Mar Nestorius and Mar Theodore The Interpreter: The Forgotten Eucharistic Prayers of East Syria 9781463219710

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Mar Nestorius and Mar Theodore T h e Interpreter

Gorgias Liturgical Studies

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This series is intended to provide a venue for studies about liturgies as well as books containing various liturgies. Making liturgical studies available to those who wish to learn more about their own worship and practice or about the traditions of other religious groups, this series includes works on service music, the daily offices, services for special occasions, and the sacraments.

Mar Nestorius and Mar Theodore The Interpreter

The Forgotten Eucharistie Prayers of East Syria

Translated and Annotated by Bryan Spinks

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gorgias press 2010

Gorgias Press LLC, 180 Centennial Ave., Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2010 by Gorgias Press LLC Originally published in All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC. 2010

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ISBN 978-1-60724-395-3

ISSN 1937-3252

Published first in the U.K. by Grove Books, 1999.

Printed in the United States of America

Mar Nestorius and Mar Theodore The Interpreter:

The Forgotten Eucharistic Prayers of East Syria Introduction, Translation and Commentary by

Bryan D. Spinks

Professor of Liturgical Studies, Yale University Institute of Sacred Music, Yale Divinity School, and Berkeley Divinity School at Yale

Contents 1.

Introduction

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Concerning the Texts of the Anaphoras of Mar Nestorius and Mar Theodore the Interpreter

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3.

The Anaphora of Mar Nestorius

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Commentary on Mar Nestorius

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The Anaphora of Mar Theodore The Interpreter

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6.

Commentary on Mar Theodore

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Concluding Remarks

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Texts: (a) Mar Nestorius

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(b) Mar Theodore the Interpreter

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Appendix: Bibliography of Studies on Nestorius and Theodore ... 38

The Cover Illustration shows a Chaldean priest in the middle of an anaphora

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Introduction Although each of the four great Syrian communions—Syrian Orthodox, Maronite, Melkite and the East Syrian (Church of the East, Chaldean and SyroMalabar)—have distinctive liturgical traditions, it is the latter which in recent decades has attracted considerable attention from liturgical scholars, and has been the subject of many articles and studies. This may be in part because the East Syrian Church (or Church of the East), existing mainly in the Persian Empire, is perceived as being less hellenized than its sister Syrian churches, and as having retained more Semitic traits and 'primitive' elements . The daily office, for example, while certainly showing signs of the 'monastic' office, resisted the inclusion of scripture readings, other than at Easter.1 On the other hand, the baptismal ordo, attributed to the reform of Iso'yahb III c.650, is the earliest example of the deliberate composition of a rite of baptism for infants, and thus not everything that is East Syrian is representative of earlier forms.2 The East Syrian tradition knows three anaphoras or eucharistic prayers— Addai and Mari, Nestorius and Theodore the Interpreter. There are citations which suggest that perhaps others once existed, but if they ever did, they have not survived, other than a fragment. 3 Of these three, Addai and Mari has been centrestage on account of its antiquity and witness to the development of the early eucharistic prayer, and it continues to attract attention.4 Furthermore, both the Syriac text and English translations are easily accessible to students.5 In contrast, much less interest has been shown in Nestorius and Theodore. This may be due in part to their association with heresiarchs (which led to their suppression by the Portuguese in the Syro-Malabar liturgy), but is mainly because their texts

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Robert Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours in East and West. (Collegeville. 1986). pp 3 3 . 2 2 5 : Sylvester Pudichery. Ramsa. (Dharmaram College Studies 9. Pachalam. 1972). pp 93ff. The most recent study of the baptismal ordo and the theological tradition is Simon J o n e s . 'Womb of the Spirit. The Liturgical Implications of the Doctrine of the Spirit for the Syrian Baptismal Tradition'. (Ph.D. thesis. University of Cambridge 1999). In the Catalogue of Abdisho (Ebedjesu), edited by Abraham Ecchellenis. Rome 1655. For the fragment, see R H Connolly. 'Sixth-Century Fragments of an East-Syrian Anaphora' in Oriens Christianus ns 1 2 - 1 4 (1925). pp 9 9 - 1 2 8 . For the literature, see Bryan D Spinks. Addai and Mari—The Anaphora of the Apostles: A Text for Students (Grove Liturgical Study 2 4 . Grove Books. Bramcote. 1980): A Gelston. The Eucharistic Prayer of Addai and Mari. (Oxford. 1992). More recently see Stephen B Wilson. T h e Anaphora of the Apostles Addai and Mari', in (Ed.) Paul F Bradshaw, Essays on Early Eastern Eucharistic Prayers (Liturgical Press. Collegeville. 1997) pp 19-37: See also Sarhad J a m m o . T h e Quddasha of the Apostles Addai and Mari and the Narrative of the Eucharistic Institution', and Peter Hofrichter. T h e Anaphora of Addai and Mari in the Church of the East—Eucharist without Institution Narrative?' both in Syriac Dialogue 1, Pro Oriente. (Austria, 1994), pp 1 6 7 - 1 9 3 . In addition to Bryan D S p i n k s and A Gelston, (eds) R C D J a s p e r and G J Cuming. Prayers of the Eucharist: Early and Reformed. (Liturgical Press. Collegeville. 1987).

