms of the economic climate of the state, the perceived racism of notable state officials, and, in an effort to maintain economic and racial privilege, a need to silence a burgeoning citizenry that included immigrants and descendants of immigrants. Some men understood the law not just as a way to orchestrate power over immigrants but stemming from a larger fear that, if the races were mixed, the privileges associated with only one race would be diluted. For example, one informant understood this genesis of the law in this way: I think it does cause predominantly White Americans [pause] the way they are seeing the dominant white culture [pause] they are seeing so many other cultures come in. You got Mexicans. African Americans. You see a lot of people coming together. You see a lot more mixed marriages now. I think a lot of older people are afraid of that. You don‘t want things to change. And they‘re seeing, you know, a White girl with a Mexican dude, and they have children, and you get, you know, mixed ethnicities. And they‘re afraid of that, because that‘s change. People are afraid of change, especially of change like that, because it‘s gonna bring a lot of things together, there‘s gonna be a lot of cultures together, instead of having, you know, a white picket fence when you can get a big ‗o rancho. Or something like that, you know? There‘s something going on. It scares people like that. Instead of watching American football, you know, on Sundays some kid is gonna grow up watching, you know, America and Puchuca, that‘s gonna be the team on the wall, and that scares them, because it‘s not American, you know? And they‘re scared of that.

This informant was able to empathize with the motives of bully. His understanding of the threats individuals and structural systems have to change – the initial disequilibrium, the adjustment to difference – explained why the state had to harness a nostalgia while it still could. Using narrative analysis, men‘s understanding of SB 1070 followed a scripted storyline. The story was comprised of actors who recognized they were the products of historical privilege but, suspecting their lives and lifestyle might be challenged, stood behind structures of cultural privilege still available to them, and, with the cultural weights of race and money and a legal system, acted to bully those weaker around them. Men understood there were actors (government employees as protagonists, maligned illegal immigrants postured as sneaky day laborers and thieves as antagonists), complex plot developments (court challenges, public demonstrations) and a resolution (optimism in the future, opinions that justice would prevail). Informants understood that SB 1070 was, at least potentially, intended to impede how – and where – they lived their lives. But men were also determined to overcome the challenges presented to them by this law. One way that they could achieve this was to orchestrate a masculine performance of survival.

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Masculine Performance To the men in our sample, the meanings of manhood, masculinity, and gender were multi-dimensional and interacted with the spheres of their lives where masculinity and masculine performance exacted different expectations. For example, men disavowed the media-saturated prescription of masculinity as stoic and physically sculpted. Indeed, threequarters of the men in our sample – while themselves very physically fit – perceived the definition of especially young men as beefcake models, men who seem to focus more on physical prowess over others, as a shallow version of manhood. Analyses suggested that informant‘s narratives of the intersection between masculinity and SB 1070 clustered around two core stories. First, men understood that SB 1070 was threaded with language to emasculate a sense of self. How could this be? One of the core provisions of SB 1070 was to make it a crime for an undocumented person to work in the State of Arizona. Because providing for self, family, and extended family was seen by men as a central – a defining – dimension of manhood, the state law was understood as a threat to men‘s identity as a caring, committed, and competent contributor to the welfare of others. When men saw themselves in the storied nature of actors in the novella of SB 1070, they saw their roles as men who provide for others, who wanted to mirror the men of their heritage: their fathers, their grandfathers. By enacting a law that made it illegal for undocumented persons to work, men interpreted this to mean that the state wanted increased surveillance over many minorities (as has been suggested by Martinez, 2012), an affront to the integrity of men who see themselves as hard workers. This portion of the law was struck down by the U.S. Supreme Court in June 2012. A primary goal of men in our sample was to establish and maintain a sense of a masculine self that defied the inflammatory propaganda surrounding the passage of SB 1070. Our informants believed that the execution of masculinity often involved an active rejection of hegemonic versions of masculine performance. To our men, true masculinity was unrelated to endemic – if appealing – images of men as buffed, single men whose instrumentality was self-serving – men positioned as independent players, ego-driven, and uninvolved in the welfare of their family networks. In our sample, informants understood the incorporation of masculinity into their identities as a component being a good and kind person: to show feelings, to be affectionate, to thwart the stereotype of the sombrero-womanizing man, and to labor – even in jobs that others refuse to perform. As one of our informants said: The media do not show it. Caucasians are never in trouble – just minority people. I feel like we are portrayed in the media like, as I said, with gangs and as lazy. I don‘t know where that came from. I feel like we are a hard-working people. If anything, we should not be seen as that stereotype of being lazy because we are the total opposite of that. I feel that way, and I am proud of seeing people who look like me working those jobs. I have no trouble cleaning toilets, getting on my knees scrubbing floors, because I was raised like that and I take pride in that because it makes your character .....you know, being a servant to others. I just feel like that is one of the stereotypes that I think is ironic, because we are a hard-working people. I think they see that, but still label us as being lazy.

Men understood SB 1070 as a potential threat to their desire to enact an individual masculinity, but they also believed that they were able to achieve a masculine sense of self.

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The second way in which our informants understood masculinity in relation to SB 1070 was in relation to others. Every man in our study spoke to the importance of kindness and respect to others as a dimension – a primary dimension – of a grounded and authentic masculinity. To the men in our study, being successful as a man meant that you were respectful of others. The meaning men attributed to the concept of being a good man meant that they were caring of others, sensitive to differences, and worked with others toward the collective care of a community. Masculinity entailed confidence, but not a cocky confidence associated with youth, or a faux representation of masculinity discolored by stereotyped images of a drunkard, a fighter, or a philanderer. Men saw confidence in the assumption of care and commitment to their families – immediate and more distal – and of displays of respect to persons of all stations, of all ages, and across relationships (although all of the men in the current study self-identified as heterosexual, a majority of men, clearly deviating from the stereotype of the machismo Latino male, voiced support for the respect of gay-identified persons). Influenced by cultural imperatives toward the care of others, the men in our study were concerned about how the outcomes of SB 1070 could impact not merely themselves, but of persons who relied on the income of laborers in Arizona (irrespective of status as documented or undocumented) to sustain a basic standard of living. Men in our sample saw themselves as active, agentic providers of necessities to others. This was not a perfunctory role for men, this was an act of care, of caballerismo. If SB 1070 was designed to malign minorities to a thirdclass social strata, and to nullify the ways in which men could help their families and communities, men came to understand this State-sanctioned repudiation as a hurdle to be overcome. To the men in our sample, masculinity was to be seen as an individual accomplishment but that, in its entirety, embodied a dedicated demonstration of care to others and a commitment to help the community. Men envisioned the sequelae of Arizona‘s law as a smaller version of the Biblical story of David and Goliath. Instead of a test of physical agility, men saw the test put forth by the state as one of both moral determinism and cultural fortitude. Informants‘ ascriptions of masculinity – of the enacted demonstration of representing a good man – were changed somewhat by their perception of Arizona‘s dismissal of Latino contributions to a larger community. Narratives revealed that informants reconstructed perceptions of themselves as masculine which contained a more personal, and more private, sense of pride in their work for others. That is, informants were able to create a masculine embodiment of responsibility, respect toward others, and a connection with others in their communities that benefitted their immediate families and communities. Because this performance was familial based and, on the whole, privately scripted, men were able to orchestrate a masculine performance outside the watchful eye of the State.

DISCUSSION In 2010 the State of Arizona passed a law that captured strong media attention and which was seen as disputatious by multiple political and cultural groups. Arizona believed that the federal government had failed in its responsibilities to protect U.S. borders and that legal mechanisms of immigration were outdated and useless. Consequently, Arizona‘s law was postured to remedy this situation by usurping federal authority, a move which was seen by

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legal scholars as an overstep to federal authority and which, ultimately, was nullified by the U.S. Supreme Court. SB 1070 initiated a national, if contentious, discussion about immigration. However, because Arizona‘s law was seen as targeting immigration only from one geographical area, it was perceived as racist and classist, perceptions that provided fodder for inflammatory claims nation-wide. The current study used narrative analysis to investigate the experience of Latinoidentifying men in the immediate wake of the passage of SB 1070. As we reviewed, narrative analysis, a qualitative analytical procedure based on a contextualist epistemology, was used. In narrative analysis, individuals are thought to understand their experiences, and come to attribute meaning and identity to them, by positioning events in the paralleled form of a story. These stories contain a temporal dimension and a sequence, but the temporality often is not chronological. The narratives we create to understand our experiences are reframed and reconfigured. We reflect and rehearse events and, as we come to understand them in new ways, they may take on different meanings. Because part of our early learning is steeped in stories – fairy tales read to us in childhood, parables learned through religious services – it is easy to frame ourselves and, perhaps especially, life events that stray from our preferred narrative, in story form. The men in our study framed their experience with SB 1070 in a narrative of bullying. During this time frame, immigration was one of several legislative efforts seen as minimizing the value of persons of Hispanic- and Latino-heritage. In another case of legislative imperialism, an Arizona school district was stripped of a curriculum to offer course work on the positive contributions of Latino culture. There was a state-dominated discourse on the potential dangers of day-laborers. The man who famed himself as ―America‘s Toughest Sheriff‖ (Martinez, 2012, p. 185) was understood to profile persons based on race (Martinez, 2012). Thus, SB 1070 was one story line of several in which one group decided, arbitrarily, and corresponding to an economic crisis where the once valued cheap labor was no longer necessary, that Latinos were a liability. The State wanted to purge a segment of the population it no longer needed. As with other bullying narratives, the threat of harm against a weaker opponent was the bully‘s primary card. It is possible that SB 1070 was designed to address the larger societal issue of immigration. But the way in which it was crafted – perceived as under-handed, even by persons acknowledging the federal government‘s failure to enact an immigration policy that has been promised for some time – fed into a larger narrative of Arizona‘s treatment of minorities. Yet, this particular piece of legislation was deeply personal to the men in our study. This law was not merely a threat to undocumented workers; this law was seen as an assault to men‘s ability to orchestrate a positive concept of himself as a man, a man who is able to feel proud of his ability to provide for his family and his community. Because the intent of SB 1070 was confabulated with stark images of racial profiling and the potential mistreatment of individuals who would be interrogated by law enforcement, it was not that undocumented persons were perceived as only those under the watchful eye of the government, but that, rather, many minorities believed they could be targeted next. The men in our study expressed, often effusively, pride in their heritage. A central component of their identity was that they could perform parts of a masculine self – as a son, a father, a lover. Because the law was understood as an assault on them and their communities, the men reframed how they could execute a masculine persona which was grounded in a sense of cultural pride. These narratives may change. Indeed, narrative analysis, in some

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ways, is predicated on a value that narratives change (Riessman, 1993). For these men, and for now, their identities as caring men were affirmed and solidified by the process of framing their experience through narrative.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS We thank Amy Hughes, of Northern Arizona University’s Cline Library, for her kind and conscientious assistance of culling library resources in preparation of this manuscript. The research was conducted as part of the Research Experience for Undergraduates program sponsored through the National Science Foundation.

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Pals, J. L., and McAdams, D. P. (2004). The transformed self: A narrative understanding of posttraumatic growth. Psychological Inquiry, 15(1), 65-69. Pavich, E. G. (1986). A Chicano perspective on Mexican culture and sexuality. Journal of Social Work and Human Sexuality, 4, 47-65. Pavlenko, A. (2008). Narrative analysis. In M. Moyer and L. Wei (Eds.), The Blackwell guide to research methods in bilingualism (pp. 311-325). Oxford, UK: Blackwell. Phinney, J. (1990). Ethnic identity in adolescents and adults: A review of research. Psychological Bulletin, 108, 499-514. Phinney, J., Horenczyk, G., Liebkind, K., and Vedder, P. (2001). Ethnic identity, immigration, and well-being: An interactional perspective. Journal of Social Issues, 57(3), 493-510. Potter, J., and Wetherell, M. (1987). Discourse and social psychology. London: Sage. Pratto, F., and Lemieux, A. F. (2001). The psychological ambiguity of immigration and its implications for promoting immigration policy. Journal of Social Issues, 57(3), 413-430. Provine, D. M., and Sanchez, G. (2011). Suspecting immigrants: Exploring links between racialised anxieties and expanded police powers in Arizona. Policing and Society, 21, 468-479. Riessman, C. K. (1993). Narrative analysis. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Riessman, C. K. (1994). Making sense of marital violence: One woman‘s narrative. In C. K. Riessman (Ed.), Qualitative studies in social work research (pp. 113-132). Thousand Oaks, CA:Sage. Rosenwald, G., and Ochberg, R. L. (1992). Storied lives: The cultural politics of selfunderstanding. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Saez, P. A., Casado, A., and Wade, J. C. (2009). Factors influencing masculinity ideology among Latino men. The Journal of Men‟s Studies, 17(2), 116-128. Sarbin, T. R. (1986). The narrative as a root metaphor for psychology. In T. R. Sarbin (Ed.), Narrative psychology: The storied nature of human conduct (pp. 3-21). New York: Praeger Scientific. Shapiro, M. J. (1997). Narrating the nation, unwelcoming the stranger: Anti-immigration policy in contemporary ―America.‖ Alternatives, 22, 1-34. Smith, J. A. (Ed.) (2008). Qualitative psychology. Los Angeles: Sage. Torres, R. S. (2012). Border challenges and ethnic struggles for social justice in Arizona: Hispanic communities under siege. In M. Lusk, K. Staudt, and E. M. Moya (Eds.), Social justice in the U.S.-Mexico border region (pp. 231-246). New York: Springer. Trejo, M. (2010-2011). Changing the narrative in Arizona. Harvard Journal of Hispanic Policy,23, 23-28. Walton, G. M., and Cohen, G. L. (2007). A question of belonging: race, social fit, and achievement. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 92(1), 82-86. Waters, M. (1990). Ethnic options: Choosing identities in America. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.

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Chapter 4

MASCULINITY GLOBALLY: ADVERTISING-BASED OBSERVATIONS FROM CHINA AND INDIA James W. Gentry1#, Himadri Roy Chaudhuri2# and Jie Gao Fowler3# 1

University of Nebraska, Lincoln, NE, US International Management Institute, Kolkata, India 3 Valdosta State University, Valdosta, GA, US

2

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ABSTRACT US interpretations of masculinity are in a state of flux as Western culture moves away from masculine hegemony (or, at least, restructures it). Arguments have been made that young males in the US are confused as to what it means to be a man, with support coming in the observation of lower testosterone levels, a doubling of male anorexia since 1980, and higher suicide rates among young males. We attempt to investigate the generality of changing masculinity norms through interpretations of male portrayals in advertisements in China and India. Given China‘s long tradition of different masculinities (wen and wu), we do not expect that the diverse portrayals of masculinity in China will result in serious physical or psychological harm occurring among young Chinese men. Changing portrayals of males in India are also occurring, but it is less clear what will result there.

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Corresponding Author: Jim Gentry, College of Business Administration, University of Nebraska-Lincoln, Lincoln NE 68588-0492, E-mail: [email protected] The authors wish to thank Kye Le Ho and Catherine Lifor their help in data collection and advertising interpretations, the UCARE program at the University of Nebraska for funding, and Xin Zhao and Aubrey Fowler for their helpful comments on earlier drafts of the chapter.

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MASCULINITY GLOBALLY: ADVERTISING-BASED OBSERVATIONS FROM CHINA AND INDIA In the western world (especially in the United States), masculinity has been largely proscribed by the virtues, values, and roles of a self-made man, including self-determination, autonomy, and individualism. Ritualistic variations of the displays of manliness involve arrogant demonstrations of strength, aggressiveness, and sexual potency. Thus there are many things men have to do to associate themselves with masculinity: ―we have to perform,‖ ―we have to provide,‖ and ―we have to be in control.‖ Men learned to suppress their feelings and emotions, and to distance themselves from quintessential ―feminine‖ characteristics. Connell‘s (1987) hegemonic masculinity framework explains the underlying process through which this traditional view of men affects male determination of acceptable behaviours. Perhaps the most vivid description of this traditional view was that by David and Brannon (1976), who listed four components: 1) a pre-occupation with competition, achievement, and success; 2) an emphasis on physical toughness and emotional stoicism; 3) homophobia and an avoidance of all things feminine; and 4) an emphasis on being aggressive and forceful. Connell (1987) argues that hegemonic masculinity can be understood as an aspirational and largely unreachable set of social norms and ideals. Further, most men never embody hegemonic masculinity, but they support it, are regulated by it, and use it to judge other men‘s conduct (Wetherell and Edley 1999, p. 832). As an engine of consumption, advertising plays a strong role in promulgating dualistic gender roles and prescribing sexual identities. Connell (1987) notes that conventional readings of advertising representations lead men to pursue hypermasculine ideals and become ―stronger.‖On the other hand, if feminine ideals are pursued by women, their role as the weaker sex is reinforced, at least in advertising targeted to males. Advertising imagery constitutes pervasive and influential gender representations in public space, incorporating displays of power, dominance, and normativity within the consumer spectacle. Therefore in the consumption realm, the male is embodied as an active subject (a matter-of-fact, selfassured decision maker), while the female occupies the passive object (the observed sexual/sensual body, eroticized, and inactive). Through careful manipulation of imageries, the dominant market system helps construct one‘s gender identity during consumption processes influenced by the desires and passions objectified through advertising.

