Maritime Ireland: An Archaeology of Coastal Communities 0752425099, 9780752425092
Ireland is an island in the Atlantic Ocean, surrounded by seas that link it to a wider world. From earliest times, its p
218 102 3MB
English Pages 272 [260] Year 2007
List of illustrations 6
Preface 9
1. Introduction 11
2. Mesolithic hunter-gatherers: life and death by the seashore (8000-4000 BC) 29
3. Neolithic farmers, landscapes and seascapes, 4000-2500 BC 59
4. The isles of the north: Bronze Age and Iron Age maritime traditions in Ireland 79
5. Saints, ships and seaways: early medieval coastal landscapes and traditions (AD 400-1200) 109
6. Gaelic lordships, Anglo-Norman merchants and Late medieval mariners (AD 1100-1550) 159
7. Plantation, industrialisation and the modern world (AD 1550-1945) 199
Conclusions: towards a maritime archaeology of Ireland 241
Index 253
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Maritime Ireland AN ARCHAEOLOGY OF COASTAL COMMUNITIES
Maritime Ireland AN ARCHAEOLOGY OF COASTAL COMMUNITIES
Aidan O’Sullivan & Colin Breen
Wededicatethisbooktoourparents,JohnandKathleen O’SullivanandAnneandGerryBreeningratitudeforall theyhavegivenus
Firstpublished TempusPublishingLimited TheMill,BrimscombePort, Stroud,Gloucestershire,GLQG www.tempus-publishing.com ©AidanO’Sullivan&ColinBreen, TherightofAidanO’Sullivan&ColinBreentobeidentifiedastheAuthors ofthisworkhasbeenassertedinaccordancewiththe Copyrights,DesignsandPatentsAct1988. Allrightsreserved.Nopartofthisbookmaybereprinted orreproducedorutilisedinanyformorbyanyelectronic, mechanicalorothermeans,nowknownorhereafterinvented, includingphotocopyingandrecording,orinanyinformation storageorretrievalsystem,withoutthepermissioninwriting fromthePublishers. BritishLibraryCataloguinginPublicationData. AcataloguerecordforthisbookisavailablefromtheBritishLibrary. isbn9780752425092 TypesettingandoriginationbyTempusPublishingLimited PrintedinGreatBritain
Contents
Listofillustrations
Preface
1 Introduction
Mesolithichunter-gatherers:lifeanddeathbytheseashore (-bc)
Neolithicfarmers,landscapesandseascapes,-bc
Theislesofthenorth:BronzeAgeandIronAge maritimetraditionsinIreland
Saints,shipsandseaways:earlymedievalcoastallandscapes andtraditions(ad-)
Gaeliclordships,Anglo-NormanmerchantsandLatemedieval mariners(ad-)
Plantation,industrialisationandthemodernworld(ad-)
Conclusions:towardsamaritimearchaeologyofIreland
Index
List of illustrations
MapofIrelandshowinglocationofplaces (bays,estuaries,etc)andkeyarchaeological sitesmentionedinthisbook Ballycastle,northMayo–Ireland’snorthwest coastwithitsrockycliffsandsmallsandy bays DetailoftheQuoileEstuaryandStrangford Narrows(fromMurdochMackenise’s chart) Shannonestuary–amarshlandseascapeof mudflats,saltmarshesandreclaimedlevels Womenguttingherring AGreencastleyawl MapofIrelandshowingtypicallycoastal locationsofMesolithichunter-gatherersites MountSandelflintflakeaxes MapshowinglocationofMountSandelin itswiderlandscapes.Itislikelythathuntergathererstraveledtothecoasttotrapfish andgatherrawmaterials DistributionofshellmiddensandLate MesolithicflintscattersaroundStrangford Lough(AfterMcErlean,McConkeyand Forsythe) Mesolithicfishtraprecentlyexcavatedat Dublin’sNorthQuay DalkeyIsland,Co.Dublin:locationof MesolithicandNeolithicoccupationsites LocationofLateMesolithicsiteatFerriter’s CoveattheendoftheDinglePeninsula, Co.Kerry ReconstructiondrawingofLateMesolithic oysterconsumption
LateMesolithicsiteexcavationsatBelderrig, Co.Mayo LateMesolithicartefactsfromBelderrig,Co. Mayo(GraemeWarren,UCD) DigitalTerrainModelofNEcoastofIreland andSWcoastofScotland TheCeidecoastlineofnorthMayo,location ofanextensiveNeolithiclandscapeof enclosures,fieldsystemsandmegalithic tombs MapofCeideNeolithicfield-systems MapofGlencoy,Co.Antrimcoastline showinglocationofNeolithicsettlements andtombs MapofshellmiddensatCulleenamore, showingKnocknareainbackground MapshowingcoastallocationofNeolithic courttombatMillinBay,Co.Downinthe toprighthandcorner NeolithicsiteatCarrigdirtyRock,Co. Limerick StrangfordLoughNeolithicdugout Gormonstondugoutboat PromontoryfortonKerrycoastline.Bronze Agestandingstones,barrowsandfulacht fiadhhavebeenfoundclosetosuch promontories,suggestingsomeliminalrole inlaterprehistory BronzeAgecliff-topfortatDúnAonghusa, AranIslands,Co.Galway BronzeAgeartefactsfromDúnAonghusa ReconstructionofBronzeAgeenclosureat Carrigillihy,Co.Cork
listofillustrations HypotheticalmodelofBronzeAge inhabitationanduseofShannonestuary CarrigdirtyRockBronzeAgereconstruction drawing Islandmagrath,Co.Clare.LateBronzeAge structure BronzeAgeandearlymedievalmiddensat Ballyconneely,Co.Galway LocationmapofBallymulholland,Co.Derry ReconstructionoftheNorthFerribyBronze Ageboat ReconstructiondrawingofDoverBronze Ageboat IronAgeBroighterboatmodel LoughLeneIronAgeboatbeingremoved fromwater LoughLeneIronAgeboatdrawings Loughshinney/Drumanaghpromontory fort ViewacrossseabetweenLambayIslandand Drumanagh Distributionmapofpromontoryfortsin Ireland Dunseverick,Co.Antrim Planofearlymedievalpromontoryfortat Dunbeg,Co.Kerry EarlymedievalcaheratLeacanabuaile,Co. Kerry Earlymedievalshellmiddensat Doonlaughan,Co.Galway Locationmapofearlymedievalshellmidden atOughtymoyle,Co.Derry BeginishIslandeccelesiasticalsite,Co.Kerry EarlymedievalmonasticsiteatInishmurray, Co.Sligo Reconstructiondrawingofearlymedieval monasticenclosureonHighIsland,Co. Galway EarlymedievalsiteatIllaunloughan,Co. Kerry Stakesfromanearlymedievalfishtrapat GreyAbbeyBay,Co.Down EarlymedievalmillatNendrum,Strangford Lough,Co.Down EarlymedievalboatdepictiononBantry pillarstone,Co.Cork Earlymedievalshipre-usedaspartofwaterfront structure,WinetavernStreet,Dublin Vikingshipgraffitionplankfrom WinetavernStreet Vikingshipgraffitionplankfrom ChristchurchPlace VikingshipmodelfromWinetavernStreet
Noah’sarkoneastfaceofKillaryCross,Co. Meath DistributionofE-warepotteryinIreland andreconstructionofmaritimetraderoutes DalkeyIslandpromontoryfort MapofVikingDublinandtheAtlantictrade routes Dunnamarkringwork,Co.Cork Ballyhalbertmotteandsurrounding landscape Carrickferguscastle,Co.Antrimc. O’MalleyfamilymemorialplaqueonClare Island,Co.Mayo Ringhaddycastle,Co.Down BallynacallaghsettlementclusteronDursey Island,Co.Cork Latemedievalcastleonpromontory overlookingsealanesoffRathlinIsland,at Kinbane,Co.Antrim Seventeenth-centuryfolioofBaltimore,Co. Cork Bunrattyfishtrap Boarlandrockfishtrap,FergusEstuary FishtrapdistributioninGreyabbeyBay,Co. Down DetailofwestarmofBallyurnanellan: showingdoublekerbandfillmethodof construction Rossglassfishtrap,Co.Down WinetavernStreetwaterfront,Dublin ReconstructionbyAidanO’Sullivanof vessellyingagainstDublinwaterfront JohnSpeed’splanofCorkc. MaidensToweratMornington,alate medievaltowerprobablybuiltasa navigationalaidandlookoutpostfor vesselsenteringtheBoyne Eighteenth-centurydrawingofArdglasswith theNewarkbuildinginthebackground DetailofAlexander’schartofArdglass Co.Downtowerhouse SealofWaterford GalleycarvingatDunluceCastle,Co. Antrim Detailofseventeenth-centurymapof SmerickHarbourengagement MapofMaheeCastle,StrangfordLough, showingthequaycomplextotherightof thecastleontheforeshore TheEnglishpursuetheSpanishfleetEastof Plymouth,July-August Sixteenth-centurySpanishvessels TheNorthCoast 7
maritimeireland:anarchaeologyofcoastalcommunities ThomasRaven’sLondonderryinthes DetailofCulmoreFortinthes,Co. Derry DetailofRaven’ssEstatemapof Groomsport,Co.Down Jobson’searlyseventeenth-centuryCityof Limerick The‘OldQuay’atStrangford,Co.Down DetailofNewtownfortfromThomasPhilips svistaofBantryBay,Co.Cork DgeophysicalimageoftheshipwreckLa Surveillante MartellotoweratMagilliganPoint,Co.Derry Claddaghcottagesinthenineteenthcentury DetailfromSmith’smapofKenmareRiver showingfishhouses WhalingattheInishkeaIslands SharkfisheryoffAchill KelpGridMountStewart,Strangford Lough ReclamationattheheadofLoughFoyle SSSirius ShipwrecksalvageonavesselatStrangford, Co.Down HookHeadlighthouse AchillIslandcurrach AbandonedseineboatsintheBeara Peninsula,Co.Cork Termonview,Co.Donegal
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ColourPlates AchillIslandsouthcoastinastorm,Co.Mayo Rusheen,IniskeaIslandsatlowtide,Co.Sligo DalkeyIsland,fromColiemoreharbour,Co. Dublin MesolithicsiteonBelderrigBay,Co.Mayo Bushfootenclosures,Co.Antrim Digitalinfraredaerialphotographof Ringneillshellmidden,StrangfordLough, Co.Down LateBronzeAgestructure,Islandmagrath, Fergusestuary Dunseverickpromontoryfort,Co.Antrim CahercarberyMorepromontoryfort,Co. Kerry Dunkilmorefort,Achillbeg,Co.Mayo Doonloughanshellmiddens,Co.Galway Inishmurray,Co.Sligo InishmurrayLeachtatemple,Co.Sligo EarlymedievalBantrypillarstone,Co.Cork VikingDublinchildrenplayingwithamodel boat Medievalfishtrapreconstruction,Bunratty, Shannnonestuary DigitalAerialPhotographofDunboycastle andPuxleyManor(UU) Medievalchurchandnineteenth-century Martellotower,DalkeyIsland,DublinBay Carrickkildavnettowerhouse,AchillIsland BeaghCastletowerhouseandnineteenthcenturyfishingvillage,Shannonestuary DunluceCastle,Co.Antrim DonaghadeeHarbour,Co.Down Nineteenth-centuryKelpgatheringin Connemara Twentieth-centuryShannonestuary gandelowlyinginboatbedinmarsh BushIslandPostmedievalfishtrap,Shannon Estuary
Preface
Maritimearchaeologyisasubjectwithhugepotentialfordiscoveryandresearch inIreland,butthisalsomeansthatitisinitsinfancy.Inthisbookwehavetried to sketch out a general outline of Ireland’s maritime cultural heritage, as well as the questions and gaps in our knowledge. Hopefully, with more maritime archaeological investigations some answers will emerge and some gaps will starttobefilledinandwehopethatthisbookpointsscholarsinsomeuseful directions. Inthemeantime,weacknowledgetheinspirationandworkofourfriendsand colleagues.Inparticular,wewouldliketothankRoryQuinn,TomMcErlean, RosemaryMcConkey,DanRhodes,TedPollardandWesForsythe,Centrefor MaritimeArchaeology,Coleraine;toBrianWilliams,EnvironmentandHeritage Service;toDonalBoland,DrNiallBrady,theDiscoveryProgramme;Fionnbarr Moore,KarlBrady,ConnieKelleheroftheUnderwaterArchaeologyUnit,Dept of Environment; Muiris O’Sullivan, Gabriel Cooney, Barry Raftery, Graeme Warren,RobertSands,DorothyKelly,JoannaBruck,TadhgO’Keeffe,Stephen HarrisonandSharonGreene,UCDSchoolofArchaeology;EmilyMurrayand Finbar McCormick, School of Geography, Archaeology and Palaeoecology, Queen’s University Belfast, PeterWoodman, John Sheehan and Colin Rynne, DeptofArchaeology,UniversityCollegeCork;JohnWaddell,BillyO’Brien,Liz FitzPatrickandKieranO’Conor,NUIGalway;MoiraNíLoingsigh,Cork;Dr PatrickWallace,Director,NationalMuseumofIreland;EamonnKelly;Beatrice KellyandIanDoyleofTheHeritageCouncil. We also thank our colleagues who have provided us with articles and information in advance of publications, or whose work we draw down heavily from,includingClaireCotter,MargaretMcCarthy,GraemeWarren,NiallBrady, JonathanWooding,TomMcErlean,WesForsythe,NigelMcDowell,GailPollock andEmilyMurray. We thank Peter Kemmis Betty of Tempus for his endless and almost inexhaustible patience.This book has taken longer than we, and he, expected, butwehopethatithasbeenworththewait.
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MapofIrelandshowinglocationofplaces(bays,estuaries,etc)andkeyarchaeologicalsites mentionedinthisbook
1
Introduction
introduction Ireland is a maritime island lying off the north-western European seaboard, surroundedbyseasthatlinkitwiththewiderworld.Abouttenthousandyears ago, Ireland’s first human settlers – Mesolithic hunter-gatherers – came here by hide-covered boats or canoes and started to live by its shoreline, gathering shellfish and other marine foods. Since those first arrivals, people have lived, worked,travelledandburiedtheirdeadalongIreland’scoastallandscapes.They have used the sea and its shoreline as a source of food and raw materials, a source of livelihood, as a means of travel and communications, and as a place tobuildcommunities.Inthisbook,wehopetotellsomeofthestoriesofthe manydifferentpeoplesthathavelivedbyandworkedthesea,fromprehistory tomoderntimes. Thesestoriesarerootedinthemaritimelandscapeofthecoastandthemany piecesofphysicalevidencethatthesepastpeoplesleftbehind().Archaeological traces of these coastal dwellers are rich and diverse, including dwelling places, rubbishheapsormiddens,fishingstructures,harbours,piersandboats.However, itisonlyinthelasttwodecadesthatIrisharchaeologistshavebeguntoseriously think about such stories and the wider cultural heritage of the coastal zone in Ireland.This is in contrast to the Mediterranean, Scandinavian and North Atlanticarchaeologicaltraditions,wherescholarshaveaccomplishedmarvelous archaeological and bioarchaeological results by the careful, multidisciplinary investigationofcoastalsettlementsites.
maritimeireland:anarchaeologyofcoastalcommunities
rememberingireland’smaritimetraditions Youwouldhavethoughtthatwritinganoverviewofmaritimearchaeologyin Ireland should be a relatively straightforward process. It is, after all, an island, whichhasbeensubjecttouptotenthousandyearsofhumanactivity,muchof itconcentratedalongthecoast,andithasbeenafocusforcontinualtradeand communicationsinaEuropeanandAtlanticworldformillennia.Yet,giventhis longevity of human coastal activity and associated archaeologies this has not beenaneasytask.Ithasbeencompoundedbyarelativepaucityofinformation, littleunderstandingorrecognitionofpastmaritimetraditionsandanestablished marked lack of enthusiasm for investigating Ireland’s past from a maritime or sea-basedperspective. Of course, since the earliest origins of Irish archaeology, antiquarians and scholars have shown some interest in aspects of coastal sites. Indeed, in the nineteenth century, scholars such as George Petrie,T.J.Westropp andWilliam Wakeman visited theAran Islands and Inismurray.They described the coastal promontory forts and monastic enclosures, but they also often depicted the contemporarypopulationsaslivingprimitivelivesthattheysawasbeingrooted inantiquity.This‘othering’ofislandpopulationswenthand-in-handwithIrish nationalistbeliefsthatthewesternseaboardanditsAtlanticislandswereplaces whereanancient,survivingGaelicculturecouldbeusedtoreinspireacultural revivalinIrishsociety.Throughthetwentiethcentury,archaeologistscontinued to work on coastal archaeological sites, exploring the organization of island monasteries,thechronologyandfunctionofcoastalpromontoryfortsandthe roleofso-called‘kitchen’middens(shellmiddens)thattheyfoundinsanddunes. Indeed,foratime,Irisharchaeologistswereshowinggreatinterestinsanddune occupations and shell middens, with significant publications byW.J. Knowles, andlaterbyBrunicardiandtheRev.Hewson.However,therewasrarelyevera sensethatthiswasregardedascoastalormaritimearchaeology,butratherastudy ofpeoplelivingoddlyandattheedgeofnormallife–scholarlyworkthatwas apartfromtheclassicmonumentstudiesthathavedominatedIrisharchaeology. Traditionally,Irishsocietygenerallyhaslookedinwardstoitsrurallandscapes, seeing agriculture as being of key cultural and economic significance. By contrast,ithastobesaidthatourAtlanticneighbours,fromIberia,Franceand Britain across to Newfoundland, see their national identities as being firmly rooted in the traditions of the sea and built national economies structured arounditsmarineresources.Thisispartlyrootedinscholarlyactivitiesatcrucial timesofstateandidentityformationinIreland;thenineteenthcenturycultural nationalist emphasis on the saints and scholars of Ireland’s‘GoldenAge’; the factthattheseminalHarvardArchaeologicalMissionofthesconcentrated on prehistoric and early medieval sites inland, and perhaps too the sense that ‘outsiders’ (i.e. the‘English’, or variants of the same) were responsible for the developmentofourmaritimeportsandfleets. 12
introduction
Thesea–althoughapowerfultropeintheIrishimagination–haslargelybeen associatedwitharrivalsof‘outsiders’whetherrealorimagined,withtheadventof newideas,technologiesandculturesfromwithout.Sincetheearliestantiquarian studiesinthenineteenthcentury,thepeoplesthoughttohave‘arrived’herefrom acrosstheseaincludedthepseudohistorical,mythicalMilesians;the‘invading’ Celts (still a particularly deeply-rooted popular idea, despite a generation of research that shows there was never a‘Celtic invasion’); the onslaught of the Vikings; the arrival of Christianity from Gaul and the peregrinations of the earlyIrishsaints,Anglo-NormancolonizersandupwardstotheSpanishArmada andlaterFrenchfleetsthatwereinvolvedinvariousrebellions.Indeed,historic shipwrecks were seen by some Irish scholars as the archaeological heritage of otherpeoples(i.e.theArmadashipwrecksbelongedtotheSpanish,ratherthan theIrish).Ontheotherhand,theseawasseenasthemeansbywhichourpeople left;emigratingtoBritain,AustraliaandAmerica.Exile,departure,andloss–all wereassociatedwiththeactualshipsandportsthatboreourpeopleaway(no doubt,futureIrishidentitieswillbeshapedbystoriesaboutotherpeople’sarrival anddeparturefromairports!).Inanycase,itwasoftenastoryaboutmaritime movementandarrival,butrarelywasthererecognitionofeverydayactivityof coastaldwellers–ofthelives,traditionsandeconomicactivitiesofpeoplewho livedbytheseathroughallthesehistoricalevents. It could also be argued that the social and political construct of the contemporaryIrishstateanditscontinuedcoexistencewithNorthernIreland was also partly responsible for this antipathy. Prior to Irish independence in ,thecoast,itstowns,villages,Britisheconomicandmilitaryinterestslargely controlled harbours and estuaries. The presence of extensive post medieval fortifications around the coast bear testimony to this overt military presence andthedominantsymbolicandvisualroletheyplayedinthelandscape.These monumentsandtheirassociatedlargenaviesandmercantilefleetswerelaterto become associated by Irish nationalists, and consequently by the public with theisland’scolonialpastandthusrepresentingaculturalseparatenesswhichwas disengagedfromthenationalsocialperceptionsofheritage. Thisresultedinmanyoftheformercentresofcolonialactivitylikeforts,towers andbatteriesbecomingculturallyinvisibleorevennon-placesinthelandscape. ‘Forgetting’,intheend,isasdeliberateanddynamicaprocessas‘remembering’. Asaconsequence,manyoftheotherculturaltraditionsofthecoastalsobecome marginalized through association.This process of forgetting was also coupled withabandonmentofislandsandtherepatriationoftheirmaritimecommunities tothemainlandandbeyond.TheabandonmentoftheBlasketIslands,thatmost iconicofGaelicIrishislands,wasironicallyaccomplishedatthesametimeasits GaelicIrishculturalidentitieswerepromotedinschools.Evenduringperiodsof economicrecovery,thelarge-scalemigrationtotheurbancentresandemigration outofthecountrymarkedasustainedperiodofdepopulationofthecoastwith littleofficialinterestinitssustainabledevelopment. 13
maritimeireland:anarchaeologyofcoastalcommunities
InsteadintheearlyyearsoftheFreeState,culturalheritagewasmoreassociated withthe‘Celtic’andChristianpastthanwitheverydaycoastalactivities.There wasaverynoticeableintroversionwherethegovernmentinthes,largely directedbyEamonnDeValera,bothphysicallyandmetaphoricallyturnedtheir backs on the sea in an attempt to‘recreate’ a Christian rural society that was largelyself-sustainable.Atthesametime,linkstotheseaweredeliberatelycut, thegovernmentsoldoffmerchantfleetsandanattemptwasmadetoseparate Irelandfromitsclosestmaritimeneighbour,Britain.Indeed,peoplefromfishing communities today would argue that government policy, influenced by EU conservation and agriculturally-oriented economic policies, has continued to lead to a gradual downgrading of the commercial and fishing marine sector. In the s, government and heritage bodies, university archaeology departmentsandcommercialcompaniesacrosstheislanddevelopedagrowing interest in maritime and coastal archaeology. Much has been achieved, from coastalsurveysofregionstoinventoriesofshipwrecksaroundtheentireisland. The Discovery Programme’s pioneering Shannon estuary inter-tidal survey between -, directed by Aidan O’Sullivan revealed the existence of NeolithicandBronzeAgesubmergedlandscapes,occupationsitesandtrackways onitsforeshore,aswellasarangeofmedievalandpostmedievalfishingstructures, piers and reclamation walls.This project confirmed the huge archaeological potentialofIreland’sintertidalzone,whichhadhithertobeenoverlooked.Since thes,therehasbeenanawarenessamongstthedivingcommunityofour shipwreck resource. In , the National Monuments Service established a National Maritime archaeological survey in the Republic. This has initially focusedonanexhaustiveliteratureanddesk-topsurvey,providingthebasisfor an inventory of shipwrecks around the coast – suspected to consist of tens of thousandsofsites.Morerecently,thestate’sUnderwaterArchaeologyUnithas made serious progress at providing a full inventory of shipwrecks and other maritimestructures. NorthernIreland’sarchaeologicalcommunityhaveverysuccessfullyprogressed maritimearchaeologyasadiscipline,ascanbeseeninbothuniversityandheritage agency initiatives. In ,The MaritimeArchaeology Project was established bytheEnvironmentService,andwasbasedattheInstituteofIrishStudiesin Belfast.Usingdocumentaryandcartographicsourcesandsomeexcavations,this projectdirectedbyColinBreenpreparedaninventoryofatleastfourthousand shipwreckslyinginNorthernIrelandwaters.Along-termintertidalsurveywas alsocarriedoutonStrangfordLough,Co.Downbetween-byTom McErlean,RosemaryMcConkeyandWesForsytheandcolleagues.Arguably,this providedthefirstmaritimeculturallandscapestudyofpartofIreland’scoastline. InbothNorthernIrelandandtheRepublic,bothcommercialarchaeologistsare highlyactive.However,itremainstobeseenwhethertheprofessionalisationof maritimearchaeologyinbothpartsofIrelandwillhelp,orperhapspartlyhinder, 14
introduction
a public awareness of the potential richness and role of coastal archaeology. It could also be argued that this growing professional archaeological activity has ‘chilled’ the potential contribution of local communities, or at the least has notnecessarilyenabledlocalcommunitiestoexploreforthemselvestheirown coastalculturalheritage. Thisisdespitethefactthatuptohalfthisisland’spopulationlivewithinten kilometres of the coast and few are further than a few hours’ travel to it. In contrast, in Britain local historical and archaeological groups have been much moreinvolvedincoastalarchaeologicalsurveyandmonitoring.Perhapscoastal archaeologicalmonitoringschemesinvolvinglocalcommunitiesaresomething thatcouldbeusefullydevelopedinIreland(especiallyconsideringthepotentially destructive,andlargelyunwitnessed,impactofcoastalerosiononthousandsof Ireland’s coastal archaeological sites). In a sense, we have decided to aim this bookatageneralorpopularaudiencebecauseofthis,inthebeliefthatitisonly byencouragingandinforminglocalcommunitiesoftheexcitementofcoastal archaeologythatfurtherdiscoverieswillbemade. Inthisintroductorychapter,wewillsetthescenebydescribingsomeways ofthinkingaboutcoastalarchaeology.Aboveall,weareinterestedinexploring how people perceived and understood the sea and used this knowledge and understanding to order and constitute the landscapes and societies that they lived in.While as archaeologists we work with the material remains of the past,itisnottheseplacesandobjectsalonethatweareinterestedin,butinthe living,breathingpeoplethatmade,usedanddiscardedthem.Sofirstly,wewill try and think about how communities derived their social identity and sense of belonging by their daily engagement with these dynamic environments. We will also consider the places where these people lived and worked, showinghowcommunitiesworkedwithinthephysicalrealities(intermsofits topography, weather, tides, currents, etc.), of the Irish coastal landscape as well as the diversity of resources (salt, fish, marine mammals) available in different places.
ireland’scoastline–itsphysicalandenvironmentalcharacter Ireland’s physical topography and island character have long been shaped by thesea;fromthegeologicaloriginsofitslimestonesandshalesformedonthe bed of a shallow tropical ocean aeons ago to its present-day maritime climate andweather().WhatisIreland’scoastlike?Firstly,itisenormous.Althoughit isasmallisland,withitscomplex,fractal-likenetworkofheadlandsandinlets, Irelandhasalongercoastline(c.,kilometres)thanmostEuropeancountries (certainlylongerthanFranceandSpain).Indeed,thisislandhasoneofthehighest ratiosofcoastlinetolandsurfaceofanyintheworld.Italsopossessesacoastline ofastonishingdiversity,withhighcliffsalongthewest,earthybluffsdownthe 15
maritimeireland:anarchaeologyofcoastalcommunities
south-east, sand dunes everywhere, estuaries and both sandy and rocky sealoughsatmostpointsofthecompass.Itisquitevariedtoointermsofregions. TheruggedfractalsofthewesternAtlanticseaboardcanbecontrastedwiththe generallylow-lyingsandycoastoftheeastcoast.Ireland’scoastallandscapes,both naturalandcultural,arebuiltonabaseofvaryinggeologyandtopography. Mostofitishardandrocky,ascanbeseenalongthehighcliffsofthewest, south-west and north coasts, as well as their islands – where mountains and uplandsoftengraderapidlyintothesea,sometimesleavingbaysandinletseither sideoflongpeninsulas(suchasalongthesandstonemountainsofCork,Kerry). Thesebaysformshelteredharboursandareoftenplacesoflong-termhuman settlement.The best known archaeologically is Strangford Lough, Co. Down, whereextensivesand-flatsareexposedateverylowtide().Recentintertidal archaeologicalsurveyshaveuncoveredhundredsofarchaeologicalsites,ranging from fish traps and tidal mills, kelp walls and harbours and landing places. SimilarlydramaticarethelimestonecliffsofClareandtheAranIslands,andthe hardgranitesofDonegal.AnotherlargepartoftheIrishcoastline(c.,km) islow-lying,eitherconsistingofbluffsofglaciallyderivedsoils,shingleorsandy shores,suchasdowntheeastcoastfromMeathtoWexford,oritissanddunes andmachairplains(adistinctivesoildominatedbywind-blownsand)thatare foundalongthenorth-westcoast(Mayo,SligoandDonegal).
Ballycastle,northMayo–Ireland’snorthwestcoastwithitsrockycliffsandsmallsandybays (AidanO’Sullivan) 16
introduction
DetailoftheQuoileEstuaryandStrangfordNarrows(fromMurdochMackenise’s1776chart)
Estuaries are also a significant feature of the Irish coastline, where rivers ebb into the sea through vast areas of salt marshes, mudflats and beaches (). Particularly significant estuarine landscapes are to be seen on the Shannon/ Fergusestuary,CastlemaineHarbour,CorkHarbourandDundalkBay,butalso along many smaller rivers. Archaeological intertidal surveys on the Shannon estuary, in particular, pioneered the study of these landscapes and uncovered evidenceforsubmergedforests,prehistoricmarshlandsites,Medievalfishtraps andpostmedievalfishtraps,piersandreclamationfeatures.Finally,peoplehave alsomodifiedthecoastovergenerations,eitherbyreclaimingandprotectingit behindseawallsorbybuildingtownsandwaterfrontsalongitsedges.Indeed, our historical urban maritime archaeological heritage is probably both our richestandleastunderstood. Ourcoastallandscapeisalsoaspacewheretimehaswroughtmorechanges than those brought about by the processes of geology, coastal erosion and deposition.MuchofIreland’searliercoastallandscapesarenowsubmergedunder thesea.Overthelast,years,theislandofIrelandhasslowlyre-bounded fromtheoriginalweightoftheicesheetsthatlayonitduringthelastIceAge. Thisisnotpreciselythesameeverywhere,sothatinthesouth-westthelandis slowly tipping into the ocean, resulting in ancient ground surfaces now being 17
maritimeireland:anarchaeologyofcoastalcommunities
Shannonestuary–amarshlandseascapeofmudflats,saltmarshesandreclaimedlevels(Shannon Estuaryports)
under water – meaning that is possible on the Shannon estuary at low tide to walkacrosspeatsandancientsubmergedforeststhatoncegrewfourandahalf thousandyearsago,butarenowonlytobeseenatlowtide.Incontrast,thenortheastpartoftheislandisgraduallyrisingupwards,sohundredsofmetresinland fromthepresentseashore,ontheAntrimcoastlineforexample,itispossibletosee theterracesofancientbeaches(knownasraisedbeaches)thatwereoncelapped bythewavesbutarenowinmodernfarmland.Itneedhardlybesaidthesea-level changeisacomplexprocess,muchmorecomplicatedthanwillbepresentedin thisbook,butitissomethingthatneedstobeborneinmindwhenlookingat archaeologicalsites.Indeed,recentarchaeological,palaeogeographicandmarine geophysicalresearchindicatethatsubmergedculturallandscapesmaylieonthe seabedaroundourcoastlineandthatthesemaybeamenabletoinvestigation.In anycase,weneedtoimaginethatsomecoastalarchaeologicalsiteswereonceset inlandscapesthatweredramaticallydifferenttothemoderncoastline. 18
introduction
Livingbythesea,peoplehavealsolonghadtocontendwithcoastalweather (withitswinds,rainandstorms)andthemovementsoftheseaitself(currents, wavesandtidesinparticular).TheAtlanticOceanisofcourseoneofthestormiest intheworldandIrelandfacesunprotectedintoitsworstconditions.Windsdrive saltandsandinland,hindervegetationgrowth(thelackoftreesacrossmuchof thewestcoastcanbeexplainedbywind,notrain)andcausecommunitiesto huddleintotheshelterofbaysandinlets.Italsogoverns,alongwithcurrentsand tides,whenandhowpeoplemovealongtheseaways.Prevailingwindsarefrom thesouthtowest,andinparticular,althoughhighwindscanoccurthroughout theyear,galesaremostfrequentinwinter.Priortomodernshiptechnology,and theabilityithasgivenseafarerstomoveagainstthewindandtolerateheavyseas, long-distancevoyagingwasaseasonalactivity.Currentsandwindconditionsalso haveanimpactonlocalnavigation. BathedinthewarmingwatersofthecurrentsoftheGulfStream,Irelandhas betterwintersandamoremoderateclimateandmightbeexpectedatitslatitude in the NorthAtlantic.There are also‘local’ currents that are a product of the circulation of water around these islands and the coast of western Europe. One currentmovesupfromthesouth-westandmovesnorthwardsalongthewestcoast ofIreland.TherearealsocurrentsthatflownorthwardsupintotheIrishSea,and downfromthenorthbetweenAntrimandScotland.Seasonalthermalseafrontsin thesecurrentsalsoinfluencesealife,particularlyintermsofphytoplankton.Inthe summertime,theIrishShelfFrontcausesthesouth-westcoastofIrelandtohavea veryhighpopulationofseabirds,porpoisesanddolphins.TheCelticSeafrontoff Wexfordalsosupportsthehugeseabirdpopulationsoftheregion.Thereisalsoa significantfrontinthenorthpartoftheIrishSea,betweencountyDownandthe IsleofMan,whichsupportsarichpopulationoffish,seabirdsandbaskingsharks.In theMiddleAges,climaticchangesintheNorthAtlanticweretostronglyinfluence thepotentialofthisareaforthemovementofEnglishandIrishfishingfleets. Tidalconditionsalsoarehugelyimportant,particularlyintermsofavailability andcharacteroffoodresources.Theebbandflowofthetidesisgovernedby thewaningandwaxingofthemoon,whichmoveswaterbackandforthacross theAtlantic.These tides vary according to the phase of the moon, with the great range or tidal amplitude occurring with the Full Moon and the New moon. Spring tides are those with the highest range, neaps are the lowest. In estuariesinparticular,wherethemovementofthetidesareconstrictedbyland, thedifferencebetweenhighandlowtidescanbemeasuredintermsofseveral metres.OntheShannonestuaryvastareasofmudflatsarethusexposedatlow tidetwiceaday,enablinghugepopulationsofseabirdsandwaderstofeedon thenutrientsleftbybothbrackishandinflowingwater.Onopenshorelinestoo, thetidesexposealarderofshellfishandseaweedonrocksandpoolsthatcanbe exploitedbybothbirdsandhumanpopulations. Finally, all these factors – geological, geomorphological, ecological, climatic andoceanographic–stronglyinfluencethecharacterofcoastalhabitatsandthe 19
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environmental and economic resources they provide for people and animals. Oncliff-topsandrockyislets,theremaybeenormouspopulationsofkittiwakes, razorbills, guillemot and gannets. On the Blasket andAran Islands, gathering seabirdsandtheireggswasanoccasionalfoodgatheringstrategycarriedoutby young men, who worked with ropes on the dangerous cliffs. Fishing was also carriedoutfromthehighcliffsusinglonglines.Sealscanalsobeseenlyingout sleepilyontherocksrestinganddigestingtheirfoodorfrolickinginthewater. Thesecreatureshaveoftenbeenseenaseerilysimilartohumanbeings,andwhile they were occasionally hunted by Mesolithic hunter-gatherers, and they were certainlyhuntedforskins,meatandoilinthenineteenthcentury,theywerealso thefocusoffolkbeliefsandlegends.Rockyshorelinessupportcrabs,barnacles, limpetsandperiwinkles,aswellasedibleseaweeds,wadersandbarnaclegeese. Theyalsoprovidedseaweedforindustryandagriculturalfertilizer. Onsanddunes,coastalheathsandparticularlythemachairsoilsthatarefound onthenorth-westerncoast,therecanbeathin,butnutritiousgrowthofgrasses and herbs.These can provide rich grazing land for cattle and sheep and until recently,coastalcommunitiesusedthemascommonage.Peoplelivingonislands, baysandcoastalplainsarealsousedtotheflotsamandjetsambroughtinbythe sea.Indeed,earlyIrishlawsfromtheseventhandeighthcenturyaddescribedthe ownershipofsuchharvestsoftheocean.Particularlystrikingweretheoccasional strandingofwhales,porpoisesanddolphins,someofwhichmaybedescribedin earlyIrishannals.Inthenineteenthcentury,theBlasketIslanderswerefamiliar withtheoccasionaldepositionoftimber,rawmaterialsandexoticfoodsontheir shoresfromlocalshipwrecks.Whiletheislandersworkedcourageouslytosave unfortunatesailors,theyalsomadegooduseofthisgiftfromtheocean. Inestuaries,plantandnutrient-richsaltmarshesandmudflatssupportteeming populations of seabirds, waders, fowl, eel and fishes and provide an attractive resourcetopeople,whilethegrassesofthemarsheshavelongbeenseenasrich grazinglandsforcattleandsheep.Inthenineteenthcentury,cattleherderswere employedbylocallandlordstomanageanimalsgrazingonthemarshesandalso the‘corcass’–thereclaimedestuarinemarshlands.Finally,weshouldremember the resources of the open sea itself. Sea-fishes that people have traditionally fishedforoutinthedeepoceanincludecod,plaice,herringandmackerel.There isalsosomehistoricaltraditionofwhalingandhuntingforthebaskingsharkin IrishAtlanticwaters.Closerintotheshore,inshallowerwaters,wereherring, sprat, plaice and gurnard. Obviously, there is also a regional basis for fisheries. The Gaelic Lordships of the O’Sullivan Beares in the late Medieval period were located in the Beara Peninsula in south-west Ireland, a region of poor agriculturalpotentialbutrichmaritimeresources.Latemedievalfleetsfishedfor monkfish,cod,haddock,herring,pilchard,mackerelandplaice,andprovidedthe basisofthislordship’swealth.
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peoplesofthesea? SincepeoplefirstcametoIrelandtheyhaveinhabitedcoastallandscapes.They have lived beside the sea, using it as a source of food, raw materials and as a meansoftravel.However,peoplehavealsousedtheseaasasourceofidentity andbelonging.Identityamongstcoastalcommunities,aselsewhere,wasfluidand mutable,negotiatedbypeoplethemselvesthroughtheirlives,andmanipulated when the opportunity presented itself. Identity was socially and culturally constructed,derivingpartlyfromethnicity,genderandsocialclass,butitwasalso constitutedbypractice;theroutinesofevery-daylife,theworkthatpeopledid andtheirknowledgeof,anddailyengagementwith,theirenvironment(). Ethnicdiversityamongstcoastalcommunitieshasalwaysbeenenhancedby the role of the sea as a nautical route between Ireland and the wider world. Previously, the fact of being an island has encouraged many to think of the sea as a boundary or even a frontier. However, while the farmer in the Irish midlandsmaynothaveoftenencounteredforeigners(andeventhisisdebatable), itcanhardlybesaidofthecoastaldweller,whethershewaslivingonthelate medieval Cork coastline or the vicinity ofViking Dublin.While prehistorians worryaboutthetruthorotherwiseoflarge-scalemigrations,wearecertainthat throughouttheMiddleAgesdifferentethnicgroupsweremovingaroundand interactingalongtheAtlanticsea-lanes. Atthebeginningoftheearlymedievalperiod,weknowofconstantcultural connectionsbetweenIrishpopulationgroupsandthoseofScotland,Englandand Wales,whiletheoccurrenceofimportedglass,potteryandotherexoticitems hints at further flung connections in western Europe and the Mediterranean. IntheVikingAge,ScandinavianandHiberno-Norseraiders,tradersandsettlers
Womenguttingherring(UFTM) 21
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were also moving around the Irish coast and establishing towns in Dublin, Waterford and Limerick. In the late medieval period, Anglo-Norman elites, alongwiththeirfarmingtenantsandmerchantsestablishedcoloniesinIreland from their Severn estuary homelands, while English, Scottish and even Dutch settlerswereintroducedduringsixteenth-andseventeenth-centuryplantations. Indeed,ourcoastalportsandtownsofIrelandhavehadincrediblydiverseethnic communitiessinceatleasttheMiddleAges(includingJews,Flemish,Huguenots, etc.),largelybecauseoftheirextensivetradingmaritimecontactswithFrance, Spain and other north-west European countries. Indeed, the sea has also long servedtopromoteemigrationfromIreland,ashugenumberslefttheislandinthe eighteenthandnineteenthcenturyfornewlivesinBritain,America,Australia andtheCaribbean.ThisglobalIrishdiasporahasoftenthenparticipatedin,and sent home, new ideas to the homeland; diverse ideas ranging from politics to fashionandrock‘n’rollmusic. Power,socialstatusandtheensuingtensionsbetweendifferentsocialgroups have also been played out against the backdrop of Ireland’s coastal landscapes. Certainly,wecantracehowcontrolofthesea,andaccesstothericheconomic resources it provided, has long been sought by the powerful. Early medieval promontory forts, for example, sited on commanding headlands with good viewsoflandingplacesandseawayscouldbeseenassymbolsoflocalpolitical power; designed to impress upon passers-by the high-status of the kings and nobles occasionally residing within them. In the Late Medieval period on the south-westandwestcoast,whileGaelicIrishlordsdidnothavefishingfleetsof theirown,theO’SullivanBeares,theO’MalleysandtheO’Flahertyscertainly exactedfishingduesandeconomicincomefromthosecontinentalfishingboats working their territorial waters. On the other hand, much of what we find as archaeologists along the Irish coastline materially represents the day-to-day workofordinarypeople,whospenttheirlivesfishing,gatheringseaweedand grazingcattle. Interestingly, we need also to consider the role of gender, age and kinship in our interpretations of coastal archaeology, particularly in terms of labour practices. It has been suggested that amongst Ireland’s Mesolithic huntergatherers, the seashore was primarily a place for women and children, as ethnographicstudiessuggestthatgatheringwasprimarilydonebywomen.In contrast,morerecentlyfishinghasbeenseenasamaleactivity.Insomehistorical and ethnological contexts, men fix their own nets, tend their boats and avoid womenonthewaytosea.Awoman’spresenceatthelaunchingofaboatoron aboatwastraditionallyseenasbadluck.Theseawasseenasfeminine,aswasthe boat,butmenworkedthesea.Thestrongcontinuitiesandconservativetraditions inmaritimesocietiessuggestthatitislikelythatthroughoutthemedievaland early modern period, fishing was also divided into gender roles. Men would havefishedbyboats,madethefencesandbasketsandmanagedthetrapsouton the foreshore. Famously, it was young men who clambered down the cliffs of 22
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theAranIslands,theBlasketIslandsandSt.KildaofftheScottishcoast,totake seabirdsandtheireggs. However,thisbeliestheworkdonebywomenalongtheseashore.Fishing,like anyothereconomicactivity,wasinrealityaco-operativeventureinwhichmen, women and children shared responsibilities. In recent historical times, women werelargelyresponsibleforguttingandprocessingthefishonthepierorharbour (a task rarely done by men). In a famous early twentieth-century photograph byR.J.Welch,wecanseewomenworkingcleaningherringforcuringonthe waterfrontatArdglass,Co.Down.AtKilrush,Co.Clare,hugenumbersoflocal womenwereinvolvedinnet-making,repairandthecuringoffish.Throughout thenineteenthcentury,largegroupsofwomenworkedasmigrantlabourersand movedaroundtheIrishSearegiontoworkinthethrivingherringindustry.This musthavebeenadifficultlife.Oneperspectivesuggeststhatthecollectivityof thewomenmovingandworkingtogethermusthaveprovidedsomerespitefrom thetightboundariesofsociallifeinIrelandandallowedthewomentodevelop independenceandmutualstrength.Ontheotherhand,thiswashardworkand oftenpoorlypaid.Thewomenspentmuchoftheirtimeawayfromtheirfamilies andcommunitiesoutoffinancialnecessity.Thisdisplacementfromcommunity andassociatedimaginingsbecomesapredominantthemeamongstthediaspora, and plays a central element in subsequent cultural constructs.Working with the sea then was difficult. It was work in a challenging and often dangerous environment,andweneedtobeconsciousofthisincaseweover-romanticise coastallifeinthepast.
seascapes,placeandbelonging In recent years, archaeologists have approached the coastal zone using the idea of the‘maritime cultural landscape’.This approach emphasises the importance of integrating various disciplines in the investigation of the past perception, understanding and use of coastal regions from the seabed, across the foreshore and inland. It is certainly true that we need to think about entire coastal landscapesastextswhereinarewrittennarrativesofhumanactivityonthisisland. Coastallandscapes,likeotherspaces,weremorethanenvironmentallardersfor the production of seafood.They were also storehouses of cultural values and traditions,placeswhereideasaboutcommunity,ancestry,belongingandidentity wereconstructedandenacted.Peoplewouldhavethoughtaboutandunderstood places along the coast in different ways. Indeed, we should also be aware that peoplewouldhaveusedtheirknowledgeoftheseatodefinethemselves. Weneedtothinkaboutthehumanshapingofthesespaces.Ireland’scoastline, as stated above, has been partly created by various natural forces – geological, climaticandenvironmental.Indeed,wemightbetempted,whenwelookout atawesomeAtlanticbreakerscrashingagainstwesterncliffs,orwhenwelisten 23
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to the wilderness silence of an estuarine salt marsh, to think that our coast is essentiallywild,untamedand‘natural’.Infact,ourcoastallandscapeshaveoften beentheproductofcenturiesofhumantoil,drainage,buildingandexploitation. In their diversity, they reveal that people have constantly adjusted their lives to its rhythms, while also working constantly to adapt them to their needs. Examplesofcoastallandscapesactuallymadebypeopleincludethefieldsofthe AranIslandsandthedrainedlevelsoftheWexfordSlobs.Similarly,ourmachair plainshavebeenlargelycreatedbycenturiesofgrazing,wherebygrasseswere maintainedbypeopleandtheiranimals. Regional landscape perspectives also bring us closer to the reality of how coastal communities lived, worked and understood their worlds.Traditionally, archaeologists have seen coastal communities as specialized and paradoxically remotefromsignificantsocialandeconomicchanges.Forexample,archaeological studiesofmaritimeislandsusedtoseethemasusefullyboundedunitsofland, as‘islandlaboratories’whereinitwaspossibletotracetheprocessesofsocialand historicalchange.Morerecently,archaeologistshaveapproachedislandsinterms of‘seascapes’exploringislanders’connectionsandintegrationwithotherislands and the mainland. It is also true that coastal landscapes encourage us to think aboutmovementandtravel.Ingeneral,apersonwalkingonprimitiveroadswill travel about twenty miles a day. In contrast, people rowing a boat may travel uptofortymiles,whileacrewinasailboatonagooddaymighttraveleighty miles.Instantly,wecanseethatthisshiftsourperspectiveondistance.Coastal communitiesmayhavetheabilitytomoveeasilyupanddownthecoastlines, travellingmuchfurtherandhavemoredistantsocialandeconomiccontactsthan theirinlandcousins. Evenincoastallandscapesmostlivesarelivedatthelocalscale.Inthepast, peoplewouldhavebeenborninaparticularplace,wouldhavelivedoutmostof theirlivesthereandupontheirdeath,theirfamilyandfriendswouldhaveburied themwithinsightoftheirbirthplace.Obviously,therewasthepossibilityformany oflong-distancetravelacrossthesea–weneedonlyconsiderthemovements ofNorsesettlersacrosstheNorthAtlantictorealizethis.However,mostpeople wouldhavehadacloseandintimateknowledgeofaparticularestuary,shoreline or island. Obviously, much of this fine-grained, detailed knowledge is lost to us.WecangetasenseofthiswhenwerealisethatontheIrishcoastlineinthe recentpast,everyrock,pool,headlandandgeologicalodditywasgivenaname, orwasassociatedwithaneventorincident(oftenawreckordrowning). Such local folklore is often lost to us as archaeologists. In the words of the novelistW.G. Sebald it reminds us that‘everything is constantly lapsing into oblivion with very extinguished life … in that the history of countless places andobjectswhichthemselveshavenopowerofmemoryisneverheard,never described or passed on’. However, archaeology itself is about remembering, or more accurately making a memory of such forgotten places.We do gain a sense of the role of history in the intimate, local knowledge of places and 24
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objectsthroughpeople’suseandre-useofmaterialculture.AtBallymacaward, Co.Donegal,aburialmoundashortdistancefromtheseawasusedformany generations,withearlymedievalburialsplacedinamoundthathasbeenused intheBronzeAgeandIronAge.Similarsensesoflocalmemorymakingcanbe tracedthroughexploringtheinhabitationofanisland,sand-duneorparticular promontory across time. For example, we can see how sometimes medieval wooden fish traps were abandoned, but were then replaced by post medieval fish traps hundreds of years later. It is almost as if local fishermen used their knowledgeofthearchaeologyofestuarinemudflatstochoosethebestplaceto buildfishtrapsinthenineteenthcentury. Indeed,wewouldarguethatlocalknowledgewasasignificantsourceofsocial identityforpeopleinthepast.Wecanstartthinkingabouthowpeople’sdaily encounterswiththehiddenandintimateplacesofthecoast–thesaltmarshes, creeksandchannelsoftheestuary,thewindsweptislandsofthewest–would haveinfluencedhowtheythoughtaboutthemselvesandothers.Localfishermen working everyday out at sea would have experienced a sense of isolation and distinctivenessfromthebroadercommunity.Theyworkedthecoastallandscape atthesametimeasitworkedonthem.Furthermore,theywouldhavepossessed auniqueknowledgeofplaces,anawarenessofthedangersofrocksandpools, and an appreciation of how to move through and across treacherous marshes. Sothesesamefishermencouldhaveactivelyusedtheirexclusiveandspecialist knowledgeofplacestocreateandsustainauniquesenseofidentitywithinthat broader community. So, we should be thinking about coastal communities as seeingthemselvesdifferentfromthosefurtherinland.Theclassicexampleisthat ofhistoricalfishingvillagecommunities,whohaveoftenbeenseenasclose-knit, conservativeandevensecretiveaboutsomeaspectsoftheirwork.
timeandtides Workingwiththearchaeologyofdynamiccoastallandscapesencouragesusto thinkabouttime.Itistruethatourcoastisnotfixed,butconstantlychanging. Whilesoilandsandiserodedfromoneplace,theyaredepositedelsewhere.As cliffsandrockyshorelinesarewornaway,mudsandsiltsarelaiddowninsilent lagoons.Inotherwords,timeisall-pervasiveonthecoast–tides,currents,and weather – all changing constantly according to daily, monthly and seasonal rhythms.Inthinkingabouthowpeopleinhabitedandunderstoodtimeincoastal landscapes,itisusefultothinkintermsofdifferenttemporalcyclesandrhythms, allmovingandworkingtogether. Wecanidentifyincoastalarchaeologylong-termcontinuities,deepunderlying structures and patterns of persistence and reiterative practices across the generations.Inthisbook,therearemanytopicsandideasthatwillrecuragain andagain.Forexample,wecanpointtotheseawaysbetweenIreland,Scotland 25
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and south-west England, showing how important they were to Neolithic farmers, BronzeAge mariners, Romano-British traders, early Irish pirates and raiders,allworkingtothewindsandcurrentsbetweentheseislands.Indeed,John Waddellinwritingaboutthedistributionofprehistoricmonumentsandobjects around the Irish Sea region has previously suggested that there were longstandingpatternsofcommunicationacrossthisseathatmayhavehadanimpact on kinship links, political structures and even linguistic developments. Indeed, the‘Celticisation’ofIrelandandtheevolutionoflinguisticallysimilarlanguages alongthisAtlanticshorelineinlaterprehistorymayactuallyreflectlong-standing maritimeculturalconnections,ratherthananymigrationsofpeopleswiththeir spokentongues. Similarly, at a local scale, there appears to be an immense continuity in the activities that led to the creation of coastal shell middens. While these are traditionallyseenas‘Mesolithic’,wewillexplorethelong-livedcoastalactivities and practices that led to the creation and accumulation of mounds of shells, stone, earth, bone and objects across at least six thousand years of Ireland’s history.Middensvaryincharacter;fromsmallheapsofshellsofasinglespecies, tocomplexsiteswithintercalatedlayersofsand,stoneandshells;tothemassive mounds found around Cork Harbour, Galway Bay and Ballysodare Bay, Co. Sligo.Furthermore,radiocarbondatingshowsthatmiddensarechronologically complexandcanbedatedtotheMesolithic,Neolithic,BronzeAge,IronAge, early medieval, late medieval and even post medieval periods.What we are certainly witnessing here is the movement of people to rocky foreshores and poolsacrossthousandsofyears,forthegatheringofoysters,mussels,periwinkles orothershellfishforfood,fishingbaitorevenindustrialreasons(i.e.production ofdyestuffs).Interpretingcoastalarchaeologyintermsofthelongue-durée(longterm) enables us to identify these deep, underlying structures of life by the seashore.However,itwouldbeamistaketothinkoftheseasculturallyorsocially similar practices – the thinking, social context and economic needs behind thesemiddensundoubtedlychangedacrosstime.Somebodyeatingoystersina medievaltownwasmostdefinitelynotlivinga‘Mesolithic’lifestyle.Indeed,the seeming waxing and waning across time of the exploitation of such maritime resourcesinIrelandremainsasubjectofdebateandpuzzlement. Peoplelivingincoastallandscapesmayworktodifferenttemporalrhythmsthan theircountrycousins,revealingperhapsthementalitiesofcoastalcommunities. On an estuary or along the seashore, time is measured by a different clock. Therearetheuniquedailyandmonthlyrhythmsofthetidestoconsider,with itsdiurnalcyclesoflowandhightides,ofneapsandspringstides.Thepassing oftheseasonscanalsoberecognisedthroughobservationoftherhythmsofthe naturalworld.Acoastaldwellercanobservetheseasonalmigrationsofwaders, ducksandgeese–hugenumbersofwhichoverwinter–bymarshes,mudflats and coastal waterways. He can note also the seasonal movement of fish, from theherringofthedeepseatothesummerarrivalonestuariesofsalmon,the 26
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autumn departure of eels. He can watch the seasonal changes in vegetation, knowingwhentocutwillowandreedsforbasketryandthatch.Peopleusetheir knowledgeofthesetemporalrhythmstobuildanunderstandingoftheworld. So,forexample,inrecentwestofIrelandfolklore,thefirstSpringtideinMay wasknownasRabhartaMórnan-Éan(‘thegreatSpringtideofthebirds’),asit wasbelievedthatbirdsobservedtheheightofthisflood-tidebeforetheybuilt theirmarshlandnestssoastoputthemoutofreachofdanger. However, there can be problems with this. People are not passive creatures thatsimplyreacttoenvironmentalforces,butagentsthattryeverydaytomake their own worlds.Across the generations, we can pick out periods of time of profoundsocialandeconomicchangeincoastallandscapes.InthelaterMiddle Ages, it is arguable that the Anglo-Norman colonisation of Ireland can be closely linked with the importance of the herring fisheries in the north Irish Sea,anditispotentiallythecasethatitenableditssuccess.Similarly,thesturdy Martello towers around the Irish coastline represent a period of worry that peoplehadthatIrelandwouldbeinvadedduringtheNapoleonicwarsofthe earlynineteenthcentury. Wecanalsothinkaboutcoastallandscapesintermsoftheshort-termevents. Aboveall,ashipwreckisthearchaeologicaltracesofamomentintime,when despitethebesteffortsofhumaningenuityandtechnology,ashipisdrivenby currentsandwindsontotherocks().Literally,itbecomesatthatmomentatime capsule,preservingthesocialandideologicalcharacterofitscrewandcargoin thesands.Whileallarchaeologicalsitesrepresentamomentintime,therearefew
AGreencastleyawl 27
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thatsoeloquentlyexpresstheimpactofasingleeventonpeople’slives.However, even that moment can also be understood in terms of long-term processes. LookatthemapofIreland’sshipwrecks,whichdepictsindividualmomentsof tragedyacrossliterallyhundredsofyears.YetseethedensityofwrecksoffDublin, WexfordandDundalk,andconsiderhowcumulativelytheyrepresentthelongtermimportanceofthoseportsforIrishsociety.
conclusions In conclusion, looking at the physical character of the Irish coastline, and in consideringquestionsaboutidentity,landscapeandtime,wecanseethatthereis arangeofwaysofexploringthearchaeologyoftheIrishcoast.Wehavechosen atraditionalchronologicalapproachinthisfirstmaritimearchaeologyofIreland. However,throughoutwealsoexplorethemesofsettlementanddwelling,labour andeconomy,thesymbolicroleoftheocean,andtheuseoftheseafortrade, travelandcommunication.Weintendthattheserecurringinvestigationsbeseen asdeliberatelyreiterative–butalsothatthesamesocialandculturalexplanations cannotbeprovidedforseeminglysimilarpatterns.Inanycase,inthisbookwe hopetotellsomeofthemanystoriesofpastpeoplesthatlivedbythesea.We hope that it will encourage others to begin to explore archaeologies of this island’scoastalcommunities.
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Mesolithic hunter-gatherers: life and death by the seashore, 8000-4000 BC introduction Oneday,tenthousandyearsago,agroupofhunter-gatherersliftedtheirpaddles andbeachedtheirboatsomewhereontheIrishcoastline.Steppingoutontothe shore, these men and women found themselves at the edge of a land with no otherhumanoccupantsbutwitharichenvironmentandwildlife.Longusedto living by the coast and knowledgeable of its spaces, rhythms and food sources, theyknewthattheycouldgatheroysters,mussels,limpetsandbirdseggsalongthe shore,thattheycouldtrapsalmonandeelsintheestuaries,andcollectflintand otherstonepebblesfromthebeachesfortheirstonetools.Beyondtheexpansesof thecoastalenvironments,movingintothewoodlandsandmountains,theywould quicklydiscoverandexplorealandthatwasrecoveredfromthelastIceAge,with woodlandsofbirchandScotspinegrowingaroundreedylakesandrivers. We don’t know where these first human settlers of this island came from, presumablyfromsomewhereinthegeographicalareasnowknownaswesternBritain or western France, but it is certain that they came here by skin or bark-covered boatsorwoodencanoes.Forthousandsofyearsafterwards,between-bc, Mesolithichunter-gathererslivedonandtravelledacrossthisisland,movingthrough thewoodlandsinthesummer,paddlingalongitsrivers,gatheringalonglakeshores in autumn and returning to the seashore at various times of the year. Indeed, it is possible that some communities primarily either inhabited inland woods and rivervalleys,whileotherschosecoastallandscapes.Themenandwomenofthese Mesolithiccommunitiestrapped,fowledandfishedonriversandtheseashoreand indeed,coastalfoodswereveryimportanttothem.Thisisbecausetheyinhabiteda landscaperemarkablyrestrictedinfloraandfauna.However,thereweresomelarge mammalspresentthatcouldbehunted,suchaswildpig,wildcatandmountainhare (whilebrownbearandwolvesmayhavebeenlesspreyaspredators). 29
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Thiswayoflifeanditspatternsofmovementinvolvedmorethananeconomic effortto‘exploit’foodresources,itwasalsoawayoflifethatrevolvedaround people’sinterestinlivingagoodlife,inmeetingupoccasionallyatgoodplaces to exchange news, stories, information, or to strengthen social bonds through sharing food, feasting, friendship and marriage. Although our archaeological evidence for the Mesolithic period is scanty enough, we nonetheless have goodknowledgeofcoastallife,particularlyfromafewsitesthathaveproduced evidence for occupation activities, the exploitation of shellfish, fish and waterfowl, as well as the occasional butchery of stranded seals and whales. In fact, archaeologists now believe that the sea was of key importance for these Mesolithiccommunities,beingseenasmuchmorethanasourceofeconomic benefit,butalsoasastorehouseofculturaltraditionsandvaluesandaplacethat wascentraltopeople’slives,symbolicbeliefsandpractices.
livingbytheseainthemesolithic Mesolithichunter-gatherersandtheirseascapes MesolithicarchaeologicalsitesinIrelandaremostlysituatedincoastallocations, being particularly densely distributed along the north-east coast (). This is probably mostly due to archaeological research activities since the nineteenth century,whichhavetendedtofocusonsuchcoastallocations.Thereisnodoubt thatbothearlyandlateMesolithicpeopleswerealsolivingandmovingthrough themidlands,usingtheriversinparticulartomovethroughawoodedlandscape. Mesolithicoccupationsiteshavebeenidentifiedbylakeshores,oninlandbluffs andinvariousotherlocations.Nevertheless,Mesolithiccommunitiesdidattach a particular significance to the coast – and some key archaeological sites for understandingtheMesolithicinIrelandarecoastal–suchasFerriter’sCove,Co. Kerry,Rockmarshall,Co.Louth,SuttonandDalkeyIsland,Co.Dublin,aswell asmorerecentlydiscoveredsitesatBelderrig,Co.MayoandonRathlinIsland, Co.Antrim. However most of this abundant archaeological evidence for Mesolithic activityincoastallandscapeshasbeenintheformoflithicscatters,ithasoften proved difficult to discover actual dwelling places or occupation structures. Peoplemovingseasonallythroughthelandmayhavelivedinsimplesheltersthat werebuiltquicklyandthathaveleftlittlearchaeologicaltraceotherthanspreads ofcharcoalandsomeworkedstone.Mesolithiccampsitesontheedgeofthe shoremayalsohavebeensubmergedsincebysubsequentsea-levelrise,destroyed by storms and erosion or buried under layers of coastal alluvium. Even when Mesolithicoccupationsitesarediscoveredbyarchaeologists(suchasatFerriter’s Cove, Co. Kerry) the evidence is usually limited to hearths, working surfaces, pitsandpostholesthataretheproductofmanyphasesofoccupation,aspeople returnedseveraltimesoverthecenturies. 30
mesolithichunter-gatherers:lifeanddeathbytheseashore,8000-4000bc
MapofIrelandshowinglocationsofMesolithichunter-gatherersites(afterStout)
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Whilearchaeologistshavetraditionallyinvestigatedthefunctional,economic aspectsofMesolithiclifebytheseashore,itisworthalsothinkingabouthow hunter-gatherers lived by the ocean’s edge in terms of cultural beliefs and practices. For Mesolithic hunter-gatherers in Ireland, the seashore was a place ofsocial,ideologicalandeconomicimportance.Itwastheplacethatsustained them,providedthemwithfood,rawmaterialsandotherresources,whileitwas alsoprobablyaspaceofsymbolicandritualactivity.Wecanbeginbythinking about how life by the ocean, and its seasonal and environmental patterns, constitutedandframedpeople’ssociallives.Seascapesaregovernedbyseasonal, monthlyanddailyrhythmsthatdependonthetidesinparticular.Forexample, every low tide exposes a shoreline and rock pools in which many things can beseenandgatheredbeforethefloodingtidesweepsinandcoverstheshore. Mesolithichunter-gathererswouldhavebeenawareofdifferencesintides(e.g. betweenthespringsandneapstides),andwouldhaveunderstoodotherthings, suchasoceancurrents,windsandotherweatherchanges. Ethnographicstudiesindicatethathunter-gatherersdwellingbytheseashore liveintunewiththeseasonalrhythmsoftheocean,monitoringthemigrations ofseabirds,fishandmarinemammals,orattendingtotheseasonalresourcesof shellfish,seaweedanddriftwood.Indeed,thereisevidenceforseasonalactivities amongst Mesolithic hunter-gatherers, even where it is clear that they lived by the shoreline all year around.At the Mesolithic midden on Dalkey Island, grey seal bones found during archaeological excavations may be evidence for thetrappingofthesemarinemammalsduringthewinter,whentheytypically congregatetobeartheirsealpups.AtFerriter’sCove,zoologicalanalysesoffish bonesrecoveredfromthearchaeologicalexcavationsindicatedthepresenceof particular fish species, suggesting that people were fishing the seashore during thesummerandautumn. Mesolithichunter-gatherersusedtheresourcesoftheseashoreinvariousways. Apartfrombirds,fishandshellfish,otherfoodscanbefoundthere.Itispossible that some edible seaweeds were used for food. It is also likely that dolphin, whale and especially sealskins were used for making clothing, caps or belts or the covering of boats and shelters. GraemeWarren has noted that we should not imagine their clothes as drab and discoloured, and that hunter-gatherers suchastheAinupeopleofJapanprocureandpreparefishskinsforclothing,for example,assalmonskinsproducedurable,silver-colouredleatherthatisstartling totheeye.Thefeathersofseabirdsmayalsohavebeenusedinhairorclothing decoration,whilethepurpledyesfromdogwhelkshellsmighthavebeenusedin tattooingthebodyandfordecoratingclothes.Itisalsolikelythatpebbleofflint andotherworkablestonecouldhavebeengatheredfromtheseashoreorcoastal cliffs.Whatisimportanttoconsiderhereishowseascapesclothedthepeople, fedthem,providedthemwithrawmaterialsofstone,skinsanddriftwood.This landscapewasalsotobeimportantthroughouttheirlives,andaswewillargue below,attheendoftheirlives. 32
mesolithichunter-gatherers:lifeanddeathbytheseashore,8000-4000bc
Indeed,acceptingtheimportanceoftheoceantoMesolithichunter-gatherers inIreland,itishardnottoconcludethattheirseascapesneedtobeunderstood in many different ways; social, economic and symbolic.We might remember thatamongstvirtuallyallhunter-gatherers,thelandscapeitselfisimbuedwith symbolic, spiritual meanings and power and there is little distinction made betweendifferentformsoflife;whethertheybepeople,marinemammals,fishor birds.Itmightbesuggestedthenthatthedailyandseasonalpracticeofgathering foodonthecoastalshorewouldalsohavebeenworkimbuedwithsocialand symbolicimportance.IthasbeensuggestedbysomeMesolithicarchaeologists workingfromethnographicanalogies,thattheseashorewasaplaceforwomen andchildren,whilemenwouldhavebeenmoreactiveinhuntingandtrappingin thewoodlands.Thereareobviouslyproblemswiththisidea,notleastthegender stereotypes it promotes and the lack of archaeological evidence that might be usedtoconfirmit.However,itiscertainlytruethatduringtheMesolithicin Ireland, children would have grown up learning, whether it was from their mothers or fathers, the different foods, weather, tides and other phenomena associatedwiththesea.
earlymesolithicmountsandelandthesea TheearliestknownMesolithicsettlementonthisislandwaslocatedatMount Sandel,Co.Derry,situatedontheRiverBannafewkilometresupstreamfromits estuary(,).PeterWoodman’sarchaeologicalexcavationsofthisearlyMesolithic (i.e.theperiodbetween-bc)siteinthesindicatedthatpeople hadreturnedtothisplaceseveraltimesinthecenturiesfollowingbc.They built and occupied several phases of fairly substantial circular huts, measuring m in diameter, with an internal space of m and a hearth near the centre. Thesehutswereconstructedbyplacingthicksaplings,uptocmindiameter, intoangledpostholes,lashingthemtogetherandthenroofingthestructurewith rushes,turfsorperhapsevenseal-skins.Thesewerelargestructuresandwould havebeensnugandwarm.Ethnographicstudiessuggestthattheinternalspace ofsuchhutswouldbeoccupiedbyasingle,extendedfamily.Itispossiblethat theEarlyMesolithicoccupationsiteatMountSandelconsistedofnomorethan -housesoccupiedatanyonetime.Eachhousemayhavebeenusedbyaband of-families,totalingperhaps-peopleinall,butitwasacommunitywho livedthereinwinterandsummerandreturnedtothesitefrequently. Insidethehuts,therewereseveralstoragepitsandhearthsfilledwithoccupation soil,hazelnutshellsandburntanimalbone,indicatingcookingandeatinginsidethe shelters.Outside,therewereseverallargepitsusedforrubbishdisposalorforfood storage.Otherpitsfilledwithburntstonemayhavebeenusedforcooking.Flint wasteandimplementswereabundantonthesite,comprisingupto,artefacts, . per cent of them being what archaeologists call finished or retouched tools. 33
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MountSandelflintflakeaxes(afterWoodman1985)
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mesolithichunter-gatherers:lifeanddeathbytheseashore,8000-4000bc
MapshowinglocationofMountSandelinitswiderlandscapes.Itislikelythathunter-gatherers traveledtothecoasttotrapfishandgatherrawmaterials(afterWoodman)
Thetoolsproducedonthesiteformpartofthecharacteristicflinttechnology of the Early Mesolithic in Ireland; narrow-bladed‘microliths’ (meaning‘small stones’), produced by a technique known as indirect percussion (the use of a stonehammerwithanantlerorbonepunchinthestrikingoftheflintcore). Thesemicrolithswouldhavebeenusedincompositetools,beinginsertedand gluedintowoodenorantlerhandles.Itisnotknownhowtheywereused.They may have been arrow-tips, harpoons, knives or some type of tool used in the processingorgratingofplantfoods.Indeed,thislattertoolwouldhavebeenuseful toacommunitywho,atsometimesoftheyear,probablylivedmoreoffgathered plantfoodsthanhuntedmeat.Otherflintimplementsincludescrapers,burinsand awls–probablyusedforpreparingskins,butcheringmeat,preparingedibleplants 35
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formealsandtheworkingofwoodandbone.Severaltypesofstoneaxeswere foundonthesite.Thedifferenttypesofcoreandflakeaxesmayhavebeenused forcuttingandplanningwood,fordismemberingmeat,forfoodpreparationand diggingofplantfoods.Someoftheflintpebblesusedforthesetoolswereprobably carriedtothesitefromthecoast,fromalocationonlyafewkilometresaway. Plantfoodseatenonthesiteincludedhazelnuts(highinprotein,starchand carbohydrates) gathered in the autumn, white water-lily seeds and pear/apple seeds.Wildpigdominatedtheanimalbones,beinglargelyofyoungpigthathad beenhuntedduringthewinter.Therewasalsosomemountainhareanddogor wolf.Birds,wadersandwaterfowlwerealsobeinghuntedortrapped,including birds that would have been taken from the seashore and waterways, such as mallard, teal, widgeon and red-throated diver. It is also likely that some birds, suchaseaglemayhavebeentakenforplumage. Fishing was very significant at Mount Sandel, and studies indicate that this was mostly for salmon, sea trout and eels from the river, although there was alsoindicationofseafishingforflounderandsea-bassfromthenearbycoastal estuary of the River Bann and further out on the inshore shallows along the northernIrishcoastline.Thesefishcouldhavebeentakenatcertaintimesofthe year,especiallyearlysummerandautumnandMountSandelwithitslocation overlookingrapidsintheRiverBann,couldhavebeenaplacewherefishtraps werebuilt,maintainedandused. In conclusion, Mount Sandel is generally interpreted as the residence of a hunter-gatherergroupwhosettledtherethroughoutmuchoftheyear,livingoff theresourcesoftheriver,wetlands,uplandsandcoastalenvironmentsallsituated relativelycloseby.IthasalsobeenusedtosuggestthatintheearlyMesolithic, hunter-gatherergroupsmayhavehadanearsedentarylifestyle,withplaceslike Mount Sandel serving as almost permanent‘base-camps’, while other smaller campsitesmayhavebeenoccupiedonamoretransitory,episodicbasis.Other earlyMesolithicsiteshavebeendiscoveredrightonthecoast,butthepresence ofseafish,seabirdsandeventhepebbleflintprobablygatheredfromtheseashore atMountSandelindicatesthatthemaritimelandscapewasofkeyimportanceat thebeginningofthestoryofhumanactivityonthisisland.
latemesolithiccoastalsites Although we have no late Mesolithic (i.e. the period between -bc) settlement sites like Mount Sandel, there are several coastal occupation sites thatdatetothisperiod.Mostarefoundatsitesclosetowater,typicallyalong rivers,lakesandcoastalzones,indicatingthatfishinganduseofcoastalresources remainedasimportantasbefore.Althoughnotalwayseasytounderstand,itis clearthatsomepartsoftheIrishcoastlinesawalotofMesolithicactivityover hundredsofyears. 36
mesolithichunter-gatherers:lifeanddeathbytheseashore,8000-4000bc
Late Mesolithic sites are easily identified partly because of the distinctive typesoftoolstheyproduce.InthelateMesolithic,fromaboutbconwards, thereisatechnologicalshifttowardsatypicallyIrish(althoughitisalsofoundin theIsleofMan)orinsulartechnology,basedonhardhammertechnologyand the production of heavy or robust blades (known by the very end of the late Mesolithic as Bann flakes).This technology, which is island-wide, may suggest adynamicandactiveuseoftechnologytoconstructsocialidentitiesacrossthe island’spopulation(whichmayhavebeennomorethanacoupleofthousand people). ParticularlyinterestingarethelateMesolithicsitesfoundonwhatareknown as raised beaches, particularly along the north-east coast of Ireland. Raised beachesappeartobethetopographicalremnantsofaperiodwhenrelativesea levelswerehigherinthisregion.Thesesitesremindusofthescaleofphysical changesontheIrishcoastlinesinceearlyprehistory.LateMesolithiccoastallithic scatters have traditionally been the main focus of archaeological investigation, going back into the s and s at places like Cushendun, Co.Antrim, Larne,Co.AntrimandaroundStrangfordLough.Originallythesewouldhave beenoccupationsitessituatedclosetotheshoreline,andthencetheyareoften partly destroyed by erosion, with water-rolled lithics scattered through beach deposits, with little evidence for animal bone or economic activity.They are situatedtodayonterracessetbackfromtheshoreline,becausesealevelchange inthemillenniasincehasmeantthatsealevelsarenowmuchlowerthanthey once were.Tom McErlean has recently reviewed all the shell middens around StrangfordLough.AlthoughthereareundoubtedlylargenumbersofNeolithic, BronzeAgeandhistoricshellmiddensontheislandsandaroundtheedgesof thelough,thereisastrongsensefromthedistributionofMesolithiclithicsand themiddensthatmanyofthemoriginatedinthelateMesolithic(). Ontheotherhand,thereisalsoevidencethatsubstantialpartsoftheoriginal Mesolithic coastline are now under the sea – particularly along the west and southerncoastsofIreland,whereRelativeSeaLevelchangessincethelastIce Age,combinedwithdynamiccoastalgeomorphologicaldevelopmentsmayhave leadtomodernsealevelsbeingatleast-mhighertodaythantheywereduring the Mesolithic. It is likely that early prehistoric palaeoenvironmental deposits and archaeological sites lie submerged under the ocean. Indeed, intertidal archaeologicalsurveyshaveidentifiedbothMesolithicandNeolithicsubmerged peats and forests down the west coast and on the Shannon estuary foreshore – with stone axes and animal bone recovered from some. It is possible that multidisciplinary underwater archaeological and marine geophysical research could lead to the discovery of submerged Mesolithic landscapes and the sites thatexistedwithinthem.