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are less accessible than Addai and Mari. Nestorius has been the subject of a doctoral thesis by Sebastien Naduthadam for the Institute Catholique de Paris, but this remains unpublished. 1 Theodore was the subject of a doctoral thesis by Jacob Vadakkel at Rome, and subsequently published as The East Syrian Anaphora of Mar Theodore of Mopsuestia,1989, but being published in Kottayam, India, is not readily available } The Syriac texts were published by SPCK in 1890, with English translations in 1893, but these are not accessible outside specialist libraries. 3 The English translations of Theodore by J M Neale, and of Nestorius by Badger, are also not readily accessible, and the SPCK English versions reproduced in Twenty Five Consecration Prayers has long been out of print. 9 Latin versions are available in older collections such as Renaudot, and in the collection Prex Eucharistica, but for many liturgy students the Latin might as well be Syriac! 5 Since Jasper and Cuming's Prayers of the Eucharist: Early and Reformed is still a convenient and popular class text, and did not include Nestorius and Theodore, the cumulative effect is a cycle of neglect. This present study attempts to go some way to rectifying this situation. It provides a fresh translation of the two anaphoras from the Syriac, with a summary of the studies and opinions on their origins and composition, together with a brief commentary It purports to be no more than a basic introduction, and those who desire fuller discussion, including details of the manuscript tradition, will need to consult the work of Naduthadam and Vadakkel, as well as the articles and essays listed in the bibliography.

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Sebastien Naduthadam, 'L'Anaphore de Mar Nestorius' (Doctoral Thesis. Institut Catholique de Paris. 1992). J a c o b Vadakkel. The East Syrian Anaphora of Mar Theodore of Mopsuestia (Mannanam, Kottayam. 1989). Liturgia Sanctorum Apostolorum Adaei et Maris cui accedunt aliae in q u ih us dam Jestis et feriis dicendae. necnon ordo baptismi (Urmiah, 1890. English translation, London. 1893). J M Neale. A History of the Holy Eastern Church, 2 vols. London 1850. Vol. 2; G P Badger. The Nestorians and their Rituals, 2 vols. London 1852. 1987. Vol. 2 . Arthur Linton. Twentyfive Consecration Prayers. London 1921. J Assemani, op.cit, E Renaudot. Liturgiarum Orientalium Collectio, 2 vols. London 1847. 1970: (ed.) A Hanggi and 1 Pähl. Prex Eucharistica. (Freiburg, 1968, 1998).

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Concerning the Texts of the Anaphoras of Mar Nestorius and Mar Theodore the Interpreter Isolating the anaphoral text. In their discussions of the manuscripts of Nestorius and Theodore, Naduthadam and Vadakkel did not find any great divergences of significance. Some texts omitted rubrics and diaconal parts; some texts have some theological expansion, such as 'which is confessed in three equal and undivided qnome', qualifying the glorious Trinity in Theodore; some texts (Chaldean) showed signs of Romanization—in the Words of Institution, for example; and some manuscripts—of the hudra (containing the proper of the liturgy and the Office for Sundays and feasts)—omit those prayers called kusape. Kusapa is in fact a rubrical direction—it is a whispered prayer (coming from the root ksp, 'to speak softly or whisper'), and together with two other rubrical directions, ghanta (prayer said with the head inclined) and qanona (with raised voice), form a series of prayers beginning with the pre-anaphoral prayers through to the final doxology of the eucharistic prayers. These rubrical directions are in a sense artificial, and apply to how a prayer or part of a prayer is prayed, rather than consistently indicating a type of prayer genre. When the preanaphoral prayers are removed, together with diaconal litanies and prayers (karozouta and qulasa) we are left with the following rubrical structures for Nestorius and Theodore: Nestorius Theodore qanona (Eucharistic Dialogue) qanona (Eucharistic Dialogue) kusapa kusapa ghanta ghanta qanona qanona kusapa kusapa ghanta ghanta qanona qanona kusapa kusapa ghanta ghanta qanona qanona kusapa ghanta qanona Although a rubrical direction, the kusape do, in fact, also constitute a prayer genre. They are certain prayers which punctuate the pre-anaphora and anaphoras of the East Syrian tradition, said by the priest, concerned with either summing up what is to be said in either the previous or the next section of the anaphora, or with the celebrant's unworthiness. As such they represent an 5

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addition to the earliest strata of the East Syrian eucharistic prayers. They are not necessarily as late as some scholars have implied, and they have an interest in their own right.' However, for the sake of clarity, they can be removed from the text. We thus have: Nestorius Theodore qanona (Eucharistic dialogue) qanona (Eucharistic dialogue) ghanta 1 (Praise of God the Trinity) ghanta 1 (Praise of God the Trinity) qanona (sanctus) qanona (sanctus) ghanta 2 (Christological section) ghanta 2 (Christological section) qanona (doxology with Amen) qanona (doxology with Amen) ghanta 3 (Intercessions) ghanta 3 (Intercessions and epiklesis) qanona (doxology with Amen) qanona (doxology with Amen) ghanta 4 (Intercessions and epiklesis) qanona (doxology with Amen) Nestorius is a longer anaphora, and has an extra ghanta and qanona. Vadakkel has suggested that in fact the qanona doxology after the third ghanta is a later intrusion, and that originally, like Theodore, the third ghanta contained all the intercessions and epiklesis.2 Though this may be so, the translation follows the received text and includes that doxology. Although modern eucharistic prayers assume that the prayer is one, without division, the doxologies—even the third one in Nestorius—may be integral and original to these anaphoras. But it will be noted that the epiklesis in both anaphoras—like Addai and Mari—comes at the conclusion of the intercessions and leads to the final doxology. Unlike Addai and Mari, both Nestorius and Theodore have an institution narrative. They thus present us with a distinctive East Syrian structure: Dialogue Opening Praise of the Trinity Sanctus and Benedictus. Christological section Institution narrative Anamnesis Intercessions Epiklesis Concluding doxology. A note on the Syriac text and Translation The Syriac text chosen for this translation is that of the 1890 Urmiah edition, and some explanation for this choice is perhaps required Our earliest manuscript of the three East Syrian anaphoras is that of the Mar Esa'ya text, discovered in 1966 by W F Macomber at the Mar Esa'ya

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Bryan D Spinks. Worship: Prayers from the East (Washington. 1993), chapter 7. J Vadakkel. The East Syrian Anaphora of Mar Theodore of Mopsuestia. p 227.