THE CHANGE OF MALE IDENTITY IN THE MARKETPLACE It has been proposed that males from all social positions are now being invited to participate in the carnival of consumption in ways previously reserved predominantly for female consumers (Schroeder and Zwick 2004). This trend may be due in part to marketing practices. For instance, the editorial staffs at men‘s fashion magazines such as Esquire claimed that media should construct male body consumption as a new arena for masculine privilege by launching new texts and images (Breazeale 1994). As a result, an increasing number of advertisements are depicting men as sex objects (Kimmel and Tissier-Desbordes 1999). Oswald (2010, p. 107) noted that ―over the last 15 years or so, there has been an obvious shift in the representation of gender in advertising, with the emergence of the

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―eroticized male body‖ as an alternative to the bodies of women as sexual objects.‖ Schroeder and Zwick (2004) argued further that women have gained greater equality in society with the erosion of traditional masculine roles. As a result, men have become more preoccupied with an ―ideal-body‖ image loaded with cultural symbols of masculinity. Narcissistic consumption trends for men are systematically being valorised. The male is no more seen as a maverick, a provider, a protector, or a hero as the essential semiotics of the phallus that have driven masculinity are contradicted, and masculine identities are getting more and more untraditionally created in the marketplace. This marketplace itself was once believed to be a feminized arena for identity construction, thanks to the products of the ―culture industry‖ (Chapman 1988; Fischer and Bristor 1994; Mort 1988; Nixon 1992; Patterson and Elliott 2002). Today, Western men are being bombarded with male stylized images in the media, which may lead to men facing exploitation and objectification. This may have the same adverse effects on men as it has had on women. For example, just as the Barbie Doll has represented an impossible-to-achieve body form for young girls, the GI Joe action figure has gone through an evolution from an exceptionally fit male to a freakishly disproportionate muscular hulk over time. At the same time that we are witnessing this magnification of male bodies, more attention is being paid to the hulk‘s feminine side. In this connection we can discuss the underpinnings of the movie The Pacifier, in which superstar Van Diesel signifies the duality that is ―expected‖ of a ―new male:‖ strong and determined [a Navy Seal commando-the classic male], yet ―soft and caring‖ [a Babysitter]. He becomes the poster-boy of the new roles that a man must satisfy. ―Subtle femininity‖ is interjected onto the protagonist, resulting in a reincarnated masculinity with new roles that simultaneously reflect the classical male stereotype. This positioning conforms closely to the assertion made by Patterson and Elliott (2002, p.241) when they argued that hegemonic masculinity is adapting to recent societal changes with ―the increasing feminization of masculinities, as men … get in touch with their emotions.‖ They further assert that male identity is negotiated in a way such that male bodies are becoming objects of display; the young man must look at himself with narcissistic obsession, as much as he looks outside to seek approval for his appearance and his expressions of the new standards of masculinity.These issues could qualify as ―challenges‖ to which the new males must acclimate. Thus, there is significant question regarding the existence of the traditional male/female duality when role sets are getting inverted and gender identity differences are collapsing. The same scepticism flows from the ideas of scholars belonging to the post-modernist schools, who assert that the contemporary social world is being increasingly described in terms of symbols which are mediated and manipulated by various agencies like the Market (Coltrane and Hickman 1992).These forces systematically attempt to deconstruct the dualisms that exist in terms of dichotomies such as culture/nature, man/woman, and mind/body (Coltrane 1994). In the classical psychoanalytic tradition, Freud believed that femininity is superimposed on masculinity at about the Oedipal stage. He noted that the crisis in a boy‘s life comes from the emotional relationship with his father, and his boyhood feminine aim is repressed at this early stage because of the fear of castration. On the other hand, as most men find it impossibly difficult to live up to images of a dominant masculinity, they fail to live up to childhood ideals of supremacy, causing enormous anxiety. Thus, Adler (1933/1938) assumed the existence of an inherent ―weakness‖ in males that motivates exaggerated emphasis on the masculine side of things. More specifically, Adler‘s ―masculine protest‖ (1933/1938) can be

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considered as a key driver of abehavioral manifestation of aggression and a restless striving for triumph. Interpreted in consumer research terms, the dichotomy discussed above is reflected in the tension between the rebel and the breadwinner, as discussed by Holt and Thompson (2004). This tension places stress on modern man as contemporary male consumers have to negotiate seemingly contradictory roles in the object-mediated society in order to construct a male identity. An increasingly popular conception is that there is an evolution of the so-called ―New Masculinity‖ overtaking the older, primitive masculine norms. This new specie is being valorised in the public domain and in popular culture. British cultural commentator Sarah Boumphrey (2007) noted that there seems to be little doubt that an important change in male behavior has already taken place, such that the behavior classified in the past as metrosexual is likely, for today‘s male teens and tweens, to become ―normal‖ when they mature. Younger males are having problems adjusting to changing masculinity norms. Holt and Thompson (2004) discuss some male attempts to avoid the ―emasculation‖ occurring due to these changes through consumption. They promote a new definition of masculinity, which they label as the Man-of-Action Hero, after interviews with informants who have successfully handled the identity crises faced. However, there are obviously some men who are having problems handling those crises. Lemon (1995) noted the mounting evidence of the declining physical and emotional health of men as supporting the contention of a crisis of masculinity. For example, suicide rates among US men aged 25 to 34 in 2001 were double those in 1980, and males now account for one in five cases of anorexia nervosa, up from one in ten in 1980 (Salzman, Matathia, and O‘Reilly 2005, p. 189). Garcia (2008, p. 8) reports a study from the Journal of Clinical Endocrinology and Metabolism in 2007 that found a population-wide decline in men‘s testosterone levels over the past 20 years. Garcia (2008, p. 129) also cites a National Center for Disease Control and Prevention report that found that 86% of all adolescent suicides are committed by boys. Again, the crisis in male identity may directly tie to the power of the media‘s emphasis on body ideals (Frederick, Fessler, and Haselton 2005). The models who display extreme versions of bodily traits potentially fuel prestige-based competition. Thus, ―masculinity‖ would seem to be in a state of flux, resulting in adjustment problems among many males.

MORE GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES That ―masculinity‖ is in a state of flux in Western cultures is not news. A question exists as to how ubiquitous this changing masculinity is globally. On one hand, Kimmel and Messner‘s (1995) perspective based on the social constructionist model of masculinity is that the meaning of masculinity is neither transhistorical nor culturally universal, but rather varies from culture to culture and within culture over time. This perspective would suggest that masculinity changes observed in the United States may be relatively unique. On the other hand, Miller (2001, p. 237) noted that ―contemporary consumer culture is actually produced throughout the world.‖ It would seem that the omnipresence of advertising, historically a Western institution, throughout the world would be a catalyst for such global change. While Kimmel (2000) noted that the picture of non-Western masculinity is incomplete, there is evidence that changing masculinity issues are somewhat global. Thompson and Fletcher

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(2005) cite a Leo Burnett study finding that 61% of French men, 53% of Brazilian men, and 50% of American men say that the expectations of men in society are unclear. According to the same study, 74% of men globally (and 79% of the US sample) said that the images of men in advertising are out of touch with reality. Research results also show that China, India, and the U.S. are rated as masculine with China (66) being rated more masculine than the US (62), while India is slightly less masculine (56) (Geert.Hofstede.com 2012). Thus, in the following pages, we will use a cultural lens to investigate the relationships between fashion advertising and the current status of masculinity in China and India. Both cultures show preferences for sons over daughters, with male births exceeding female births by approximately 20% in both countries.

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CHINESE MASCULINITY Chinese masculinity does not start from the same cultural binary base as that of the United States, where masculinity has been that which was not feminine. Louie (2002) noted that male dominance is manifested and perpetuated in China in a multitude of ways beyond the Western model, but these ways are much more subtle than in macho societies. Machismo is highly visible in Chinese culture, but one must use a proper cultural lens to observe it. Despite China‘s long history of patriarchy, the traditional gender cultural binary has been more harmonious, that of yin and yang. Yin stands for female energy (moon, water, dark) while yang stands for male energy (sun, fire, light). But the Chinese world view is essentially ―both-and‖ rather than ―either-or;‖ there is no male without female. Opposites end up producing balance and harmony. Furthermore, Chinese masculine exemplars have traditionally been categorized into wen (literary attainment) and wu (martial virtue), and wen generally has enjoyed higher status than wu (Louie and Edwards 1994). Women and foreigners were not allowed to have either one. Wen and wu valuations have been influenced by China‘s long literary history, which has been full of scholar-beauty romances. The sexual attractiveness of such educated males was mostly derived from their cultural cultivation and literary talent (Wang 2003), which might be noted as a display of narcissism on the part of the authors. In the Qing dynasty (1644-1911), the shy, timid, deferential, and modest character associated with a feminine persona became the model for an eligible and attractive young man (Wu 2003). Thus, it was a feminine masculinity that was most admired, as the feminine male stood for civility, better education, and higher social status. Wang (2003) stated that delicate males still appeal to Chinese women and to Chinese audiences in general. But, given the value of harmony in Chinese culture, Chinese men have aspired to achieve both wen and wu, and either was considered acceptably manly (Wang 2003). Thus, given the historical evolution of masculinity in China, one would expect to see far less difficulty on the part of young men there should they too be bombarded with ―new masculinity‖ portrayals in advertising, given that these portrayals may not be all that new in China. Louie (2002, p. 139) predicted that, partly due to Chinese emigration and the resulting diaspora, that wen and wu will become an integral part of the fabric of global masculinity. While the traditional emphasis on harmony has well-established roots, there were attempts made to challenge the accepted level of patriarchy, most notably Mao‘s Cultural Revolution in the 1960s. Not only

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was the status of intellectuals attacked (challenging the traditional wen and wu relations), but the movement also sought to raise the status of women as well, though seemingly relegating all Chinese to a fairly low common denominator. Individual differences were ignored with the ubiquitous required wearing of Mao‘s version of today‘s ―pant suits.‖ Deng Xiaoping‘s gaigekaifang (reform and opening up) resulted in numerous changes in gender relations in China. In addition, the One-Child-Policy led to far fewer child care responsibilities for women, allowing them to join the work force and contribute to the family‘s economic resources (Fowler, Gao, and Carlson 2010). As a result, the only child (regardless of sex) received special attention from parents and grandparents, reducing somewhat the traditional focus on having sons.

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Gender and Chinese Advertising Possibly a stronger cultural binary than male/female in China is that of nationalism versus out-group tolerance. Gerth (2003) noted that negative reactions to imperialism existed before the Cultural Revolution, owing to the presence in China of Western powers in the early part of the 20th century, followed by Japan‘s invasion in the late 1930s. The resulting nationalistic spirit on the part of the Chinese led to positive perspectives of domestic-made products and devaluation of things foreign. Deng Xiaoping‘s reform thus provided a shock to this nationalistic spirit, especially his anti-communism proclamation that ―getting rich is glorious‖ (Liu 2004, p. 62). From a Western perspective, this reform was seen as support for individual freedom, but many Chinese found it to be too radical a change, to the extent that Deng imposed in 1992 a three-year ban on any theoretical discussion of the ideological nature of reform (Dong and Tian 2009). This cultural binary of traditional nationalism versus tolerance of the West has played a critical role in the development of advertising in China. The West‘s knowledge of Chinese advertising started with Deng‘s opening of China, and observations were that early advertising provided cost justifications of the prices charged for items. Zhao and Belk (2008) provided a semiotic analysis of the 25 years of advertising after China‘s opening, which revealed an iterative shift in its content from trying to fit with nationalistic values to more typical Western appeals as the government gradually loosened its advertising regulations. Dong and Tian‘s (2009) analysis of Chinese consumers‘ perceptions of advertising found results consistent with a conflict with the ideological binary culture discussed above. More specifically, they found regional differences as consumers in cities whose economies relied more on manufacturing and the military showed more nationalistic perspectives whereas trade-dependent port cities were more Western-tolerant. Fowler‘s (2012) study of motherdaughter reactions to fashion apparel advertisements found more generational differences in evaluations among the Chinese pairs than in the US pairs, apparently due to different takes on the ideological cultural binary. The relative consumer freedom experienced by those born after the implementation of the One-Child Policy yielded some different views of appropriate apparel presentations than those held by their mothers, who had experienced the Cultural Revolution. One such difference was the much more positive reception by Chinese daughters to Western models wearing pant suits in ―professional women‖ appeals, whereas their mothers were decidedly more negative. As Hooper (1998) and Hung, Li, and Belk (2007) noted, the austere image forced on Chinese women during and after the Cultural Revolution

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resulted in a quick discarding of their baggy clothes when political pressure subsided. Thus, the tremendous amount of change observed in Chinese society in general includes increasing variability in gender roles observed.

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Figure 1. Western Model in Chinese Beefcake Ad.

Figure 2. Western Models in a Wu Portrayal.

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Figure 3. Feminine Male Model in a Wen Portrayal.

Figure 4. Male Model in a Wen Context.

For example, a recent online posting discusses a very atypical (from a Western perspective) gender phenomenon, the Shanghai husband (He 2010). Apparently Shanghai husbands (we assume those discussed are middle class or above in status) shop, cook, and wash, willingly. When shopping, they carry their wives‘ bags, including their purses. They endeavour to please both their wives AND their mother-in-laws. They turn their salaries over

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to their wives, withholding a small amount, which is often used to buy gifts for the spouse. This phenomenon includes the provision role common to most definitions of masculinity, but includes few other elements that coincide with the more wu-like traditional Western masculinity. At the same time, Chinese advertising is seeing more cheesecake and beefcake portrayals akin to what is seen in current Western fashion appeals. Fowler‘s (2012) content analysis of Chinese fashion advertising found that approximately 57% of the models observed in Chinese versions of Cosmopolitan, Elle, Harper‘s Bazaar, Vogue, and Marie-Claire were Western. Further, she found that the relative use of Asian versus Western models varied by the type of appeal used. In general, trendy and exotic appeals used Western models more, whereas girlish appeals predominantly used Asian models. To some extent, this reflects the attraction to new Western styles among young Chinese females; trendy in Chinese is ―yangqii,‖ which literally means ―foreign-style‖ (Richburg 2010). Further, some Chinese apparel manufacturers use Western models in attempts to indicate global appeal. On the other hand, an alternative explanation for the massive usage of Western models is more ideological in nature, in that more non-traditional (edgy) appeals are seen as less appropriate for Chinese models. Shih (2007) noted that, in colonial India and early 20th century China, Westernized women were condemned by male nationalist narratives as being like prostitutes. A case in point is the increasing use of beefcake appeals in China. On one hand, the emphasis on an enlarged male body may be seen as consistent with the wu tradition, but nude male displays are contrary to traditional conservative values. Thus, Western male models have found job opportunities in Chinese advertising. Richburg (2010) quotes one such model: ―they really like muscle here, and there‘s not a lot of it.‖ For instance, the rippling muscles and exposed upper half of the man‘s nude buttocks in the Chanel Bleu advertisement in Figure 1 may be quite shocking to older Chinese. In traditional Chinese culture, such revealing looks were considered inappropriate. Similarly, the Sephora Cologne ad shown in Figure 2 displays a somewhat brutish Western male with his bared and muscular chest and smoldering eyes dazzling a sparsely-clothed and seductively-posed Western female apparently attracted to him by the power of his cologne. This type of appeal is common in advertising directed to men (sports advertising) in the US (Gentry and Harrison 2010). At the other extreme, the male models in Figures 3 and 4 show a more feminized male. In the ad in Figure 3, the model with the pouty lips and carefully mussed hair, stares at the viewer from a pose that resembles many of the classic beauty female appeals in the same Chinese magazines (Fowler 2012). In another ad (Figure 4), the model is placed in a much more feminine role with his male purse and carefully lounged pose, positioned so that he reveals his bare ankle. He demonstrates typical female gaze (Oswald 2010) as he is looking away. Further, the Purse represents the metaphorical cornucopia of the evolving male identity, as the Wallet has become too limited to hold the paraphernalia of the new masculinity. Thus, as Wang (2003) noted, there is still a role for delicate masculinity in China. There is evidence supporting the existence of the ―Shanghai husband‖ as well. For instance, the man in the Chow Tai jewelry ad in Figure 5 is shown drying his wife‘s hair after apparently having given her a necklace. The man is willingly and lovingly showing his gentle care through drying his wife‘s hair, consistent with the ad‘s slogan, ―He loves to adore her, and she loves to be adored.‖ An even more extreme portrayal of the Shanghai husband is shown in the Elle ad in Figure 6, where the husband is bathing his sons and all three males are

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gazing at the mother, who is staring into the distance. The woman in this ad is depicted as a dominant urbanite housewife who demands her husband‘s attention and support for housework, such as bathing the children. The wife/mother is oblivious to her surrounding and her preoccupation elsewhere is drawing the attention of the males in the family. Any subservience evident in these two ads is shown by the males, not by the females. These ads are consistent with Zhong‘s (2000) belief that Chinese men have been weakened by the ideological battles in the CCP‘s power structure. Zhong (2000) referred to this phenomenon asyinshengyangshuai (or the prosperity of the feminine and the decline of the masculine), a public perception that emerged after the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976).

Figure 5. Husband Providing Special Care to His Wife.

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On the other hand, the Mandarin Court ad in Figure 7 displays a very patriarchal perspective of the Chinese family. The grandfather is seated and his wife and children stand around him, watching his grandson select an object on the table to indicate the nature of his future occupation. Deference to the senior male sitting on the chair reflects the high level of respect shown by the family. At the same time, the image shows a blending of East and West fashion, with the senior male in traditional Chinese clothes but the next generation in Western dress in keeping with the copy which roughly translates to ―every generation is unique to its era.‖ The blending of three generations may reflect the cultural ideology of seeking harmony between Eastern and Western fashion culture, and between the traditional generation and the generation who grew up during or after the Cultural Revolution. Most of the ads shown heretofore demonstrate either wen or wu perspectives. But some advertisements blend the two. The VW Touareg advertisement in Figure 8 shows the vehicle as unifying the older gentleman on the left and the younger, more active males on the right. The man on the left is dressed well and is standing in front of a palace, possibly belonging to him. The younger men are dressed in car racing togs and mountain climbing gear, respectively. Jankowiak (2002) argued that ―new men‖ in China embody excellence and success and, as such, stand in direct opposition to previous ideologies which held high government officials and college professors in greater esteem. The reversal of fortunes has resulted in businessmen, apparently even Western ones, being perceived much like scholars have traditionally been viewed.

Figure 7. Traditional Wen Portrayal of Aging Male Status.

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Figure 8. Wen and Wu Positionings of the VW Touareg.