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DistributionofshellmiddensandLateMesolithicflintscattersaroundStrangfordLough(after McErlean,McConkeyandForsythe)
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latemesolithicestuarinefishtrapsondublinbay Ithasalsolongbeensuspectedthatthecoastalandriverinedistributionoflate Mesolithic sites in Ireland suggested fishing activities – with hunter-gatherer groups residing by the shore and using fish-spears, nets, baskets or fish traps toharvestthewaters.MostofthefishbonesfoundonlateMesolithicsitesin Irelandareinshorespecies,suchasmullet,wrasse,soleandtope–suggestingthat theyweretakenfromrockyshallowsusingnetsorfromestuariesusingfishing structures.Untilrecently,wehavehadlittlesenseofwhatsuchfishingequipment andstructureslookedlike.Fishtrapsarebarriers,eitherofstonewallsorwooden fences, erected in riverine and estuarine waters.They usually areV-shaped in plan,guidingfishtowardstheapexofthefenceswheretheremaybeanetor basketwhichisusedtotrapthefish.Theyexploitthetendencyoffishtomove upwithfloodingtidesandtodropdowntheshorewiththeebbingtide.One wouldexpecttofindthearchaeologicaltracesofsuchstructuresintheformof alignmentsofupright,woodenpostsinoriginalintertidalshoredeposits. Fish traps are known from around Britain and Ireland, where they have been mostly dated to the medieval or post medieval period. In contrast, the archaeology ofThe Netherlands, Denmark and France has included a range ofwoodenfishtrapsdiscoveredinestuarineandcoastalwatersthathavebeen dated to the Mesolithic.This archaeological evidence implies that Mesolithic hunter-gatherersweremanagingandexploitingfishinafairlysystematicway, gatheringtherawmaterials,buildingthestructuresandmaintainingthemagainst theerosionanddestructionbycurrentsandwaves. Recently, archaeological excavations by Melanie McQuade for Margaret GowenandCo.atNorthWallQuay,inDublincityhavediscoveredspectacular evidenceforIreland’searliestfishtraps().Thesitewaslocatedunderreclaimed groundinthecity’snorthernquays,butwouldoriginallyhavebeenonthesilty foreshoreoftheestuaryoftheLiffey.Therewereatleastfivewoodenfishtraps, varying in size and form, broadly dating to a surprisingly early date range of -bc. Themostdistinctivetrapwasastakerowofhazelposts,minlength,which waspossiblyassociatedwithawovenbasketofhazelandrushesthatwascircled bywoodenstakes.Otherpost-and-wattlefences,platforms,apossibleC-shaped trap(.mxm),stakerowsandscattersofworkedwoodwerefoundaroundthe foreshore,suggestingbothregularactivitythere,aswellasacontinuityofpractice across time. It seems that a hunter-gatherer group living in the locality were gatheringnarrowhazelrods,trimmingthemwithstoneaxes,andconstructing avarietyoffishingstructuresontheintertidalzone.Therewaslittleevidence forguttingfishon-site,althoughsomecrabsmayhavebeenaccidentallytrapped amongst the posts. Melanie McQuade suggests that the fish traps were used for catching flounder, plaice, mullet and other estuarine species, noting that these estuarine waters would have had a richer range of species than Ireland’s 39
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MesolithicfishtraprecentlyexcavatedatDublin’sNorthQuay(MelanieMcQuade,ofMargaret GowenandCo.Ltd)
inlandwaters(wherefishspecieswouldhavebeenlimitedtosalmonandeels). Itisunclearwheretheusersofthesefishtrapslived,butthereiscertainlylate MesolithicarchaeologyaroundDublinBay,aswillbediscussedbelow.
interpretinglatemesolithiccoastalshellmiddens LateMesolithiccoastaloccupationsitesandshellmiddens,likethosefoundaround DublinBay,havealsoproducedevidenceforsettlementandeconomy.Thesecoastal occupationsitesareusuallyidentifiablethroughtheir‘rubbishheaps’–knownto archaeologistsasshellmiddens.Thesearesmallmoundsorlayersofshells,ash,sand, charcoalandbone,usuallylyingascomplex,stratifiedlensesofdark,organicrich materialinbeachdeposits.Theyrangeinsizeandcomposition,fromdiscrete,thin lensestolargedistinctivemoundsofshells–thelatterusuallydatingfromlater prehistory or the historic period.They are essentially dumps of food waste and otherdebris.Howevertheywereoftenusedthemselvesasoccupationsites,and evenburialplaces,fromearlyprehistorytothepostmedievalperiod. InthelateMesolithic,itisthoughtthatmiddensareevidencefortheepisodic useandoccupation,forrelativelyshortperiodsoftime,ofplacesalongthecoast 40
mesolithichunter-gatherers:lifeanddeathbytheseashore,8000-4000bc
andthattheywereassociatedwiththegatheringoffoodontheseashoreand theworkingofflintandperhapsotherorganicmaterials.Inessence,Mesolithic middenstendtobesmall,discretedumpsofshellsthataccumulateacrosstimeto coverrelativelylargeareasofground.Thesesitesareusuallyinterpretedasplaces usedbysmallgroupsofmobilehunter-gathererswhomayhavebeenperpetually onthemove.Itisclearfromthesemiddensthatgatheringofshellfishforfood or bait was an important activity on the shoreline adjacent to these middens. Shellfishrecoveredfrommiddensincludeoysters;mussels,limpets,periwinkles andcrabsgatheredfromtherocks;clamsandcocklestakenfromthebeachesand silts,whilewhelksandcrabsmayhavebeencaughtinbaitedbaskettraps.Some of this shellfish meat may have been for human consumption; or for baiting baskettrapsorhookedlines;orforproducingdyesfordecoratingclothes. Itislikelytoothatedibleseaweedswerecutwithflintbladesfromtherocky foreshoresatlowtide,especiallyduringthewarmsummermonthswhenseaweed growthisatitsheight.ThemodernbushcraftexpertRayMearshaswrittenthat the best and most common edible seaweeds are rich in minerals, particularly iodine,andhavenotableamountsofproteinandcarbohydrates(althoughnotall ofthisisdigestible).Seaweedsarealsoastonishinglyrichinvitamins.Amodest ‘serving’(i.e.g)ofedibleseaweedwillprovideyouwithoverhalfyourdaily requirement of vitamin C and more than the daily requirement of vitamins A,B,B,sodium,potassiumandmagnesium,aswellasamountsofchlorine, calciumandvitaminD.Obviously,suchorganicmaterialwillrarelysurvivein archaeological contexts. It is interesting though that some shellfish found in middenslikeFerriter’sCovearetoosmalltohavebeenusedforfood.Someof theseshellsmayinfacthavebeenattachedtothestemsandleavesofseaweed andsomayhavebeenaccidentallydepositedinthemiddensaspeoplebrought seaweeditselfuptothedwellingplace.
latemesolithicmiddensatdalkeyisland,suttonand rockmarshall Onothermiddens,suchasDalkeyIsland,SuttonandatplaceslikeCushendun, there is also evidence for exploitation of whales, dolphins and grey seals. It is difficulttoknowwhetherthesewerehuntedornot.Inthecaseofthewhales, it seems more likely that creatures naturally stranded on the beaches were dispatchedandbutchered.Nodoubt,suchanoccurrence,theseemingoffering ofthewhale’slifetothepeoplewouldhavebeenaneventredolentofmythand symbolism.Eventhepresenceofmassivewhalebonelyingforyearsafteronthe middenwouldhavebeenamonumenttothatevent. AlthoughfewlateMesolithicmiddenshavebeenexcavatedinIreland,andonly ahandfulhavebeensubjectedtomultidisciplinary,scientificexcavations,because ofthelackofotherexcavations,theyremainkeysitesforourinterpretationof 41
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theperiod,Amongstthemostsignificantmiddenstobeexcavatedinthepast arethesitesatRockmarshall,Co.Louth,DalkeyIslandandSutton,onopposite sidesofDublinBayandFerriter’sCove,Co.Kerry. DalkeyIslandissituatedmoffthecoastonthesouthsideofDublinBay, overlookedbythehighhillofKillineyandisseparatedfromthemainlandby a narrow, but dangerous sound with a strong tidal current. It is a small island, but is habitable due to the presence of a natural spring and the island is also surprisinglystrategicallylocatedonDublinBayandtheIrisheastcoast,ascan be seen by anybody approaching Ireland on the ferry to Dublin today. David Liversage’sexcavationsinthesrevealedevidenceforMesolithic,Neolithic, BronzeAgeandearlymedievalactivityonapromontoryattheisland’snorthwestcorner().Inearlyprehistory,therewasasequenceofmiddenactivityand occupation here, just above the island’s only sandy beach looking out towards themainland.Twosmallarchaeologicalexcavations(sitesIIandV)producedlate Mesolithic and Neolithic artifacts – and these discoveries have recently been reinterpretedbyBarbaraLeon. SiteV, tucked up against a rock outcrop at the promontory’s north-west end, produced an extensive midden of limpet shells, as well as collections of flintartifacts(Bannflakes,scrapers,blades),cores,hammerstones,andatypeof bevelledpebbletoolthatareoftenknownas‘limpetscoops’.Otherfindsinclude astoneaxe,aschistroughoutandagrindingstone.Therewerealsopostholes under the midden, indicating that there had been structures there before its formation.The occupation activity could be dated to between - bc, downtoverylateintheMesolithicat-bc.However,therewasalso activityonthissitedownto-bc,intheearlyNeolithic. SiteIIwasalsosituatedontheterraceunderneaththesteep,rockoutcrop.It wasalsoanextensivemiddenofshellsandoccupationmaterialstretchingacross the ground between the rock and the sea. Bones were recovered from cattle, sheep,seal,fishandbirds,leaf-shapedarrowheads,ascraper,cores,hammerstones, stone axe heads and Neolithic pottery.A human burial underneath the shell middenwasradiocarbondatedto-bc.Thebodywasdisarticulated,but thecraniumwasfilledwithperiwinkles–despitethefactthatthesurrounding midden was mostly of limpets.The midden also sealed a cache of thirteen Mesolithicbladesandflakes–thatseemtohavebeendeliberatelyandcarefully depositedpointingdownwardsinapit.Thisfindcertainlycouldbeinterpreted as a ritualised, structured deposit of objects into the ground.There were also stakeholesfromastructurethatpredatedthemidden.ItislikelythattheSite II midden is late Mesolithic in date, with earliest dates from - bc. However,therewasatleastsomeactivityonthisspotatabout-bc,in theMiddleBronzeAge. The Dalkey Site II andV middens, rather than being a place inhabited continuously,mayrepresentmultiple,episodicactivitiesonthisterracelooking out into Dalkey Sound across thousands of years in the Mesolithic and the 42
mesolithichunter-gatherers:lifeanddeathbytheseashore,8000-4000bc
DalkeyIsland,Co.Dublin,locationofMesolithicandNeolithicoccupationsites(Aidan O’Sullivan)
Neolithic.Theisland’soccasionaloccupantstrappedseals,pig,birdsandfishand gatheredlimpets.Theyalsobroughtbeachcobblesofdolerite,schist,mudstone andshaleandflintontotheisland,probablyfromthebeachesalongtheKilliney shorelinetothesouth-west,soastomakestoneaxesongrindingstones.They also deposited some of these stone tools, as well as other flakes and blades, in pits and caches, presumably as part of religious or symbolic practices on this distinctive island.We should probably imagine Dalkey Island then as a place used occasionally, perhaps seasonally and that it was slightly at the edge of things,whereboth‘domestic’and‘ritual’activitieswentonwithinsightofthe mainland. Looking from Dalkey Island to the north across Dublin Bay, it is almost possibletoseethesiteofanotherlateMesolithicmiddenatSutton.Thiswasa large (although thinly layered) shell midden that lay along the southern shore ofwhatwouldthenhavebeentheislandofHowth.Itisnowattheendofthe peninsulaconnectedtothemainlandbecauseofsealevelandcoastalgeomorphologicalchanges.Themiddenwasuptominlength,butlaytoadepthof onlycm.Itproducedevidencefortheexploitationofatleasttwentydifferent typesofshellfish,includinglimpets,whelks,cockles,scallops,periwinkles,oysters andmussels.Therewasalsosomeevidenceforoccupationactivitiesandlithic production on the middens.Animal bones recovered included wild pig, hare, wolf and fish. A range of radiocarbon dates between - bc indicate 43
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theprobabilityofactivitiesattheendoftheMesolithic,movingintotheearly Neolithicperiod. FromtheHillofHowthtoday,onecanseetheCooleypeninsulalyingacross theseaontheskylinetothenorth.TherearelateMesolithicshellmiddenson the southern shoreline of these mountains, at Rockmarshall, Co. Louth.The Mesolithic sites are situated on a raised beach overlooking the broad expanse andextensiveintertidalflatsofmodernDundalkBay.FrankMitchellexcavated three middens in this location. These excavations indicated that Mesolithic hunter-gathererscollectedoyster,periwinkle,limpet,whelk,musselandcockles –perhapsatvarioustimesoftheyear.Therewereonlyafewfindsofflintflakes, blades, cores and bevel-ended beach pebbles. Midden III produced charcoal radiocarbondatedto-bc,withhumanbonefromthemiddendated to-bc.
latemesolithiccoastaloccupationatferriterscove,co.kerry The late Mesolithic coastal occupation site at Ferriter’s Cove, Co. Kerry was excavatedbyPeterWoodmaninthesandunlikemanyofthesitesdiscussed above,wassubjectedtomultidisciplinaryscientificstudies.Thesitewasoriginally locatedonalevelterraceorrockplatformnearabeachonasmallbayatthe westerntipofDinglePeninsula–rightoutattheedgeofAtlanticEurope(). Palaeoenvironmentalstudiesindicatethatthebaywasthenfringedbyoakand hazelwoodlands,withsaltmarshesinvicinityandarockyforeshoreandshallow baythatwouldhavebeenrichinshellfishandotherfoods. Radiocarbondatingandthearchaeologicalandpalaeoenvironmentalevidence forepisodicandseasonaloccupationsuggestrepeatedrevisitstoFerriter’sCove inlatesummerandautumn.Itisalsolikelythatthiswasgoingonforperhaps hundredsofyears(between-bc).Fromethnographicstudies,Graeme Warrenhassuggestedthathunter-gatherersoftenhaveshortgenerations,aslittle astwentyyears,andthey‘marry’young.Aperiodofthreehundredyearsmight encompass as many as fifteen generations.We have evidence then that people stayedforonlyshortperiodsoftime,butalsothattheycameagainandagain across the generations. So, we might take the long-term activity at Ferriter’s CoveasevidenceforMesolithichunter-gatherer’s‘persistenceofreturning’,for theirsenseoflandscape,thatthiswasatraditionalplacetocometoandthatthis waspasseddownwithintheloreorstoriesofthepeople. Whatdidthesepeopledothere?Archaeologicalexcavationsshowthatwhile theycampedbesidethiscoastalinlet,theyfishedforyoungwrasse,whiting,tope and ray in the rock pools, inshore shallows and perhaps even offshore for the tope.Althoughthereisnoarchaeologicalevidencefornets,sometypesoflines, or other catching and trapping mechanisms and maybe even boats must have beenusedtocatchthesefish.Ontherocksjuttingoutintothesea,theymade 44
mesolithichunter-gatherers:lifeanddeathbytheseashore,8000-4000bc
LocationoflateMesolithicsiteatFerriter’sCoveattheendoftheDinglePeninsula,Co.Kerry (afterWoodman,AndersonandFinlay)
use of the abundant shellfish resources of dog-whelk, periwinkle and limpet, dumpingtheshellsbesidethemastheyroastedthemonstones(perhapstomake themmorepalatable)andsatchattingandeatingbyfires(). Occasionally,theyhuntedinthewoodsforwildpigandhare,andsometimes they may have trapped guillemot and herring gulls along the coast. However, by and large, their diet was mainly based on marine resources, as has been confirmedbystableisotopeanalysisofafewhumanbonesfoundonthesite. The traces these hunter-gatherers left behind them were meagre enough. Indeed, the archaeological evidence suggests that the site was mostly used for shortepisodesofoccupation,withitsfire-spots,pits,stake-holes,discreteshelldumpsandspreadsofburntstoneindicatingthatthemostsubstantialstructures therewouldhavebeenmerelyfish-dryingracksorwindbreaks.Thiswasaplace thenthatwasusedbysmallgroupsofpeopleforweeksormonths,allthemore interestingthen,thatitwasreturnedtosooften. TheFerriter’sCovearchaeologicalexcavationsalsorevealedthatthesehuntergathererswerealsoexploitinglocalgeologicalsourcesofstone(althoughsome 45
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stonemayhavebeencarriedontothesite),andtheirtoolsweremadenotfrom themorecommonlyusedflintorchert,butfromrhyolites,siltstoneandvolcanic tuffs.Yet, despite the constraints of these raw materials, these people were still using a typically Irish hard-hammer technology to produce much the same typesofrobustbladesfoundonotherlateMesolithicsitesaroundtheisland.In addition,lithicanalysesandrefittingexperimentsonthelithicsfromFerriter’s Covealsorevealthespatialpatterningofstone-workingon-siteandtheuseof a wider range of other tools, such as mudstone and shale stone axes, possible ‘limpet-hammers’(modifiedbeachpebbles)andpossiblespearpoints. Interestingly,Ferriter’sCovealsoproducedremarkable,slightlylaterevidence relatingtothetransformationofIrishsocietyduringtheMesolithic/Neolithic transition.The presence of surprisingly early cattle bone on the site towards theendofitsuse,radiocarbondatedtobetweenabout-bc,indicates thatlocalhunter-gathererswereincontactsomehowwithveryearlyNeolithic farmingcommunities.Intriguingly,PeterWoodmansuggeststhatthecattlebone may have been a‘prestige gift’ indicating trading or social contacts across the seawayswithfarmingcommunitiesinsouthernBritainorwesternEuropeand thatthisprocessofacculturationcouldhavebeguntheprocesswhichleadtothe introductionoffarmingintoIrelandataboutbc.
ReconstructiondrawingofLateMesolithicoysterconsumption(fromMcErlean,McConkeyand Forsythe) 46
mesolithichunter-gatherers:lifeanddeathbytheseashore,8000-4000bc
latemesolithiccoastaloccupationatbelderrig,co.mayo Recent excavations by Graeme Warren of UCD School of Archaeology at Belderrig, Co. Mayo have identified an important late Mesolithic site, where initialradiocarbondatessuggestthatitwasoccupiedaround-bc(, ).Thesiteislocatedtodayatthecliff-edgeofasmallbayonthenorthMayo coastline–andisnotableinpartbecauseofthescarcityofMesolithicsitesin thisregion.Originally,thesitemayhavebeenlocatedonlandthatslopeddown toariverbank,butsubsequentsealevelriseandcoastalerosionmayhavealtered thelandscapetosomedegree.Thesitehasproducedsomestructures,arangeof quartzandcherttoolsandmanufacturingdebris,aswellasplantandfishremains. Preliminary analyses demonstrate the presence of conger eel and wrasse: both probablyresultingfrominshorefishingofftherockycoastsatBelderrig. Thestoneindustryreliesheavilyonlocalrawmaterials,especiallyquartz,someof which,atleast,wasprocuredfromthebeach.ThelateMesolithicsiteatBelderrig is located in a landscape that subsequently was settled by Neolithic farmers whocreatedthefamousCéideNeolithicfield-systems.Manydiscussionsofthe transition to farming at about bc have suggested that this key historical eventinvolvedNeolithiccommunities‘turningtheirback’onthesea,choosingto ignorerichmarineresourcesthathadbeenexploitedthroughouttheMesolithic andfocusinginsteadontheexploitationofnewdomesticates.TheBelderrigsite offersachancetoexaminethesedebatesindetailontheIrishcoast.
didtheroleoftheseashorechangeinthelatemesolithic? HowarelateMesolithiccoastaloccupationsites,shellmiddens,raisedbeachsites andtheDublinestuarinefishtrapstobeinterpreted?PeterWoodmanhassuggested thatlateMesolithiccommunitiesmayhavebecomeanincreasinglymobile,lowdensitypopulation,withanexpedientsubsistencestrategyandanincreasedemphasis on movement through the landscape on a seasonal round.Woodman points out thatduringthelateMesolithicthereisnoevidenceforbasecampsorlong-term residences and that we only have evidence for ephemeral, specialised short-stay campssuchascoastaloccupationsites,suggestingthatsiteswerehardlyoccupied by a few people for more than a few days or weeks. It is possible that the late Mesolithicseasonalroundwasbasedonmovementarounddistincthunter-gatherer annual territories, perhaps similar in size to those proposed by the archaeologist Louis Binford for Nuniamut territories, in Canada. Small social groups, perhaps families or bands, may have resided by the coast during the spring and summer, andthenmovedinlandinautumntolakeshoresites,situatedatrecognisedstopping pointsalongrivervalleys,tofishforeelsandsalmonforperiodsofweeksormonths. Theywouldtheneithermoveintotheuplandsorgobackdowntothecoastfor thewinter,whenfishingandshellfishwouldstillbeavailable. 47
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LateMesolithicsiteexcavationsatBelderrig,Co.Mayo (GraemeWarren,AOS)
LateMesolithicartefactsfromBelderrig,Co.Mayo (GraemeWarren,UCD)
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Incontrast,otherarchaeologistshavesuggestedthattheIrishlateMesolithic wassimilartothatfoundelsewhereinnorthernEuropeandthattherewould havebeenagrowingpopulationandamovetowardsgreatersocialcomplexity and sedentism.The changing late Mesolithic landscape would have provided a wide range of resources, particularly in the wetlands and woods, and large social groups could have aggregated by the coast or lakeshore sites especially. Thecampsitesthatwefindmayonlyhavebeenusedbysmallhunter-gatherer partiestravellingonscheduledvisitsforparticulartasks.IntheScandinavianlate MesolithicorErtebølleperiod,largecoastalcampsiteswereusedbymostofthe community,whilstotherswentoutontemporarytaskstocampsiteselsewhere. Inotherwords,ourdifficultyinidentifyinglargelateMesolithicbasecampsmay largelybeduetoproblemsofarchaeologicalvisibility.Ourcoastalshellmiddens maymerelyhavebeensituatedattheedgeoflargeroccupationsites(thatmay be difficult to trace archaeologically), above the beach or some short distance away.
deathandtheseashoreinthemesolithic Reconstructinghunter-gathersperceptionoftheocean We have already suggested that hunter-gatherers perceive and understand the landscapeassomethingthatisimbuedwithsymbolicandspiritualpower,and thatitisconstitutiveofpeople’ssenseofidentityandbelonging.Lifeitselfisseen asawebofrelationshipsbetweenpeople,mammals,fishorbirdsandinanimate things – and people are not seen as being outside of this world. If in Ireland, with its distinctive flora and fauna, the seashore was of crucial importance in economicterms,thenitmustalsohavebeensoinsymbolicterms.Theseawas not only a source of food and raw materials, it represented life itself and‘the people’.Wecanbegintointerpretthesepotentialsocialandsymbolicmeanings, ifweconsiderwhatarchaeologicalevidencewehaveinparticularforpersistence ofplaceandforthestructured,deliberatedepositionofMesolithichumanand animalboneincoastalmiddens,thecachingofstoneaxes,flakesandcoresinpits oncoastaloccupationsitesandarangeofotherpotentialritualpractices. Firstly, it is clear that mundane materials; stone tools, animal bones and other objectswerenotcasuallydiscarded,butweredeliberatelydepositedinacarefulway onoccupationsites.AtFerriter’sCove,itisevidentthatthereareseveralphases oreventsofdumpinginpitsandhollows,perhapsrepresentingparticularmealsor periodsofeatingtogether.Onehollowareaintheduneswasfilledwithshellsof periwinkle,dogwhelk,limpetsandmussels,fishandmammalbones,burnthazelnut shells,crabclaws,aswellashumanteeth.Becausehunter-gatherersseeprofound connectionsbetweenpeople,objectsandtheanimalworld,suchassociationsare notproblematicandmake‘sense’.Peoplewouldhaveseenhumanandanimalbone, aswellasobjectsandrawmaterials,asthingsthatwerecloselyconnected. 49
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There are also other types of deposit that seem even more clearly to be structured and deliberate. At Ferriter’s Cove, a cache of stone axes were deliberately laid together in a pit, almost as if they were a reed-bound‘catch’ of recently hooked fish lying beside each other on the ground. Similarly, at Dalkey Island, Mesolithic flakes were carefully packed in an inverted position intoapitonaterracethatwasthefocusofmiddenactivity.Mesolithichuntergatherersmayhaveplacedobjectsandbonesinthegroundforsomereason;to acknowledgethegiftoffoodbythespirits,toplacatenature’sforcesorsimplyto maintainthebalancebetweenthepeopleandtheworldtheylivedin.
mesolithiccoastalcemeteriesineurope Recognisingthattheseashoreitselfwasaspaceofsomesymbolicormetaphorical meanings for Mesolithic communities in Ireland, we can move towards interpretingthescantyevidencewehaveforhumanskeletalremainsfromcoastal occupation sites. Rick Schulting has noted that there is good archaeological evidenceforcoastalcemeteriesamongstlateMesolithichunter-gatherergroups ofAtlanticEurope,andatleastindividualhumanburialsarenowknown. These cemeteries are often spatially associated with coastal occupation sites and occasionally with shell middens and they have been found across a wide geographical area. In Scandinavia, there are Mesolithic cemeteries associated withcoastalsitesatSkateholm,(southernSweden)andVedbaek(Denmark).At Téviec and Höedic on theArmorican peninsula of north-west France, there were nineteen graves of thirty seven individuals in a coastal shell midden.At CabeçodePez,intheTagusestuaryregionofPortugal,thereweretwentyseven graves in a coastal shell midden. It should be noted that burial practices vary widelyacrosstheseregions,reflectingdifferentculturaltraditions,socialpractices andreligiousbeliefs.Thereisalsoconsiderableevidenceforvariationinburial practicewithinthesecoastalburialgrounds,reflectingthedifferentsocialstatus androleofdifferentmembersofthecommunity. Burialsaretypicallylaidoutinsinglegraves,butpeoplearealsoburiedingroups. Men,womenandchildrencanbefoundtogether.DogburialsonsomeEuropean Mesolithiccemeteriesmayreflectabeliefthatancestralspiritsresidedwithinthese animals,whileshamansmayhavebeenplacedinshaftsorwereaccompaniedwith antler bone headrests.The use of grave goods is also complex, with perforated shells,animalteeth,stonependants,headdresses,bonepins,animalboneandstone toolsoftenburiedwiththedead.OccasionallyindividualMesolithicgraveswere usedacrosstime,beingre-openedtoreceiveanotherbody,prefiguringinasense, the megalithic tradition of the early Neolithic. Indeed, on theArmorican sites thereisanintriguingsymboliclinktobemadebetweenthesesmallMesolithic moundsofwhiteshellsassociatedwithhumanremainsandthesubsequentlarger Neolithicmoundsofstone(i.e.passagetombs)thatalsoreceivedhumanbones. 50
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mesolithichumanbonefragmentsinshellmiddens Interestingly, at the same time that Mesolithic inhumation cemeteries were in use, there seems to have been a parallel Mesolithic burial practice along the coast ofAtlantic Europe involving the placing of fragments of human bone in coastalshellmiddens.Thesehumanremainsarenotrandomlychosen,typically consistingonlyofskull,jawandlong-bonefragments,withpelvic,shoulderand trunkskeletonfragmentsusuallyabsent.Itisalsointerestingthatthereseemsto beadistinctionbetweencemeterysitesandboneinmiddendeposits–onlya fraction of known Mesolithic sites have produced both formal human burials andfragmentaryskeletalremains.ItisinterestingtoreflectthenthatMesolithic humanskeletalremainsarealsoknownfrommiddensinIreland(remembering how few have been excavated), namely at Rockmarshall, Co. Louth and at Ferriter’sCove,Co.Kerry.Whilethesedepositsinnowaymatchinquantitythe burialsfoundelsewhereinnorth-westEurope,itispossibletousethemtohelp usreflectontheritualpracticesandcosmologicalbeliefsofhunter-gathererson thisisland. OntheScottishislandofOronsay,PaulMellarsexcavatedseveralcoastalshell middens occupied at various times of the year. Fifty five fragments of human bone–representingatleastnineindividuals–werefoundwithinthem,mostly from one site known as Cnoc Coig, but also from middens at Caisteal nan Gillean II and Priory midden.These fragments included human teeth, cranial fragmentsandhandandfeetbones,yettheyexhibitednoevidenceforbutchery orcannibalism.Ithasbeensuggestedthatbodieswereexposedonthemiddens until flesh had rotted off, and that later when the bones were being gathered togetherfortransportelsewhere,smallhandandfeetbonessimplyfellawayinto the shell heaps.There is also some evidence for a symbolic link being made betweenpeopleandthesea,ashumanfingerboneshadbeendeliberatelyplaced onthebonesofasealflipper(theyareanatomicallysimilar),perhapssignifying thatthesecreatureswereseenasancestors,aswascommonlybelievedamongst manycoastalcommunitiesinmoderntimes. At Rockmarshall, Co. Louth, in Ireland, the late Mesolithic shell middens excavatedinthesbyFrankMitchellweresituatedattheedgeofaglacial moraineoverlookingaformercoastallagoonatthenorthsideofDundalkBay. Theseshellmiddensproducedcharcoalandshells,mainlyofoyster,periwinkle, whelk, mussel and cockle, as well as crab and fishbones. Other finds included lithics,mostlyblades,flakesandcores.OneoftheRockmarshallmiddens,was situatedatashelteredlocationonthebackoftheridge,ataplacewherepeople could have sat and looked back up into the mountain valley above them. It produced a human femur that has since been radiocarbon dated to the late Mesolithicat-bc. At Ferriter’s Cove Co. Kerry, Peter Woodman’s excavations also revealed evidenceforhumanremains.OneofthemanyinterestingthingsaboutFerriter’s 51
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Cove was the evidence that it had been a place of some importance over hundredsofyears.Downthroughthegenerations,peoplewouldhavereturned toaplacewheretheirgreat-grandparentshadbeenbefore.Itisinterestingthen thatseveralfragmentsofhumanbone,includingpiecesofjawbone,legs,arms, feet, hands and teeth, were also found at the site, probably dating to the final phase of activity there.A long bone was radiocarbon dated to - bc, whileahumantoothwasdatedto-bc.CathrynPowerhassuggested thattheseremainsderivefromatleastoneadultaged-yearsold.
mesolithichunter-gatherercosmologiesandshellmiddens It is possible that this scanty evidence for human bone merely represents the accidentalaccrualofhumanskeletalpartsatplacesoflong-termactivity–although thiswouldstillrequireustoexplainwhyhumanbodiesarebeinglaidoutthere. However,recentarchaeologicalexcavationsonthebanksoftheRiverShannon atHermitage,nearCastleconnell,Co.Limerickhaverevealedthepeopleinthe earlyMesolithicweredeliberatelyplacingcrematedhumanbonewithstonetools inpits.InthelateMesolithic,itseemslikelythatthecoastalforeshore–itselfa physicallyliminalspacebetweenseaandland–wasaplaceofgreatsocial,mythic andsymbolicsignificanceforthepeople.Themaritimelandscapewasenormously importanttothemintermsoffoodproduction.Shellmiddens,becausetheywere recognisablemarkersoftheplacesusedforsocialgatherings,thepreparationand consumptionoffood,wouldhavebeenkeypointsofpauseinthislandscapeof movement. However, it was probably also a landscape with a‘history’, in that its distinctive physical features (beaches, creeks, promontories) could have been associated with past events and people.An association between shell middens andthepastmayalsohaveledtotheirbeingusedasplacesforformal,structured deposits. Certainly, it happened on some sites, such as Ferriter’s Cove with its hoardofstoneaxes,oratDalkeyIslandwithitsformalcacheofflintflakes. InMesolithicIreland,itisalsoworthnotingthatshellmiddens–beingbright moundsofwhiteshell,ashandcharcoal–weretheonetopographicalfeature thatcouldbeeasilyrecognisedashavingbeenmadebyhumanbeings,amongst apeoplewhowereadeptatreadingthenaturalsignsofthelandscapearound them(similarly,Mesolithiclakeshoreplatformswouldhavebeenalso‘readable’ tothesepeople).Itisalsolikelythatthesewereplacesthatpeopleemotionally associatedwithatimeofwarmth,plentifulandvariedfood.So,wecanimagine abandofhunter-gatherersreturningtotheseashoreafterafewmonthsspent livingintherivervalleysandwoodlandsoftheinterior,seeingagaintheshells, stone tools and animal bones amongst the sands at the foreshore’s edge, they wouldhavefeltliketheywerecominghome. Places like Ferriter’s Cove and Rockmarshall, with their deposits of human remains,mighthavebeenseenasplacesoftheancestors–theywerecertainly 52
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places with temporal resonances. Late Mesolithic shell middens – although themselves quite small – did accumulate slowly over immensely long periods of time (literally over hundreds of years).They were significant places in the landscape then for generations of local people – which may have been why they were considered as appropriate places to deposit human bone.Amongst some recent hunter-gatherer groups, individuals choose the place where they wish their bones to be deposited, this often being a place they associate with happytimesorwiththefamily.Wecanimaginethenthatthebonesofaloved onewouldbecarriedthroughthewinter,beforefinallybeingputatthefamily middeninthespringtime–orindeedatvarioustimesoftheyear. How would people have felt about these human bones? Certainly amongst somehunter-gatherergroups(theInuitofGreenlandforexample)humanremains canhaveapollutingorsickeningeffect;butthiscanbepreventedbytheirproper treatment,ofteninvolvingdeliberatelengthyexposuretocleansethem.Exposure onamiddenmightachievethis,andthisinitselfwouldleadtotheaccidental‘loss’ ofbonesinthemiddendeposits.InMesolithicIreland,itmayhavebeenconsidered entirelyappropriateforpeopletolivewiththeirancestors’bonesaroundthem.In fact,therecognisablepresenceofgrandmother’sbonesbesideyoumayhavebeen re-assuring.Amongst many hunter-gatherer groups, death is basically seen as a transformationintoanotherstateofbeing.Deathisessentiallysomethingthatis thesameasthislife,butitisanexistencethatislivedelsewhere.Inotherwords, peopleburiedattheseashorewouldhavecontinuedtodowhattheyhadalways donethere;gathershellfish,huntseals,fishandbirds.Itisalsoworthpointingout thatpeoplemayhavefeltthattheancestorswerealwaysaroundthem,notsituated back in the past. Perhaps, people believed that their ancestors were working in spiritbesidethemastheygatheredfoodontheforeshore.
movingacrossthewater:boatsandnavigationinthemesolithic Howdohunter-gatherersuseboats? WhatweretheboatsusedbyMesolithichunter-gatherersandindeedthefirst farmersintheNeolithiclike?Itisobviousfromthesettlementoftheislanditself andfromtheevidencefortheongoingmovementbetweentheseislandsthrough early prehistory of people, animals (i.e. cattle) and objects (e.g. the stone axe trade),thatbothhunter-gatherersandfarmershadaccesstoocean-goingvessels. Itisalsomorethanimplied,itisprovenbythehabitualuseandinhabitationof offshoreislandsthroughouttheMesolithicandNeolithic.Forexample,Rathlin IslandinthewatersbetweenNorthernIrelandandScotlandandtheIsleofMan, Lambay Island and many other islands in the Irish Sea were clearly inhabited through early prehistory, as has been shown by recent archaeological research andexcavations.Unfortunately,wearealmostcompletelyinthedarkaboutthe natureofboatsthatpeopleused. 53
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Archaeologists have generally turned to ethnographic evidence to guess at whattypesofboatshunter-gatherersusedtocolonisetheisland.Itseemslogical that the movement of peoples, but particularly cattle, sheep and goats, onto thisislandwouldhaverequiredalargerhide-coveredcraft,perhapswithasail. Amongst the Inuit of the Canadian and GreenlandArctic regions, large boats propelledbypaddlesknownasumiaks,constructedofwoodenframingandskins, wereusedtotransportfamilygroupsandcargoes.However,thesecraftmayhave been a relatively recent development in theArctic regions. Faced with a lack of archaeological evidence, archaeologists have often claimed that Mesolithic hunter-gathers and Neolithic farmers in these islands might have used a skin or hide-covered craft that resembled the modern Irish currach. However, one mightjustasusefullystatethattheprehistoricstoneaxeislikethemodernsteel axe:anequallymeaninglesstruism.Intruth,wesimplyhavenoideawhatthese craftwerelikeandinanycasetheIrishcurrachisnotsomeage-oldtypeexisting outsideofhistory;itwasaproductofparticularsocialandeconomicconditions inthewestofIrelandinthenineteenthandtwentiethcenturies. There is also ethnographic evidence for the use of smaller craft known as canoes. In recent historical times, it is well known that bark-covered canoes and hide-covered kayaks were used by hunter-gatherer groups in the North AmericasandArcticregionstocarryindividualsorasmallgroupofpeople,both forjourneyingandforseal-hunting.InBritainandIreland,smallercraftsuchas thehide-covered,wickercoraclesusedontheBoyneforexample,maysomehow echothetypesofsmallercraftusedinearlyprehistory.Unfortunately,againwe arelimitedtosurmisingthesecraft.
evidenceformesolithicboats There is one possible Mesolithic dug-out boat from Ireland, from Brookend, Co.TyroneontheshoresofLoughNeagh,itselfahugeinlandlake.Thiswasa fragmentofaheavy,curvedoakplankwithtoolmarksfromaflintaxe,datedto -bc.However,thereisalsogoodarchaeologicalevidenceforMesolithic canoes from northern Europe, particularly Scandinavia,The Netherlands and France. In particular, archaeological excavations – both underwater and in coastalenvironments–inDenmarkhaverecoveredseveraldistinctiveMesolithic canoes. TheseMesolithicScandinaviancraftaredugoutboats,hollowedoutbystone axeandfire,fromlargelime,poplaroroaktreetrunks.Theseareoftennarrow, light craft hewn down to a thin, delicate shape (enabling them to be easily portagedorcarriedthroughwoods,fromwaterwaytowaterway).Theyusually have a rounded bow and a flat stern, occasionally the latter being made by a separateplankthatisinsertedintoagroove.Thesecraftmayhavebeenusedfor fishing,asburntclayandcharringintheinteriorsuggeststhatsmallfiresmay 54
mesolithichunter-gatherers:lifeanddeathbytheseashore,8000-4000bc
havebeenlitwithinthem–thisisatechniqueusedwhilefishingatnight;the lightofthefireattractsfishtothesurfacewheretheycanbespeared. TheseLateMesolithiccanoeswouldhavebeenpropelledbywoodenpaddles. TheDanishsiteofTybrindVigproducedfinelycarvedpaddleswheretheheartshapedbladesweredecoratedwithincised,geometricpatternsthathadprobably been originally coloured with plant dyes. It is apparent that these craft were understoodinmorethanfunctionalterms,assomewereusedasburialsforthe dead. It has been suggested that corpses may have been laid in the craft and depositedinshallowwater,suggestingagainthatthesepeoplesawthemselvesas closelylinkedtowaterwaysandthattheseawasasymbolicallyimportantspace.
pilotageandpaddlinginthemesolithic Wecanknowlittleaboutpilotage–thecraftandskillinnavigatingsmallboats –inearlyprehistory,butwecancometosomeconclusions.Itseemsobvious that people had the ability and knowledge to move along coastlines, to travel betweenislandsandtocrosstheseawaysbetweenIreland,Britainandperhaps ultimately toAtlantic Europe.We can see this from the inhabitation of small islandsimmediatelyofftheIrishcoastline. DalkeyIsland,situatedafewhundredmetresofftheDublincoastline,wasthe locationforaMesolithicandNeolithicoccupationsite.Theislandisseparated fromlandbyanarrowstretchofwater,butitisdeep,withstrong,tidalcurrents andpilotingasmallboatacrossitwouldtakesomeskillandcare.LambayIsland, situatedatmuchmoredistanceofftheDublincoastlinewasthelocationofalate Neolithicstoneaxequarry,andpresumablyjudgingbyMesolithiclithicsfound aroundtheisland,itwasalsosettledatthisearliertime.RathlinIsland,offthe north-eastcoastwasalsoasourceofporcellaniteanditwasalsosettledduring theMesolithicandNeolithic–despitethefactthattideandcurrentconditions makeitdifficulttoapproach.Thisevidenceprobablyindicatesrelativelyregular journeys back and forth across stretches of sea that appear short but still take sometimetotraverseinasmallboat. Itisclearthenthatpeopleweremovingbackandforthalongthecoastand acrossthesea,atvarioustimestransportinganimals,people,stoneaxes,porphyry, porcellanite,pitchstoneandotherexoticmaterials.Undoubtedly,peopletravelled acrosstheseaforotherreasonstoo,toexchangenews,tovisit,tomeetmarriage partners or to explore. Mesolithic and Neolithic peoples probably chose their time carefully when they set out to sea, particularly when any long distance journeywasintended.Agoodknowledgeofweatherpatterns,tidalcyclesand offshorecurrentswouldhavebeenanobviousrequirement;whilemonitoring ofthemovementofthesun,moon,stars,birdsandmarinelifeprovidedmore informationwhentravellingontheseaways.Inlatertimes,peoplepreferredto setoutonthesurfaceoftheoceanonlyatsuitabletimesinthesailingseason 55
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–betweenAprilandNovember–andthismusthavebeenevenmoreimportant inearlyprehistory. Indeed,GraemeWarrenhassuggestedthattravellingontheseawouldhave beenanotherrhythmoflifeforMesolithichunter-gatherers;thatpeople’ssocial world (and the distances they intended to travel) would have expanded and contracted according to the seasons, from the long days and distances of safe navigationinthesummertothereluctancetosetoutonthewave-tossedseasof stormy,darkwinter.Inanycase,weneedtomovetowardsanunderstandingof howpeoplemayhavemovedalongtheseaineverydaylife. Archaeologists investigating a Mesolithic occupation site at Bay Farm, Co. Antrim carried out an interesting experimental archaeology project on the potentialofseatravelalongthenorth-eastcoast().Seekingtounderstandthe territorythatcouldhavebeenexploitedfromtheMesolithicsite,theyjourneyed out from it in various directions.Archaeologists walked up the glen, into the hills and along the coastal beaches, travelling a few kilometres in a couple of hours.However,theyalsosetoutexploringalongthecoastinaCanadianopen canoe.Usingpaddlesandworkingintandemwiththetidesandcurrents,they discoveredthattheycouldmovemuchmoreswiftlyalongthecoastline,travelling uptofivekilometresinonlythirtyminutes.Inotherwords,whentravellingby sea in a canoe one can easily move four to five times the distance than one can on land. In the Mesolithic, people may well have regarded their hunting territoriesandsocialworldsverymuchintermsofelongatedzonesalongthe coast.
DigitalTerrainModelofNEcoastofIrelandandSWcoastofScotland(RoryQuinn,UU)
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Did people cross the sea often during the Mesolithic? Perhaps they did for specifictasksandevents,ratherthanroutinely.Althoughthereissomeevidence for long-distance connections (e.g. the cattle bone from Ferriter’s Cove) and technologicalindicatorsofmovementbetweentheIsleofManandtheeastIrish coastline,itdoesseemfromlithicanalysesofstoneartifactsfromIrishsitesthat lateMesolithiccommunitiesweredevelopingadistinctivelyinsulartechnology quitedifferentfromthatfoundinScotland,WalesandEngland.Butundoubtedly therewasknowledgeoftheseaways,notleastbecauseitispossibletoseeIreland fromhighpointsalongthecoastofBritain.Inanycase,theensuingcenturies withtheonsetoftheNeolithicweretobringpeople,ideas,animalsandgoods fromacrossthesea.
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Neolithic farmers, landscapes and seascapes, 4000-2500 BC introduction The Neolithic period (- bc) brought significant social, economic andideologicalchangestotheislandofIreland,andultimatelytransformedits landscapes. It is certain that some of the people, animals, crops and ideas that underpinned these social and landscape changes came to this island by boat. Cattle and cereal crops not native to this island were certainly brought here fromacrossthesea,andperhapstherewasalsosomeimmigrantfarminggroups. Indeed,itisalsopossiblethatreddeerwerefirstintroducedontothisislandat this time – perhaps through human action too. It is believed that cattle were the most important domesticated animal, followed by pig and sheep, but it seemslikelythatcerealgrowing(usingemmerwheatandbarley)wasatleastas importantasstockraising. Most archaeological evidence for Neolithic settlement and economy has ledscholarstointerprettheperiodintermsoftheestablishmentofafarming lifestyle,ofhouses,enclosuresandfield-systemsinabounded,pastorallandscape. Neolithic houses are now a common archaeological discovery, and are interpretedasthepermanentdomesticresidencesofextendedfamiliessituated withinwidermanagedagriculturallandscapes.AttheNeolithicfield-systemsat Céide in north Mayo, these settlement enclosures and megalithic tombs were setamongstsuchfieldsbyaboutbc(,).Itcanbeseenthenthatthis is a significantly different society and way of ordering the land than that of Mesolithichunter-gatherers. ThisinterpretationofaNeolithicsedentarysocietyinIrelandcontrastswith most recent archaeological interpretations in Britain, where it is believed that earlyNeolithicsocietiescontinuedtobelargelymobilecommunities,withcattle herding and occasional farmed clearances in an otherwise wooded landscape. 59
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TheCeidecoastlineofnorthMayo,locationofanextensiveNeolithiclandscapeofenclosures, fieldsystemsandmegalithictombs(AidanO’Sullivan)
Thisfitswithanideathattherewasaslowtransitionfromhunter-gathererto farmingways.Irisharchaeologistspreferringtoinvestigatetheoriginsoffarming andtheusesofmegalithictombshaveshownlittleinterestinmaritimelifeways. However,itisimportanttorecognisethatsomelocalitiesandregionsmayhave seenadegreeofsettlementmobility,seasonalorotherwise,andperhapsalsoa broadspectrumofforager-farmereconomiesbasedlargelyonmaritimeresources. Certainly, we have archaeological evidence for Neolithic people living by the seashore.This includes Neolithic houses and field systems in coastal regions, Neolithicshellmiddens,aswellasNeolithicmegalithictombsoverlookingbays andinlets.ThereisalsointerestingevidenceforNeolithicoccupationofmarine islands, such as at Lambay, Co. Dublin – where Neolithic communities used porphyryquarriesontheisland’ssummitasthefocusofstoneaxeproduction.In thischapter,wewilltackbetweentheMesolithicandNeolithic,exploringhow peoplelivedbeside,movedalongandburiedtheirdeadbythesea.
livingbytheseaintheneolithic NeolithicfarmersandtheirseascapesafterBC MovingfromtheMesolithicintotheNeolithicperiod(-bc),weare facedwithsomedifferentchallengesandissuesinthinkingabouthowpeople livedbythesea.Archaeologicalandpalaeoenvironmentalevidenceindicatesthat 60
neolithicfarmers,landscapesandseascapes,4000-2500bc
MapofCeideNeolithicfieldsystems(afterCaulfield)
Neolithicfarmingpracticeswereintroducedontothisislandshortlyafter bc,probablybyatleastsomeimmigrantgroupswhobroughtwiththemnew typesofcerealcropsandanimals(e.g.cattle).Traditionally,Neolithiclandscapes, settlement and society in Ireland have been understood in terms of a shift towardsafarminglifestyleandeconomy. Neolithicsettlementsandhouseshaveproducedhearths,pottery,occasional evidenceforlithicproductionanduse,animalbones,saddlequernsforgrinding grain,aswellastheactualremainsofcereals,nutsandfruits.Itisbelievedthat cattlewerethemostimportantdomesticatedanimal,followedbypigandsheep, butitseemslikelythatcerealgrowing(usingemmerwheatandbarley)wasat least as important as stock raising. In other words, most Neolithic landscape studies envisage a settled, farming population who directed their energies towardslivestockraisingandthetendingofarablecropswithinalandthatwas nowbeingclearedofwoodlands. 61
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Obviously, this image is of a people with a significantly different society and lifestyle to that of hunter-gatherers. It also contrasts with most recent archaeologicalinterpretationsoftheearlyNeolithicinBritain,whereitisstill believed that people continued to be largely mobile, with cattle herding and occasionalfarmedclearancesinanotherwisewoodedlandscape.However,the archaeologicalevidencefromIreland(andindeedScotland)isbetterexplained intermsofasettled,sedentarylife. Nevertheless, it is important to remember that some farmers may have continued to use wild resources from both woodlands and the seashore. It is certainly the case that foraged, wild resources are often found on permanent settlements. At a Neolithic house excavated atTankardstown, Co. Limerick, gatheredwildfoodssuchashazelnutsandcrabappleswerefoundinsidethehouse alongwithcattle,sheep,goatandpigbonesandcharredwheatgrain;indicating thecontinuedimportanceofsomewildfoodsatthesametimeasarablecrops. Itisalsoclearthatthereisalsoarchaeologicalevidenceformovementthrough thewiderNeolithiclandscape,bothintermsoflocalactivitiesarounddwellings as well as transitory, seasonal or specialised occupation sites at more remote locationsinthelandscape(uplands,woodlands,low-lyinglakeshoresandrivers). There are various questions then. How did Neolithic farming groups live by andworktheseashore?Didtheygathershellfish;didtheytrapandfish;didthey collect raw materials from beaches and coastal cliffs? In other words, how did Neolithicpeopleuse,perceiveandunderstandtheseascapesthattheylivedin?
neolithiccoastalsettlementatcéide,northmayo The most spectacular evidence for a Neolithic community living in a coastal landscape is found at Céide in north Mayo, situated on hills sloping down to theedgeofhighcliffsontheAtlanticcoastline(,).Itisnowknownthat late Mesolithic communities also inhabited this coast. GraemeWarren’s recent excavations of a late Mesolithic site eroding into the sea at Belderrig have uncovered an intriguing occupation site. It seems that hunter-gatherers were livingbesidethissmallbay,workingquartzintodistinctivelateMesolithictools. Itisalsothoughtthattheywerefishingthebayitself,asfishboneshavebeen recovered from organic deposits. The late Mesolithic site was subsequently buriedunderblanketbog.Indeed,notfarfromthesitetherearetracesofsome Neolithicfieldwalls,builtbycommunitiesthatsucceededthehunter-gatherers atBelderrig. The better-known Neolithic landscape at Céide, situated several kilometres to the east, is spectacularly preserved underneath metres of blanket bog that formedduringlaterprehistory.ArchaeologicalresearchbySeamusCaulfieldover theyearshasledtothediscoveryofanintactNeolithicfield-system,consisting ofkilometresofstonewallsgriddingthehillsintoaladder-likesystemoflong 62
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rectangular fields. Within this extensive field-system, survey and excavation hasalsorevealedtheexistenceofseveralsettlementenclosures,presumablythe dwellingplacesandfarmyardsoflocalfarmers.Thiswasacommunitywhodid notseparatetheirdwellingandrituallandscapes,andNeolithiccourttombsare alsoburiedunderthebogs.Radiocarbondatingandpalynologicalstudieshave alsorecentlyrevealedthattheNeolithiclandscapeofCéide,northMayowasin useduringtheearlyNeolithic,andperhapswasabandonedbyc.bc. It is certainly interesting that these early Neolithic settlements, fields and tombs are situated within what is essentially a maritime landscape. Strolling amongstthefieldstoday,itisevidentthatitistheoceanthatdominatestheview. Itstretchesacrosstheentirenorthernhorizon;onecanseetheoceanswellwith itswind-tossedwavecrests;stormcloudsapproaching;theislandsouttosea,as wellastheheadlands,smallbaysandinletssituatedalongtheotherwisedaunting cliffs.Despitethismaritimesetting,theCéideNeolithiclandscapesareusually interpreted as evidence for a permanently settled, sedentary farming society andcattlegrazingonagrandscale,withlittleneedfortheexploitationofwild resources.Thisseemslikely,especiallyconsideringthefactthattheseaismostly inaccessible beyond the high, precipitous cliffs situated only a few hundred metresaway.Theseaisnearbutitisinaccessible.However,itisalsopossiblethat theseNeolithiccommunitiesoccasionallyfishedtheseafromthecliffsorfrom smallboatsharbouredintheinletsandbaysfurtheralongthiscoastline,orthat theygatheredshellfishandbird’seggsalongtherockyshorelinesandinthecliff nests.Ontheotherhand,justbecausetheseresourcesweretheredoesnotmean thattheywereexploited.
neolithicdwellingsalongtheantrimcoastallandscape In fact, we probably should imagine Neolithic communities as making use of coastalandmaritimeresourcesinwaysthatwerebothsociallyandeconomically complex. For example, within theAntrim glens of north-east Ireland, there is evidence that Neolithic communities ranged across the entire landscape, from the uplands down to the foreshore.At Glencoy, Neolithic people placed their megalithictombsintheuplands,whiletheythemselveslivedinsettlementsback fromthecoastinstrategic,low-lyinglocationsinthevalleys.Theyalsovisited thebeachesattheendsofthevalleysfortheexploitationofflint,asisindicated byspecialisedhuntingorlithicproductionsitesintheglens(). AtMadMan’sWindow,inAntrim,Neolithicchippingfloorsandstoneaxerough outswerefoundwithNeolithicpottery,flakes,scrapersandleaf-shapedarrowheads. AtBayFarmII,aNeolithicoccupationsitenearmarshlandsproducedoccupation debris, postholes, charcoal, flint cores, axes and Neolithic pottery. It is probable thatpeoplemaderegularvisitstothebeachesattheendsoftheglensseekingthe abundantsuppliesofflintpebblesandnodulesthatcanstillbeseenwithinthechalk. 63
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MapofGlencoy,Co.AntrimcoastlineshowinglocationofNeolithicsettlementsandtombs(after Cooney)
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It is also likely that different social groups, in terms of age, rank or gender, within the community, might have been responsible for these various work activitiesalongtheshoreline–echoingwhatmayhavebeenpracticedduring theMesolithic. Ontheotherhand,otherNeolithicdwellingsincoastallandscapeshavebeen investigated and have produced little evidence for the use of wild maritime resources.NeolithichouseshavebeenrecentlyexcavatedbyDermotMooreat Ballyharry, on the Islandmagee Peninsula between Larne Lough and the Irish Sea.Thesewerecoastalsites,locatedoverlookingLarneLough.However,there islittlesenseofmaritimeresourceexploitation. Similarly, Neolithic houses at Ballygalley, Co. Antrim were located in a maritimesetting,onlowgroundsomemfromtheshoreofBallygalleyBay –onthenorth-eastcoastoftheIrishSea.BallygalleyHousewasalarge,subrectangularstructuredatingfrom-bc,probablywithapitchedroofand anexternalannex.Thiswasadwellingofafarmingcommunity,asindicatedby thepresenceofEinkornwheatandcattlebone.Towardstheendoftheperiod ofoccupation,livingconditionsmayhavebeenwet,assuggestedbyliver-fluke snailshellsandcaddisflycases.Attheend,thehousemayhavebeendeliberately deconstructed,anditswallslotsfilledwithwater-rolledstonesandflintnodules takenfromtheseashore. However,despitethisinterestingdetail,theBallygalleyNeolithiccommunity werenotfishing,fowlingorgatheringshellfish.Indeed,eventhebeadsusedfor personal adornment were of stone rather than of marine shells. On the other hand,theywereusingrawmaterialsthatimplylocalandlong-distancemaritime connections.Flintnodulesmayhavebeengatheredfromthelocalbeach,while porcellanite was brought fromTievebulliagh and by boat from Rathlin Island. However,therewerealsoitemsonthesitethathadtobebroughtfromfurther acrossthesea.StoneaxeswerefoundthatcamefromGreatLangdale,inCumbria in north-east England and from Cornwall.There were also many pieces of pitchstonethatwouldhavebeenbroughttoBallygalleyfromtheislandofArran, intheFirthofClyde.Indeed,itseemslikelythatBallygalleymayhavebeensome typeofredistributionplace,afeastinghouseoraritual,publicstructure.Itwas inthissense,aplaceontheNeolithicseaways.
neolithiccoastalsandhilloccupationsitesandshellmiddens Neolithic occupation sites are known from sandhills and coastal dunes, particularlyalongthenorthcoastoftheisland.Fewofthese‘sandhill’settlements havebeenexcavated,andtherearealsoproblemsofstratigraphy.Onoccasion, archaeologists and antiquarians searching in the nineteenth and twentieth centuryhavefoundNeolithicstoneaxesandflint,alongwithlaterprehistoric brooches,earlymedievalpotteryandmedievalcoinsonthesameancientground 65
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surface.Thisisbecauseofthenaturallydynamicnatureofthesecoastaldeposits. Windsandcoastalerosionmayremoveoriginaldeposits,resortthemanddrop themdowntogethersothatobjectsofdifferentperiodsarefoundbesideeach other. However,therearesomeNeolithiccoastaloccupationsitesthatarerelatively well understood. Archaeological excavations on the Murlough Peninsula, at Dundrum, Co. Down, have investigated some of these. At Dundrum Site , an occupation site had fireplaces, possible shelters, pottery and crude flint. At Dundrum Site , a Neolithic pebble-floored hearth produced worked flints,alongaswellaswhatarchaeologiststermWesternNeolithicpotteryand GroovedWare.Radiocarbondatesfromthislattersiteplaceitatabout- bc.Theseseemtohavebeenshort-termoccupationsites,associatedwithsome unknownactivityonthisIrishSeacoastline. There are also some shell middens that have produced diagnostic Neolithic flint tools, pottery and an array of evidence for the seasonal exploitation of shellfish during the fourth millennium bc. Perhaps the best example of this is in the Carrowmore landscape, Co. Sligo.This is a region rich in Neolithic megalithictombs,includingthepassagetombofMaeve’sCairnsituatedonthe hill-topofKnocknarea.Thismountainissituatedrightonthecoastline,providing extensiveviewsacrosstheestuariesandsandflatsofSligoandBallysodareBay. At the base of the steep slopes of Knocknarea mountain, there are extensive shellmiddensamongstthesanddunesatStrandHill–andGöranBurenhult’s excavations indicated activities there in the Neolithic, Bronze Age and Iron Age. At Culleenamore, a shell midden contained a hearth which produced a radiocarbondateof-bc().Shellsfoundweremainlyofoysters,with some cockles, mussels, periwinkles, scallops and limpets. It has been suggested that these shell middens were used by Neolithic communities who moved seasonally around the Knocknarea peninsula. During the summer time they mayhavemovedwiththeircattletouplandsummerpasturesonthemountain itself,wheretheymayhavelivedinsmallhutstructures.Somepeoplefromthe community may have moved down to the shoreline for fishing, fowling and seal hunting.The Culleenamore shell middens are mostly composed of oyster shells,andthesecouldhavebeenusedforfoodandforbaitforfishingorsealing. Although no seal bone was recovered from the middens, there are sandbanks out in Ballysodare Bay reputed today to be the best seal-hunting waters of the west coast of Ireland.This model of seasonal movement is obviously one thatdrawsinspirationfromtheMesolithic.However,thedistancesinvolvedat Knocknarea are so small and so localised that these trips along the coastline could easily have been made on a daily or periodic basis. Neolithic farming communities could easily have exploited the seashore for their own purposes, whileatthesametimeherdingcattleandgrowingcropsonthelandsaround BallysodareBay. 66
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PrehistoricshellmiddensatCulleenamore,showingKnocknareainbackground(Aidan O’Sullivan)
fromseafoodtosteak:dietarychangesfromthemesolithicto theneolithic Inotherwords,thereissomeevidenceforNeolithiccoastaloccupationandfor various things done by the seashore, including both gathering of shellfish and workingofflint.However,theredoesseemtobeasignificantshiftindietand subsistencefromtheMesolithictotheNeolithic. Rick Schulting’s (and others) recent scientific studies of early prehistoric humanskeletalmaterialfromcoastalcontextsaroundBritainandIrelandhave focused on stable isotope analysis of the collagen remaining in the bones. Thisformofanalysisenablesareconstructionoftheoriginsandnatureofthe proteinconsumedbyapersoninthe-yearsbeforehisorherdeath.So,for example,peoplewholivepredominantlyona‘marine’dietoffish,shellfishand othermarinefoodswillhavedistinctivetracesofthisintheirbones.Similarly, peoplewhoeatcattlemeat,milkandcerealfoods–a‘terrestrial’diet–willalso haveauniqueisotopiccompositionintheirbonesandteeth.Schulting’sstudies have revealed a surprising but fairly consistent pattern across the MesolithicNeolithic transition in north-west Europe, as well as Britain and Ireland. Almost all Mesolithic bones from coastal locations (for example, the human bone from Ferriter’s Cove) reveal evidence that the people in the Mesolithic had a predominantly, although not overwhelmingly, marine diet. In contrast, early Neolithic bones (such as the human bone from Carrigdirty Rock, Co. 67
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Limerick;bonesfromKilgreaneyCave,Co.Waterford;fromtheNeolithicportal tombatPoulnabrone,Co.ClareandfromaNeolithicmegalithictombinthe PhoenixPark,onthebanksoftheRiverLiffey)indicatethattherewasanalmost completeshifttoaterrestrialdiet.Allthesesitesarelocatedinbroadlycoastal landscapes(estuarineandotherwise),butallshowthepeoplehadaland-based diet. This is striking evidence for dietary change. It seems that one of the first thingsthathappenedatthebeginningoftheNeolithicwasthatpeoplestopped eating seafood, in fact avoiding it almost totally. Did Neolithic communities ‘turntheirbacks’onthesea,forsomeunknownculturalandsocialreasons?This mayhavebeensomethingthatwasbothculturalandsymbolic–peoplestarted toeatfoodsprovidedbydomesticatedanimalsandplantsbecausetheywanted to live in a new way, to enjoy different foods, to express new forms of social identity.Perhapsadietofmeatandbreadwassomethingthatwasassociatedwith proper,appropriatebehaviour.Theymayhaveregarded‘fish-eaters’aspeopleto bescorned,peoplewhobetrayedthroughtheirpracticesanddietthefactthat theywereunculturedorevennotfullyhuman(populationsworldwidehavea depressingtendencytosee‘others’asnotreallypeople).Schultinghaspointed out that the ethnographic record shows that amongst pastoralists around the world in historical and recent times, there is a strikingly consistent prejudice againsttheeatingoffish–sometimesforsounddietaryreasons(itmayrotand sicken people more easily). Other observers have noted that amongst some modernCanadianIndiancommunities,suchastheCreewhothemselvesdepend toalargedegreeonhuntingandtrapping,thatriverinefish-eatersfromnearby territoriesareseenassomehowimpoverishedandnotasculturedastheCree.In anycase,itdoesarguethatNeolithiccoastaldwellersnolongerdependedupon shellfish,fishandseaweed,althoughtheymayoccasionallyhaveeatenthesefoods ordoneotherthingsontheseashore. Itisimportanttoemphasisethattheseawasstillaspaceresonantwithsocial and symbolic meanings, but that these were different from what had gone before.Theseamaynolongerhavebeenseenasaplaceoftoilandsourceof food,whereonegatheredwithone’scommunityandkinforsocialoccasions. Neolithicpeoplemayhaveassociatedtheseamorewithlocalandlong-distance communications,withtrading,raiding,alliancesandobjectsthatcameacrossthe ocean.Perhaps,Neolithiccommunitiesmayhavehadmythsandstoriesabout theanimals(i.e.deer,cattle,sheep)andplants(cereals)thathadoncecomeacross thesea,soforthesereasonstheseamayhavestillbeenseenasasourceofbenefit, butnotdirectlyoffooditself.