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(St.Isaiah) Church in Mosul, Iraq. The manuscript is dated 10/11 th century. Macomber published the text of Addai and Mari, and he kindly furnished me transcripts of the text of Nestorius and TheodoreYet although this is our earliest manuscript, it does not necessarily follow that it always has the best readings. Indeed, the manuscript is a hudra, and one of the hallmarks of this liturgical book is abbreviation. In his critical text of Addai and Mari, Dr.Anthony Gelston chose a more eclectic text, and more normative of the readings of the texts actually in use today in printed versions.2 Here too the decision has been taken not to use the Mar Esa'ya text as the basis for the translation. The works of Naduthadam and Vadakkel include discussion of the manuscript tradition, and provide a critical text. However, since many of the known manuscripts are inaccessible to Western scholars, their critical texts remain, in a sense, provisional—though even if and when all the extant manuscripts can be checked, it is highly unlikely that they would need any substantial alteration. Nevertheless, they both used a manuscript as base text; Naduthadam, BN Paris 310 for Nestorius, and Vadakkel, Ms.Mingana 53 for Theodore. Since the variant readings which both scholars give are not startling, it seemed more appropriate to use a printed text, as being representative of what is currently in use, for these are not theoretical anaphoras as perhaps Apostolic Constitutions was, or discarded ones such as the Gallican eucharistic prayers, but ones which are still in regular use. Nestorius is used on five occasions—Epiphany, the Friday of John the Baptist, the memorial of the Greek Doctors, the Wednesday of the Rogation of the Ninevites, and Maundy Thursday; Theodore is used from the first Sunday of the Annunciation—Nativity period to the Sunday of Hosanna. When the Urmiah translation was made at the end of the nineteenth century, the translators were able to draw on the English ecclesiastical language of the Authorized Version and the Book of Common Prayer, since both were still in contemporary use. That is not the case now, and thus I have made no attempt consciously to use Prayer Book phraseology, or Tudor/Stuart style. Any translation poses the problem of literal versus the idiomatic. On the whole I have opted for literal, and thus, for example, have retained the Syriac use of w, 'and', whereas English would require a more generous use of the comma and semi-colon. On the other hand, in the epiklesis, 'grace' in Syriac is grammatically feminine. A literal translation would require 'she' as the pronoun, whereas an idiomatic translation in English requires 'it'. Since the actual text does not develop or exploit the gender, I have used the pronoun 'it', but indicated the feminine in brackets for those who feel strongly on such gender issues. The translation has attempted to be clear and accurate, though where particular Syriac words carry a range of meanings, I am aware that others may have opted for a different English rendering. For example, I have tried as far as 1 2

W F Macomber, T h e Oldest known text of the Anaphora of the Apostles Addai and Man', in Orientalia Christiana Periodica 3 2 (1966). pp 3 3 5 - 7 1 . Gelston. The Eucharistic Prayer of Addai and Mart

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possible to be consistent with the praise verbs and nouns, and have thus rendered yd'/tawdita' and cognates as 'give thanks', 'thanksgiving' and 'confess', though in places 'acknowledge' would be as appropriate. Material in common The text draws attention to the following: 1. In Mar Nestorius: (a) Material in Nestorius which may be derived from the Greek versions of St.John Chrysostom (italics) St.Basil (bold italics) and St.James (ITALIC CAPITALS). (b) Material which echoes or seems c o m m o n to Addai and MariX underlining) (c) Material which has a parallel in Narsai's Liturgical Homilies.(CAPITALS) 2. In Mar Theodore the Interpreter (a) Material which seems common to Nestorius and Theodore, (bold type.) (b) Material which echoes or seems common to Addai and Mari (underlining) (c) Material which has a parallel in Narsai's Liturgical Homilies. (CAPITALS) It may be argued that this pre-empts discussion of the case, though this is not the intention. Readers will need to judge for themselves whether— particularly in terms of possible textual dependence—the case seems probable or not. When there is agreement between Addai and Mari, Nestorius and Theodore, it is in some cases simply uniformity of usage—the opening dialogue, the sanctus and benedictus, and doxologies. On the other hand, there is material where it appears that the idea of one anaphora has been expanded and elaborated in one of the others, but with a different vocabulary. On these matters opinion will differ as to the extent, if any, of dependence.