Thus, we see the high status individual being portrayed as a businessman. Clearly the implication is that the Touareg is very appropriate either for the high status gentleman (wen) or for the more active, outdoorsy younger men (wu). The Outlander advertisement in Figure 9 displays a similar blending of wen and wu, with the interesting twist that the same man, a famous Chinese movie actor, is shown in both roles. The sport coat image fits with the urban skyline in the background as does the man‘s pose which is confident and stern, while the casual leather look and the more pensive, distracted expression and pose fits the more rugged outdoor terrain in the foreground. The car is being promoted as a good fit with both one‘s wen and wu orientations. This display of different male identities with the same model may reflect Fowler‘s (2012) argument that the context, clothes, and poses are essential to the gender roles that models display in fashion advertisements. The final advertisement, in Figure 10, shows two nerdy (apparently related) males hiking in the outdoors. Their glasses give them a scholarly look, as one might expect from a Lenscrafters‘ advertisement. However, it appears that their wen orientations are much better established than their wu ones, as they do not appear to be comfortable in their adventures. Overall, there are a wide variety of male portrayals appearing in ads in Chinese magazines. Many are consistent with Western male portrayals, but the advertisements discussed above offer alternative portrayals that can be explained through the use of a cultural lens. The many variations of masculinity portrayed in current Chinese advertising may be confusing to some, but the cultural traditions concerning masculinity in China provide a buffer to the extent of the turmoil faced by young Chinese males.

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Figure 9. Same Model in Wen and Wu Positioning of the Outlander.

Figure 10. Wen and Quasi Wu Portrayal.

INDIAN MASCULINITY As noted earlier, India is a masculine country as indicated by Hofstede‘s ratings. Kulkarni (2001) noted that Indian male response to growing global feminism has often involved indifference, if not obvious hostility. The preference for sons, as evidenced in the

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unnaturally high ratio of male to female births in several regions of the country, supports the existence of male privilege in India. Further, the Manusmrti, the most important and earliest work in the textual tradition of Hinduism, states that women are to be protected by [and subservient to] their fathers in childhood, their husbands in their youth, and their sons in their old age. However, Kulkarni (2001) also noted the notion of Indian masculinity still awaits exploration. Indian philosophy represents creation in terms of the Person (Purusa—literally the male person) and Nature (Prakiti—which is feminine). It is understood that the male holds the spirit, character, and seed, the female nature is just matter, and their union gives rise to the universe. It is said that without the earth (female), the male is inactive and powerless, though the quality of the progeny depends only on the quality of the seed. In some ways, this historical relationship between males and females seems similar to the Yin/Yang dynamics in Chinese society. A second influence of the evolution of masculinity in India was the British colonialization. Connell (1995, p. 213) noted that aggression and militarism have formed an integral part of British hegemonic masculinity, and the British tended to view Indians as somewhat effeminate, as 40,000 British soldiers were able to control a population of 130 million. Certainly they viewed different groups of Indians separately. Their allies, the Sikhs, were ―martial,‖ as they strong were both physically and morally. The Shivaji and Marathas, though, were not similarly respected because, while they were able warriors, they were seen as morally lax (Banerjee 2003). One group which suffered possibly the most (in terms of masculinity) was the Bengali population, in part due to the East India Company being headquartered in Calcutta. The colonial administration was faced with the accommodation of a growing number of Western-educated Bengali clerks (babus) within the existing administrative and political structure without threatening the exclusive rights and privileges to which generations of colonial officials had grown accustomed (Sinha 1995). To some extent, Bengalis, like the Chinese, preferred the practice of cognitive activities like art, science, and literature, and such intellectuals have been sometimes pejoratively referred to as ―effeminate.‖ Additionally, the Nationalism movement among Indians, as has been true historically across such movements (Connell 1995), promoted a hegemonic masculinity characterized by violence, aggression, and militarism. Thus, the image of a physically strong warrior became central to some visions of the modern Hindu nation (Banerjee 2003, 2005). This nationalism played a major role in India‘s protectionist economic policies prior to the last two decades. While India is still relatively protectionist in terms of tariffs and regulations concerning foreign ownership (especially in big box retail), its economy has moved greatly in those two decades to join that of the rest of the world. Thus, while nationalism is still very evident, it is not as strong as had been previously, reducing the need for macho perceptions of expected male behaviour.

ANALYSES OF CHANGING MASCULINITY AS OBSERVED IN INDIAN ADS Srivastava (2007) noted that young Indian men, in contrast to previous generations, are now favouring muscularity and devoting time and money to build their bodies. They are certainly encouraged in the marketplace to emphasize grooming. Commercials like those for

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―Set-Wet‖ Deos and Gels are prioritizing more and more the imperative for a male to become ―sexy,‖ a quality previously reserved for members of the ―fairer‖ sex. In this regard and in the Indian setting, ―Axe Deos‖ can definitely be looked on as a pioneer. The male body is showcased in the male undergarment segment, now widely advertised on TV in a form that serves to titillate feminine senses. Two undergarment ads from different time periods are analysed in the Indian context. Figure 11A shows a much debated commercial created in the early 1980s. In a suggestive gesture, the sparingly clad man defeats the villain and takes over the damsel. The protagonist plays a classic Hero, who wins the object of desire by defeating the opposition. Muscle power or muscularity is made redundant and masculinity is powerful, legitimate, unhindered, stoic, and unpretentious in taking control.

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Figure 11 A. 1980s Indian Ad for Male Underwear.

Figure 11 B. More Recent Indian Ad for Male Underwear.

In the Figure 11A the suggestive presence of the car is also deserving of attention. In the 1980s, cars were objects of desire (more so if they were of foreign origin, like the one in the ad) and yet looked down upon as a means of power. This power was usually wielded by people having dubious reputations (smugglers or enemies of the country, for example). In the

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perspective of a Jungian archetype, ―…a car …usually feminized ... can become the focus of many men‘s animal projections‖ (von Franz 1964, p. 183). The contrast is well-pronounced in the 2008 ad in Figure 11B for the same brand. The model showcases passion, interest, and desire; here masculinity is narrated in a poetry of muscles, ordered to perfection, and confined to the aesthetic grace of choreographed gestures. In the former case, the man is a ―doer,‖ who in a time span of a little more than 20 years, has now metamorphosed into a ―directed‖ figure, trapped inside passive images of an objectified and marketable spectacle. Just as displays of the male body are seen increasingly in the West, Indian film heroes are shown in a variety of body poses. Amitabh Bacchan, believed to be the living legend of the Hindi film industry and a major screen actor, could be taken as an example (Figure 12A). He was never one to show and develop his muscles during his prime time days spanning the 1970s and 1980. However, there was never any question of his not being accepted as ―the male.‖ He was symbolic of a rebellious masculinity, as his masculinity was largely legitimised through the rhetoric of aggression and his winning his fight against the developing world realities of poverty and corruption that plague the everyday lives of commoners. An entirely different case study would be that of Amir Khan (shown in Figure 12B) who initially appealed because of his ―chocolate hero‖ looks [a film expression describing a young, fresh-faced hero specializing in romantic roles; such males were frequently portrayed on boxes of chocolates], but later was transformed into a ―hunk‖ – an image which greatly pleased the audience. In another example (Figure 13), the polished and suave image represents distinctive standards of masculinity that are subtle and restrained. However, there has yet to be a compromise with the new hegemonic commercial values that do not want to view him as supremely powerful and rebellious. This can be seen as a direct result of the evolution of marketing efforts to sell the ―New Man‖ (Mort 1996). The idea was subsequently relegated off the stage in the early 2000s by a marketized species called ―Metrosexual Men‖ (Simpson 1994). This was because market forces created the standards of ―being a man‖ and the masses willingly submitted to this new, apparently attractive concept – which in turn gave rise to a potentially profitable market.

Figure 12 A. Amitabh Bacchan, Indian Male Film Star of the 70s and 80s.

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Figure 12 B. Amir Kahn, Indian Film Star after His Macho Transformation.

Figure 13. ―Modern Man‖ as Represented in Recent Indian Ad.

Figure 14 features a photograph of a white man and woman on a fashionoriented/upmarket street with the man using a [Nokia] phone. ―Catwalk the Power Corridors‖ reads the copy, which is an oblique innuendo for the phone‘s ability to marry ―catwalk/modelling‖ with ―power,‖ apparently standing for style and success. The man is busy with a phone and holding onto the lady with ease and élan. Physically, the appearance is of a man in his early thirties – with a not very prepossessing appearance, squarish, with a receding hairline, but exuding confidence all the same. The woman (with a distinctly nonIndian appearance) gazes timorously at a woman who is glancing lasciviously towards her

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man. She looks positively scared – in total contrast to the confident outlook of the other woman. It seems she is not secure with her companion and is grasping the man‘s left arm. The ad could represent a portrait of a male-female couple with the addition of another female peering at them from behind. This presence could be read in several ways. The man [at least in Indian perspective] has a successful appearance (e.g., he is wearing a suit) and it expresses the man‘s cultural capital in the field of middle-class consumer culture. The visible femininity of his girlfriend further reinforces this perception of self-efficacy. It is, however, important to take note of the role played by the second lady. She is quietly stalking the man, and appears just as confident, matter-of-fact, independent as the male, but carefully sceptical. This latter point is of supreme importance; she is not clinging onto a man, yet is in a position to compete, and she has no hesitation in ―gazing‖ intensely at him. Her presence is felt, indicating that a bigger drama is in the offing. This ad stands out for its representation of a silent, yet, inverted gaze, and suggests a reordering of limits within the male discourse.

Figure 14. Male Role in Terms of Changing Female Context.

The image appears to invert, or perhaps expand, the object of the gaze. Handheld devices like the cell phone [a pistol-like symbol?] could be representative or an embodiment of power, control, and even pride. These are characteristics usually linked to men, revealing, reflecting, and reinforcing masculine attributes of power and arrogance. In this ad, the phone plays a dual role − underlining the character of a self-confident man as well as connecting him to the evolving female roles, which, in turn, would determine tomorrow‘s male identity. Thus, the new femininity embodies transformation of the masculine identity. This silent narrative embodies catharsis of the consuming male: confident, rational, and sophisticated. Mulvey (1975) discussed the ―male gaze‖ in detail, establishing its ubiquity in the movie industry. Jacobson (1999) noted that there is little evidence to support the existence of a ―female gaze.‖ Smith (2003) attributed women‘s traditional hesitance to objectify the male (and especially male nudity) to their emotional and psychological make-ups. However, she

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finds in her investigation of For Women (a British magazine similar to Playgirl in terms of showing male frontal nudity) that some women are starting to sexualize males. Thus, the female gaze from the ―other‖ woman in the Nokia ad may be seen to represent an expression of her ―control‖ over the male in the picture. Further insight is revealed in an assessment of an Indian TV commercial. This commercial is in a combination of Indian English and Hindi for a certain brand of cooking oil, largely targeted to middle-class parents above 40 years. The plot unfolds presumably on ―Students‖ Day. Suddenly, as a surprise, the organizing authorities declare a ―Parents Race,‖ in which fathers are to compete. Amidst much fanfare, the race begins. The focal father (slightly out-of-shape) makes a remarkable start, loudly cheered by his 10-year old son (―Yes Papa! You can do it‖). His wife, silent and speechless, stares, brimming with expectation. Her eyes capture the prevailing mood that instantly connects the audience to the unfolding drama. The father leads the race, but fatigue overtakes him, and sounds of labored breathing fill the background. The father fails to complete the race and the narrative ends with the son‘s dreams shattered and the wife stupefied. The hapless father tries to save himself behind the shelter of a contrived excuse about a sudden leg sprain [the son asks, ―You would‘ve surely won, hadn‘t it been for the injury, isn‘t it so?‖]. Leverenz (1986, p. 451) noted the reason that Westerners may see the challenge here to masculine hegemony as traditionally formulated: males‘ real fear ―is not of women but of being ashamed or humiliated in front of other men or being dominated by stronger men.‖ The advertisement tells the story of middle-class masculinity as it exists in present day India. Traditionally, parents have been held in high esteem, with the father being regarded as ―religion and heaven.‖ He was never questioned, as he was assumed to be in possession of and resplendent with the superlative human qualities of a mythological ―Hero.‖ It was probably unimaginable for the generation of middle-class Indians born during the 1970s or 1980s to have provoked their fathers to enter ―races‖ for the sake of their sons. It could further be argued that the ―Race‖ symbolises a constant effort to win in an insatiable urban effort to keep-up-with-time, and always be ahead of others. This thought is somewhat new to Indian culture. Commercials are now valorising the same with utmost ―sincerity‖ (e.g., mothers wanting their sons/daughters to be champions is a very common theme in healthsupplement ads). The pain of loss and a desperate attempt to hide himself from the expectant eyes of his son and his wife leave the man confused and seeking for an identity that his father would never have considered. This need to reconcile failure is a completely new challenge to the role of the Indian father. The portrayal of men in Indian advertising appears to be based on the premise that male roles in society are changing. Men are being objectified and even have been ridiculed to some extent. The impact of these changes on changing masculinity and the way men adjust to that are yet to be observed.

CONCLUSION This paper has described the nature of changing masculinity globally through interpretations of role and cultural contexts as represented in ads. The method adopted here has also been used recently by Oswald (2010), using multiple observers and frequent discussion among them. We attempted, through the analysis of Chinese and Indian

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advertisements, to support Miller‘s (2001) contention that consumer culture changes take place worldwide. The masculine hegemony of yesterday where masculinity was largely defined as the avoidance of homosexuality and of anything feminine is now less evident in Chinese and Indian societies. Unfortunately, in the U.S. it might be more evident in advertising targeted to men than in American society in general (Gentry and Harrison 2010). Our approach was to use current Chinese and Indian advertising to serve as a ―picture album of society‖ (Belk and Pollay 1985) to demonstrate the changing nature there. Given the dominance of the Consumer Research literature by North Americans and Western Europeans, this paper presents a relatively unique portrayal of changes occurring in the developing world. Further, it should also be noted that it is necessary to interpret the advertising from an emic perspective. For instance, the Indian cooking oil commercial does not represent much evidence of change when viewed from a Western perspective. A father sees himself as a Manof-Action Hero (Holt and Thompson, 2004) and finds that his athletic days are behind him, as his initial show of prowess turns into a humiliating failure to finish. Western middle-aged men can relate to such demonstrations of the effects of the aging process. However, as noted in our analyses, the ad represents a strong discontinuity in the Indian context. Indian fathers traditionally have been above the need to demonstrate their prowess, as a son‘s respect was already culturally dictated. In China, the theoretical basis of masculinity rests on the expression of the dyad Wen-Wu. The ideal of wen-wu has been reflected not only in scholarly research but also Chinese fiction and novels. However, the ideal of wen-wu may not capture all possible types of male identities as masculinity may be intricately tied to class and gender (Louie 2000). For instance, as the linkages between gender role and power were shaken by Western values in China (Louie 2000), the masculine images of male body have appeared in a variety of forms (e.g., high social status gentleman, outdoorsy men, feminine male, family oriented men, and nerdy males) in social media. As such, at a micro level, our study extends the theory of wenwu dyads and provides a research foundation for the various types of masculinity through a cultural lens. Contrary to Connell (1987)‘s theory that advertising representations tend to lead men to pursue hyper-masculine ideals, the Chinese market system allows a multiplicity of masculine gender displays. In addition, our glimpse of male and product class portrayals in Chinese advertising indicated that the products embedded in the ads tend to be a mixture of typical male products (e.g., cars, gym equipment) and feminine products (e.g., perfumes, lotions), and this mixture may be a signifier of the different male identities in contemporary Chinese culture. Thus, there is a need to further examine the relationship between product class and masculinity displays in advertising. Changing masculinity is clearly evident globally, and we agree with Patterson and Elliott‘s (2002, p. 241) conclusion that hegemonic masculinity is changing in order to maintain its privileged position. At the same time, these changes may not be immediately obvious to Western researchers when observed in nonWestern settings. Masculinity varies across cultures, as do its multiple forms. Further, the changing natures of hegemonic masculinity also vary across cultures. Scholars globally need to investigate these changes in far more depth so that a more unified global perspective is generated.

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Nixon, Sean (1992), ―Have You Got the Look? Masculinities and the Shopping Spectacle,‖ in R. Shields (Ed.), Lifestyle Shopping: The Subjection of Consumption, London: Routledge: 149-169. Oswald, Laura R. (2010), ―Marketing Hedonics Toward a Psychoanalysis of Advertising Response,‖ Journal of Marketing Communication, 16 (#3), 107-131. Patterson, Maurice and Richard Elliott (2002), ―Negotiating Masculinities: Advertising and the Inversion of the Male Gaze,‖ Consumption, Markets and Culture, 7 (3), 231-246. Richburg, Keith B. (2010), ―Foreign Models Flock to China,‖ The Washington Post, January 2. Salzman, M., I. Matathia, and A.O‘Reilly (2005), The Decline of Men, New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Schroeder, Jonathan E. and Detlev Zwick (2004), ―Mirrors of Masculinity: Representations and Identity in Advertising Images,‖ Consumption, Markets and Culture, 7 (1), 21-52. Shih, Shu-Mei (2007), Visuality and Identity: Sinophone Articulations Across the Pacific, Berkeley: University of California Press. Simpson, M. (1994), ―Here Comes the Mirror Men: Meterosexual Men,‖ The Independent, 15, November 2. Sinha, Mrinalini (1995), Colonial Masculinity: The „Manly Englishman‟ and the „Effeminate Bengali‟ in the late Nineteenth Century, Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press. Srivastava, S. (2007), ―Indian Masculinity,‖ in M. Flood, J.K. Gardiner, B. Peace, and K. Pringle (Eds.), International Encyclopedia of Men and Masculinities, London: Routledge, 329-331. Smith, C. (2003), ―Fellows in Fully Frontal Frolics: Naked Men in For Women Magazine, Paragraph, 26 (March/July), 134-146. Thompson, J. and K. Fletcher (2005), ―Leo Burntett Sheds Light on Global Male Identity Crises and New Man Study,‖ www.leoburnett.com/manstudy/contact/htm (consulted October 15, 2007). Von Franz, W.L. (1964), ―The Process of Individuation,‖ in C.G. Jung (Ed.), Man and His Symbols, New York: Windfall Books, 158-229. Wang, Yiyan (2003), ―Mr. Butterfly in Defunct Capital: ‗Soft‘ Masculinity and (Mis)engendering China,‖ in Kam Louie and Morris Low (Eds.), Asian Masculinities: The Meaning and Practice of Manhood in China and Japan, London: Routledge, 41-58. Wetherell, Margaret and Nigel Edley (1999), ―Negotiating Hegemonic Masculinity: Imaginary Positions and Psycho-Discursive Practices,‖ Femininism and Pyschology, 9,335-356. Wu, Cuncun (2003), ―‘Beautiful Boys Made Up as Beautiful Girls‘: Anti-masculine Taste in Qing China,‖ in Kam Louie and Morris Low (Eds.), Asian Masculinities: The Meaning and Practice of Manhood in China and Japan, London: Routledge, 19-38. Xhao, Xin and Russell W. Belk (2008), ―Politicizing Consumer Culture: Advertising‘s Appreciation of Political Ideology in China‘s Social Transition,‖ Journal of Consumer Research, 35, 231-244. Zhong, Xueping (2000), Masculinity Besieged? Duke University Press, London.