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deathandtheseaintheneolithic Neolithicmegalithictombsandseascapes Recognisingthattheoceanmayhavebeenseenasaliminalspaceduringthe Neolithic, a zone at the edge of the world to be associated with ancestors, exoticanimals,plantsandobjectsfromafar,itisworthlookingathowseascapes impacted on people’s ritual activities. When archaeologists have thought about the distribution and context of Neolithic human remains in the Irish landscape, they have usually focused on megalithic tombs and cemeteries. These burial monuments include court tombs, portal tombs, passage tombs and wedge tombs; they vary in form, location and depositional practices, ranging in date across the Neolithic and (in the case of wedge tombs) well intothelaterBronzeAge.ItisalsotruethattheyrepresentanIrishexpression of a‘megalithic culture’ that is found along theAtlantic coastline of Europe and debate has long gone on about how ideas and beliefs were transmitted along the Neolithic seaways. It is certainly striking that Neolithic megalithic tombsoftenfacethesea,orarepreciselylocatedatparticularplacesincoastal landscapes that provide striking views across bays, inlets and the open ocean itself. Atanisland-wideorregionalscale,itisalsoevidentfromthedistributionof megalithic tombs that Neolithic communities lived along the coastal regions. Neolithiccourttombsarescatteredacrossthenorthernpartoftheisland,with distinctiveconcentrationsalongthenorth-westIrishcoastlineofDonegal,Sligo, MayoandGalwayinparticular.Indeed,atCéide,therearecourttombsamongst theNeolithicfield-systemsandenclosuresthatliealongthiscoastline,indicating thatthismonumenttypewasusedwithinalivinglandscape.Ontheeastcoastof theisland,therearealsocourttombsinthemountainsoverlookingCarlingford Lough, Co. Louth. Similarly, Neolithic portal tombs show dense distributions along the coastline of Donegal – often sited along the bays and inlets of its indentedAtlanticcoastline. Indeed,EamonCody’srecentarchaeologicalstudiesofallthemegalithictombs of Donegal show that the location of that county’s tombs is markedly coastal incharacter.Allbutofitsmegalithictombsarewithinkmofthecoast, while sites are less than km from the coast.The distribution of Neolithic passage tombs in Ireland also shows an occasional coastal focus – particularly with the passage tomb cemetery of Carrowmore, Co. Sligo. Indeed, the most prominent passage tomb here – Maeve’s cairn on the summit of Knocknarea – is dramatically sited with extensive views across Sligo and Ballysodare Bays, and down to the beaches of Strand Hill and beyond. Knocknarea can also be seenfromalongtheSligoandMaycoastline–risingalmostlikeanislandabove the sea. Similarly, inWaterford in south-east Ireland, Neolithic tombs have a predominantlymarineorriverinedistribution.Indeed,thesmallpassagetombs aroundTramore, while being coastal sites, have also long been seen as similar 69
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to those found on the Scilly Isles, off south-west England.While more recent studiessuggestthattheTramorepassagetombsareactuallynotunlikeotherIrish sites,itiscertainlypossiblethattherewerestrongculturalconnectionsacrossthe seabetweenthesetworegions. In the late Neolithic and BronzeAge, wedge tombs were also often placed closetothesea–particularlyinthenorth-westandalongthepeninsulasofCork and Kerry in the south-west. On the edge ofToormore Bay, Co. Cork, Billy O’BrienexcavatedawedgetombatAltarthatproducedcrematedhumanbone, anunburnthumantooth,charcoalandsomeperiwinklesandlimpets.However, radiocarbon dating revealed that these deposits were separately placed in the tombovermillennia–acrosstheEarlyBronzeAgeandthelaterBronzeAge, whiletowardstheendoftheIronAge,apitinthecentreoftheburialchamber containedperiwinkleandlimpets,withsomefishbonesofwrasseandeel.Here wasanancientburialplaceattheedgeoftheoceanthatwasafocusofritual activityacrossthegenerations. Indeed, at a local scale, it is possible to suggest that particular Neolithic communities placed their tombs in intensely coastal locations – perhaps suggestingthatsomepeoplesawthemselvesasbeingconnectedtothewatersof particularshelteredbaysandinlets.TheNeolithiccourttombatAudleystown, Co.Down–whichwasusedfortheburialofatleastthirtymen,womenand children,alongwithpottery,flintobjectsandbonesofcattle,horse,sheepandpig intwoopposinggalleries–wasplacedrightontheshoresofStrangfordLough, directlyoverlookingitsislandsandtheestuaryoftheRiverQuoile.AtBallinran, Co.Down,aNeolithiccourttombissitedwithinastone’sthrowofthebeachof asmallshelteredbayonCarlingfordLough.TheNeolithiccourttombofMillin Bay,Co.Downisalsositedonlyafewmetresfromtheintertidalzoneofthis enclosedbayontheArdscoastline,Co.Down().Wemaybelookinghereat people’sidentificationwiththelocaltopographicalfeaturesofthecoast.Indeed, onoccasionNeolithiccourttombsseemtomirrorintheirenclosedcourts,the maritimebaysandinletsthattheyoverlook.Futurearchaeologicalstudiesmight aim to explore how Neolithic communities constructed monuments in ways thatwereinspiredbysuchcoastalphysicalfeatures. Onoccasion,someNeolithictombsmayhavebeenbuiltclosetoorevenon topofancientshellmiddens,suchasmayhavehappenedatRush,Co.Dublin. At this site, investigated in the early nineteenth century, a tomb appeared to havebeenplacedonanearliershellmidden.Theexcavatordescribesfindingto thenorthoftheburialchamber‘abedofperiwinkleshellssomeeightinches thick, and some limpet and mussel shells intermixed’. One of the intriguing thingsaboutNeolithictombsisthatmarineshellshavealsooftenbeenfound in the burial chambers of the monuments, or occasionally as later deposits in andaroundthegrave.AtNewgrangepassagetomb,itispossiblethatthenine fragmentsofmarineshellsrecoveredfromthesiteexcavationwastheresultof beachsandsbeingbroughtinforpackingbetweenthestonesofthechambers. 70
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MapshowingcoastallocationofNeolithiccourttombatMillinBay,Co.Downinthetopright handcorner
AtsiteslikeLoughCrew(whereapassagetombhadtwohundredlimpetand cockle shells, as well as the bone of a whale possibly dating from a later, Iron Ageoccupationphase)andFourknocks,Co.Meath(whereaperforatedseashell usedaspersonaljewellery,aswellasunperforatedscallopandoystershellswere recovered),itisclearthatshellfish(orshells)werebeingbroughtlargedistances fromthesea. Thediscoveryofmarineshellsisnotlimitedtopassagetombs,astheyhave alsobeenfoundincourttombssuchasClontygora,Co.ArmaghandBallinran, Co.Down(wherea‘nest’ofwinkleshellswereplacedinapitasasecondary depositinthegrave),atwedgetombsatDrumandScreedagh,Co.Sligoandat the‘Linkardstown’typeburialatPoulawack.Co.Clare(wheretherewasalarge oyster shell in the chamber). Marion Dowd has recently shown that amongst thematerialspossiblyassociatedwithaNeolithiccaveburialatKilgreany,Co. Waterford were six perforated Flat periwinkle shells (Littorina) and a bead madefromafishvertebra.Obviously,thesedepositsmaynotberelatedtothe ‘economic’ exploitation of marine resources, but hint at the symbolic role of shellsinpeople’scosmologiesorreligiousbeliefs,orthewaysthattheywereused inpersonalornamentanddress.
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neolithichumanboneatdalkeyislandshellmidden When archaeologists have thought about the distribution and context of NeolithichumanremainsintheIrishlandscape,theyhaveofcoursefocusedon megalithictombs;thepassagetombs,portaltombsandcourttombsthatseemto havebeenbuiltasformalplacesforhumanburial.However,Neolithicskeletal remainshaveoccasionallybeenfoundincoastalshellmiddens. Perhapsthemoststrikingexampleofahumanburialinamarinecontextis theNeolithichumanskeletonofayoungmalefoundburiedbeloworwithin early prehistoric shell middens on Dalkey Island, Co. Dublin. It has already been discussed how these Dalkey Site II andV middens represented periodic or episodic activities there across thousands of years in the late Mesolithic and the Neolithic, as the island’s occasional occupants trapped seals, pig, birds and fish and gathered limpets, worked stone and deposited objects in pits. The early Neolithic human burial found in the shell midden at Site II was radiocarbon dated to - bc. The body was disarticulated, but the cranium was filled with periwinkles – despite the fact that the surrounding midden was mostly of limpets. Intriguingly, this suggests that the skull had deliberately been packed full of winkle (Littorina) shells before it was placed intheground,implyingsomelinkbetweenpeopleandsealife.DalkeyIsland issituateddirectlyoffthecoastandhadbeenoccupiedintheMesolithicand Neolithic,withtheoccurrenceofstoneaxesandpotteryimplyingthatthiswas a fairly conventional coastal occupation site. However, Barbara Leon’s recent re-analysis of the Dalkey midden deposits and of the Neolithic stone axes and associated material indicate that these were deliberate deposits of objects that had been placed into pits dug into the midden.We might interpret the Neolithic skull and stone axes as ritual deposits in a liminal space on the seashore.
neolithichumanboneatcarrigdirtyrock,shannonestuary NeolithichumanremainshavealsobeenfoundonacoastalsiteatCarrigdirty Rock,Co.Limerick().Thissitewasidentifiedinanintertidalarchaeological survey of the Shannon estuary, when Neolithic, Bronze Age and medieval structures and environmental deposits could be seen in the mudflats. The Neolithic Carrigdirty Rock site was located in environmental deposits that indicatedthatithadoriginallybeenlocatedinanestuarinelandscapeofreeds, marshlandandmudflats.Subsequentchangesinrelativesealevelsmeansthatthis siteisnowsubmergedandisonlyvisibleatverylowtides. Itmayhaveoriginallybeenanestuarinewetlandsoccupationsite,asamongst theobjectsrecoveredfromtheforeshorewereatinystoneaxe,chertfragments, water-rolledstones,charcoal,burnthazelnutshellsandchoppedandcharredround 72
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Thispage:Reconstructiondrawingof NeolithicsiteatCarrigdirtyRock,Co. Limerickwithassociatedartefacts(Aidan O’Sullivan) 73
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woodofhazelandapplybranches.InthisregionoftheShannonestuary,thereis actuallylittleotherNeolithicsettlementevidence.Onthehillsoverlookingthe estuary,thereareafewmegalithictombsdatedtothelateNeolithic,whilestone axeshavebeenfoundfromboththeriveritselfandthelandsaroundit.Indeed, somerecentpalaeoenvironmentalstudiesinthelocalitysuggestthatthereisno significantclearanceofwoodlandshereuntillaterprehistory.WastheShannon estuaryregionnotreallysettledbyfarmersuntilthelateNeolithic?Inanycase, theNeolithicCarrigdirtyRockmaterialposesinterestingquestionsastohow weinterpretcoastalsitesaftertheMesolithic.Wasthistheoccupationsiteofa Neolithic group who were essentially living a hunter-gatherer lifestyle in the wetlands?Wasitinstead,asseemsmorelikely,aseasonalwetlandoccupationsite of a Neolithic community who drove their livestock down into the wetlands duringthesummertime? However,thesitemaybemoreintriguingstill.Amongstthefindsrecovered at the site were a large fragment of a human skull (radiocarbon dated to c.-bc).Theskullfragmentwasfromthetopofthecraniumandthe upperforeheadanditwasapparentlybrokenoffpost-mortem.Therewasalsoa humanclavicle(shoulderbone),whichmayhavebeengnawedbydogsorother predators.Theoccurrenceofhumanboneonoccupationsitesisknowninthe Neolithic,althoughithasnotbeenthesubjectofclosestudy.Itisinterestingthat thedepositionofhumanremainsincoastalenvironmentsrecallswhatoccurred duringtheMesolithic.ItispossiblethatontheupperShannonestuary,insteadof buryingtheirdeadinmegalithictombs,thatpeopleplacedfragmentsofhuman remainsinparticularplaces.
movingacrossthewater:boatsandnavigation intheneolithic Neolithicboats:Thearchaeologicalevidence Boats,pilotageandtheabilitytotravelbywaterwouldhavebeenthesamein the Neolithic as it was in the Mesolithic.There is certainly no technological reasonwhythebasicformofcraftwouldhavechanged,althoughnodoubtthe occasional movement of people and larger animals might have required larger vessels.Inanycase,NeolithicdugoutboatsareknownfromIreland.Although most Irish dugouts have been recovered from the inland waterways, some havealsobeenfoundincoastalsaltmarshesandsea-loughs,withahandfulof examplesfromopencoastalwaters. AtBallylig,LarneLough,Co.Antrimtwodugoutboatswerefoundinpeats thatwereoverlainbymarinemudandwereradiocarbondated-bcand -bc.Bothboatswerefoundclosetoasealoughintowhichthereare nonavigablerivers,soitseemsmorelikelythattheywereformovingaround thesea,albeitclosetotheshore. 74
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StrangfordLoughNeolithicdugout(WesForsythe,UU)
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OnStrangfordLough,awell-preserveddugoutwasidentifiedlyinginpeats ontheintertidalforeshoreofGreyAbbeyBayandinvestigatedbyWesForsythe oftheUniversityofUlster.Thiswasalarge,well-madevesselcarvedofoak,with aroundedbow,andthick,strongsides.Ithasbeenradiocarbondatedto bc. Sea level rise since early prehistory implies that this vessel may have beenoriginallydepositedinasaltmarshsetbackfromthelough(). RecentlyapossibleprehistoricdugoutboatwasrecoveredfromtheIrishSea offGormonston,Co.Meath().TheboatwasdiscoveredbytheArchaeological Diving Company during the excavation of Bórd Gais Éireann’s Irish Sea interconnector pipeline in . Lying in the sands, an intact portion of the dugout survived, along with a range of broken fragments.The vessel was of a simpleconstruction,butwasquitesubstantialandwashewnfromasingletrunk ofoakwhoseoriginalgirthwasinexcessof.mindiameter.Theintactportion representsthesternofthevessel.Itisinexcessofcmthickandrisesabove thebodyofthevessel,whosesidesandbasearelessthancmthick.Overall, the profile tapers gently from the stern section forward. The dugout has a flattenedhull.Itssidesarecurving,anditsgunwalesarelow.Thegunwalesretain a series of small transverse holes that are rectangular in shape, and are spaced equidistantlydownthesides.Theyalsooccuronseveralofthetimbersthatwere dredged.These perforations represent the most distinguishing characteristic of thewoodworkingonthisvessel.Itisprobablethattheyservedaroleinsecuring additionalfeaturestothesidesoftheboat;planksperhapsthatraisedthesidesof
Gormonstondugoutboat(NiallBrady,ArchaeologicalDivingCompany) 76
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thevesselorpossiblysomeoutriggersthatwouldhavemadeitmorestable.The splinteredpiecesthatwererecoveredduringthedredgingsuggestthatthevessel was in the order of m in length.This was a substantial craft, recovered from maritimecontextsonanopenoceancoastline. In general, archaeologists have tended to regard dugout boats as inherently unstableandunsafetouseinwatersawayfromriversandlakes.However,this may be more reflective of archaeologists’ fears than of the reality of the use of craft in the past. From theAmazon,Africa, south-eastAsia there is plenty of ethnographic video footage showing children playing around in dugouts, balancingontheedgeswhilefishingorskillfullyguidingthemthroughrapids and small waterfalls. It may well have been that early hunter-gatherers and farmersaroundthisislandchosetoonlygooutontheoceanonflat,calmseas, buttheymaystillhavedoneitindugoutboats. During the Neolithic it is certain that people were moving back and forth across the Irish Sea regularly, as people, goods, animals and ideas about monumentsmovedback,forthandalongtheAtlanticseaways.GabrielCooney hassuggestedthatduringtheNeolithic,weshouldenvisagetheIrishSea(and perhaps too the Atlantic coast) in terms of islandscapes, spaces along which therewasmuchmovementandcommunications.Indeedfortravelersacrossthe Irish Sea, the mountains around the coastline – theWicklow mountains,The Mournes, the Lake District fells and Snowdonia would have appeared to be islands.Boththeseandtherealislandswereimportantplacestoaimforwhile travellinginalow-slungboat. Gabriel Cooney’s excavations on Lambay Island, off the Dublin coast, has revealedextensiveandfascinatingevidenceforNeolithicquarryingofporphyry andritualizeddepositionofobjectsattheEagle’sNestclosetotheisland’shighest point.There is also extensive stray lithic evidence for Neolithic occupation elsewhere around the island. Clearly, Lambay Island was a significant location ontheIrishSeacoast–andmayhavebeenmarkedbyacairnatKnockbane. Similarly, on other Irish Sea islands, such as Caldey,Arran andAnglesea, high pointsoftheislandweremarkedwithprehistorictombsorcairns.Inthisway, Neolithic tomb builders were both monumentalizing these sea islands, while also placing their ancestors in places with significant views across the seaways. Itmightbebecausetheseislandswereseen–asislandsoftenare–asplacesfor meetingandencounter. Indeed, standing either at the Neolithic passage tombs at Gormonston, Co. Meath or at the Neolithic tomb of Barclodiad-y-gawres on Anglesea, both overlooking the sea, one gains a sense of maritime-oriented commmunities and the proximity that Ireland andWales have to each other across the sea –FernandBraudel’s‘liquidplainsoftheocean’.ThisisperhapswhytheIsleof Man–locatedmidwayacrosstheIrishSeaandatapointwherebothnorthern andsoutherntidalregimescirculate–hasanearlyprehistoricmaterialculture thatsharesmuchwithitsdifferentneighboursaroundit.TheIsleofMan,Wales 77
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andtheIrisheastcoastwerespaceswherepeoples,ideasandculturaltraitscould encounter each other.The ocean explains why there are so many similarities betweenthemegalithicmonumenttraditionsofIreland,ScotlandandWales.
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The isles of the north: Bronze Age and Iron Age maritime traditions in Ireland introduction TheBronzeAge(-bc)bringsvarioussocial,economicandtechnological changes to the island of Ireland.Although Early BronzeAge (- bc) settlement evidence remains sparse, the archaeological evidence for Middle (- bc) and Late Bronze Age (- bc) settlement activity has been greatly enhanced in recent years. It seems likely that later BronzeAge communities in Ireland witnessed several important changes, particularly the emergence of a stratified, hierarchical society increasingly focused on warfare andtribalidentitiestowardstheendoftheperiod.BronzeAgeburialpractices seemtoindicateanemergingsocialranking,perhapsbasedonkin-group,social role,age,genderandlatterlyprowessincombat.Recentlandscapearchaeological studies have suggested that regional or political territories were starting to form in the Late BronzeAge and that the location and boundaries of these canbeidentifiedthroughdistinctiveandvariableisland-widepatternsofhoard deposition,barrowandmonumentconstructionandotheractivities. BronzeAge hillforts – particularly large enclosures at the summits of hills –havebeenidentifiedatseverallocations.Archaeologicalexcavationsofsome oftheseatHaughey’sFort,Co.Armagh;atMooghaun,Co.Clare;attheclifffort at DunAonghusa and at Rathgall, Co.Wicklow indicate that they were predominantly constructed c. bc in the Middle Bronze Age – perhaps relatingtosignificantclimaticandsocialchangesaboutthistime.Thesehillforts may have been central to these emerging tribal territories, perhaps serving as communitypoliticalorceremonialcentres,orperhapsastheoccasionaldwelling placesofsocialelites. Smaller Bronze Age settlements are also increasingly known, particularly through the discovery of enclosures during recent roadway schemes. These 79
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enclosedsettlementsmayhavebeenfarmsteadsandareoccasionallyassociated withfield-systems,fulachtafiadhandritualmonumentssuchasstandingstones andbarrows.ItislikelythatBronzeAgedwellingenclosureswereoneelementin locallandscapesthatwereorganizedsoastoexpresslocalandcommunityideas ofancestry,kinshipandland-tenure.Thesesmallsettlements,typicallyenclosed andsituatedonwell-drained,thinsoilswellsuitedtoarableagriculturetypically containoneormorecircularhouses,butthereweresomesettlementscontaining largerclusters ofsuch houses.The inhabitantsofthese BronzeAge farmsteads anddwellingsweretypicallyengagedinintensivemixed-farmingonlight,welldrainedsoils,withcattle,pigs,sheepandgoatsherdedinthelocality,andwheat, barleyandotherarablecropsprobablycultivatedwithinfield-systems. It is becoming clear that BronzeAge settlement landscapes were structured toenabletheexploitationofvariousdifferentrawmaterialsandfoodresources. EarlyBronzeAgesitesassociatedwiththeextractionofcopperoreshavebeen identifiedatMountGabriel,CoCorkandRossIsland,Co.Kerry.Thesesites werealsoundoubtedlythelocationsforspecialistormetalworkersoccupations. Coastalwetlandoccupationshavealsobeenfound,suchastheMiddleBronze Agehouses,pitsandfeaturesbyestuarinemarshlandsatMeadowlands,Co.Down andtheMiddleBronzeAgewoodenhutstructureassociatedwithcattlebone atCarrigdirtyRock,Co.LimerickontheShannonestuary.Thesecoastalsites mayhavebeenassociatedwithseasonalcattlegrazingonthesummermarshes. BronzeAgecoastalshellmiddenshavealsobeenrecordedinsanddunes.Itseems likelythatoccasionalusewasbeingmadeofsuchlittoralresourcesasshellfish andcattlegrazingonthethinmachairgrasslands.Othercommonindicatorsof BronzeAgeactivityincoastalwetlandsarefulachtafiadh(burntmoundsorfirecrackedstone,clayandash,associatedwithtroughsforboilingwaterandtypically datedtoc.-bc),probablythemostnumeroustypeofarchaeologicalsite thathasbeenidentifiedintheIrishlandscape.Theymayindicateshort-termor seasonalactivitiesinrivervalleys,lakeshoresandcoastallandsandmayhavebeen used repeatedly as cooking places, saunas and baths, places for treating leather orhumanremains.Occasionallyfoundinassociationwithstandingstonesand barrows,theymayalsorepresentcommunalgatheringplacesattheboundariesof socialterritories,wherepeoplecongregatedtoeat,wash,celebratethemultitude offestivalsthatfarmingsocietieshaveorperhapsperformritualsassociatedwith thedeadorwithwateryspirits. ThisBronzeAgesettlementactivityinwetlandlandscapescouldbetakenas evidenceforpopulationpressure,socialinstability,increasinggrowthofblanket bogandperhapsevenclimaticdeteriorationcausedbydeforestationandvolcanic eruptions.Certainly,thesevariousfactors,alliedtoincreasedsocialstratification andcompetitionforland,mayhaveleadtowetlandsbeingincludedinawider socialandeconomicuseofthelandscape.However,itismorelikelythatBronze Agecommunitiesweremakinguseofvariouslocalitiesinthelandscapesimply as part of a flexible economic strategy established since early prehistory. In 80
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other words, while permanently occupied, dispersed farmsteads were of key importance in society, and there may also have been at least some members ofthecommunityinvolvedinwetlandhabitation,settlementmobilityandthe seasonalmovementofcattleorsheepherds. Incontrast,ourarchaeologicalevidenceforsettlementandlandscapeinthe IronAge(bc-ad)isextremelyscarce.TheIronAgeremainsanenigma inmanyways,withlittleknownaboutitspeople,settlementandeconomy.There islittlearchaeologicalevidenceforaninvasionof‘Celtic’peoples.Ifanythingthe recordtestifiestomanysocialandritualcontinuitieswiththeLateBronzeAge. MostarchaeologicalevidencefortheIronAgeislimitedtoceremonialsitesand strayfindsofspectacularbronzeandgoldmetalwork.IronAgeceremonialsites, andlinearearthworks(suchasNavan,Co.Armagh,atDunAillinne,Co.Kildare, Rathcroghan, Co. Roscommon and Raffin, Co, Meath) were certainly used duringtheIronAge,butweremainlargelyinthedarkastoquestionswhom and how.There is some, and growing, evidence regarding IronAge dwelling places,mostrecentlyrevealedbymajormotorwaydevelopments.Theevidence forIronAgeburial,whilescarce,isrelativelywellknown,usuallyinvolvingthe insertionofcremateddepositsorinhumationburialsintoNeolithicorBronze Agebarrows,tumuliorcairns. Iron Age agriculture, as indicated from faunal studies from excavated ceremonial sites does seem to indicate the herding of cattle, pigs, sheep and goat.Cerealcultivation,asindicatedbybeehivequernsandrecentlydiscovered wooden ard-heads, may have been of some importance. However, a striking feature of IronAge palaeoenvironmental studies is the constant identification ofan‘agriculturallull’inthepollenrecordbetweenaboutbcandad, when there is widespread evidence for large-scale woodland regeneration and a fall in cultivated land plant indicators.What are the reasons for this lack of IronAgesettlementevidenceinIreland?Didsomemajorcatastrophe(climate change,adiseaseepidemic)haveamaligneffectonIronAgepopulationlevels? IsitpossiblethatIronAgesocietiesinIrelandfocusedonpowerandwarfareto suchanextentthatvirtuallyallenergyandwealthwasinvestedinhigh-status ceremonialstructuresandhigh-statusmetalwork?TowardstheendoftheIron Age,IrelandbecomesincreasinglydrawnintotheRomanworld,withbothtrade evidenceandburialpracticesreflectingtrendsthere. Acrossthisvastperiod,thereisobviouslymucharchaeologicalevidencefor coastalactivities.Inrecentyears,someofthemostexcitingevidenceforcoastal landscapeandsettlementintheLateBronzeAgeandIronAgeinBritainand Ireland has been produced by coastal archaeological surveys. Late BronzeAge andIronAgehouses,trackways,fishingstructuresandplankboatsdiscoveredon theSevernestuary,theSomersetLevelsandtheEssexmarshesallindicatethe importance of the coast in a social, economic and symbolic sense. Somewhat similar evidence has been investigated in Ireland, particularly on the Shannon estuary.These sites indicate the role of seasonal settlement and occupation on 81
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coastal marshes, activity that may have been mostly oriented towards cattle herding,hunting,fishing,fowling,butthatitalsoincludedtheritualdeposition oflaterprehistoricmetalworkincoastalwetlands.Anotherareaofenquiryisthe archaeologicalevidenceforLateBronzeAgeandIronAgeboats,thusenabling archaeologiststoexploretheroleofmovementincoastalwatersandsea-going trade and communications. In this chapter, we will explore two main themes: coastal settlement and economy and the emergence of boats and sea-going vesselsinLateBronzeAgeandIronAgeIreland.
livingbytheseainthebronzeageandironage PromontoryfortsareadistinctivearchaeologicalfeatureontheIrishcoastline, usuallyconsistingofanarrowheadlandorpromontory,cutofffromitshinterland by a stone wall, or series of banks and ditches (). As with other coastal locations,thesesitesoftenshowevidenceforlong-termoccupation,notalways contemporarywiththeenclosingfeatures.Itisprobablythecasethatsomeof thesepromontorieswereoccupiedinlaterprehistory.AtDunbeg,Co.Kerry,an early medieval promontory fort was preceded by a probable BronzeAge site.
PromontoryfortatCahercarberymore onKerrycoastline.BronzeAgestanding stones,barrowsandfulachtfiadhhave beenfoundclosetosuchpromontories, suggestingsomeliminalroleinlater prehistory(AidanO’Sullivan) 82
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Thelargerdefencesoftheearlymedievalfortcoveredanearlierditchradiocarbon datedto-bc.Itisalsointerestingthatpromontoryfortsdownthewest coast, particularly in west Clare and north Kerry, are often associated with barrows, standing stones and fulachta fiadh.Tom Condit’s aerial photographic surveys around Kilkee, Co. Clare have demonstrated that promontories were oftenthelocationforringbarrows,occasionallysituatedbesideorevenwithin promontory fort defences. It is possible that during the Bronze Age such headlandswereseenasliminalspacesandpotentiallyofsupernaturalimportance, thusattractingsuchmonumentalactivity.
bronzeagecliff-topfortandmaritimelivingatdúnaonghusa, co.galway AmongstthemoststrikingevidenceforBronzeAgecoastalsettlementinIreland isthewell-knowncliff-topstonefortatDúnAonghusa,intheAranIslands(, ).This site is almost iconic of the rich archaeological evidence of the west coastofIreland.Itsstonerampartsstandtwohundredmetresabovethesea,on a high, precipitous cliff exposed to the gales of theAtlantic Ocean.Although seemingly situated in an isolated location, out on theAran Islands in Galway Bay;aseverthisisaquestionofperception.DúnAonghusaislocatedonauseful height,providingextraordinaryviewsdownthewestcoastofIreland.Onagood day, Mount Brandon is visible way off to the south at the end of the Dingle Peninsula,Co.Kerry.Indeed,whenfishingfromaboatrecentlyunderthecliffs, we noticed that DúnAonghusa is the only clearly identifiable monument on theentiresouthernclifflineoftheislandanditdominatestheseaapproaches (as it was undoubtedly meant to in the Bronze Age and early medieval period). DúnAonghusawassurveyedandexcavatedinrecentyearsbyClaireCotter asdirectoroftheDiscoveryProgramme’sWesternStoneFortsProject.Asaclifftopsettlement,thesitewasprobablyfirstoccupiedintheMiddleBronzeAge withasequenceofactivitystretchingintothemedievalperiod.Thewell-known rampartsarenotsoeasilydated,andmaywellhavebeenbuiltoraugmentedin the early medieval period. In any case, at DúnAonghusa, there is particularly good evidence for occupation in the later BronzeAge, between -bc. Theevidenceforsettlementontheclifftopincludesanumberofcircularhouses, openareahearthsandmetalworkingdebris(e.g.claymouldsfortheproduction ofbronzeaxesandswords).Thereisalsoevidenceforwealthandlong-distance contacts,suchassunflowerpinsandamberbeads(whichwouldultimatelyhave been brought from Scandinavia).The site seems to have been the dwelling place of a community who combined maritime and island resources. Finbar McCormick’sstudiesofthefaunalevidenceindicatethatcattleandsheepwere herdedontheisland,andwerepossiblyfedonseaweed. 83
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BronzeAgecliff-topfortatDúnAonghusa,AranIslands,Co.Galway(BankofIreland))
BronzeAgeartefactsfromDúnAonghusa(C.Cotter,) 84
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However, there is very good evidence from Margaret McCarthy’s studies –ofthemorethanfivethousandfishbonesrecovered–thattherewasinshore fishing for ballan wrasse (in some people’s opinion, an ugly, gluey fish), and smalleramountsofcongereel,scad,ling,pollockandtheoccasionalcod.These wereprobablycaughtinrockpoolsonthelower,northernshoreoftheisland, or potentially using long lines from the clifftop (which stands m above the waterlevel).Thisisanexcellentareaforfishingtoday,wherefeedinggroundsat thebaseofthecliffencouragethepresenceofshoalsoffish.Fishwereprobably caughtfromspringtoautumn,theadvantageofthelatterseasonbeingthatthe oilyfishcouldbemoreeasilydriedandsaltedforstorage.FishcaughtinAprilMay would also have been useful for an over-wintering farming community. Indeed,ithasalsobeensuggestedthattheenvironmentallimitsoftheislandled thesite’soccupantstoalsodependonwildresourcesofbirdsandfish. The BronzeAge cliff-top dwellers at DúnAonghusa were also fowling, as is revealed byTanya O’Sullivan’s studies of at least bird bones recovered from the site. Guillemot were the most common, with smaller amounts of razorbill,puffin,shag,cormorant,kittiwakeandherringgull.Shellfish(including periwinkles,limpets)werealsogatheredontherockyforeshores.Interestingly,the rangeofshellfishpresentonthesiteimpliesaverylocalizedgatheringstrategy (not including shellfish that could have been obtained only a few kilometres away).There are hints that the community were also eating seaweed and sea vegetables,asisindicatedbythetinymusselsfoundon-sitethatclingtodayto strands of dilsc.This seaweed was probably boiled, as may yet be indicated by residue analysis of the coarse ware pottery recovered during the excavations. ClaireCotterseesthesiteintermsofthemaritimelandscapesofwesternIreland, withfishing,farminganditslocationonasea-routeallsignificantaspectsofthis settlementontheAtlanticcoast.
bronzeageandironagesettlementsoncoastalandisland landscapes SomeBronzeAgesettlementsiteshavebeeninvestigatedincoastallandscapes,and occasionallytheyhaveevidencefortheuseofmaritimefoodsandrawmaterials. AtCarrigillihy,Co.Cork,aBronzeAgeenclosedsettlementwasinvestigatedby MichaelO’Kelly().Thesitewaslocatedonagentleslopebythecoastonthe westsideofGlandoreHarbour,closetoapromontoryfort(ofunknowndate). The BronzeAge enclosure had a fairly substantial oval-shaped house (m by .m),builtofstonewalls,locatedcentrallywithinasmallstoneenclosure(m across).A gateway into the enclosure, situated on the east, faced out towards thesea.Althoughtherewaslittleanimalbone,therecoveryofperiwinkleshells indicatessomeusageoflocalmarinelife.Adark,charcoal-richoccupationlayer producedcoarsewarepottery,abronzeawl,andradiocarbondatesof- 85
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ReconstructionofBronzeAgeenclosureatCarrigillihy,Co.Cork(afterO’Kelly,)
bcand-bc,perhapssuggestingtwophasesofoccupation.Indeed,the sitewasalsosubsequentlyoccupiedforathirdphaseintheMiddleAges,when arectangularhousewasbuiltontheearliersite. At Aughinish Island, Co. Limerick on the banks of the Shannon estuary, severalstoneenclosureswereinvestigatedpriortothebuildingofanindustrial plant there.This was a low-lying island on the estuary mudflats, overlooking an extensive intertidal zone today and facing up towards the mouth of the Fergusestuary,itselfafocusofsignificantBronzeAgeactivity.EamonnKelly’s excavationsrevealedthattheenclosureswerebuiltoflow,stonewallsorbanks withasingleentranceway.Withintheenclosurestherewasasingleroundhouse. At site , the occupation was situated on exposed bedrock and little survived ofthehouses.However,thesitedidproduceseveralpitsthatwerefilledwith marineshells,somecoarsepottery,saddlequernsforgrindinggrain,aswellasa bronzetangedchiselandpin.Aughinishsitelocatedafewhundredmetresto thesouth-eastalsoproducedcircularroundhouse,coarsewarepotteryandsome pitsfilledwithshells.ThesewerethedwellingenclosuresofasmallLateBronze Agecommunity,whodwelledwithinthesecircularhouses,andaswellastending thelandsaroundthem,gatheredshellfishfromtherocksalongthecoast.Other marineislandsthatsawoccupationintheBronzeAgeincludedDalkeyIsland, Co.Dublin–wherethereisevidenceintheformofclaymouldsandcrucibles 86
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for metal-working activity during the period.The Bronze Age inhabitation ofoffshoreAtlanticislandsisalsoattestedtobythepresenceoffulachtafiadh, enclosuresandfield-systemssuchasInisharkandClareIsland,Co.Galway.
bronzeageestuarinesettlement,movementandritualactivities ontheshannonestuary ItisalsoclearthatBronzeAgesettlementactivitiesextendeddownintowetland orcoastallandscapes.BronzeAgecoastalwetlandsettlementsormetalworking sites are known from the edges of estuarine marshlands. A Middle Bronze Age coastal fen-edge occupation near Strangford Lough was excavated at Meadowlands,Co.Down.Thisproducedtwocircularhouseswithhearthsand possible cooking pits with burnt stone, with finds including cordoned urn pottery, a stone axe and several flint scrapers.The Meadowlands occupation wassituatedattheedgeoftheformerestuarinemarshesoftheRiverQuoile, possiblyindicatingthatitsinhabitantswereengagedincattleherding,hunting andfowlinginthewetlands. Regional landscape studies are one way of investigating later prehistoric societiesandprovidingabroadercontextforunderstandingtheroleofcoastal and estuarine landscapes. In recent years, the Discovery Programme’s North MunsterProjectinvestigatedthisregiononthelowerShannonforlaterprehistory. Eoin Grogan’s landscape and excavation research revealed that the region saw the emergence of a socially complex, politically powerful and well-connected community.FromtheMiddleBronzeAgeonwards,weseetheemergenceofthe useofmajorhillfortsandsmallhilltopenclosures–presumablyaspowercentres forlocalandregionalsocialgroups.Palaeoenvironmentalevidencealsoindicates thatduringtheMiddletoLateBronzeAge,therewaspopulationgrowthand a clearance of woodland for the first time in south-east Clare.The deposition oflargehoardsofLateBronzeAgebronzeobjectsandgoldornamentsinthe region’swetlandsindicatesthegrowingeconomicandpoliticalpowerofsome ofthesesocialgroupsbyc.bc.Archaeologicalsurveyshavealsorevealedthe presenceofnumeroussmallstoneenclosures,situatedonrocklandsoilsandoften associated with small field-systems, standing stones and fulachta fiadh and the occasional metalwork hoard or stray find.These enclosures are very similar to knownBronzeAgesites(e.g.CarrigillihyandAughinish,above)anditislikely thatthesewerethehomesteadsofsmallsocialgroupsbelongingtotheseBronze Agepopulations. ArchaeologicalsurveyhasalsorevealedthatmanyoftheseprobableBronze AgesettlementsarelocatedalongthehillsfringingtheupperShannonestuary andFergusestuary.TheNorthMunsterProject’sintertidalarchaeologicalsurveys oftheShannonestuary’smudflatshavealsoleadtothediscoveryofanumber of unique Middle and Late Bronze Age dwellings and other structures (). 87
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HypotheticalmodelofBronzeAgeinhabitationanduseofShannonestuary(O’Sullivan)
CarrigdirtyRockBronzeAgereconstructiondrawing,ShannonEstuary(fromO’Sullivan) 88
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AMiddleBronzeAgehutfoundatCarrigdirtyRock,Co.Limerickonthe Shannonestuary,consistedofacircularwoodenstructurepreservedonashelf ofsubmergedorganicpeatsexposedatlowtide.Thesitewasprobablyoriginally constructed in a fen or carr woodland located at some distance back from a previousestuarychannel. Thehutwasconstructedofaninnerringoflightalderwoodpolesthathad beencarefullysharpenedsothattheycouldbedrivendownintothepeatand these have been radiocarbon dated to - cal. bc. Small outlying stakes mayrepresentalightfenceorwall.Thesitehasnotbeenexcavatedyet,butit producedasinglepieceofimmaturecalf-bone.TheCarrigdirtyRockstructure could be interpreted as the remains of a small roundhouse, perhaps between .-mindiameter,constructedwithpostsholdingupalowroofthatchedwith reeds.Itcertainlycouldhaveprovidedadequateshelterforherderslivingwith their cattle on the marshes, or for people hunting or fishing on the wetlands duringthedrier,warmermonthsofthesummer(). Other undated (but probably BronzeAge) features from this archaeological complex in the Carrigdirty Rock intertidal peats included isolated groups of posts and two very large cleft oak planks, laid horizontally and at irregular orientations in the peat.These oak planks may have served as trackways or creekbridgesinthewetlands.AtCarrigdirtyRock,ashallow,ovalpitlocated amongst the trunks and roots of a fen-carr woodland produced disarticulated reddeerboneandpinkfootedgoosebone,whilechoppedpigboneandmature deer antler had been recovered from the immediately adjacent peat surface. Thesevariousfeaturesmayindicatearangeoflaterprehistoricactivitiesinthese estuarineenvironments.Itispossiblethatthecontemporarysettlementsofthese wetland communities are located amongst the stone enclosures, fulachta fiadh andstandingstonesthatarefoundonthelowhillsandterracesthatoverlook theCarrigdirtyRockestuarinemarshlands.Althoughoccurringsomecenturies later, it is also interesting that a Late BronzeAge hoard from Carrigogunnell, Co.LimerickandtheShannongrove,Co.LimerickLateBronzeAgegoldgorget wererecoveredfromwetlandcontextsattheedgeoftheseestuarinemarshlands. ItremindsonethatBronzeAgeactivityintheseestuarinewetlandscouldhave involved complex social, economic and ideological perceptions of a landscape that is essentially liminal and located at the edge of the‘normal’ world.These estuarine wetlands, dominated by seasonal and other temporal environmental rhythms,mayhavebeenmorethanjustsourcesofeconomicbenefit. OntheFergusestuary,tothenorth,thereisalsoarchaeologicalevidencefor Bronze Age enclosed settlements on the drylands overlooking the estuarine marshes. Indeed, recent excavations in advance of motorway development at Newmarket-on-Fergus,Co.ClareuncoveredMiddleBronzeAgefulachtafiadh andburialsrightdownattheedgeofmarshlands.TheNorthMunsterProject’s intertidalsurveysinthesidentifiedanunusualLateBronzeAgewooden structure at Islandmagrath, Co. Clare, where the estuary channel meanders 89
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Islandmagrath,Co. ClareLateBronze Agestructure,Fergus Estuary,Co.Clare(from O’Sullivan)
betweensomelowlyingdrumlinhills.Thiswoodenstructurewasbuiltoftwo parallelrowsofpost-and-wattlefences,hurdlepanels,brushwoodandbranches ().Arangeofradiocarbondateshaveindicatedthatitwasbuiltbetween bc.The structure, probably originally constructed in intertidal estuarine clayswithreedswampsinthevicinity,couldbeinterpretedaseitheranunusual fishtrap,a‘hard’orcomplexwoodenjettyforbeachingandunloadingboats,or perhaps as a well-built trackway providing access across the mudflats and reed swamp.Itiscertainlylocatedonapotentialroutewayforpeopleandanimals crossinganarrowpointoftheupperFergusestuary,movingbetweenislandsand drylands.Certainly,thelandscapetotheeastisknowntohavebeenintensively settled from c. bc, when Mooghaun hillfort, hilltop enclosures and smaller farmsteadswereoccupiedbyawealthy,sociallystratifiedandregionallypowerful community. 90
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ItispossiblethatBronzeAgeevidencefromtheestuarinemudflatssuggests thattheselocalcommunitiesmadeuseoftheestuary’sresourcesbymeansofa mixedfarmingstrategywithcattleandsheepherdedonthecoastalmarshesfor the spring and summer pastures with perhaps livestock and crops also tended onthedrylandterracesandhills,whilenodoubtfishingandhuntingwasalso important.Ontheotherhand,thereareotherinterestingexplanations.Bythe LateBronzeAgeespecially,theselocalcommunitiesweredepositinggolddress fasteners, bracelets and gorgets, bronze axes and weapons into the estuary’s marshes, creeks and bogs. For example, a Late BronzeAge gold bracelet and a gold dress-fastener were recovered in the past during estuarine reclamation works on the upper Fergus estuary, Co. Clare.Again, these are hints that the sacredandsecularwereintertwinedinthesecoastalwetlands–thatpeoplewere bothinhabitingthesemarshesandalsousingthemduringritualpractices.The estuarine wetlands may have been seen as a sacred space, within which there wereparticularplaceswhereotherworldlyspiritsandentitiescouldhavebeen encounteredandcontacted.
bronzeageandironagecoastalshellmiddens Bronze Age and Iron Age shell middens are also known from sandhills and coastal dunes, particularly on the west coast of Ireland.These sites consist of spreadsofshell,burntstone,bone,potteryandotherfinds.Theyhaveinthepast beeninvestigatedbyantiquariansaswellasmorerecentlybyarchaeologistsin advanceofgolfcoursesorotherdevelopments.Theyarealsoparticularlyprone toerosionbywavesandwind,locatedastheyareinsanddunesorunderthe thin sod of coastal machair soils. Indeed, at Omey Island, Co. Galway,Tadhg O’Keeffe’s archaeological excavations of an early medieval cemetery eroding intothesearevealedthattherewasalsoaBronzeAgeshellmiddenunderthe site.Agriculturaloverstockingtodaycanoftenleadtoadestructionofthesod cover,thusexposingthearchaeologicalfeatureswithinthedunesandbluffsto seriouserosionandcollapse.BronzeAgeandIronAgeshellmiddensareknown from Beginish, Co. Kerry; Culleenamore, Co. Sligo and from False Bay and Doonloughan,nearBallyconneelly,Co.GalwayontheConnemaracoastline. Inrecentyears,aparticularlyrichandcomplexseriesofBronzeAgeandearly medievalmiddensnearBallyconneelly–namelyatDoonloughanBay,FalseBay and Mannin Bay, Co. Galway were exposed by such erosion and investigated by Finbar McCormick, Michael Gibbons, Emily Murray and others ().An Early BronzeAge shell midden at Doonloughan was situated above the high water markattheedgeofatinyinletknownasFalseBay.Themiddensurvivedasam spreadofoystershellsandburntstone.Italsohadasmallpitthathadbeenfilled withshells,burntstoneandsherdsofuptofourorfivefoodvesselpots(adistinctive Early BronzeAge type). Other finds from the vicinity included chert scrapers. 91
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BronzeAgeandearlymedievalmiddensatDoonloughan,Co.Galway(afterMcCormicketal.)
Palaeonvironmentalstudiesofthedepositsalsorevealedthepresenceofburnt grainsofbarley(Hordeum)andlargenumbersoflimpets,winkles,oystersanda smallamountofcattlebone.Otherwise,EmilyMurrayhasshownthatnofish boneswererecoveredandthatanalysisoffoodresiduesadheringtothepottery indicates a generally land-based diet.The False Bay midden was radiocarbon datedto-bc. Itistemptingtointerpretasitelikethisassomekindofanoccupationsite –giventhepresenceofburntstone(usedforcooking?),shells,barleyandburnt bone. However, it could also be pointed out that an archaeological site like Doonloughan reasonably closely resembles an Early BronzeAge burial site –althoughnohumanbonewasrecovered.InEarlyBronzeAgeburialpractice, fragmentsofbone,burntstone,brokenpotteryandfoodofferingsmaybeplaced togetherinapit.Inrecentyears,ithasbeensuggestedthat‘fragmentation’isa commonthemeinBronzeAgeritual–representingcomplexideasaboutsociety, identityandritualpractice.Inotherwords,itmaywellbethattheritualuseof middensandtheliminalperceptionoftheoceanthatwehavealreadydiscussed inearlyprehistorycontinuedintotheBronzeAge. LateBronzeAgeandIronAgemiddenswerealsolocatedimmediatelyfurther tothenorth.AtMannin,alongstretchofmiddenwithatleastthreephases 92
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ofoccupationorburningwasexposedintheerodingsandybluffs.Excavation revealed the presence of stake holes, pits and possible hearths.The shells were mostly of limpets, with small amounts of sheep/goat and cattle. There was also a rich palaeoenvironmental deposit of burnt grains of barley and oats, with weeds including fat hen, knot grass, docks and charlock – which was probably growing in cultivated arable crops growing in fields in the locality. Theprecisedateofthemiddenisunclear,butradiocarbondatingoftheshells suggestsactivityinthelastfewcenturiesbc.Itmightbesuggestedfromthese depositsthatagainpeoplewereeithercarryingoutritualactivitiesattheedge of the sea, or that arable crops were being grown in fields overlooking the seashore. The Neolithic shell midden sites at Culleenamore, on Ballysodare Bay, Co. Sligo also saw re-activation and renewed activity throughout the Middle BronzeAge, the Late BronzeAge and into the IronAge.The upper levels of the midden produced bronze, pottery, glass and other objects.The shoreline was still being used by people who were gathering oysters, cockles, mussels, periwinkles, scallops and limpets.A hearth was radiocarbon dated to - bc. Most intriguingly, the ancient shell midden was also dug into during the Iron Age (c. bc) for the burial of a child, and the site subsequently accumulated more shells from occupation activity.The burial of a person in a shell midden both recalls early prehistoric practices, as well as a phenomenon that continued through the Medieval period into modern times.While, such recent burials often signified the burial of unknown outsiders, of unbaptised children, or of drowned sailors – in the Iron Age, it may be yet another example of people reaching back into the past at a time of grief and social disruption. IronAgeshellmiddens,datingtoc.-bc,fromBallymulholland,Co. Derryalsoprovideintriguingevidenceforlaterprehistoricoccupationinsand dunes, as well as potential craft or production activity.This site was located inerodingsandcliffsonMagilliganForelandfrontingontotheFoyleestuary, Co.DerryandwasexcavatedbyJimMalloryandFinbarMcCormick().At Ballymullholland(thelargestofthreemiddensdiscovered)athinband(some cmthick)ofcharcoal,shell,bonesandsomemetalslagwasexposedovera mlengthofthesandcliff.However,thesite’sstratigraphywascomplexwith lensesofnaturalwindblownsand,aswellasseveralculturalhorizons.Theshells were mostly of the species Arctica islandica, with smaller amounts of cockles, winkles(somesmallshellspossiblyhadbeenaderingtobladderwrackseaweed whichwasbroughttothesite).Smallamountsofanimalbonewererecovered from cattle, red deer, pig mandible, sheep/goat and cetacean (possibly of the sizeofapilotwhale).Birdbonesfoundincludedgannetandprobablycommon gull. Interestingly, there was no fish bone. Palaeobotanical studies indicate that the site was located in a landscape that was largely treeless, dominated by grasses, sedges and plantain that may have been used for rough grazing. 93
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LocationmapofBallymullholland,Co.Derry
Somethreadsofseasonalevidencefromtheanimalbone(e.g.thepigbone) suggest occupation in the late winter/early spring time.Within the cultural layers, there were also a few archaeological features including two postholes andapit.Amongstthefewfindswassomeironslag–nodularaggregatesof rustcolouredmaterialwithblackpoolsofvitrificationintheinterior–from the blooming process.The Ballymullholland site might be interpreted as an occupationsiteofpeoplewhowereekingouttheirscarcefoodresourcesafter a long winter, but the presence of iron working suggests interesting things too. It should also be noted that, as with Neolithic megalithic tombs, marine shellsareoftenrecoveredfromBronzeAgeburials.Anecklaceofseashellswas foundwithaBronzeAgeburialatChapelizod,Co.Dublin,whileunperforated seashellshavealsobeenfoundwithseveralotherburialsinpitsandcistswith FoodVessel and Urn burials. Most probably they represent some element of personalclothing,butthedepositionofwholeandfragmentarymarineshells mayalsobesomerepresentationoftheperson’sidentity.
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boatsandnavigationinthebronzeageandironage PeoplesoftheAtlanticshore ItisclearfromarangeofarchaeologicalevidencethatduringtheBronzeAge andIronAge,therewerestrongculturalandeconomicconnectionsbetweenthe various peoples inhabiting the shoreline of theAtlantic coast – leading to the movementoftechnologies,ideasandcargoesofobjects(e.g.amber,bronzeand goldobjects).ThepresenceofBronzeAgeandIronAgemetalwork,amberand other imported items from western and central Europe, Scandinavia and even theMediterranean,isitselfanindicatorofsomemeasureofmaritimetradeand communications between Ireland, Britain and the continent. It goes without sayingthatsuchobjectswerebroughtbyboats,acrosstheseawaysbetweenthese islandsandthecontinent.Indeed,underwaterarchaeologistsdivingontheseabed offLangdonBayandMorecombeSandsinBritainhavefoundaccumulationsof bronzeaxesandtoolssuggestingthattheywerelostwhenshipshadsunkduring astorm. Indeed, it has been suggested that the cultural similarities and even the languages spoken by the early historic peoples of Ireland, Scotland,Wales and Brittany result not from the migrations of populations in the Iron Age, but from the older connections between these maritime populations that stretch back into the later BronzeAge. Long-term traditions of maritime trade and communications along the Atlantic seaways may have enabled the evolution of so-called‘Celtic’ languages during later prehistory.Although situated at the frontiersoftheRomanempireduringthelateIronAge,itisalsoevidentthat Ireland participated in the Roman world – as can be seen by even the small amount of Mediterranean or Roman silver, coins, objects and even burial practicesonthisisland. Recognising this, archaeologists are still faced with a lack of evidence for what the vessels were like that enabled the movement of people across the IrishSeaandalongtheAtlanticshore.Inrecentyears,EarlyandMiddleBronze AgewoodenboatscapableofnavigatingalongtheAtlanticseawayshavebeen discoveredontheestuariesandcoastlineofBritain.Inparticular,MiddleBronze Agesewn-plankboats,ofsophisticatedandcomplexdesign,havebeenrecorded atBriggandNorthFerriby(ontheHumberestuary,innorth-eastEngland),at Caldicot,intheGwentLevelsoftheSevernestuary,atDover(onthesouthcoast of England).These are interesting discoveries, particularly the plank boats that werefoundontheWelshshoreoftheSevernestuary–inwatersthatfringed theIrishSea. Unfortunately,thearchaeologicalevidenceforlateBronzeAgeandIronAge boatsinIrelandispoor.Irisharchaeologistshaveyettofindaclearlyconfirmed prehistoricocean-goingcraft.SeveraldugoutboatsinIrelandhavebeendated to the Late BronzeAge and IronAge, but they are rarely found on the coast –mostlyderivingfromlakesandrivers.AspectacularlylargeBronzeAgedugout 95
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boatwasfoundatLurgan,Co.Galway–thismaywellhavebeenawarcanoeor othersignificantlyhigh-statusvessel.BytheIronAge,wedohavetheevidence forlargersea-goingboats,particularlyintheformofagoldenmodelofaboat foundintheBroighterhoard,Co.Derry.ItislikelythatbytheIronAgethere werevariousboat-buildingtraditionsinnorthernEurope,fromScandinavia,to the North Sea and down to the Mediterranean. From the Irish midlands, we haveanunusualsmallerplank-builtcraftthatisunmistakeablybuiltintheform oftheRomanstyleboat.ThisIronAgeboatfromLoughLene,Co.Westmeath certainly implies the presence of knowledge of Mediterranean or northern Europeanboat-buildingtraditionsinIreland.AlthoughnoRomanmilitaryor cargocarryingvesselhasbeenfoundinIrishwaters,weshouldprobablyassume thatvarioustypesofoceangoingcraftweremovingupanddowntheIrishSea, andindeedaroundthewestcoastofIreland.
bronzeageboats So, we have to turn to British archaeology to understand what types of craft might have been used by Irish later prehistoric mariners.What boats could havebeenusedinmaritimetravelduringtheBronzeAge?Itislesslikelythat prehistoric log-boats were used as coastal craft.They are unstable and their lowfreeboard(i.e.theheightofthesidesabovethewaterline)meanthatthey wouldhavebeentooeasilyswampedbywaves.Infacttheearliestcraftthatwe knowofthatcouldhavebeenusedforeasyoceanvoyagesaretheBronzeAge sewnplankboatsfromEnglandandWales.Allthesecraftwerebuiltoflargeoak planks,fastenedtogetherusingyeworwillowtwistedropes.Theboatswereflat bottomed,werefairlylongandhadnoevidenceformastsorsails.Mostprobably theywerepropelledbyacrewofpaddlers,usinglongslenderpaddles.Although large and heavy, they would have moved fairly fast across calm waters. It is estimatedthattheEnglishChannel,betweenDoverandFrance,couldhavebeen crossedusingoneoftheseBronzeAgeplankboatsinfiveorsixhours,whilethe HumberboatswouldhavebeenplacedtomakeajourneyacrosstheNorthSea totheDutchcoastinhours.
bronzeageboatsfromthehumberestuaryandsevernestuary The earliest known BronzeAge boat fragments are the planks from three or four different craft found at North Ferriby, on the Humber estuary of northeastEngland().TheseplankswererecoveredinthedecadesafterbyE.V. Wright, who explored for years the intertidal mudflats of the Humber. It is probablethatuptothreeboatsarerepresentedbytheremainsatNorthFerriby, dating to about - bc. All of these planks derive from deliberately 96
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ReconstructionoftheNorthFerribyBronzeAgeboat(fromWright)
dismantled craft, the largest of which measured .m in length by .m in beam.The planks were sewn to a keel plank with yew withies, the holes caulkedwithmoss.Transversebarsofashstiffenedthecraftandsidestrakeswere skillfullyjoinedtothelowertimbers.TheEarlyBronzeAgeFerribyboatswith theirabsenceofsailsandthelackofadistinctivekeelwouldhavebeenpaddled, to be used for moving along creeks or for navigating the estuary itself – and occasionally for crossing the North Sea.Another Middle BronzeAge boat is knownfromasingleoakplankrecoveredinthesfromtheancientsiltsof arivernowknownastheNedern,thatonceflowedthroughtheestuarinelevels oftheSevernestuary.Thisplankdatedtoaboutbcwasevidentlyalsotaken fromalargevessel.
bronzeagedoverboat Amongstthemostspectaculararchaeologicaldiscoveriesofrecentdecadeswas theidentificationofaMiddleBronzeAgeboat,datedto-bc,bythe CanterburyArchaeologicalTrustatDoverin().Thediscoveryisastory initself.Itwasmadebyprofessionalarchaeologistsengagedinexcavationsprior to the construction of a major roadway by-passing Dover town to the Ferry port.Thisinvolvedthediggingofaholesixmetresdeepbelowthestreetlevel 97
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ReconstructiondrawingofDoverBronzeAgeboat(fromClark)
ofthemoderntown.Theexcavationshaddealtwiththestratigraphyandfinds ofthesite’smedievalarchaeologyandhadgonedownintothenaturalsandsof theoriginalprehistoriccoastalenvironment.Indeed,itwasastrokeofluckthat itwasfoundatall,asthearchaeologistsrecognisedthepresenceofplanksinthese deeplevelsduringalunchbreak,andhadtoracetoexcavateitbeforedevelopers movedintocompletetheroad’sconstruction.Althoughthesidesandsouthend oftheboatwerefound,thenorthendoftheboatremainsunexcavatedunder thebuildingsandstreetsofthemoderntownofDover. TheDoverboatwasquitelarge,measuringupto.minwidth,withapossible lengthofuptom(i.e.itwaspotentiallylongerthanamodern,double-deckerbus). Theboatwasbuiltentirelyofoakplanksandyewwoodropes.Itwasshaped like a modern punt, with a flat bottom, vertical sides and a flat sloping south end.Eachsidecurvedupwardfromthebottombyaspeciallyshaped‘ile’plank resemblinghalfasplitdugout.Thetwobroadbottomplankswereheldtogether bywedgesandtransversetimbersslottedthroughholesinrailsandcleatswere leftstandinginboard.Theplanksweresewntogetherusingyewwithiesandthe plank seams were made watertight with a caulking of moss and beeswax laid ontheinboardfaceofeachseam.Toolmarksshowthattheboatwasfashioned byaxeswithcurvedblades,probablypalstaves.Theboathasmuchevidencefor useandwear.Anumberofnaturalsplitsinbothcurvinglowerplankshadbeen repairedbystitchesandlaths.Thereisnoevidenceofthemethodofpropulsion 98
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orsteering,leadingarchaeologiststosuspectthatitwasmovedbypaddles. The boat was buried in silt m below ground level. Palaeoenvironmental studies show that it formerly lay in a fresh-water river, where it had been partlydismantledbeforeitwasabandoned.Althoughitwasfoundinsiltsofa freshwaterenvironmentthevesselisthoughttohavebeentoosmallfortheriver thatitwasabandonedin.Moreover,therewassomemarineshell,quartzsand andglauconitegrains(‘foreign’totheDoverarea)adheringtotheundersideof the boat – possibly resulting from a previous period when it lay on an ocean beach.ThissuggeststhattheDoverboatwasprobablyusedforcoastingandfor cross-channeljourneys.ThenavigationacrossthekmwideEnglishChannel toFrance,althoughdangerous,couldprobablyhavebeenmadebyexperienced paddlerswellinsideaday.