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The Anaphora of Mar Nestorius Origin and authorship The question of origin and authorship of Nestorius remains an unsolved problem. Some of the manuscripts have a colophon or heading. Thus Cambridge University Library Ms.Add.1984 heads that of Nestorius as follows: 'By the grace of God we begin to write the Quddasa (Hallowing) of my Lord Nestorius, Patriarch of Byzantium, the martyr, but not of blood, and persecuted for the truth of orthodox confession. Mar Aba the Great, the Catholicos of blessed memory, when he went up to Roman territory, translated ('phq) the Quddasa of Mar Nestorius from Greek into Syriac and all his compositions, as Mar John the Catholicos indicates in the memra which he composed on the Fathers.' The implication here is that the anaphora once existed in Greek and was believed to be by Nestorius, and it was translated into Syriac for the East Syrian Church by Mar Aba, who was Catholicos between 540 and 552. We do not know who Mar John was, and his memra is not extant. However, the explanation is complicated by the fact that the Liturgical Homilies of Narsai (d.c503) seem to allude to the anaphoras of both Nestorius and Theodore. There are three possible explanations for this: (a) The anaphoras were already in use in the East Syrian Church before the time of Mar Aba. (b) The Liturgical Homilies have been later interpolated with allusions to the two anaphoras. (c) The compilers of the anaphoras included quotations from Narsai's Homilies. The opinion of scholars regarding the genesis of this anaphora is divided. Anton Baumstark, writing in 1908, expressed the view that Nestorius was the ancient anaphora of Constantinople, and that the Greek anaphora of St.John Chrysostom was derived from it.' Later he changed his mind, and argued that Nestorius himself had expanded the anaphora from that of St.John Chrysostom.2 Bayard H Jones, who believed that Nestorius was the oldest East Syrian anaphora, and that Theodore and Addai and Mari were successive abbreviations, argued that Nestorius himself had composed the anaphora. However, because of the witness of the Catalogue of Abhdisho, mentioning anaphoras by Barcauma and Narsai, he argued that Nestorius was published by Barcauma, whereas

15 A Baumstark, 'Die Chrysostomosliturgie und die syrische Liturgie des Nestorios'. in Chnjsostornika (Rome. 1908). pp 771-857. 16 A. Baumstark. Comparative Liturgy, (Et London 1958). pp.55-56.

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Theodore was the work of Narsai.' Douglas Webb, inclining to the view that Mar Aba may well have been involved, was of the view that the parallels in Narsai were due to interpolations in that work at a later date.2 However, the matter still has no clear resolution. The meaning of 'phq As already noted, the parallels and echoes between Nestorius and St. John Chrysostom were noted by Baumstark. Subsequently Bayard H. Jones argued that both Greek Chrysostom and Basil have been used by the compiler of Nestorius, with occasional borrowing from Greek St. James. This has been reiterated in studies by Bernard Botte, Georg Wagner and Douglas Webb.3, and to a certain degree, confirms part of the colophon titles—that the anaphora was from Greek sources. We know that Mar Aba translated the works of Nestorius from Greek into Syriac, and thus may well be ultimately responsible for the anaphora bearing the Patriarch's name. Is it possible that Nestorius himself carried out the work, and Mar Aba simply discovered it and rendered it into Syriac for the East Syrian Church? The researches of Robert Taft and John Fenwick indicate that both the anaphoras of St. John Chrysostom and St.Basil were firmly established by the time of Nestorius, and both show signs of having been reworked by the two bishops themselves.4 St. James, too, was in circulation. However, is highly unlikely that Nestorius, whose Patriarchate was but three years before his deposition, could have authored the present anaphora, or would have authored a prayer to replace anaphoras associated with the highly respected bishops John Chrysostom and Basil. It is more conceivable that, on visiting Constantinople, Mar Aba found two or three Greek anaphoras in use, and drew on them all to give one anaphora representative of Nestorius's own usage. 5 Yet, whether or not that is a reasonable scenario, it is undeniable that there is some literary relationship between the Greek anaphoras, and Nestorius. Though Douglas Webb accepted that Nestorius (and for that matter, Theodore) had Greek origins, he carefully qualified this: 'It must be stressed, however, that they are not mere translations: their compilers, whoever they were, manipulated and adapted their sources in accordance with their own ideas'. 6 1

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Bayard H J o n e s . T h e History of the Nestorian Liturgy', in Anglican Theological Review 4 6 (1964), pp 1 5 5 - 1 7 6 : T h e Sources of the Nestorian Liturgy' in Anglican Theological Review 4 6 (1964) pp 4 1 4 - 4 2 5 : T h e Formation of the Nestorian Liturgy' in Anglican Theological Review 4 8 (1966). pp 2 7 6 - 3 0 6 . Douglas Webb, T h e Anaphora of Theodore the Interpreter'. Ephemerides Liturgicae 104 (1990) pp 3 - 2 2 [published posthumously—the paper was given at the Society for Liturgical Study 19811 Bernard Botte. 'Les anaphores syriennes orientales' in Eucharisties d'orient ft d'occident. vol. 2 (Paris 1970), pp 7 - 2 4 : Georg Wagner, Der Ursprung der Chrysostomusliturgie. LQF. vol. 59 (Munster. 1973): Douglas Webb. T h e Anaphora of Theodore': 'Le S e n s de l'anaphore de Nestorius' in LaLiturgie: son sens, son esprit, sa methode (Rome, 1982). pp 3 4 9 - 3 7 2 . R F Taft. T h e Authenticity of the Chrysostom Anaphora Revisited. Determining the Authorship of Liturgical Texts by Computer' in Orienlalia Christiana Periodica 5 6 (1990). pp 5 - 5 1 : J R K Fenwick. The Anaphoras of St. Basil and St. James. OCA 2 4 0 (Rome. 1992). Much depends on how far it is thought that St. James was a source. Webb. T h e Anaphora of Theodore', p 6.