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Chapter 5

MULAN AND WESTERN MILITARY MOTHERS: THE WARRIOR MYTH OF EQUALITY Nancy Taber Brock University, Ontario, Canada

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ABSTRACT Despite the multitude of ways in which men and women enact gender, the increasing amount of women in non-traditional work roles, and the growing number of women represented as active heroines in popular culture, stereotypes of men and women still abound. This chapter connects fairy tales and popular culture to the lives of female military members by exploring how the Disney Mulan character interrelates with the life histories of western military women who are mothers. Both Mulan and the military mothers can be perceived as exceptions to gendered stereotypes due to their success in military contexts. However, a closer analysis suggests that, instead of demonstrating women's equality with men, their representations and experiences exhibit a complex relationship in that they are each still constrained by societal expectations of gender norms. In this chapter, after briefly discussing the concepts of masculinities and femininities, I explore how, despite a few notable exceptions, fairy tales and popular culture too often rely on the myth of handsome male heroes rescuing beautiful young female victims from violent situations. Next, my argument turns to a feminist discourse analysis of the Disney movies Mulan and Mulan II, exploring how they connect to findings from research about western military mothers. I conclude with a discussion of the implications of these interconnections, exploring how western society continues to be pervaded with stereotypical representations and expectations that must be recognized, problematized, and challenged in ongoing ways.

INTRODUCTION Despite the multitude of ways in which men and women enact gender, the increasing amount of women in non-traditional work roles, and the growing number of women

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represented as active heroines in popular culture, stereotypes of men and women still abound, even though they may have become more subtle. As I was preparing this chapter, a daughter of a friend informed me that she had previously done an analysis of Mulan for one of her school assignments. She was very critical of the gendered nature of Mulan in her essay, but was told by her teacher that, if she had paid more attention, she would have realized that it was actually a feminist movie. Ironically, it is the teacher in this instance who should have paid more attention, to understand that Mulan is a movie that, while ostensibly demonstrating equality for women in a postfeminist way, actually illustrates that equality is still a myth, particularly for women in non-traditional roles. Although women in these roles, and Mulan, for that matter, do have successes, they are still largely viewed as exceptions who are constrained by the fact that they are women. This chapter uses a feminist discourse analysis that demonstrates that my friend's daughter was closer to the truth than her teacher. My point in beginning with this anecdote is not to vilify her teacher, nor anyone else who views Mulan as a feminist example, but to problematize how this character, and similar representations in popular culture, actually work to continue to marginalize women. This chapter connects fairy tales and popular culture to the lives of female military members by exploring how the Disney movies Mulan and Mulan II interrelate with the life histories of western military women who are also mothers. Both the character Mulan and the military mothers can be perceived as exceptions to gendered stereotypes due to their success in military contexts. However, a closer analysis suggests that, instead of demonstrating women's equality with men, their representations and experiences exhibit a complex relationship; they are each still constrained by societal expectations as relates to Connell's (2005) concepts of hegemonic masculinity and emphasized femininity. In this chapter, after briefly discussing masculinities and femininities as described by Connell (2005) and Paechter (2003, 2006), I explore how fairy tales and popular culture too often rely on the myth of handsome male heroes rescuing beautiful young female victims from violent situations (Baker-Sperry & Grauerholz, 2003; Haase, 2004a; Taber, 2009a, Zipes, 1989). Next, my argument turns to a feminist discourse analysis (Lazar, 2005a) of the Disney movies Mulan and Mulan II, exploring how they connect to findings from research about western military mothers (Taber, 2005, 2009b, 2011). I conclude with a discussion of the implications of these interconnections, exploring how western society continues to be pervaded with stereotypical representations and expectations that must be recognized, problematized, and challenged in ongoing ways.

FEMININITIES, MASCULINITIES, AND DISNEY'S FAIRY TALES The theoretical framework for this chapter builds from Connell's (2005) discussion of hegemonic masculinity and emphasized femininity as well as Paechter's (2003, 2006) approach to masculinities and femininities. Briefly, Connell argues that there are specific forms of masculinity and femininity that are privileged over others. These forms are temporal, cultural, and geospatial; they are not constant and invariable but are complex and adaptive. However, currently, the forms of hegemonic masculinity that are privileged in contemporary western society most often prescribe that men be tough, strong, and independent, while those of emphasized femininity, in concomitant contrast, most often prescribe that women be sweet,

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vulnerable, and dependent. Importantly, these are not the forms that people necessarily enact, but they are often held up as standards and expectations. Paechter's (2006) work focuses on the multiplicities of masculinities and femininities that humans do perform, stating that "Once we understand that not all masculinities are entirely masculine, or femininities feminine, we may be able to think of ourselves as humans who construct our identities in various ways, some of which are related to ideal typical forms of masculinity and femininity, and some of which are not" (p. 262). She, like Butler (1990/1999) argues that sex and gender have become far too conflated with one another, and that what is considered masculine should not be tied to a male body, and that what is considered feminine should not be tied to a female one. Nonetheless, certain norms do work to restrict certain forms of gender performance. For instance, women do work in non-traditional roles, but they continue to be in the minority and face gendered challenges in occupations as diverse as airline piloting (Mills, 2002), academia (Gouthro, 2002; Pillay, 2009), engineering in general (Walker, 2001) as well as in the oil industry specifically (Miller, 2004), mining (Eveline & Booth, 2002), peacekeeping (Mazurana, 2003), and police work (Prokos & Padavic, 2002). This is particularly so in the military, wherein hegemonic forms of masculinity are privileged that position heterosexual White men as strong heroes (Basham, 2009; Duncanson, 2009; Higate, 2003; Kronsell, 2005; Lahelma, 2005) with women typically othered, whether they are military members or not (Enloe, 2007; Feinman, 2000; Harrison, 2002; Taber, 2005, 2009a, 2009b, 2011). As these organizational gendered norms interrelate with broader societal ones, it can be "difficult to view stereotyping as such" (Taber, 2009a, p. 125) within the organizations themselves and in popular culture. As Taber (2009a) found with respect to children's books created for the children of Canadian military members, they are "infused with elements found in popular culture and children's literature that tend to normalize war and encourage patriotism; represent girls as passive and women as wives, victims, or token soldiers; and, portray men as warrior protectors" (p. 135). Furthermore, these representations have an effect on everyday life. Zipes (1994) explains that "consciously and unconsciously we weave the narratives of myth and folk tale into our daily existence‖ (p. 4); "one comes across fairy tale motifs everywhere" (Zipes, 2002a, p. 118; see also Preston, 2004, for a discussion of fairy tales in popular culture jokes, movies, reality shows, and internet sites). Despite the wide variety of folk and fairy tales that exist, "in North America a woman's experience of fairy tales relied on Grimm and Disney, whose tales did evince a paucity of active heroines" (Haase, 2004b, p. 26) with a "Disney-like uniformity [that] reproduces and sells itself internationally by turning the fairy tale into a standard values-and-dreams package" (Bacchilega, 1997, p. 143). Zipes (2002a) explains how: The reception of folk and fairy tales in the Western world (and to a great extent throughout the world) has been heavily influenced by the Disney corporation and other similar conglomerates so that most people have preconceived notions of what a fairy tale is and should be. The media rely on our heavy exposure to conventional images to suggest in every manner and form that Disney-like utopias are ones which we should all strive to construct in reality, and, if that were not enough, we even have concrete Disneylands as blueprints for our imagination to show that they can be constructed (Zipes, 2002a, pp. 117, 118).

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Furthermore, the Disney "characters are stereotypes" (Zipes, 1994, p. 94) as "the diversion of the Disney fairy tale is geared toward nonreflective viewing. Everything is on the surface, one-dimensional, and we are to delight in one-dimensional portrayal and thinking, for it is adorable, easy, and comforting in its simplicity" (p. 95). With respect to Mulan specifically, it is an eastern legend that has been retold according to the western values of Disney in fairy tale format. "When we speak of fairy tales, we seem to mean several things at once: tales that include elements of folk tradition and magical or supernatural elements, tales that have a certain, predictable structure" (Harries, 2001, p. 6). Mulan the movie has these characteristics as it derives from a folk tale, includes supernatural elements in the form of the spirits of the ancestors and Mushu the dragon, and has a storyline that unfolds in conventional ways. At the beginning of the first movie, Mulan is shown to be hopeless in the area of attracting a husband, thereby dishonouring her family, and deciding to join the army to take the place of her injured father, a war veteran. She pretends she is a man named Ping by cross-dressing, saves the army from attack and is called a hero, but is then exposed as a woman and again marked as dishonourable. Although she is left behind, Mulan follows the army, warns them of an enemy attack, is once again viewed as heroic, and falls in love with General Shang, declining a seat on the Emperor's Council in order to return home. In the second movie, she accepts Shang's proposal of marriage and joins him in a journey to deliver three princesses for arranged marriages that are intended to strengthen an alliance. The plot revolves around the importance of duty and heart, with Shang representing the former and Mulan the latter. In the end, the princesses and Mulan marry for love. The movies are without a doubt westernized and, although set in the Han dynasty, written for a contemporary audience, making them well-positioned to explore in relation to contemporary western military mothers. As seems clear from the conversation of the directors and producers in relation to certain deleted scenes (see discussion below), their decisions were based on making the movies "better" in order to sell them to an audience, not based on historical or cultural accuracy. Dong (2006) argues that Mulan has moved from "the heroine of a 'national' folk ballad into a transnational character" (Dong, 2006, p. 220) who is "a commercial fantasy of the 'other' produced by Disney" (Dong, 2006, p. 228). The movies are a prime example of not only the "Americanization" of fairy tales (Zipes, 2002b), but connections between folk tales, fairy tales, larger popular culture representations and trends, as well as societal gendered discourses.

METHODOLOGY This research uses feminist critical discourse analysis (Lazar, 2005a) to explore representations of the main character of Mulan in Disney's Mulan (Coats, Bancroft, & Cook, 1998) and Mulan II (Blohm, Rooney, & Southerland, 2004) as connected to research about western military mothers (Taber, 2005, 2009b, 2011). In particular, it explores how the experiences of two military women participants from a life history research project help to inform an understanding of Mulan, and vice versa. The research on western military mothers took the form of a life history (Cole & Knowles, 2001), exploring how the participants' lives were connected to the organizational context and culture of military organizations, focusing on the gendered implications (Taber,

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2011). The themes that emerged from that research were: men are men, women are girls; women can do anything but must work twice as hard or must work in traditional roles; "you better not get pregnant while you‘re here": women must choose between career and family; and, military as a family that demands you give up control of your life for the national interest. This chapter uses the life history research as an analytical bridge to a feminist discourse analysis of not only Mulan, but how Mulan, as a popular culture artefact, can help inform understandings of the ways in which western society not only views military women, but how it influences their experiences. Feminist critical discourse analysis focuses on "how gender ideology and gendered representations of power are (re)produced, negotiated and contested in representations of social practices, in social relationships between people, and in people's social and personal identities in text and talk" (Lazar, 2005b, p. 11). It explores both overt meanings as well as the "less obvious, nuanced and implicit meanings for the subtle and complex renderings of ideological assumptions and power relations in contemporary societies" (Lazar, 2005b, p. 13). In so doing, feminist discourse analysis recognizes the complexity of representations and experiences of gender; they are typically not straight-forward but are often contradictory. For instance, Lazar (2005a) uses the concept of "dual discourses" (p. 140) to explore how "two apparently contending discourses, namely the discourse of egalitarian gender relations and the discourse of conservative gender relations" can operate together, arguing that they, "while indicative of contemporary social changes and tensions in gender relations, also contribut[e] to the remaking of the hegemonic hetero-normative gender order to fit in with the changing times" (Lazar, 2005a, p. 140). In other words, gendered discourses are resilient and adaptive, often simultaneously challenging traditional notions of gender and supporting them. This chapter explores how contending discourses of equality and marginalization are present in the representations of Mulan and the experiences of western military women. There were many possible choices of fairy tale/popular culture characters from which to choose for this research. Mulan was chosen because she is a girl/woman who, as a main character, must hide who she truly is to engage in what is considered a man's world. As a female, she is in the minority and must interact with males in a military organization, acquiescing to certain expectations of norms and behaviours in a bureaucratic hierarchy. The intent is to focus on Mulan in the Disney movies, not Mulan the legend, as the former were very deliberately created from the original to appeal to a contemporary western audience. It is also important to note that folk and fairy tales have continually adapted, with no such thing as a truly original version (Haase, 2004a; Harries, 2001; Zipes, 1999); "all we have are versions of versions, narratives spun and respun for hundreds of years" (Harries, 2001, p. 4), of which Disney's Mulan is one, with a "super heroine modeled on American archetypes" (Dong, 2006, p. 230). As such, the analysis focuses not only on representations of Mulan in the movies, but how some of the Directors' decisions were in themselves gendered, as they decided how to tell the story. Therefore, the content of this updated and westernized tale can help inform an analysis of contemporary military women, who no longer need to cross-dress but are nonetheless constrained by gendered military norms (Enloe, 2007; Feinman, 2000; Taber, 2005, 2009a, 2009b, 2011). In conducting this research, a feminist discourse analysis was conducted on the Mulan movies, including the bonus features with particular attention to the deleted scenes. Then, the findings were mapped onto modified themes from the life history research with military mothers, focusing on the experiences of the two participants (Kathy and Victorine) who were

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in operational roles (as opposed to support ones), with some collapsing of themes. It should be noted that the aim of this chapter is not to re-present the results from the life history research, but to use the themes as an analytical frame for the feminist discourse analysis of the Mulan movies. The results demonstrate the strong interconnections between Mulan, a legendary character in popular culture, and the experiences of contemporary western military women. Movie quotations in the next section are marked by the movie title (Mulan or Mulan II) from which they were transcribed.

FINDINGS The findings from the research of both the Mulan movies and the life histories of military mothers point to the complex ways in which girls and women are both empowered and marginalized. For Mulan, girls can act in what have been traditionally considered male roles only if they cross-dress and literally pretend to be male in order to earn respect. For Kathy and Victorine, taking on male roles often forced them to act (and even dress, in masculine uniforms) like a man, where it could be argued they were figuratively pretending they were male. For all three, characters and real women, they had to meet standards that were higher than those of men, but were marked as women who differed from men and should put their respective nation's interests first. In this section, after introducing brief background on Kathy and Victorine, I will discuss how the character of Mulan connects to the themes present in the real lives of Kathy and Victorine:

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men are men, women are girls who must prove themselves women must give up control of their lives for the national interest, choosing between career (duty) and family (heart)

Both Kathy and Victorine come from small town working class backgrounds and joined the military straight out of high school. They had little understanding of military life but were attracted to serve by what they perceived as the excitement of the military (which was largely informed by popular culture representations), a paid university education, and job security. They were eager to see more of the world than their home towns and take advantage of life opportunities that they military could give them. Kathy and Victorine both served in occupations which were almost entirely filled by men and deployed overseas as part of their jobs. They enjoyed their life in the military, acknowledging its many benefits and feeling pride at serving their country, but also felt marginalized due to their status as women. In particular, they discussed how being a woman in a man's organization became more difficult once they became mothers as their bodies and personal responsibilites became more overtly associated with femininity than masculinity, marking them as different and therefore deficient. Mulan also comes from a small town (village), joined the military with little knowledge of military life, and made her decision not for service to her nation per se, but (unlike Kathy and Victorine) to take the place of her father. Mulan served with all men in combat and is proud of what she accomplished before it is discovered that she is female. She then has difficulty separating herself from domestic obligations and a traditional female role.