prestigeseafaringinthebronzeage It is clear that the Dover boat was a prestige artefact, accomplished using thebestrawmaterials,andassembledwithskillandalotofphysicallabour.It probably carried a crew of up to sixteen people and could have held a large cargo of hides, bronze objects, ingots or scrap. Indeed, the Dover boat should be regarded as the product of a wider kin-group or even the population of a politicalterritory,ratherthanofafamilyorhousehold.Buildingaplankboat mayhavebeenasmuchacommunityeventasbuildingabarroworahillfort. Some archaeologists have thought that these boats were mostly used as local ferries or river-craft, designed for inshore travel or for crossing narrow and relativelycalmestuarinechannels. However,ifaBronzeAgeboatascomplexandsuperblymadeasthisoneis nottobeconsideredasanoccasionallyocean-goingcraft,ithastobewondered whatspectaculartypeofancientboatscholarsarewaitingfor?Indeed,giventhe factthattheperceptionofriskisculturallyspecific(i.e.BronzeAgepeoplemay haveeasilyacceptedthesignificantdangersofseafaringbecauseofthepotential rewards)andallowingforacoastalcommunity’sknowledgeoftheircraftandthe opportunities provided by weather, currents and tides, it seems reasonable that someoftheseboatswereindeedthecraftthatpliedtheoceanwatersbetween theseislandsandthecontinent.InBronzeAgeIreland(asinBritain)menand women (perhaps chosen members of ruling social elites) going on a sea-going voyage to carry‘Irish’ tin, bronze axes, swords or gold to Britain, or to collect Scandinavianamberbeads,jetandotherexoticorprestigeobjectsfromdistant lands,mayhavebeenparticipatinginaneventwithstrongideologicalandsocial overtonesforthecommunity.Participatinginanoceanvoyagemayhavebestowed somepeoplewithamuch-desiredreputationforcourage,seafaringability,social connections and a knowledge of distant places, much as pilgrimage to distant placeswasseenasapersonallytransformativeexperienceintheMiddleAges. 99
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ironageboats WhilethereisagapofknowledgeintheLateBronzeAge,bytheRomanIron Agetherere-emergessomehistoricalandarchaeologicalevidenceforseafaring craftinnorth-westEurope.Mostfamously,thereisCaesar’sdescriptionofthe plankboatsoftheVenetiataboutbc–atribewhocontrolledthemaritime traderoutesoftheArmoricancoasttothemouthoftheRiverLoire.Theseboats hadhullsconstructedofoakplanksfastenedtointernalframetimbersusingiron nails.Theyhadahighstemandstern,apparentlytoenablethemtowithstand Atlanticwaves,andwereriggedforsailsofhidesorsoftleather.Caesardescribes howthesecraftcouldrunbeforethewindandwiththeirflatkeels,theycould sailthroughshallowwaterandsafelyrunagroundonrocks.ThewriterStrabo also suggests that they were caulked with‘seaweed’ – probably moss or reeds. Althoughthereislittlearchaeologicalevidenceforthesecraft,alargeironanchor withchainfoundintheIronAgeBulburyhillfort,notfarfromPooleharbour probablyrepresentsequipmentfromoneoftheseocean-goingcraft.Alsofrom thefirstcenturybcarethoseIronAgecoinsthatshowdepictionsoflarge,deephulledsailingshipswithamastsetamidships.Itisunknownfromwhencesails wereintroduced,butitisprobablethatsomedebtisowedtoMediterraneancraft thatwouldhavebeenmovinguptheAtlanticcoastline. In the early centuries ad, there is plentiful archaeological evidence for seagoingshipsalongthenortherncoastofEurope,asvariousRomano-Celtic boattraditionsemergedamongstthecountriesalongtheNorthSea.Itisalso likely that both Roman warships and Mediterranean style trading ships were seenregularlyinthewatersaroundtheseislands.
ironagebroightergoldboatmodel WhattypesofboatswereinuseinIronAgeorRoman-eraIreland?Itseems likelythattheywereacombinationofwicker-builtcurrachsandlatterlytheoak plank boats that would have been sailing up the edge of the Roman Empire on the other side of the Irish Sea.While no large Iron Age wooden vessel surviveinIreland,wedohavetheevidenceforsuchcraftintheearlyIronAge Broighterhoard,fromCo.Derry().TheBroighterhoardofgoldobjectswas foundonthesouthshoreofLoughFoyle,closetoitsentrance,attheendofthe nineteenthcentury.In,twolocalploughmen,JamesMorrowandThomas Nicklediscovereditwhileworkingafieldinthereclaimedcoastallevels.The hoardwasprobablyadeliberatevotivedepositincoastalmarshlands,possiblyas anofferingorgifttotheCelticseagod,MannanánMacLir.Thehoardconsisted ofagoldboat,agoldmodelcauldron,atubulartorc,twogoldchainsandtwo loopedterminaltwistedtorcs,allofwhichcanbedatedtothefirstcenturybc onaccountoftheLaTénedecorationonthetubulartorc. 100
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IronAgeBroighterboatmodel(NationalMuseumofIreland)
The Broighter boat model is of particular importance as it is the earliest representationofaboatinIreland.Itwasmadefromasingle,beatensheetof gold,.cmlong,whichwassplitandrejoinedattheprowandstern.Themodel clearlyrepresentswhatmusthavebeenalargesailingcraftwithonecentralmast andnineoarports.Theboathadnineoriginalthwartsorseats,oneofwhichis nowmissing(havingbeensoldtoajeweller).Eachthwartisassociatedwithan oarportonbothitsstarboardandportside,andissecuredtothehullbysmall goldrivetsorpinsthatpassthroughthehullofthevessel. Thecentralthwartplacedamidshipsisslightlywiderthantheothersandhas acentrallyplacedperforationwhichholdsamast.Themastishookshaped,but thismaynotbeanoriginalfeatureandmayhaveoccurredasaresultofdamage. ThehookwasnotstraightenedbythegoldsmithinDublin,towhomthefind wastakentofor‘fixing’,asthispiecewasoriginallyinterpretedasaboathook andnotamast. Theyardhasalsosubsequentlybeenattachedtothemastwhichwouldhave heldasinglesmallsquaresail.Theoarsarefastenedtothevesselthroughrow locks made up of wire rings at the gunwale. Originally the oars were found unconnectedtothevesselbutlatertiedtoitfordisplaypurposesafterthemodel was recovered.A large steering oar was also recovered and is attached on the portsideofthevesselbyasimilarmethodofbindingsastheoars.Thereisalso atinycorrespondingholeonthestarboardsternwhichhasbeeninterpretedas a fastening position for the steering oar suggesting that the helmsman had an 101
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optionofwheretomounttheoar.Inadditiontotheseaccessoriesotherpieces whichhavebeeninterpretedasagrapplingironandthreeforkedpolesusedfor puntingwerealsofound. TherehasbeenmuchscholarlydebateastowhethertheBroighterIronAge goldmodelrepresentsahide-coveredorawoodenboat.Ithasbeensuggested thatthe‘straightrimofthegunwaleandtheshortcurvedstem’oftheBroighter boatwereindicativeofaskin-coveredcraft.Oneantiquarianinsawfaint marksonthesidesofthevesselasindicatingwoodenribsandtheframework of a wooden skeleton of a vessel covered with hides. Others have suggested thatthelackofanyinternalframing,theunusualtubshapedhullofthevessel anditslargesizeareunlikeanyknownskin-coveredcraft.Theyalsonotethat thepinningofthethwartsthroughaskin-coveredhullwouldalsohavecaused problemsinkeepingtheboatdry–althoughofcourseitisaboatmodel,not aboat. It is certainly possible that the Broighter model represents the earliest depiction of a skin-covered boat in Ireland, as it is a type of vessel frequently mentionedinthewritingsofRomanhistoriansaroundthetimethehoardwas made.PlinyinhisNaturalHistory,writteninthefirstcenturyad,recordsthat theBritonssailedinboatsofosiercoveredwithsewnhides,andlaterthatboats inBritishwatersweremadeofwickerworkcoveredwithhides.Athird-century historianalsorecordedthat‘theseawhichseparatesIrelandfromBritainisrough andstormythroughouttheyear;itisnavigableforafewdaysonly,theyvoyage insmallboatsofplianttwigs,coveredwithskinsofoxen.Duringthetimethey areatsea,thevoyagersabstainfromfood’.So,itiscertainlylikelythat‘IronAge’ voyagerssetsailinhide-coveredcraft.
loughleneironageboat Although it was not discovered in a maritime context, an Iron Age boat found in the Irish midlands is interesting because of the intriguing details of its construction.The boat was found in in the waters of Lough Lene in CountyWestmeath by divers from the Mullingar SubAqua Club.The planks, which had been known to local people for many years, lay in -m depth of water,atalocationaboutmfromtheshore. The boat (, ) remains consisted of one long oak plank and one short oak piece skilfully scarfed together (using pegs and stitching), which formed thebottomaswellasoneoakplankfromtheside.Theboatwasbrokenatthe prow and stern, so its length cannot be reconstructed, but it was certainly in excessof.m.Atthetimeofitsdiscovery,twocarvedwillowoarswerefound underneaththeplanks.Asinglesidestrake,.mlongwasfoundassociatedwith thebottomplankingandwouldhavebeensecuredtoitbymortiseandtenon joints. Eighteen mortises were visible on the plank after initial recovery with 102
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Right: LoughLeneIron Ageboatbeingremoved fromwater(Aidan O’Sullivan) Below: LoughLene IronAgeboatdrawings (afterWaddell)
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seventenonssurviving.Therewasalsoevidencethatthestrakehadbeenstitched tothelowertimbers.Asinglerowlocksurvivedonthestrakewhenthedivers first recovered the boat but this was subsequently lost and its form cannot be fullyattested. Thesurvivingportionofthehullindicatedthatitwasaflat-bottomedvessel with straight sides and that the oak planks were assembled using yew wood free-tenons in mortises and yew wood treenails.The scarf joints also utilised dovetails,withystitchingandwerepossiblylutedwithwoodresinorlinseedoil. The plank was radiocarbon dated to between - bc. However, the radiocarbonsamplewastakenfromslow-grownyewwood,soitispossiblethe boatcoulddatetothefirstcenturyad. Mostremarkablythen,theboatwascarvelbuiltinthemannerofMediterranean boats,usingmortiseandfree-tenontechniqueswhichhaddiedoutinEurope bytheseventhcenturyad.Thismethodwasprobablyoriginallydevelopedwell beforebcandhadbeenusedbytheEgyptians.Itistheonlyboatofits kindfoundinIrelandandisoneoflessthantensuchcraftfoundinnorth-west EuropewhichdatetotheRomanperiod.Ithasbeensuggestedthatthisnarrow, low vessel was carried by a merchant or group of merchants from Romanoccupied territory travelling through the country.The annals are littered with references to travelling groups carrying their transport with them over rough ground.Certainly,otherIronAgemonumentsareknownfromthevicinityof the lake.A barrow situated on a hill overlooking the lake was excavated and producedanimportedIronAgebronzeSomersetbowlwithcremationdeposits dating to the last few centuries bc.This raises intriguing possibilities for the presenceofIronAgesettlementintheregion.However,theLoughLeneboat does not have to indicate the presence of Roman shipwrights or traders.The presence of such an exotic item in an Irish midlands lake could be explained by the presence of a local shipwright versed in European shipbuilding skills. However,thisstillleavesopenthequestionofwhylocalgroupswoulddemand suchanunusualcraft–perhapsitwaspartoftheattractivepackageofgoodsthat theRomanworldrepresented.
navigationandsailingboatsbetweenireland,britainand westerneurope Our understanding of navigation methods and sea routes in later prehistory basically have to be constructed from diverse evidence; the distribution of artifacts,theoccasionaldiscoveryofboatsandthroughsomescrapsofwritten evidence.Firstly,itisworthnotingthatinrecentyearssomearchaeologistshave called into question the idea that there were ever long-distance route ways duringtheBronzeAge,whateveraboutthelaterIronAge.Ithasbeensuggested that in fact, there would have been many shorter journeys in small sea-going 104
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craftthatweremovingalongtheNorthSeaandaroundthecoastofBritainand Ireland.Theseseavoyagesmayhavetakenmonths,notweeks. Indeed,someBronzeAgearchaeologistshaveinterpretedsuchlaterprehistoric sea routes as networks of localised communications hugging the coast, with mariners going ashore for the night, travelling only at times of long daylight (ApriltoSeptember),usingpaddles,breezes,tidesandcurrentstomoveslowly andsafelyfrompoint-to-pointandalwayswithinsightofland.Overnightvoyages thathadtobemadeacrosstheopensea(suchasacrosstheEnglishChannelor acrosstheIrishSea)mayhavebeenmadeovernight,toarriveatdawn.Bronze AgeandIronAgenavigation,asinlaterperiods,wouldhaveinvolvedmoving between known places, which were marked by landmarks (mountains, cliffs, headlands), or by seamarks (shoals, reefs, tidal races). Out at sea, sailors would havenavigatedthroughtheirknowledgeofwinds,moon,NorthStar,somestar constellations,aswellasexperienceofspeeds,sailingconditions,etc.–usingdead reckoning(movinginlinesfrompoint-to-point). Sean MacGrail through his study of the archaeological distributions of importedobjectsandhisknowledgeoftheseashassuggestedthattheprincipal sea lanes in later prehistory between Europe and the British Isles were firstly fromtheRhinetoThamesestuary;acrossthestraitsbetweenDoverandCalais (where France is clearly visible from the English coast) and from Western Brittanytosouth-westBritainandsouth-eastIreland,withboatsmovingback andforthfromLoireandGaronneestuaries.Itmustalsohavebeenthecasethat IrelandwaslinkedviaseawaystowesternScotlandandultimatelyScandinavia. Thesesealaneswouldhavethenbeenlinkedintomorelocalsealanesalongthe coast,estuariesandrivermouths. However,bytheIronAge,longersearoutesdoseemtohaveemergedand werealsolinkedintolocaltradingnetworks.Forexample,ithasbeenproposed thatMediterraneantraderssailedtheAtlanticroutetoBrittany,andthengoods weremovedbylocalpeoples,usingnativesailingroutes.Certainly,byabout bc, Ireland begins to appear in the writings of early Mediterranean/Classical historiesandgeographies.AccordingtotheRomantextsofthesixthcentury bc, theAtlantic sea lanes ran from Britain/Ireland to Brittany, toTartessus in southernPortugal,throughtheStraitsofGibraltartothenorthernshoreofthe Mediterranean.Onthebasisofsuchsixth-centurybcdescriptions,itisthought thatvoyagesbetweenBrittanyandIrelandtooktwodays.Oneclassicaltextstates thatIrelandisa‘two-dayvoyagefromOestrymnidesislandstothesacrainsula, rich in turf, nearAlbion, and thickly populated by the Hierni’. Covering this distanceintwodayswouldrequireaboattotravelataspeedoffiveknots,so thisisindirectevidenceinitselfthatsailboatswereinuse. RomancontactswithIrelandisattestedtoinbothhistoricalandarchaeological sources.PlinytheElderwritinginc.adrecordsthat‘Hibernia(isthe)same widthasBritainbutlessinlength;withtheshortestcrossingfromSilurestribe inBritain.Inthesecondcenturyad,TacitusrecordedthatHiberniawasinthe 105
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GallicSeabetweenBritainandSpain,andthatitwassmallerthanBritainbut hadasimilarclimate.Healsowrotethatitsapproachesandharboursarewell knowntomerchants.Inanintriguingreferencedatingtoc.ad,Juvenalwrote that‘Romanarms[were]carriedbeyondtheshoresofIuverna’suggesting(ifits truthwereaccepted)thatsomeformofmilitaryforce–alegionoratleastan exploratory party – had entered the country. Other Roman authors also give us a sense of that imperial perception of Ireland. Solinus writing in c.ad recordsthatIrelandisa‘stormyseapassagefromBritainnavigableonlyafew daysayear’.Infact,itseemsprobablethatatleastoneRomanvesselfellvictim to the stormy conditions off western Ireland.A fragment of Roman amphora wastrawledupinfishermen’snetsonthePorcupineBankthatiswelloffthe westcoastofIreland.Thismusthaveeitherbeenlostoverboardfromavesselor trawledupfromawrecklyingonthedeepseabed.Onemightimaginethatthe merchant’s or military vessel was blown out into the western ocean by a gale andhadneverreturned. So, it is clear then that by the second century ad, the Irish coastline was well known to Roman writers.The earliest accounts of the ports, headlands and river mouths of the Irish coast are provided in the geographer Ptolemy’s second-centuryadGuidetoGeography(publishedasamapinad)withits mapprojections,tablesoflatitudeandlongitudeandbriefdescriptionsofplaces indifferentpartsoftheworld.Theyrecordtribalnames,significantsettlements, rivermouths,headlandsandharbours.Ptolemy’sknowledgeofthelocationand importanceofthesedifferentportswouldhavederivedfromcontactswiththe soldiers,sailorsandmerchantswhowouldhavepliedtheseasbetweenIreland andmainlandEuropeatthistime. Indeed,itislikelythatthroughouttheearlycenturiesad,therewerestrong maritime trading and other cultural connections between the Irish coast and RomannavalfortsandtheRomano-Britishpopulationsalongthewestcoastof Britain.ThereisevidencethatRomancoins,silverspiralringsanddiscbrooches and other objects were deposited at various Irish pagan cult sites, such as at Newgrange,Co.Meath.ItispossiblethatsuchdepositsweremadebyRomanoBritishimmigrants,merchantsorbyIrishmercenarysoldiersreturningfromthe empirewithnewbeliefs. It is also possible that Romano-British merchants or traders established a trading and manufacturing base on the coastal promontory at Drumanagh, beside the modern village of Loughshinny, in north Dublin (, ). This dramatically situated site has closely-spaced ramparts enclosing a massive promontory, overlooking a fine natural harbour and possible copper mines to thenorth.ItisknownthatRoman-eraobjectshavebeenrecoveredbytreasure hunters from within this site, although these are not yet published. Michael RyanhassuggestedthatDrumanaghwasanemporiumofsomesort,wherethe manufactureofhighstatusobjectsoccurred–includingtheproductionofnative IrishIronAgesnaffle-bitsofbronzeandiron. 106
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Loughshinney/Drumanaghpromontoryfort(afterRaftery)
ViewacrossseabetweenLambayIslandandDrumanagh(AidanO’Sullivan) 107
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The recovered objects also included large copper ingots in the form of cakes that are typically found in the Roman Empire.These were either imported fromabroadorweremadelocallyintheRomanfashionfromthecopperores foundalongthecoast.RomancoinsandRomano-Britishbroochesfoundon the site also provide evidence for overseas trade and the movement of goods. Ploughingduringthesexposedsomepossiblehutsitesandasherdoflate Romantwo-handledwinestoragevessel,suggestingbothsettlementandwine importation, as might be expected on a high-status residence and emporium. Although Drumanagh was described some years ago in the media as a major Romanmilitarysite,thisseemsunlikely.Onethingthatitis–isanimpressive maritimearchaeologicalsite.Drumanaghprovidesanexcellentviewacrossthe seatoLambayIsland,situatedaboutkmtothesouth-east,wherethereisalsoa similarpromontoryfort.Probablefirst-centuryRomano-Britishhumanburials werediscoveredonLambayIslandintheearlytwentiethcentury.Drumanaghis locateddirectlyacrosstheoceanfromtheRomannavalfortatHolyheadonthe othersideoftheIrishSea–thelocationofthemodernferryportthatconnects BritaintoIrelandtoday.
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Saints, ships and seaways: early medieval coastal landscapes and traditions, AD 400-1200 introduction ThecollapseoftheRomanEmpireinthefifthcenturyadsawprofoundsocial, ideologicalandeconomicchangesacrossEurope,andIrelandwasasinfluenced asanyotherregionbythesedevelopments.Indeed,theweakeningandultimate collapseofRomanpowerinBritainwastoleadtoIrishpiratesraidingwestern Britishvillasandtowns,takingslavesandlootbacktoIrelandinthefourthand fifthcenturiesad.ItisalsopossiblethatearlyIrishcolonieswereestablishedin Wales and Scotland, although this remains a subject of debate – but maritime connections were to lead to the introduction of Christianity amongst other things. Through the early medieval period, population and demographic changes in Ireland saw the expansion and intensification of settlement landscapes in tandem with innovations in agricultural technology and crop production, in livestockmanagement(e.g.dairying),andincraftandindustry.Societychanged too, as political power and territorial organisation saw a transition from one based on tribal chiefdoms and kin-based social groups to one that was based, bytheninthandtenthcentury,ondynasticlordships.Aselsewhereinwestern Europe,asocio-economicsystemthatwasbasedonreciprocityandclientship was gradually transformed into one that was based on feudal labour services to a lord, urban markets and international trade and exchange. In Ireland, the introductionofChristianityalsoshiftedbeliefsystemsandpracticesandprobably leadtosignificantdevelopmentsinthelandscape(e.g.thegrowthofmonastic centresandchurchestates). There is abundant archaeological and historical evidence for coastal living and maritime traditions throughout the early medieval period (ad -). Early Irish laws of the seventh to eighth century ad indicate the ownership 109
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andexploitationofcoastalandestuarinefisheries,andtheflotsamandjetsamof theseashore.Earlymedievalsaints’livesprovideasenseofpeople’sperception of the ocean and particularly their sense that its islands were spiritually rewarding places at the edge of the world, but they also provide anecdotal detail on shipbuilding, fishing and other coastal activities. Annalistic entries mention sea battles, fleets of ships and natural coastal phenomena. However, archaeology is particularly important and has provided evidence for coastal landscapes, economic practices, and also indicates the scope of maritime trade and communications between Ireland, western Europe and beyond to the Mediterranean. By the end of the early Middle Ages (i.e. between ad -), we see a significant shift in aspects of maritime life on this island, as Ireland gets increasinglydrawnintothenorthernAtlanticworld.VikingandHiberno-Norse coastalsettlementswereestablishedatplaceslikeDublin,Waterford,Corkand Limerick, the wealth of which was primarily based on maritime trade and communications.We also get new traditions of boat building as Nordic-style vesselsstarttobeusedinIrishwaters.Atthesametime,nativeIrishhistorical sources continue to describe the coastal zone as a space of teeming activity – both in terms of exploitation and the movement of marine fleets and the battlesofIrish,Anglo-SaxonandVikingfleets.Indeed,bytheninthandtenth centuries, Irish dynasties had their own fleets of ships sailing the seaways and imposingasea-derivedpowerontheirneighbours. Although the early medieval period brings radical changes to the Irish landscape, one of the striking things of maritime archaeology is the sense of continuitytobefoundonmanycoastalsites.Fromthebeginningoftheearly MiddleAges,manycoastalcommunitieslivedandworkedatthesameplacesthat hadpreviouslybeeninhabitedbyoldergenerations.Somecoastalpromontory forts, unenclosed dwellings and coastal shell middens that had previously beenoccupiedintheNeolithic,BronzeAgeandIronAgealsoseereactivated and increased activity through this period.The early MiddleAges also sees a reiterationoftheseaasaliminalzonebetweenthisworldandtheotherworld, asearlyChristianmonks,inspiredbyanewreligiousideologybroughtfromthe Mediterranean and Gaulish world, occupied the distant islands of the western seaboard.Itmightalsobesuggestedthattherearestrongcontinuitiesinaspects ofcoastaltrade,fromsecondtothird-centuryconnectionsacrosstheIrishSea, tosixth-toseventh-centuryseawaysfromGaul,uptothetenth-toeleventhcentury NorthAtlantic trading routes developed by theVikings. On the face of it, this seems to simply represent the long-lived traditions and underlying structuresofcoastallife,workandtravel;thatpeoplestilllivedandworkedto therhythmsoftheocean,itscurrents,tidesandseasonalcycles.However,there arealsostrongthemesofinnovationandchange,andsomeoftheseplaceswere used in new and interesting ways, reflecting dynamically changing social and politicalconditions. 110
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earlymedievalsettlementandlandscapesonthecoast Earlymedievalcoastalpromontoryforts Perhapsthemostenigmaticearlymedievalcoastalsettlementsarepromontory forts,typicallydefinedbyearthenbanksandditchesorstonewallscuttingoff a headland or clifftop (). It has already been shown that some promontory forts were occupied in the BronzeAge and IronAge. However, there is also goodarchaeologicalevidencefortheiroccupationintheearlymedievalperiod, including the sites at Larrybane, Co.Antrim, Dunbeg, Co. Kerry and Dalkey Island, Co. Dublin. Indeed, Drumanagh, Co. Dublin, the promontory fort mentioned in the previous chapter, may also have been occupied in the early medievalperiod,asamongsttheIronAgeobjectsrecoveredtherewasadomeheaded bronze pin dated to the tenth to eleventh century ad. Promontory fortshavetraditionallybeeninterpretedasrefugesorstrongholdsalthoughthis seems unlikely or at least over-simplistic and is probably largely based on our traditionalperceptionofcoastalsitesasbeing‘attheedge’.However,ifweshift our perspective around to consider these promontory forts as places within seascapes,otherinterestinginsightsemerge.Itispossiblethatsomepromontory fortsweredeliberatelyplacedinprominentpositionsalongcoastlinesandwere intended to be seen from the sea, while they also provided their inhabitants withviewsacrosssailingroutes.Inparticular,withthedevelopmentoffleetsand tradingroutesaroundtheisland,promontoryfortsestablishedbylocalkingdoms couldhavebothmonitoredandcontrolledaspectsofseatraffic. At Dunseverick, Co.Antrim, there is an impressive promontory fort that is knowntohavebeenanearlymedievalroyalsiteoftheDálRiada,anextended tribal grouping with strong maritime connections between north-east Ireland and south-west Scotland (). There are annalistic references to both Dun Sobhairce itself and to the maritime fleets of the Dál Riada throughout the seventhandeighthcenturiesad.Dunseverickislocatedonaheadlandonhigh clifftops.Althoughtherewouldhavebeenfewlandingplacesinthevicinity,it provides excellent views across the sea towards Rathlin Island and the southwestcoastofScotlandinthedistance.Thetides,currentsandwindsalongthe north coast also mean that it was sited on a significant maritime route way across the sea. In Adomnán’s seventh-century Vita sancti Columbae (hereafter Life of Columba) there is a mention of a dangerous whirlpool at a place knownasCoireBreccáin,offRathlinIsland,understoodtobeonthesearoute betweenIrelandandScotland.InCormac’sGlossary,datedtoc.ad,thereis adescriptionofthiseponymousBreccán,amerchantoftheUíNéillwhoused totradewithfiftycurrachsbetweenIrelandandScotlandandwhosefleetwas lostinthesedangerousseas.Theclifftopalsowasfortifiedatlaterstages.Itwas usedasamanorialcentrebytheearlsofUlsterinthethirteenthandfourteenth centuries, and was taken from the O’Cahans by McDonnells in the sixteenth century. 111
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Left:Distributionmapof promontaryfortsinIreland(by MarkusRedmondfromAshe Fitzgerald) Below:Dunseverick,Co. Antrim(RosemaryMcConkey, UU)
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PlanofearlymedievalpromontoryfortatDunbeg,Co.Kerry(afterBarry)
AtDunbeg,Co.Kerry,apromontoryfortisdramaticallysituatedonaclifftop onthesteeplysloping,southsideoftheDinglePeninsula().Thesitewasclearly occupied over several phases, perhaps as early as the BronzeAge. It is defined byfourclosely-spacedbanksandditches,withastonehouseandsouterrainin the small, enclosed interior. Radiocarbon dates from the occupation deposits suggest that the site was inhabited from the ninth to the thirteenth century ad.Interestingly,mostoftheanimalbonefromthesitewasidentifiedascattle, sheep,pig,withsmallamountsofgooseandcod.Dunbegisplacedatalocation providing extensive views across Dingle Bay, and its inhabitants could have watchedanycoastaltrafficmovingaroundtheKerrycoast.Thesitewouldalso havebeenhighlyvisibletomaritimetravellers,dominatingentryintothebay itself.ThattheDinglePeninsulahadlongseencoastaltradersfromfarflungports canbeseenbythefactthattheearlymedievalmonasticsiteofReaskattheend of the peninsula has produced imported E-ware pottery, probably brought by Gaulishwine-traders.Dunbegpromontoryfort,occupiedslightlylaterthanthat, alsoprobablyobservedthesailingroutesbetweenVikingCorkandLimerickin thetenthandeleventhcenturiesad. Inanycase,despitetheircoastallocation,thesepromontoryfortsoftenproduce relativelylittleevidencefortheexploitationofcoastalresources.AtLarrybane, Co. Antrim, an early medieval promontory fort was situated at the edge of 113
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goodagriculturallandanditseconomywasmostlydevotedtosheep-rearingin particular,aswellascattleherding.Herewassomeevidenceforhearthsandlarge amountsofsouterrainware.However,therewerealsobonesofcormorant,shag, puffin,curlewandmerlin,fishbonesofcod,saithe,pollock,whitingandwrasse, alongwithlimpets,winklesandoysters.Theimpressiongainedisofanessentially agriculturalcommunity,whooccasionallymayhavetrappedbirdsandcollected eggsonthecliffs,andcaughtfishintheseabelow.Thepresenceofcodmight alsosuggestthatuseofocean-goingcraftfishingoffshore.
earlymedievalcoastalringfortsandunencloseddwellings Apart from coastal promontory forts, there is a wide range of early medieval settlement types (i.e. ringforts, crannogs, unenclosed dwellings) that can be foundincoastalregions.EmilyMurrayhasnotedthatatearlymedievalringforts like Deer Park Farms, Cahercommaun, Ballyfounder Rath, Rathgurreen and Rathmullan,thereisevidenceoftheeatingofseabirdsandshellfish,thelatter undoubtedly transported several miles inland to these sites from the coast.At theearlymedievalplatformringfortatRathmullan,Co.Down(situatedabout .kmfromtheseaontheLecalePeninsula)thereweresignificantamountsof mussels, smaller amounts of oysters and limpets and fish bones from cod.The earlymedievalsiteatBallynarry,Co.Down,althoughkmfromthesea,produced quantitiesofwinklesandlimpetshells.AtDeerParkFarms,Co.Antrimaraised ringfortsituatedattheheadofoneoftheAntrimglensthatsweepdowntothe sea,therewasalsoevidencethatseaweedwasbeingbroughtfromtheshoresome miles away, either for use as animal fodder or perhaps for producing dyes for clothing manufacture.Again, these were early medieval farming communities, largelyproducingtheirwealthandfoodfrompastoralfarming,butwhomade occasionaluseofcoastalrawmaterialsandfoods. In recent years, the archaeologist Alan Hayden has been excavating an intriguing early medieval farmstead at Bray Head, on Valentia Island, Co. Kerry.The archaeological evidence from the site includes several houses, an eighth-century corn-drying mill, rotary querns, carbonised oats and wheat and small amounts of fishbone. While the early medieval site is known to havebeenoccupiedbetweentheseventhandtheninthcenturyad,itwasalso occupied through the late Middle Ages. By the fifteenth century, there was a small, nucleated settlement or clachan of rectangular houses surrounded by field-systems.Theearlymedievalsitewaslocatedonthesouth-facingslopesof the island, overlooking the sea channel between the island and the mainland. Down below it, out on the sea itself is the tiny, rocky island of Illaunloughan (see below), a known early medieval hermitage island.The Bray Head early medievalfarmsteadmayhavebeentheplacethatprovisionedthehermitsliving onIllaunloughanIsland. 114
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EarlymedievalcaheratLeacanabuaile,Co.Kerry(afterO’SullivanandSheehan)
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Other early medieval settlements often produce intriguing evidence for variousactivitiesdirectlyassociatedwiththesea.Ontheearlymedievalringfort atLeacanabuaile,Co.Kerry,amongstthevariousdomesticobjectsandagricultural toolsfoundwasanironnailwitharoveattached,quitesimilartotheship’snails usedwithintheNordicshipbuildingtradition().Itiscertainlypossiblethat thesite’sinhabitantshadcontactswithVikingseafarers,assitesintheregionhave beenassociatedwithNorseactivity–notleasttheearlymedievalsettlementat Beginish that may well be an actual Hiberno-Norse maritime haven. On the other hand, this ship’s nail (if such it is – it could also be a fastening from a door)mayimplytheuseofsmallocean-goingplank-builtcraftamongstnative communities.
earlymedievalcoastalshellmiddens:placesofthepooror specialistmetalworkingsites? Alongthecoastallittoralofthewestcoast,thereisarchaeologicalevidencefor early medieval unenclosed dwellings and field-systems situated on the sandy, machair soils between the boglands and the open sea. Some of these early medievalsitesarealsotobelinkedtocoastalshellmiddenssituatedinthedunes attheedgeoftheseashore.Theseearlymedievalmiddensremainenigmaticand poorlyunderstood;notleastbecausetheywereusedbypeople‘outsidehistory’. Earlymedievaldocumentarysourcesprovidesomeevidencefortheroleofthe seashoreasasourceoffood,rawmaterialsandfertilizerandtheownershipof flotsamandjetsam,thedetritusthrownupbythetides,wasclearlydefinedin earlyIrishlawasbelongingtothelocallandowner.Byandlarge,however,these earlyIrishhistoricalsourcestypicallyignorethosewhoworkedontheseashore gatheringshellfishandeggs,haulingupseaweedforfertiliserorfood,hunting seabirds,ordispatchingstrandedwhalesandseals. However, archaeological evidence is clear that early medieval coastal communitiesgatheredshellfishonrockyforeshores,eitherforfood,baitordye production. Indeed, early medieval coastal shell middens have been found all around the Irish coastline, but particularly in the west and north, from Kerry, up to Connemara and around Donegal to theAntrim coast.We have already seen that shell middens were used throughout prehistory, but many have also produced early medieval objects. Generally, early medieval shell middens have produced scanty evidence for structures (mostly postholes and hearths), along with large deposits of shells, as against small amounts of animal bone and finds. AtMinnisNorth,Co.Antrim,excavationsofashellmiddenproducedearly medievalpottery,flintdebitage,abonepinaswellaswinkles,limpetsandsmall amountsofcattle,dog,horseandreddeer.Intriguingly,italsoproducedhuman remains which were radiocarbon dated to ad -.At Doonloughan, Co. 116
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EarlymedievalshellmiddensatDoonlaughan,Co.Galway(AidanO’Sullivan)
Galway, archaeological investigations have explored the Bronze Age oyster middens along the sandy coastline of Connemara ().At Doonloughan , a dune-top midden of limpets and winkles had evidence for some occupation activityandburntwoodenstructures,radiocarbondatedtoad-(possibly contemporary with a dwelling further along the dunes, described below).An earlymedievalplain,pennanularbroochisassociatedwiththismidden. AtOughtymore,Co.Derry,attheedgeoftheMagilliganForelandsandyplain overlooking the Foyle estuary, an early medieval midden site was dated to ad -().Itproducedearlymedievalsouterrainware,andablueglassbracelet andlignitebracelet.Animalbonesrecoveredincludedcattle,pig,sheep/goatand horse, as well as some gathered red deer antler. Fish bones identified included eel, cod, plaice/flounder, haddock, salmon/sea trout, while shellfish included winkles, cockles, mussels, oysters and whelks.There was also some carbonised rye and barley. Palaeobotanical studies were carried out subsequently (at the timeofinvestigationofanIronAgemiddenatBallymulhollandsituateddirectly tothesouth).ThesesuggestedthatOughtmoremiddenwaslocatedinanopen landscape, where trees and bushes had been gradually cleared back, and which mayhavebeenusedforroughgrazingandforgrowingarablecrops.Therewere alsosomeseasonalmarkersintheanimalbone;pigwereslaughteredinMarchApril,salmoncaughtinApriltoAugust,eeltrappedinlatesummer/earlyautumn, whiletheryewasgrowninApriltoAugust.Inotherwords,theevidencesuggests occupationoractivityfromearlySpringwellintotheAutumnmonths. 117
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LocationmapofearlymedievalshellmiddenatOughtymore,Co.Derry
Shellmiddensareplaces(aswehaveseenforprehistory)thatareseemingly situated at the edge of the world, exposed to storms and inclement weather. Thereisatemptationthentointerpretthesesitesasalsosociallyplacesatthe edge,wherethepoorandlandlesspeoplegatheredfood.Itisalsotemptingto explainthemasplaceswherelabourersandtenantsofbothsecularandmonastic estatesgatheredfoodorworkedondyeproduction.Itisalsopossiblethatthis workwasdonebywomenandchildrenaspartoftheirwidercontributiontothe householdandfarmeconomy.Inanycase,medievalcoastalcommunitieswere gatheringscallops,limpets,oysters,dogwhelks,perhapsinthespringandsummer timebutpotentiallyalsothroughtheautumntoo.Thismightsuggestthatinstead of being seasonal dwellings for mobile communities, these could have been more permanent residences. Certainly shell middens are often associated with unenclosedhutsitesandfieldsystems(i.e.atDoonloughan,ontheAranIslands andatvariousotherlocationsalongthesandymachairplainsoftheConnemara mainlandandislands).EmilyMurrayhassuggestedthatsuchshellmiddenswere increasinglyoccupiedfromtheseventhcenturyad,atthesametimeaspeaksin ringfortandcrannogoccupation,suggestedariseinpopulationandencouraged orforcedsomecommunitiestoliveonthemarginsbythecoast.Itispossible thatthesecoastalsiteswereoccupiedbypeoplewhoweretendingcattle,sheep andgoatsthatwouldhavebeengrazingonthecomparativelyrichgrasslandson themachairsoils. However,thereareotherwaystointerprettheseearlymedievalshellmiddens, not least because they have evidently produced diverse evidence for food production, as well as crafts and industrial production, and also the burial of human remains.The occasional presence of early medieval human skeletons in middens, such as atTruska and Minnis North, might suggest the burial of 118
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strangers,socialoutcastsoroutlawsinplacesawayfromnormalburialgrounds –inthemanneroflatermedievalburialsincillínsoncoastalheadlands.Itisalso possiblethatsomeoftheseareburialsofpeoplewhowereholdingontotheir ancestral pagan beliefs well into the Christian period (high sand dunes would certainlylooklikeferta–theancestralburialmoundsthatwereusedduringthe Pagan/Christiantransition). Ontheotherhand,someofthesemiddensiteswerehigh-statusorindustrial in function. Some of the shell middens on the Donegal coast, such as those at Ballyness Bay, Maghera and Dooey, are amongst the richest early medieval settlements in north-west Ireland.At Dooey, Co. Donegal, an early medieval middencomplex(whichwasusedasaburialplaceinitslaterphases)wassituated onapeninsulaandunderasandduneattheedgeofamachairplain.Therewere severalphasesofoccupationamongstthedunes.Anearlyphase,possiblydating tothesixthcenturyad,sawhabitationandfireplacesusedoveralargearea.In Phase,thecentreofthesitewasdefinedbyashallow,arcingditch.ByPhase ,thisditchstartedtoinfillwithwindblownsandandrefuse.Thisseemstohave been the dwelling place of people who spent their time forging iron objects, casting bronze brooches and pins and working bone and antler. In Phase , probablyduringtheeleventhcenturyad,theabandonedmiddensettlementwas reused as a burial ground. Excavations of the site’s midden deposits produced oyster,mussel,clam,periwinkleandlimpets,aswellaspilesofbrokendogwhelks. Thelattermightindicatethattheyhadbeenusedtoproducepurpledyesfrom the rotting shellfish meat.There was also extensive evidence for on-site craft productionandindustry,includingironslag,andthedebrisofbronze,boneand antlerworking.Thepresenceofmoulds,cruciblesandleadmodelsforatleast fiftydistinctiveearlymedievalbroochesandpinssuggeststhatsomeobjectswere beingcaston-site. TheDooeysitewasprobablytheworkplaceofhigh-statussmithsproducing objectsalongthedunes,perhapsfordistribution.ItispossiblethatDooeywas anearlymedievalbeachmarket,situatedontheNorthAtlanticseawaysbetween north-west Ireland and Scotland. The early medieval kingdoms of Donegal werecertainlyorientedtothesea,sothisshouldbeseenasanelementofthe maritimetraditionsofthenorth-west.Ithasalreadybeenmentionedthatearly medievalshellmiddensandoccupationsitesalsoproducedogwhelk,periwinkle andlimpets. Dogwhelk(Nucellalapillus)isoftenthoughtoftodayasbeingunpalatableto humantaste(infacttheyarepoisonous).However,dogwhelkshellshavebeen foundatvariousshellmiddensalongthewestcoast.AtIniskeaNorth,Co.Mayo, FrancoiseHenryexcavatedanearlymedievaloccupationsiteofrectangularin the lofty sand dunes of the island where the most common shellfish remains foundweredogwhelk.Whenexposedtothesun,dogwhelkmeatproducesa liquid that turns variously green, blueish-purple and purplish-red (depending on how long it is exposed), so it is possible that it represents dye production. 119
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However,itrequiresagreatdealoflabour(i.e.thousandsofshells)toproduce smallamountsofpurpledye,somuchsothatitcouldonlyhavebeenusedfor dyeingthreads,hemsortheendsofgarments,asbefitsacolourwithroyalor imperialconnotations,orperhapsforpurpleinkformanuscriptdecoration.
theimpactofthescandinavianpeoplesonthecoastallandscape It has long been thought that the initialViking impact on Ireland between betweenadandc.waslargelyoneoflightningraidsthatshouldhaveleft littleornoarchaeologicaltrace.ThefirstrecordedVikingraidonIrelandtook placeinad.Betweenad–,mostraidsweresporadicandweremainly concentratedonthenorth-westcoast.However,bythes,Vikingtacticshad changedandraidingcampswereestablishedtoallowcrewsandwarringparties to over-winter in Ireland.Annalistic references suggest that the earliest camps wereonthecoastatAnnagassan,Co.LouthandDublin,bothestablishedinad . Several raiding bases were established in subsequent decades also on the coast, such as at Narrowwater, Co. Down and Lough Swilly, Co. Donegal, or inlandsuchasatRossnaree,Co.Meath.Thetermusedtodescribetheserapidly fortifiedcampsintheannalswaslongphort,literallymeaningship-enclosure.The annalsalsoindicatethattheselongphortsweremostlytemporarysites,andthat manyweredestroyedtenortwentyyearsaftertheirconstruction. Thearchaeologicalidentificationoflongphortsremainscontroversial.Eamonn Kelly has suggested that they may have looked like a site atAthlunkard, Co. Limerick (on the Shannon estuary), where a D-shaped enclosure fronting on the river is associated with ninth- and tenth-century objects. More recently, muchexcitementwascausedbymajorarchaeologicaldiscoveriesonasiteon the banks of the River Suir atWoodstown, Co.Waterford, where it seemed that discoveries of aViking burial – weapons, decorated weights, silver ingots and other objects – implied that this was indeed a longphort of the midninth century ad. However, other scholars have previously suggested that the raidingVikingfleetswouldsimplyhavetakenovernativeIrishfortificationsor monastic sites, thus making use of their pre-existing enclosures, buildings and food-stores. AtWoodstown, recent archaeological evidence suggests that the sitewasinitiallyanearlymedievalmonasticenclosedsite,probablyoccupiedin the seventh century ad.This site was then taken over byVikings in the ninth centuryad. There are other intriguing early medieval coastal sites that imply some Scandinavianactivityorinfluencesalongthewestandsouth-westcoast.Oneof theproblemsofinterpretingthisevidenceisthatwearenotsurehowsecurelywe canidentifyethnicgroupsinthepast(i.e.Irish,Anglo-Saxon,Viking,HibernoNorse)througharchitecture,dress,objectsandlifestyle.Theterm‘Norse’itself might be taken to variously refer to language, genetics, ethnicity and material 120
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culture. However, it does not follow that people lived within distinct ethnic communities,usingonlyalimitedrangeofmaterialculture.Inotherwords,does thediscoveryofaHiberno-Norseringedpinoradistinctivehouseinacoastal sand-dunesignifythepresenceofapopulationgroupofNorseorigins–ordoes itsimplyindicatethefar-flung,maritimeconnectionsof‘Irish’populationsliving onthewesternseawaysduringthe‘VikingAge’? ThereiscertainlyatleastsomeevidencefortheburialofNorsepeopleon theIrishwestcoast.AtEyrephort,Co.Galway,asmallbayontheConnemara coastlineprovidesanidealshipharbourforvesselssailingdownthewestcoastof Ireland.OneofthefewNorsefurnishedburials(i.e.aburialwithgravegoods) fromthewestcoastwasfoundatasiteoverlookingthebay.Itwasthegraveofa stronglybuilt,youngmanwhohadbeenburiedwithaVikingsword,shieldand daggerinthesandymachairsoils.ThisVikingburialmayrepresentnothingmore thantheburialofafatallyinjuredraider,whohaddiedonboardhisshipwhile returningfromaraiddownthewestcoast.Ontheotherhand,itmightrepresent theburialofasignificantmemberofacommunityofNorsesettlerslivingbeside theirIrishneighboursontheConnemaracoast.Itislikelythatthisyoungman wasofsomestatusanditmaywellbethatonlyhewouldbeburiedinsucha distinctiveway,leavingotherstobelesseasilyidentifiable.Thereiscertainlya rangeofarchaeologicalandhistoricalevidencefromthewestcoastthatsuggests atleastfrequentVikingraidsintheninthcentury,whileplace-namesandstray findsofVikingsilverarealsosuggestive,butnotconclusive. An interesting site in this regard is the early medieval occupation site and humanburialsrecentlyfoundinsanddunesatTruska,Co.Galway(withinafew hundredmetresoftheDoonloughanBronzeAgeandearlymedievalmiddens mentioned above).The site overlooked False Bay, a narrow, naturally enclosed bayfacingintotheAtlantic(muchusedbysurferstoday).Thesitewasexposed and partly destroyed through sand dune erosion and it was investigated as a rescue excavation by Erin Gibbons and Eamonn Kelly.A sunken, rectangular, stone-builthousewithadefinedentranceramphadbeenconstructedinapit inthesandy,machairsoils.Intheprimaryphaseofoccupation,acompactfloor ofwhitesandhadahearthfromwhichwererecoveredshells,fishbone,cattle, sheep, pig and horse bone, as well as a probable tenth-century double-sided antler comb, that is certainly arguably of a Hiberno-Norse style.The second phaseofsiteoccupationsawthedepositionofacleanfloorofsand,inwhich therewascharcoal.Inthethirdphaseofactivity,thehousewasabandoned,the door blocked with stones (one of which was a fragment of a rotary quern). Soonafterthesite’sabandonment,probablyduringtheninthcenturyad,two bodies were buried outside the end of the house (laid out in a way with the head to the west that is not normal of Christian burial tradition).TheTruska site certainly represents an early medieval occupation site. It might be argued fromtherectangularhouse,thebonecombandtheburials,thatthiswasaNorse dwelling. 121
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PlanofHouse,Beginish,Co.Kerry(afterO’Kelly)
TheearlymedievalcoastalsettlementofBeginish,Co.Kerryisalsoanother goodexampleofoneofthesepotentialNorsecoastalsites().Thisisasmall, low,sandyislandtotheeastofValentiaIsland.Thesitewasanunenclosedearly medievalsettlement,withatleasteightstonehousesusedovertwophasesand a field-system. House (belonging to phase ) was a sunken, round house constructedaroundapit.Thedoorentrancewasapproachedbyastone-lined passagewayandalintelwasfoundtohaverunesinscribedonit,suggestingthat itdatedtosometimetowardstheendoftheearlyMiddleAges.Findsfromthe excavations included bronze, bone and iron implements and dress ornaments, saddleandrotaryquerns,aswellasstonelineandnetsinkersindicatinginshore andoffshorefishingforballanwrasse.Therewasalsoevidenceforthegathering ofscallops,oysters,periwinklesandlimpets.Amongstthefindsthathaverecently inspiredare-interpretationofthesitewereasteatite(soapstone)bowl,distinctive Hiberno-Norseringed-pinsandtherune-inscribedlintelstone.JohnSheehan hasrecentlysuggestedthatBeginishmayhavebeenatenth-centuryScandinavian settlement on the south-west coast, used as a way-station for mariners sailing fromtheHiberno-NorsetownofCorkaroundthesouth-westcoast(andpast Beginish) to the Hiberno-Norse town of Limerick. Like the early medieval BrayHeadandIllaunloughansitesdiscussedelsewhere,theBeginishsitemayat othertimesalsohavebeenlinkedtoasmallearlymedievalhermitageonChurch Island,towhichitisconnectedbyasandbar. 122
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vikingandhiberno-norsetownsonthecoast Byad,Vikingtownswerebeingestablishedaroundthecoastthatservedas tradingandsettlementcentres–Dublin,Wexford,Waterford,CorkandLimerick allowetheiroriginstothisperiod.Inthetenthandeleventhcentury,Dublin becamethecentreoftheiractivityanddevelopedastheprimaryVikingtownin theIrishSearegion.Bythisstage,Hiberno-Norsewereincreasinglyassimilated intoIrishsociety,andtheOstmen(astheycalledthemselves)wereverymuch partoftheIrishpoliticalscene.ThearchaeologyofScandinavianandHibernoNorse settlement in the tenth and eleventh century is still largely understood in terms of the development of these towns, as might be expected given the qualityofarchaeologicalinformationbeingproducedbyrecentexcavationsin Waterford,Wexford,CorkandDublin. Traditionally, it is believed that theVikings founded the town of Dublin (although there were almost certainly native Irish church settlements already there).The Irish annals state that in ad , aViking fleet was still present at Duiblinn and a longphort was established to raid Leinster and Meath. This longphort was probably a defended enclosure on the river bank, used as a permanent trading base. It was either located on the River Liffey near Islandbridge-Kilmainham (e.g.Viking burials found there in the nineteenth centuryandthesimplyatleasttheuseofnativeIrishcemeteries)orwas somewherenorthofthepresentlocationofDublincastle.Recentarchaeological excavationsinDublinhaveuncoveredburialsofprobableVikingraiders,perhaps evendatingtowellbeforethehistoricallyattestedlongphort.Otherexcavations inTemple Bar have also locatedViking type dwellings dated to ninth century thatmayrepresentthelongphortsettlementitself.Inanycase,inad,that earliestViking settlement was apparently sacked by the Irish kings of Brega andLeinsteranditsinhabitants(oratleastthepoliticaleliteofthesettlement) expelled,whencetheywenttonorthernEnglandandtheIsleofMan. In ad , these Norse settlers returned and established the town of Dublin proper,probablyatDubhlinn,somewhereattheconfluenceoftheRiverLiffey and the Poddle, nearTemple Bar.This was an ideal location for a settlement, onhighgroundoverlookingtheRiverLiffey,protectedfromthesouth-eastby Poddle.Italsohadaccesstotheriverforboats.Althoughinitiallylocatedatthe east,thetowngraduallyexpandedwestwardsalongHighStreet,sothatbythe eleventhcenturyitwasalargethrivingurbansettlement,withstreetsandhouses inhabitedbyalarge,ethnicallymixedpopulationoftraders,craftsmenandslaves. WhatwastheHiberno-NorsetownontheLiffeyestuarylike?Weknowit wasenclosedwithinalargeearthenbank,toppedwithpostandwattlefence.We havegoodarchaeologicalevidenceforhouses,streetsandplotboundaries,that suggestthatthetownwaslaidoutinanorganisedifcrampedfashion,following thecontoursofthehill.AtFishambleStreet,twelvetenementplotscanbetraced moreorlessconstantlyacrosstime,withtheoccupationofatleastdifferent 123
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housesoveryears.Thesehouseswereprobablyownedbyindividuals,butthe evidencesuggeststhatthetownwaslaidoutaccordingtotheinstructionsofa centralregulatingauthority.Hiberno-NorseDublin’shouseswereenteredfrom the street, each had vegetable plots, gardens and midden spaces out the back. Otherstructuresincludedpigpens,workshopsandstorehouses.Thetownwasa majorcentreforcraftproduction,withsuchrawmaterialsaswood,leather,bone, antler,amberandmetalsusedfordomesticequipmentandhigh-statusgoods.In termsofeconomy,itislikelythatthetownspeoplewerelargelyself-sufficient, raisingpigsandgoats,whilebeefcattle,agriculturalproduceandrawmaterials werebroughtinfromthesurroundingcountryside. ThereisalsoevidencethatthepeopleofHiberno-NorseDublin,Corkand Waterfordconsumedalotoffishandshellfish–perhapsmorethanthenative Irish. Indeed, recent stable isotope analyses of some early medieval human skeletons hints at an increased marine diet in Ireland in theVikingAge and Anglo-Norman periods.This is also suggested by the archaeological evidence for the increase in use of early medieval wooden fish traps on the Shannon estuary and Strangford Lough (and elsewhere around the coastline of Britain) afteraboutad.AtHiberno-NorseDublin,fishingwasclearlyimportant, asleadline-weights,woodennet-floatsandstonesinkersfoundinexcavations indicate fishing using lines and nets from both the shoreline and offshore in boats.MargaretMcCarthy’sarchaeozoologicalstudiesofdepositsfromDublin, Waterford and Cork confirms this focus on marine species, with bones from hake,cod,ling,plaiceandherringallknownfromthesetowns.Undoubtedlytoo, therewerewoodenfishtrapssituatedalongthebanksoftheriver.Itisalsolikely that theVikings were involved in hunting marine mammals, such as porpoise, whalesandseals.Indeed,anironharpoonheadfoundatFishambleStreetwas probablyusedforthispurpose.Wildfowlsuchasteal,duckandmallardwerealso trappedintheestuarinemarshlands. Hiberno-Norse Dublin was a town located on an estuary, and the river frontage provided access to boats bringing in people and goods from distant lands.Burialswerealsoplacedinbarrowsontheedgeofthemarshes,particularly along the southern bank. Indeed, one of the earliest cemeteries was located upstreamatKilmainham-Islandbridge,whereduringtheninthcentury,someof theinhabitantsoftheoriginallongphortwereburied.
theearlymedievalchurchandseekingthe‘desertinthe pathlesssea’ Theseaanditsislandsintheearlymedievalimagination IntheearlymedievalIrishimagination,theseawasanawesomeplaceattheedge oftheworld.InearlyIrishmythology,thedeadwerethoughttotravelacrossits waterstotheotherworld.EarlyIrishsaint’slivesandvoyagetalesalsodepictthe 124
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seaasaplaceoftransformationandspiritualdanger.Indeed,theseaisdepicted asaspacebetweenthisworldandtheabyssofHell,afrontierzonewheremonks battledtheforcesofthedevil. Inthesixthandseventhcentury,IrishChristianmonkswereinspiredbythe writingsofStAnthony,andbythewell-knowntraditionofdesertmonasticism ofEgypt,begantoestablishhermitagesandmonasteriesoftheirowninisolated places.Inearlymedievaltexts,thiswasthepergrinatioproamoredei,‘pilgrimage orexilefortheloveofGod’,andthereishistoricalevidenceforthepilgrimage of Irish monks into Anglo-Saxon England, Merovingian France, and Italy, establishing monasteries abroad. But Irish monks were also setting out on pilgrimagesintotheAtlanticocean,establishingmonasteriesonislandsoffthe westcoast.ThousandsofIrishmonksalsosailedoffthewesterncoastofIreland intotheNorthAtlantic,lookingfora‘desertinthepathlesssea’. Bythelatesixthcentury,whenStColumbaleftIrelandtogotoIona,early medieval monasticism was firmly established on the islands of Ireland and western Britain. Most of the islands off the western coast of Ireland,Wales, Scotland, the Orkneys and Shetlands, and perhaps the Faroes and Iceland saw monasticactivitybytheeighthcentury.Thence,mostofthewesternislandsof IrishAtlantic shoreline also have early monastic sites (particularly well-known examplessuchastheSkelligs,HighIslandandAranIslandsalmostdominatethe popularimageofearlyIrishChristianity). WhywereislandssettledbyearlyIrishmonksbetweentheseventhandthe eleventh centuries ad?We can partly answer this by reference to descriptions, motifs and incidents in the early medieval saints’ lives and voyage tales.These historicalsourcesrevealthatearlymedievalpeopleoftenunderstoodislandsas distantandisolatedplaces,boundedbywater,towhichaccesscouldbecontrolled. Islands were also often seen as places of symbolic and ideological potential, being liminal places close to the supernatural otherworld, where fantastic monsters,otherworldlypeople,experiencesandphenomenacouldbeexpected. EarlymedievalChristianideologysawtheseaasaplaceofpotentialsymbolic and religious potential, a liminal space between this world and the abyss of hell. Furthermore,inearlyIrishmythology,thedeadweresaidtogotoTechDonn, tothehouseofDonn,anotherworldlyfigureassociatedwithdeath.TechDonn itselfwasreckonedtoanislandoffthesouth-westcoastofIreland,aplaceknown today as Bull Rock, off Dursey Island, Co. Cork.Another common theme in thesaints’livesandthevoyagetaleswastheassociationbetweenislands,moral restraint and redemption. In several of the voyage tales, the hero goes sailing outontheoceanandfindshimselfonanislandwheretherearewomenwho providesexandcomfort.Ultimately,theherohastoescapefromthetemptations ofthesewomentobecomeaproperperson.Evidentlywearelookingagainat themisogynisticbeliefsofmonasticscribes,buttheremayalsohavebeenanidea thatislandswereplacesforpersonal,spiritualregeneration. 125
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Over the years, numerous Irish scholars (such as Francoise Henry and Michael Herity) have looked at the archaeological remains of early Christian communities on the islands of theAtlantic seaboard.There remains a popular beliefthattheseislandmonasteriesremainedisolatedfromtherestoftheworld, thuspromotingthenotionoftheearlyIrishchurchasonethatwasdominated by ascetic hermits, around whose cells or tombs the pious gathered to form monastic communities. In recent years, Sharon Greene has been exploring theearlymedievalarchaeologyoftheislandsoftheConnachtandhasargued thattheseislandmonasterieswerenotentirelyremote.Indeed,somemayhave been deliberately situated on significant long-standing maritime route ways and were very much integral to the history and politics of the territories of the neighbouring mainland. Some monastic islands of the west coast, such as Inishmurray, Skellig Michael and Church Island, have to be imagined then in termsofwiderregionalmaritimelandscapes,asisimpliedbythehagiographical referencestosaintssailingbackandforthontheirvoyages.TomásÓCarragáin hassuggestedthatSkelligMichael,thearchetypal‘remoteislandhermitage’was sustained by extensive termon lands on the mainland, that later became the estates of the late medieval priory of Ballinskelligs.Viewed in this way, Skellig Michael was not a peripheral island monastery, but a significant outpost of mainlandchurchterritories,situatedonimportantwestcoastseaways.
earlymedievalmonasticislandsandpilgrimage toinishmurray ThroughtheearlyMiddleAges,someofthesemonasticislands,iftheywereever remote,weredrawnintothewiderworldbythehugenumbersofpilgrimsthat travelledouttothem.JerryO’Sullivanhasrecentlycarriedoutarchaeological excavationsoftheearlymedievalmonasticremainsontheislandofInishmurray, Co.Sligo().Thismonasterywasfoundedonthisislandinthesixthcentury, reputedlybySt.Molaise.ItwasraidedbyVikingsinad,suggestingitwas wellknownandperhapswell-offbythattime. The archaeological remains of the monastery include a massive stone enclosure,churchesandbeehivecells.Theearliestchurch,TechMolaise,hasbeen radiocarbon dated to eighth century ad.An early medieval cemetery has also producedburialsbetweenthetenthtotwelfthcenturyad.Otherarchaeological features on the island include huge collections of carved stones, cross-slabs, as wellasleachta–cairnsofstoneerectedatthechurchesandatintervalsaround theisland’speriphery,usedaspenitentialstationsbypilgrims.Recentexcavations elsewhere(onOmeyIsland,Co.Galway)suggestthatsuchleachtawereerected inninthandtenthcenturyad,anditmayhavebeenthesameatInishmurray. Inanycase,Inishmurrayisoftenthoughtofasrepresentingtheclassicfeatures ofanearlyIrishmonastery.However,JerryO’Sullivan’salternativeexplanation 126
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EarlymedievalmonasticsiteatInishmurray,Co.Sligo(fromWhiteMarshallandRourke2001)
is that the churches, beehive cells and leachta represent a destination for early medievalpilgrims,withhostels,publicchurchesandanimportantfocalpointat thesaint’stomb.Inotherwords,someearlymedievalislandmonasteriesbecame significantfociforpopularpilgrimagetowardstheendoftheearlyMiddleAges, suggestingagainthatthesewerenotremote,isolatedislands.
theearlymedievalmonasticislandofhighisland,co.galway HighIsland(ArdOileáin),Co.Galwayisoneofthebestpreservedearlymedieval islandmonasteries,largelybecauseoftheisland’sinaccessibilityandremoteness (). It was occupied for a period in the nineteenth century, by miners, but otherwisehasbeenabandonedsincetheMiddleAges.Theislandisnamedafter its cliffs, which rise precipitously to a height of ft out of the sea, making the island highly visible from all along the Connemara coast.The island is 127
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ReconstructiondrawingofearlymedievalmonasticenclosureonHighIsland,Co.Galway(from WhiteMarshallandRourke)
uninhabited today, and lies km from mainland, although it should be viewed as being surrounded by other islands (Inishark and Inisbofin being the most prominent).Duringwinterandduringstormsitcanbeverydifficulttolandon theisland,presumablyitwasalsosointheearlyMiddleAges. ItisthoughtthatamonasterywasfoundedontheislandbyaSaintFéchín inthesixthcenturyad.Themonasteryseemstohavebeenoccupiedfromthe seventhtotheeleventhcenturyad,andwasthenabandoned.Althoughmostof theearlymedievalmonasteriesinConnachtarefairlyobscure,thereismention of at least one of the abbots of the monastery, for example in the annalistic referencetothedeathof‘GormgalofÁrdÓilean’inad.However,because theearlymedievalmonasticsitewasabandonedintheeleventhcentury,there wasnofurtherdevelopmentonthesitetodestroyit. Theearlymedievalmonasterywaslocatedinashelteredvalleyatthesouthwestoftheisland.Aquadrangularstoneenclosureorcashelwaslocatedadjacent to a small freshwater lake.Within the cashel, there was a stone-walled church inside its own small enclosure. There were also at least four beehive cells. The cashel wall had a number of chambers within it, and there was also a rectangular building at the entrance to the enclosure. There are also other featuresaroundtheisland,includingcross-slabs,leachtandhutsites. Anearlymedievaloratorywassituatedinsidethesmallenclosingwall,andwas probablybuiltinninthandtenthcenturyad.Severalearlymedievalgraveswere 128
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foundbesideandinsidethechurch,andimmediatelysurroundingit,burialsthat weremarkedbycross-slabs.Itislikelythatthesewereparticularlyimportantburials, perhapsofabbotsoftheisland.Thesmallearlymedievalbeehivecellswereessentially tinyhouses,butcouldonlyhavehadonepersonlivinginthem.Onebeehivewas usedasakitchenandliketheothershadapavedfloor,withsuccessivelayersof ashandsoilindicatinguseacrosstime.Therewerealsoseveralearlymedievalcross slabs,decoratedinadistinctiveHighIslandstylethatisquitedifferentfromthose onAranIslands,CaherIsland,InishmurrayandonIniskeaisland. Interestingly,thereisalsostrikingenvironmentalevidenceforenvironmental changebeforeandduringthelifeofthemonastery.Pollenanalysesindicatethat therewaspossiblysomeprehistoricsettlementontheisland.Fromaboutad onwards, there is an upsurge of arable farming, with grains of rye, barley and wheatidentifiedinthepollencores.Thepresenceofwheatissurprising,given theprevailingwindyconditions,asoatsmighthavebeenexpectedtodobetter ontheisland’sacidsoilsandtheexposed,dampisland.Inanycase,thisincrease in arable pollen is also matched by a decrease in arboreal pollen (a decline in scrubbywoodlandofhazel,elm,pine). However,theclearestarchaeologicalevidenceforearlymedievalagriculture ontheislandwasprovidedforbythediscoveryofanearlymedievalhorizontal watermill.Thewatermillhadahillsidereservoirconstructedbybuildingastone and earthen dam across a small valley, with a feeder stream leading down to the main millpond.There was also a millpond – a natural lake that had been modified.Beyondthemillpond,twochannelswerecutintotheexposedbedrock, includingaheadracetoleadwatertothemillandasecondchanneltorelease overflowduringperiodsofheavyrainfall.Therewasalsoastonemill-building locatedclosetothecliff,historicallyknownasCuanaMhuilin(harbourofthe mill).Infactthehorizontalwatermillindicatesthatforaperiod,theremayhave beenasubstantialpopulationontheisland.Suchmillswouldhavebeenusedfor grindinglargeamountsofwheat,barleyandrye,formakingbreadandporridge. It is probably also significant that the mill could have ground grain during winter,whenaccessofftheislandmighthavebeendifficult.