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Indeed, much depends on the meaning of the Syriac word 'phq. This is the Aphel form of nphq, with the root meaning go out, issue, proceed. A Gelston has suggested that it can mean both translate, and promulgate or publish, though in this case, he feels 'translate' is the more natural meaning.' But perhaps 'redact' here is the better term—redacted by Mar Aba. Both Naduthadam and Gelston have argued that Nestorius was composed in Syriac, and preserves a genuine Syriac style rather than Greek rendered into Syriac. Gelston has paid particular attention to the biblical quotations, excluding such obvious forms such as the sanctus and benedictus, quotations in common with the other East Syrian anphoras, and brief allusions. Of twenty-one biblical passages, six are straightforward citations where the Peshitta is an exact rendering of the Greek, two have slightly modified syntax from the Greek, and six have minor modifications of the Greek text. Of the seven remaining texts, Gelston felt that the modifications made indicate favouring the Peshitta text over the Greek, and concluded: 'Reviewing the evidence of the biblical citations in the Anaphora of Nestorius as a whole, it has to be said that such evidence as they provide points to familiarity with the Syriac rather than the Greek Bible on the part of the composer of the anaphora.' 2 In another study, Gelston has also examined the possible dependence of Nestorius and Theodore upon Addai and Mari, concluding that in places, particularly the epiklesis, the compiler of Nestorius has drawn on Addai and Mari, quite independently of Theodore.3 It may be the case that on the question of the biblical quotations, Gelston has been a little generous concerning an obvious Peshitta dependence, which is not always as obvious as his conclusion suggests. Furthermore, as is the case of anaphoral composition today, a wise compiler uses biblical translations likely to be known to the worshippers, and use of the Peshitta per se would not conflict with other parts being a translation from the Greek into good, idiomatic Syriac. Nevertheless, it is sufficient to show that the compiler used discretion in producing the Syriac anaphora. Theological interests In a study of 1996, the present writer examined Nestorius in terms of what had been added to the underlying sources—a redaction criticism approach rather than source criticism.4 Thus in the opening praise, of the negative epithets used to describe God, the terms uncompounded, impassible and immortal 1

A Gelston. Theodore of Mopsuestia: the Anaphora and Mystagogical Catechesis 16' in Studia Patristica 2 6 (1993). 2 1 - 3 4 : T h e Origin of the Anaphora of Nestorius: Greek or Syriac?'. Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester 7 8 (1996). 7 3 - 8 6 . 2 A Gelston, T h e Origin of the Anaphora of Nestorius' p 8 6 . 3 A Gelston. T h e Relationship of the Anaphoras of Theodore and Nestorius to that of Addai and Mari' in Tuvaik. Studies in Honour of Rev. Jacob Vellian. Syrian Churches Series 16 (Kottayam, 1995). pp 2 0 - 2 6 . 4- Bryan D Spinks. T h e Anaphora of Nestorius: Antiochene Lex Credendi through Constantinopolitan Lex Orandi?' in Orientalia Christiana Periodica 6 2 (1996). pp 2 7 3 - 2 9 4 . 11

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have been added to supplement words already present in the Greek anaphoral sources. All of these divine attributes figured prominently in the dispute between Cyril of Alexandria and Nestorius, and were terms that the 'Antiochene' school regarded as safeguarding the divine nature. In the post sanctus, the quotation from Philippians 2:7 was crucial in the debate between Cyril and Nestorius, but it was also important in the christology of Theodore of Mopsuestia. Of particular note is that in the teaching of Theodore, the Logos was conjoined with 'perfect man'. This was also defended by Nestorius, and the conjunction was one of dignity and honour. Cyril objected to such language because it suggested two sons, and a moral union only. The cumulative doctrinal gloss seems to reflect the Antiochene christology, and that of Theodore rather than specifically of Nestorius. 1 The school of Nisibis promoted the teaching of Theodore rather than Nestorius (even if they were continuous), and Mar Aba seems to have had a particular interest in Theodore's theology. At the Synod of the Church of the East held under Mar Aba in 544, Theodore's writings and doctrines were accorded special authority.2 Theodore, though anathema to the Alexandrian school, was not officially condemned until 553—after the death of Mar Aba. There is a good case for viewing Mar Aba as the redactor, and his use of deliberate Antiochene theological and christological phraseology. The reference to Christ eating 'the Passover of the Law of Moses' finds echoes in Narsai's Liturgical Homilies and his Homily on the Passion. This seems to reflect the emphasis of the Antiochene school on the perfect obedience of the Son.3 Thus it could be argued that the redaction included Theodorian lex credendi in the Constantinople lex orandi sources. The cumulative arguments at present, therefore, suggest that this is a redaction drawing on Greek sources but composed in the Syriac idiom, and drawing on the earlier East Syrian anaphoral tradition and structure, as well as the Peshitta, and the theology of Theodore of Mopsuestia treasured by the East Syrian Church. It is certainly not some stiff, unimaginative translation, but a proper adaptation giving a new distinctive indigenous anaphora.

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Of course. Nestorius claimed to be simply expounding the theology of Theodore, a n d hence Theodore w a s deemed to be the father of Nestorianism. J - B Chabot. Synodicon Orientale ou recueil de synodes nestoriens. Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Nationale, vol.37 (Paris. 1902). p 550 (Canon 40). R H Connolly. The Liturgical Homilies oJNarsai, Texts and Studies 8 (Cambridge, 1909), pp 12.15; F G McLeod, Narsai's Metrical Homilies on the Nativity, Epiphany, Passion, Resurrection and Ascension, (Turnhout, 1979): R V S e l l e r s , Two Ancient Christologies (London. 1940).