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MEN ARE MEN, WOMEN ARE GIRLS This theme encapsulates how men are viewed as hegemonically masculine men who are tough heroic protectors while women are viewed as emphasized feminine girls who are attractive, subservient, and dependent (Connell, 2005). It is also entangled with notions of honour. For Mulan, honour for girls is tied to beauty, family, and marriage; her beauty, like that of most Disney fairy tale princesses, is a "means of social control" (Baker-Sperry & Grauerholz, 2003, p. 723) that restricts women's actions. The values that girls should enact are being "Quiet and demure ... graceful, polite, delicate, refined, poised... punctual" in order to "bring honour to us all" by "striking a good match" (Mulan). Additionally, by acting as a proper woman, "boys will gladly go to war for you" (Mulan); honour for boys is tied to fighting and dying for the country, propping up the war system with women's femininity and men's heroism (Enloe, 2007). However, Mulan's meeting with the matchmaker is a disaster, who tells her, "You may look like a bride, but you will never bring your family honor!" (Mulan), highlighting the fact that the only way for girls to obtain honour is through a proper marriage. Boys, on the other hand, are to: "Be a man... swift as a coursing river...With all the force of a great typhoon...With all the strength of a raging fire...Mysterious as the dark side of the moon" (Mulan). As with Kathy and Victorine, it is perceived that men act one way and "girls" another, with men often trying to protect them, as big brothers protecting little sisters, even though they were perfectly capable of taking care of themselves (Taber, 2011). As the movie continues, Mulan, who was initially told to "hold her tongue in a man's presence" (Mulan), sheds her femininity in order to fit in with the men in the army. As such, she does not need to demonstrate that she is a woman at all; there is no need to balance the masculinity of her role with the femininity of her gender. However, in Mulan II, where she does not hide the fact that she is a woman, there is a new focus on the need for a balance of yin and yang wherein girls are to "be gentle and tough." Instead of being a strong warrior, Mulan is "soft like bamboo. I bend in the wind..It's okay to be afraid" (Mulan II). This is in direct contrast to the soldiers in both movies, where "be a man" (Mulan) is a common refrain and weakness is associated with femininity as General Shang asks, "Did they send me daughters when I asked for sons? You're the saddest bunch I ever met, but you can bet before we're through, mister, I'll make a man out of you" (Mulan). In Mulan II, three perfect princesses fall for three clumsy chauvinistic soldiers who want women who will worship them and cook for them. As the soldiers commiserate when they cannot find a match at the beginning of the movie, "All I asked for was a girl who would worship the dirt I walk on. I simply asked for someone who would cook for me morning, noon and night. And I just wanted a girl who likes to laugh, and thinks I'm a god" (Mulan II). They also joke, "How 'bout a girl who's got a brain, who always speaks her mind? Nah! My manly ways and turn of phrase are sure to thrill her!" (Mulan). The ways in which women are devalued become even clearer after Mulan is revealed as a woman. When no one will listen to her warnings about the invading enemy, she asks Shang, "You said you'd trust Ping. Why is Mulan any different?" (Mulan). Mulan loses her voice to the extent that even Mushu, her guardian, does not hear her. In exasperation, Mulan exclaims, "No one will listen!" Mushu responds, "Huh? Oh, I'm sorry, did you say something?... Hey, you're a girl again, remember?" Mulan's transformation from soldier to girl renders her invisible and voiceless; she is no longer equal. Kathy and Victorine's stories demonstrate how

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they also strived to be accepted. Kathy explained how she wanted to "'not stand out [as different] but be an equal in that organization [the military] and not be seen as a girl...just be seen as another' member'" (Taber, 2011, p. 337). For Mulan, as a girl, the only way to gain honour, once she had lost the chance of a good marriage, was to gain it as a boy. The question then arises, if she had been marriageable, would she ever have joined the army? Kathy and Victorine specifically joined the military to make their own way in the world, but Mulan was much more restricted in her decision. The question of Mulan's options is partially answered in explanation of one of Mulan's deleted scenes, The Betrothal. In the scene, Mulan is successfully set up for an appropriate marriage. However, she appears to resent being assessed as a daughter-in-law with no voice in who she marries. Tony Bancroft, one of the directors, explains how the scene "showed that she wanted to go off to war and join the war for all the wrong reasons, selfish reasons...she didn't want to be part of this world" of domesticity and arranged marriages. "She had to go away for the love that she had for her father who would surely die if she didn't go...most important thing to stress" (Mulan, Bonus Features, Deleted Scenes). From this perspective, it is self-centred for a woman to make decisions for herself; making them for the love of another is the only option. She takes the form of a dutiful daughter (Enloe, 2007), demonstrating "filial piety and loyalty" (Dong, 2006, p. 220). Furthermore, the only reason Mulan is permitted by the filmmakers to join the army is because she is taking the place of her injured father who is no longer able to serve himself; if he were able, presumably there would be no plot. As Taber and Woloshyn (2011) argue in relation to award-winning children's literature, female characters often take on male roles only if males are absent or unable to do so themselves, with disabilities typically viewed in very negative ways. Due to the fact that Mulan uses her brain, not just her (lack of) strength, she is quite successful in the military, demonstrating her prowess as well as saving the entire group. General Shang praises her, stating: "Ping, you are the craziest man I ever met. And for that, I owe you my life. From now on, you have my trust" with another soldier shouting, "Let's hear it for Ping, the bravest of us all!" (Mulan). However, the instant she is exposed as a woman, they forget their accolades and accuse, "I knew there was something wrong with you! A woman! Treacherous snake!" (Mulan). She is then abandoned in disgrace due to her "high treason" and "ultimate dishonour" (Mulan). Similarly, Kathy and Victorine relate how they were relatively successful fitting into the military until the subject of motherhood arose; this was when they were, likewise, exposed as women. Kathy was told "'You better not get pregnant while you're here'" in an operational unit (Taber, 2011, p. 340) and Victorine explained how she was told that "'if you have to take parental leave during your operations tour...sucks to be you'" (p. 341). In both cases, they were viewed, in the terms of Mulan, as dishonourable if they chose being a woman (problematically directly associated with motherhood) over being a military member. Mulan likewise continues to move away from being viewed as a military member when she faces the possibility of being a wife. In a deleted scene for Mulan II entitled Battle Sequence, Mulan and Shang are fighting in a battle with the enemy, winning despite the odds and successfully escaping, with the clear sense that they are working together as equal members of a team. In the final moments of the scene, Shang proposes and Mulan accepts. This scene was replaced with one where Mulan is waiting at home for Shang to return; he gets on bended knee and proposes, with Mulan accepting as she flings herself into his arms. One of the directors/producers states (it is unclear who in particular as no names are given for

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those speaking) that one of the reasons she had liked the deleted scene was that "you got to see Mulan as a real hero but, at a certain point, we're in a room talking about how to make the story better and we realize we have to let go of this scene" (Mulan II, Bonus Features, Deleted Scenes). From the scene that was chosen, it seems clear that making it better means positioning Mulan as a passive, waiting woman (and thus, as someone who fits into emphasized feminine norms, Connell, 2005), not a heroic equal soldier (who, like Shang, fits into hegemonic masculine norms, Connell, 2005), linking to Taber's argument that, in western defence forces, soldiers continue to be constructed as "'real fighters'" (Taber, 2009b, p. 34) in ways that continue to work against women (Taber, 2009b, 2011).

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WOMEN MUST GIVE UP CONTROL OF THEIR LIVES FOR THE NATIONAL INTEREST, CHOOSING BETWEEN CAREER (DUTY) AND FAMILY (HEART) As men are viewed as "real fighters" (Taber, 2009b) in western defence forces and in the Mulan movies, it is women who most often face difficulties when trying to dedicate their lives to the military while caring for a family, as the examples above demonstrate. In Mulan, this is most apparent at the end of the movie when Mulan, after demonstrating her immense capability and value to the nation, is offered a position of importance and influence with the government, much to the consternation of one of the Emperor's Council members. Mulan answers, "With all due respect, your Excellency, I think I've been away from home long enough" (Mulan). Although deciding to return home could certainly be seen as a strength in that Mulan values her family and life in her village, the fact that she turns down the position is presented as a given; it is not a real viable choice which Mulan might actually consider. In this way, although involved in adventures that demonstrate her agency and ability, she is returned to a domestic role in the home, a plot that is quite common in children's literature and popular culture (Dominguez-Rue, 2010; Perez-Valverde, 2009, Waller, 2004), "revealing the transformational and yet deeply conservative nature of American [and western] ideals of feminine strength, sexuality, and agency" (Hager, 2008, p. 62). When Mulan arrives home, she is welcomed by her father but her grandmother remains unimpressed: Mulan: Father! I've brought you the sword of Shan-Yu. And the Crest of the Emperor! They're gifts to honor the Fa Family. Fa Zhou: The greatest gift in honor is having you for a daughter. I've missed you so. Mulan: I've missed you too, Baba. Granny Fa: Huh. She brings home a sword. If you ask me she should've brought home a man! It seems apparent that Mulan is accepted back into the family because she had distinguished herself. As "the penalty is death" (Mulan) for a woman who pretends to be a man in the army, and Mulan only escapes this penalty when discovered due to her earlier heroism because she saved the soldiers' lives, with Shang stating, "a life for a life. My debt is repaid" (Mulan), one wonders what would have happened if she had simply been a capable

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soldier, as opposed to a distinguished one. In order to be accepted back into a life of emphasized femininity, she had to first excel at a complex form of hegemonic masculinity (brave, yet through cleverness, as opposed to brute strength, sometimes drawing on her own womanhood), turning down service to the nation in order to accept service to her family. While Kathy had to outperform the men to even be accepted (Taber, 2011), Mulan had to outperform them in order to escape with her life and return home without dishonour. Once Mulan regained her honour, she is viewed as marriageable and waits eagerly for Shang's marriage proposal. In Mulan II, Mulan and Shang's orders are to transport three of the Emperor's daughters to an ally for an arranged marriage, which creates a plot wherein duty and heart are dichotomized, with Shang arguing for the former and Mulan the latter. The future of the nation is presented as at risk, which can only be protected through marriage. The Emperor states: "I plan to defeat this enemy without the use of force. Instead, we will forge a union so strong, the Mongol hordes won't dare attack" (Mulan II), in order for good (China) to defeat evil (Mongol "hordes"). When Mulan expresses concern, the Emperor states that his daughters "consider it an honour to marry in the cause of peace," leaving no space for dissenting opinions. Nonetheless, Mulan persists, explaining that although she has a "duty is to the mission," she has "another duty to my heart," to which the Emperor replies, in a reference to the first Mulan movie, "Your duty was to stay home, but your heart told you to break the rules" (Mulan II). Here, the heart is co-opted to support war, with Mulan's decision again being attributed to caring for her father, in a gesture of "filial piety and loyalty" (Dong, 2006, p. 220), not to her own desire for adventure (like Kathy and Victorine, who also interestingly were attracted by job security, Taber, 2011) or to escape the confines of her life where she must conform to a feminine beauty ideal (Baker-Sperry & Grauerholz, 2003; Wolf, 2002) and matchmaker standards. The princesses, although ostensibly supporting their father's decision, are heartsick at the idea of marrying strangers, particularly when they begin to fall in love with the three soldiers who are guarding them. They claim that "A princess must make every sacrifice for her country. It's our duty. The life of a princess from her birth is well-defined. She must humbly serve her country, lay the part she's been assigned" (Mulan II). They turn to Mulan for help, asking, "How did you decide between duty and heart?" (Mulan II). She responds, "my duty is to my heart," very astutely linking the two concepts, so that they are no longer dichotomous concepts but are interconnected. However, this is not how Shang perceives it, as he accuses her of "plac[ing] your feelings above everything. Duty, obligation, tradition, it all means nothing to you" (Mulan II). Both Mulan and Shang are also positioned as having irreconcilable differences, with the characters personifying the opposing ideals of heart and duty. Military members are either completed dedicated to duty, honour, and service before self, or they are not (Taber, 2009b). There is no middle ground. As Kathy states, "'if you don't want to do what the military asks of you, you have to leave'" (Taber, 2011, p. 342). In a deleted scene in Mulan II, Mei Flirts, the three princesses had decided to escape instead of enter into arranged marriages. To do so, they were distracting the soldiers guarding them so they could slip away. However, this scene was deleted because, as one of the Directors/Producers stated, "the girls were using the guys to escape, and that made them unlikeable....we found...that they were seen to be manipulative and kind of cruel" They wanted to "rework each of the girls so that they had distinct, appealing personalities" (Mulan II, Bonus Features, Deleted Scenes). The filmmakers were wary that their attempt to escape

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would not be viewed as understandable, but as cruel, again supporting the notion that women must sacrifice their own agency and voices for the national interest, as well as their own protection, as determined by men (Young, 2003). In the end, because of the intervention of Mushu as the Golden Dragon of Unity, all are allowed to marry for love, not duty. And although Mulan and Shang reconcile, with Shang wanting to marry Mulan regardless of "what the rules say" (Mulan II), the two concepts of heart and duty remain not only separate but respectively associated with emphasized femininity and hegemonic masculinity. Duty, honour, and service before self (Taber, 2009b) are tethered to Shang as a "real fighter" (Taber, 2009b), while love and caring are tethered to Mulan as a not-quite-equal soldier whose duty is to her heart. As evidenced in Taber's (2011) research with Kathy and Victorine, "you can have a military career or a family not both" (p. 341). There must be a choice between duty and heart. Moreover, Mulan is an exception, a token military member (Taber, 2009a), as evidenced by the Emperor's statement that "You don't meet a girl like that every dynasty!" (Mulan).

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IMPLICATIONS Mulan and Mulan II can be perceived in different ways: as postfeminist stories proving that women can indeed do anything, or as gendered discourses that continue to constrain women while purporting to advance women's interests. It is due to the fact that gendered narratives are so pervasive in western society that it can be difficult to step outside of them to understand how they work to allow women to move only so far out of traditional roles, often penalizing them for attempting to leave domesticity behind. Arguably the overall message of the movies is that women can indeed do everything, but only if they act like a man, are more successful than men, and then agree to step back into a domestic role while the men carry on with governing. Similarly, women are still constrained in their work in non-traditional roles, whether it be in mining (Eveline & Booth, 2002), academia (Gouthro, 2002; Pillay, 2009), or the military (Enloe, 2007; Feinman, 2000; Taber, 2005, 2009a, 2009b, 2011). While some might argue that Mulan cannot be viewed outside the context of the eastern legend, its Disney version is, as Dong (2006) argues, not concerned with historical accuracy but with selling the movie to western contemporary audiences. Therefore, the filmmakers could have written the screenplays in much more feminist ways, of which the deleted scenes are an ideal example. Mulan could have been viewed as more of an equal warrior who was at ease with the fact that she wanted a different life. She could have decided to join the Emperor's Council instead of returning home to wait for a marriage proposal. The princesses in Mulan II could have decided to use their own agency to escape from their arranged marriages, without being presented as manipulative and cruel. None of these changes would have affected the plot wherein a girl cross-dresses to pass as a soldier in an army. Furthermore, there was extreme emphasis in both movies on the differences between men and women, essentializing representations without problematizing them. Mulan was presented not as a strong independent woman eager to make her way in the world, but as a "dutiful daughter" (Enloe, 2007) more concerned with "filial piety and loyalty" (Dong, 2006, p. 220) than with any feminist actions, returning home (service to the family) rather than taking up a government post (service to the nation) or, alternatively, attempting to do both or

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neither. If military women in western national defence forces face difficulties in embodying the norms of duty, honour, and service before self (Taber, 2009b) as they struggle to perform appropriate masculinities and femininities (Taber, 2011), Mulan never even gets the chance to try. When she is discovered as a woman and the crisis with an invading army is averted, she ceases being a military member. Mulan is not asked to take on a military post and is not given a military rank. She is reinscribed as a feminine woman attached to the heart, while General Shang is a masculine man attached to duty, making it that much more difficult to consider any sort of complex relations wherein a woman could have aspects of masculinity and duty while a man might have aspects of femininity and heart. In short, nothing other than straightforward acquiescence to traditional gender norms is accepted. So while Mulan might be viewed as a character who challenges stereotypes when she dresses as a man and joins the army, in the end she reinforces them. As Tolmie (2006) discusses in her analysis of strong female characters in medieval fantasies, "the emphasis remains on the individual woman rising above a system that keeps her down – triumphing over it, reversing expectations – rather than in cultural revolution or innovation, and oppressive structures continue to provide the basis for representation" (p. 147). Tolmie (2006) further states that, "patriarchy itself serves as the female adventure and oppressive gender-based structures consistently provide the external criteria that define extraordinary women" (p. 155). Indeed, for fictional Mulan, the ways in which she fights against gender oppression is tied to the requirement that she enact emphasized femininity, not to any struggle with an external enemy. For contemporary military women such as Kathy and Victorine, their struggle is against patriarchy as well, in a gendered militaristic institution that continues to marginalize them, marking them not as warrior equals but as girls who are viewed as more suited to motherhood than to military service (Taber, 2011). As such, there is a "need to take both the textual and sociohistorical contexts into account when generalizing or theorizing on the basis of fairy tales" (Haase, 2004b, p. 13). Mulan is not a legend cum fairy tale that has no connections to the current western context; it has instead been created to reflect gendered norms that continue to reject complex forms of masculinities and femininities (Paechter, 2003, 2006) for stereotypical "ideal typical forms of masculinity and femininity" (Paechter, 2006, p. 262) that too often take the simplified types of hegemonic masculinity and emphasized femininity (Connell, 2005). Fairy tales are not constructed solely for the purpose of entertaining children, but to socialize children and adults to those norms that a society deems acceptable (Zipes, 1999; Harries, 2001). It is these norms that must continue to be problematized and contested by exploring the ways in which they are present in popular culture, fairy tales, and the lives of real women.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The author would like to thank Nick and Rebecca for their discussions of Mulan during preparation of this chapter.

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REFERENCES Bacchilega, C. (1997). Postmodern fairy tales: Gender and narrative strategies. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Baker-Sperry, L., & Grauerholz, L. (2003). The pervasiveness and persistence of the feminine beauty ideal in children's fairy tales. Gender and Society, 15(5), 711-726. Basham, V. (2009). Effecting discrimination: Operational effectiveness and harassment in the British Armed Forces. Armed Forces & Society, 35(4), 728-744. Blohm, J. (Producer) & Rooney, D. & Southerland, L. (Directors). (2004). Mulan II [Motion Picture]. USA: Walt Disney Pictures. Coats, P. (Producer) & Bancroft, T & Cook, B. (Directors). (1998). Mulan [Motion picture]. USA: Walt Disney Pictures. Connell, R. W. (2005). Masculinities (2nd ed.). Berkeley: University of California Press. Dominguez-Rue, E. (2010). Sins of the flesh: anorexia, eroticism and the female vampire in Bram Stoker's Dracula. Journal of Gender Studies, 19(3), 297-308. Dong, L. (2006). Writing Chinese American into words and images: Storytelling and retelling of The Song of Mu Lan. The Lion and the Unicorn, 30(2), 218-233. Duncanson, C. (2009). Forces for good? Narratives of military masculinity in peacekeeping operations. International Feminist Journal of Politics, 11(1), 63-80. Enloe, C. (2007). Globalization & militarism: Feminists make the link. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. Eveline, J., & Booth, M. (2002). Gender and sexuality in discourses of managerial control: The case of women miners. Gender, Work & Organization, 9(5), 556-578. Feinman, I. R. (2000). Citizenship rites: Feminist soldiers & feminist antimilitarists. New York: New York University Press. Gouthro, P. (2002). What counts? Examining academic values and women‘s life experiences from a critical feminist perspective. Canadian Journal for the Study of Education, 16(1), 1-19. Haase, D. (Ed.). (2004a). Fairy tales and feminism: New approaches. Detroit: Wayne State University Press. Haase, D. (2004b) Feminist fairy-tale scholarship. In D. Haase (Ed.), Fairy tales and feminism: New approaches (pp. 1-36). Detroit: Wayne State University Press. Harries, E. W. (2001). Twice upon a time: Women writers and the history of the fairy tale. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Harrison, D. (2002). The first casualty: Violence against women in Canadian military communities. Toronto: James Lorimer & Company Ltd., Publishers. Higate, P. (Ed.). (2003). Military masculinities: Identity and the state. Westport, Conneticut: Praeger Publishers. Kronsell, A. (2005). Gendered practices in institutions of hegemonic masculinity: Reflections from feminist standpoint theory. International feminist journal of politics, 7(2), 280-298. Lahelma, E. (2005). Finding communalities, making differences, performing masculinities: Reflections of young men on military service. Gender and Education, 17(3), 305-317. Lazar, M. M. (Ed.). (2005a). Feminist critical discourse analysis. London: Palgrave Macmillan.