anearlymedievalislandhermitageatillaunloughan,co.kerry ItisalsoevidentthatquitedramaticallysmallislandsoffthewestcoastofIreland were occupied by early Irish monks.These were often bleak and inaccessible tinypiecesofland,thattestifytothereligiousspiritoftheiroccupants.However, it is also clear that these have to be seen as islands within broader maritime seascapes. One of the most remarkable of these is the early medieval hermitage of Illaunloughan, Co. Kerry. Illaunloughan is a tiny, rocky island (.ha in size at hightide)lyingaboutmoffthecoastatthemodernvillageofPortmagee, 129
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betweenValentiaIslandandtheKerrycoastline().Theislandislowlyingand wasalwaysthereforeanexposedlocation,regularlyswepttodaybywintergales and storms. Illaunloughan island was recently excavated by ClaireWalsh and JennyWhite Marshal and its unusual early medieval settlement was shown to havebeenoccupiedbynomorethanfiveorsixmonksfromthemid-seventh totheninthcenturyad.However,theisland’schurchesororatories,reliquary shrine, and three round houses or cells mostly date to the eighth century ad, whenthereweretwomainperiodsofoccupation. Amiddenwaslocatedattheisland’sedge,adjacenttothehermits’cells.This hasrevealedthedietofearlymedievalmonks.Themidden,uptomdeep,was largelycomposedofbrokenmarineshells,butcheredanimalboneandstone.The monksmadeuseofmarineandlandfoods,withcereals,berries,cattle,sheepand pig,aswellasshellfish,seal,fishandbirds.Sheepandgoatbonesprobablyderive fromanimalsherdedontheneighbouringgrasslandslopesandbroughttothe islandformeat.Therewerealsobonesofyoungcattle,whichwereprobablyalso provisionedtotheislandfromlocaldairyherds. Unsurprisingly, maritime resources were being exploited by the island’s inhabitants,withwhaleandsealbonefoundinthedeposits.EmilyMurrayhas shown that the shellfish assemblages were dominated by periwinkles ( per cent) and limpets, both probably gathered from local rocky shorelines of the islandandthemainland.Othershellfishcollectedincludedcockles,carpetshells, dog whelk, great scallop, topshells and oyster, amongst others.There was also extensiveevidenceforthetrappingofseabirdsandfish.Manxshearwaterwere theprimaryspeciesofbirdhunted,alongwithcormorant,kittiwake,puffinand others. Fish were also very important, with at least twenty species identified (e.g.bass,cod,conger,flatfish,gadidae,gurnard,hake,mullet,pollock,ray,saithe, salmon,scad,seabreams,shark,whitingandwrasse).Seabream,asummermigrant totheIrishcoast,weretakeninlargenumbersalongwithwrasse.Cod,hakeand sharkwouldhaverequiredoffshorefishingfromboats. Charredplantremainsfoundinthemidden,hutsandoratoryincludedoats, naked barley and a small amount of wheat from the oratory (an offering?). Otherplants,suchassheep’ssorrelweed(unlikelytohavegrownontheisland’s shell-rich,calcareoussoils)confirmedthatthesecerealswerebroughttothistiny island from elsewhere,They may, however, have been ground into flour using thequernstonesfoundonthesettlement.Otherpotentialfoodsrepresentedin seed assemblages included raspberries, rowan, hazelnut, vetch, docks, common chickweed, cabbages and common nettles, as well as mugworts and coriander thatmayhavehadmedicinaluses. This was not an ascetic diet, although it should be admitted that living on anAtlantic island in the winter would have been impossible without proper, nutritious food. On a tiny island like Illaunloghan, it is clear that there was insufficientspacetogrowsuchcropsandvegetablesinlargeamountsortoraise animals like cattle and sheep. Even with the exploitation of marine resources, 130
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EarlymedievalsiteatIllaunloughan,Co.Kerry(OPW)
it would still have been necessary to have been provided with food by the peopleofthesurroundingislandsandmainland.Itseemslikelythatthemonks of Illaunloughan were being sustained by a mainland community, possibly the peoplelivingattheearlymedievalfarmsteadatBrayHeadoutonValentiaIsland. Faunalanalysessuggestthatcattle,sheepandpigwereallbeingtransportedonto the island, probably by people who were killing off their unwanted animals (either very young calves or cattle over years age), as would have been the normforadairyingcommunity. There was also evidence that the cattle were butchered on the island, and perhapsthesewereswumouttoit.Themiddenwasalsoinevitablythelocation ofthedomesticobjects,whichincludedwhetstones,knives,rotaryquern,glass andantlerbeads,combsanddresspins.Theislandwasabandonedbytheninth century,althoughthereisevidencethatitwasre-usedorvisitedbypilgrimsin thelateMiddleAges
workingtheseashoreinearlymedievalireland Thesea’sharvest Early medieval historical sources indicate that the seashore was potentially a placeofintenseactivity.EarlyIrishlawsdatingtotheseventhandeighthcentury discussrightstoinshoreandoffshoreseafishing,theownershipofseaweedand driftwood, while the saints’ lives describe the work of fishermen, the moving 131
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back and forth of boats and ships and occasionally the hunting of marine mammals.Theseventh-centuryLifeofColumbaclearlystatesthatthemonksof Ionaweretrappingseals,andthesewereprobablybutcheredforskinsandmeat. Their bones have been recovered from early medieval coastal sites at Church Island and Iniskea.Whalebone has been found on early medieval sites such as Raheens, Co. Cork, Rathmullan, Co. Down, Iniskea, Co. Mayo and Lough Faughauncrannog,Co.Down.Althoughitispossiblethatthesewerehunted,it seemsmorelikelythattheyrepresenttheuseofaccidentallystrandedanimals. Indeed,earlyIrishdocumentarysourcesclaimedthatduringthereignofajust kingunusuallybeneficialthingsoccurred.Itisprobablyforthisreasonthatinad ,theAnnalsofUlsternotesawhale(withthreegoldteeth)wascastashoreat BaircheinUlsterduringthereignofFiachnasonofAedRón,kingofUlster. In contrast, for ad , there is a reference to a‘great pig-slaughter of seapigs [probably porpoises] by the foreigners’ on the coast ofArd-Cianachta (in modernCo.Louth,onIreland’seastcoast).Thiscouldagainsimplyrepresentthe opportunisticslaughterofalargegroupofstrandedanimals,butitmayalsoimply huntingoutatseausingboatsandharpoons.Certainly,thefactthattheyrefer toitatallandtheuseoftheterm‘foreigners’indicatesthattheIrishannalists foundthistobeauniqueandextraordinaryevent,perhapsindicatingtoothat whaleandsealhuntingwassomethingthatwasmoreanactivitypracticedby Scandinavian peoples. By the eleventh century ad, the Muslim geographer al –‘Udrhi noted that the Irish hunted young whales between the months of OctoberandJanuary.Obviously,someoftheseactivitiesontheseashorewould leavelittletrace.Ontheotherhand,recentintertidalarchaeologicalsurveyson the Shannon estuary and Strangford Lough have revealed physical traces (in the form of fish traps and mills) of what we might call maritime taskscapes, landscapesofmarine-orientedlabourthatwereintendedtoprovidebothfood andincometolocalpopulations. PerhapsamongstthemoststrikingdiscoveriesinIrisharchaeologyofrecent years have been the early medieval coastal fish traps found on the Shannon estuaryandStrangfordLough.Medievalfishtrapswereartificialbarriersofstone orwoodbuiltinriversorestuariestodeflectfishintoanopeningwherethey couldbetrappedinnetsorbaskets.Incoastalandestuarinewaters,fishtendto moveuptheshorewiththefloodingtideanddriftbackdownwiththeebbing tide, being attracted by feeding in the shallow water and by the nutrients in freshwaterstreamsandriversmovingintotheestuary.Thence,itispossibleto trapthembyerectingfishtrapsacrosstheseroutes,withebb-weirscatchingfish movingdownwiththeebbingtideandflood-weirscatchingfishmovingupthe shorewiththefloodingtide.Uponencounteringthesebarriers,thefishwould tendtomovealongthefencesintothetrappingmechanism,fromwhichthey couldberemovedlater. Thefishtrapstypicallyconsistedoftwo(ormore)convergingverticalfences orwalls,thusformingalargeV-shapedstructure.Attheapexor‘eye’ofthetwo 132
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fencestherewouldbeawovenwickerbasketsupportedonaframework,anet, or a rectangular or curvilinear enclosures of wooden posts or nets. However, medievalfishtrapsvarysignificantlyinlocation,form,size,andstyleoftrapping mechanism,dependingontherelativesizeofthecatchintended,theforeshore topography and current conditions and the customs and practices of local fishermen. Indeed, it is now clear that there is significant local and regional variationsintheuseoffishweirsaroundmedievalBritainandIreland.
earlymedievalfishtrapsonstrangfordlough TheStrangfordLoughfishtrapsarelocatedaroundtheshoresofthissealough, but are mostly concentrated in GreyAbbey Bay and around Chapel Island in thenorth-eastpartoftheLough().Atleastfifteenwoodenandstone-built fish traps have been recorded and the wooden traps in particular have been radiocarbondatedtobetweentheeighthandthirteenthcenturiesad.Strangford Loughwouldhavehadarangeoffishspecies,includingsalmon,seatrout,plaice, flounder,mackerel,cod,greymulletandskatewithlargenumbersofeelsinthe abundantkelpgrowth.TheStrangfordLoughfishtrapswereebbweirs,intended tocatchfishdriftingdownwiththefallingtide.Theyusuallyhavetwolongstone wallsorwoodenfenceswhichconvergedinaV-shapetoapointonthelower foreshore.Thismeansthatateverylowtidetheywereexposedforabouttwoto
AerialphotographofOgilbyIslandfishtrap(EnvironmentandHeritageService) 133
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threehours,andwhiletheyenclosedalargeareaofforeshore,theirownersand usershadsufficienttimetoremovethefishandrepairthestructures. The Strangford Lough wooden fish traps have fences measuring between m and m in length and are more or lessV-shaped in plan.The fences were made both of single lines of posts and complex arrangements of paired poststhuscreatinganinnerandouterfence.Post-and-wattlepanelscouldhave been carried out to the traps and slotted between these paired uprights and pinnedinpositionusingbracingpropsandhorizontalpegs.Woodenfishtraps atCunningburnandGregstown,nearNewtownardsalsohadstonewallsalong thebaseofthefencetoprotectthemfromerosionandundercutting.Atthe‘eye’ of the converging fences, baskets or nets were probably hung on rectangular structures.The wooden fences would have deteriorated quickly and needed periodicrepair.Itisobviousthatasignificantamountoflabourwasrequiredfor theirconstruction.Thousandsofhazel,ashandoakpolesandrodswouldhave beenfelled,trimmedandhauledoutfromtheneighbouringwoodlands. AtChapelIsland,alargewoodenfishtraphasprovidedaradiocarbondateof ad-.Ithasalower,‘floodfence’minlengthrunningparalleltothe shoreandasecond,shorterfencerunninguptowardstheisland.Archaeological excavationssuggestthatitwasthesubjectoffrequentrepairsorthattherewas anattempttomakethefences‘fish-tight’throughtheuseofhundredsofcloselyspaced posts. Interestingly, there is archaeological evidence for settlement on theisland,includingapossiblechurchstructurewithinapromontoryenclosure definedbyasubstantialbankandditch.Tracesofstonefieldwallscanalsobe seenon thenearbyslopes.TheChapelIslandfishtrapsmay havebeen linked to the regionally significant early medieval monastic centre of Nendrum, Co. Downwhichislocatedonanislandacrossthelough. In GreyAbbey Bay, .km to the east, three wooden traps and four stone trapshavebeenrecorded.AtSouthIsland,alargeV-shapedwoodentrapcrosses atidalchannel.Thisstructuremeasuresoverminlength,wasconstructedof atleastpostsandhasarectangularstructureandpossiblebasketattheeye. It has provided two separate radiocarbon dates of ad - and ad .SimilarV-shapedwoodentrapsfoundelsewhereinthebayhaveproduced radiocarbon dates of ad - and cal. ad -.The traps may have used nets, baskets or rectangular pounds, post-and-wattle enclosures inside of whichthefishremaineduntilremoved.TheStrangfordLoughfishtrapswere clearlyinuseinthebaythroughouttheMiddleAges.Someofthelargewooden andstonefishtrapsmayhavebeenthepropertyoftheCisterciancommunityof GreyAbbey,whichwasfoundedinad.ItisknownthattheearlyCistercian communitiesweredeterminedlyself-sufficientandtheuseoffisheriesinthebay probablyintensifiedaftertheirarrival. TheStrangfordLoughstone-builtfishtrapsarebroadlysimilarinsize,formand orientation.Theytypicallymeasurebetweenmandminlength,.min widthandprobablystoodbetween.mtominheight.Fishcouldhaveswam 134
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overthemonafloodingtidebutwouldbetrappedbehindthewallduringthe lasthoursoftheebbingtide.ThestonefishtrapsarevariouslyV-shaped,sickleshaped and tick-shaped in plan, mainly depending on the nature of the local foreshore. Large numbers of heavy beach boulders would have been collected fromtheforeshorefortheirconstruction.Thestone-builtfishtrapswouldhave needed repair after winter storms, no doubt a difficult task with barnacles on therocksandonlyseveralhoursavailableforwork.Themassivephysicalscale andformoftheStrangfordLoughfishtrapsprobablyindicatesalocalresponse tothebroad,sandybeachesofthelough,althoughitisalsoclearthatthesewere intendedtoliterallyharvestallofthefishoutofthispartofthelough.
earlymedievalfishtrapsontheshannonestuary On the Shannon estuary, in south-west Ireland, archaeological surveys have revealedevidenceforseveralmedievalwoodenfishtraps,datedtobetweenthe fifthandthethirteenthcenturyad.TheShannonestuaryfishweirstendtobe small,V-shapedpost-and-wattlestructures(withfences-minlength)with baskettraps,hiddenawaywithinthenarrow,deepcreeksthatdissecttheestuary’s vast expanses of soft, impenetrable muds. Despite being relatively small, they wouldhavebeenundoubtedlyeffectiveasevenasmallbarrierinthesecreeks could have literally sieved the water of all fish moving around with the tides. Theywereorientedtocatchfishonthefloodingorebbingtideandcouldin seasonhavetakenlargecatchesofsalmon,seatrout,lampreys,shad,flounderand eels(thelatterinOctober-November). Theearliestknownfishtrapisasmallpost-and-wattlefence(c.minlength) ontheFergusestuary,Co.Clare(atributaryoftheShannonestuary),datedto ad-(oneoftheearliestintheseislands).Thiswasprobablypartofafish trap that would have been used by the inhabitants of early medieval ringforts (enclosedsettlements)onthelowhillsadjacenttotheestuary.Earlymedievalfish trapshavealsobeenlocatedonthemudflatsoftheDeelestuary,Co.Limerick (whichflowsintotheupperShannonestuary).Deel,datedtocal.ad- isasmallV-shapedfishtrap,orientedtocatchfishonthefloodingtidewithtwo convergingpost-and-wattlealderwoodfencesmeasuringoverminlength.A clusterofpostsattheapexofthetwofencesprobablyrepresentsthesurviving remainsofatrap.Itmayhavebeenassociatedwithnearbysettlementsonthe neighbouring land, including early medieval ringforts and other earthworks. There are other, later medieval fish traps on this foreshore (see below), that provide intriguing evidence for local continuity of size, form and location, suggesting that they essentially replaced each other between the eleventh and thelatefourteenthcenturyad. Indeed, recent studies of early medieval fish weirs around the coastline of BritainandIrelandalsoindicatesthattherecanbestrongcontinuitiesofform 135
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overcenturies.Anglo-SaxonfishtrapsontheestuariesoftheEssexcoastlinewere built,repairedandreactivatedthroughthesixthtoeighthcenturiesad.Similarly SaxonandNormanfishtrapsontheSevernestuaryindicatelocalcontinuitiesof form,somuchsothatitmightbesuspectedthatthefishtrapsthemselvesacted to preserve local memories of good fishing grounds.This broader perspective also reveals that early medieval fish traps were most in use in these islands in theseventhcenturyad,andalsoagaininthethirteenthtofourteenthcenturies ad,presumablyrelatingtosomesocialandculturalprocessessuchaspopulation growthandperceptionoffishasaneconomicresource.
earlymedievalcoastaltidemills In recent years, we also have the archaeological evidence for early medieval coastal water-mills at Little Island, Co. Cork and at Nendrum on Strangford Lough. Nendrum monastery on Mahee Island in Strangford Lough was one of the great maritime monasteries of Ireland between the seventh and tenth centuries ad. An eighth-century source, known as the Litany of the Saints, suggeststhatNendrumhad‘ninetimesfiftymonksundertheyokeofMochoe of Noendruin’, implying that it had a community of four hundred and fifty monks, to which number could probably be added a large lay population of labourers, craftsmen, servants and tenants.The monks, lacking any fresh water streamsontheirislandenvironment,turnedtotidalpowertogrindthecornto feedthelargemonasticpopulation–buildingasuccessionofthreetidemillson theintertidalzoneadjoiningthemonasticcomplex.Thesitehasbeenrecently investigatedbyTomMcErleanandNormanCarruthers. Themonksbuiltalarge,enclosedmillpondontheupperforeshore,which filled naturally at every high tide and captured the water body that was then channeled during the low tide through a stone-built flume that provided a high-poweredgushofwaterthatturnedthepaddlewheelsofthemills().The millbuildingitselfsurvivedlargelyintactandinandaroundthebaseofthemill werefoundbrokenmillstones,woodenbucketstaves,toolhandles,lathe-turned wooden bowls and parts of the wooden paddles, hubs and axles of the mill’s ‘machinery’.Dendrochronologyhasrevealedthattheoaktreesforthefirsttide mill were felled in ad and ad and so far it is the earliest tide mill in Europe.Twofurthertidemillsonthesamesiteofincreasingsophisticationlater replacedit.Thelastmillhasbeendatedtoad.Thesetidemills,drivenby therenewableenergyresourcethatisprovidedbyStrangfordLough’sprodigious tides, would have enabled the early medieval monks of Nendrum to process grainintoflourforbreadatalmostanindustrialscale–indicatingthechurch’s economicinvestmentinarableagriculturearounditsownestatesandelsewhere alongtheregion’sshoreline.Nendrum’sinhabitantswereprobablyalsousingthe fishtrapsfoundelsewhereonthelough’sintertidalzone. 136
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EarlymedievalmillatNendrum,StrangfordLough,Co.Down(courtesyofThomasMcErlean, UUC)
shipsandboatsinearlymedievalireland Sourcesofevidenceforearlymedievalboats In contrast to elsewhere in northern Europe, the archaeological evidence for shipsandboatsinearlymedievalIrelandisverylimited.Nonetheless,theearly medievalannalsandsaints’livesfrequentlymentionthemarinefleetsandbattles oftheIrish,theAnglo-SaxonsandatalaterstagetheVikings.Inparticular,we havearichveinofevidenceintheearlyIrishhistoricalsources.Theseincludethe saints’lives(notablyAdomnán’sLifeofColumba),theninth-andtenth-century voyagestales(knownasimmrama),aswellastheearlyIrishlawsandannalistic references.Theseimplythatthereweredifferenttypesofcraftthatweresailing theCelticseas.Thereisalsoevidencefromthedepictionsofshipsoneighthcenturycross-inscribedpillars,andlatterlybythetenthandeleventhcentury,on highcrosses.Ithastraditionallybeenthoughtthatmostoftheseaccountsand depictionsdescribeearlytypesofcurragh–simplehidecoveredcraft.However, itisnowthoughtlikelythatIrishseafarerswouldhavebeencapableofmaking andusinglargerwoodenshipsandboats. ItisalsolikelythatawiderangeofdifferenttypesofEuropeancraftwould have been plying back and forth across the Irish Sea in particular, originating from a range of different cultural and ethnic traditions, such as Celtic,AngloSaxon and Frankish. It is even possible that Mediterranean craft, inspired by earlierClassical,ByzantineandArabicshipbuildingtraditions,wereoccasionally 137
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seen in Irish waters, particularly in the fifth and sixth centuries ad.There are accountsinoneoftheIberianLivesofGreekmerchants(negotiatores)sailing from the eastern Mediterranean to Meredia, in Galicia, but did they travel as far as Ireland?Tentative archaeological evidence for this is provided by the imported pottery (i.e. B-ware) found on some early medieval sites in Ireland originatingfromtheeasternMediterranean(i.e.theGreekislands,Anatoliaand NorthAfrica),althoughtheycouldhavebeenbroughttoIrelandbyGaulishor Britishcraft.Bythesixthandseventhcenturyad,thetypesofimportedpottery found in early medieval sites are principally from western France, namely Ewarepottery.ThereareseveralhistoricalreferencestotheactivitiesofGaulish tradersinIrishwaters.Forexample,themedievalLifeofSt.Cíaranstatesthat merchantsfromGaulbroughtwinetothemidlandsmonasteryofClonmacnoise (presumablysailinguptheRiverShannon),whiletheLifeofColumbamentions GaulishsailorsarrivingontheScottishcoastlineofDalriada. Similarly, Frankish andAnglo-Saxon glass, weaponry and other objects also indicate other long-distance trading connections with lands across the sea. Presumablyatleastsomeoftheseobjectsarrivedonforeignvesselsandsowould havebeenacommonsighttoIrishcoastaldwellers,particularlyalongtheeast coast.Intriguingly,thereisalsoareferencetoaraidinadbyaSaxonfleet ontheRiversBoyneandLiffeythatcarriedoffhostagesandbooty.Presumably Saxon ships were also involved in more peaceable interactions. Perhaps, archaeologistsmaysomedaydiscoveraGaulish,SaxonorevenaGalicianboat onanIrisheastcoastestuary.AlthoughtherearefewGaulishcraftknown,an early seventh-century, carvel-built wooden boat found at Port Berteau II, on theRiverCharentenotfarfromthewestcoastofFranceprobablygivesasense ofwhatthesecraftlookedlike.Ontheotherhand,Irishsea-goerswouldhave beenseenabroadtoo.Theeighth-centuryLifeofFilibertdocumentsanIrishship tradingshoesandleatherintheLoireregion. Shipsandboatswerealsousedinwarfare.TheIrishannalsalsooccasionally refer to fleets of vessels involved in hostings, although these epigrammatic entries provide little detail on the form of craft used.They refer, famously, to an assembled fleet of the Dál Riada travelling to the islands of Coll and Islay, Scotlandinad.Inad,ToryIslandwasdevastatedbyamarinefleetof unstated origins. Certainly, by the ninth and tenth centuries ad, Nordic-type ships were being used in Irish waters, by both Irish and Scandinavian fleets and were to profoundly influence Irish and Scottish maritime traditions. A recent remarkable archaeological discovery is the ship graffiti on what has becomeknownasthe‘hostageslab’,foundnearanearlymedievalchurchsite atInchmarnockinScotland.ThisshipgraffitistoneappearstodepictaNordictypelongshipwithoars,steeringrudderandasquaresail.Moststrikingly,alarge, hairy warrior appears to be hauling towards the ship a recently captured and boundmonkwhoiscarryingwhatseemstobeabooksatchel.
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shipsandboatsinthemonasticworld So,whatwereIrishshipsandboatslikeatthebeginningoftheMiddleAges? Therehasbeenatraditionaltendencytoonlythinkintermsofhide-covered vessels,partlyduetoatooliteralreadingofclassicalandmedievaltexts.Certainly, earlymedievalsourcesdoimplythathide-coveredcraftwerecommon.However, thereisalsonowanemergingsensethatearlymedievalshipsandboatsmayhave beendiverseindesignandappearance.EarlyIrishlawsdepictboat-buildersas skilledandsociallysignificantcraftsmenincontemporarysociety.Forexample, thelegaltractUraicechtBeccdescribesthelegalpositionof‘abuilderoflerlong, and bairca, and curach.Various seventh- and eighth-century laws refer to hidecovered,wickercoracles(clíab)andlargerboats(náu)usedforfishingininshore andestuarinewaters. Monastic writers, occasionally describing the worlds of maritime saints and ocean voyagers also provide useful evidence for the form of early craft. Adomnán’s Life of Columba, written in the seventh-century describes the maritimelifeandtraditionsoftheScottishmonasticislandofIonaanditisa significant source of information on ships and seafaring. JonathanWooding’s analysesoftheterminologyintheanecdotesreferringtoseafaringandsea-farers revealsthatAdomnánusesdifferentLatinandGaelic(themselvesbasedonLatin loan-words) names for different kinds of boats and ships. Some of these were clearlywoodenplank-builtcraft,whileothersweremadeofwickerandanimal hides.Adomnánseeminglyusesthetermsnavis,longenavisandbarcatorefer tolargesea-goingvesselsandpresumablysomeofthesewerewoodencraft.The constructionofwoodencraftisalsoimpliedinareferencetoanincidentwhere dressedtimbersofpineandoakforbuildinglongshipswerebroughttoIonaby fleetsofcurrachs(curucis)andskiffs(scafís).Intriguingly,thewordbarcaisused todescribeaGaulishtradingshipimplyingthatitwasdistinctivelydifferent,but notunfamiliar,tothemonasticislanders. In the early Middle Ages (and undoubtedly earlier), robust, ocean-going, hide-coveredcraftwerealsousedinsailingalongthewesternseaways,aswell asforpilgrimageandpenitentialoceanvoyaging.Thelivesrefertothecimbul andthesmallcurucusthatcouldbetakenasnamesforearlycurrachs,usedboth oninlandwaterwaysandinshorewaters.However,itisalsoclearthatthesewere capableofsailingontheopenocean.Intheseventh-centuryLifeofColumba, thereisadescriptionofhowsomemonksvoyagingontheoceancameunder attack from sea creatures which struck the keel, sides, prow and stern of the vessel.Revealingly,themonkswereanxiousthatthecreaturewouldpiercethe ‘leathercovering’oftheboat.Itisclearthatsailswereusedonbothwoodenand hide-coveredcraft,asisindicatedbythedescriptionsofSt.Columba’sabilityto miraculouslychangethecourseofthewindwhileseafaringortoraiseamore favourableone.Onotheroccasions,monasticvoyagershaulintheirsailstoavoid collidingwithwhales,takingtotheiroarstorowaway. 139
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Intheninth-centuryimmramorvoyagetaleknownastheNavigatioSancti BrendaniAbbatis (the voyages of Saint Brendan the abbot), there are various descriptions of methods of the construction of these hide-covered boats.The textdescribesthevariousvoyagesofBrendanaroundthewatersoftheNorth Atlantic(i.e.westcoastofIreland,theFaroes,Iceland,Greenland)duringwhich time his crew experience many adventures including encounters with whales, and perhaps volcanoes and icebergs.These stories suggest that this and other voyagetalesareanamalgamationofreports(andperhapstalltales)toldbysecular andecclesiasticalsailorsreturningfromdangerousvoyages. The voyage of Saint Brendan describes the boat used by the saint in some detail. It relates how Brendan gathered a crew of fourteen monks and built a lightboatframedandribbedwithwood.Ox-hidestannedwithoakbarkcovered thiswoodenframeworkandthenthejointsofthehidesweresmearedwithfat tomakethemwatertight.Theboatwasthenequippedwithamastplacedinthe middleoftheboat.Assoonastheboatwaslaunchedthecrewsailedwestwards. Theyinitiallyhadnoneedtonavigateapartfromholdingthesailwiththewind andusingasteeringoartoguidetheboat.Oncetheyhadbecomebecalmedthey tooktotheoarsandroweduntiltheirstrengthgavein.Brendanismentionedas sittingandstandinginthebowwhilepraying,perhapsindicatingtheimportance ofthispositioninthevessel.
theearlymedievalboatonthebantrypillarstone There is also some intriguing archaeological evidence for early medieval Irish boatsontheBantrypillarstone.Thisisaneighth-century,decoratedstoneslab situated within an early ecclesiastical site at Kilnaruane, Co. Cork, on a low hilloverlookingBantryHarbour,Co.Cork–oneofthefinestnaturalhavens insouth-westIreland.TheBantrypillerstonehaslongbeenseenasarealistic depiction of an early Irish wicker and hide currach – but it may be more complicatedthanthat(). The Bantry pillar stone has on its surface the simple depiction of a boat crewedbyfivefigures,whoareapparentlyrowingtheircraftskywardsintothe heavens.Sittingatthesternisahelmsman,whoisholdingasteeringoaronthe portsideofthevessel.Infrontofhim,therearefourfiguresthatappeartobe forcefullypullingontheiroarsinarealisticmanner.Thereisalsoapossiblesixth figuresittingforwardinthebow,althoughhundredsofyearsofweatheringof thestonemakethisdetailimpossibletoestablish.TheiconographyoftheBantry pillar stone has been interpreted in a number of ways. It has been suggested thattheboatwasametaphoricalimagefortheearlyIrishchurchasimpliedby thefollowingpassagefromtheBookofHomilies:‘Thebodyofthechurchas awholeislikeagreatshipcarryingmenofmanydifferentoriginsthrougha violentstorm.’PeterHarbisonhassuggestedthatfigurewiththeraisedhandmay 140
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EarlymedievalboatdepictiononBantry pillarstone,Co.Cork(WesForsythe,UU)
beadepictionoftheChriststillingthetempest,sothatitshouldbeunderstoodas abiblicalscenethatisonview.Undoubtedly,thisimageinspiredthedescriptions ofsaintscalmingstormsbystandingwitharaisedhandintheprowofhisship thatwereadintheseventh-centuryLifeofColumba.Howevertheraisedhand ontheBantrypillarstoneisindistinctandthefiguresintheboatcertainlydonot seemtobeengulfedinstormywater.Itisalsopossiblethatthedepictionisofa peregriniornavigatingsaintsuchasBrendansettingsailontothetracklessocean, asissooftendescribedinvariousvoyagetalesandsaintslives. Butwhatoftheboatitself?IthasoftenbeenthoughtthattheBantrypillar stone is a depiction of an early medieval currach. Certainly, the stone carving clearlyshowsasmallishcraft,withadistinctgunwalealongtheupperedge,a bluntsternandamoreroundedhigh-profilebow.Itcouldbearguedthatthisis acraftwithstrongsimilaritieswiththemodernnaomhógfoundalongthecoasts ofsouth-westIreland.Itisalsotruethattheangledrowerswiththeiroarsare evocativeofmeninanaomhóg,withthepositionandnarrowformoftheoars showing that they were attached to the hull by thole pins. Indeed, a probable seventh-oreighth-centurywoodenoarrecoveredduringtheNendrumtidemill excavations(seeabove)wouldbebroadlyofsimilarform.Itistruethatavessel builtofwoodenorwickerframescoveredbyanimalskinswouldhaveexcellent 141
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sea-goingcapabilities,astheyaretough,strongandflexibleinthewaves.More recentexperiments,suchastheoneattemptedbyTimSeverinwhenhesaileda hide-coveredboattoNorthAmerica,suggestthattheycouldalsobefast,sailing distancesofsixtytoseventymilesaday.Ontheotherhand,itisalsotruethat Irishscholarshavetendedtobefixatedonthecurrach,seeingthemodernboat thatissofamiliartousfromstoriesandphotographsfromtheAranIslandsand theBlasketsasthedescendentofanage-oldtradition.Inactualfact,themodern currach has often been the result of quite significant social and demographic changesinthenineteenthcenturyad. IthasalsobeensuggestedthattheBantrypillarstoneisdepictingawooden craft,withadistinctgunwhaleandkeelthatmayevenbesimilartocontemporary Icelandicfishingboats.Certainly,aswehavealreadyseen,theearlymedievalIrish wereindeedbuildingandusingwoodenplankcraft,alongwithothernavigators along theAtlantic shore. On the other hand, other scholars have pointed out thatthisisaniconographicimage,intendedtoconveyasenseofeitherabiblical scene, the church or a navigating saint, so we should not be expecting it to represent all early medieval craft. Indeed, hide-covered craft may have been particularlyassociatedwithpilgrimage.Thedepictionofonetypeofboatonan earlymedievalcrossdoesnotmeanthatitwastheonlyoneexistinginIreland.
hiberno-scandinavianshipbuildinginearlymedievalireland In the ninth and tenth century, Nordic type vessels began to be seen in Irish waters,inspiringbothfearandadmiration.TheIrishchroniclerswhorecorded theVikingraidsontheIrishcoastfromadonwardswereobviouslystruckby theferocityandspeedofattacksonmonasticcoastalsites.Itwasaspeedthatwas providedmainlybyonething–theversatileandimpressivewoodenseagoing shipsthatweredevelopedbytheScandinavianpeoplesthroughthelateIronAge. TheseNordictypeshipswerealsotobecomethebasisofDublin’swealthinthe tenthandeleventhcentury,providingthemeansbywhichmerchantsandtraders madetheirwaybackandforthalongtheAtlanticsealanes,totheMediterranean, Baltic and the frozen islands of the North Atlantic. Indeed, archaeological excavations on the Norse colony at L’Anse aux Meadows, Newfoundland recoveredadistinctiveDublin-typeringedpinthatmayhavebeenwornbya VikingmanorwomanwhohadstoppedatDublin.Infact,oneofthemajor contributionsoftheScandinavianpeoplestoIrishculturewasintermsoftheir influence on our maritime traditions, as can be seen both in boat-building terminologyandthenumerouscoastalplacenamesaroundtheIrishcoastline. Scandinavianmaritimearchaeologistshaveestablishedthroughthediscovery and excavation of ships at Oseberg, Gokstad and Skuldelev much about the nature of these ships. Similarly, the types of boats and ships used by Norse raiders and settlers in Ireland were probably also double-ended, clinker-built 142
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vesselspropelledbybothsailandoar.Thestyleoftheirconstructiongavethem immense flexibility (i.e. they could flex with the waves) and made them very seaworthy,whiletheirshallowdraught(c.m)enabledthemtotraveldeepup intorivers,estuariesandshallowbays.Theshipswerelightandsturdyandcould be beached and hauled ashore if the weather turned or the crew were intent on attacking a nearby site.The raiding ships could carry a large complement ofmenwiththelargestwarshipsabletocarryinexcessofahundredmenand experimentalarchaeologyhasshownthattheycouldreachspeedsofknotsin veryfavourableconditions,allowingthemtooutrunanyenemiesorsuddenly arrivewithoutwarning.However,theseNordicshipswerenotonlyraiders.The Vikings also developed large, wider-beamed traders which could carry up to thirtytonsofcargowithacrewoftenmenandreachspeedsinexcessoften knots.Thecrewsonboardthesevesselsnavigatedbyknownlandmarksonthe coastandprobablyrarelytravelledbynight.Theirshipsareknowntohavecrossed theAtlanticandtohavereached,attheveryleast,thecoastofGreenland. TherearenumerousearlymedievalannalisticreferencestoVikingshipssinking incoastalwaters.Inadtheannalsrefertoafleetofthirty-twoVikingvessels arrivinginLoughFoyle,Co.Donegaltoaplacewheretheymetwith‘straitsand rocks’.Inad,theannalsrecordthedrowningofVikingsintheirvessels atthemouthoftheRiverErne,Co.Donegal.Whatevertheaccuracyofthese accounts,itmusthavebeenthecasethatsuchshipsoccasionallycametogrief. Undoubtedly,somewherearoundtheIrishcoast,lyinginthesandsofasheltered bay or exposed by the tides on estuarine mudflats, there is the remains of a Vikingship.Whenitisfound,itwillbeoneofthemostimportantdiscoveries made in Irish archaeology. However, for the moment there is no confirmed archaeologicalevidenceforanintactVikingAgeshipinIreland. What Irish archaeologists have found are large number of ships’ timbers, including ships’ planking, keels, stems, knees, stringers, bulkheads and other intricatefloortimbers,aswellasotherelementsfrombroken-upNordic-type ships that have been excavated in medieval Dublin andWaterford ().These timbers basically represent fragments of boats and ships dating from the tenth throughtothethirteenthcenturyad(andalthoughsomearefromlatemedieval structures,theydatetodecadesearlier).Thesetimbersareusuallyeitherrecovered asarticulatedgroups(i.e.boatplanksstillnailedtogether)orasindividualpieces wheretheywereoftendeliberatelyre-usedinmedievalwaterfrontrevetments, drainsandhouses.Indeed,thesestraytimberspaintanevocativepictureofthe manyold,rottinghulksofvesselsthatmusthavebeenlyingontheRiverLiffey’s mudflats,wheretheywouldhavebeenhackedupasthetownspeoplerequired timber for other purposes.Virtually all these timbers came from vessels of the Nordic-type double-ended, clinker-built tradition. Interestingly, they indicate thattherewerevarioussizesofcraftinusearoundHiberno-NorseDublin.Small boats(underminlength)similartotheship’sboatfromGokstad(and) wouldhavebeenusedforfishing,transportandperhapsaslightersformoving 143
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betweenlargershipsandtheshoreline.Therewerealsolargerboatsandshipsthat wouldhavebeenthewarships,tradersandocean-goingvessels. Archaeological excavations in late Hiberno-Norse Waterford have also revealed some similar boat timbers. Nearly all of them were fashioned in the Nordicshipbuildingtradition.Asinglestemfromthebowofashipwasfound and dated to the late twelfth or early thirteenth century. Four or five strakes (boatplanks)wouldhaverunintoitandasmallholeforamooringropewas evidentonit.Thestemprobablyoriginallycamefromasmallfour-oaredboat. Twofloortimberswerefounddatingtothemidtolatetwelfthcentury,again probablycomingfromasmalloaredboat. Someoftheships’timbersalsogiveevidenceformethodsofpropulsion,as there are twelfth-century century oars and paddles, which indicate the use of ship-going craft and a mast step was also found in Dublin, from a large boat usedfortransportandfishing.Nocompletevesselhassurvivedsothereislittle evidence for methods of rigging on the craft (although some small wooden artefactsareinterpretedasitemsusedintyingropes). However,wecanreconstructships’riggingandappearancefromshipgraffiti –simpledepictionsofshipsscratchedintowoodenplanks.Plankingusedinan eleventh-centurydraincoveratWinetavernStreet,Dublinhadsketchesoftwo shipsonit().ThelargersketchshowstheportsideofaNordictypecraft.Ithas ahigh,curvedsternwithasteeringoaronitsstarboardside.Ithasasinglemast withapartiallyloweredyardwithitssailsfurled.Threerigginglinesruneither sideofthemasttotheforwardandaftwhileanarrowtypefeatureontopofthe mastheadmayrepresentaweathervane.Asmalldoubleendedboatliesoffthe sternofthevesselandmustbeatendereitherbelongingtotheboatorservicing it.Asecondboatwasdepictedonasmallerplank.Thisshowsadouble-ended shipwithahighstemandsternwithplankingclearlyshown.Alargecentralmast hasrigginglinesrunningforwardandaft. AshipgraffitofromChristchurchPlacedepictsaclinkerbuiltvesselwithonly oneendvisible().Thevesselhasashortsturdyandblunt-endedpostwhich isunliketheothermoreroundeddepictionsofVikingendtimbers.Thegraffito showsacentralmastwithayardandshowsalittlebeardedmanontopofthe yardfurling(tyingup)thesail.Riggingshroudlinesrunfromtheyardtothe gunwaleofthevessel. SmallboatmodelshavealsobeenfoundduringthecourseoftheHibernoNorse Dublin excavations ().Two were found in twelfth-century levels at WinetavernStreetwhileathirdwasuncoveredinamid-tenth-centurycontext atFishambleStreet.TheselittleshipsareagainclearlyScandinavianincharacter. Oneisalmostcompleteandisadouble-endedboatwitharoundedstemand stern.Bothvesselshaveaholeontheamidshipsfloorwhichwouldhavehelda mastwhileanumberofsmallholesinthehullwereforfixingriggingto.These models were probably used as children’s toys and are paralleled elsewhere in Scandinavia. 144
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Earlymedievalshipre-usedaspartofwaterfrontstructure,WinetavernStreet,Dublin(from O’Sulllivan)
Vikingship graffition plankfrom Winetavern Street(after Christensen ) 145
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VikingshipgraffitionplankfromChristchurchPlace(afterChristensen) 146
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VikingshipmodelfromWinetavernStreet(afterChristensen)
It seems likely that Scandinavian craft would also have been adopted by the native Irish. Certainly, the form of these vessels impinged on the Irish imagination and consciousness in other ways. On several early medieval Irish highcrosses,therearedepictionsofshipsthatareevidentlyScandinavianintype. Amongstotherthings,thesehighcrosses(usuallydatedtothetenthtoeleventh century)thatweresituatedwithinthemonasticenclosurewereprobablyused for educating the faithful, providing observers with illustrations of events and incidents in both the Old and NewTestament.The diverse scenes depicted includeNoah’sArk()andtheoccasionwhenJesussavedPeterfromdrowning ontheSeaofGalilee.Thecarvingsthemselvesusuallyshowashipthatisdoubleended,withroundedhullsandhighstemsandsterns(i.e.aScandinaviantype vessel). Understandably, given that these are depictions on stone, only rarely aretheredetailsofmasts,riggingorsails(althoughthereareoftenpaddlesand steering oars). Despite the fact that these iconographic images are meant to symbolise ships, rather than rigorously record their nautical construction, it is evidentthatthiswasthecontemporaryimageofalarge,ocean-goingvessel.
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Noah’sarkoneastfaceof KillaryCross,Co.Meath(after Harbison)
ahiberno-norsedublinshipthatsankindenmark ThereisalsoarchaeologicalevidenceforNordic-typeshipsbuiltinIrelandthat endedtheirdaysinScandinavia.DendrochronologistsintheNationalMuseum of Denmark in Copenhagen established in the s that one of the famous Skuldelev ships was of Irish origin.The Skuldelev ships were excavated by Danish archaeologists between and in Roskilde Fjord in northern Zealand,oneofthemainislandsoftheDanisharchipelago.ThefiveSkuldelev Vikingshipshadbeendeliberatelysunkinthelateeleventhcenturytoprovide an underwater blockade in a channel leading towards the medieval town of Roskilde.TheSkuldelevshipsconsistedoftwomerchantvessels,afishingboat andtwowarships.Oneofthemerchantships(Skuldelev)wasalargeoceangoingtrader,builtofLarchwoodthathadbeengrowingalongtheshoresofthe Baltic,probablyinsouthofNorway.Thesecondmerchantshipwouldhavebeen involvedininshorework.Therewasalsoasmallferryorfishingboat,aswellas bothalargeandsmallwarship. The most impressive ship was Skuldelev – a large warship or longship. Unfortunately, only c. per cent of the vessel had survived but careful reconstructionoftheship’slinesandsizesuggestthatitisthelargestVikingship yetfound.Skuldelevhadanoveralllengthofmandawidthof.manda 148
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draughtofjustoverm.Theshipwaspropelledbybetweenandoarsand wouldhavecarriedacrewof-men.Itcarriedalargecentralmastwitha sailareacalculatedatm.Itcouldhaveattainedanaveragespeedoffiveknots andachievedbetterspeedsinmorefavourableweatherconditions.Recently,an experimentalreplicaoftheSkuldelevshipwasbuiltandlaunchedatRoskilde, Denmark and initial anecdotal reports suggest that it is startlingly fast.The weaponofmassdestructionofitsage,itsarrivalonanisolatedshorelinewitha complementofwarriorswouldhavestruckterrorintoanyheart. Dendrochronologicalstudieshaveshownthattheshipwasbuiltbetweenad -. Statistical analyses known as dendroprovenancing also reveal that the shipwasbuiltnotofoaksgrowingintheBalticregion,butofoaktreesgrowing ontheeastcoastofIreland.Mostprobably,theSkuldelevwarshipwasbuiltby Hiberno-NorseDublin’sshipbuilders,craftsmenwhowereworkingwithinthe tradition of Scandinavian boat building that had been introduced into Ireland inthetenthandeleventhcenturyad.Ultimatelyoneoftheshipsbuiltinthe ScandinaviantraditioninaDublinboatyardwastomakeitswaytoitsancestral home,endinguponthebedofaDanishfjord.Nodoubt,otherslieonthefloor oftheoceanbetweenIreland,EuropeandNorthAmerica.
navigationandsealore:sailingthesealanesintheearly middleages MostoceanvoyagesintheearlyMiddleAgeswouldhavebeenessentiallylocal,as peoplemovedbackandforthalongthecoastforsocialandeconomicreasons,to trade,fishortravelbetweenislands.However,theseawasalsoofkeyimportancefor longdistancemovementofpeople,goodsandideas,asithadbeensinceprehistory. Ithasbeensuggestedthatintheperiodad-,most‘international’maritime trafficwouldhavebeenuptheIrishSea,withthewesternseaboardofIrelandnot assignificantarouteway,butthismaynothavebeenthecase.Certainly,asSharon Greenehasrecentlydemonstrated,thereisplentyofhistoricalandarchaeological evidencefortheearlymedievalinhabitationofConnacht’sAtlanticislandsandthe movementofshipsalongthewesternseaboard–aswellashintsofconnections rightaroundthenorth-westcoastandtowardsScotland. It is generally considered that early medieval boats would have performed poorly when sailing to windward, so hugging the coastline on long journeys wouldnothavebeenasafeoption.WithintheIrishSea,itislikelythatmost ships would have sailed up along the east Irish coast, avoiding the dangerous coastline of western Britain. This is because the prevailing winds there (as elsewhereinAtlanticEurope)camefromthesouth-westandwoulddrivethe craftoftheperiodontotheleeshoresofsouth-westEnglandandWales.Sailing would also have been a seasonal activity.The best time of the year to set out onalongoceanvoyagewouldhavebeenbetweenAprilandSeptember,when 149
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weather was best and gales were least frequent.Across the Mediterranean and AtlanticEurope,sailingwasgenerallyavoided(apartfromlocalvoyagesonclear days)fromNovembertoMarch. Tidal currents and cycles were also significant environmental factors in decisionsaboutoceanvoyages.JonathanWoodinghaspointedtothefactthat thetidalcurrentsintheIrishSeaarequitecomplex.Thetidesinthesouthwork clockwise, moving up from the south and down from the north.A different system occurs in the seas between Ireland and Scotland. A knowledgeable marinercanthereforeusethemtomoveupanddownthecoastline,workingthe tidesaroundtheIsleofMan,headlands,estuariesandbaysandsoon. Navigationintheearlymedievalperiodwouldhavebeenbydeadreckoning –pointingtheshipinthedesireddirectionandestimatingthedistancescoveredto establishyourlocation.Ashipcouldalsobesteered‘bytherunofthesea’(setting andkeepingtheshiponaconstantdirectioninrelationtotheorientationofthe oceanswell,whichwouldhavefollowedtheprevailingsouth-westwinds). Clouds building up over land masses can also enable recognition to distant islands.Navigationwouldalsohavebeenaidedbytheuseofprominentlandmarks orlandfalls.Alongthecoastofthewesternsealanes(Brittany,northernSpain, IrelandandBritain),headlandsuptomhighcanbeseenfrom.nautical miles, while prominences up to m in height are visible from miles out. ThetravelwriterJonathanRabaninhisbookCoasting,describessailingaround Britain in a yacht and has noted an interesting aspect of the seascapes of our partoftheworld.FromaboutthemiddleoftheIrishSea,itispossibletosee the Isle of Man, Snowdonia in northWales, theWicklow mountains and the Mournemountainsallatonetime.However,itisalsoimportanttoremember thatearlyhistoricmarinerswouldcertainlyhavehappilysailedoutofsightof land,crossingforexamplebetweenGaulandCornwall. By the tenth century ad, we should imagine Hiberno-Norse vessels sailing aroundtheIrishcoastline,fromthenorthdowntothewestandalsoaroundthe south-westcoastfromCorkandWaterford.PlacenamesaroundtheIrishcoast also attest to Norse influenced and perhaps even Hiberno-Norse settlements outsidethemaintowns.PlacenamessuchasStrangford,WexfordandWaterford all derive from Old Norse. Similarly, place names on many of the islands and bays around the Irish coast also indicate these prominent landmarks served as navigationalpointsfortenth-andeleventh-centurymarinerssailingthecoastline, suchasDurseyIslandoffCorkandSmerwickHarbourinKerry.
tradeandexchangealongthewesternsealanes,ad500-800 Ourarchaeologicalevidenceforearlycoastaltradealongthewesternsealanes islargelyprovidedbyimportedpottery,includingeasternMediterraneanRed 150
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SlipWare(A-ware),amphoraepottery(B-wares)andimportedFrenchkitchen vessels(E-ware).Thispotterytendstobefoundonhigh-statussettlements(e.g. Garranes,Co.Corkringfort,LagoreandMoynaghLoughcrannogs,Co.Meath) and on ecclesiastical or monastic enclosures (Reask, Co. Kerry, Nendrum Co. DownandaroundotherplacesonStrangfordLough)evenonrelativelysmall sites(suchasKilpatrick,Co.WestmeathintheIrishmidlands). Thepotterywasnotitselfalwaysthemainfocusoftrade,sometimesitwasa by-productofit,beingdiscardedafteritscontents(wines,foodstuffsordyes)had beenused.However,itisalsolikelythepotsthemselvescametobeperceived ashigh-statusgoods,beingasymbolofprestigeanddistantconnections.Thus potteryvesselswouldhavehadabiography,changinginmeaningduringtheir use.Evenifemptyoftheiroriginalmaterials,theywouldhavebeenassociated withfeastingandexoticfoods,providingamaterialmemoryforyearsafterof wealthandpower.TheimportedwesternEuropeanandMediterraneanpottery ofIrelandandwesternBritainhasbeenstudiedindetailbyarchaeologistssuch asCharlesThomasandEwanCampbellandagoodunderstandingofitsorigins, movementanddatinghasbeenestablished. The earliest imported vessels found in Ireland are Red SlipWares, probably mostlyderivingfromwesternTurkeyintheeasternMediterranean.Thesefine bowlsanddishes,datedtoearlysixthcenturyad,arefoundmostlyinwestWales andsouth-westEngland(e.g.atTintagel,Cornwall).AsinglesherdofPhocaean RedSlipWarewasfoundatGarranesringfort(datingtoaboutad)anda sherdwasalsofoundatGarryduffringfort,Co.Cork.Itislikelythatthesewere merely imported as incidental inclusions in cargoes, along with much more numerousB-wareamphorae. Biwareoramphoraedatetoc.ad-.Theseareglobularvessels(particularly the‘Agora’form),withashortneck,decoratedwithdeeplinesofgroovingina band on the upper part of the amphorae. Bi wares were imported from the Peloponese islands or the Greek mainland. It has been found at Garranes, Co. Cork,DalkeyIsland,Co.DublinandClogher,Co.Tyrone.ItisrareinScotland, butithasbeenfoundatDumbartonRockandWhithorn.Incontrast,itisvery commoninWalesandCornwall(particularlyTintagel).Thepotterythenmostly suggests that the major trading links were between Britain and the eastern Mediterranean,continuingonfromIronAgetradeintinandothercommodities. ThisMediterraneanpotterythenwasbroughttoIrelandinthesixthcenturyad aspartofongoinglinksbetweentheseislands. Thesecondmajorphaseofpotteryimports,thatofE-wares,occurredinthe late sixth and seventh century ad ().These are found in small quantities at manysitesinwesternBritainandIreland.E-wareisafine,greykitchenwareina rangeofstandardforms.E-wareincludeseverted-rimwares,smallbeakers,flared bowlsandstrap-handledjugs.ThemostcommonformsinIrelandarethejars andthebeaker.ThemostlikelysourceofE-wareiswesternFrance,onthebasis ofpetrologicalanalysis,althoughHodgeshassuggesteddifferentsources,suchas 151
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DistributionofE-warepotteryinIrelandandreconstructionofmaritimetraderoutes(after EdwardsandWooding)
AquitaineandIberia.IncontrastwiththeB-wares,thereisclearevidencethat IrelandandScotlandwereinvolvedinthedirectimportationofE-ware,andthe dyestuffs,foods,dill,coriandertheycontained.Itispossiblethattherewasashift incoastaltradetowardsIrelandinthelatesixthandearlyseventhcenturyad. MajorassemblagesofimportedglassbowlsandconesareknownfromBritain and Ireland, particularly from Dalkey Island, Moynagh Lough and Rathtinaun crannogs.Thisglasshastypicallybeendatedtofifthandsixthcenturyad.Itis suggested that its source is northern France/Rhineland. But it is possible that 152
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DalkeyIslandpromontoryfort (MarineInstitute,NationalCoastline Survey)
materialreachedIrelandviaEnglandandsouthWales,ratherthandirectlyfrom theproductioncentre.Itisalsopossiblethatsomeglasswasimportedasscrap, forglassproduction,althoughwholevesselsarealsoknown.AtMoynaghLough, twotinyMerovingianglassvesselsprobablywereusedtotransportunguentsor perfumes. Obviously,allthispottery,glassandmetalworkfromtheGreekIslands,France and northern Europe were brought to Ireland by ships. It seems likely that imported pottery, metalwork and glass was being brought in by small traders, workingtothedemandsofcoastalcommunities.Theearlymedievalsaints’lives occasionally mention foreign ships sailing between Ireland and the continent, usingthetermsbarcatodifferentiatethemfromlocal,inshorevessels(seeabove). IntheearlymedievalperiodaroundtheNorthSeaandtheAtlantic,particular islandsorshelteredlocationsalongthecoastseemtohavebeenusedasplaces where pottery and glass were brought ashore by coastal traders. On the other hand, it may well be that such beach markets were established by maritime traders along the east coast themselves – in co-operation with local elites or withthechurch. 153
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TheearlymedievalcoastalsettlementatDalkeyIsland,Co.Dublinseemsto havebeenoneoftheseplaces().DalkeyIslandisapromontoryfortonthissmall islandonthesouthsideofDublinbay.ItwasexcavatedbyDavidLiversagein thesandproducedevidenceforMesolithic,BronzeAgeandearlymedieval occupation. The early medieval settlement on the island was concentrated on a narrow promontory at the north-west end of the island, adjacent to a natural landing place.The promontory fort was probably built in the sixth or seventhcentury,andprobablysucceededapreviousunenclosedsettlement.The promontoryforthasproducedthelargestamountofimportedpotteryandglass knownfromanysiteinIreland.ItincludesfifthandsixthcenturyBi,Bii,Bmisc. pot shards and sixth- to seventh-century E-ware pottery, glass bowls and glass beakers.ItisunlikelythatDalkeyIslandwasahighstatussettlementsite;neither the enclosure or finds evidence would indicate this. However, Dalkey Island wouldhavebeenidealforatradingplace.ItwasstrategicallysituatedontheIrish Seamaritimeroutewaysandwasalsolocatedonanoffshoreislandonthesouth sideofDublinBay,whereitcouldhaveservedasasafeandsecurelandingplace formerchantsworkingundertheprotectionofalocalking. E-warepotteryisalsofoundelsewhereupalongtheIrishSeacoast.Recent archaeological excavations at Ninch, Co, Meath – to the south of the Boyne estuary–haveproducedsomeE-wareassociatedwithamulti-period,enclosed settlementonthiscoastalsite,implyingtheuseofnaturallandingplacesalong theIrishSeacoastline. ThelargestconcentrationofE-wareontheIrishSeacoastisfoundaround Strangford Lough, Co. Down.This pottery may have been introduced into theterritoryofthelocalDálFiatachviathesmallislandofDunnyneillIsland, situatedatthesouthernendofthelough,oppositeitsentranceandthemouth of the Quoile estuary. Finbar McCormick and Phillip McDonald’s recent archaeological excavations on Dunnyneill Island indicated the presence of an early medieval enclosure, E-ware pottery, Mediterreanean and Anglo-Saxon glass,aswellasevidenceforhigh-statusfeasting,iron-working,copper-working andglass-working.ItislikelythenthatDunnyneillIslandwasbothahigh-status seasonallyoccupiedisland,aswellasabeachtradingstation,andwasprobably alsoalocationforfeastingandentertainment. Both Dalkey Island and Dunnyneill Island as offshore, marine islands could alsobeseenasusefullyneutralplaces(indeed,thisisimpliedinanearlymedieval annalisticreferencetoaroyalpoliticalencounteronInisnaRigh,anotherIrish Sea island on the north Dublin coast, which is described as being usefully ‘neitherseanorland’andthencecapableofbeingusedfornegotiatingapolitical agreement).Earlymedievaltradeandexchangewasstructuredaroundgiftgiving andreciprocity,soitislikelythatlocalkingsorothersecularelitessentemissaries outtotheseislands(orwentoutthemselves)tomeetGaulishtraders,exchanging theirownlocallysourcedhides,slavesorothergoodsforforeignpottery,glass and exotic foods.These exotic goods could then have been brought back to 154
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the royal residence for redistribution to royal kin and clients in local political territories.
maritimetradeandexchangeinthetenthtotwelfth centuriesad Bythetenthcenturyad,Irelandwasdrawnagainintoanothermaritimetrading network, but now with a focus on the NorthAtlantic. In particular, the Irish SeahadbecomeamajorAtlanticseaway,servingastheaxisforsea-goingtrade and exchange between the Mediterranean and northern Europe. Dublin was a particularly significant stopping point or port on the east-west route way between early medieval Europe and the Scandinavian colonies of the Faroes, IcelandandGreenland.WecanseetheroleofboththenativeIrishandDublin VikingsintheNorthAtlanticbythefrequentreferenceintheIcelandicsagas toIrishslavesandwomen,whilethediscoveryofIrishtyperingedpinsatthe tenth-centuryNorsesettlementatL’AnseAuxMeadowsalsoindicatesthefar flungmaritimeconnectionsbetweenIrelandandelsewhere. Strongly influenced by contemporary annalistic references toViking raids, mostmodernscholarstendtoemphasiseviolence,fleetsofwarshipsandraiding aroundIrishcoastalwatersintheninthcenturyad.However,itislikelythatother, perhapsevenpeaceable,typesofactivitiesthatwentundertheradarofmonastic scribes were also going on. It is possible that Scandinavian rural settlements suchastheCherrywood,Co.DublinsiteoreventheDublinlongphortofad , were the residences of Scandinavian men and women engaged in trade, manufacturingandruralagriculturallabour. However, particularly striking is the development of Hiberno-Norse ports andharboursfromthetenth centuriesonwardsinDublin,Wexford,Waterford, CorkandLimerick.Alltheseportsappeartohavelocatedatplacesthathada numberofsuitabletopographicfeaturesandlandscapecharacteristics;proximity tothecoast,situationonlargenaturalhavensattheconfluenceofrivers.These locationswouldalsohaveprovidednaturaldefence,shelteredbythesurrounding topography and the river barriers and with a ready escape route to the sea. Theseportswereoftenattheboundariesofexistingexpansivesocio-economic and political hinterlands and also provided ready access to a wide and varied hinterland.This is especially true when one considers the mobility that the surroundingseascapesgavetheseScandinavianpeoples. Inanycase,bythetenthandeleventhcenturyad,Dublinwasoneofthemost importanttradingportsinAtlanticEurope(),withitsownshipsbeingthekey to trade and commerce with the Baltic, Mediterranean and Russia. Between ad -, Dublin had trading links withYork, Scandinavia, Anglo-Saxon EnglandandotherpartsofIreland.Goldandsilveringotsandalargenumberof importedcoinsindicatetheimportanceoftradewithEngland,particularlythe 155
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MapofVikingDublinandtheAtlantictraderoutes(afterGraham-Campbell)
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Chesterarea,andwiththenorth-westofFrance.Thepresenceofwalrusivory (available only in theArctic circle), soapstone vessels and amber indicates that trade was maintained with Scandinavia while the discovery of silks show that DublinwaspartofatradingnetworkwhichstretchedasfarastheSilkRoad toChina.SilvercoinsfromSamarkand,TaskentandBaghdad,Iraqhaveallbeen foundinDublin. WhatwasDublinexporting?Almostcertainly,thetown’smajorexportswere wool,hidesandslaves(asslaverywastobethesourceofBristol’sandLiverpool’s wealth in the post medieval period). Some slaves were probably obtained in raids, but the most common way of obtaining slaves was by trade. In early medievalIreland,thelivesofcaptivestakeninbattlewereforfeittothevictors. Ifthecaptiveswerenotaristocraticandcapableofpayingaransom,itwasmore profitable to sell the captives as slaves, than it was to kill them.The majority ofindividualsintheDublinslavemarketsthenwereprobablypurchasedfrom onevictoriousIrishkingoranother.Irelandwasnottheonlysourceofslaves. England,ScotlandandWalessuppliedtheirshare.Indeedeveninthesthe merchantsofDublinwerecondemnedforsellingEnglishChristiansintoslavery inIreland.Slaveswerebroughtfromfurtherafieldaswell.Thefirstreferenceto ablackman,aduinegorm(literally,a‘blueman’),inIrelandoccursintheViking AgewhenitisassumedhewasaMoorcapturedfromSpainorMorocco–but perhapshewasoneofIreland’searliestAfricanimmigrants?
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6
Gaelic lordships, Anglo-Norman merchants and late medieval mariners, AD 1100-1550 introduction ThearrivaloftheAnglo-Normansinheraldedthebeginningsofaperiod of landscape, economic and social change in Ireland. In a matter of years the newlyarrivedcolonistsfromEnglandandWaleshadexertedextensivemilitary andpoliticalcontrolovermuchofthecountry.Thiswasbroughtaboutthrough aprocessofmilitarysubjugationandextensivelandredistribution.Anessential feature of this process was the development of a network of settlements, fortifications and communication arteries. Existing coastal urban centres were reinvigoratedwhilenewportsandsettlementsweredeveloped. Therewasalsoalargeincreaseintheamountoftradeandmaritimemercantile activity along the coasts marked by an investment in waterfront facilities and newboatandshiptypes.Theprimarydifferencebetweenthisperiodandthe preceding centuries was the formalisation of this activity and the influence centralised controlling mechanisms had. Individual and collective entrepreneurialismwasaguidingfactorandprovidedmuchoftheculturalandpolitical impetus for this change, while this change can be recognised primarily along theeasternandsouthernseaboards;alargedegreeofcontinuitywithpreceding centuriescanalsoberecognisedoutsideofthemajorportareas. Traditional historical and archaeological studies have tended to stress the national-scale changes but have mostly ignored continuing socio-economic activityatalocallevel.Coastalandfishingcommunitiescontinuedtofunction and develop along parts of the coast and operated within their own intrinsic local worlds.The sea, coast and physical locality of these communities helped mouldtheirlocalidentitiesbuttheseaalsobroughtexternalinfluenceswhich provided a broader sense of extended place and belonging, firmly positioning theislandofIrelandwithinthesocialrealmoftheAtlanticsphereofinfluence. 159
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The sea throughout the medieval period acted then as a facilitator and as a constantincoastallifewaysandexperience.
latemedievalcoastalsettlementlandscapes Anglo-Normanmaritimecastlesandmottes The initial years of the colony see a concerted attempt to fortify and protect thecoast.Thishastobeseeninthecontextofthecreationofacoastalfrontier, not necessarily in the military sense but in an economic one.The success of thecolonydependedonitsabilitytoremainaviableeconomicenterprise.In order to achieve this, theAnglo-Normans needed to maintain the ability to keeptheircommercialborderopen.Increatinganetworkoffortificationsalong the broader eastern seaboard they were ensuring that they had ready and safe accesstothecommunicationnetworksoftheIrishSeaandthattheirmodesof communicationandtraderemainedopenandsecuretoEnglandandWales. Theeastandsouth-eastcoastlinecouldthenberegardedastheeconomicspine ofthecountry,aroleitcontinuedtoplayformuchofthesecondMillennium ad. The initial construction of a coastal D-shaped ringwork at Ferrycarrig, Wexford,canbeseenastheerectionofaninitialbridgeheadintothecountryin -bytheAnglo-Normanforcesofincursion.Ringworksareseenhereas irregularshapedenclosures,oftensemi-circular,whicharesimilarinmorphology totherath/ringfortbutaresubstantiallymoredefensive.Theyareoftenlocated at cliff edges and have stone-built entrance features and a deep surrounding ditch.Their position within knownAnglo-Norman manors is usually a solid indicatoroftheiroriginalhistory.Othercoastalringworksarewellknownfrom aroundthecountryincludingthesiteatDunnamarkintheCarewmanoratthe headofBantryBay().Itislikelythatfarmoreofthesesitesareinexistencein acoastalcontextbuthaveyettoberecognised.Thesesiteswouldinitiallyhave functionedascoastalgarrisonserectedtoprovideamilitarybaseforinvasionand settlementrelatedactivities. Theerectionofcoastalmottes,thedistinctiveAnglo-Normanartificialmound fortificationswithtimberpalisadesandbuildingserectedonthesummit,along theeastcoasthasbeenseeninasimilarvein().Inparticulartheconcentration of coastal mottes along the County Down coast can be seen as an initial consolidation of the seaboard of the Earldom of Ulster, following John De Courcy’sincursionsintothenorth-eastin.Traditionally,thesetype-siteshave beenviewedpurelyfromaterrestrialperspective,regardedasthefortifications oflocalgarrisonserectedtoprotectthestrategicinterestsoftheAnglo-Norman advance and to subdue local populations. However, more detailed site specific survey shows that these sites also played a significant maritime role including monitoringshippingactivity,commandinglandingplacesandcontrollingaccess intothehinterland. 160
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Dunnamarkringwork,Co.Cork
TheDownmottes,suchasDonaghadeeandBallyhalbert,arelocatedatthe fewestablishedlandingplacesalongthiscoastandaremostlyinter-visible,and thus allow for inter-site communication.They overlook the primary shipping lanes and route ways in the northern part of the Irish Sea and are sited so as to be able to observe the movement of marine traffic and control landfall. Kilcliefmotte,forexample,ispositionedclosetoasandybeachatasheltered embaymentatthemouthofStrangfordLough.Theirpositionatlandfallsalso meant that they controlled access to the hinterland and played an important governing role in accessing terrestrial communication routes.The density of Down sites is not necessarily reflected elsewhere in the country and may be reflectiveofthethreatthatScottishandGaelic-Irishshippingposedtothenewly establishedUlstercolony.Excavationsatanumberofthesesiteshasuncovered themilitaristicfunctionsofthesitesandexposedtheeverydaylifestyleoftheir inhabitants.Alargequantityofshellfishwasrecoveredfromtheexcavationsat themotteatCloughincludingcockles,scallops,periwinkles,musselsandoysters. ChrisLynn’sexcavationsattheraisedrath/motteatRathmullan,alsoinDown, revealedextensiveexploitationofforeshoreshellfishresourcesespeciallyinthe periodpostad. 161
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Ballyhalbertmotteandsurroundinglandscape
The construction of a number of coastal stone castles can be seen in a relatedcontext.TheAnglo-Normanlordsneededtocreatecentresofpower and administration or capita. Large stone castles served this function, and became the focus for political and socio-economic activity in the landscape. Againmanyofthesesiteshaveaspecificallycoastalcontext.Thelargecastle at Carrickfergus dominates what is now known as Belfast Lough (). It is positioned at a natural harbour with safe approaches and anchorages and becomes a convenient port for marine traffic in the north Irish Sea area.A number of other significant castles were constructed in similar commanding maritimelocations.KingJohn’scastleatCarlingford,Co.Louthwasbuiltin acommandingpositiononthesouthernshoresoftheadjacentsealough.It was probably built in the early part of the thirteenth century with a twintowered gateway and four square towers on its curtain wall. A settlement developed immediately to the south-east of the castle which was later to be walled.A royal castle was erected at Limerick on the southern shores of the River Shannon again in the early part of the thirteenth century.This seems tohavebeenbuiltonanearlierfortificationandcommandstheheadofthe Shannon estuary and an important crossing point on the river. In the early years of the fourteenth century Richard de Burgh built a large castle, again 162
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Carrickfergus castle,Co.Antrim c.
withasubstantialtwin-toweredgatehouse,overlookingtheentrancetoLough Foyle.This was a significant gateway into the north-west and its associated territories. The construction of these edifices at these locations attempts to do a numberofthings.Theovertvisibilityandpresenceofthesitesdemonstrates dualexpressionsofpowerandcontrolovertheseasandsurroundingterrestrial landscape.These castles commanded this landscape interface, between land and sea, and were built to accommodate militaristic and mercantile control overthepeoplewholived,workedandvisitedtheirenvirons.Theyactedas architectural connectors between two very different environments and as a physicalconduitforthemovementofpeopleandgoodsthroughbothzones. Theywerebuilttophysicallyprotecttheirrespectiveharboursandtocontrol bothmarineandterrestrialaccesstothem.Inmanycasestheyalsoactedas catalystsforurbandevelopment.Certainlybyaplannedtownhadbeen established around the castle at Carlingford.This process serves to highlight the Normans’ primary interest in developing economic infrastructure followingconquest.