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Commentary on Mar Nestorius qanona (dialogue) The opening dialogue is the East Syrian tradition is quite distinctive, and has its simplest form in Addai and Mari. After the Grace (2 Cor.13.14) in that anaphora we have: Let your minds be on high. Towards you, the God of Abraham and of Isaac and of Israel, the glorious King. The oblation is offered to God the Lord of all. It is fit and right Peace be with us. Though some have suggested emendations to make this dialogue conform to the more usual Syro-Byzantine form, there is no manuscript authority for such emendations.1 However, the precise forms differ considerably between those in the Mar Esa'ya text and other manuscripts. In the Mar Esa'ya text, the form for Addai and Mari is reproduced for Theodore, whereas the slightly expanded form found in most manuscripts for Theodore, is found in the Mar Esa'ya text of Nestorius.2 This suggests that the opening dialogue has undergone expansions at certain times, or was variable. Yet the fact that the redactor or redactors of Nestorius and Theodore did not opt for the Syro-Byzantine form of dialogue might suggest that the form found in Addai and Mari was a well established East Syrian formula.lt is arguable whether the form in Theodore before I t is fitting and right' is an abbreviation of Nestorius, or whether Nestorius is an expansion. ghdnta 1 The opening theological praise centres on the Trinity, and the compiler has carefully woven together material from Basil and Chrysostom. The praise verbs used are as numerous as in Basil. The divine nature is described with the via negativa or alpha privatives. Both Basil and Chrysostom use similar terms, and indeed, according to Taft's researches, the occurrence and order in the anaphora of Chrysostom is only matched in Greek literature with Chrysostom's own writings, suggesting that he worked over the anaphora which bears his name. 3 However, as noted above, the words uncompounded, impassible and immortal are new material, and reflect the Antiochene concern to protect the divine nature 1

2 3

R J Ledogar, Acknowledgment. Praise-Verbs in the Early Greek Anaphora, (Rome, 1968), p 2 7 : W F Macomber. T h e Maronite and Chaldean Versions of the Anaphora of the Apostles' in Orientalia Christiana Periodica 3 7 (1971), pp 5 5 - 8 4 . Bryan D Spinks. Addaiand Mari— The Anaphora of the Apostles, pp 2 4 - 2 5 . With the addition of 'our kinsman' after 'Son of our race'. R F Taft, T h e Authenticity of the Chrysostom Anaphora Revisited'.

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from what they regarded as Alexandrian confusion. Yet what the compiler seems to have done is to use mainly the opening oratio theologica of Basil, and then switch to a rehearsal of salvation history from the corresponding part of Chrysostom. There is a strong doctrine of the Trinity presented here, with an emphasis on the divine persons being worshipped by all rational beings, visible and invisible, and thus leading eventually to the sanctus and benedictus. Bayard Jones suggested an emendation to read 'servants' in place of 'work', (a slight alteration of the Syriac) to give a better parallel with Basil. The lead in to the sanctus echoes that of Addai and Mari in using Daniel 7.10. Only two angelic types are mentioned—Angels and Archangels. It will be seen that the actual form of the sanctus and benedictus in the East Syrian anaphoras is slightly different from that of other traditions.' ghanta 2 The post-sanctus has the pick up on the word 'Holy', but although it gives a renewed trinitarian context, moves swiftly into a christological section. Here Basil seems to have been the inspiration, and use is made of Hebrews 1.3, 2 Corinthians 4.4, Colossians 1.15, Philippians 2.6-7, and Galatians 4.4. The quotation from Philippians—a favourite text for Theodore of Mopsuestia, and Nestorius—is included but extended by the redactor to express the christology of Theodore of Mopsuestia. Thus the Son is described as God the Logos, who conjoined to himself 'perfect man', a Son of passible nature. Apollinarianism, which had been sharply condemned by Theodore, is excluded—'from a reasonable, intelligent and immortal soul and from a mortal human body', but the conjunction taught by Theodore and Nestorius, and repudiated by Cyril of Alexandria in favour of hypostatic union, is here articulated in the anaphora. And whereas Basil (in the Byzantine Barberini gr.336 and in the Greek Alexandrian version) make mention here of 'the holy God-bearer (theotokos) and ever-virgin Mary', the redactor omits the title which sparked off the great christological controversy between Cyril and Nestorius, and also omits 'virgin Mary', relying simply on the quotation from Galatians 4.4. Even when it is conceded that the title theotokos itself represents a later expansion in Basil, the lack of the specific reference to Mary in Nestorius points to considerable sensitivity here, and perhaps points to the fact that the title theotokos was in the textual tradition by the time Nestorius was composed. The redactor, inspired by the saving work of Christ in Basil, expands this section , with not only his destroying death, but also abrogating the Jewish Law, and cleansing us through baptism (cf.Basil: 'when he had cleansed us by water'). The death/resurrection imagery of Romans is used here rather than messianic rebirth which is the emphasis in the earlier Syrian baptismal tradition. John 13.1 is used to introduce a more detailed rehearsal of the work of Christ overcoming death by the descent into Sheol. 1

Bryan D Spinks. The Sanctus in the Eucharistlc Prayer. (Cambridge 1991).