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Lazar, M.M. (2005b). Performing state fatherhood: The remaking of hegemony In, M. Lazar (Ed.), Feminist critical discourse analysis (pp. 139-163). London: Palgrave Macmillan. Mazurana, D. (2003). Do women matter in peacekeeping? Women in police, military and civilian peacekeeping. Canadian Woman Studies, 22(2), 64-71. Miller, G. E. (2004). Frontier masculinity in the oil industry: The experience of women engineers. Gender, Work & Organization, 11(1), 47-73. Mills, A. J. (2002). Studying the Gendering of Organizational Culture Over Time: Concerns, Issues and Strategies. Gender, Work & Organization, 9(3), 286-307. Paechter, C. (2003). Masculinities and femininities as communities of practice. Women's Studies International Forum, 26(1), 69-77. Paechter, C. (2006). Masculine femininities/feminine masculinities: Power, identities and gender. Gender & Education, 18(3), 253-263. Pérez Valverde, C. (2009). Magic Women on the Margins: Ec-centric Models in Mary Poppins and Ms Wiz. Children's Literature in Education, 40(4), 263-274. Pillay, V. (2009). Academic mothers finding rhyme and reason. Gender and Education, 21(5), 501-515. Prokos, A., & Padavic, I. (2002). "There oughtta be a law against bitches": Masculinity lessons in police academy training. Gender, Work & Organization, 9(4), 439-459. Taber, N. (2005). Learning how to be a woman in the Canadian Forces/unlearning it through feminism: An autoethnography of my learning journey. Studies in Continuing Education, 27(3), 289-301 Taber, N. (2009a). Gender in children‘s books written for military families: The gendered portrayal of women and men, mothers and fathers in the Canadian military. Journal of Integrated Social Sciences, 1(1), 120-140. Taber, N. (2009b). The profession of arms: Ideological codes and dominant narratives of gender in the Canadian military. Atlantis: A Women‟s Studies Journal, 34(1), 27-36. Taber, N. (2011). ―You better not get pregnant while you‘re here‖: Tensions between masculinities and femininities in military communities of practice. International Journal of Lifelong Education, 30(3), 331-348. Taber, N. & Woloshyn, V. (2011). Issues of exceptionalities, gender, and power: Exploring Canadian children's award-winning literature. Gender and Education, 23(7), 889-902. Tolmie, J. (2006). Medievalism and the fantasy heroine. Journal of Gender Studies, 15(2), 145-158. Walker, M. (2001). Engineering identities. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 22(1), 75-89. Waller, A. (2004). ―Solid all the way through‖: Margaret Mahy's Ordinary Witches. Children's Literature in Education, 35(1), 77-86. Wolf, N. (2002). The beauty myth: How images of beauty are used against women. Harper Perennial. Young, I. M. (2003). The logic of masculinist protection: Reflection on the current security state. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 29(1), 1-25. Zipes, J. D. (1994). Fairy tale as myth/myth as fairy tale. Lexington, Kentucky: The University Press of Kentucky. Zipes, J. D. (1999). When dreams come true: Classical fairy tales and their traditions. London: Routledge.

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Zipes, J.D. (2002a). Breaking the magic spell: Radical theories of folk & fairy tales (revised and expanded edition). Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky Zipes, J. D. (2002b). Sticks and stones: The troublesome success of children's literature from Slovenly Peter to Harry Potter. New York: Routledge.

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Chapter 6

MASCULINITY AND HEALTH: A COMPARISON BETWEEN THE GENDERED ATTITUDES, BELIEFS AND BEHAVIORS OF LATINO AND CAUCASIAN MEN Julie Gast1 and Terry Peak2 1

Department of Health, Physical Education, and Recreation Utah State University, Logan, UT, US 2 Social Work Program, Department of Sociology, Social Work and Anthropology, Utah State University, UT, US

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ABSTRACT This chapter discusses the existing research in the area of men‘s health. Health beliefs, attitudes, behaviors, and adherence to masculine ideals for both Latino and Caucasian men are compared and contrasted. For example, Latino men differ from Caucasian men in terms of health-promotion behaviors, sources of health information, reliance on spousal support, and expressions of masculinity. The relationship among interacting variables such as culture, masculinity, and health beliefs and behaviors is complex and, while the discussion presented here explores many interesting topics, it is not conclusive. The chapter concludes with suggestions for future research including how masculinity impacts health across and within cultures, and how men of color negotiate masculinity across cultural, social and private spheres, against a backdrop of institutionalized discrimination.

INTRODUCTION When it comes to their health needs, men are both an under-served and a difficult-toserve population and there is growing evidence that the time is right for an appropriate 

Tel: (435) 797-1490; (435) 797-3759-fax; Email: [email protected].

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response to the health disparities between men and women. As Griffith and colleagues note, ―gender is one of the most important social determinants of health and health behavior (Griffith, Gunter, and Watkins, 2012, p.S187). Compared with women, mortality rates for men and boys from the top 15 causes of death (except Alzheimer‘s disease) in the United States are higher (CDC, 2010;Williams 2003). In fact, more men than women die each year every year over the entire life course (Williams, 2003). What is it about the male gender that appears to increase men‘s vulnerability to illness and results in higher rates of death? The male propensity for risky behaviors is often cited as the culprit while another potential contributor is that men tend to seek out health care and preventive health services significantly less often than women (Courtenay, 2003; Terre, 2008, Williams, 2003). Possibly both the risky behaviors and the lack of attention to health prevention contribute to negative health outcomes, which creates an interesting paradox since men as a group, especially Caucasian men, are considered to have many social advantages including higher pay, better social status, and greater access to health care that should have a positive effect on health (Courtenay, 2011). One problem in drawing conclusions from the existing research on any of the differences in health behaviors is the tendency to assume all individuals in a defined group (e.g., Latino or Caucasian, men or women) are represented by the aggregate statistical mean for that group, whereas those means may mask significant within-group differences (Terre, 2008). For example, new Latino immigrants, especially those from Mexico, are known to have positive health outcomes (Gallo, Penedo, Espinosa de los Monteros, and Arguelles, 2009) when compared to other Latinos. And yet Latinos are considered to be at a social disadvantage that should negatively impact health but that does not seem to be true for new Latino immigrants. Their social advantages, especially familismo and religiosity, may provide some protection from the health outcomes typically associated with low income, unhealthy occupations, poor access to health care, and less than ideal living conditions (Gallo et al., 2009), even if we do not completely understand the mechanism of that protective process.

PURPOSE The purpose of this chapter is to compare and contrast existing research on health attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors of Latino and Caucasian men. Of particular interest is the role of hegemonic masculinity in influencing health attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors of men as can be seen in our previous research (Peak, Gast and Ahlstorm, 2010; Gast and Peak, 2011; Gast and Peak, 2012) and elsewhere. Results from our focus group work with both Latino and Caucasian men are relied on extensively in this chapter.

HEALTH ATTITUDES AND BELIEFS Latino Health Attitudes and Beliefs Cultural beliefs appear to be key factors that influence Latino health behaviors. For example, familismo, the term used for loyalty, reciprocity, and solidarity within the family

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structure (Galanti, 2003), is a central concept in the Latino culture; family members are considered reliable and valued information sources. In addition, familismo can promote positive health behaviors when those behaviors are associated with improving the well-being of the entire family (Gallo et al,. 2009). Previous research (Larkey, Hecht, Miller and Alatorre, 2001; Miranda, Bilot, Peluso, Berman, and Van Meek, 2006) attests to the fact that Latino men are comfortable consulting family members for advice and information. Our research (Peak et al., 2010) confirms this but, while we found that family was reported as a significant source of health information for some participants, surprisingly, it was not mentioned by the majority of respondents. In our study, television was the most mentioned source of health information and may indicate a shift to greater acceptance of technology as a valued source of information for Latinos. The increase in programming for Spanish-language television may also impact health attitudes and beliefs. For example, a PEW study (Livingston, Minushkin, and Cohn, 2008) found that 67% of Latino males reported television as a source of health information; it was ranked above both medical provider (66%) and family or friends (62%). The PEW study also found that Latinos make significant behavioral changes based on what they learn from media sources; 68% of participants in this study reported a change in diet or exercise based on health information obtained from the media. In addition, 57% reported that health information obtained from the media led to seeking a health care professional but the PEW study did not validate the information Latinos received from media sources. Despite attention to the media as a source of information, there is still a technological divide that impacts Latino use and access to other forms of technology that have the potential to shape health beliefs and behaviors. For example, a more recent PEW Research Center study (Livingston, 2011) found that some Latinos lag behind in Internet use. This is particularly true of both older Latinos and foreign-born Latinos (Livingston, 2011) and may be why Latinos report television as both a primary and trusted source of health information as compared with social media and the Internet.

Caucasian Health Attitudes and Beliefs In contrast to findings from our previous research with Latinos, Caucasian men expressed the belief that future health status could be influenced by preventative health behaviors. While not all men in our study engaged in preventative health behaviors, the Caucasian men did associate certain health behaviors with decreased risk of illness and disease, especially eating a nutritious diet and engaging in physical activity. A strong attitudinal difference between the Latino and Caucasian men in our study was that Caucasian men, regardless of age and socioeconomic status, expressed a strong fear of contracting a disease or health condition in the future. This same fear of future illness was not mentioned by Latinos, and as noted in the discussion on hegemonic masculinity below, lack of health coverage and all that implies, was the most pressing health concern of Latino men (Peak et al., 2010; Gast and Peak, 2012). Farrimond (2011), in her qualitative study of non-Latino middle-class men in the United Kingdom, found that those men most feared chronic diseases, such as cancer and heart disease. This was consistent with our own findings; cancer and heart disease were the most mentioned health concerns for the Caucasian men in our study and those fears were often based on family health history.

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In terms of health information, the Caucasian men we studied were most likely to seek out trusted sources. For example, when confronted with a health question they would turn to health care providers or family members with an extensive health background (e.g., nurses). Technology, such as the Internet, was much more likely to be mentioned by Caucasian men as compared to Latino men. Few, if any of the men mentioned television as a source of health information. The attitude of these men concerning health information was that medical authorities were the most desirable sources of information and that they themselves were educated enough to locate valid Internet sources (Peak et al., 2010; Gast and Peak, 2011).

HEALTH BEHAVIORS

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Latino Health Behaviors In our previous research (Peak et al., 2010), Latino participants differed from the Caucasian sample in several ways. One interesting difference was the strong present orientation toward their health among the Latino men as compared to the Caucasian men who demonstrated a strong future orientation–none of the Latino participants mentioned an interest in health prevention activities in terms of preparation for a healthier old age. For the Latino men the only acceptable justification for activities related to health prevention was to be a more effective breadwinner (Peak et al., 2010). This was not unexpected as in the Latino culture a man‘s primary role is to be the financial provider for the family (Galanti, 2003). A second difference also related to the present orientation of the Latino participants was the cultural belief of fatalism. Fatalismo has been defined as the belief that individual destiny is not totally under individual control (Cuellar, Arnold, and Gonzalez, 1995). Previous research has found that Latinos tend to have more fatalistic beliefs related to health when compared to Caucasians (Gallo et al., 2009). Interestingly, fatalism can function as both health promoting and as a health barrier. Given that, in our experience, Latinos reported their major barrier to better health behavior was lack of access to affordable health insurance and health care, a fatalistic attitude toward health might be an appropriate coping response (Abraido-Lanza et al., 2007; Peak et al., 2010). With our research subjects fatalism appeared to be a barrier to health promotion behaviors; as one Latino participant noted: ―I try to keep my heart clean, eat less grease but a lot of times, we don‘t do anything, we just go on‖ (Peak et al., 2010, p. 26). Additionally, when asked if he had a usual source of health care, a second subject responded, ―The problem for all of us is that health care is so expensive; it costs too much money (Peak et al., 2010, p. 26).‖ More research is needed to clarify both the risk and any protective health benefits of a fatalistic attitude specific to health behaviors in Latino samples. Fatalism and religiosity can be connected (Gallo et al., 2009) but that connection is not absolute. While the majority of Latino participants in our study reported a religious affiliation, many also reported infrequent church attendance -- often used as a measure of religious influence and commitment. However, it is possible that the influence of religious beliefs may still be present regardless of church attendance. Possibly the men in our study were more involved in organized religion in their country of origin, and thus were impacted by fatalistic beliefs associated with religiosity earlier in life. We asked participants in our

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study how religion impacted their health behaviors and beliefs, but not how or if it shaped fatalistic beliefs. The Latino men reported many positive health benefits from religion. For example, participants reported health benefits from helping others through service, stress reduction and management, from the specific requirements for living a healthy lifestyle based on religious teachings, and from spirituality (Peak et al., 2010). Religion may encourage fatalistic attitudes in some Latino men but religious practices can also promote health, especially mental health. Krause, Ellison, and Marcum (2002) found that men actually benefit more from church-based emotional support when compared to women. While it appears that women are able to develop social supportive networks in a variety of settings men consistently report fewer social networks overall (Umberson and Montez, 2010). But Latino men, especially those whose legal status may be in question, may be more comfortable and feel safer forming trusted sources of support in church-based settings. An additional health-related benefit of religion is that a wealth of research has found that church goers have healthier behaviors as compared to non-attendees (Umberson and Montez, 2010).

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Caucasian Health Behaviors In our previous research, older non-Latino participants emphasized the connection between current behaviors and future quality of life (Peak et al., 2010). But, when asked about health promotion behavior, the Caucasian men in our study focused primarily on physical activity and diet, with little interest in discussing mental health aspects even when emotional health was introduced by a focus group participant. Physical activity took many forms such as traditional yard work, home exercise programs, and organized sports, while other men felt that the physical demands of their jobs was a barrier to exercise. Past research has found that for men, both time constraints and lack of motivation are barriers to both physical activity and healthy eating (Caperchione et al., 2012). Men in our study tended to rely on spouses for meal preparation and food purchases. For example, one man noted, ―My wife takes care of my diet, I don‘t really think about that‖ (Gast and Peak, 2011, p.324). Some men mentioned the need to be physically fit in terms of competition, for example, to keep up with younger men. Both of these responses are consistent with hegemonic masculinity ideals where women are in charge of domestic duties and men may view each other as competitors.

PARTNER AND FAMILY SUPPORT AND HEALTH Latino Partner and Family Support Social support helps both Latino and Caucasian couples in terms of health but perhaps in different ways. Most of the research on the role of women in men‘s health has not specifically examined the role of ethnicity although preliminary research shows that women do play an important role in the health behaviors of Latino men. Latino men in our study did look to female relatives for advice and help (Peak et al., 2010), which is consistent with what little research there is that does include ethnicity. Latino women have been found to exert a

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significant influence on men, especially in terms of health care seeking (Sobralske, 2006a; Sobralske 2006b). As is discussed above, Latino families often make decisions together; family involvement, familismo, continues throughout the decision-making process, including utilization of problem-solving skills or providing information or support (Brach and Fraserirector, 2000; Sobralske 2006b). The status of women plays a role as well. As was seen in a couples study in Guatemala, when women are educated and work for pay, both partners report they were more likely to share decision-making (Becker, Fonseca-Becker,and SchenckYglesias, 2006). These researchers (Becker et al., 2006) suggested that better health outcomes may result from joint decision making because that promotes the exploration of more options. In addition, joint decision making may help solidify the plan of action chosen. Interestingly, familismo does not seem to decline with acculturation (McNaughton, 2008). As Galanti (2003) notes, traditionally, men are expected to be the decision makers, while women often handle the day-to-day care for the family. Latinos generally value the family above the individual and thus it is not seen as contradictory for a health-related decision to be made by the entire family even though a male family member may have the ultimate say (Galanti, 2003). Focus group research on heart disease education programs for Latinos found that for many low-income Latinos, disease prevention activities were not a high priority compared with what participants felt were more pressing matters, such as paying rent and purchasing food, which are considered a priority for the family as a whole (Moreno, Alvarado, Balcazar, et al., 1997). The prioritization of the whole family perspective was confirmed by research conducted by Abraido-Lanza and colleagues (Abraido-Lanza, Chao, and Florez, 2005). But, research in this topic is still preliminary and would benefit from additional studies to more thoroughly understand the important role played by both men and women in the overall health of the Latino family.

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Caucasian Partner and Family Support It is well established that partner or spousal support improves the health of men (Berkman and Syme, 1979; House, Landis and Umberson, 1988; Umberson and Montez, 2010). When we asked Caucasian men who made the health decisions in their families, there were two distinct responses. One group of men explained that health decision making was a collaborative effort between themselves and their wives, while others indicated that their wives were the primary decision makers related to health -- even when it came to the health of the men themselves (Gast and Peak, 2011). This health-promoting role took many forms, including researching health information, providing healthy meals, and encouragement to see physicians when injured or ill. As one man stated, ―I think, you know, if it wasn‘t for my wife we wouldn‘t think about it [health]‖ (Gast and Peak, 2011, p. 324). Other research has also found that men perceive women as more health oriented and more concerned about the health of others (Farrimond, 2011). Farrimond (2011) found that female partners played an instrumental role in health monitoring and in encouraging men to seek needed health care but also that this relationship was characterized as reciprocal. Interestingly, the reciprocal nature of this role was also mentioned by Latino men in our research (Peak and Gast, 2010).