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gaelicirishandanglo-normantowerhouses Bythefifteenthcentury,ifnotbefore,anewtypeofbuilding,commonlycalled atowerhouse,wasevidentthroughouttheIrishcountrysideandalongthecoast. Considerabledebatesurroundstheoriginsandearliestdatesofthesebuildings which can be described as stone-built rectangular towers with three to five storeys.A number are enclosed by a bawn wall and many are associated with arangeofotherbuildings.TowerhousesarefoundacrossIrelandwithnotable concentrations found in the good agricultural land of north Munster and the midlands.Notablecoastalconcentrationsarefoundintheeastcoastportsand ontheDownandeastAntrimcoasts.Anumberoftowerhousesarealsofound along the western seaboard where they appear to have been the residence of choiceoftheleadingmembersoftheGaelic-Irishlordships. It is important to make the point that tower houses were not just rural monumentsbutwerealsoacommonfeatureoftheurbancoastaltowns.Inthese contexts it is more tempting to view the urban tower houses of the ports of Carrickfergus,Ardglass,CarlingfordandDalkeyasresidencesofthemercantile class.Thesurvivalofanumberoftowerhousesinthedesertedmedievalcoastal townofClonminesisstronglyindicativeofthisfunction.Wehavemuchstillto learnaboutthesemonumentsandtheirrolewithintheirrespectivelandscapes. There has been considerable generalisation contained in the literature about theirhistoryandfunctionbutincreasinglylocalstudiesaregeneratingamore rounded and in-depth understanding of their histories. It is only through the placementofsiteswithintheirlocalandregionalpolitical,socio-economicand environmental context that we can begin to truly understand their role, form andfunction.AtCarlingford,theywereobviouslysituatedandorientedtowards thesea–andtheprobablefishcatchesthatwerehauleduponthewaterfront. We need to think less about these buildings as being military in function, or solelyfordisplayofpowerandsocialstatus.Theyshouldalsobeseenasworking buildings, oriented towards marine economies. It is becoming increasingly obviousthatthetowersweremulti-functionalstructuresthatprovidedadegree ofsecurityandadomesticcentreforlord,landownerormerchant.Theywould haveactedasadministrative,mercantileandpoliticalcentresofactivityandwere anovertexpressionoflordlyandeconomicpresenceinthelandscape.
maritimeregionalperspectivesonlatemedievaltowerhouses Aregionalcoastalapproachisofrelevancehere.MoiraNíLoingsigh’sassessmentof thetowerhousesintheO’DonnelllordshipofDonegalshowedthattheyarealmost exclusivelylocatedbythesea,adjacenttosuitablelandingplaces,andwereinvolved in fishery and communications. Rathmullan, Rathmelton and Doe are located besidenaturalharbourswhileInch,FahanandBalynessaresitedonnaturallandings. 164
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O’Malleyfamily memorialplaqueon ClareIsland,Co.Mayo (DEHLG)
OntheMayocoasttheO’MalleytowerhousesatKlidawnet,ClareIslandand Clew Bay in Mayo also control harbours and natural anchorages (). Below thesethegalleysoftheO’Malleys,oftenreputedtohavebeenpirates,wouldlie atanchorinsafeandshelteredwaters. A regional study of the tower houses on the Beara and Iveragh Peninsulas, associatedwiththeO’SullivanBeareandtheO’SullivanMórGaeliclordships respectively,clearlyconstitutedtheresidencesofthelordsofthelordships.They wereinvariablysitedatsuitableharboursandlandingplacesandwerepositioned tocontrolbothterrestrialandmarinecommunicationsandmovement.Dunboy castle,forexample,ispositionedimmediatelyadjacenttoanaturalshelteredinlet andoverlooksthemainentranceintoBearehaven. ThefortificationsinCastlehavenandBaltimore,Co.Corkunderthecontrol oftheO’Driscolls,aresimilarlysited,andappeartohavecontrolledanchoragein particular.ThiswasespeciallyimportantonthewestCorkcoastwherethereare fewareasforvesselstoshelterandlieatanchorduringperiodsofheavyweather. 165
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Theuseofthetermcontrolisimportantandisnottakenheretoimplythatthe towerhouseswereheavilyarmedwithcannonetc.,butratherimpliesthatthey wereabletocommandgoodvistasoverthesurroundingseawaysandmonitor andorganisethelandingofpeopleandgoods.Thiscontrolmanifesteditselfina numberofdifferentways,butwascentredontheplacingofleviesandextracting tributesfromforeignfishingfleetsworkinginthewatersoffIreland.Levieswere notonlyinmonetaryformbutalsotooktheformofgoods.Theacquisitionof wineforinstancewasespeciallyvalued. AnumberoftowerhousesatStrangfordLoughinCountyDownrepresent individual entrepreneurial enterprises outside of the existing urban centres. Ringhaddy castle was taken by Byran McArt in and established it as a base for trade with Scotland (). Eight years later the castle underwent extensiverepairbeforepassingtoJamesHamilton.Thecastlewasideallysuited tocommandanaturaldeepshelteredanchorage.Itwassitedclosetoanatural submarine drop-off so vessels could almost come directly below the walls of thecastletoloadandunload.Thestonefoundationsofanoriginalstonejetty areevidentontheforeshorebelowthecastle.Thisconsistsoftwoparallelstone linearfeaturesrunningbelowthehighwatermarkwhichwouldhaveformed basalsupportforatimbersuperstructure.Anareaofcobblingsurvivesadjacentto thestructure,whichwouldhavefunctionedasa‘hard’orlaidsurfacetosupport shore-basedactivities.Aseriesofstepsleadupfromthehardtothecastlewall.
Ringhaddycastle,Co.Down
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Anunderwatersurveyatthesiterecoveredstructuralstonelyingontheseabed belowthecastle.Thisstonewasprobablyassociatedwiththerefurbishmentof thecastleattheendofthesixteenthcenturyandmayhavebeenlostoverboard whileunloadingatthejetty.Findsofseventeenth-centuryEnglishpotteryand glassreflecttradingactivityatthesitewhiletherecoveryofmusketballstestifies toitsturbulenthistory. Individual maritime trading enterprise is also reflected at Mahee Castle furthernorthonthewestcoastofStrangfordwherethesurvivalofanextensive waterfront appears to be related to the enterprises of an English Captain, Thomas Brown. Brown obtained a lease from Bishop Merriman in and subsequently built a tower-house at a cost of marks.The remains of an extensive waterfront complex are evident on the foreshore directly beneath the castle.The remains can be divided into two separate sectors.The eastern sector of the complex consists of two substantial boulder lines, m long, representing the foundations of a quay running parallel to the channel.Vessels couldcomealongsidethisstructureathighwaterandliealongsideoncethetide ebbed.
latemedievalcoastalvillages Towerhousessurviveasthedominantarchitecturalexpressionofthesettlement types and living conditions of the upper social stratas in late medieval society. They were the residences, dwellings and administrative bases for merchants, lords and minor gentry.Their physical survival in the landscape, however, has thepotentialtofalselysuggestthattheseweretheonlysettlementformsevident in the later medieval landscape. Many other people lived at or near the coast butdidnothavethefinancesorpoliticalpresencetoaffordthesebuildings.It isclearfromthecartographic,historicalandarchaeologicalevidencethatthere was a range of late medieval settlement forms on the coastline.These varied from large urban port communities, settlement clusters surrounding coastal tower houses, fishing and farming villages, to small groups or single dwelling homesteads. There are a number of historical records relating to these maritime communitiesincludingalistingintheCloynePipeRoll c.thatrecordsa numberoffishermenasholdingcottagesatBallycottoninEastCork.Captain Cuellar’saccountofhissurvivalinfromashipwreckoftheSpanishArmada makesreferencetoGaelic-IrishvillagenearStreedaghStrandontheSligocoast consistingofanumberofhutsof‘straw/coarsegrass’.AnaccountofaSpanish officer during the course of the siege at Kinsale refers to similar type dwellingsatCastlehavenontheWestCorkcoastline.Hedescribedthelandas ‘mountainous and without trees … all I can see are straw huts and these are small’. 167
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Ballynacallagh settlementclusteron DurseyIsland,Co.Cork
ColinBreen’srecentarchaeologicalexcavationsonDurseyIsland,Co.Corkoff thesouth-westcoastofIrelandinvestigatedasettlementclusteroflatemedieval date associated with the Gaelic maritime lordship of the O’Sullivan Beare. Hereatleastsixlatemedievalhousesitesarelocatedonthewater’sedgebelow a th-century earthen artillery fortification ().The remains consist of the stonefootingsofrectangularstructureswithopposingdoorwaysandaninternal division.Interestingly,thematerialculturerecoveredfromoneofthehousesites was dominated by Iberian pottery wares and roof tiles, probably indicative of the extensive contact the local people had with visiting Spanish fishing fleets. Asimilarlatemedievalsettlementclusterwithtwelvevisiblehousefoundations isvisibleattheshelteredinletofCuanlough,westofAllihies,Co.Corkwhile excavations in the grounds of Bantry House, Co. Cork have uncovered the remainsofasmalllatemedievalvernacularhousebytheshoresofBantryBay, beneaththeremainsofalatersixteenth-centuryplantationsettlement. 168
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A late medieval settlement cluster at Bray,Valentia Island, off the Iveragh Peninsula,Co.Kerryisalsoofinterest.Thissite,previouslymentionedinthelast chapter,consistsofacomplexgroupofhut-sites,buildings,corn-dryingkilnand earthworkswhichdatefromacrosstheearlymedievaltolatemedievalperiods. ThesitehasbeensubjecttoarchaeologicalinvestigationsbyAlanHaydenand ClaireWalsh throughout the s. In the late MiddleAges, it seems to have been a village-like settlement that survived up until the seventeenth century. Certainly,avillagecalledCrompeolisshownatthislocationonamapdatedto c..TheBraylatemedievalvillagenowconsistsofamlong‘street’with sevenhouseplatformswhichinturnoverliehighmedievalploughfurrows.In oneofthesehouseplatformswasexcavated,revealingarectangularstonebuilt building measuring .m by .m internally.The building had a central hearthwithopposingentrancesandunderfloorstone-lineddrains.Nomention ismadeofitsrooftype.Radiocarbondatingfromthisprimaryflooroccupation levelhasproducedadateofbetweenad-.Thehousewaslatersubdivided into two rooms and a second two-roomed structure was built against it.Artefacts from these secondary deposits included a sherd of fourteenth- to seventeenth-century Low Countries Redware. Further investigations carried outinthevicinityuncoveredtheremainsofafurtherrectangularstone-walled house,datedtothelatemedievalperiodonastratigraphicbasis.TheBraylate medieval village was located in a spectacular maritime setting, and no doubt therewasamaritimeelementtoitseconomy.
latemedievalpromontoryforts Theoccupationofpromontoryfortsduringthelatermedievalperiodhasrarely beenconsideredalthoughmorerecentworkhasshownthatsomepromontory fortswereoccupiedwellaftertheearlymedievalperiod.SinceT.J.Werstropp’s surveys, it has been clear that promontory forts were subject to continual occupationandactivityovermanycenturies.Fourteenpromontoryfortshave been identified in North Kerry, four of which were‘re-fortified’ with castles or other stone structures in the late medieval period (Ballybunnion, Doon, Pookeenee and Brown’s Castle) while two further examples (Meenogahane and Clashmelcon) show potential evidence of later medieval settlement (). Of course without excavated evidence we cannot be sure whether these sites underwent‘re-fortification’orwerenewconstructsinthelatermedievalperiod. Meenoghanehasfoursub-rectangularhutsitesinitsinteriorwhileClashmelcon has two internal rectangular hut sites measuring .m by .m and .m by .m respectively.We cannot naturally assume that these hut sites are high or late medieval in date without excavated evidence, but it does appear from comparative and excavated data generated elsewhere in the country that this maybethecase. 169
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Latemedievalcastleon promontoryoverlookingsea lanesoffRathlinIsland,at Kinbane,Co.Antrim(Aidan O’Sullivan)
Eight promontory forts have been identified on the Iveragh Peninsula, Co. Kerry.Reencaheraghhasextensivelatemedievalremainswhichincludea.m section of stone wall incorporating a two-storey gatehouse which cuts off the promontory.The gatehouse has a doorway with a rounded archway, indicative of a fifteenth-to sixteenth-century date on the basis of comparative structural detailelsewhereinthesouth-west,andtwoassociatedlights.Theremainsofthe sod-coveredfoundationsofarectangularhousestructurearepresentsouthofthis feature. Its general morphology, opposing entrances and position within a late medievalmonumentwouldallstronglyarguefortheassignationofalatemedieval dateforthisstructure.AsecondpromontoryatCoolEastshowspotentiallater medievalintheformofapairofconjoinedhutsthatareroughlysquarebuiltwith drystonewalls.Thesehutssharesomecomparativestructuralfeatureswiththelate medievalhousesitesdocumentedbyAlanHaydenonValentiaIsland. The CorkArchaeological Survey has identified forty-one promontory forts inWest Cork, five of which are doubtful. Nine of these were witness to later medieval activity ranging from the re-fortification of a headland through to the construction of a tower house. Of three promontories excavated in west Cork by the late Prof. Michael O’Kelly of University College Cork in the s,DooneendermotmorewestofToeHeadisespeciallyinteresting.O’Kelly approached the excavation under the presumption that the site was IronAge indate.However,noprimarydatingevidencewasfound,indeednoevidence of IronAge activity was found at all. Instead the excavator suggested that the promontory ditch was‘recut’ in late medieval times in the sixteenth century onthebasisoftheevidenceavailable,whenitwasoccupiedforan‘appreciable time’.Thesitewaspositionedonanexposedneckoflandseparatedfromthe mainland by a very narrow promontory.A stone wall ran across the entrance tothesite, c.-.mwideandstoodtoaheightofjustover minthe s. Excavationsintheinterioruncoveredtheremainsofalatemedievalstone-built 170
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house and extensive artefactual evidence for occupation over a - year period.Theremainsofrooftimberswerealsouncoveredalongwithaquantity ofroofingslate.Muchoftheartefactualevidencefromthefortisindicativeofa latersixteenth-toseventeenth-centuryoccupation.Dooneendermotmorethen isperhapsanexampleofapromontoryfortthatwasoccupiedandprobablyeven builtinthelatemedievalperiod.
latemedievalfishinginireland TheroleofIreland’sfisheries FishingrepresentedoneofthemajorindustriesoflatermedievalIrelandyetits roleisoftenunderstated.Muchofthisisduetothelowvisibilityofsurviving archaeologicalmaterialrelatingtothisactivity.Visitingfishingfleets,regardlessof theirsize,leaveonlyapartialdistinctivematerialrecordbehind.Thetechnology relatingtooffshorefishingisalsofarlesstangiblethanagriculturalorindustrial activity.Yet we know from historical records and from an increasing body of archaeological evidence that these fisheries were very productive during the fifteenthandsixteenthcenturies.FynesMorysonwroteintheearlypartofthe seventeenthcenturythat‘nocountryismoreabundantwithfish,aswellassea fishinthefrequentharboursanduponallthecoastsaswellasfreshwaterfish, especiallyexcellenttroutinthefrequentriversandbrooks’. AgovernmentofficialinIrelandwroteinaboutafleetofEnglishvessels fishingHerringatCarlingford,whileinitwasreportedthatoverSpanish vesselswerefishingofftheIrishcoast.Thepresenceofsuchextensivefishstocks provedparticularlyattractivetomerchantsandfishermenfromabroad.Thiswas notachanceoccurrence.Certainfishstockslikeherringareverysusceptibletothe slightestchangeintheoceanographicconditions.Aslightriseinwatertemperature for example will lead to a significant increase in stocks. Recent oceanographic researchfromNorwayisthenofdirectrelevancetothisstudy.Hereresearchers identifiedawarmperiodfromadtothathadthehighestbottom-water temperaturesintheNorthAtlanticduringthelastyears.Theriseinwater temperaturesinthemiddleofthefourteenthcenturyalsoappearstosignalthestart ofaburgeoningfishingindustryinIreland.Fromthisperiodonwardscontinental fishingfleetsbegintoarriveoffthecoastandbeginthesystematicexploitationof thefisheryresource.ItisthennocoincidencethatfishingportslikeArdglassbegin toflourishrightaroundthecoastofIrelandatthistime. The archaeological evidence for this type of fishing activity is always going to be difficult to quantify.While it may have involved hundreds of ships and boats at any one time traditional terrestrial approaches will be unlikely to uncoveranysignificantorreadilyidentifiablematerial.Thisisrelatedtothefact thatthefishcatcheswouldberarelybroughtashoreandwereprobablystored and processed on board the vessels.The fishermen would have come ashore 171
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occasionallytotakefreshsuppliesandpossiblycarryoutrepairstotheirnetsand boatsbutthistypeofactivityleaveslittleevidenceinthearchaeologicalrecord. Along the western seaboard the Gaelic lordships were extensively involved in fishingactivity.InDonegaltheO’Donnellswereknownasthe‘lordsofthefish’ giventheirassociationwiththefisheriesoffthenorth-westcoast.Elsewherein the south-west the extensive European pottery recovered from excavations at DunboycastleinwestCorkmustbeclearlyindicativeofinteractionbetween the Gaelic lordship and visiting fleets and similar analysis of material cultural evidencefromotherexcavatedsitesmaybenefitfromthistypeofexamination. ThewaresincludedSaintongewarefromcentralwesternFrance,datingtothe first half of the sixteenth century as well as a number of sherds of sixteenthcenturyNorthFrenchwareandFrenchstoneware.AsmallnumberofValencian lustre-warevesselsdatingfromthelatefifteenthandearlysixteenthcenturieswas alsorecoveredaswellasa‘largenumberofunglazedearthenware’,whichmay beofSpanishoriginanddatedtothesameperiod.SherdsofFrenchBellarmine stoneware, South Dutch maiolica and some Chinese Ming, all dating to the sixteenthcenturywerealsopresent.Otherindicationsoffishingactivitiescanbe gotfromthelocationofvesselsengagedinthisactivity,investigationsofdebris fieldsassociatedwithanchoragesandanexaminationoflandingplaces.
Seventeenth-centuryfolioofBaltimore,Co.Cork(SheffieldArchiveswwmstrp20/100: 8/388/6) 172
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ThehistoricalevidencewouldappeartoindicatethatfishingalongtheGaelic seaboard was largely carried out by visiting fleets with minimal involvement fromthelocalpopulations.Localgroupswereprobablylimitedtosmalllocalised fishingandtotheoverallcontroloftheoperations.Anindicationofhowthiswas carriedoutcomesfromanInquisitionthattookplaceinintotheextentof theholdingsoftheneighbouringO’DriscollsofBaltimoreandRoaringWater Bay().ThisdocumentoutlinesingreatdetailhowtheO’Driscollsoperated andgainedmonetarilyfromvisitingfishingfleets.Theychargedeachshipfour pencesterlingtoanchorintheshelteredanchorageinBaltimoreSound,while fishing boats were charged an additional nineteen shillings, a barrel of flour andsalt,ahogsheadofbeerandadishoffishthreetimesaweekforuseofthe fishinggroundsandanchorage.Additionally,ifthecrewweretobringthecatch ashorefordryingona‘rock’thentheyweretobechargedsixpenceandeight shillings.IntermsofprovisioningthefleetO’DriscollMórchargedeightpence forevery‘beefthey[visitingcrews]kill…andforeverysheepandpigthatis killedlikewiseonepenny’.InadditionO’Driscollwasentitledtoreceivefour gallonsofeverybuttofwinelandedintheareaandallgoodsimportedintothe areahadfirstlytobeofferedtohimatalowerrate.Allofthesetariffsandother licensing rules were enforced by galleys belonging to the lord and through a weeklycourtheldatBaltimore.
latemedievalfishtrapsontheshannonestuary Thelastchapterhasdemonstratedtheimportanceandusageofforeshorefishing engines in the early medieval period. This activity continued uninterrupted across and into the medieval period, a clear indication of the continuity of maritimetraditionsaroundthecoast.TheworkoftheDiscoveryProgramme’s North Munster Project in the Shannon Estuary has revealed a large number ofmedievalfishtrapsontheDeelandFergusEstuariesinsouthcountyClare. While many of these structures may have been directly associated with the NormanmanorsatAskeatonandBunratty,itislikelythattherewasGaelicIrish involvement,especiallyintheactualworkingofthetraps.Theserelicsoffishing werefoundonthemarginsofGaelicterritoriesandsettlementsoftheO’Briens andtheMacNamarasandmusthavebenefitedbothcommunities. LateMedievalfishtrapshavealsobeenlocatedonthemudflatsoftheDeel estuary,offthesiteofaknownmedievalcastleatBallynash,Co.Limerick (). Thiscomplexwentthroughcontinuousrepairandphasesofconstruction.Deel estuary,datedtoad-isasmallV-shapedfishtrapandhasalreadybeen describedabove.AlaterfishtrapatDeelestuaryliesdirectlytothesouthand isverysimilarinconstructionandorientation.Itwasbuiltusingalineofposts erectedonanorth-east/south-westorientationandmeasuringuptoeightmetres invisibleorexposedlength.Thishasbeenradiocarbondatedtoad-. 173
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MedievalfishtrapatBunratty,ShannonEstuary,Co.Clare(fromO’Sullivan)
Athird,similarwoodenfenceatDeelestuaryissituatedyetfurthertothesouth andhasbeendatedtoad-.Theevidencesuggeststheconstructionand renewal of fish traps in the area at some time between the eleventh and the fourteenthcenturiesad.TheDeelestuaryfishtrapsaresmallstructures,andare likelytohavebeenusedtocatchfishforthelocalsontheshoreline,ratherthan foralarge,urbanpopulation. Late medieval fish traps have also been recorded on the Shannon estuary mudflats adjacent to the site of theAnglo-Norman borough of Bunratty, Co. Clare().In ,anAnglo-NormanmanorwasestablishedatBunratty,ata strategic location on the north bank of the estuary. In , historical sources indicate that the borough of Bunratty had a castle, parish church, a weekly market, annual fair, rabbit warren, a watermill and a fishpond. It also had a sizeable population, with the presence of burgages, implying a potential totalofpeopleresidentwithintheborough.Manyofthesetownspeople would have been‘English’ peasant farmers, tenants and merchants, settled on thenewAnglo-Normanmanors.WhiletheGaelicIrishsocialeliteshadbeen displaced, this does not suggest that all people of native Gaelic Irish ethnic extractionhaddeparted.Infact,thearchaeologyofthelatemedievalfishtraps suggestsstrongcontinuitiesinworkandpracticeontheestuarymudflatsbelow theborough.Wecanseethisinthewaythatthesamefishtraptypes,identicalin size,lay-outandconstructionwereinusethroughtheperiodofsocio-political change. 174
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MedievalfishtrapatBoarlandRock, FergusEstuary,Co.Clare(MaryDillon)
AmedievalfishtrapatBunratty(radiocarbondatedtoad-)wasa smallV-shapedstructure,ofpost-and-wattleandahorizontalbasketsupported within a framework measuring .m by .m.There is evidence that it was re-built and repaired on at least three occasions, suggesting that it had been usedoverdecades.ItwasclearlybuiltandusedwellbeforetheAnglo-Norman colony was established (i.e. before ad ), indicating Gaelic Irish settlement somewhereinthevicinity.Intriguingly,preciselythesamestyleoffishtrapcan beseenelsewhereonthesemudflats,butprobablydatedtowithinthegeneral periodoftheAnglo-Normancolony.AtBunratty,datedtoad-,afish trapwithasimilarpost-and-wattlefence,frameworkandwell-preservedwoven basket(.minlength)wasprobablyplacedonthebedofamudflatcreek,and wouldliterallyhavetakeneveryfishoutofthewaterontheebbingtide. Interestingly, then, the Bunratty fish traps indicate that the same types of structurewereinuse,beforeandaftertheAnglo-Normancolony.Similarpatterns can be observed elsewhere on the Shannon estuary (and indeed, elsewhere in EnglandandWales,beforeandafter).OntheShannonestuary,wecould explainthisintermsofcontinuitiesofpracticeamongstlocalGaelicIrishfishing communities.So,whilethelocalGaelicIrishlordshiphadbeendiminishedby Anglo-Norman military power and economic investment, with upper social classesremoved,wecanimaginethattheGaelicIrishfishermencontinuedto workthechannelsinthemanneroftheirforefathers.Whatwemaybeseeing here is the work of Gaelic Irish betaghs (from the Irish word biatach, meaning 175
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‘food provider’) who are frequently mentioned in twelfth- and thirteenthcentury historical documents.They seem to have lived in or near theAngloNorman manors, working as farmers, unfree tenants and labourers, ploughing land,harvestingcropsandherdingcattle.AtBunratty,theymayalsohaveworked asfishermen,accommodatingtheirworktothenewsocialandpoliticalorder.It couldbearguedthatthesewerepeoplewhoweredeliberatelyworkingonthe estuariesinwaysthatemphasisedcontinuitieswiththepast. However,themostspectacularLateMedievalfishtrapsyetknowninIreland wererecentlydiscoveredadjacenttoanintertidalrockoutcropknowntodayas BoarlandRock,ontheFergusestuary,Co.Clare.Thesefishtrapswereidentified duringanintertidalprojectcarriedoutonseveralotherarchaeologicalsiteson the Fergus Estuary byAidan O’Sullivan and Mary Dillon in May .The Boarland Rock fish traps are situated well out into the middle of this huge estuary, in a vast, almost featureless expanse of mudflats.The traps are situated onthewestsideofthemainchannelthatcarriestheriveratlowtide.Boarland RockisalargeL-shapedfishtrap,withtwopost-and-wattlefencesstretching meast-westandmnorth-south.Thetwolinesofpostsmeetatanarrow pointc.minwidthandruntogetherforc.mtoformafunnel-likeend–the probablelocationofabaskettrap.Itisclearthatthefishtrapshadbeenrepaired on a few occasions, as in places its fences are composed of several parallel rowsofuprightposts.Twolargehorizontalpost-and-wattlepanelswerefound nearthefunnelendoftheconstructionandthesemaybeeithertrackwaysor falled hurdle panels from the fences.The Boarland Rock fish trap has been radiocarbondatedtoad-(). BoarlandRockfishtrapsituatedclose-byissmallerinsizeandactuallyruns across one of the fences of Boarland Rock . It was slightly different in type, asthetwoconvergingfenceswerecurvedratherthanstraightandareV-shaped inoverallplan.BoarlandRockhasbeenradiocarbondatedtoad-. Itislikelythatthetwotrapsarebroadlycontemporarybuttheywereprobably not in use at the same time. Boarland Rock is another smaller fish trap structurelocatedmtothesouth.Itconsistedofc.uprightsinaV-shaped arrangement,withlittleornohorizontalwoodsvisible.Inallthreestructuresit wasnotedthatmanyoftheuprightswereoak.Tothenorthandsouthofthese Boarland Rock structures, and on the same side of the river, are several post alignments,whichareprobablyalsolatemedievalfishtraps. TheBoarlandRockfishtrapshadnotbeenpreviouslydocumented,butare wellknowntothelocalfishermenwhoworkfromboatsontheFergusestuary, whodescribethemasthe‘oldeeltraps’.TheBoarlandRockfishtrapsareindeed oldandhavebeendatedtotheearlytomid-fiteenthcenturyad,thefirstknown ontheIrishcoastlineandausefuladditiontolatemedievalruralarchaeologyand economy.TheymayhavebeenbuiltandusedbythemonksoftheAugustinian Abbey on Canon Island, also on the Fergus estuary, which is situated c.km furthertothesouthandclearlyvisiblefromthesite.Thisabbeywasfoundedby 176
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DonalMórUaBríaininthetwelfthcentury,butthereisalsoarchitecturaland historicalevidencefortheabbey’sexpansionthroughthefifteenthcentury,when itsinhabitantswerepresumablymakinguseofthediverseresourcesofthefield andshoreline.Ontheotherhand,therearealsoprobablefifteenth-centurytower housesonthebanksoftheestuary,suchasatClenagh,Co.Clare,whichmaybe thelordlyoreliteresidencesoflocallandownerswhomanagedandcontrolled theestuary’sfisheriesinthefourteenthtofifteenthcenturiesad.
latemedievalstonefishtraps,greyabbeybay,strangfordlough TheearlymedievalwoodenfishtrapsonStrangfordLoughhavealreadybeen describedandsomeundoubtedlydatetoaftertheaddate.AtGreyabbey BayontheeasternshoreoftheLough,therearealsoalargenumberofstone traps with at least ten identified examples ().Thomas McErlean has argued that the construction of these stone traps began in the thirteenth century, replacingtheearlierwoodentrapsreferredtointhelastchapter,andthatthey continued in operation into the sixteenth century. One trap at Chapel Island Westproducedacalibrateddateofad-fromapostlineinagapon thetrap.TheirinitialconstructioncorrespondswiththearrivaloftheCistercians in the area and the establishment of monastic foundations at Greyabbey and Comber.The Cistercians had come to Ireland in the twelfth century and had establishedthirty-threeabbeysacrossthecountrybyad.Theirmonasticism wasstructuredandhierarchalwhichisdirectlyreflectedinthephysicallayout of their buildings and their systematic organisation of their associated estates. TheOrderwasrenownedforitslandmanagementskillsandtheexploitationof thisforeshorefishingindustrywasanotherexampleoftheinnovativewaysthey developedtoexploitthenaturalresourcesofthelandscape.
Fishtrapdistributionin GreyabbeyBay,Co.Down(CMA) 177
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DetailofwestarmofBallyurnanellan:showingdoublekerbandfillmethodofconstruction (CMA)
The Strangford Lough traps have a variety of forms including V-shaped, crescent shaped and ‘tick’ shaped. Five V-shaped traps are known from the Greyabbey Bay region, three of which come from Ballyurnanellan townland and two from Chapel Island.The three Ballyurnanellan traps utilise the natural landscape, running between two pladdies, to enclose large areas of the foreshore, c.m, and have leader arms averaging m in length ().Two of the traps display the double kerb and fill construction method which appears to be the most common constructional method on traps of this date in this area. This method involved laying down a foundation layer of stone boulders directly onto the red glacial clay which underlies the sediment in Strangford’s intertidal area. This clay provided a solid foundation base for the overlying structure. Thestoneswerelaidintwoparallellinesanditisthisfoundationwhichmade upthekerbing.Astone/rubbleinfillwasthenpiledinsidethetwokerblinesto provideinternalfill.Itappearsthisfoundationprovidedthebaseforalow-lying walloverminheight,orthreetofourcourseshigh. It is interesting to note that it was not just fish that were trapped by the trapsbuttheyalsoappeartohavebeenusedtoharvestshellfish.Thelow-lying stonewallsthatmadeupthetrapsseemtohavehadadualfunction.Notonly couldtheytrapfishbutalsothehardstratathattheyprovidedonanotherwise featurelessmudlandscapeprovidedanidealharvestinggroundformolluscs.The enormousquantitiesofshellthatinhabitthetrapsarestillimmediatelyobvious whenyouwalkoutonthesewallsatlowwater.Thelayoutofthetrapscould thenberegardedasanearlyformofmaricultureandthewallsweredeliberately builtwithbothfunctionsinmind. 178
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Rossglassfishtrap,Co.Down
Other fisheries and individual fish traps are known along the Down and Antrimcoast.Thewell-knowngeographerEstynEvansrecordedacurvilinear stonetrapatSwinleyBay,Carnaleaandtwostone-builttrapsontheforeshore inDundrumBayatNewcastle,whileothertrapswererecordedonthesouthern shores of Belfast Lough.The taxation of Pope Nicholas lists a church, valued atmarks,inthetownlandofRossglassontheshoresofnorthDundrumBay in .This church is mentioned in a document dated March when WalterdelaHay,theKing’sEscheator,givesanaccountofrentspaidintothe IrishExchequer.Includedisanaccountof‘£sdoftherentsoffarms,ofa mill,ofprizes,services,fisheries,andoftheperquisitiesofthecourtofRossglasse fortheforesaidterm’.Theremainsofastonefishtrap,overminlength,are visibleontheforeshorebelowthechurch().Itishookshapedandworkson theebbtideandisnotunlikethetickshapedtrapfromGreyabbeyBay.Itslead armconsistsofaroughlybuiltstonewallleadingtothelowwatermark.
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latemedievalmaritimetradeandports Politicalandeconomicoriginsofportsandharbours The late medieval period in general is witness to a significant increase in the volumeandtypeoftradethatIrelandisinvolvedin.Themajorityofoverseas trade took place between the ports of the eastern seaboard and individual English ports in the Severn Estuary, including Bristol, and Liverpool Bay. Trade also occurred to a lesser extent with the Scottish ports. Later the ports oftheFrenchAtlanticcoastaswellasanumberofIberiancitiesalsobecame involved in Irish trading networks. Wine, iron, salt and material culture (includingceramicsandclothing)constitutedtheprimaryimportswhilehides, timber, wool and agricultural produce made up the majority of the export material. Tofacilitatethisburgeoningtradeastructuredsocio-economicandpolitical coastal bureaucracy now began to take shape along the eastern and southern coastline of Ireland. This system was based on a hierarchical port structure incorporating both the hinterland and foreland of each individual port and controlled centrally by the English crown and its agents in Ireland. Individual merchants within each port played a pivotal role in their development and commercial success. This system originated in the immediate aftermath of theAnglo-Norman invasion of the country and their selection of a series of harboursandlandingplaceswhichweresuitablefordevelopmentasportsand centresforeconomicactivity.Selectionwasbasedinsomecasesonexistingsites suchastheVikingcoastaltowns. Other ports developed as a result of their direct proximity to Britain, with accesstocoastalresourcesandtothesuitabilityoftheirhinterlandandforeland being key supporting factors. Individual adventurers and entrepreneurs were highly influential in initial site selection, and their investment and subsequent involvementwithporttownswasamajorcontributingfactortotheirsuccess. Carrickfergus, Strangford, Ardglass, Dundalk, Drogheda andYoughal were all portswhichprosperedanddevelopedinthethirteenthcenturyduetoAngloNormaninvolvement.TheprosperityoftheestablishedtownsatLimerick,Cork, Waterford,WexfordandDublinwasespeciallyevident,withnewinvestmentand associatedcommerceensuringtheircontinuingsuccess.
anemergentportsystem Thefirstrealhistoricalindicationofsuchanationalportandcustomssystem datesfromwiththeintroductionofthe‘greatcustom’.Thecustomsreturns fortheGreatCustomandthesubsequentreturnsoverthenext-years listportsGalway,Limerick,Kerry,Cork,Youghal,Waterford,Ross,Wexford, Dublin,DroghedaandUlster.Theseporttownsessentiallyrepresentedadynamic 180
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commercial and political link with the ports and economy of England and constituted a fluid economic border along the Irish Sea.These returns clearly showtheimportanceofthesouth-easternportsandthesecondaryrolethatthe portsofUlsterandoftheWestcoastplayed.Thereturnsdonotpurporttobe fromindividualactualreportsbutrefertosectionsofcoastline.Hencethe‘port’ ofGalwayreferstothecoastlineandhinterlandofGalwaytown,theKerry‘port’ refers primarily to Dingle and its adjacent coastline and so forth.The Ulster ports include Coleraine, Carrickfergus, Strangford and possibly Carlingford. By,anEnglishstatuteofHenryIVrecognisedadistinctionbetween‘Les grantz ports du mier [large sea ports] and petitz crkes [small creeks]’.The statute differentiatedbetweenthoseportsthatcarriedoutinternationaloroverseastrade andthosethatwereinvolvedwithlocalisedorcoastaltrade.Overthenexttwo centuries this was to evolve into a three tiered system of head-ports, member ports and creeks. A formal system of port hierarchy was now beginning to emergealthoughtheactualterminologyforahead-portsystemdoesnotappear inIrelanduntilthesixteenthcentury. Theappointmentofportswasreflectedinthedevelopmentoftheirhinterland, withsubsequentexpansionandproliferationofsettlementindirectcorrelation with the importance of the port. Individual sites and ports became strongly protectedbyfortificationsonlandandseawhiletheirwaterfrontscontinuedto expandtoaccommodatelargershipandcargosizes.Archaeologicalevidencefor suchanexpansioncomesfromthewaterfrontsatDublin,Drogheda,Waterfordand Limerick.Thesurroundinglandscapewasalsoinfluencedbyportappointment whichinfluencedthedevelopmentofanagriculturalandindustrialhinterland andencouragedtheproliferationofsecularandecclesiasticalsettlement.These settlementsinturn,frequentlybecameinvolvedinthesystematicexploitationof marineresources. Thefactorsinindividualportdevelopmentareofrelevancehere.Eachport isinfluencedbyfourbasicfactors:thelandsituation,watersituation,landsiteand thewatersite.Itisthefinalfactor,i.e.thephysicalcoastallocation,whichgoverns initialsiteselectionandusage.Theotherfactorstheninfluencethesubsequent success or pathway of the port. The land site must be suitable to sustain settlementgrowthandsiteexpansionaswellasallowingaccesstothehinterland. The land situation must be able to provide sufficient resources and support thepopulationtosustaintheoperationsoftheport.Whilethewatersituation mustprovideaccesstotheforeland,tothemajormarinecommunicationroutes and to marine resources. Many of these factors are not constants. Economic andpoliticalsituationscanfluctuategreatlywhileresourceavailabilitycanalso change.Topographicalfactorscanchangeinsomepartsoftheworldbuttheyare broadlystablefortheperiodandregioninquestion.Thesefactorsarethengiven increasedvalueinthecontextofthisstudy.Everyporthasthengonethrough aseriesofstagesfrominitialusagethroughtotheirmodernform.Thesestages canbecategorisedasfollows. 181
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Formandusage
Informalstage.
Informalusebysmallboats.Nophysicalstructures.
Initialdevelopmentstage.
Siteselectionfordevelopment.Initialeconomicand communicationactivity. Establishedusageofsite.Developmentofwaterfront.
DevelopmentStage. SiteExpansion.
Formalisationandexpansionofwaterfrontinlinewith increasedeconomicactivity.
Table.:Developmentandformalisationofaport
archaeologicalevidencefromlatemedievalports IthasalreadybeenestablishedthatHiberno-Norseportsestablishedinthetenth andeleventhcenturiesadestablishedIrelandasakeylocationonthewidening AtlanticandMediterraneanseaways.Acontinuityofcoastalsettlementcanbe seen with these Hiberno-Norse ports after the arrival of the Normans in the late twelfth century.The new arrivals had a similar need for a series of port townsalongthecoastandtookcontroloftheexistingHiberno-Norsetowns. Their requirements were primarily economic and they strived to establish functional port settlements that would provide hinterland and foreland access. TheemergenceofthisformalisedportsystemisnowevidentinIrelandwhich wasintrinsicallylinkedtodevelopmentsinEngland.Thisformalisationhadlittle todowiththeprecedingVikingperiodotherthanacontinuationofappropriate sitesettlement.ItistheNormanswhomustbecreditedwiththeemergenceand consolidationofthesesitesasviableeconomicandpoliticalsettlements.
latemedievaldublin’swaterfront The most comprehensively studied medieval waterfront in Ireland is Dublin ().Thenumerousexcavationsthathavetakenplaceinthecitysincethes associated with urban development have ensured its waterfront evolution has beencomprehensivelytraced. PatWallace,oftheNationalMuseumofIreland,hasidentifiedninestagesof waterfrontadvancementintotheRiverLiffey’sforeshoreareadatingfromthe tenthtothefourteenthcenturyad.Bank,constructedinc.adandbank, builtc.,consistedoftwolowfloodbanksbuiltusingthenaturalboulderclay 182
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MedievaltimberwaterfrontatWinetavernStreet,Dublin(AndrewHalpin)
anddebrisfromthesettlementsite.Bank,builtc.ad,wasofasimilarbut moresubstantialconstructionbutalsocontainedapostandwattlefenceandlater a palisade.This possibly served a dual natural and military defensive function. Alargestonewallwaserectedontheforeshoreinc..Itsexcavatedaverage height was m, although the excavator suggested that it could originally have stoodtoaheightof.mandwasadefensivestructure.TheDublinauthorities issuedanumberofgrantsinthelaterpartofthetwelfth-centuryencouraging theresidentsofthetowntoreclaimforeshorelandandmovedownwardstowards theriver.Tothisend,apost-and-wattlewallandassociatedembankment(Bank )wereerectedbyc.inanapparentattempttoreclaimmoreforeshoreland andraisethedepthofthewaterlevelintherivertoallowforvesselswithdeeper draughtstoproceeduptothetown’swaterfronts. Inad,afront-bracedwoodenrevetmentwaserectedalongtheextent ofthetown’sforeshoreinanapparentmunicipalproject.Asectionofrevetment was extended m farther out onto the shore in the same year. Excavations undertaken byAndy Halpin onWinetavern Street in uncovered further evidence of this section of front-braced revetment and studies of the twelfthcentury water-level suggested that vessels could actually berth against this structure().Thissuggestionremainstentativeandtheevidenceforgapsinthe structureremainasmoreconvincingevidenceforvesselsberthingindock-like areas. It is also thought, throughAidan O’Sullivan’s analyses of the waterfront assembly, the woodworking evidence and particularly the joints used, that the 183
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Reconstruction ofmedievalvessel lyingagainstDublin waterfront(afterHalpin )
Dublinthirteenth-centurytimberwaterfrontswerebuiltbyEnglishcarpenters, possiblyfromBristol.IthasbeensuggestedthattheAnglo-Normaninvasionof IrelandwasfundedbyBristolmerchantspreciselyforthisreason,totakecontrol ofthevaluablemaritimetradingconnectionsoftheIrishport. ArchaeologicalexcavationsbyClaireWalshinhadpreviouslyuncovered a further section of Revetment during the course of investigations in WinetavernStreet.Base-platesfromatimberrevetmentwerefoundonalowlying stone foundation wall and was dated by dendrochronology to the very early part of the thirteenth century. Its structural and topographic make up suggestthatitmayhavebeenassociatedwithapierofjettygivingaccesstohigh watersofadepthrangeof.mO.D.to.mO.D.(springs).Thelackoffront bracesonthestructurewouldhavefacilitatedtheaccesstoboatstoitsfaceand furthersupportsitsassociationwithapier-likefunction.Thisstructurewaslater convertedintoadock-likeinletinthelaterpartofthethirteenthcentury,similar in construction to the dock at Usher’s Quay, excavated in that predates 184
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.Twofurtherrevetmentswereaddedlaterinthethirteenthcenturyafurther m out towards the river from Revetment extension , both of which were back-bracedwithbase-plates. Inc.ad(possiblybetween-)astonequaywall,whichsurvived toaheightof.mandwas.mwide,wasbuiltatWinetavernStreet.Ashort .msectionofthisquaywallwasalsouncoveredbyLinziSimpsoninat theIsoldeTowersiteadjacenttoTempleBar.Thewallwasbuiltofcutlimestone blocks and survived to a height of .m and was .m thick.That this wall alsoservedasadefensivestructuretoprotectthetown’swaterfrontisillustrated bythefactthatbuildingsweretakendownintohelpre-fortifythequay wallagainstapossibleattackbytheScots.Whilethiswallwouldhaveservedasa usefulandsubstantialquaywallforshippingactivity,problemswiththeshallow natureoftheLiffeyremained.Cargomerchantshipsbythisdatehadbecome substantially bigger with far greater draughts than two centuries previously. Vesselscouldcomeinathighwaterandrestontheforeshoreduringlowtides beforebeingfloatedoffagainduringafloodingtidebutthispracticewasnot especiallysuitableforabusymercantileportlikeDublin.Thissystemwasnot conducivetoheavytrafficortherapidturnaroundofvessels. As a consequence the deepwater anchorage of Dalkey – a medieval village situated several kilometers south-east of the town – served as an out-port for Dublinwheremanyvesselspartiallydischargedtheirgoodsinordertolighten theirloadbeforeapproachingDublin.ThisposedacontinualproblemforDublin merchantswhocomplainedinadaboutthelackofdeep-waterberthsin thetownwhichdoesnotallowfortheanchorageof‘largeshipsfromabroad’.
latemedievalwaterford’sport Evidence of maritime borne trade and activity atWaterford appears in the documentary sources soon after the Norman invasion of . Much of the subsequent success and prosperity of the town is linked to its proximity to Bristolandthemarketsofsouth-westEngland.Excavationsinthecityhavetodatefoundlittleevidenceofthenatureofthewaterfrontduringthethirteenth centuryasinvestigationshaveconcentratedinthetowncentreandnotinthe area directly associated with the river. However, the documentary evidence would support the claim thatWaterford’s port was probably the second most successful port during the thirteenth century after Dublin, as it appears to be the biggest importer of wine and a major importer of wool.Waterford was to face stiff competition in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries with the foundation of a new settlement and port at Ross in c.. New Ross, as it later became known, typifies Norman investment into new settlements and ports in an attempt to develop a commercial enterprise. Old Ross had been located km further inland beforeWilliam Marshall developed the new port 185
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ontheconfluenceoftheRiversNoreandBarrow.Thesitingofthenewport wasideallylocatedtotakeadvantageofthesurroundingagriculturalhinterland, thecommunicationandtransportnetworksaffordedbythetworiversandthe possibilitiesoftheforeland.
latemedievalcork’sport Prior to theAnglo-Norman occupation and development of Cork, the city appears to have existed on two separate islands (). The Hiberno-Norse settlement occupied the south island (the area around modern South Main Street),whileasecondaryundefendedsuburb,referredtoasDungarvan,existed on the north island, in the area which corresponds to modern day North MainStreet.RecentarchaeologicalexcavationworkattheSouthGateBridge and‘Sir Henrys’ site has uncovered house sites associated with the twelfthcenturysettlementandassociatedjettyorquaystructures.Anintensiveperiod of development of the town began early in the thirteenth century, primarily withthereconstructionofthetownwallsinad-.Detailsonthetown’s waterfrontarevaguewithverylimitedinformationonearlyportdevelopment intheliterature. A slipway associated with a water-gate in the town walls was uncovered during excavations undertaken by Maurice Hurley and has been dated stratigraphicallytothelatethirteenth-centuryad.Theslip-waywaslaterre-pavedin thefourteenthcenturybeforefallingoutofuseattheendofthecentury.An interestingaspectofthestructurewasthatitappearstohavebeendesignedto allowboatstobedraggedinsidethetownwalls.Thiswouldbecharacteristicof anareaofthetownwithlimitedquayagefacilitiesandimpliestheuseoftenders tooff-loadlargercargovesselslyingatanchorintheriverorestuary.Apossible
JohnSpeed’splanof Corkc. 186
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large quay wall was uncovered during the course of excavations at the North GateBridgesiteintheCityin.Thewallwasbuiltusingirregularsandstone blocks on a foundation of unworked boulders with a vertical outer face.This fronted onto the river and could have accommodated vessels lying alongside duringsuitabletidalconditions.
latemedievalportsofdroghedaanddundalk NorthofDublinthepatternoftownandassociatedportdevelopmentinthe late twelfth and thirteenth centuries is particularly obvious. Drogheda was an importantportfromthethirteenthcenturyonwards.Itslocationwaseminently suitable for the development as a port given its position at a narrow bridging pointontheRiverBoyneandtheaccesstothesurroundinghinterlandthatthis provided().AccesstotheIrishSeaforelandandsafeshelterwasalsoprovided by the Boyne Estuary. It seems apparent that formalised waterfront structure andstoragefacilitieswereconstructedearlyinthethirteenthcenturywiththe developmentoftheport.DavidSweetman’sExcavationsatShopStreetin foundtheremainsofawoodenwaterfrontstructuredatingtothefirstdecade ofthethirteenthcentury.Thestructureconsistedoffourgroupsofoaktimbers embedded into the riverbed.The excavator suggests that they represent the foundationsofawharfasopposedtothebaseofarevetment.
MaidensToweratMornington,a latemedievaltowerprobablybuiltasa navigationalaidandlookoutpostfor vesselsenteringtheBoyne 187
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Recent important excavations undertaken by Malachy Conway for ArchaeologicalConsultancyServicesinrevealedadetailedchronological sequenceofthewaterfrontatDrogheda.Fivemedievalphasesofdevelopment were recorded dating from the late twelfth to the late sixteenth century.The earliestphaseofthesiteconsistedofathirteenth-centuryburgageplotassociated withatimberwharfandjetty.Thebasalplatformforacraneorhoistingspars used to load and unload cargo was also uncovered.This find represents the earliestsuchuseofamanual‘crane’usedforhandlingcargoesinIreland.Inthe thirteenthandfourteenthcenturies,aharbourwascreatedalongthewaterfront, which the archaeologist suggested was associated with the medieval chapel andprecinctofStSaviour’s.Anenclosedharbourspacewithasmalldockand inletwasbuiltatthistimeandcoexistedwithatimberrevetmentwithsection bracing.Thisharbourwasfilledinlateinthefourteenthcenturyandaseriesof buildingsandstructureswereerectedonthesiteoverthefollowingcenturies. Furthernorth,Dundalkwasoperatingasaportfromatleastthelatepartof the thirteenth century when the Mariot of Dundalk shipped‘ quarters (of wheat),boards,timberandnails’fromDroghedatoNorthWales.Littleisknown aboutthetopographyoftheearlyportbutitmusthavebeenadifficultportto access with vessels having to negotiate its shallow tidal estuary with extensive sandbanks and saltmarsh. SirWilliam Bereton describes the port in as a ‘townseatedupontheseasoasbarksmaycomewithinaconvenientdistance withtheflood;muchlow,level,flatlandhereabout,whichisoftenoverflowedin thewinter,andhereisanabundanceoffowl’.Thesephysicallimitationswould haverestrictedthesizeanddensityofshippingenteringtheportandtheton Trinitic of Murlington which traded with the port a number of times in musthavebeentypicalofthetypeandsizeofvesselusingtheport.Todateno physicaltracesofmedievalwaterfrontstructureshavebeenlocatedandtheport mayhavefunctionedasatidalbeachingfacility.
latemedievalportofardglass ThelatemedievalportofArdglassinCountyDownsurvivestodayasanimportant andalmostuniqueportlandscape().Theporttownwasprobablyestablishedin thefourteenthcenturyassociatedwiththeexploitationoftheherringfisheriesand the general Europe wide economic upturn later in the fifteenth century. It was established at a sheltered inlet on the Lecale coastline and very quickly became prosperouswithanumberoftowerhousesbeingbuiltaroundtheharbourbasinin thefifteenthcentury.Theportwasessentiallyabandonedattheendofthesixteenth centurywiththecollapseoftheIrishSeafisheriesandthepoliticalconflictsofthe time. It was only really resettled in the later part of the eighteenth century with the re-emergence of the herring industry. However, this abandonment phase has resultedinthesurvivalofalargenumberoflatermedievalfeaturesofthetown. 188
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Eighteenth-centurydrawingofArdglasswiththeNewarkbuildinginthebackground(Grose, F.1791TheAntiquitiesofIreland)
The Newark building at Ardglass, recently excavated byTom McNeill of Queen’s University, Belfast, is of most interest in the context of the study of theport()andisworthexploringindetailasanintenselymaritime-oriented building.Morethananyotherwithinthetown,itepitomisesArdglass’sroleasa portinthelatemedievalperiod.Therecanbelittledoubtthatthisbuilding,or seriesofbuildings,functionedwithinthecontextoftheportduringthefifteenth andsixteenthcentury.Itspositionrelativetothesitingofthewaterfront,internal divisions and general size and form all strongly argue for such a role.The buildingwasformerlytwostoreyshigh,consistingofatleastfifteentosixteen independent units fronting northwards onto the warterfront, with each unit consisting of a square window and an arched door.There is no indication of vertical or horizontal floors or partitions within the structure and the ground floor appears to have consisted of an uneven rock floor both inside and out. Eachoftheunitsmustbeseenasfulfillingamercantilerole,probablyactingas individualmercantileboothsforthosewhowerebuyingandsellinggoods.They donotappeartohavehadaresidentialfunction,nordotheyhaveanovertly defensiveappearance.Theoccupantsmayhaveleasedthemonashort-termbasis, orownedtheunitsandactedasintermediariesfortheimport/exportactivity which was happening in the port.These may have been leased to individual visiting merchants or companies who were at the port during various fishing andagriculturalseasons. 189
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DetailofAlexander’s1821chartofArdglass–PRO(NI)T234211
The rear, or southern side of the building, which fronted onto the sea, was stronglyfortifiedwithnowindows,onlyloopholes.Twotowerswereincorporated into the structure while a third, a more substantial tower house stood slightly removedfromittothenorth-west.Afireplaceisapparentonthefirstfloorof the east tower while a number of latrines are located towards the eastern end of the southern wall.The presence of the towers is suggestive of defence and the need to protect the activities based at the Newark.The EastTower is also ideallypositionedtomonitorboattrafficinandoutoftheharbour.Twosplayed windowsarepositionedontheeasternwallofthefirstfloorofthetowerfacing straight out to the entrance of the port.Taffe’s Castle in Carlingford and the BridgeCastleinThomastown,Co.Kilkennyshareasimilarsitingwithafocuson theirlatemedievalquays.Bothcastlesalsohaveadjoiningwarehousesalthough thesearemoredemonstrablyusedforbulkstoragegiventheirsizeandform. 190
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Co.Downtowerhouse(EHSNI)
The actual original port basin area in Ardglass still functions within the modern fishing port but would have been larger in later medieval times. A fifteenth-century tower house, Jordan’s Castle, overlooks the basin area to the west (). Mark Gardiner’s archaeological excavations at Jordan’s castle would appear to confirm this close relationship with the port basin as he uncovered evidenceofamedievalhollowwaywhichranfromthecastleandKildareStreet down to harbour area.A substantial stone structure excavated on the site has been interpreted as a warehouse.This is an important discovery in so far as it appearstoshowforthefirsttimeabuildingwherebulkcommoditiescouldbe stored. Certainly the Newark does not seem to have been capable of storing largeorbulkycargoessowarehousesofthisnaturewouldhavebeenextremely important. The close relationship of this newly discovered ‘warehouse’ and Jordan’scastleisindicativeoftheinter-relationshipofthetown’smercantileelite andportoperations. ThefunctionofthisandtheotherurbantowerhousesatArdglasscanthen only be fully understood in the context of port operations. Possible functions carried out at the towers would include port based mercantile activity, port administration, security and habitation. Margaret’s castle, which is probably of 191
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fifteenthcenturydatewithits‘gatehouse’typeconstruction,isalsosituatedin closeproximitytotheharbour.Theentrancetothetowerfacesontotheharbour andisclearlydesignedtooverlookit.ThistowerisalsosituatedclosetoCowd’s castleandtheNewarkandmayoriginallyhavebeenfunctionallyassociatedwith them.Margaret’scastleissmallerthanJordan’scastleandthisdifferingsizecanbe takenasevidencefordifferentlevelsofwealth,socialhierarchiesandtowerhouse functionality within the town.Their physical closeness can also be associated withanurbanrelationshipfocusinginonorcentringontheeconomicmainstay ofthetown,theport. Cowd’scastle,directlytothewest,mustbeviewedasamorefunctionalentity. Thissmalltwo-storeystructure(Co.Downtowerhousesappearingeneralto havethreestoreys)doesnotappeartohavebeenamerchantorsecularresidence, butratherfunctionedasaportsecuritybuilding.Supportforthisinterpretation comes from its siting; positioned strategically to have wide vistas over the harbourentrance,theadjacentfishinggroundsonArdglassBank,theoperations oftheportbasinandtheNewarkaswellasthesouthwesternentrancetothe town.Thesimplenatureofthestructure(notitselfadefiningcharacteristicofa secondaryorutilitarianbuilding),therelativelyfewsmallloopembrasuresand the wall walk at roof level would also lend support to the tower functioning as some form of garrison or port watchtower. One of the interesting features of the building is the absence of a fireplace, which would appear to confirm itsnon-residentialfunction.Theapparentabsenceofalatrinewouldalsolend supporttothis.Inanycase,atArdglasswehaveauniquelysurvivingmaritime urbanlandscape.
gaelicportsandharbours While theAnglo-Norman ports present one image of late medieval maritime activity,thoseregionsinthenorthernandwesternseaboardthatremainedoutside ofEnglishcontrolintheterritoriesoftheGaelic-Irishlordshipsdidnotseethe samelevelofinvestmentintoportsandwaterfronts.TheGaelicIrishO’Donnells controlledmuchofDonegal,theO’MalleysandO’Flaherty’sdominatedsections of the Mayo and Galway coast, the McNamaras were present along the Clare coast while the O’Sullivans, the O’Driscolls and the O’Mahoneys controlled significantsectionsoftheKerryandCorkcoastlines.TheportsofGalwayand LimerickremainedoutsideoftheGaeliclordshipswereintrinsicallylinkedto theDublinadministration.Itwouldbeamistake,however,toseethisasastrict division between Gaelic and English controlled Ireland. In reality there was a high degree of movement and interaction between the different regions and traditionalnotionsofseparationandnationhoodhavebeenexaggerated. Nonetheless, the sections of coast controlled by the Gaelic lordships simply did not have elaborate port facilities. Instead their facilities reflected the types 192
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of activities that were in operation along their respective sections of coastline. InthelateMiddleAges,thevariousEuropeanfishingvesselsthatcametothe westernAtlanticapproachesmostlystoredandsaltedtheirowncatchesonboard. Where catches were brought ashore it was usually for drying or immediate sale so elaborate storage facilties for bulk commodities was not required.The physicalinfrastructurethatwasfoundontheeastcoastwasthereforesimplynot needed along the Gaelic seaboard and moreover a centralised customs system (whichalsorequiresfacilities)neverdeveloped.Largequaysorwaterfrontswere notrequiredandinsteadfishing-orientedsettlementsdevelopedaroundareasof naturalanchorageandavailablelanding. Itisalsoincreasinglyclearthatthearchaeologicalevidencesupportsthismodel. To date there is no evidence for large waterfront facilities along the coastline oftheGaelicIrishregions.Thereis,however,agooddealofevidenceforsmall localisedlandingplaces,oroccasionallypiersandharbours,beneathtowerhouses andaroundtheareasofanchorage.Manyoftheeasternportswereinvolvedin themovementofgoodsonamacroscale,suchascornandgrain,whichwould have required extensive waterfront facilities as well as accommodation for the mercantile facilitators.There was of course similar exportation of goods like cerealsandwoolfromtheGaelicregionsbutitwasonadifferentscaleandnot centrally controlled. Exportation was on a more localized scale and facilitated on a casual basis. Movement of people and goods across the landscape then becomesakeycomponentofthemaritimeabilityoftheseGaeliclordships.For example,onecanconsiderthearchaeologyofthelordshipoftheIslesinlater medievalIreland.Here,alongtheseaboardofwesternScotlandandnorth-east IrelandanumberofimportantGaelicfamilygroupingscontrolledtheseaways. Their presence in Ireland is dominated by the arrival of the McDonnells to north-eastAntrim in the sixteenth century and their subsequent occupation andrefurbishmentofDunlucecastle,Co.Antrim.Thesubsequentemergenceof aseaprovincedidnotdependonextensivecoastalinfrastructuretosurvivebut ratherexistedonthebasisofculturalinterchanges,lessthanformaltradingand communicationnetworksandfamilialconnections.Allofthesewerefacilitated bysettlementcentresofpowerspreadalongthecoastandthroughtheirability forseatravel.
shipsandboatsinlatemedievalireland LatemedievalEuropeanshipbuildingtraditions BythelateMiddleAges,arangeofshipsandboatsdevelopedinnorthernEurope –largelyinspiredbythemassiveincreaseinmaritimetradeandactivitythrough thetwelfthandthirteenthcenturiesad.Therangeofships(includingcogs,hulcs, galleys) reflects both regional stylistic developments as well as the roles these craft played. No finds of either cogs or hulks have been recovered from Irish 193
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watersbuttherearenumerousdocumentaryreferencestotheirusage.Clinker constructioncontinuedtobeusedonthesevesselsandwasnotovertakenbythe carvelconstructiontechniquesuntilnearlythreecenturieslater. Themilitaryfunctionofshipsalsobecomesmoreobviouswiththeaddition offoreandafterwoodencastlestothelargervesselsduringthetwelfthcentury. These castles were essentially raised areas at the front and back of vessels to accommodate both archers and swordsmen during conflict at sea.The raised nature of these platforms would have given the vessel an obvious strategic advantageoversmallercraftinmuchthesamewaythataparapetonlandcastle givesthedefendersofthesiteadistinctadvantageoverfootsoldiersbelow. The range of archaeological evidence for ships and boats in late medieval Irelandincludesdepictionsoncoins,maps,someshipsculptureaswellasship graffiti on the walls of churches and cathedrals. As with the early medieval period, this iconographic evidence should be understood to be symbolic and ideologicalinintent.However,itcanalsobeusedcautiouslytoreconstructthe formsofshipsplyingthewatersaroundIreland.
evolutionofthenordicships Fromad-,theround-hulled,clinker-builtvesselsofearliercenturies became broader and deeper, enabling them to carry larger cargoes and crews. Presumably because of their association with mercantile trade, these ships are typicallyrepresentedontwelfthtothirteenthcenturycivicsealsaroundnorthern Europe.TheshipdepictedonthethirteenthcenturysealofDublincanbetaken as one of these, representing a transitionary phase between the usage of the earlierVikingvesselsandthedevelopmentofthelaterlargermercantilevessels.
SealofWaterford(MountSion MonasteryMuseum) 194
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TheshipretainsaScandinaviancharacterbeingdoubleendedandclinkerbuilt. Itcarriesasinglemastsetmidshipswithasinglelargesail.Thisshipdepiction displaysadualfunctionalityofbothamilitaryandcommercialrolewhichwould not necessarily have been evident in the earlierViking period ships. Similarly theCharterRollforWaterfordCitydatingtoc.showsfourclinker-built, woodenvesselslieatanchorintheriverbythecity().Twoofthevesselsare illustratedwithforeandaftercastles,highsweepingbowsandlarge,centralmasts withcastellatedmasttops.Bothhaveend-mountedruddersandoneisclearly anchoredatitsbow.Anotherclinker-builtvesselwithanend-mountedrudder andahigh,curvedbowisshownunmastedatanchorbelowthecitywalls.
thecog Duringthisperiod,theflat-bottomedvesselsofthenorthernEuropean,Frisian tradition were developed for trade. Known as a cog, this new form had high sides, with a straight stem and stern post and a stern rudder.The cog’s deep draughtmeantthatitcouldcarrylargecargoes,whileitsflatbottommeantthat itcouldeasilylandonbeachesandstayupright.Historicaldocumentsindicate thatcogswereinuseinIrishwatersandsomewereownedbyIrishmerchants operatingoutofIrishports.CogsaredocumentedhistoricallywhenMaurice, sonoftheEarlofDesmond,hiredthecogLaRodecogge,whichwasbasedat Limerickin,forajourneytoGascony.TheBookofBallymotedatingto c.ad,intheRoyalIrishAcademy,Dublin,containsasketchofaboatwhich representsNoah’sArk.Thevesselhastheappearanceofacog,featuringclinker planking fastened with lozenge-shaped nail heads, and a single straight prow slightly curved at its head. Characteristically, the vessel has an end-mounted rudder,securedbytworudderpintles,presumablymadeofiron.Thevesselalso carriesasingle,central,sturdymast.
thehulc TheuseofhulcisfirstdocumentedbytheWaterfordvessel,theBlessedMary, whichdeliveredacargoofcorntotheEnglisharmyinGasconyin.Two depictionsofhulc-likevesselssurviveonthesidesoftombchestsinchurchesat ThurlesandatCashel.TheexamplefromThurles,whichdatestoc.,shows an ecclesiastic holding a round-hulled ship with a pronounced after-castle in bothhandsatwaistlevel.Asimilarrepresentationsurvivesonthenorthsideofa tombchest,datingtothefirsthalfofthesixteenthcentury,onthewesternside of the north transept at Cashel. Here again an ecclesiastic is shown holding a clinker-builtvesselwithalargecentralmastandtwocastle-likestructuresclearly shown at both ends of the hull.Archaeologically a number of timbers from 195
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medieval vessels have also been recovered including timbers dredged up from Dublin Bay during a number of recent major infrastructural projects.A large, singlecurvedoaktimberwasalsorecoveredbyfishermenfromtheSuirestuary nearWaterford.Itappearstobethesternpostofagalleyornef,avesseltype repeatedlyreferredtoinbothIrishandnorth-westEuropeanmedievaltexts.
galleysinthegaelicworld Thereislittledirectarchaeologicalevidenceforthetypeofcraftthatwereinuse intheterritoriesoftheGaeliclordships.Informationislimitedtotantalisingly brief references in the texts as well as to various illustrative sources including memorialplaques,shipgraffitoandseals.ItissuggestedherethattheGaelicIrish neveradoptedthenewerlargerboatformsintroducedthroughoutnorth-west Europe after the thirteenth century. Instead they maintained the Scandinavian boat-buildingtraditionsthatwereintroducedintheninthandtenthcenturies and developed their own vessel hybrids from this tradition commonly called galleys. AvesselofthistypeisillustratedasshipgraffitionagatehouseatDunluce Castle on the north CountyAntrim coast (). It shows a double-ended ship with an animal-headed stern, / oar ports are visible and the vessel has a singlecentralmastwithoneyard.Itisshownwithitssailtiedupandrigging linesrunningfromthesternandbow.