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The words of institution are introduced by a declaration that the supper was a new passover, instituted during Christ's obedience to the Mosaic law of the old passover, which is a theme treated by Narsai. However, this is one section where the Mar Esa'ya text is considerably shorter than most other readings, and manuscripts such as Rylands Syriac 19, while having a reference to the law of Moses, lack specific mention of passover, and the text used by Badger refers once to the passover of Moses. It would seem, therefore, that at this point the expansion is from later copyists and not the primary redactor, though Narsai may still have been the textual inspiration. The embellishments to the narrative itself seems to draw on elements found in all three of the probable Greek anaphoral sources. The narrative is seen as a natural point of transition, and thus concludes with a doxology. ghanata 3 and 4 The new ghanta opens with an anamnesis which is also a proclamation and acknowledgment of faith in the trinity and the divine economy. Then the anaphora embarks upon intercessions, introduced with 'And we offer', using the verb qrb. The anaphora uses qrb in relation to qurbana (offering, oblation), and debha (sacrifice) in the dialogue, which seems to refer to the gifts of bread and wine, and slq, offer or lift up, in relation to verbal praise. Here qrb is used with debha, and the eucharist is offered for a whole series of intentions, just as we find in the Syro-Byzantine eucharistic prayers. It leads eventually to the epiklesis and final doxology, and gives Nestorius and Theodore their distinctive East Syrian pattern. It also gives it a distinctive theology, which may well reflect that of Theodore of Mopsuestia. The Catechetical Lectures of Theodore of Mopsuestia describe the eucharist as performing in symbol the remembrance of the death of Christ. When the deacons carried out the bread and wine (at what became the Great Entrance) they place it on the altar for a complete representation of the passion.1 Thus he could say: 'In contemplating with our eyes, through faith, the facts that are now being re-enacted: that he is again dying, rising and ascending into heaven, we shall be led to the vision of the things that had taken place beforehand on our behalf.' 2 When the elements are placed on the altar, W e must also think of Christ being at one time led and brought to his passion, and at another time stretched on the altar to be sacrificed for us.' 3

1 2 3

A Mingana (ed). Commentary of Theodore of Mopsuestia on the Lord's Prayer and on the Sacraments of Baptism and the Eucharist Woodbrooke Studies VI. (Cambridge 1933). pp 74. 99. 103. Mingana p 83. Mingana p 85

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However, Theodore concentrates on the death of Christ: W e must first of all realize that we perform a sacrifice of which we eat. Although we remember the death of our Lord in food and drink, and although we believe these to be the remembrance of his Passion—because he said: "This is my body which is broken for you, and this is my blood which is shed for you"—we nevertheless perform, in their service, a sacrifice; and it is the office of the priest of the New Testament to offer this sacrifice, as it is through it that the New Covenant appears to be maintained. It is indeed evident that it is a sacrifice, but not a new one and one that (the priest) performs as his, but it is a remembrance of that other real sacrifice (of Christ).'1 Theodore also notes that the sacrifice can be pleaded for the living and the dead: T h e priest performs Divine service in this way, and offers supplication on behalf of all those whom by regulation mention is to be made always in the Church; and later he begins to make mention of those who have departed, as if to show that this sacrifice keeps us in this world, and grants also after death, to those who have died in the faith, that ineffable hope which all the children of the Sacrament of Christ earnestly desire and expect.'2 But it is clear that it is the sacrifice—the death of Christ—which is pleaded. Of the epiklesis, Theodore could write: 'Indeed, the body of our Lord, which is from our nature, was previously mortal by nature, but through the resurrection it moved to an immortal and immutable nature . . . In this same way, after the Holy Spirit has come here also, we believe that the elements of bread and wine have received a kind of an anointing from the grace that comes upon them, and we hold them to be henceforth immortal, incorruptible, impassible, and immutable by nature, as the body of the Lord was after the resurrection.'3 However, Theodore was commenting on a eucharistic prayer of the SyroByzantine shape, where the epiklesis comes after the anamnesis and before the intercessions. This fitted rather ill with his stress on intercessions being linked with the death of Christ, because the epiklesis had 'resurrected' the elements which had symbolized the passion. The anaphora of Nestorius (and, as we shall see, Theodore also) gives much better liturgical expression to the theology of the Catechetical Lectures by placing the epiklesis (the 'resurrection') after the intercessions which have pleaded the passion. Anaphoral intercessions are the most variable parts of the classical eucharistic prayers, and attempts to list verbal parallels rarely produces anything of true worth. Anthony Gelston has made a brief comparison of the intercessions in 1 2 3

Mingana p 79. Mingana p 105. Mingana p 104.

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Nestorius and those of Theodore, and finds very little in common. He concluded that: 'about one third of the intercessions in Theodore and more than five eighths of those in Nestorius are peculiar to the respective anaphoras. It is interesting too to note that Nestorius ranges much more widely in the scope of its intercessions than Theodore, which, apart from the prayer for the fruits of the earth and for temperate climate and that for all humankind, seems exclusively concerned with the Church.'1 Nestorius treats the living first, then the departed. As far as themes are concerned, the sequence approximates more to the Syriac anaphora of the Twelve Apostles and Apostolic Constitutions VIII (both perhaps reflecting the environs of Antioch) than Basil, Chrysostom or James. John Fenwick, in his various studies, found that because verbal parallels between anaphoral intercessions were so few, it was better to use a comparison of sequence and themes. Following his classification, Nestorius has the following: The Living A — the Catholic Church. B — the Episcopate D — the presbyterate and diaconate G — all faithful people — all transgressors a — Celebrant c — those who care for the church e — the emperor(=heads and rulers) — peace I — the fruits of the earth and weather. H — this place and its faithful. — travellers 6 — the oppressed 5 — sickness — enemies — ourselves — conversion The Dead N — Departed Clergy O—departed laity (The Living) Q — Preservation and guidance of those assembled. The intercessions return from the church triumphant to the present assembly and its needs, and this forms a transition to the epiklesis which is also for the present needs of the assembly. The epiklesis is introduced with words X

A Gelston, The Intercessions in the East Syrian Anaphoras of Theodore and Nestorius' in Studia Patristlca 30(1997) pp 306-313. p 310.