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MASCULINITY IDEALS AND HEALTH

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Machismo and Health Another important issue to take into consideration in terms of health is the role played by masculinity ideals and machismo. Past research has found that for men, masculinity ideals can be a barrier to accessing health education and health care (Courtenay, 2011; Gast and Peak, 2011; Griffith et al., 2012). For example, men who score higher on masculinity scales tend to engage in riskier behaviors that can impact health (Mahalik, Burns, and Syzdek, 2007). The messages sent through hegemonic masculinity gender scripts may encourage men in general and Latino men in particular to view health care settings as unappealing. Latino men might see themselves as vulnerable in health care settings and thus have difficulty asking for help or taking direction as these help-seeking behaviors are incompatible with the traditional conceptualization of machismo (Galanti, 2003). In the machismo role, Latino men are expected to be in charge and in control, thus, it is not surprising that even when Latino men have access to health care, they may not utilize it. In addition, financial, cultural, and language barriers may further complicate matters. The men in our study had a more positive response to community clinics where these barriers were removed. It is important to note that machismo has both positive and negative aspects; it is a multidimensional concept with two distinct components -- caballerismo, characterized by positive family relations and participation combined with courage and egalitarian gender beliefs (Arciniega, Anderson, Tovar-Blank, and Tracey, 2008; Bandyopadhyay and Pardasani, 2001; Becker, 2001). The second component, macho, encompasses the generally more negative aspects of machismo. Behaviors associated with macho include dominance, dogmatism, and aggression. It is not clear how these two concepts differentially impact specific health behaviors although the Latino men in our study displayed the qualities associated with caballerismo in several ways. For example, the men indicated a strong desire to care for the health of their families and community, obviously an example of the positive aspect of machismo (Gast and Peak, 2012). Of course the lack of ability to provide for the family, as would occur if the husband‘s employer does not provide affordable health insurance, can be a significant source of stress and a blow to a man‘s sense of machismo. In response to those challenges posed by lack of access to health insurance, Latino participants in our study made recommendations including the need for a low cost or free community clinic with extended hours and appropriate language services (Peak et al., 2010). The men also identified workplace wellness services as potentially useful. The lack of affordable health care for their families was clearly a source of stress for men in our study. As one said, ― The main problem for us Latino men is that we have a hard time taking care of our kids because it‘s hard…when one gets sick, getting health insurance is hard, and so this is a major worry, one of the most important to me‖ (Peak et al., 2010, p.26). Future research should examine how uninsured Latino men are able to balance the competing demands of masculine ideals. Previous research with non-Latino men suggests that when men are unable to attain hegemonic masculinity in one area they may overcompensate in another but it is not known whether this would also be true with Latinos. For example, a man who does not drink can still look masculine in the eyes of others if he is an excellent athlete (De Visser, Smith, and McDonnell, 2009). It can also be argued that men display more

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traditional macho behavior by communicating their expectation that women are responsible do the day-to-day care of the family. In fact, behaviors with feminine associations, such as child care and help seeking, are often avoided by men in an effort to preserve their identity congruent with masculine gender scripts (Courtenay, 2000). However, it is important to acknowledge that women in Latino culture also have gender scripts. Their gendered behaviors respond to the concept of marianismo, which is the expectation that women should defer to their husbands and families (Carter, 2002). As Carter notes (2002), the degree to which Latino men and women adhere to gender scripts is mediated by other factors such as socioeconomic status, education, and level of acculturation.

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Hegemonic Masculinity and Caucasian Men Much of the recent research in men‘s health has focused on the relationship between hegemonic masculinity ideals and health-related behaviors in men (Courtenay, 2011; Williams, 2003). Studies have found an inverse relationship between masculinity scores and health-promoting behaviors while the opposite is true for health-harming behaviors (Courtenay, 2011; Mahalik et al., 2007). The adherence to idealized masculine traits and behaviors is often offered as one explanation for the health disparities between men and women. In fact, health-promoting behaviors are often seen by men as feminine traits and will be avoided (Griffith et al., 2012). This idealized concept of masculinity is referred to as hegemonic masculinity (Addis and Mahalik, 2003). In the United States, the hegemonic ideal man is Caucasian, middle-class, heterosexual, and displays control, dominance, physical strength, and stoicism or emotional restraint (Griffith et al., 2012). In our previous work, we found that the Caucasian men adhered to masculine ideals in a number of ways (Gast and Peak, 2011). As mentioned above, Caucasian men were hesitant to discuss health from any perspective other than that of physical health. In addition, Caucasian men relied on women to take care of their health-related needs. We hypothesized that men were able to maintain their masculinity by ―blaming‖ their wives for making them attend to their health and seek out health care. However, Farrimond (2011) suggests that while some men may avoid health care to protect their notion of appropriate masculine behavior (―Neanderthal Man‖), other men construct a different model of appropriate behavior (―Action Man‖). For Action Man, taking care of health needs is perceived as problem solving, which transforms it into an acceptable masculine behavior, even though these men are engaged in health-promoting behavior. Of course it is important to remember that all men are not alike in terms of how and when, or even if, they adopt hegemonic masculinity.

CONCLUSION In this chapter we have compared and contrasted previous research on health attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors of Latino and Caucasian men including the role played by hegemonic masculinity as well as that played by partners and families. If one accepts that being male is linked to health disparities, then this discussion is important to have before implementing

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interventions designed to improve men‘s health outcomes. To be effective, any intervention needs to work within existing cultural belief systems, including masculinity. Programs geared toward Latino men should reflect the cultural values and norms of the target population. Since Latinos are a diverse group, it is critical to make sure messages directed to them are culturally effective and linguistically appropriate. The expectation is that use of culturally-focused interventions may help improve health outcomes for Latino men. For example, by including both men and women in health programming interventions for Latino men, community planners and health practitioners acknowledge the important role women play in Latino family health decision-making. Additionally, past research has found that Latino men are open to sharing health decision making with their partners (Peak et al., 2010), although less acculturated Latino men may not be as willing to do so (Erwin, Trevino, Saad-Hrfouche, Rodriguez, Gage, and Jandorf, 2010). In another example, Holland, Bradley, and Khoury (2005) found that when female significant others were sent ―spouse cards‖ concerning health screenings for prostate or cholesterol for their partners, this technique increased the number of men who were screened. Empirical research might attempt to clarify under what conditions or in which settings the involvement of Latinas in their partners‘ decisions improves Latino men‘s health behaviors. One can easily see the positive effect of women in studies of Caucasian men‘s health. Research has consistently shown that married men have better overall health and increased life expectancy when compared to divorced, widowed, and never married men (Umberson and Montez, 2010). Other research suggests that married men engage in very different healthrelated behaviors when compared to their non-married counterparts (Markey, Markey, Schneider, and Brownlee, 2005). These positive behaviors may result from having a spouse who encourages health-promoting activities and discourages health-harming ones. Women also encourage social integration and provide social and emotional support that men living alone may lack. For example, a man‘s health status before marriage does not show the same health benefits found in married men (Markey et al., 2005). Markey and colleagues (2005) also found that for men, being married positively affected their beliefs about the importance of their health. In a qualitative study with young African American men and women, women, including mothers and girlfriends, were found to be important health-promotion agents (Marcell, Howard, Plowden, and Watson, 2010). This role is demonstrated in a number of ways including that women can demystify the health care experience for men as women are frequent users of health care for themselves (e.g., contraception, pregnancy) and facilitators for others (e.g., children, older family members, and spouses). In fact, Norcross and colleagues (Norcross, Ramirez, and Palinkas, 1996) found that men were 2.7 times more likely to seek health care after being influenced by a woman. In a study with family physicians, Tudiver and Talbot (1999) also found that men seek support from women for health-related concerns and rarely did so from other males. The research literature on the interaction of social relationships and health is longstanding (e.g. Berkman and Syme, 1979; House, et al., 1988). It is well accepted that social relationships for women (married and not) are very different than those for men, and very different for married men as compared with those who are not. It is also well accepted that social relationships can have health benefits but just exactly how social relationships affect health is still a fertile topic of discussion and it is likely that it is not a single mechanism at work but rather a combination of factors and that those mechanisms vary across the lifespan for a variety of reasons (Terre, 2008; Umberson and Montez, 2010). Umberson and Montez

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(2010) found that social relationships can have both short and long-term effects on health and these effects can be both positive and negative; they suggest that relationships affect health through ‖behavioral, psychosocial, and physiological pathways‖ (p. S54). While social relationships may have costs and benefits, those costs and benefits are not distributed equally in the population, they vary by age, gender, race/ethnicity, SES, marital status, level of education and other factors, and their influence persists throughout the life course even though that influence may change over time and life stage (Umberson and Montez, 2010). Clearly, women have a role to play in the health beliefs, health behaviors, and health-care seeking of men but, here again, more empirical studies would help clarify how this mechanism actually works.

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DIRECTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH The discussion presented in this chapter introduced many fruitful topics but also raised many questions that warrant exploration. For example, how are fatalism, religiosity, and health behaviors linked, if at all? Another interesting question is if workplace wellness programs could provide the same success with Latino men as the church-based programs have for African American women (Kramish-Campbell, Resnicow, Carr, Wang, and Williams, 2007). The masculine climate of the workplace might promote easier access to health services and health education for men because that setting also fits within the hegemonic masculine ideal of being a good provider for one‘s family. Another area where research is lacking is in the correlation of machismo with health behaviors and beliefs. A consistent research finding is that men with high masculinity scores engage in more risk taking (Courtenay, 2011; Mahalik, Lagan, and Morison, 2006) and it would be interesting to see if this phenomenon holds true for Latino men. As Arciniega and colleagues (2008) note, is there a health promoting effect of caballerismo and a health barrier effect from macho? Do men who score high for macho and masculinity avoid health care settings more than those with lower scores, as has been hypothesized. Farrimond‘s (2011) research challenges the suggestion that hegemonic masculine ideals force men down the path toward earlier mortality. Farrimond‘s subjects were able to re-define unhealthy Neanderthal masculinity and adopt health-promoting behaviors. Adaptable Action Men permitted themselves health-promoting behaviors within a more adaptable definition of masculinity (Farrimond, 2011). What variables -- acculturation, age, education -- might mediate those results? Because of their lack of access to affordable health insurance, our Latino male subjects found it difficult and stressful to live up to machismo-associated expectations of family responsibility. Given the current climate in the United States regarding Latinos, does institutionalized discrimination affect their health and well-being? Additional unanswered questions in this fertile research area include who has better health outcomes on objective measures, men with traditional gender role beliefs or those who hold more egalitarian views? What about access to health information -- with technology changing daily, and women accessing online information sources more than men, where do men obtain health information? Is television still the primary source of information for Latino men? Also unclear is the validity of such sources (e.g., infomercials, drug advertisements, news programs). It is critical to determine if information gathered from television leads to

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beneficial behavior change and under what conditions. What is the appeal of television as a source of health information for Latinos? Is it the Spanish language programming that holds appeal? The answers to these questions may improve health education services for Latinos. Future research in the area of men‘s health should examine these fascinating issues.

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REFERENCES Addis, E.A. and Mahalik, J.R. (2003). Men, masculinity, and the contexts of help seeking. American Psychologist, Vol 58(1), 5-14. Abraido-Lanza, A.F., Chao, M.T.,and Florez, K.R. (2005). Do healthy behaviors decline with greater acculturation?: Implications for the Latino mortality paradox. Soc Science and Medicine, 61, 1243-1255. Abraido-Lanza, A. F., Viladrich, A., Florez, K. R., Cespedes, A., Aguirre, A. N., and De la Cruz, A. A. (2007). Commentary: fatalismo reconsidered: a cautionary note for healthrelated research and practice with Latino populations. Ethnicity and Disease, 17, 153158. Arciniega, G.M., Anderson, T.C., Tovar-Blank, Z.G., and Tracey, T.J.G. (2008). Toward a fuller conception of machsimo: Development of a traditional machismo and caballerismo scale. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 55(1), 19-33. Bandyopadhyay, S. and Pardasani, M. (2010). Do quality perceptions of health and social services vary for different ethnic groups? An empirical investigation. International Journal of Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Marketing,14, 1-15. Berkman, L. F. and Syme, S. L. (1979). Social networks, host resistance, and mortality: A nine-year follow-up study of Alameda county residents. American Journal of Epidemiology, 109,186–204. Becker G. (2001). Effects of being uninsured on ethnic minorities‘ management of chronic illness. Western Journal of Medicine, 175 (1), 19-23. Becker, S., Fonseca-Becker, F.,and Schenck-Yglesias, C. (2006). Husbands‘ and wives‘ reports of women‘s- making power in Western Guatemala and their effects on preventative health behaviors. Social Science and Medicine, 62, 2313-22326. Brach, C. and Fraserirector, I.(2000). Can cultural competency reduce racial and ethnic health disparities? a review and conceptual model. Medical Care Research and Review. 57,(S1),181-217. Caperchione, C. M., Vandelanotte, C., Kolt, G.S., Duncan, M., Elison, M., George, E., and Mummery, W.K. (2012). What a man wants: Understanding the challenges and motivations to physical activity participation and healthy eating in middle-aged Australian men. American Journal of Men‟s Health, Advances online publication, doi: 10.1177/1557988312444718. Carter, M. (2002). Husbands and maternal health matters in rural Guatemala: Wives‘ reports on their spouses‘ involvement in pregnancy and birth. Social Science and Medicine, 55, 437–450. CDC 2010. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Mortality tables 2010. http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/nvss/mortality_tables.htm. Accessed, October 4, 2011.

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Courtenay, W. (2011). Dying to be men: Psychosocial, environmental, and biobehavioral directions in promoting the health of men and boys. New York: Routledge. Courtenay, W. (2003). Key determinants of the health and well-being of men and boys. International Journal of Men‟s Health, 2(1):1-30. Courtenay, W. (2000). Behavioral factors associated with disease, injury, and death among men: Evidence and implications for prevention. The Journal of Men‟s Studies, 9(1), 81142. Cuellar, I., Arnold, B., and Maldonado, R. (1995). Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican Americans II: A revision of the original ARSMA scale. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 17, 275–304. DeVisser, R., Smith, J., and McDonnell, E. (2009). ‗That‘s not masculine‘ :Masculine capital and health-related behavior. Journal of of Health Psychology, 14 (7), 1047-58. Erwin, D.O., Trevino, M., Saad-Harfouche, F.G., Rodriguez, E.M., Gagea, E., and Jandforfd, L. (2010). Contexualizing diversity and culture within cancer control interventions for Latinas: Changing interventions, not cultures. Social Science and Medicine, 71, 693-701. Farrimond, H. (2011). Beyond the caveman: Rethinking masculinity in relation to men‘s help-seeking. Health, 16(2), 208-225. Galanti, G.( 2003). The Hispanic family and male-female relationships: An overview. Journal of Transcultural Nursing, 14(3), 180-185. Gallo, L.C., Penedo, F.J., Espinosa de los Monteros, K., and Arguelles, W. (2009). Resiliency in the face of disadvantage: Do Hispanic cultural characteristics protect health outcomes? Journal of Personality, 77 (6), 1707-1746. Gast, J. and Peak, T. (2012). Current perspectives on Latino men‘s health. American Journal of Lifestyle Medicine, 6(3), 268-276. Gast, J. and Peak T. (2011). ―It used to be that if it weren‘t broken and bleeding profusely, I would never go to the doctor‖: Men, masculinity, and health. American Journal of Men‟s Health, 5 (4), 318-331. Griffith, D., Gunter, K., and Watkins, D.C. (2012). Measuring masculinity in research on men of color: Findings and future directions. American Journal of Public Health, 102 (S2), S187-S194. Holland D. J., Bradley, D.W., and Khoury, J.M. (2005). Sending men the message about preventative care: An evaluation of communication strategies. International Journal of Men‟s Health, 4(2), 97-114. House, J.S., Landis, K.R., and Umberson, D. (1988). Social relationships and health. Science, 241, Kramish-Campbell, M., Resnicow, K., Carr, C., Wang, T. and Williams, A. (2007). Process evaluation of an effective church-based diet intervention: Body and Soul. Health Education and Behavior. 34, 864-881. 540-545. Krause, N., Ellison, C.G., and Marcum, J.P. (2002). The effects of church-based emotional support on health: Do they vary by gender? Sociology of Religion, 63, 21-47. Larkey, L., Hecht, J., Miller, K., and Alatorre, C. (2001). Hispanic cultural norms for healthseeing behaviors in the face of symptoms. Health Education and Behavior. 28, 65-80. Livingston, G. (2011), Latinos and digital technology, 2010. Pew Hispanic Center, Washington, D.C.

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Livingston, G., Minushkin, S., and Cohn, D. (2008). PEW (2008) Hispanics and health care in the United States: Access, information and knowledge. A Joint Pew Hispanic Center and Robert Wood Report. Mahalik, J.R., Burns, S.M., and Syzdek, M. (2007). Masculinity and perceived normative health behaviors as predictors of men‘s health behaviors. Social Science and Medicine, 64, 2201-2209. Mahalik, J.R., Lagan, H.D., and Morrison, J.A. (2006). Health behaviors and masculinity in Kenyan and U.S. male college students. Psychology of Men and Masculinity, 7(4), 191202. Marcell, A.V., Howard, T.L., Plowden, K., and Watson, C. (2009). Exploring women‘s perceptions about their role in supporting partners‘ and sons‘ reproductive health. American Journal of Men‟s Health. 20(10), 1-9. Markey, C.N., Markey, P., Schneider, C., and Brownlee, S. (2005). Marital status and health beliefs: Different relations for men and women. Sex Roles. 53, 443-451. McNaughton, N. S., 2008. Health disparities and health-seeking behavior among Latino men: A review of the literature. Journal of Transcultural Nursing, 19(1) 83-91. Miranda, A.O., Bilot, J.M., Peluso, P., Berman, K., and Van Meek, L.J. (2006). Latino families: The relevance of the connection among acculturation, family dynamics, and health for family counseling research and practice. The Family Journal, 14(3), 268-273. Moreno, C., Alvarado, M., Balcazar, H., Lane, C., Newman, E., Oriz, G., and Forrest, M. (1997). Heart disease education and prevention targeting immigrant Latinos: Using focus group responses to develop effective interventions. Journal of Community Health, 22(6), 435-450. Norcross, W.A., Ramirez, C., and Palinkas, L.A. (1996). The Influence of women on the health care-seeking behavior of men. The Journal of Family Practice, 43(5), 475-480. Peak T., Gast J., and Ahlstrom D. (2010). A needs assessment of Latino men‘s health concerns. American Journal of Men‟s Health,4(1), 22-32. Sobralske, M. (2006a). Community-based strategies to improve the health of Mexican American men. International Journal of Men‟s Health. 5, 153-171. Sobralske, M. (2000b). Health care seeking among Mexican American men. Journal of Transcultural Nursing, 17, 129-138. Terre, L. (2008). Beyond gender profiling in lifestyle medicine. American Journal of Lifestyle Medicine, 2 (6), 500-503. Tudiver, F. and Talbot, Y. (1999). Why don‘t men seek help? Family physicians‘ perspectives on health seeking behavior in men. Family Practice, 48(1), 47-52. Umberson, D. and Montez, J. (2010). Social relationships and health: A flashpoint for health policy. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 51, S54-S66. Williams, D. (2003). The health of men: Structural inequalities and opportunities. American Journal of Public Health, 93 (5), 724-731.