GalleycarvingatDunluceCastle,Co.Antrim 196
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A memorial plague belonging to the O’ Malleys on the walls of the abbey on Clare Island contains a depiction of a wooden clinker built, double-ended boat,againwithasinglecentralmast.Thevesselisshownwithsixoarsonone side indicating a relatively small vessel.A number of seals from the town of Youghal show a wooden, clinker-built vessel, double-ended with a high prow andsternandasinglecentralmast.Thesailonthesevesselsisshownfurledon ayardhangingfromthemast.Theearliestofthesesealsisfromalatermedieval documentdatedJune,buttheycontinuedinuseintotheseventeenth century. All of these vessels retain Scandinavian ancestry and must represent local adoptionstothevesseltypesintroducedduringtheVikingperiod.Thesetypes ofvesselsmusthavebeenthemostcommonmedium-sizedvesselsseenaround Irishwaterswiththelargermercantilevesselsconfinedtothebiggerurbanports, linkedtocrosschannelandEuropeantrade.
thecarrack With the emergence of new shipbuilding technology, ship design witnessed some radical changes. New larger vessels emerged and the face of shipping underwent a rapid reformation within a century.The carrack, more than any othershiptype,epitomisedthischange.Althoughoriginallydevelopedearlyin thefourteenthcenturyintheMediterranean,itquicklyevolvedandwasadopted throughoutnorth-westEurope.Carrackswerebig,heavyshipswithlargefore andaftercastlestructures.Initiallytheywereriggedontheforeandmainmasts with single square sails, but later they essentially became three-masted ships. Importantchangesinthemethodofshipconstructionbegintoappearearlyin thefifteenth-centuryEurope.Carveltechniques,involvingthesettingofplanks edge-to-edgeandcaulkedtomakeasmoothfinish,becamethemorecommon building method employed on larger craft. Larger vessels were now more structurally sound and more economical. As vessel size increased the clinker techniquehadbecomeoverlycomplexandexhaustedlargesuppliesoftimber. Incontrast,thecarveltechniqueusedlesstimberandrequiredlessskilledlabour. Thecarveltechniquealsoallowedlargersuperstructurestobeaccommodated upontheship’shull.Thiswasespeciallyimportantformilitaryvessels,aslarger fightingplatformscouldbebuiltwithintegralgunports.Thiswasanimportant developmentasnavaltacticsincreasinglydependedonartillery.Thedevelopment of the broadside armament of cannon reduced the sheer of ships’ hulls and requiredconsiderationofstabilityandtheuseofspace.Twoorthreemastswere added to ships to increase speed, and bowsprits became increasingly necessary in order to give proper lead to the bow-lines.The fore and after castles were mergedintothehullofthevessel,andtheaftercastleinparticularbecamemuch largerandplayedamorecentralroleintheinternallayoutoftheship. 197
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Bythemiddleofthesixteenthcenturyhullshadbecomemuchmoreroundbottomedtoincreasestabilityandcarryingspace.Squaresternswereaddedin ordertosupportthesuperstructureandaccommodatelargerend-rudders.These developmentsalsoledtoamoreformalisedinternalsocialarrangementwithin thevessel.Thecaptainandofficers’quarterswerelocatedinthesternsection, whileordinaryseamenandsupplieswereaccommodatedamidshipsandforward. Galleonsdifferedfromcarracksinthattheyhadhigh,narrowsternswithalower forecastleandalowbeakhead.Thisdistinctivefeatureprotrudingfromthehull below the bowsprit was used for ramming and later provided a platform for handlingheadsails.Galleonsalsohadastronglybracedhulladoptedforalmost continuous use in the strongAtlantic seas.There were many variants of this ship type throughout Europe with different regions displaying characteristics which were adopted to suit local needs. Although primarily associated with naval functions, galleons were also frequently used for mercantile and fishing purposes.
conclusions:maritimeirelandinthelatermedievalperiod Past histories and geographies of Ireland have tended to stress differences and division between the different parts of Ireland which were under English or Gaelic-Irishcontrol.Itisclearfrommuchofthearchaeologicalevidencethat muchofthesedifferenceshavebeenexaggerated.Ofcoursethemacro-political climatewasdifferentbuttheeverydaylifestylesofthepeopledidnotdifferto anygreatextentasyoumovedaroundthecoast.Ofcoursethereareextremes betweensomeonelivinginasmallcoastalcommunityonthewesternseaboard and an individual living adjacent to the busy urban ports of the southern or eastern coasts. Fundamentally though, maritime traditions functioned as a constant.Itisclearpeopleworkedandfishedthecoastalenvironmentinalmost identicalways.Theeverydaythoughtandpreoccupationsofapersonworkinga fishtrapintheShannonestuarymusthavebeenverysimilartothoseworking inStrangfordLough.Peoples’lifewayswerelinkedinextricablytotheseaandits bounty.Itwasasourceoffood,transportanditgovernedlocaltimeframes.These maritime traditions that were evident around the coast epitomise continuity. Thecontinuedusageofmaritimetechnologyacrossthechronologieswehave developedquestionsourartificialdivisionsofthepast,brokenbypoliticalevents andspecificdates.Theincreasinglyformalisednatureofthesetraditionsandtheir associatedexpansionlinkedtotheemergentglobalisedeconomybecomemore evidentinthefollowingchapter.
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Plantation, industrialisation and the modern world, AD 1550-1945 introduction WhendotheMiddleAgesendandtheModernworldbegin–inanIrishcontext atleast?TraditionalhistoricalstudieswillpointtomajoreventssuchastheNine YearsWarofthesortheadventoftheEnglishandScottishPlantationinto Irelandasmarkingthebeginningsofanewperiod.Similarlyarchaeologistsfindit convenienttoassignageneralperiod-basedframeworktothepastwhichallows fortemporalclassificationofsitesandartefacts.Theassignationofchronological terminologyisartificialandisreflectiveoftwentieth-centuryneedstocategorise andorderthepast.Inattemptingtochronicleandinterrogatethepasttheuse oftermslikemedievalandpostmedievalbyarchaeologistsandhistorianswould havebornelittlerelevancetothecontemporarypopulationsofIrelandatthat time.Similarlytheprogressionfromthemedievalperiodintothepostmedieval period was unlikely to have been marked by celebratory events, but yet these timeframescontinuetoinfluencethemodernacademicmind. Muchspaceinlearnedtextshasbeentakenupwithattemptingtodefinethe changeandtransitionintopostmedievalIreland.Anumberofwriterswillsimply ascribeadateofmajorimportancetothischange.Traditionalhistorieshave,for example,usedtheSpanishArmadaof,theNineYearsWarofthesor themorelong-termplantationsasmarkingtheshiftintothenewera.Structuralist archaeologiessimilarlyhaveattemptedtodemonstratethisshiftthroughchanges inarchitectureormaterialculture.Whilethereisvalueintheseapproacheseachis toosimplisticinitself.Thereisnodoubtthatmajorsocio-economicandcultural change takes place in Ireland from the s onwards but these changes were notjustrelatedtoasingleeventortochangingpoliticalenvironments.Instead theywerepartofabroadermovementtowardsmodernityandglobalisation.It isthisperiodthatwitnessestheemergenceofcapitalisminthecountryandsees 199
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thebeginningsofIreland’scontemporarycoastallandscapetakingshape.Inthis context change can be seen in new economic practices, changing settlement patterns and in the processes of industrial and resource exploitation. GaelicIrish power and influence collapses, a wave of new settlers and planters arrive, newtownsandvillagesareestablished,newindustriesemergeandthecultural characterofthelandscapebeginsaprocessofrapidalterationandchange. One of the key aspects to the study of maritime activity through the post medievalperiodisthequestionofscale.Itiseasytogeneraliseonisland-wide coastal traditions over the last years but this approach does not do justice totherangeandbreadthofactivities,identitiesandbeliefswhichallcoexisted alongtheseaboard.Muchoftheeconomyoftheeastcoastwasfirmlypositioned within a developing global economy yet fishing and settlement traditions also survived on a far smaller local scale.This is not to argue that the maritime traditionsoftheremotepastcontinuedunchangedintorecentcenturiesassome more romanticised and idealised commentators would lead us to believe. But therearecontinuitiesintermsoffishingpractice,vernacularcraftandsettlement location.Theproblemthenthatpresentsitselfwithwritinganarchaeologyof therecentmaritimepastistotryandpresentacohesivestoryofthediversityof Ireland’srecentmaritimepastgivenitsmulti-facetedandmulti-influencedand multi-dimensionalnature.Thisisnotnecessarilyaninclusivestorysoisprobably bestpresentedinthisfirstinstanceasachronologicalnarrativewhichseeksto set the context of the development of modernity using the main sources of evidenceandarchaeologicalsurvivals.
maritimeperspectivesonthegaelicrebellions,thespanish armadaandtheplantationofireland ThedesmondrebellionandDúnanÓir Throughout the s and s the Gaelic-Irish septs which dominated the westernseaboardoftheislandwereengagedinresistanceandconflictwiththe rulingEnglishadministrationinDublinwhichhadbeguntoattempttoassert itsauthorityoveragreaterpartofIreland.ThisGaelicresistancewashelpedto an extent by the Catholic powers in Europe, most notably the Spanish.This helpleadtoanumberofsignificantmaritimeeventswhichcontinuetoplaya partinthenationalpsycheofcontemporaryIreland.Thefirsteventoccurredon theKerrycoastandwasrelatedtouprisingsorganisedbytheGaelicDesmond lordsofMunster.OntheJuly,threeSpanishshipsunderthecommand of James Fitzmaurice, son of the Earl of Desmond and a known opponent of English rule in Ireland, landed on the North Kerry coast and occupied Dun an Óir overlooking Smerwick Harbour (). This small force made several incursionsinlandbutwasmetwithagreatdealofresistanceandwasforcedto over-winteratSmerwick. 200
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Detailofseventeenth-centurymapof SmerickHarbourengagement(MPF,PRO London)
ThefollowingsummerreinforcementsofsoldierscommandedbyDonJuan MartinezdeRecaldearrivedatSmerwickandsetupanartilleryfortificationatDun anÓir.AnEnglishnavalsquadronunderWilliamWynterarrivedattheharbour inordertocounterthisnewthreatandsetaboutdestroyingthefortificationwith incessantordnancebombardmentfromitslargerships.Thethreelargestshipsin thesquadron,theRevenge,SwiftsureandAid,carriedouttheprimarybombardment fromtheirdeckswhilethreesmallervesselstheMerlin,AchatesandtheTigersailed closetoshoreandsubjectedtheencampmenttoalesserassault.Theattackfinally endedwhentheEnglishlandedaforceofsoldiersnearthecampandthegarrison quicklysurrendered.OneoftheoriginalshipsoftheSpanishgarrisonisdepicted asbeingbrokenontherocksbelowtheencampmentonacontemporarymapof theengagement.ThissmallepisodeinthecontinuingconflictbetweenElizabeth IIEnglandandPhilipIISpainwastosetthestageforamuchgreaterassaulton EnglandbyaSpanishNavalforcein.However,theEnglishforcesinIreland were also facing internal dissent with a number of the Gaelic lordships on the islandbeginningasustainedperiodofresistanceandrevoltagainstEnglishrule.
earlyplantations Followingthecollapseoftheonesuchrevolt,theDesmonduprisingofthes inthesouthernhalfoftheisland,theEnglishCrownquicklymovedtoplantthese 201
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newly conquered lands.The initial plan was to people selected areas of Munster with‘lovingsubjectsofgoodbehaviourandaccountnoneofthemeerIrishtobe maintainedinanyfamily’.TherehadbeenpreviousattemptstoplantEnglishsubjects inIrelandmostnotablythroughtheLeix-Offalyplantationof,ThomasSmith’s -plantationoftheArdsPeninsulainCountyDownandthroughanumberof otherprojectedorfailedschemes.Thesewerelow-keyandindividualisticschemes andwereprimarilydesignedasexploratoryentrepreneurialventures. TheArdsschemeresultedinanumberoftowerhousesbeingoccupiedonthe coastofthepeninsulaandaroundStrangfordLough.ACaptainThomasBrowne tookoutaleaseontheestatesurroundingMaheeCastlein().Aspartof thisventureitappearsthatBrowneconstructedaseriesofquaysandslipways adjacent to the tower house to facilitate the movement of goods and people fromthisenterprise.Anotherjettywithstonefoundationscanbeseenonthe foreshore directly beneath Ringhaddy Castle dating to a refurbishment phase of the tower house at this time.This is again indicative of the infrastructural effortsbeingmadetoensurethatthesesitescouldaccommodateincreasingtrade activityassociatedwiththenewplantationventures.Elsewhereinthecountry otherplantationschemeswerebeingorganised.SurveysbeganinMunsterinan attempt to map out the forfeited lands and design a model plantation for this area.ManyofthesewerecoastallandsandschemeswerelocatedontheDingle PeninsulaandpartsoftheCorkandWaterfordcoasts.
Left:MapofMaheeCastle, StrangfordLough,showingthe quaycomplextotherightofthe castleontheforeshore(CMA, UU) Opposite:TheEnglish pursuetheSpanishfleetEastof Plymouth,31July–1August 1588 202
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thespanisharmada Against this backdrop of plantation and Gaelic resistance external threats to English rule in parts of Ireland continued.This sense of heightened threat was bestexemplifiedbytheso-calledSpanishArmadaof().Thiswasneveran invasionattemptonIreland,butwasratheraplaninvolvingalargefleetofships sailing from Spain to Flanders and meeting with the successful Spanish army in Flanders under the Duke of Parma.The naval fleet would escort the army acrosstoSpainwhereitwouldleadaninvasionofEngland.InMayalarge armadaofshipsleftLisbonconsistingofshipsdividedintosquadrons,each squadronbasedonthevesselsoforiginofitsvesselsofthetypeofvesselinvolved. ForavarietyofreasonsincludingsuperiorEnglishnavaltactics,stormforcewinds andpoorpreparationthisexpeditionultimatelyfailed. AftersixdaysofconflicttheSpanishfleetwasorderedhome.Ratherthanrisk goingbackintotheChannelthefleetinsteadchosetoroundScotlandandreturn homeviatheWestofIreland.OnthispassagethehomewardboundSpanish Armadahadtocontendwithverystormyweathercombinedwithfreezingfog andunfamiliarcoastlines.Manyoftheshipshadsufferedduringtheweeklong conflictandwerecarryingstormdamage.Overshipswerelostonthereturn voyagewithasmanyaslostontheIrishcoast.
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Sixteenth-centurySpanishvessels (DavidWilkinson,EHS)
AnumberofthewrecksoftheArmadahavebeenexcavatedinIrishwaters and have proved to be of enormous importance ().They provide a unique insightintotechnologyandsocietyoflatethcenturyEurope.Thevesselswere essentiallysmallfloatingtownscarryingenoughequipmentandcargotokeepa substantialsizedcommunitygoingforweeksatsea.
thesantamariadelarosa Inthesaftermanyseasonssearchingawreckwaslocatedmsoutheastof StrombolireefinBlasketSound,Co.Kerry.Initiallythediversthoughttheyhad foundtheSanJuanbutthisidentificationwasquicklydiscountedinfavourofthe SantaMariadeLaRosa.TheSantaMariawastheVice-FlagshipoftheGuipuzcoan squadronunderthecommandofMigueldeOquendo.Withatonnageofand carryingmenwithpiecesofordnance.Allthatremainedontheseabedof thewreckinwasalargetightlypackedballastmoundoflimestoneblocks, minlengthandmwide.Themoundlayinmofwateronaflatshingle bottomandsurvivedtoaheightofjustunderametre.Excavationofthemound, underthesupervisionofColinMartin,producedstructuralelementsfromthe lowermostpartofthehull.Asectionofthescarf-jointedkeelsonwasuncovered withportionsofanumberofstanchionssurvivingwhichwouldhavesupported theorlopbeams.Acomplexmaststepwithasurroundingwoodenboxsurvived 204
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onthekeelsonandwasexcavatedduringthecourseoftheproject.Aseriesof groundtimbersandanassortmentofartefactsalsosurvivedbeneaththemound. Lead ingots, shot, arquebuses, muskets and fragmentary skeletal remains of a marinerwererecoveredduringthecourseoftheexcavation.Twopewterplates recoveredconfirmedtheidentityoftheship.Bothweremarkedwiththename ‘Matute’.TheSantaMariacarriedonboardFranciscoRuizMatute,aninfantry captain,onboard.Martininterpretedthissectionoftheremainsasbeingfrom thebowportionoftheshiponthebasisofthelocationofballastinshipsofthat periodandonthepositionofthemaststep.
lagirona In Robert Stenuit, a Belgian salvage expert, came to Ireland in search of Spanishwrecks.HehadoriginallyplannedtoconcentratehiseffortsonBlasket Sound,butfindingtheEnglishgroupatworkheswitchedhisattentiontothe north coast. Stenuit was attracted to a bay near the Giant’s Causeway on the Antrimcoast().TheordnancesurveymapsofthearealabelledthebayinIrish Port-na-Spanaigh, or port of the Spaniards, an obvious indicator of a Spanish connection.TwopossiblewreckshadoccurredinthisvicinityincludingLaGirona –agalleassoftheNaplesSquadron.Thegalleasswasarelativelynewtypeofvessel originatingfromanoaredMediterraneangalleywiththreemastsandsails. OnhisfirstdivearoundLacadaPoint,StenuitrecoveredanumberofSpanish coinsandnotedthepresenceofarangeofotherartefactualremainsincluding thedistinctivelyshapedleadingotswhichwereacommonitemcarriedonboard theArmada vessels.These ingots would have later been melted down to make lead shot once the invasion force had landed. He returned the following year inwithadiveteamandarangeofequipmentthatwouldenablehimto carryoutalarge-scalesalvagejob.UnliketheSantaMarianohullstructurewas foundfromthesiteoftheGirona.Thetopographyoftheseabedatthislocation, theshallownessofthesiteandthehigh-energynatureofthiscoastlinemitigated againstthesurvivalofsuchalargestructure.Thelargestitemsrecoveredfromthe sitewerethreeguns,onebronzehalf-sakerandonebronzeesmerilandthemuzzel ofathirdgun.Theshiphadanoriginalcomplementofuptoguns,butmany oftheseweresalvagedatthetimebylocalchieftainsandbyanEnglishsalvage operationmountedsoonafterthewrecking.Alargeassortmentofpersonalitems werefoundincludingreligiouscrosses,jewelleryandkitchenutensils.
trinidadvalencera TheTrinidadValencerawasfoundbytheCityofDerrySub-AquaClubin. Theship,becauseofitsbulkcarrierabilities,carriedthreelargesiegegunswhich 205
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TheNorthCoast(Nigel McDowell,UU)
weretobeusedonlandoncelandconflictinEnglandhadstarted.Twoofthe siege guns were recovered during the course of the excavation bearing the weightmarksand.TheyhadcomefromaFlemishfoundryandfired 40lb cannon balls.The ship also carried other pieces of ordnance with marinersandsoldiers.Nointactportionofthehullstructuresurvivedinthe areasofexcavation.Oakplankingwasfoundonthesiteandthisappearstohave beenexclusivelyfastenedbyironandtreenailsandwereapparentlynotused.
streedaghstrand ThreeArmadavesselswerelostatStreedaghStrand.Thethreevesselswrecked, theSicilianJulianaoftons,theVenetianLaviaoftonsandthesmaller Santa Maria deVision of tons, were from the Levantine Squadron.A map drawn by Sir Richard Bingham on April and subsequently endorsed byBurghleyshowsthethreevesselsbreakingupinthesurfatStreedagh.Three guns were recovered from the site in the s including two pedreros, short barrelled guns with reduced powder chambers used for firing stone shot, and onesakerwithafoundrydateof.Alargerudderwithitspintlesstillintact wasalsouncoveredandphotographedonthesitebutthiswaslaterreburiedby sedimentmovement.
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thenineyearswarandlaterplantations ThefailureoftheArmadaandthecontinuedunrestthroughoutIrelandledto amoreintensiveandsuccessfulphaseofplantationsintheearlys.Thiswas especiallytrueinUlsterwherethemostambitiousundertakingstookplace.In the middle of the sixteenth century there was increased tension between the forces of the English crown and the Ulster Irish lords.This period of tension culminatedintheNineYearsWarin.AfteryearsoffightingtheEnglishhad effectivelydefeatedtheIrishforcesandmanyoftheleadingIrishlordsfledto Spainininwhatbecameknownasthe‘FlightoftheEarls’,havingfailed toliveincompromisewiththeEnglishforces.TheEnglishCrownnowmoved again to grant large tracts of land throughout Ireland to British settlers, with mostsettlinginMunsterandUlster. Thesamedegreeofformalitythatwasproposedfortheearlierschemesdoes notappeartoapplytotheearlyseventeenth-centuryundertakings.Onereason forthisisthatmuchofthethreatfromGaelicinsurgents,afactorthathindered earliersettlementintheseareas,hadnoweffectivelygone.Thelaterundertakings appear to be far more individualistic with the grantee being able to operate withoutanypoliticalinterferenceandtodeveloptheirownscheme.Therewas nowmuchgreaterdiversityofsettlementinnewsettlementandtradecentres. Alaissezfairemarkethadbeenintroducedandindividualactivityandinitiative wasactivelyencouraged.Oneofthedirectconsequencesofthisisthattheactual morphologyoftheplantationsettlementsoutsideofthemainurbancentresis lessrigidthanthatwhichwasproposedfortheearlierMunstersettlements.A more uniform approach to layout is adopted in Ulster where the large towns at Derry/Londonderry and Coleraine are laid out in a grid-like fashion and enclosedbyfortifications().
economicdevelopmentofmaritimetownsandtrade Porttowns Withtheadventoftheearlyseventeenth-centuryplantationsandtherestructuring oftheeconomywithinIrelandanumberofnewporttownsweredevelopedand newinfrastructuraldevelopmentisapparentatanumberoftheolderestablished towns.Ulsterinparticularwitnessesthemainthrustofthesedevelopmentsbeing, asitwas,totheforefrontofplantationactivity.TheareaeastofLoughFoylewas grantedtotheLondoncompaniesinthefirstdecadeoftheseventeenthcentury andbytwotownsatDerryandColerainehadbeenestablished.Therehad beenpre-existingsettlementsatbothoftheselocationsbutthearrivalofthenew settlersseessignificantfortifiedurbansettlementsbeingdeveloped.Asubstantial earthen rampart with a number of small bastions was built at Coleraine by .ThetownwassituatedontheRiverBann,threekilometresfromthesea, 207
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Thomas Raven’s Londonderryin thes
directlydownstreamfromtheimportantsalmonfisheriesclosetoMountSandel. However,theportwashinderedbyitsriverinelocationandneverdevelopedasa deep-waterport.Derryadoptedamoresuitablepositionanditsquicklyacquired prosperitywasreflectedintheextensivecircuitofdefenceserectedaroundthe town.Theapproachestoitsquayswereprotecteddownstreambythetriangular artilleryfortatCulmore,originallyfortifiedinbyHenryDocwra(). While the Plantation schemes developed on the eastern banks of the Foyle, partsofDownandsouthernAntrimwerealsosettledeventhoughtheywerenot partoftheformalplantationproject.ThisregionattractedmainlyScottishsettlers, suchastheHamiltonsandMontgomerys.Thesefamiliesbegantore-investin individual port towns which subsequently emerged as central settlements in the broader socio-economic structure of the north-eastern seaboard. New developmentsincludedSirHughMontgomery’sworkatDonaghadeewherehe builtalargestonequaytoaccommodatevesselsengagedintheferryingactivity betweenScotlandandIrelandfromonwards.Similarly,letterspatentwere issuedtoJamesHamiltoninMarchgrantinghimpermissiontoconstitute Bangorasaport.Hewasalsomadecustomscollectorandbuiltacustomshouse to facilitate this, which still survives on the quay.This is very distinctively a Scottishstylebuildingwithitsturretsandgeneralform,reflectiveoftheethnic originsofitspatron. This new investment manifested itself in a number of other ways as well. A tower house was built at Castleward in c. while a second tower house wasbuiltatKirkistownin.KillyleaghCastle,ontheshoresofStrangford 208
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Detailof CulmoreFort inthes,Co. Derry
Lough,wasbuiltinaScottishstyleforJamesHamiltonby,whilePortaferry CastlewasrefurbishedbyJamesMontgomeryin().Theconstructionof the tower houses illustrates a certain sense of continuity with past settlement traditions in the region and also demonstrates the diversity of the plantation experience.Settlementwasnotjustconcernedwiththedevelopmentoflarge new urban centres but was also involved in reshaping landscapes in a more organisedmannerbutyetmaintainingtraditionalistelements.
killybegsandroughpoint While the political histories and larger architectural statements of these early plantationssurvive,farlessisknownabouttheso-calledcommonerswhowould havelivedandworkedonthesenewlygrantedlands.AnimportantsiteatRough PointinKillybegs,Co.Donegal,hasrecentlybeenpublishedbyFrankCoyne andTracyCollins,whichforthefirsttimeinvestigatesalargeareaofawaterfront settlementofthisperiod.WhiletherehadbeenGaelic-Irishsettlementaround Killybegs harbour throughout the later medieval period it was in that a townwasformallyestablishedhereintheplantationprecinctofBoyagh.Itwas grantedtoundertakersfromScotland,fromwheretheinhabitantsoftheRough Pointsettlementmayhavecomefrom.Thesmallsettlementclusterconsistedof fivestone-builtstructuresbuiltinavarietyofarchitecturalstylesreflectingboth EnglishandIrishvernaculars.Theformofthehousesreflectstheenvironmentof 209
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DetailofRaven’ss EstatemapofGroomsport, Co.Down(NorthDown Museum)
thisseaboardandtheexcavatorssuggesttheywerebuiltspecificallytoendurethe harshAtlanticclimate.Thestructureswereallrectangularandrangedbetween -minlength.Anumberhadfireplacesbuiltintothegables,abuildingfashion thatiscommoninotherBritishplantationperiodstructuresacrosstheNorth Atlanticsphere.Theartefactualandstructuralevidenceareclearlysupportiveofa plantationperioddateandoriginforthesestructuresbutwhatislessclearisthe functionofthecluster.Itisofcoursereasonabletosuggestthattheinhabitants wereinvolvedintheextensivefisheriesoffthecoastatthistime. Certainlyentrepreneurialfishingactivitywasacommonfeatureamongstthe planterswhocametoIreland.Interestinglythoughnoartefactualevidencewas uncoveredwhichwasdirectlyrelatedtothefishingindustryalthoughanumber oftheredearthenwarepiecesmayhavebeenusedasherringjars.Itseemslikely thatanindustrialareaassociatedwithfishprocessing,boatrepairetc.waslocated elsewherearoundtheharbourandthiswouldaccountforthepaucityoffishery remainsatthesite.Coulditalsobeindicativeofnewarrivalswhohadyetto becomefullyacclimatisedtotheirnewholdings?Doestheirsettlementposition onanislandspit,removedfromthemainland,reflectadegreeofinsecurityand afeelingofseparationfromthesurroundingpopulations?Thematerialculture recoveredfromthesiteisindicativeofthisdifferencebeinglargelymadeupof importedtable-wares.Theseremainsrepresentanimportantsurvivalandmust constituteonlyoneofmanyoftheseruralsitetypesyettobefound.
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portsandharbours Theseventeenthcenturysawthere-developmentandmodernisationofthemajor portsaroundthecoast.Substantialstonequayswereerectedalongtheriverfront at Drogheda, Dublin,Waterford, Cork, Limerick and Galway.This century also witnessed the emergence of‘new’ substantial ports including Derry, Belfast and Newry. Much of this development is still evident today incorporated into the modernlineoftheindividualquays.ExcavationsundertakenbyAnneLynchhave alsouncoveredevidenceofthisdevelopment.InvestigationsatCharlotteQuayin Limerick uncovered the remains of a seventeenth century quay wall which ran parallel to the town wall and appears to have been built to provide boat access tothewestWatergate().Thewallsurvivedtoaheightof.mandranalong theriverfor.m.Itwasbuiltwithacoreofmortaredrubbleandfacedwith ashlarlimestoneblocks.Astonequaywithaseriesofstepsprovidingaccesstothe waterfront was uncovered in during excavations at the Shop Street site in Drogheda.ThestonestructurewaslocatedonthenorthbankoftheriverBoyne anddatedtotheseventeenthcentury.InMunsterolderportslikeYoughalgreatly benefitedfromreinvestmentbytheplanters.Heretheportwasrefurbishedandan enclosedharbourwasbuilttoaccommodateshippingassociatedwiththeexport tradeofpigironandcharcoalaswellascattleandwool.Thesmallerporttownsof Kinsale,BaltimoreandDingleprosperedinasimilarmannerbenefitingfromthe plantersinvolvementwiththeseafisheriesofthesouth-westcoast. Ulster ports also began to rise in prominence during this period.William PittwasappointedasCustomeroftheportsofNewcastle,Dundrum,Killough, Portaferry, Donaghadee, Bangor, and Holywood in . Thomas Raven’s drawings of clearly show pier structures at Groomsport and Killyleagh
DetailofJobson’searlyseventeenth-centuryCityofLimerick 211
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The‘OldQuay’atStrangford,Co.Down(RosemaryMcConkey,UU)
while new investment at Strangford Port resulted in it overtakingArdglass in importance. Much of this investment came from the Earl of Kildare, whose agent,ValentinePayne,wrotein‘Ihavebuiltakey(atStrangford)wherethere wasnonebefore,thatthebiggestshippethattheKingehathemaylayhersidebesideit.’ Thisquay,the‘OldQuay’isstillinusetodaywithleisurecraftmooringalongside it().TheEarl,whoalsoheldthemajorityinterestinArdglass,obviouslydid notpayasmuchattentiontothatportandsolditscustomsinastheport had been undergoing a decline for a number of years.Also in a report was issued by the Surveyor General of Customs which gives an indication of the relative importance of Irish Ports.The list is compiled from accounts of the customs due from each port and their‘subsidiary creeks’. Of the Ulster portslistedCarrickfergusisrankedfirst,followedbyBangor,Donaghadeeand Strangford.CarlingfordandColeraineeachhad£dueincustomsandhad anequalranking.
postmedievalfortificationofthecoast The onset of the political troubles of the s was ultimately to see the end of the Gaelic land-ownership and power along the western and northern seaboards.TheCromwellianconfiscationsoflandandsubsequentre-grantingof ittosoldiersandundertakersloyaltotheParliamentwastohaveafundamental 212
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impact on the nature and ownership of landholding throughout the country. Architecturally,thischangeismanifestedinthedevelopmentofanumberofnew fortificationsatstrategiclocationsaroundthecoast,thefoundingofanumberof newplantertownsandthedevelopmentandintensificationofcoastalindustries. Anewformofangularfortificationwasspecificallydevelopedtoofferincreased protectiontotheseplaces. In particular star-shaped forts were enclosed structures built of earth and/ or masonry and were used to mount and resist cannon ().They worked as defensive fortifications through the strategic placement of cannon on salient anglesorbastionswhichaspiredtocommandafullolineoffirearoundthe fort. Each bastion was roughly spear-shaped and projected from each of the salientanglesonthefort.Thewallsofthefortwerefrontedbylowthick-profiled ramparts,-mthick,builtofearthandsodsandrevetedwithstone,whichwere built to absorb the impact of cannon.The ramparts were in turn surmounted byaparapet,accesstowhichwasgainedbyaseriesofstepsorrampsfromthe interior.Thefortswerealsoalmostexclusivelysurroundedbyadeepexternal ditch.Thesizeandsophisticationofeachfortwasgovernedbyawidevariety offactors. Strategic positioning was obviously of primary importance with many of the forts positioned to protect harbours, sea-lanes, communication routes and significant settlements. Local factors also influenced location and design. Topographicsuitabilitywasanover-ridingconcern.Fortshadtobepositioned onwell-drainedsoilsassandysoilsweresubjecttosliding.Well-drainedsoilsalso mitigatedagainstdampandfloodingwhichwasofespecialimportancetoafort
DetailofNewtownfortfromThomasPhilipssvistaofBantryBay,Co.Cork 213
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designedspecificallyforartillery.Anelevatedpositionwithcommandingvistas was an important military requirement as well. Financial resources, personnel, building expertise and tools would all have played a role in determining the natureofthestructure.Manyofthesefactorsfluctuatedsofortsperiodicallyfell outofusagewhileotherswerere-establishedorre-fortified. The combination of all of the defensive and aggressive characteristics of these forts points to structures that were fundamentally different to the tower housesthathadbeenbuiltoverthepreviouscenturies.Star-shapedfortswere exclusivelymilitarystructuresbuilttohouseagarrisonofprofessionalsoldiers andtoengageinartillerywarfare.Theyhadnoothermajorroletoplaywithin society other than the protection of the surrounding land from hostile forces. Thismono-functionalityisreflectedintheshort-termoccupationofmanyof thesitesandtheirsubsequentabandonmentanddecayonceaperiodofconflict ends.Onlythelargersitesassociatedwithurbansettlementsorimportantports appeartohavebeenoccupiedforanylengthoftime. Initiallythesetypesofdefensiveworkswerebuiltinresponsetothecrisesof theNineYearsWar.Apentagonalearthwork,JamesFort,wasbuiltatCastlePark nearKinsaleinwhileasimilarfortwaserectedonHaulbowlineIslandin Cork Harbour at the same time. Elsewhere sites such as Duncannon Fort in WaterfordHarbourwerestrengthenedinrecognitionofthepivotalstrategicrole theyplayedoverthepreviousdecadesofconflict.Thisrefortificationintimesof crisisisafeatureofmanyofthefortsaroundthecoast.DuringtheCromwellian wars of - Duncannon again underwent refurbishment. The recent discoveryofashipwreckintheshippingchannelneartoDuncannonhasbeen provisionallyidentifiedbyConnieKelleherasthatoftheGreatLewis,aton vessel of the Parliamentarian navy sent to relieve the garrison at Duncannon. ThevesselwaslostininanengagementwithRoyalistforces.Anumber ofcannon,timberstructureandartefactualmaterialhavebeenrecordedonthe seabedatthislocation.TheAnglo-Dutchwarof-actedasacatalystfor furtherconstruction.Twostar-shapedforts,forexample,wereconstructedatthis time in Bantry Bay to protect and defend the region against Dutch shipping, oneatDunboyandthesecondatNewtown(kmnorthofBantrytown).Both overlook shipping routes and important areas of anchorage. Forts were also locatedontheislandsoffthewestcoast,includingMuttonIsland,Inisboffinand Inishmore.
thefrenchterror:laterrefortification While the Spanish constituted the primary external threat to the security of Britain and Ireland in the sixteenth century it was the French who took on this mantle in the later part of the eigtheenth century. In the French revolutiontookplaceandthissingleeventwastohaveprofoundrepercussions 214
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3dgeophysicalimage oftheshipwreckLa Surveillante(Rory Quinn,CMA)
acrossNorthernEuropeastherevolutionariessoughttospreadtheiridealsand overthrowexistingmonarchies.ThenewlyfoundedRepublicdeclaredwaron Austria in April and the revolutionary war quickly spread throughout westernEurope.IntheAutumnofanewpoliticalregimecametopower in France, the Directory, which made peace with Spain and became its ally in the war against Britain.TheobaldWolfeTone, one of the leaders of the United Irishmen, went to France in and began to campaign for support foraFrenchinvasionofIreland.EventuallytheFrenchagreed,andaplanwas developedwhichinvolvedalandingatBantryBaywhereanexpeditionaryforce wouldjoinupwithlocalinsurgentsandmarchonCork(). OnthethDecember,shipsand,troopsunderthecommand ofVice-admiral Morard de Galles left Brest. However, as with so many other campaignsofasimilarnatureitwaseffectivelydoomedfromtheoutset,plagued bypoororganisation,planningandstormconditionsatsea.Theinvasionforce never landed and a number of vessels were wrecked on the Irish coasts.The frigateLaSurveillantearrivedinBantryBayattheendofDecemberbutwasso badlydamagedduringitspassagefromBrestthatitwasdismantled,abandoned and scuttled. Its well preserved remains lie in m of water north ofWhiddy Island and consist of the copper-sheated lower section of the hull which lies partially buried in the bottom sediments.The frigate L’Impatient was wrecked belowMizenHead.UnlikeLaSurveillantenoneofitshullsurvivesduetothe high-energynatureofthemarineenvironmentatthislocation.Insteadonlythe ferrous material from the wreck remains and consists of a number of cannon spreadthroughaseriesofrockygulleys.Twoyearslaterthreefrigatesleftfrom France with soldiers and landed at Killala.They joined up with a larger group of Irish revolutionaries and after some initial success surrendered. In 215
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SeptemberofthesameyeartenvesselsleftBrestandsailedtoDonegalwhere theyengagedanEnglishnavalforcebutweredefeatedandthemajorityofthe vessels,includingtheshipofthelineHoche,werecaptured. TheEnglishresponsetotheseandothersmallerscaleeventswastoengagein theextensivere-fortificationoftheIrishcoastinanattempttoprotectagainst anyfutureFrenchinvasionaryforceusingIrelandasabridgeheadintoBritain. In the immediate aftermath of the campaign temporary gun batteries wereestablishedaroundBantryBay.Lateraseriesofsignaltowerswereerected around the coast between and in an attempt to improve military communications and intelligence.The towers were designed to communicate withnavalvesselsandsometimesotherstationsthroughaseriesofflagsignals. Theymostlyconsistedofasinglesquaredefendedtower,usuallytwostoreysin heightandoperatedanddefendedbyasignalofficerandahandfulofmen. towerswerebuiltonthecoastfromDublinsouthwardsinalinetoInishowen HeadinDonegalbutbythevastmajorityhadbeenabandoned. ByaseriesofMartellotowershadbeenbuiltdowntheeastcoast,from DublintoWexford,andinthestrategicallyimportantharboursatCork,Bantry andinLoughSwilly.Martellotowersweredesignedtofunctionasguntowers todefendthecoastagainstenemyshippingandthelandingoftroops().Alarge -poundergunwasmountedonthetowerandadditionalgunswereoften presentinadjacentbatteries.Theeffectivenessofthismethodinfiringonships offshorehasoftenbeenquestionedandwasoneofthefactorsintheeventual abandonmentofthesites.However,theywouldhavebeenusefulinanumberof locationsandtheycouldalsohaveplayedaneffectiveroleinrepellinganinfantry
MartellotoweratMagilliganPoint,Co.Derry 216
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landing.The towers have a relatively uniform design consisting of a circular two-storey tower with thick stone walls. Entry was usually gained through a first-floordoorwaywhichleadtothelivingspaceinthetower. TheestablishmentoftheCoastguardforceinrepresentedthegovernment’s shift from protection against external military threat towards trying to protect thecoastfromsmuggling.Suchactivitywaswidespread,albeitexaggerated,and wasviewedashavingadetrimentaleffectontheIsland’seconomy.Initiallythese bases consisted of a cottage with a boathouse and watch area, but later in the century more substantial two storey structures were erected. Communication between the bases was carried out through the use of flags.The erection of these stations is interesting in that it represents a form of economic coastal fortification as opposed to militaristic defence. It is also representative of the increased centralisation of power and government in Ireland at this time and of a reassertion of control by the British government. Many of these stations todayareprivateresidences,butinterestingexamplessurviveoutsideofthemain areasofrecentdevelopmentsuchasthatatSt.John’sPointinDown,whichis associatedwithalighthouseandsmallsettlementcomplex.
thepostmedievalfishingindustry Ireland’spostmedievalfisheries:localandregionaldiversity Ithasbeentooeasytogeneraliseaboutthefishingindustryoverthelastfewhundred yearsaroundthecoastwitharchaeologistsandhistoriansdealingsimplywithfish andboattypesandanoccasionalmentionofmaterialculture.However,thiswasa complexandmulti-layeredindustrywithextensivephysicaloperationsandsocial relationships.Itwasanindustrythattranscendedthelandandseainterface,reaching farinland.Itwasalsoanindustrythatoperatedatmanylevelsfromthelocaltothe internationalandincorporatedmanynationalitiesandsociallevels. Oneonlyhastoinvestigatethelocalpracticesofafishermanworkingonthe Blasketislandsinthenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies.Theseislanders operatingalocallybasedfishingsystemwhereboatswereownedwithinfamilial groupings and operated within a loose cooperative community environment. Theyfishedlocalmarketsandtradedtheirfishwithinalocalcontext.Aswell asfishing,small-scaleagriculturealsoplayedanintrinsicpartintheirlivelihood. Occasionally,avisitingvesselmightengagewiththembutthistypeofenterprise waslargelylocal. Atamediumscalewecanconsidertheindustrywithinaslightlylargerfishing communityenvironment.TheCladdaghinGalway,forexample,wasamedium sizedcommunitylargelydedicatedtofishingandmarinetransport().Alllevels ofsocietyinthissettlementwereconsumedwithservicingandoperatingthese activities. In Henry Inglis observes during his visit to the Claddagh that hewent‘andlookedinto,hundredsofcabins;andtherewasscarcelyoneinwhichIdid 217
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Claddaghcottagesinthenineteenth century
notseefemalesbusilyengagedinspinning,makingormendingnets’.Themajorityof themenworkedthefishingboatsandpliedtheirtradealongtheextentofthe western seaboard. On a national and international level there were the large commercialfishingfleetsofthelargerportsandthecontinentalfishingvessels whichcontinuedtovisitthesewatersslowlyover-fishingtheavailablestocks. Throughout the last four centuries fishing continued to be an economic mainstay. Historically, herring has been the most profitable and commercially exploitablepelagicfishintheIrishseasandhasbeenthemostabundant.These fishstocksfluctuatedgreatlybutthiswasnotduetochangingspawninggrounds, but rather to over-exploitation coupled with subtle changes in environmental conditions and migration leading to a depletion of stocks in certain areas, occasionallyaccompaniedbyaboominothers.Evenaslightdropofoneortwo degreesinseatemperaturewasenoughtotriggeradepletioninstock.Similarly, iftherewereanintensivefewyearsoffishingataspecificherringlocationthen stocks would be adversely effected.The population of spawning adults would be severely decreased leading to an overall collapse of the fisheries.This may takemanyyearstore-establishitself.Thesefactorscanbeusedtoexplainwhya herringfisherymightbeextremelysuccessfulforanumberofyearsbeforefailing miserablyonlytoberesurrectedmanyyearslater.Itisthisconstantstateofflux ofthestockwhichgivescatchessuchanunpredictablenature.Thisunpredictable nature of the herring stocks has been noted by many writers. Harris, writing in , notes that Carlingford and Strangford Lough as well as Quintin Bay andCarrickfergusBayaboundinherring.Thepilchard(Sardiniapilchardus)also belongstothesameSuperorderastheherringandthesprat.Theyfeedinthe inshoreareainlargeschoolsremainingatthesurfaceduringthenightandgoing downtouptomduringtheday.Manyoftheyoungshoalsofthefishwill enterandfeedinestuariesorlargebodiesofshelteredwater.Breedingseason isAprilthroughtoJulyforthepilchardinthesewaters,withlarvaehatchingat c.mminlengthandmaturingafterfouryears. Fishpalacesandfishpondsassociatedwiththisindustryaredottedaroundthe coast.Fishpalaceswerelargestonebuiltstructuresinwhichbarrelsofpilchards werelaidunderpressbeamsandweightsinordertopackthebarrelsandextract 218
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DetailfromSmith’smapof KenmareRivershowingfish houses
oil.Independentwallsandsectionsofexposedbedrockcliffswerealsousedfor this purpose. Charles Smith, writing in , records that several fish palaces survivedincreeksaroundBantryandKenmareBays,whichwerebuiltforthe saving,preservingandsaltingofpilchards,whiledeLatocnaye,writingin, recordsthatthereweremanypressingwallsonWhiddyIslandusedforextracting oil from pilchards (). Other palace locations include one on the southern shores of Reenadisert, a curing house at Gerahies and possible sites in Bantry town and at Gurteenroe.The storage of fish in coastal ponds also took place aroundtheBayandthisactivityappearstobeassociatedwiththeestates.Amuch dilapidated pond is shown on the OS s map of the area around Dunboy, whileasecondpondwaslocatedontheforeshoreinthetownlandofArdaturish BegonthenorthernshoresoftheBay.Thissecondpondtakesadvantageofa naturalbreakintheexposedbedrock.Thenarrowentranceontheseawardside ofthepondconsistsofthefoundationsofalowwallstandingcourseshighat eitherendbuiltofroughandcutsandstoneblocks.Asmallredbrickextension tothesandstonewallmarksthelocationofamwidewoodensluicegatewhich still survived over years ago.At the land-ward side of the pond, where the bedrock terminates at the beach, a low wall consisting of upright overlapping slates, bonded with mortar, and running around the land-ward edge of the structureisevident.Thesepondswouldhaveensuredafreshsupplyoffishfor theestates. 219
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postmedievalwhalingactivities OnalargerscalewhaleshavealwaysbeenavaluablecommodityonIrishshores. Exploitationappearstobemostlyofstrandedcetaceansandcommercialhunting onlyreallybeganintheeighteenthcentury.Thereareanumberofaccountsof whalingactivityoffthewestcoastintheearlypartofthecentury,althoughmost oftheearlycatcheswereexportedtoEnglandforprocessing.Inthesthe NesbitbrothersofDonegalsecuredgovernmentfundingtoestablishastationin Donegal,probablyatInver,whichenjoyedmoderatesuccessoverthenexttwo decades.TheprobableremainsofthisfisheryhavebeenrecordedbybothRory McNearyandMartinMcGonigle,andconsistoffivebuildingssituatedonthe south-facing shoreline.This was a multi-functional site which also catered for theotherformsoffisheriesonthiscoast.Asalthousewaslocatedhereaswere anumberofstoragebuildings. Itwasnotuntilthatalarge-scalecommercialentitywasestablishedonthe InishkeaIslandsofftheMayocoastwhenawhalingstationwaslocatedonRusheen Island().Jettiesandslipwayswerebuilthere,aswellasaseriesofstorageand workingbuildings.Fairleydescribesthestagesofprocessingoncethewhaleshad beencaughtbythestation’ssteamers.Theywerebroughtashoreandwinchedonto a flensing plane where their blubber was removed by a number of experienced cutters.Theblubberwasthencutintopiecesandboiledinhugepotsfromwhich theoilwasextractedandstoredinbarrels.Themeatandbonewassubsequently usedforavarietyofpurposes.Thiswasashortlivedcomplex,butasecondstation, alsoestablishedinatBlacksodinCountyMayo,provedmoredurable.Alarge complexofbuildingsandassociatedwhalerswasquicklybuiltandsomewhales weresubsequentlycaughtbetweenand.Thestationwasburntdownafter theFirstWorldWaranditneverreallyrecoveredfromthissetbackfinallyclosing inthes.InthegovernmentmovedtoprohibitwhalinginIrishterritorial waters.The site currently lies in an abandoned state on the northern shores of FeorrinyeeoBay.Aseriesofbrickfoundationsmarkthelocationofthechimney, boilerplatformsandliftingmechanisms.Thebasalremainsoftheoriginalslipway andpierwhichwouldhaveleadtotheflensingplanearealsoevident. Elsewhere along the western seaboard the basking shark fishery was also wellestablished().By,‘sun-fish’oilwasbeingusedforstreetlightingin Dublin,whiletheNesbitswereextensivelyengagedinthisfisheryby.This waslargelycarriedoutbycoastalcommunities,oftenusingcurraghstopursue their catch. It was more organised in Galway and parts of Clare and a large number of Galway hookers from Claddagh village for example were involved inthisfisheryintheeighteenthandnineteenthcentury.Inmorerecentyearsa sharkfisherystationwasestablishedonAchillIsland,andtheoilcontainersand foundationsofanumberofbuildingsassociatedwiththissitecanstillbeseenat Purcheenharbourontheisland.Acranewasalsooriginallypositionedonthe sitetoenablethefishermentolandthesharks. 220
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WhalingattheInishkeaIslands
SharkfisheryoffAchill
postmedievalfishtrapsontheshannonestuary PostmedievalfishtrapsarewellknownaroundtheIrishcoastline,largelydueto thehistoricalandethnologicalresearchofArthurWentthroughthetwentieth century – particularly at Castlebellingham, Co. Louth, onWaterford Harbour andontheMunsterBlackwater.PostmedievalfishtrapsontheShannonestuary were recorded duringAidan O’Sullivan’s intertidal surveys and these allow us to explore ideas about landscape, practice and identity. In the eighteenth and nineteenthcenturies,theeconomicresourcesoftheShannonestuarywerethe focus of some social and class conflict. Limerick itself was of course a major 221
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Atlanticportatthistime,withabundanthistoricalevidenceforshipsandboats moving up and down the estuary on their way to ports in Britain,America and theWest Indies. Fish, agricultural produce and timber were exported, in return for salt, lead and iron.The estuary’s marshlands were being reclaimed inasignificantway,andwereusedforgrowinghugecropsofbarleyandoats. Labourerswereemployedtomovecattle,sheepandhorsesacrossthesaltmarshes andislands. An historical and archaeological review of the Shannon estuary landscape reveals the extent to which it has always been a contested space, with lords, tenantfarmers,labourers,marinersandfishermenallnegotiatingandcompeting for its resources.We can get an understanding of how these different social groups(i.e.EnglishsailorsandIrishsheepherders)werelivingandworkingon theestuarythroughthestudyofplacenames,givingasenseofits‘alternative geographies’.OntheShannonestuary,variousplacenamesprovideinformation on topography and land ownership. Thence, Tullyvarraga (Tulach O’Bhearga – O’Bhearga’s hill), Clonmacken (Cluain Maicin – Macken’s meadow) and Ballycasey(BaileO’Cathasaigh–Casey’splace)areallofmedievalGaelicIrish origin,indicatingmostlyfarmingactivities.Ontheestuarychanneltherearea wholehostofothernamesofrocks,islandsandpools,mostlyforgottentoday,but preservedinnineteenth-centuryAdmiraltyCharts.Theseplacenames–Battle Island,DeadWoman’sHand,KippenRock–areallofEnglishorigin,andtestify tothefearsandconcernsoftheeighteenth-andnineteenth-centuryEnglishspeakingmariners.Therearealsootherestuarineplacenamesthatwerepassed down only through folk tradition, used to designate different stretches of the rivertobeusedbynetfishermen.Interestingly,theseenuires(possiblyderiving from the Middle English or Anglo-French term en cure meaning‘in use’ or ‘practice’)ontheriverwerenot‘owned’inasensebydifferentfamilies,butby theentirefishingcommunityandwereallocatedtoeachbyagreement. TheShannonestuaryfisherieswereanextremelyvaluableresource,andtheir ownership was a complex and torturous subject. Fishing rights were jealously guarded and were often the subject of legal disputes over control, ownership and access, leading to unrest and even violence. By the nineteenth century, ownershipofthelargerfishtrapsmostlyresidedinthehandsoflocallandlords, bishopsandtheLimerickCorporation.Themostobviousofthesefishtrapsare massivewoodenebbweirs,withfencesuptominlength,locatedusuallyon themainestuarychannel.Eighteenth-andnineteenth-centuryreferencesrefer to local poor people illegally building smaller structures to poach a resource whichrequirednorentandwhichprovidedfoodandasupplementalincome. Someofthesecanbeidentifiedasthesmallercreektrapsthatareoftenlocatedin hiddenplaces,behindislands,ordowninthecreeksthatdissectthedeepmuds. Both local landlords and net fishermen were loud in their criticisms of these fisheries, as they argued that fishstocks were being destroyed and livelihoods were being threatened. Ultimately, all of these fisheries were to be banned by 222
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legislationin.Although,nodoubt,peopledefiantlycontinuedtousethem inpoachingactivities. Interestingly,ontheShannonestuarytherewerenearlyalwayspostmedieval fisheriesclosetoorbesidemedievalexamples.Theyarecertainlynotevidence for‘continuity’,buttheymaynotbeaccidentalassociationseither.Webelieve that nineteenth-century fishing communities would have experience of deep historicaltimethroughtherecognitionofancientwoodenstructuresinthemuds. Inaway,fishingcommunitieswouldhavebeenexpertsonthematerialityofthe estuary.Theywouldhaverecognisedthepeculiarityandunusualappearanceof thesemedievaltraps,withtheirsmallpost-and-wattlefencesandwovenbaskets onthemudflats.Theymighthaverecognisedthemas,inasense,antiquitiesand usedthemasasourceofinformationforgoodfishingplaces.Thence,wecan think again of the intimate knowledge that fishermen had of the creeks and channels, and how past material culture might have actively influenced their economicpracticesandsocialidentities.
postmedievalshellfishgathering Shellfishhaveclearlyplayedanimportantpartinthedietandsocialstructure of labour for the duration of human presence on this island.We have seen in previous chapters how shell middens are an important archaeological survival demonstratingtheimportanceofthisresource.Excavationsinthemedievalcities around the coast have uncovered large dumps of shellfish with oysters being especially common.These features have been recorded at Custom House in Galway,excavationsoffNorthandSouthMainStreetinCorkwhileamedieval middenwasalsorecordednearthesouthquayatCarlingford.However,theyare alsoaverycommonfeatureofthepostmedievalurbanandrurallandscape. ArchaeologicalexcavationsbyClaireWalshatRingsendonthesouthbankofthe RiverLiffey,atDublinuncoveredasmalloystermidden,whichwouldoriginally have been adjacent to the tidal mudflats and sand banks of Dublin Bay. Pottery fromtheseventeenth-centuryprovidedadateforthesite.Suchdatingevidenceis alwaysverywelcomeonthesesitetypesastheycanbenotoriouslydifficulttodate. Otherconfirmedpostmedievalmiddensincludeshellfishdepositsmakingupthe infillofaditchofthesupposedsiteofCastlegregoryinKerry,aperiwinkledeposit inKirwan’sLane,Galway.Aneighteenth-centurymiddenmeasuringmbym, ofshellsofoysters,winklesandlimpets,atGhanHouse,Carlingford.Theextent thatthisresourcewasexploitedintherecentpasthasbeendemonstratedduring exploratoryworkinadvanceofroaddevelopmentbyRichardCrumlish.Nineteen possible post medieval middens, comprised of cockles, periwinkles, mussels and oysters,werelocatedduringworkontheSligotoStrandhillroad.Suchfindings shouldcomeasnosurprisegiventhesheerextentofthisresourcearoundthecoast andincreasedmovesinrecentcenturiestobegintocommerciallyfarmshellfish. 223
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Legislationhadbeenintroducedbytheearlypartofthenineteenthcenturyto tryandprotectoysterbedsinparticular,reflectingtheextentandimportanceof thisindustry.Thesheervolumeofexploitationinsomeareasisastounding.Take, forexample,theWicklowandWexfordBankswhere.millionoysterswere removedinalone.Thistypeofexploitationwithoutrejuvenationcouldnot sustainitselfandoystersslowlydisappearedfromthesebanks.Inrecognitionof thefinitenatureofthesenaturalresourcesofficialrecognitionofoystercultivation beginsfromthesonwards.Bythesartificialpondsforoysterspatwere builtnearKilrushinClare,inLoughSwillyandinDundrumBay.Thistypeof enterprisequicklytookoffandmostpartsofthecoastexperiencedtheseearly forms of aquaculture. InTramore Bay, for example, a large embankment was builtandanumberofpondscreatedforthisindustry.Oystertankswerebuiltat DerreenandSneemHarbourinKerry.Interestalsodevelopedinothertypesof shellfishandbythesmusselbedsbegantoappear.
thepostmedievalkelpindustry Theproductionofkelpintheeighteenthandnineteenthcenturieswasamajor industry on the coast and became the primary source of income for many smallcoastalcommunities.Itwasespeciallycommonalongthenorth-eastand westerncoastswhereitprimarilysuppliedtheScottishmarket.Thetermkelp cancauseconfusionasitisboththebiologicalnameforagroupofseaweeds andthecommercialnamefortheashresidueproducedfromburntseaweed.This residueisasourceofpotassiumcarbonateandsodiumcarbonate(soda).Sodais animportantingredientintheproductionofglassandsoap,andisusedtocreate washingsodaforthefinishingoflinen.Ofcourseseaweedshavealsobeenused asfertiliserandasanimalfodder,anditislikelythatitsuseastheformergreatly predatesitsindustrialusage. Thearchaeologyofthekelpindustrymanifestsitselfinanumberofways.Kelp wasfirstcutfromtheforeshoreandthencarriedtodrylandbycartorhand.Often the foreshore was subdivided by low walls or boulder lines which delineated individual ownership of the foreshore or the rights of tenants from certain estatestoworkthekelpresource.Thiswasavaluablecommodityandownership washighlyprized.Insomecasestheforeshorewasunsuitableforkelpgrowth, suchaswhereitwaspredominantlymudorsand.Herekelpgridswerelaidout consistingoflinesofevenlyspacedboulderswhichencouragedcolonisationby brownseaweeds.OnesuchkelpgridatHerringBayinStrangfordLoughcovers anareaof .ha().Onceharvestedthekelpwasbroughttokilnswhereit wasburnt.Thesekilnsconsistedmostlyofstonelinedpitsaveraging.-.min diameter.Theyweremostlycircular,ovalorrectangularinshapeandhavebeen found,oratleastpredominantlysurvive,ontheislandsoffthenorthandwest coastsandalongsomepartsoftheeasternandwesternseaboard.Oncethekelp 224
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ashwasproduceditwouldthenbestoredinnearbystoragefacilitiesorbesent directlyforexportation. Whole island communities became heavily involved in kelp production in the later part of the eighteenth century. Rathlin Island off the north coast became a major centre for production and its shoreline is still littered with kilnsandstorageplaces.Thiswasacommercialundertakingsponsoredbythe island’s landlords and involved the whole community.The industry was also commonplaceonToryandtheothersmallerislandsofDonegal.Othercentres ofsignificantactivityincludedtheConnemaraandMayocoastlines.
reclaimingtheland While a number of the more remote communities were participating in emergent coastal industries like kelp other mechanisms for improving agriculturalproductivityandthesocialqualityofpeoples’liveswerealsobeing developed.Thiswastheso-called‘AgeofImprovement’wherethegeneration andproductionofCapitalwasrapidlyreplacingtraditionalsocialandlandscape structures. The reclamation of low-lying lands was one such mechanism employedbytheland-holdingeliteinordertogeneratemorelandsuitablefor agricultural exploitation.This type of process dates back to Roman times in Britain,butinIrelanditappearslargelytobealaterhistoricalphenomenon.It 225
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maybethatwithfutureresearchwecanpushbackthedatesfortheseenterprises intothehighandpossiblytheearlymedievalperiods,butatthepresenttime theevidencelargelypointstoapostsixteenth-centurydevelopment.Ofcourse itcouldbearguedthatthecontinualoutwardexpansionofthewaterfrontsin the major coastal cities was a form of land claim, but of greater agricultural significancewasthedeliberateconstructionoflarge-scaleembankmentsalong the coast and associated drainage projects, which opened up huge tracts of landscape.Bythemiddleoftheseventeenth-centurysea-bankswithsluiceshad been erected around the Shannon Estuary, reclaiming vast tracts of estuarine alluviumknownascorcass.Thiswasveryrichandvaluedlandwithhighyields. Today over ,ha of corcass exists around the estuary. Reclamation works alsoappeartohavebeenencouragedinStrangfordLoughinthemiddlepart oftheseventeenth-centurybytheCrown.Betweenandreclamation workconsistingofseawallsandsluiceswascarriedoutatGreyabbeyonthe easternshoresoftheLoughduringthedevelopmentoftheRosemountestate. marksthefirstattempttodraintheQuoileEstuaryintheLoughthrough theerectionofatidalbarrier.Thefollowingtwocenturiesweretoseerepeated and updated versions of this venture which was largely successful. On the northern shores of the Lough around Newtownards reclamation work began ontheLondonderryEstateinthelaterpartoftheeighteenthcentury.Again theseworksweretoseecontinuousimprovementsoverthefollowingcenturies. Elsewherearoundthecoastothermajorworkstookplaceincludingmuchof the north-eastern section of Lough Foyle (), large portions of the inner sectionofBelfastLoughandinWexfordHarbour.
saltproduction Salt was an important commodity throughout the historic period in Ireland andwasamongthestapleimportsintothecountry.Saltwasusedforpreserving both meat and fish, and for flavouring the food and as a chemical agent in themanufactureofglassandsoap.ThroughouttheMiddleAgesitwaslargely imported into the country from France and Portugal where it was produced inmassivesalt-pansthroughevaporation,buttherearealsoindicatorsthatlocal productionwastakingplace.Thisprobablytooktheformofnaturalevaporation ofseawaterinshallowdepressionsinbedrockorartificiallycreatedpanswhich mayhavebeenlinedwithclay.InthechurchandmonksofSt.Maryof Droghedaweregranted‘asaltgrange’inthelandofO’CarrollwhilethePipe Rollof-recordstheexpenditureof£sdonasaltpanwhichwas possiblylocatedatDundrum.Thesamesourcerecordsthecostoffreightinga ship,sd,toCarrickferguswhichwascarryingsalt.InRichardDeBurgh destroyedasaltpanworthmarksintheparishofLoughinisland,adjacentto Dundrum. 226
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ReclamationattheheadofLoughFoyle
By the sixteenth century, visiting French and Spanish fishermen were supplying the O’Donnells in Donegal with salt, although the upsurge in the eighteenth-centuryherringfisheryleadtothedevelopmentofsalt-worksalong thenorth-westcoast.Inthelatesthesalt-worksatPortnearInver,currently aruinedcomplexoffivebuildings,wasproducingnearlytonsofsaltayear. IntheEarlofAntrimrecordshissaltandcoalworksonthenorthAntrim coastinawill.TheareaaroundBallycastlesubsequentlybecameacentreforthe productionofsaltoverthenextfewcenturies.Heretheremainsofasaltworks canstillbeseenadjacenttoPansRocksatBroughanlea.Itoriginallyconsistedof aseriesofwrought-irontroughswithvariouspipesandrock-cutchannelswhich wouldhavepipedhotwatertoheatthebrine.Ithasbeenestimatedthatsixto eighttonsofcoalareneededtoproduceonetonofsea-salt,sotheproximity of Ballycastle’s colleries was especially conducive to the development of this industry at this location.Throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries thenorth-eastcoastservedastheIreland’sprimarycentreforsaltimportation andproduction.
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postmedievalshipbuildingandshipwrecks Therelativepeaceoftheeighteenthcenturywitnessedasignificantimprovement intheIrisheconomy.Thiseconomicresurgencewasonefactorintheemergence oftheindustrialrevolutionanditsassociatedadvancesinshipbuildingtechnology. Inparticularthedevelopmentandwidespreadadoptionafterofthesteam engine,ironhullsandthescrewpropellerwouldtransformshippingandhasten the end of the era of sail and wooden ships. Experiments with steam-driven vesselshadbeguninthelateeighteenthcenturyinAmerica,FranceandBritain, butthesevesseltypesonlyreallybecameviableinthefirsttwodecadesofthe nineteenthcentury.AndrewandMichaelHennessyconstructedthehullofthe firstIrish-builtpaddlesteamerattheiryardinPassage,Co.Cork,in.Ayear later in they built the hull of a second steamer with an engine that was manufacturedattheHiveIronWorksinCorkcity,thefirstmarineengineto bemadeinIreland.BythefirststeamerhadbeenbuiltinBelfastwithits enginebeingconstructedattheLaganfoundry. One early Irish-owned steamship, the Sirius, secured her place in maritime history().BuiltininScotland,shebecamethefirstvesselpoweredby steamtocrosstheAtlanticfromEuropetoAmerica.TheshipsetoutfromCork onApril,underLieut.RichardRoberts,andreachedNewYorkeighteen dayslateronApril.However,laterinthevesselwaslostontherocksat BallycottonontheeastcoastofCork.Inthefirsthalfofthenineteenthcentury compositeshipsalsobegantobebuiltinresponsetotheshortageofwoodand thedevelopmentsinirontechnology.Thismethodinvolvedtheuseofironto providetheinner‘skeleton’oftheshipwhiletheouterhullwasstillplankedwith wood.The wreck of one such experimentally built composite ship, Taymouth Castle,liesoffthenorth-eastAntrimcoast.BuiltinJulythevesselwaslostin whileonvoyagetotheFarEast.Thewrecksiteliesinmofwaterandits remainsconsistofalargesectionoftheironframingfromtheoriginalforward bodyofthevessel.Alargewindlasswasattachedtothissectionatitswesternend, consistingofalarge,cylindrical,irondrumwithwoodencomponentslyingon ahorizontalshaft.Significantquantitiesofpottery,bottlesandhouseholdgoods wererecoveredfromtheexcavationsonthewreck.
thebelfastshipyards While shipbuilding was carried out in Belfast since the middle part of the seventeenth century it was not until the later part of the eighteenth century that the industry really expanded. In William Ritchie from Scotland transferredhisbuildingyardtotheshoresoftheLaganandestablishedthefirst of many wooden shipbuilding firms. Subsequent reclamation of foreshore and theredirectionoftheLaganresultedinthedevelopmentofQueen’sIslandas 228
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acentreforthistypeofindustry.ItwasinthisareathattheHarlandandWolff companywasdevelopedinrapidlyexpandingintothelargestcompanyof its kind in Ireland, an expansion which owed much to the emergence of the north-eastastheindustrialcentreofIreland.Theirexpansionledtothecreation of the most developed and complexVictorian port landscapes in the country. TheHamiltongravingdockwasbuiltin,followedbytheAlexandradock inandtheThompsondockin.Otherworksincludedtheconstruction ofextensivewharfageandsupportindustriesaroundthearea.Itwasinthisarea thattheTitanicwasbuilt. Significantly the massive growth in shipbuilding led to the development of extensive urban areas built to house the thousands of yard workers employed in the industry. Row after row of terraced houses testifies to the tight social communitiesthatservicedtheyards.Streetandplacenames,churchesandworking mens’guildsstillbeartestimonytothisoncemassiveindustry.Theuniformity ofthebuildingsreflectsthecommunitariansocialengineeringfavouredbythe captains of industry with which they could organise their working societies. Religion also served as a fundamental role in ensuring social conformity and goodpractice.Unfortunately,thisoutwardappearanceofcohesionalsomasked underlying sectarian tensions and social division, which expressed itself in the emergenceofcontestedsocialspaceanddifferingexpressionsofmaterialculture. ThiswasapatternthatwasmostapparentinBelfastwheredivisionmanifested itselfprimarilyalongreligiouslines,butclasswasalsoamajorfactorandisan emergentfactorintheothermajorurbancentres. 229
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postmedievalshipwreck Theadventofmodernityandglobalisationwasalsowitnesstoamassiveincrease in shipping around the coast of Ireland. Much of this activity was linked to economicinteractionbetweenIrelandandBritain,butwasalsorelatedtothe movementofpeoplethroughemigration,throughconflictandthroughtravel. Thisincreaseinevitablyledtoamarkedriseinthenumberofvesselswhichwere wreckedoffthecoast().Themajorityofthesewerelostasaresultofthestress ofweather.Vesselswhichwereunseaworthywereparticularlyvulnerable.Analysis ofthewreckdataforthecoastofNorthernIrelandshowsthatmostvesselswere lostduringthewintermonthsandintimesofverybadweather.Nearlyper centofallwreckswerelostintheperiodofOctoberthroughtoMarch,with percentofthesewreckslostduringstormswiththewindblowingaforceseven orstronger.Sailingvesselscanquicklybecomeunmanageableinheavyseasand galeforcewinds,especiallyiftheylosetheirsteeringcapabilities.Theyarethen lefttothemercyoftheseasandmanyoftheseweredrivenupuntothecoast and wrecked. Closer examination of the wrecks which happened during the summermonthsshowsthatinmostcasestheywerelostduetocircumstances beyondtheircontrol.Alargenumberwerewarlosses,sunkbyU-boatactionor werelostbecauseofcollisionswithothervessels.