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In: Masculinity and Femininity Editors: Jacob M. Aston and Estela Vasquez

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Chapter 7

DISTRIBUTIVE AND PROCEDURAL JUSTICE IN KOREAN AND MALAYSIA: A TEST OF GENDER AND CULTURE MODERATION EFFECT Jong-Wook Kwon Center for Cross-Cultural Managemen, Kangwon National University, South Korea

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ABSTRACT The purpose of this paper is to investigate the effects of distributive and procedural justice on organizational commitment and intent-to-stay with data from Korean and Malaysian employees. For this study, an integrative justice model was developed to examine the effect of culture and gender on the relationship between justice and organizational outcomes on the basis of the Cultural Model and the Gender Moderation Effect Model. Partially supporting the Cultural Model, the study findings show that procedural justice had greater effects on organizational commitment and intent-to-stay than distributive justice for Korean employees. On the other hand, distributive justice is more significantly associated with organizational commitment and intent-to-stay for Malaysian employees. Distributive justice is more distinct for men in affecting intent-tostay than for women among the Malaysian employees. The relation between procedural and organizational commitment was more significant for men than women among the Korean employees. Implications for this research and further studies were suggested.

Keywords: Distributive Justice, Procedural Justice, Organizational Commitment

INTRODUCTION This article develops and empirically examines an integrative justice model derived from the reviewing of previous justice studies with data from 312 Korean and Malaysian employees of the multinational corporations (MNCs). Distributive and procedural justice have been ones of the most widely studied constructs in the research fields of organizational

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behavior. Distributive justice refers to perceived fairness of the content and consequences, whereas procedural justice is related to perceived fairness of the means or the process of decision-making (Folger and Greenberg, 1985). However, most studies on justice were conducted from laboratory settings (Greenberg, 1987) and paid attention to legal than workrelated issues (McFarlin and Sweeney, 1992). In addition, few studies have looked at the relationship between justice and work-related outcomes for Asian employees from organizational settings (Greenberg, 1987; Cropanzano and Folger, 1989). If an employee who has perceived unfairness reduces his output or seeks to balance by working less hours, it is possible that unfairness can directly impact on the firm‘s performance. Much of the previous research has shown that procedural and distribute justice have substantial effects on organizational commitment, job satisfaction, and extra-role behavior (Greenberg and Folger, 1983; Alexander and Ruderman, 1987; Lind and Tyler, 1988; Kim and Mauborgne, 1996). However, the previous studies reveal incongruence with the effect of justice on the organizational attitude and behavior (e.g., Sweeny and McFarlin, 1997; Hartman, Yrle, and Galle, 1999). Therefore, more empirical research needs to be conducted to expand generalizability of the findings from the previous studies which, to date, have offered only limited implications on how international human resources managers should treat MNCs‘ employees who have different cultural backgrounds in Korea and Malaysia. Given that many MNCs are now operating globally, international human resources managers are increasingly concerned with understanding the complex relationships involving with employees‘ response to procedural and distributive justice (Agarwal, DeCarlo, and Vyas, 1999). Can previous research findings be generalized for Korean and Malaysian employees? To answer the question, an integrative justice model was developed and empirically examined with data from 312 Korean and Malaysian employees of MNCs to investigate the impact of procedural and distributive justice on their organizational outcomes. 1

LITERATURE REVIEW Distributive justice has been extensively studied over the past few decades since the equity theory has first developed by Adams (1963). Early research (Adams, 1965; Cropanzano and Greenberg, 1997) paid attention to distributive justice based on the social exchange theory which suggests that employees perceive unfair treatment when they receive less returns than they have expected. Despite these early numerous justice studies, one noticeable shortcoming was that they mainly focused on perceived fairness of the outcomes. Many studies (Thibaut and Walker, 1975; Lind and Tyler, 1988, Greenberg, 1987; Hendrix, Robbins, Miller, and Summers, 1998) recognized that procedural justice also needed to be properly documented. Recently, researchers have begun to investigate the influence of both procedural and distributive justice on the organizational attitude and behaviors (Greenberg, 1987; Cropanzano and Folger, 1989; Dailey and Kirk, 1992; Hendrix et al., 1998). On the relationship between organizational justice and organizational outcomes, two main well-research streams were identified: the Cultural Model and the Gender Moderation Effect Model. Based on these research streams, this paper proposes an integrative justice 1

In this paper, organizational justice includes procedural and distributive justice, and organizational outcomes include personal and organization-level outcomes.

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model that incorporates the two streams to better represent the relationship between organizational justice and outcomes for Korean and Malaysian employees.

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A. The Cultural Model (TCM) The Cultural Model (TCM) involves the relative predictive power of distributive and procedural justice on organizational outcomes depending on cultural contexts (GiacobbeMiller, Muller, and Vicorov, 1998; Mueller, Iverson, and Jo, 1999; Fields, Pang, and Chiu, 2000; Murphy-Berman and Berman, 2002). Based on this group value model, the TCM implies that procedural justice has a better predictive power for explaining the variance of employees‘ behavior and attitude in collectivistic cultures than distributive justice, whereas the latter is a better predictor in individualistic cultures than the former. Further, procedural justice can be treated as the sources of respectful treatment, not just instruments to assess employees‘ performance (Lind and Tyler, 1988; Greenberg, 1990). Therefore, Korean and Malaysian employees may have strong desire for respectful treatment and support at workplace. Consequently, it is expected that the relationship between justice and organizational outcomes for Korean and Malaysian employees are considerably different from that for the employees in individualistic cultures. For example, Murphy-Berman and Berman (2002) found out that employees in Hong Kong perceived the use of merit to be fairer than the use of need. On the other hand, they perceived that the allocator who favored merit was more selfish. In general, findings from the TCM imply that procedural justice is more significantly related to organizational outcomes in collectivistic culture than distributive justice, while the opposite is the case in individualistic cultures (Lind and Tyler, 1988). However, research on the group value model still provides no clear evidence that the influence of justice on employees‘ reaction varies across cultures. Reportedly, both procedural and distributive justice have been equally related to employees‘ reaction across cultures (Pearce, Bigley, and Branyiczki, 1998; Pillai, Scandura, and Williams, 1999).

B. The Gender Moderation Effect Model (TGM) The Gender Moderation Effect Model (TGM) illustrates whether gender-related differences exist in perceived importance of procedural and distributive justice (Sweeny and McFarlin, 1997; Hartman et al., 1999). Studies (Crosby, 1982; Sweeny and McFarlin, 1997; Hartman et al., 1999; Fields et al., 2000) suggest that differences pervade between men and women in perceived relative predictive roles of distributive and procedural justice. Findings have depicted completely different arguments based on the opposite logic. Sweeny and McFarlin‘s (1997) study suggests that the influence of procedural justice on organizational outcomes is generally greater for women than men. On the other hand, the relationship between distributive justice and organizational outcomes is generally greater for men than women. One explanation for this discrepancy is that when women are underpaid relative to men, they do not perceive personal inequity because others receive similar treatments (Crosby, 1982). In this context, women paid more attention to the process and procedure used for determining the allocation.

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Table 1. Summary of Research Models Research Models Representative Researchers Sample (Nations)

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Results

Arguments

TCM Mueller et al. (1999)

TGM Fields et al. (2000 ,)

MurphyBerman and Berman(2002) Teachers(US=838, University University Korea =756) Student (215) Student (215) (Korea and the (Hong Kong) (Hong Kong US) and Indonesia) US: Met US: PJ as Hong Kong: expectations about moderator The use of autonomy are between DJ and merit is fairer important ES than the use of Korea: Met Hong Kong: PJ need expectations about as moderator Indonesia: The advancement are between DJ and use of need is important JS, IS fairer than the use of merit The relationships between both PJ and DJ and work outcomes will vary among cultures. Equity principle considered as important in high individualistic society. Equality principle considered as important in high

Sweeney and McFarlin (1997) Government Org. (12,670) (US)

Hartman, et al.(1999)

Fields et al. (2000)

University Faculty (US)

University Student (215) Hong Kong

DJ -> IS, OC: Men > Women PJ -> IS, OC: Women > Men

No gender effects

No gender effects

The relationship between both PJ and DJ and work outcomes will vary depending on gender.

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Research Models

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Comparison of Results and Limitations

TCM collectivistic cultures. Focused on main effects of DJ and PJ Mainly focused on differences of predictor powers of DJ and PJ in across cultures Overall, the relationships between justice and outcomes vary among nations, but inconsistent results Need of defining collectivism/individualism. Possibility of various definition and different faces of collectivism/individualism Difficulty of reflecting on the possibility of changing cultures Group Value Theory

Related Theory Note: JS: Job Satisfaction. OC: Organizational Commitment. DJ: Distributive Justice; PJ: Procedural Justice. IS: Intent to Stay.

TGM

Overall, the relationships between justice and outcomes vary among gender, but inconsistent Focused on interaction effects of gender

Social Process Theory

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In contrast, Hartman et al. (1999) suggest that relative to men, women rate distributive justice issues to be more important, while men attach more importance to procedural justice. Women who are socialized to nurture others feel more importance to ensuring individuals receiving an equal treatment. Women‘s attention, therefore, tends more toward distributive justice (Golding, Resnick, and Crosby, 1983; Brockner and Adsit, 1986). This section approaches to a more comprehensive understanding of the complex influence patterns of justice on organizational outcomes by integrating the four main research models. Figure 1 represents a schematic integration of the two models. The dotted arrows in Figure 1 show the moderating effects of procedural justice and gender on organizational outcomes. In this study, two hypotheses are proposed based on the integrative model. Hypothesis 1: Procedural justice has a greater effect on intent-to-stay and organizational commitment than distributive justice for Korean and Malaysian employees. Hypothesis 2: A gender difference exists on the relationship between both justice and intent-to-stay and organizational commitment.

Intent to Stay Distributive Justice

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Gender TGM Procedural

TCM

Justice Organizational Commitment

Figure 1. The Integrative Model.

METHODOLOGY Subjects The sample group was composed of 312 MNCs‘ employees: 179 Korean employees and 133 Malaysian employees of a Korea-based multinational firm‘s subsidiaries in Malaysia. 85

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percent of the Korean employees and 97 percent of the Malaysian employees in this study were under 40 years of age. 49 percent of the Korean employees and 91 percent of the Malaysian employees had a college degree, and 80 percent of the Korean employees and 79 percent of the Malaysian employees were employed in their companies for 3 or more years.

Data Collection Instrument The original questionnaire was translated into a local language by bilingual researchers who were intimately familiar with relevant cultures. Back translation by a different translator helped minimize translation errors as suggested in Brislin (1980). Finally, discrepancies identified between the English and back-translated versions were resolved through a discussion with translators to ensure cross-cultural consistency and equivalence in connotations of the questionnaire items (cf. Adler, 1983; Serkaran, 1983).

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Data Treatment Social desirability, the tendency of respondents to present a socially desirable response rather than describe what they actually think, may be a particular troublesome bias in crosscultural research (Randall, Hou, and Pawelk, 1993). To control for this potential problem within each country, this study test the hypotheses by using the standardized data for all the variables with a mean of 0 and a standard deviation of 1 (cf. Leung and Bond, 1989; Singelis, Triandis, Bhawuk, and Gelfand, 1995; Dorfman, Javidan, Hanges, Brodbeck, and GLOBE Research Team, 2002). A multi-sample confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) was employed as described in Riordan and Vandenberg (1994) to see if the variables were discretely loaded for the two countries. It was first conducted for each country using the principal component extraction with the varimax rotation on the basis of factors loading .60 as the criterion for inclusion. The results show that the procedural justice items were appropriately loaded onto two different factors, but one of the distributive items displayed a low factor loading. Three items for procedural justice and two items for distributive justice were included for further analysis. Next, six items for organizational commitment were appropriately loaded after performing the CFA onto one factor. Finally, three items of intent-to-stay were also appropriately loaded onto one factor.

Data Analysis To test these hypotheses derived from the integrative model, the selection of variables and samples was carefully designed. To test hypothesis 1, two dependent variables selected are intent-to-stay as the personal-level outcome and organizational commitment for the organization-level outcome. To test hypothesis 2, data were collected from the Korean and Malaysian employees. Independent variables examined in this study were procedural and distributive justice as used in previous studies (Price and Mueller, 1986; MaFarlin and Sweeney, 1992).

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Jong-Wook Kwon Table 2. Variables for Measurement

Variables Organizational Commitment (OC) Intent-to-Stay (IS) Distributive Justice (DJ) Procedural Justice (PJ)

Items 6 3 3 3

Ranges 1-5 1-5 1-5 1-5

Sources Allen and Meyer (1991) Price and Mueller (1986) Price and Mueller (1986) McFarlin and Sweeney (1992)

Tenure, gender and education were selected as the control variables for previously demonstrated associations with organizational commitment (OC) and intent-to-stay (IS). The moderator variables reported here were organizational justice and gender. This article used six items from Allen and Meyer‘s (1991) study to measure OC. Means, standard deviations, reliabilities, and correlations were calculated in Table 3 for Korean employees and in Table 4 for Malaysian employees. Internal consistency for all measurements was computed by using the Cronbach alpha coefficient. The same items were calculated for the reliability coefficients of all constructs for both countries to acquire additional evidence of constructs and measurement equivalence (Agarwal et al., 1999).

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Table 3. Means, Standard Deviations, Reliabilities, and Correlations for Korean Employees Variables M SD α 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 1. Gender .82 .39 NA 2. Tenure (months) 101.80 66.85 NA .29** .79** 3. Education 3.91 1.01 NA .12 -.24** -.54** 4. DJ 3.36 .71 .89 .12 .19* .06 -.05 5. PJ 3.16 .78 .91 .12 .08 -.05 .07 .54** ** ** ** 6. OC 3.63 .63 .81 .21 .34 .23 -.11 .46** .39** 7. IS 2.86 .77 .69 .19* .33** .28** -.15 .33** .42** .12 Note: 1) Gender: women = 0, men = 1; 2) Education: elementary = 1, middle = 2, high = 3, college or higher = 4. * p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01

In Table 3, the Cronbach alpha (α) coefficients ranged from .69 to .91 for Korean employees. Therefore, internal consistency of all the constructs was for Korean employees acceptable in this study. Reliabilities of all constructs were acceptable for Malaysian employees (Cronbach alphas in the range of .81 to .90). As Table 3 and 4 show, distributive and procedural justice are significantly correlated with organizational outcomes for Korean employees. However, only distributive justice is significantly correlated with OC and IS for Malaysian employees. To avoid multicollinearity, all the variables were standardized into a mean of 0 and a standard deviation of 1 (Leung and Bond, 1989; Dorfman et al., 2002) since organizational justice with gender was together entered the regression equation at the same time to verify the interaction effects1. Hierarchical 1

There was no serious multicollinearity problem because the VIFs in Model 3 are far below the cut-off of 10, as recommended in Neter, Wasserman, and Kutner (1985).

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regression was performed to measure the impact of justice on OC after controlling the influence of the demographic variables (See Table 5). Table 4. Means, Standard Deviations, Reliabilities, and Correlations for Malaysian Employees Variables M SD 1. Gender .85 .36 2. Tenure 75.07 35.06 (months) 3. Education 3.91 1.25 4. DJ 3.10 1.08 5. PJ 2.24 1.05 6. OC 3.70 .76 7. IS 2.88 .99 Note: Gender: Female = 0, Male = 1; higher = 4. * p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01.

α NA NA

1 -.01

2

3

4

5

6

7

.32**

NA -.10 -.16 -.45** .86 .038 .02 -.09 -.03 * .92 .16 .01 -.20 -.01 .45** .73 -.11 .10 .17 -.21** .29** .13 * .70 .07 .22 .07 -.33** .31** .11 .17 2) Education: elementary = 1, middle = 2, high = 3, college or

Table 5. Hierarchical Regressions for Justice, Organizational Commitment, and intentto-stay Korean OC IS Gender .08 .05 Tenure (months) .22* .24** Education .05 -.05 ** Distributive Justice .25 .11 Procedural Justice .28** .37** DJ*Gender -.12 -.05 PJ*Gender .14≠ .02 R2 for model 1 .08 .09 ** F for model 1 4.62 5.63** 2 △R for model 2 .22 .19 ** 2 24.54 21.48** F for △R △R2 for model 3 .02 .01 1.84 .44 F for △R2 model 3 ** Total Regression F 8.87 8.64** Note: Standardized regression coefficients are shown. ≠ : p < 0.10, *: p < 0.05, **: p < 0.01.

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Variables

Malaysian OC -.21≠ .14 -.16≠ .35** .01 .17 -.06 .07 3.29* .10 6.70** .02 1.53 3.77**

IS .03 -.09 -.38** .24* -.01 .17≠ -.09 .14 6.14** .07 5.29 .02 1.30 4.46**

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RESULTS Hypothesis 1: TCM

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The beta coefficient of procedural justice for OC (=.28, p