ShipwrecksalvageonavesselatStrangford,Co.Down(UFTM)
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AnumberofvesselswerealsolostoffCo.Downasaresultofpirateactivity. Throughoutthepostmedievalperiod,pirateactivitywasverycommonoffthese shores.Anexoticperceptionofpirateshasdevelopedoverthelastyearswith theadventofcinema.However,therealityofthesituationwasfardifferent.Most ofthecoastofIrelandwasinfestedwithpirates.Thesevesselswereoftenacting officially,especiallyduringtimesofwarwhenBritishvesselswereencouraged todisrupttheshippingoftheenemyasmuchaspossible.Thesamewastruefor enemyvesselsandFrench,SpanishandAmericanprivateerswerecommonoff thecoast.ShortlyaftertheAmericandeclarationofIndependenceinmany Americanvesselsbecameprivateers.Inthecollectorofcustomswroteto hiscounterpartatBelfast,askinghimtoinformthemerchantsandtradersthat therewerethreeAmericanprivateers–theReprisal,thebrigLexingtonandthe cutterDolphin,cruisingbetweenBelfastLoughandtheMullofGalloway.The sloopofWarWolfwassentalongwithothernavalvesselstocounterthisthreat buttheWolfwaslaterlostonrocksatBallywalter.InSeptembertheH.M.S. Drake,withgunsalsoarrivedtocounterthisthreat.Thisvesselwaslostafter engagingPaulJones’svesseltheRangeroffDonaghadee. NearlypercentofallwrecksinNorthernIrelandoccurredontheDown coastline.Thisreflectsitsimportanceasatradeandcommunicationsroutewith anumberofmajorportslocatedonit.WhileAntrimaccountsforpercentof thewrecksthemajorityoftheseoccurinNorthBelfastLoughandalongIsland MageeinthevicinityofLarneLough.Thenorth-eastAntrimcoastwasknown asadangerousstretchofcoastandwasavoided.Wreckingonlyoccurredwhen vesselswereblownontotheshoreduringgales.Rathlinattractedalargenumber ofwrecksgivenitspositionintreacheroustidalwaters.Derryaccountsforunder percentofallwreckswhichisnotsurprisinggivenitsshortercoastlineand smaller visiting ship numbers.A number of places along the coast were well notedforthedangertheyposedtoshipping.Concentrationsofwrecksarenoted attheentrancetothemajorseaLoughsCarlingford,Strangford,Belfast,Larne and Foyle.Attempting to enter these Loughs in bad weather was particularly dangerous.The entrance of Carlingford has many rocks and pinnacles at its narrowentrancewheremanyvesselshavemettheirend.AngusRockstandsin thecentreofStrangfordtrappingmanyvesselsoverthecenturies.Theproblem ofpassingthenarrowentrancesofLarneandFoylewascompoundedbypoor visibilityandperiodsofheavyweather.DundrumBayhasalsohaditsshareof wrecksandhasbeenreferredtoasaship’sgraveyardmanytimesinthepast.The many dangers in the Bay include shifting sand-banks and partially submerged rocksliketheCowandCalf. MostcoastalvillagesalongtheIrishcoastwerefishingcommunities,witheach villagehavingitsownsmallfleet.Invariablymanyofthesefleetssufferedlosses alongthecoastwhichsurviveinfolkmemory,butwerenotofficiallyrecorded. These communities have always recorded their respect and fear of the sea in storiesandsong.IanWilsonwritesofonesuchdisasterwhichhappenedtothe 231
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fishingfleetsofNewcastleandAnnalonginJanuary.Sixteenyawlshadleft the villages for fishing when the weather turned. In the ensuing storm of theseboatswerelostintheheavyseasincludingarescueboatwhichhadgone totheiraid.Onlytwocraftsurvived–theVictoriaandtheBrothers. ThetwoworldwarshadamajorimpactonshippingontheIrishcoastwith manyvesselslostasaresultofsubmarineactivity.Fourvessels,theSaintMungo, Derrymore, Amber and the Morion, were captured and sunk in Ballyhalbert Bay inMay.ThevesselsweresunkbytheU-boatUCcommandedbyOtto Steinbrinck, one of the most famous U-boat commanders of the FirstWorld War.OneofthemostinfamousincidentsoccurredtowardstheendoftheFirst WorldWar.OntheMay,afleetofKilkeelfishingsmackswassunkby UB-underCaptainVonSchrader.ThesmacksencounteredincludedtheJane Gordon,MossRose,Cyprus,StMary,NeverCanTell,MaryJoseph,SparklingWave, Lloyds,MarianneMacrumandthemotorvesselHoneyBee.Thevesselsweresunk milesofftheDowncoast.OnlytheMossRoseandMaryJosephwerespared, andthecrewsreturnedtoshoreonthesevessels. Analysisofthewreckdataalsoofferssomeimportanteconomicinsightsinto thenatureofcoastaltradeandcommunicationsinthenorth-easterncountiesof Down,AntrimandDerryoverthelastfewcenturies.Wrecksitescanbetaken asarepresentativesampleofshippingasawholeinthesewaters.Examinationof thedatashowsthatc.percentofallvesselswreckedinnorthernwaterswere carryingcoalwhichappearstohavebeentheprimaryimportproduct,per centofwreckswerecarryingfoodstuffs,whileonlyc.percentofwreckswere militarycraft.InterestinglylessthanpercentofvesselslostoffCo.Downwere engagedinfishing,whilepercentofwreckslostoffAntrimandDerrywere fishingvessels. AnexaminationoftheportofregistryandportoforiginforNorthernwrecks canalsoofferaninterestinginsightintowherevesselswereoriginatingintheir tradewithNorthernIreland.Themajorityofvesselsseemtohavecomefrom thenorth-westcoastofEnglandandwesternScotland.Therewasasurprisingly small percentage coming from what are now the counties of the Republic of Ireland,withonlypercentofvesselswreckedontheDowncoastoriginating from what is now the Republic.Wales also has a low percentage represented in both ports of registry and origin. It could be suggested that there was an economiczoneinevidenceherewhichconsistedoftheregionsborderingthe northIrishSea.Theexistenceofsuchamaritimeregioncanbetracedbackto prehistorictimeswhentherewasfreemovementofgoodsandpeoplebetween Ulster,ScotlandandnorthernEngland.Thismuchlaterwreckevidenceconfirms thecontinuityofmaritimeactivitiesandtraditionsthroughouttheages.
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lighthouses The earliest known extant lighthouse in Ireland is the impressive stone-built toweratHookHead,markingtheentrancetoWaterfordHarbour().Itwas probablybuiltsometimeinthethirteenthcentury,butwasrefurbishedinthe seventeenthcenturywhenaturretandaglazedlanternwerebuiltinthes ands.Thepresentturretwasaddedinandthetowernowstandstoa heightofmwith.mthickwalls.Anumberofimportantlighthouseswere builtintheclosingdecadesoftheseventeenthcentury,aperiodcorresponding to the modernisation of the Hook light.These did not take the form of tall towersbutratherconsistedofaseriesofstone-vaultedcottageswithaplatform eitherbuiltontherooforpositionedadjacenttothecottage.Afirewasliton theplatformincertainconditionsandthisactedastheprecursortothelightof latercenturies.FourofthesecottagessurviveatHowthHead,CopelandIslands, LoopHeadandattheOldHeadofKinsale. Oneoftheearliestofthemodernformoftowerlightwasthatconstructedat WicklowHeadin.Thiswasanoctagonalbuildingconstructedfrombricks and stone work.The earliest rock tower built appears to be that on the South Rock off county Down. It was designed byThomas Rogers and commenced construction in , eventually standing to a height of .m. However, the vastmajorityofstandinglightsaroundthecoastdatefromthenineteenthcentury whenmajorconcernsemergedabouttheextentofshippingloss.Itisinteresting 233
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thattheprimarysourceofconcernfromtheGovernmentatthistimewasnotthe actualamountoflivesbeinglost,butinsteadthepotentialdamagetheextentof thewreckingwashavingontheeconomy.Realconcernsandstrategiesfordealing withpersonalsafetyatseaonlyreallyemergeinthesecondhalfofthecentury.It isthefatherandsonHalpinpartnershipwhichismostassociatedwiththedesign andconstructionoflighthousesaroundIrelandduringthisperiod.Bothbuiltover lighthouses in their time including those built by George Halpin senior at InistrahullinandTuskarRockin.OthersassociatedwithGeorgejunior includetheSkelligs,theFastnetinandKinsalein.
vernacularboatsontheirishcoastline Theuseofvernacularboatsaroundthecoaststandsindirectcontrasttothelarge bulkcommodityshippingwhichwasnowafrequentvisitortoIreland’smajorports intheearlymodernperiod.Theseboatsbeardirecttestimonytomanythousands ofyearsofusageofcertainboattypesandreflectthelocalenvironmentandsocial economiesofthepeoplewhousedthem.Thecurrachornaomhógasitisknown inthesouth-westisprobablythebestknownandmostpopularofthesetraditional boattypes().Ithasapredominantlywestcoastdistributionandarelightlybuilt boatsconsistingofhidesstretchedoverawooden,ribbedframe.Thewoodenframe oftheboatisflexibleyetverystrong,anditssmoothunderhullallowstheboatto glideoverthewater.Currachsweregenerallyusedforfishing,kelpgatheringorfor theferryingofgoodsandpassengersalongtheAtlanticcoastofIreland.
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Regionalvariationsdevelopedprobablyasaresponsetolocalworkingneeds andthewatersoftheirarea.TheKerrynaomhóghadanaveragelengthof.m andwidthof.minthes.Thesheerofthegunwalecurvedelegantlyboth foreandaft,andtheboatscarriedanaveragecrewofthreemen.Manyofthe vesselswerefittedwithashortmast,lessthanmhigh,setforwardthrougha thwart.The Clare currachs, also termed naomhógs, were very similar in form and size to theAran currachs.They differed only in their high pointed stern as well as a few minor features. Nineteenth century descriptions of theAran currachindicatethattheyvariedinlengthfrom.mto.m.Cowhideswere used to cover the boats.The boats in the Blacksod Bay and Iniskea area had single gunwales and, like theAchill boats, used broad-bladed, feathering oars pivotingonasinglepin.AlongthecoastofDonegalthecurrachsareparticularly distinctive.Theyaresmallerandmoreroundedthanthecurrachstothesouth, andareoftendesignedtocarryasingleman.TheTorycurrachs,forexample, wereoriginallydesignedtobepaddledandnotrowed. The Report into the State of Irish Fisheries has been used as a base line for the study of these wooden craft used in the fishing industry around the coast.Thisreportwasveryimportantasitwasthefirstcomprehensiveinquiry into coastal communities in Ireland, and it records in great detail their living conditions,maritimeactivitiesandboats.Resultsfromthestudyindicatethatthe averageboatsizeoftheIrishfleetwassmallandthatitwasmainlyengagedin localinshorefishing.Themajority,percent,oftheboatswereopenrowing boats, while per cent were open sailing boats. Few boats were involved in whatcouldbetermedoffshorefishingasdeckedsailingvesselsrepresentedonly percentofthetotalfleet.Anoticeabledifferenceinboat-buildingtechniques is one of the most striking aspects of the report.The clinker technique of construction dominated along the north-east coast was also present along the Cork and Sligo coasts, while the carvel technique was more popular and was recordedeverywhereexceptalongthenorth-eastcoast. Amongthebestknownwoodenvesselswerethehookerswhichwereused allalongthewesternandsouthernseaboards.Theboatshaveaverydistinctive shapebeingsturdilybuiltwitharakingtransomsternandadeep-heeledkeel. They were traditionally open or half-decked and their hulls were blackened with tar.The vessels were smack rigged, the larger boats having a foresail and jibandalsocarryingastrongweatherhelm.Oneofthemostinterestingareas mentionedinthereportistheCladdagh,thefishingsuburbofGalwayCity. Atthistimethedistricthadapopulationofover,whomadetheirliving fromthewatersofGalwayBay.Thecommunitywastraditionalandwenttogreat lengthstoprotectitsfishinggrounds.Thefishermenusedcarvel-builthookers which were open hookers ranging from - tons burthen.The larger ton vesselsweremadefromoakandhadnocabins.Theyaveraged.mlongand .mwide.TwentynewhookerswerebuiltintheCladdaghin,bringing theGalwayfleettoovervessels,andgreatimprovementswerenotedinthe 235
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constructionmethodsoverthepreviousyears.Theboatswerepredominantly usedforfishingandthetransportationofturfandseaweed,buttheyalsocarried othergeneralcargoes.Theyfishedalongthewesternseaboardandarerecorded asfishingoffKerryalongwithKinsalehookersin.
seineboats SeinenetfishingisoneoftheoldestformsoffishingrecordedinIreland.William Petty,writingin,statesthatgentlemeninIrelandwereengagedinseine fishing.Fishingofthistypewasusuallycarriedoutwithtwoboats:thelargerleader (orseineboat)carryinguptooars,andthesmallerfollower(or‘faller’)carrying - oars (). Both vessels were double-ended, heavily constructed, beamy, open rowingboatsanddifferedonlyinsize.Theseineboatwaswiderandstrongerthan thefallerandhadanoveralllengthofc.mandabeamofc.m.Seineboatbuilders workedontheprinciplethattheboat’slengthwasfourandahalftimesitswidth. Theframesoftheboatsweremadeofoak,thekeelandsternpostofelm,while therestofitsbodywasmadeoflighterwood(probablylarch).Copperandlater galvanisednailsheldtheplankingtotheframe.Theleaderboatwasdirectedoutto seabyanexperiencedfisherman,eitherstandingontheshore,orsittinginthestern oftheboat.Whenashoaloffishwasmetwiththemenwereinstructedtodrop theirnets.Theleaderboatthenquicklytriedtoencircletheshoalwiththenetwhile thefollowertookupthefreeendofthenetandbroughtitaroundsothatbothends wouldmeet.Thismethodoffishingwasparticularlycommoninthesouth-westof Ireland,butwasoccasionallyseenintherestofthecountryatdifferenttimes.
AbandonedseineboatsintheBearaPeninsula,Co.Cork(WesForsythe,CMA) 236
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Termonview,Co.Donegal(WesForsythe,CMA)
islandandcoastalcommunitiesinthenineteenthcentury There has been a tendency in Irish literature to romanticise the lives of the peoplelivingontheoffshoreislandsandalongtheAtlanticseaboardofIreland ().Indeed,Irishpoets,travelwritersandartistshavelongseenthepeoplesof thewest–andthoseoftheoffshoreislandssuchastheBlaskets,theAranIslands andAchillIslandinparticular–asinheritorsoftimelesstraditionsthatstretch backintoadistantpast.Indeed,bothculturalnationalistsandpoliticalrepublican nationalistssawthesewesternislandsasaculturalresource,awellspringofpure, unalloyed Gaelic culture, that could be used to rebuild a Gaelic Ireland that theythoughthadbeendamagedbycenturiesofEnglishcolonization.However, it is certainly the case that this view of the islands as places where an almost prehistoricGaelicIrishculturehadsurvivedisinerror.Firstly,thereisthefact that some of these islands were only poorly inhabited before the nineteenth century, and that what travelers were witnessing was the outcome of an explosionofislandpopulationsandagriculturalexpansionthathaditsoriginsin theearlynineteenthcentury.Secondly,thewestcoastislandshavealwaysbeenon significantseawaysandwerearguablyalwaysmoreopentoculturalandethnic exchangesonEurope’sAtlanticseaways. Unfortunately,archaeologistshaveyettoinvestigatethesettlements,material cultureandlivelihoodsofthesepeoplesduringtheeighteenthandnineteenth centuries, and in many ways they remain a silent and almost invisible people. 237
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Theirownwritings(particularlythoseoftheBlasketIslands)andthoseofisland visitors(suchasJ.M.Synge,RobinFlower,etc.)doprovidesomeinsightinto the patterns and nature of their everyday lives, but archaeology certainly has thepotentialtorevealthematerialityofthesepeople’slives.Recenthistorical geographicalandethnologicalstudieshavestartedtoexplorethenatureofthese insularlandscapes. On Clare Island, off the Mayo coastline, for example, settlement in the early nineteenth century was originally concentrated along the south- and east-facing slopes of the island, consisting of distinct‘villages’ or clachans of clustereddwellings,whichwereimmediatelysurroundedbyunenclosed,infield cultivation strips, while outlying commonage and pasture was located on the mountainsabove.Lazy-bedcultivationofpotatoeswascommonplaceandsmallscale,yetintensivefishingconstitutedtheprimaryformofsubsistence.Similar concentrated communities – known as the clachan and rundale system – can beseenonGreatBlasket,onAchillandonToryIsland.However,despitesome traditionalmodels,itisnowknownthatthisisnotasettlementandeconomic systemthatstretchesbackintothedistantpast–theMiddleAgessay.Rather,it seemstohavebeenaparticularadaptationorresponsetothemassivegrowthof populationonthewesternseaboardintheearlynineteenthcentury,andarguably coped well with the social and environmental pressures that this brought. For example, periodic redistribution of cultivation plots (some of which were of better quality than others) enabled the community to ensure that no family wouldfallintoruinbecauseofthepoorersoilsthattheyworked.KevinWhelan has also argued that the close-knit, communal living conditions within the clachanswastoleadtoaremarkableexplosionoftraditionaloralculture–with itsmusic,songanddance–andthatthiswasusedbytheseislandandcoastal communitiestolivetogetherwellandtobuilddistinctiveislandidentities.
nineteenth-centurycoastaldevelopment This rundale and clachan settlement system was to fall into disfavour by governmentauthoritiesinthelatenineteenthcentury–beingseenasinefficient and uneconomical by outside English and Irish observers, and was also to becomefatefullyassociatedwiththedisasteroftheGreatFamineof.Efforts atrevitalisingtheeconomyofthecoastlinebegantobeformulatedinthefirst twodecadesofthenineteenthcentury.TheCommissionersofFisheries,orthe IrishFisheriesBoard,wereappointedintoundertakethistaskandbeganto financeandoverseecoastalsurveyandinfrastructuralconstructionwork.Oneof theirbest-knownengineers,AlexanderNimmo,wasresponsibleforthebuilding ofnumeroussmallpiersalongthewesternseaboardandotherworksincluding dockworksatLimerickandtheharboursatRoundstoneandDunmore.The Commissioners of Fisheries were primarily responsible for the administration 238
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offundsforpierandboatbuilding,whiletheirengineers’TheOfficeofPublic WorkswasestablishedinbyanActofParliament,andtookovermuchof theworkoftheCommissionersinfinishinguncompletedpiersandtherepairof existingpiers.Theyalsobecameinvolvedinnavigationandwereresponsiblefor theerectionofbeaconsandlights. The subsequent failure of the potato crop in the s led directly to the Great Famine of resulting in the halving of population levels from over peopleto peoplein .Peoplehaveoftenquestionedwhycoastal communitiesshouldhavesufferedasmuchastheydidduringthefamine.The argumentisthattheywouldhaveaccesstoextensiveseaandfisheryresources, andwouldnotthereforehavebeenasreliantonthepotatocropforsubsistence. However, this argument fails to take account of the seasonal nature of many ofthefisheries,thesmallandundevelopednatureoffishinginfrastructureand the continuing over-reliance that coastal populations had on terrestrial-based agriculture.Adegreeofacceptanceofthesefactorsledtotheformationofthe Irish Board ofWorks which was involved in the construction of a number of harboursinthewestofIrelandby.TheestablishmentoftheBoardofWorks ledtothedevelopmentandrefurbishmentofharboursinDonegal,Galwayand partsofKerry. TheworkoftheCongestedDistrictsBoardwastohaveamajorimpactonthe redevelopmentofthecoastalinfrastructureofIreland’scoastline.TheCBDwas establishedintoencouragetheimprovementofinfrastructureandalleviate famine. In order to achieve this an extensive programme of pier and harbour developmentwasinitiatedbetweenand,andalargenumberoffish curingstationsandnewvesseltypeswereintroduced.Themajorityofthestone piersalongthewesternseaboarddatetothisperiod.Aspartofthisprogramme theCDBsoughttoupgradethefishingindustryaswellasthefishingfleet.It regardedtheIrishfleetasbeingoutdatedandasaresultitintroducedanumber ofnewboattypestoIreland,themainonesbeingManxnobbysandScottish zulus.Bothwereintroducedtoprovidedecked,efficientcraftforbothinshore and offshore fishing.As well as bringing over these new types of vessels the CDBbroughtoverinstructorstoeducatelocalshipbuildersintheconstruction techniquesofthesenewvessels,andbytheCDBtotalincludedzulus andnobbys.
twentieth-centurydevelopments The picture of coastal activity during the twentieth century is largely one of declineandneglect.Itismarredbyconflict,politicalindifferenceandeconomic abandonment. During theWorldWars the coast is subject once again to refortification.Largeartilleryfortsarebuiltorrefurbishedinthemajorsealoughs ofBelfast,Derry,SwillyandCork.Theseweretoseelittleactionandincreasingly 239
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theybecamephysicalsignaturesofacolonialpast.AfterthewartheIrishFree Statebecomesincreasinglyisolationistandpoliticallyintrospective.Oneofthe consequencesofthesepolicieswasthatthemercantilefleetlargelycollapsesand Irish shipping is disbanded.The islands around the coast become increasingly de-populatedinfavourofre-settlementonthemainland.Traditionalfishingis actively discouraged and the vernacular boats around the coast are abandoned andlefttorotbyoldlandingplaces.Manycoastalcommunitieswereneglected, and they become increasingly difficult to sustain during mass emigration and internal migration towards the major urban concentrations. It is only late in thiscenturythatthebeginningofareversalinthistrendoccurs.Theadventof aglobalenvironmentalmovementcoupledwithincreasingawarenessofissues of sustainability, inter-dependence and the intrinsic value of heritage have all contributedtothisreversalinfortunes.Itremainstobeseen,however,whatthe twenty-firstcenturyholdsforourseasandcoasts.
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Conclusions: towards a maritime archaeology of Ireland
Maritimearchaeologyexploresthewaysthatpeoplelivedandworkedbythecoast, howtheymadeuseofitsmaritimeresourcesandhowtheyusedtheseaasameans oftravel,movementandcommunication.WehaveshownhowIreland’smaritime cultural landscapes have seen thousands of years of human occupation, and also that it is best to imagine our maritime landscapes as encompassing the entire coastline;fromtheland,acrosstheintertidalzoneandoutontotheseabed.Indeed, thisisgenerallyseenasthewayforwardformaritimearchaeology–movingfrom thestudyofnauticaltechnology(e.g.shipsandboats)tolandscapesandseascapes. Weneedmoreregional,landscapearchaeologicalprojectsthatexploremaritime localitiesandregionsacrosstime;focusingonthemesofsettlementandlandscape, economy and industry, trade and exchange, surroundings, time and cultural identity.Theseprojectsshouldaimtobemultidisciplinary,combiningarchaeology, folklore,history,geography,oceanography,marinegeophysics,aswellasutilising thearrayoftraditionalsources(e.g.maps,aerialphotographs,documentarysources) thatscholarsoflandscapesuse.Indeed,itmightbearguedthatfuturemaritime archaeologistsshouldbetrainedacrossinstitutionsanddisciplinestoprovidethem withthetechnicalskillsandinterpretativeabilitiesthatwillberequired.Butwhat questionsandthemesshouldfutureprojectsfocuson? Onethingtoexplorewillbethetensionsbetweencontinuityanddiscontinuity, whether that is social, economic or cultural. Continuity is certainly readily identifiablealongtheseaboardsofIreland–continuityinitsbroadestandmost generalsense.Thereiscontinuityintermsofacontinualhumanpresence,inthe exploitationofmarineresourcesandthemethodologiesemployedintheextraction of these resources. One of the striking things about fishing methodologies employed is their durability, and indeed their similarity to techniques found aroundtheglobe.Theuseoffishingengines,basketsandnets,showremarkable consistenciesthroughouttheages.Also,thedesignandadaptabilityofboattypes 241
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tospecificwatersandcoastlinesdemonstratestheenduranceoftechnologiesthat arebothlocallyfunctionalandinherentlysuccessful.Muchofthiscontinuityis ultimatelylinkedtothefactthattheseaisaprovider.Itproducesfoodresources includingfish,shellfishandplants;buildingmaterialincludingsandandgravels; andrawmaterialsforindustrialprocessesincludingkelpforiodineandshellsfor dying.Thesehavebeentraditionallyviewedasinfiniteresources,buthistorical and contemporary exploitation clearly demonstrate that they are not. Climate change,overfishing,pollutionandoveruseallcontributetothedeclineoffish stocksandchangesinthemarineenvironment. We could also usefully explore how the sea has been a facilitator for communication, travel and trade. The archaeological manifestations of these activities include shipwrecks, boats, harbour piers and anchorages, as well as the material culture associated with these processes.There are also extensive surviving remains of the waterfronts built to accommodate this activity and a continuityofusageisagainapparentinthecontinualreuseandredevelopment ofestablishedlandfalls. Scholarscouldalsocontinuetoinvestigatehowtheseahasalsobeenviewed as a source of metaphors and cultural, artistic and literary inspiration on this island.Ithasbeenthesubjectoffolklore,storiesandsuperstitionaswellasbeing thefocusofvisualandliteraryappreciationthroughart,poetryandliterature.We canalsoseetheseaasamoreabstractconcept,removedfromitsphysicalityin themindofthepeoplewholivedbyandworkedonit.Theseathencanbeseen asitexistsorisimaginedbytheindividualandcommunity.Ofcoursewecan neverbesurewhatpeoplethoughtoftheseaoverthepastmillennia,butaspects ofithavesurfacedandhavebeenexpressedthroughstory,poetry,paintingand otherformsofhumanexpression.Intheseartformsithasemergedassomething tobeadmiredandvalued,butmostofallrespected.Itisdifficultnottobein awe of its expansive beauty, but there will always be an underlying sense of threat.Increasinglytootheseahasbecomecommoditisedandthisishowitwill probablybedefinedorrememberedinthetwenty-firstcentury. With scientific advances in seabed exploration the previously hidden subsurface energy resources have become highly sought after. Nations compete forever-dwindlingfisherystocksinseasdelineatedbyeconomicandpolitical boundaries. Increasingly also the sea is being used as a dumping ground for domestic and industrial waste. Somewhat contradictorily, it is also increasingly desirabletolivebytheseawithitsassociatedvistasandperceivedqualityofthe coastalenvironmentbutnotworkonthesea.Inmanywaystheseprocessesmust beseenasareversaloftraditionsinpreviouscenturieswhenlifealongthecoast was perceived, at least in the minds of the urban dwellers of the east coast, as marginalanddifficult.Thechallengethenforpresentandfuturegenerationsis todevelopsustainablelifestylesforcoastallivingandworking. Ourmaritimearchaeologicalheritagefacesarangeofthreatsandpressures. Firstly,atagloballevel,itisclearthatouroceanswillbesubjecttosignificant 242
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changesbecauseofclimateandsea-levelchanges.Itisthoughtthatsealevelsmay increase.Theremayalsobeincreasedstorms,flooding,andthescouringandloss of intertidal deposits in estuaries and bays.All of these processes will increase pressure on our archaeological sites, either through erosion or through the inappropriateengineeringofcoastaldefences(e.g.extractionofsand,buildingof seabanksanddefences).Theseengineeringworkscouldeasilydestroyordamage tracesofourpastcoastalheritage. Itisalsotruethatcoastalerosionisanaturalprocess,sowhilesomebeaches, sand dunes or cliffs are being eroded by the sea today, they may be forming throughcoastaldepositionelsewhere.Onestuaries,channelsshiftbackandforth andmarshesandreedsgrowordisappearinthenormalway.Environmentalists increasinglyemphasisethatsuchnaturalcoastalprocessesshouldnotbeinterfered withbycoastalengineering,asthiswouldcauseproblemselsewhere(aconcept knownasmanagedretreat)–andthatotherplacescanbedevelopedtoprovide birdfeedinggroundsorrefugesforplantandwildlife.However,archaeological sites cannot be thought of in the same way! Once an archaeological site is destroyed by natural coastal and intertidal erosion, a part of our past is gone foreveranditcanneverbereplacedbyanalternativeone.Whilewemaynot alwaysbeabletopreventthedestructionofcoastalarchaeologicalsitesbythesea, itiscruciallyimportantthatwerecordthembeforetheydisappear. Coastalcommunitiesoftendependonfishing,fishfarmingandshellfishfarming for their economy and livelihood, and it is appropriate, indeed vital, that this continuesforthesocialandeconomicwell-beingofourpopulation.However,the modernre-developmentofportsandharbours,theuseofbeachesforshellfishfarms and the scouring of the sea-bed by fishing gear can seriously damage intertidal andsubmergedarchaeologicalsites(e.g.shipwrecks,ancientports).Archaeologists, working with government authorities, can identify sites of interest and suggest meansofprotectingthemorinvestigatingthempriortotheirremoval. Otherhumanpressuresoncoastallandscapeswillcontinuetoincludeurban expansion, tourism developments, caravan parks and the building of links golf courses. Fragile archaeological sites like shell middens may also be damaged unknowingly by people driving their vehicles across them – as we have seen on several sites. Farming and industrial pressures on sand dunes may include intensivesheeporcattlegrazingandthequarryingofdunesforsandsandgravels. Again, it is appropriate that local communities continue to live and work in coastal landscapes. However, it should also be possible to do this in ways that encouragesrespectforourcoastalarchaeologicalheritage.Indeed,itissuggested thatcoastalcommunitiescouldinvestigateandencouragepeopletoappreciate theircoastalheritagefortourists,walkersandotherusersofourlandscapes. Other future threats will include various offshore developments. Growing energy crises and government concerns about impacts on our economy will lead to the increasing construction of offshore platforms, pipelines and wind turbines for oil, gas and wind-farm resources. Such industrial developments 243
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maydirectlyimpactonarchaeologicalsites,orindirectlythroughalterationof currentsanderosionpatterns.Harbourdredgings,thedumpingofspoiloffshore andmaintenanceofshippingchannelsmayleadtothedamageordestructionof underwater archaeological sites. Offshore sands and gravel extraction may also be immensely destructive of underwater archaeological sites (e.g. shipwrecks, submergedlandscapes). Therearealsopositives.TheestablishmentoftheMarineInstituteasaleading world player in marine research and survey has given a tremendous boost to this sector on the island.The continued valuable work of dedicated maritime archaeologicalsurveyunitsbothintherespectiveDepartmentsofEnvironment north and south of the border will continue.The professional input of these teams into the planning and protection process ensures maritime archaeology is rapidly becoming an integral part of the heritage protection agenda. In recent times, Integrated Coastal Zone Management (ICZM) has emerged as one potential approach to our coastal heritage. In practice, this encourages all the institutions and stakeholders involved in the coast to manage the sea and thelandinanintegratedway.ArchaeologistsareinvolvedinICZMinarange of ways. Many marine developments must be preceded by an archaeological surveyorexcavationcarriedoutbyprofessionalarchaeologists.However,given that Ireland has a coastline ,km in length, it is also vitally important that local communities are involved in protecting and understanding our coastal archaeologicalheritage. A new sense of guardianship needs to be encouraged to ensure both the survivalandsustainabilityofboththenaturalandculturalresourcesoftheseas aroundthecoastofthissmallisland.Ultimately,wecanthenbegintoreassert oursenseofanislandidentitywithinthecontextofthebroadersocialworld oftheAtlanticseaboard.Wecanalsobegintoappreciatethattheinsularnature ofthecountrydidnotnecessarilyequatetoisolationinthepast.Thecoasthas alwaysbeensubjecttoarrivalsanddeparturesandtheirassociatedmultitudeof identitiesandrace.Thisformofculturalfusionhasbeenafeatureofsocietyin Irelandformillenniaandwillcontinue.Theseathenhasbeenaconstant,butwe mustcontinuetoreinvigorateourinterestinittoensureitscontinuedvibrant andhealthypresence. Inconclusion,webelievethatIreland’slongstoryofhumanoccupationhas beenwrittenonitsseashore,asmuchasonitshills,fieldsandboglands.About tenthousandyearsago,ourfirstsettlers–hunter-gatherersoftheMesolithicera –cameherebyboat.Sincethen,peoplehavelived,worked,travelledandburied theirdeadaroundIreland’scoastallandscapes–usingtheseaasasourceoffood, rawmaterials,asameansoftravelandcommunication,andasaplacetobuild communities.However,asmightbeindicatedbythisbook,Ireland’smaritime archaeologicalheritageremainspoorlyunderstoodandislargelyundiscovered. Wehopethatthisbookwillenablepeopletounderstandourcoastalheritage,to helptodiscoveritfurtherandtoprotectandmanageitforfuturegenerations. 244
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howtogetinvolvedinmaritimearchaeology MaritimeArchaeologyisnotjustforexperts.GiventhatIrelandhasanextensive coastline,kminlength(longerthatmostEuropeancountries),itisvitally importantthatlocalcommunitiesareinvolvedinprotectingandunderstanding our coastal archaeological heritage. Although archaeologists have a good knowledgeaboutsomeaspectsofIreland’smaritimearchaeology,inevitablyvery littleisknownaboutthecharacterandcurrentstateofarchaeologicalsitesalong ourcoastline;forexample,whetherornottheyareunderthreatfromerosionor otherpressures.Thousandsofarchaeologicalsitesareknownfromcoastaldistricts; morehavebeenrecentlyfoundontheinter-tidalzone,whilethereareatleast tenthousandshipwrecksfromaroundourcoastline.Thesesitesincludeancient settlements along the coast and islands, piers, harbours, fish traps, middens on theintertidalzoneandshipwrecksandsubmergedlandscapesontheseabed.Yet, itislikelythattherearesignificantnumbersofother,unknownarchaeological sitesonourislands,incoastalsanddunesandontheintertidalzone.Mostlikely, thesewillonlybediscoveredbylocalcommunitiesappreciativeoftheirvalue androle. Localcoastalcommunitiescouldencouragetheappreciationofourmaritime archaeological heritage amongst tourists, walkers and other recreational users ofourseascapes.Youcouldhelptotracethehistoricaldevelopmentofcoastal landscapesusinghistoricalsources,folklore,earlymapsandphotographs.Using the Discovery Series :, maps you can locate known archaeological sites close to the coast to visit. Sites on private land should only be visited with the permission of the land owner. Your county’s RMP (Register of Monuments and Places) is available for consultation in your county library. A database of Northern Ireland’s archaeological sites can be consulted at www.ehsni.gov.uk/built/mbr/monuments_database/mons.asp. Many archaeological excavations have been carried out on coast sites (see www. excavations.ie). One way to get involved is to join a local archaeological and historical societyandseektolearnmoreaboutyourownregion’smaritimearchaeological heritage.You could also enrol in localAdult Education classes inArchaeology thatareheldinUniversities,Institute’sofTechnologyandothercentres–perhaps youmightevenbecomeaprofessionalmaritimearchaeologist!
wherecanyougetfurtherinformation? Furtherinformationonarchaeologicalmonumentsinthemaritimeandcoastal zonemaybeavailableintheRepublicofIrelandfromtheNationalMonuments ServiceoftheDepartmentoftheEnvironment,HeritageandLocalGovernment, DunScéine,HarcourtLane,Dublin(websiteatwww.environ.ie). 245
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InNorthernIreland,informationmaybeavailablefromtheEnvironmentand Heritage Service at Historic Monuments,Waterman House, - Hill Street, Belfast,NorthernIreland,BTLA(websiteatwww.ehsni.gov.uk/default.asp). IfyoudiscoverapreviouslyunknownmonumentintheRepublicofIreland, you should report it to the National Monuments Service, phone - (websiteatwww.environ.ie). If you find an archaeological object in the Republic of Ireland, you must reportittotheNationalMuseumofIreland,KildareSt,Dublin ,phone(websiteatwww.museum.ie).
otherwebsitesonmaritimearchaeologicalprogrammes HeritageCouncil,RotheHouse,Kilkenny:www.heritagecouncil.ie/ UCD School of Archaeology, University College Dublin: www.ucd.ie/ archaeology Centre for Maritime Archaeology, University of Ulster at Coleraine: www. science.ulster.ac.uk/cma Submerged Landscapes Archaeological Network: www.science.ulster.ac.uk/ cma/slan/
aguidetofurtherreading We have hopefully written this book as a readable, accessible introduction to maritime archaeology, and so we have not included any distracting in-text academic references (although we do attempt to acknowledge our colleagues inspiringresearchasmuchaspossible).So,wedonotprovidehereoneofthose dry,dauntinglistofbooksandarticlesthatalwayslooksmorelikeato-dolist ratherthanaresource.Instead,wehavetriedtoprovideabriefbibliographical essayonfurtherreading,withouradviceonhowthereadermighttackbetween differentideas,approachesandarchaeologicalsites.Anyreadershopingtoexplore Ireland’smaritimeheritageinfurtherdetailcandepartontheirownjourneyof researchbydelvinginthevariousbibliographiesofthepublicationsbelow.
chapter1:introduction Ireland’s coastline has been the subject of generations of scholarship across the humanities and sciences. For a recent general introduction to its physical, environmentalandculturalhistories,wesuggestthesplendidly-illustratedbook, R. Nairn, Ireland’s Coastline: exploring its nature and heritage (Cork, ). For other introductions to the Irish landscape, see F.H.A.Aalen, K.Whelan & M. 246
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Stout, Atlas of the Irish Rural Landscape (Cork ) and G.F. Mitchell and M. Ryan,ReadingtheIrishlandscape(Dublin). RecentpioneeringregionalcoastalarchaeologicalstudiesinIrelandincludeA. O’Sullivan,Foragers,farmersandfishersinacoastallandscape:anintertidalarchaeological survey of the Shannon estuary (Dublin ) andT. McErlean, R. McConkey andW. Forsythe, Strangford Lough, an archaeological survey of the maritime cultural landscape(Belfast).Thesesurveysrangeacrossprehistorytomoderntimes, providingasensetooofthearchaeologicalpotentialoftherestofIreland’scoast. Foranillustratedguidetothearchaeologyofonesmallisland,seeG.Cooney,T. O’Keeffe,A.O’SullivanandB.Leon,‘DalkeyIsland–anislandonthetidesof time’,ArchaeologyIrelandHeritageGuide,. For general studies of European maritime archaeology, we recommend that readersbeginwithB.Cunliffe,FacingtheOcean:theAtlanticanditspeoples(Oxford ).ShipsandboatsarewelldescribedinS.McGrail,Ancientboatsinnorth-west Europe(London,ndedn)andG.Hutchinson,Medievalshipsandshipping (Leicester).ForareviewofIreland’snauticalheritage,seeC.BreenandW. Forsythe,BoatsandshipwrecksofIreland(Stroud).
chapter2:mesolithic ForageneralaccountofIrishprehistory(fromtheMesolithictotheIronAge), seeJ.Waddell,TheprehistoricarchaeologyofIreland(Galway).Generalstudies oftheIrishMesolithicincludeP.C.Woodman,TheMesolithicinIreland(Oxford ).ForanecologicalapproachtoMesolithicIreland,seeM.J.Kimball,Human ecology and Neolithic transition in eastern County Donegal, Ireland (Oxford ). For recent inspiring discussions of Mesolithic hunter-gatherers’ perceptions of the ocean and inhabitation of coastal landscapes, see G.Warren, Mesolithic lives in Scotland (Stroud ) and various papers in C. Conneller and G.Warren, MesolithicBritainandIreland:newapproaches(Stroud). For reports of the archaeological excavations of two key Mesolithic sites, seeP.C.Woodman,ExcavationsatMountSandel-(Belfast),andP.C. Woodman,E.AndersonandN.Finlay,ExcavationsatFerriter’sCove-:last foragers,firstfarmersintheDinglePeninsula(Dublin).OthercoastalMesolithic sitesmentionedincludeP.C.WoodmanandG.Johnson,‘ExcavationsatBayFarm ,Carnlough,Co.Antrimandthestudyof‘Larnian’technology’,Proceedingsof theRoyalIrishAcademy(,C,-). For a recent review of shell middens across time, see P.C.Woodman,‘The exploitationofIreland’scoastalresources–amarginalresourcethroughtime?’in G.MoralesandG.A.Clark(eds),TheMesolithicoftheAtlanticfaçade:Proceedingsof theSantanderSymposium,(),-,ArizonaStateUniversityAnthropological Research Papers no. . Earlier studies of Mesolithic shell middens include G.F. Mitchell, ‘Further investigations of the early kitchen midden at Sutton, 247
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Co.Dublin’,JournaloftheRoyalSocietyofAntiquariesofIreland,,-; G.F.Mitchell,‘FurtherearlykitchenmiddensinCountyLouth’,CountyLouth ArchaeologicalJournal,()pp.-;G.D.Liversage,‘ExcavationsatDalkey Island,Co.Dublin,-’,ProceedingsoftheRoyalIrishAcademyC,() -.Forarecentre-interpretationoftheMesolithic(andNeolithic)middens on Dalkey Island, see B. Leon,‘Mesolithic and Neolithic activity on Dalkey Island–areassessment’,JournalofIrishArchaeology,,pp.-. ForapreviousdiscussionofMesolithicburials,rewrittenforthisbook,seeA. O’Sullivan,‘Livingwiththedeadamongsthunter-gatherers’,ArchaeologyIreland ,,-.
chapter3:neolithic For an accessible and comprehensive introduction to the Irish Neolithic, see G. Cooney, Landscapes of Neolithic Ireland (London and NewYork ).The Neolithic landscapes of Céide, north Mayo are described in S. Caulfield,‘The NeolithicsettlementofnorthConnaught’,inT.Reeves-SmithandF.Hamond (eds),LandscapearchaeologyinIreland,BritishArchaeologicalReportsBritishseries (Oxford ), pp. -.A range of papers on Neolithic dwellings and housescanbeobtainedinI.Armit,E.Murphy,E.NelisandD.Simpson,Neolithic settlement in Ireland and western Britain (Oxford ).The Neolithic houses at Ballygalley,Co.AntrimarereviewedinD.D.A.Simpson,‘TheBallygalleyhouses, Co.Antrim,Ireland’,inT.DarvillandJ.Thomas(eds),NeolithichousesinnorthwestEuropeandbeyond(Oxford),pp.-. Other Neolithic coastal occupation sites are described in P.C.Woodman, ‘Excavations at Mad Man’sWindow, Glenarm, Co.Antrim: problems of flint exploitation in eastAntrim’, Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society (), pp. -.ForNeolithicsandhilldwellings,seeA.E.P.Collins,‘Excavationsinthe sandhills at Dundrum, Co. Down, -’, Ulster Journal ofArchaeology , , -;A.E.P. Collins,‘Further excavations in the Dundrum sandhills’, Ulster JournalofArchaeology,(),-.FortheCulleenamoreshellmiddens,seeG. Burenhult,ThearchaeologyofCarrowmore,Co.Sligo,Eire(Stockholm). ForstableisotopeanalysesthatrevealdietarychangeintheNeolithic,seeR.J. Schulting,‘AnIrishseachange:someimplicationsfortheMesolithic-Neolithic transition’ inV. Cummings and C. Fowler (eds), The Neolithic of the Irish Sea: Materialityandtraditionsofpractice(Oxford),-.Foradiscussionofthe occurrenceofmarineshellsinNeolithicmegalithictombs,seeF.McCormick, ‘AnimalbonesfromprehistoricIrishburials’,JournalofIrishArchaeology/, ,-.TheNeolithicsiteatCarrigdirtyrock,Co.LimerickisdescribedinA. O’Sullivan,Foragers,farmersandfishersinacoastallandscape:anintertidalarchaeological survey of the Shannon estuary (Dublin ), pp. -. For a discussion of NeolithicmovementaroundtheIrishSea,andparticularlytheroleofitsislands, 248
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seeG.Cooney,‘Neolithicworlds:islandsintheIrishSea’,inV.Cummingsand C.Fowler(eds),TheNeolithicoftheIrishSea:Materialityandtraditionsofpractice (Oxford),-.
chapter4:bronzeageandironage ForanaccountoftheDúnAonghusaexcavations,seeC.Cotter,‘WesternStone FortsProject:interimreport’,DiscoveryProgrammeReports(Dublin),pp.-; C.Cotter,‘WesternStoneFortsProject:interimreport’,DiscoveryProgrammeReports (Dublin),pp.-;Foranalysesofthefishandbirdbonefromthatsite,as wellasotherlaterprehistoricsites,seeM.McCarthy,‘Hunting,fishingandfowling inlateprehistoricIreland:thescarcityofthebonerecord’,inA.Desmondetal.(eds), NewagendasinIrishprehistory:papersincommemorationofLizAnderson(Bray). ForanaccountofCarrigillihy,seeM.J.O’Kelly,‘AnearlyBronzeAgeringfort at Carrigillihy, Co. Cork’ JCHAS () -. For a discussion of Bronze Ageoccupationanduseofestuarinemarshlandenvironments,seeA.O’Sullivan, Foragers,farmersandfishersinacoastallandscape:anintertidalarchaeologicalsurveyof theShannonestuary(Dublin),chapter.Forarecentdetailedinvestigation of BronzeAge and early medieval shell middens at False Bay, Co. Galway, see F. McCormick, M. Gibbons, F.G. McCormac and J. Moore, ‘Bronze Age to MedievalcoastalshellmiddensnearBallyconneely,Co.Galway’,JournalofIrish Archaeology(),pp.-. Foradiscussionofthelong-termmaritimeseawaysinthe‘IrishSearegion’,seeJ. Waddell,‘TheIrishSeainprehistory’,JournalofIrishArchaeology-,,-.
chapter5:earlymedieval ForgeneralaccountsofearlymedievalIreland,seeN.Edwards,Thearchaeology of early medieval Ireland (London ) and H. Mytum, The origins of early Christian Ireland (London ). F. Kelly, A guide to early Irish farming (Dublin ),describestheearlyIrishhistoricalevidenceforfishing,shellfishgathering andothermarineactivities.T.McErlean,‘Earlymedievalperiod,c.-’,in T. McErlean, R. McConkey andW. Forsythe, Strangford Lough, an archaeological surveyofthemaritimeculturallandscape(Belfast),pp.-providesalandscape studyoftheregionforthisperiod. Forearlymedievalpromontoryfortsdiscussedhere,seeT.Barry,‘Archaeological excavationsatDunbegpromontoryfort,Co.Kerry,’,ProceedingsoftheRoyal Irish Academy , C, pp. - andV.B. Proudfoot and B.C.SWilson, ‘Further excavations at Larrybane promontory fort, Co.Antrim’, Ulster Journal ofArchaeology-,pp.-.Forstudiesofearlymedievalmaritimeresource exploitation, see E. Murray, Early evidence for coastal exploitation in Ireland, 249
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Unpublished PhD thesis (Queen’s University Belfast ); E.V. Murray, F. McCormickandG.Plunkett,‘ThefoodeconomiesofAtlanticislandmonasteries: thedocumentaryandarchae-environmentalevidence’,EnvironmentalArchaeology ,,-. SomestudiesofearlymedievalshellmiddensincludeR.ÓFloinn‘Sandhills, silver and shrines: fine metalwork of the medieval period in Donegal’, inW. Nolan,L.RonayneandM.Dunleavy(eds),DonegalHistoryandSociety,Dublin ,-(thisalsoincludesadiscussionoftheDooeycomplex);forsome othermiddensites,seeB.ÓRíordáin,E.Rynne,‘Asettlementinthesandhills atDooey,Co.Donegal’,JournaloftheRoyalSocietyofAntiquariesofIreland, ,-;D.D.A.Simpson,M.G.ConwayandD.Moore,‘Theexcavationofa shellmiddenatMinnisNorth,Co.Antrim’,UlsterJournalofArchaeology,,, - and J.P. Mallory and P.C.Woodman,‘Oughtymore: an early Christian shellmidden’,UlsterJournalofArchaeology,,pp.-. ForarangeofgeneralreadingonScandinavianpeoples’impactonIreland,see thevariouspapersinH.B.Clarke,M.NíMhaonaighandR.Ó.Floinn(eds.),Ireland andScandinaviaintheVikingAge(Dublin)andA.Larsen(ed.),TheVikingsin Ireland(Roskilde).M.J.O’Kelly‘AnIslandSettlementatBeginish,Co.Kerry’ ProceedingsoftheRoyalIrishAcademy,-,,-.Forrecentideasabout Scandinavian rural maritime-oriented settlement in Ireland, see J. Sheehan, S. StummannHansenandD.ÓCorráin,‘AVikingAgemaritimehaven:areassessment oftheislandsettlementatBeginish,Co.Kerry’,JournalofIrishArchaeology,, -andE.K.GibbonsandE.P.Kelly,‘AVikingAgefarmsteadinConnemara’, Archaeology Ireland , ; for alternative explanations, see M. Gibbons and M. Gibbons,‘Hiberno-NorseringedpinfromOmeyFeichéin,Connemara’,Journalof GalwayArchaeologicalandHistoricalSociety,,-.Forageneralaccountof VikingDublin,seeR.Johnson,VikingAgeDublin(Dublin). Forearlymedievalmonk’sperceptionsoftheocean,seeT.O’Loughlin,‘Living in the ocean’, in C. Bourke (ed.), Studies in the cult of Saint Columba (Dublin ),-.ForanintroductiontothearchaeologyofearlymedievalAtlantic monasteries,andanaccountofHighIslandinparticular,seeJ.WhiteMarshall andG.D.Rourke,HighIsland:anIrishmonasteryintheAtlantic(Dublin);for someothersites,seeM.Herity,Studiesinthelayout,buildingsandartinstoneof earlyIrishmonasteries(London);M.J.O’Kelly,‘ChurchIsland,nearValencia, Co. Kerry’, Proceedings of the Royal IrishAcademy , C, -; J.White MarshallandC.Walsh,IllaunloughanIsland:anearlymedievalmonasteryincounty Kerry(Dublin). ForearlymedievalfishtrapsinBritainandIreland,seeA.O’Sullivan,Foragers, farmersandfishersinacoastallandscape:anintertidalarchaeologicalsurveyoftheShannon estuary (Dublin ); A. O’Sullivan, ‘Place, memory and identity amongst estuarine fishing communities: interpreting the archaeology of early medieval fishweirs’,WorldArchaeology,-andR.VandeNoortandA.O’Sullivan, Rethinking wetland archaeology (London , pp. -).The spectacular early 250
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medievaltidalmillatNendrumissummarisedatT.McErleanandN.Crothers, ‘TheearlymedievaltidemillsatNendrum:aninterimstatement’,inT.McErlean, R. McConkey andW. Forsythe, Strangford Lough, an archaeological survey of the maritimeculturallandscape(Belfast),-. For early medieval Irish ships and boats before theVikings, see J.Wooding, CommunicationandCommercealongthewesternsea-lanesAD-(Oxford); ForVikingandmedievalships,seeS.McGrail,Medievalboatandshiptimbersfrom Dublin(Dublin).Skuldelev–The‘Irish’VikingshipfromRoskilde–has been recently published in detail in O. Crumlin-Pedersen, The Skuldelev ships I (Roskilde );The Dublin ship models and graffiti are described byA.E. Christensen,‘Shipgraffitiandmodels’,inP.F.Wallace(ed.),Miscellanea(Dublin ),pp.-. For recent discussions of maritime trade and exchange, see J.M.Wooding, ‘Cargoes in trade along the western seaboard’, in K. R. Dark (ed.), External contacts and the economy of Late Roman and Post-Roman Britain (Woodbridge, ),pp.-;E.Campbell,‘Thearchaeologicalevidenceforexternalcontacts: imports, trade and economy in Celtic Britain a.d. -’, in K.R. Dark (ed.), External contacts and the economy of Late Roman and Post-Roman Britain (Woodbridge,),pp.-;I.W.Doyle,‘TheearlymedievalactivityatDalkey Island, Co. Dublin: a re-assessment’, in Journal of IrishArchaeology (), pp. -;VikingAgeDublin’smaritimetradeiscomprehensivelydescribedinP.F. Wallace,‘TheeconomyandcommerceofVikingAgeDublin’,inKDüwelet al (eds) Der handel der Karolinger – undWikingzeit, part of Untersuchungen zu handleundVerkehrdervor–undfrühgeschichtlichenZeitinMittel–undNordeuropa (Göttingen),pp.-.
chapter6:latemedievalireland For some general introductions to the archaeology and landscapes of late medievalIreland,seeT.B.Barry,ThearchaeologyofmedievalIreland(Londonand NewYork ); B.J. Graham and L.J. Proudfoot (eds) An historical geography of Ireland (London ) and K.W. Nicholls, Gaelic and Gaelicised Ireland in the MiddleAges (Dublin ). Recent archaeologies of the period include,T. O’Keeffe,MedievalIreland.Anarchaeology(London)andK.D.O’Conor,The archaeologyofmedievalruralsettlementinIreland(Dublin). For a discussion of late medieval castles, seeT.E. McNeill, Castles in Ireland. Feudal power in a Gaelic world (London and NewYork ). For a regional, maritime-oriented study of towerhouses, see M. Ní Loinsigh,‘An assessment of castles and landownership in late medieval north Donegal’, Ulster Journal of Archaeology,,-. FormaritimeperspectivesonGaelicIreland,see,C.Breen,TheGaelicLordship of the O’Sullivan Beara,A landscape cultural history (Dublin ) and C. Breen, 251
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‘The maritime cultural landscape in medieval Gaelic Ireland’, in P.J. Duffy, D. EdwardsandE.Fitzpatrick(eds),GaelicIrelandc.-c.,Land,Lordshipand Settlement(Dublin,pp.-).Thisbookisaninvaluablestartingpointfor anyarchaeologicalorhistoricalstudyofGaeliclandsduringthisperiod.Trade andcommunicationfromanisland-wideperspectiveiswellcoveredT.O’Neill, T.,MerchantsandMarinersofIrelandinmedievalIreland(Dublin). TworegionalsurveyswhichthereadermayfindusefulincludeA.O’Sullivan, andJ.Sheehan,TheIveraghPeninsula,AnArchaeologicalSurveyofSouthKerry (Cork)andL.Proudfoot(ed.),Down:HistoryandSociety(Dublin).
chapter7 An historical overview of the SpanishArmada is provided in C. Martin and G.Parker,TheSpanishArmada(London).Adetailedhistoricalcontextfor plantation Ireland can be found in N. Canny Making Ireland British, - (Oxford ); R. Loeber, The Geography and Practice of English Colonisation in Ireland from -, Group for the Study of Irish Historical Settlement, (Dublin ) and in M. McCarthy-Morrogh, The Munster Plantation: English migrationtoSouthernIreland-(Oxford). Anumberofpublicationsdealwithaspectsofthearchaeologyofthisperiod includingF.CoyneandT.Collins,ExcavationofaPost-MedievalSettlementatRough Point,Killybegs,CountyDonegal.AegisArchaeologyReports,(Limerick) and P. Kerrigan, Castles and Fortifications in Ireland - (Cork ).The archaeologyofboatsandshipwrecksisdealtwithinC.BreenandW.Forsythe, Boats and Shipwrecks of Ireland,AnArchaeology (Stroud ) and in C. Breen, IntegratedMarineInvestigationsontheHistoricShipwreck‘LaSurveillante’.Centrefor MaritimeArchaeologyMonographSeriesNo.,(Coleraine). Thenineteenth-centurylifewaysandethnologyofClareIslandarediscussed inC.MacCarthaighandK.Whelan,NewSurveyofClareIsland,(Dublin). The Inishkeas are dealt with in B. Dornan, Mayo’s lost islands: the Inishkeas, (Dublin ). For a brief study of the economic state and abandonment of Ireland’s Atlantic islands in the twentieth century, see S. Royle,‘Leaving the ‘dreadful rocks’: Irish island emigration and its legacy’, in History Ireland ., (),pp.-. An important and comprehensive account of industrial aspects of maritime Cork is presented in C. Rynne, The IndustrialArchaeology of Cork City and its Environs (Dublin ). Important developments in fishing are dealt inA.E.J. Went,()‘TheIrishPilchardIndustry’,ProceedingsoftheRoyalIrishAcademy B, - and in N.P.Wilkins, Ponds, Passes and Parcs; Aquaculture in VictorianIreland,(Dublin).
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Index
AchillIsland-, Adomnán,, Africa Altar,Co.Cork Amazon America Annalong,Co.Down Antalolia Anglesea Annagassan,Co.Louth Antrim, Aquitaine AranIslands,,,,, ,, Ardglass,Co.Down,, - ArdsPeninsula,Co.Down, Arran Askeaton,Co.Limerick Asia Athlunkard,Co.Limerick Audleystown,Co.Down AughinishIsland Australia Ballycastle Ballyconnelly,Co.Galway Ballyfounder Ballygalley,Co.Antrim Ballyhalbert,Co.Down Ballyharry,Co.Antrim Ballynarry,Co.Down
Ballinskelligs,Co.Kerry Ballinran,Co.Down- Ballybunnion,Co.Kerry Ballycotton,Co.Cork Ballyhalbert,Co.Down Ballylig,Co.Antrim Ballymacaward Ballymullholland,Co.Derry -, Ballynacallagh,Co.Cork Ballywalter,Co.Down Ballynash,Co.Limerick Ballyness Baltimore,Co.Cork Balynesscastle,Co.Donegal Baltic Baltimore,Co.Cork-, BallysodareBay, Bangor,Co.Down,- Bann,River,, Bantry,Co.Cork-,, -, Barrow,River BayFarm, BearaPeninsula, Bearehaven,Co.Cork Beginish,Co.Kerry,, Belderrig,- Belfast,- Lough,,,
Bingham,Richard BlacksodBay,Co.Mayo BlasketIslands,,,, ,- BlasketSound BoarlandRock,Co.Clare Boyne,River,, Estuary BrayHead,Co.Kerry, Brest Bridgecastle,Co.Kilkenny Brigg,England Bristol Britain-,,,,, ,,,,,, Brittany, Broighter,Co.Derry, - Brookend Brown,Capt.Thomas, Brown’scastle,Co.Kerry Bunratty,Co.Clare- CabecodePez,Portugal Cahercommaun Calais Caldey Caldicot,England Caribbean CarlingfordLough-,,,,,,
253
maritimeireland:anarchaeologyofcoastalcommunities Carrickfergus,Co.Antrim, ,, CarrigdirtyRock,Co. Limerick,-,, - Carrigillihy,Co.Cork Carrigogunnell,Co.Limerick Carrowmore,Co.Sligo, Cashel Castlebellingham,Co.Louth Castleconnell Castlehaven,Co.Cork CastlemaineHarbour Casteward,Co.Down Céidefieldsystem,Mayo, -, Chapelizod,Co.Dubin Charente,River Cherrywood,Co.Dublin China Claddagh,Co.Galway-, , ClareIsland,,, Clashmelcon,Co.Kerry Clenagh,Co.Clare ClewBay Clogher,Co.Tyrone Clontygora,Co.Armagh Coleraine-, Coll Comber,Co.Down Connemara,,,, CoolEast,Co.Kerry CopelandIslands Cork,,,,-, ,-,, Harbour,, Cornwall,- Cuanlough,Co.Cork Cuellar,Capt. Culleenamore,Co.Sligo, - Cumbria Cushendun,Co.Antrim, Dalkeyport, DalkeyIsland,-,,, ,,,,- DálRiada Deelestuary, DeerParkFarms 254
Denmark, DeBurgh,Richard DeValera,Eamonn Dingle,Co.Kerry,, DiscoveryProgramme DoeCastle,Co.Donegal Donaghadee,Co.Down, ,-, Donegal,,, Dooey,Co.Donegal Dooneendermotmore,Co. Cork- Doonloughan,Co.Galway,-, Dover-, Drogheda-,, Drum,Co.Sligo Drumanagh,Co.Dublin, Dublin-,,,,, ,-,-,, ,,-,,, , Bay- DunAillinne,Co.Kildare DúnanÓir,Co.Kerry DúnAonghusa,- Dunbeg,Co.Kerry,- Dunboy,Co.Cork, Duncannon,Co.Waterford Dundalk,- Bay Dundrum,Co.Down,, ,,, Dunluce,Co.Antrim, Dunnamark,Co.Cork- DunnyneillIsland Dunseverick,Co.Antrim DurseyIsland, ElizabethII England,, EnglishChannel,, Essex Erne,River Ertebolle Evans,Estyn Eyrephort,Co.Galway Fahan,Co.Donegal FalseBay,Co.Galway-,
Faroes, Fastnet Fergusestuary,-,,, , Ferriter’sCove,Co.Kerry, -,- Ferrycarrig,Co.Wexford FirthofClyde Fitzmaurice,James Flanders Fourknocks,Co.Meath France,,,,,, ,,, Galway,,, Bay, GaronneEstuary Garranes,Co.Cork Garryduff,Co.Cork Gascony Giant’sCauseway,Co.Antrim Gibraltar,Straitsof GlandoreHarbour,Co.Cork Glencoy,Co.Antrim Gokstad- Gormonston,Co.Meath Greenland-,, GreyabbeyBay,- Groomsport,Co.Down Hamilton,James, HarlandandWolff HarvardMission Haughey’sfort,C.Armagh HighIsland- Hoedic,France Holyhead Holywood HookHead,C.Waterford HowthHead HumberEstuary- Iceland,, Illaunloughan,Co.Kerry, ,- Inch,Co.Donegal Inchmarnock,Scotland Inishboffin Inishmore Inishmurray,Co.Sligo- IniskeaIslands,, Inishtrahull
index Inuit- Inver,Co.Donegal Iona,, Iraq IrishSea- Islandmagee Islandmagrath- Islay IsleofArran, IsleofMan,, Italy IveraghPeninsula, KenmareBay Kerry,, Kilclief,Co.Down KilgreanyCave,Co.Waterford , Kilkee,Co.Clare Killala Killybegs,Co.Doengal- Killough,Co.Down Killyleagh,Co.Down, Kilnaruane,Co.Cork Kilpatrick,Co.Westmeath Kilrush,Co.Clare, Kinsale,Co.Cork Kirkistown Knocknarea,Co.Sligo, Knowles,W.J. Lagore,Co.Meath LakeDistrict LambayIsland,,, LangdonBay Larne,, Larrybane,Co.Antrim, Leacnabuaile,Co.Kerry- Liffey,River,,, Limerick,,,,, ,,-, LittleIsland,Co.Cork Loireestuary Loire,River Londonderry- LoopHead LoughCrew LoughFoyle,,, LoughLene,- LoughNeagh Loughshinny,Co.Dublin LoughSwilly,,, Lurgan,Co.Galway
McArt,Byran McDonnells McNamaras, MadMan’sWindow,Antrim Maheecastle,Co.Down, MarineInstitute MaritimeArchaeologyProject Mayo,, Meadowlands,Co.Down, Meath Mediterranean,,,, ,, Meenogahane,Co.Kerry MinnisNorth,Co.Antrim MizenHead,Co.Cork Montgomery,Hugh Mooghaun,Co.Clare, MorecombeSands Morocco Moryson,Fynes MountBrandon MountGabriel MountSandal-, Mournes,the, MoynaghLough,Co.Meath - Milesians MillinBay,Co.Down MullofGalloway Murlough,Co.Down MuttonIsland,Co.Galway NationalMonumentsService Navan,Co.Armagh Nendrum,Co.Down, Netherlands, Newcastle,Co.Down, Newfoundland, Newgrange, Newmarket-on-Fergus NewRoss Newtown,Co.Cork Newtownards,Co.Down Newry Nimmo,Alexander Ninch,Co.Meath Nore,River NorthFerriby-
OmeyIsland, O’Briens O’Donnelllordship,, , O’Driscolls,, O’Flahertys, O’Kelly,Michael, OldHeadofKinsale,Co.Cork O’Mahoneys O’Malleys,,, O’SullivanBeares,,, O’SullivanMórlordship OrkneyIslands Oronsay,Scotland Oughtymore,Co.Derry Passage,Co.Cork Petrie,George Petty,William PhilipII PhoenixPark,Dublin Pliny, Pookeenee,Co.Kerry PooleHarbour PorcupineBank Portaferry Portugal Poulawack,Co.Clare Poulnabrone,Co.Clare QuintinBay,Co.Down Quoile,River, Raffin,Co.Meath Raheens,Co.Cork Rathcroghan,Co.Roscommon Rathgall,Co.Wicklow Rathgureen Rathinaun RathlinIsland,,,, Rathmelton,Co.Donegal Rathmullan,Co.Donegal Rathmullan,Co.Down, , Reask,Co.Kerry Rhine Ringhaddy,Co.Down, Rockmarshall,,,- 255
maritimeireland:anarchaeologyofcoastalcommunities RossIsland,Co.Kerry Rossnaree,Co.Meath RoundstoneHarbour,Co. Galway Rush,Co.Dublin RusheenIsland Russia StBrendan StCiáran StColumba,,, , StJohn’sPoint,Co.Down StKilda,Scotland Scandinavia,,, ScillyIsles Scotland,,,,, ,,, Screedagh,Co.Sligo Shannongrove,Co.Limerick Sebald,W.G. SevernEstuary, ShannonEstuary-,, ,,,,,, - Shannon,River,, ShetlandIslands Ships Achates Aid Amber BlessedMary Derrymore Dolphin Drake Girona GreatLewis Hoche HoneyBee Juliana Lexington L’Impatient
256
LaRodecogge LaSurveillante Lavia MarianneMacrum Mariot MaryJoseph Merlin Morion Ranger Reprisal Revenge St.Mary SantaMariadeLaRosa SantaMariadeVision SSSirius- Swiftsure TaymouthCastle Tiger TrinidadValencera Victoria Wolf Skateholm,Sweden Skelligs Skuldelev,Denmark- Sligo, SomersetLevels SmerwickCo.Kerry Smith,Charles SneemHarbour,Co.Kerry Snowdownia Spain,,, SpanishArmada StrangfordLough,,, ,-,,-,, ,,,,- Sutton,Co.Dublin, Taffe’scastle,Carlingford TagusEstuary,Portugal Tankardstown,Co.Limerick Tévic,France
ThamesEstuary Thurles Tievebulliagh,Co.Antrim ToormoreBay,Co.Cork ToryIsland,, Tramore,Co.Waterford, Truska,Co.Galway TuskarRock TybrindVig,Denmark UnderwaterArchaeology Unit Usher’sQuay,Dublin ValentiaIsland,Co.Kerry ,,, Vedbaek,Denmark Vikings Wakeman,William Wales,,,,,, ,, Waterford,,-, -,,,,, , Welch,R.J. Went,Arthur Westropp,T.J. Wexford,,,, ,
Slobs WhiddyIsland WicklowBank WicklowHead WicklowMountains, WolfeTone,Theobald Woodstown,Co.Waterford Youghal