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reminiscent of Addai and Mari, and found in a different context in Theodore— 'we your lowly, weak and miserable servants', which seems to be an East Syrian devotional formula. The epiklesis seems to be an expansion from that of Addai and Mari. It uses the verb 'come', which is found in Basil also, rather than the verb 'send'. This may be a more primitive form, having links with Maranatha, but it certainly preserves the early Syriac form found in the earlier literature.1 However, it is the grace of the Holy Spirit which is requested to come, not the third person of the Trinity him(her)self. As noted above, the grammatical gender of both Holy Spirit and grace in Syriac is feminine, but, unlike, for example, in the Odes of Solomon and Ephrem, the accident of grammar is left und eveloped. 'Rest' may have been suggested by Addai and Mari, and 'dwell', occurring in Maronite Sharar, is also found in Narsai's Liturgical Homilies: 'He summons the Spirit to come down and dwell in the bread and wine and make them the Body and Blood of King Messiah.... The Spirit he asks to come and brood over the oblation and bestow upon it power and divine operation'.2 'Bless and sanctify' are found in some manuscripts of Addai and Mari, but Botte argued that the words have been borrowed by copyists from Nestorius} They are present in Basil, whereas 'make' is found in Chrysostom and James . 'Change' is also found in Chrysostom. Using the themes of his sources, but also drawing on a number of biblical references, the redactor has extended the eschatological concerns of the epiklesis—for resurrection, the vision of God, unity and peace, and it also asks that the communicants should not eat to condemnation and judgment (1 Cor.ll) but, as in Basil, that the communicants may be counted with those who have been well pleasing since the world began. And once more the trinitarian nature of God is reiterated in a doxology which brings the anaphora to its conclusion.

1

2 3

See Bryan D Splnks. T h e Consecratory Epiklesis in the Anaphora of St. James', Studia Litúrgica 11(1976). pp 19-38.Gabriela Winkler. 'Further Observations in Connection with the early Form of Epiklesis'. in Studies in Early Christian Liturgy and Context, (Aldershot. 1997), essay IV. R H Connolly, The Liturgical Homilies o/Narsai, pp 20-21. B Botte. 'L'épiclese dans Is liturgies syriennes orientales' in Sacris Erudiri 6 (1954), pp 4872.

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The Anaphora of Mar Theodore The Interpretor The origin of Theodore shares many of the same problems of Nestorius. Some manuscripts simply head the anaphora thus: 'Again, through Jesus Christ, we write the Quddasha of Mar Theodore the Interpreter'. The colophon of other manuscripts gives a similar derivation to Nestorius: 'In the power of the our Lord Jesus Christ we begin to write the Quddasha of Mar Theodore, the Interpreter of godly books, which Mar Aba the catholicos set forth ('phqh) and translated (phsqh) from Greek into Syriac when he went up to new Rome and he translated it with the help of Mar Thomas the doctor of Edessa.' The inference here is that Mar Aba , with help from Mar Thomas, translated a Greek anaphora of Theodore into Syriac. Since Mar Thomas died in 533—if the information can be trusted—it was completed before that date. Furthermore, according to the tradition, Mar Aba was therefore involved with the compilation of both Nestorius and Theodore. The colophon poses the question of whether a Greek anaphora of Theodore of Mopsuestia existed. According to Leontius of Byzantium, writing c.531, it did: 'He (Theodore) dared to add another evil, not second to those we have spoken of. He concocted another anaphora besides that which had been handed down to the churches by the Fathers; he had neither respect for that of the apostles, nor for that which was written by the great Basil in the Spirit himself, judging this worthy of esteem. In which anaphora he filled the rite with blasphemies (for they were not prayers).'1 Leontius was no friend of the theology of Theodore of Mopsuestia, and here accuses him of adding to his 'heresy' but having the audacity to author an anaphora to be used alongside or in place of that of the apostles (Twelve Apostles/ Chrysostom?) and that of St.Basil. Did Leontius know of a Greek anaphora which Theodore authored? F E Brightman, in an article in 1930, attempted to demonstrate from the extant writings of Theodore that the East Syrian anaphora has many of his stock phrases and reflects his theology, and that therefore he could be the author of the anaphora which bears his name.2 Brightman, writing in 1930, did not have knowledge of the Catechetical Lectures, which were published in 1933 by Mingana.3 These lectures, which may have been given when Theodore was a presbyter at Antioch, or when 1 2 3

PG86. 1368c. F E Brightman. T h e Anaphora of Theodore' in Journal of Theological Studies 3 1 ( 1 9 3 0 ) . pp 160-164. Mingana, Commentary.

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bishop of Mopsuestia, do have echoes of the East Syrian anaphora. However, the anaphora which Theodore outlines is of the Syro-Byzantine structure, and has the epiklesis before the intercessions. Bernard Botte therefore concluded that the East Syrian anaphora is not the anaphora which underlies the Catechetical Lectures, though he conjectured that Mar Aba may have found traces of an anaphora that Theodore composed. 1 Georg Wagner, in his study of the anaphora of St.John Chrysostom, argued that in fact the East Syrian anaphora was that underlying the Catechetical Lectures, but the epiklesis had been removed from its original Syro-Byzantine position, and placed after the intercessions to accord with East Syrian usage.2 He argued that the 'seam' can still be seen in the repetition of 'And we beseech you and desire from you, my Lord' which introduces the intercessions and the epiklesis. 3 Wagner thus rearranged the East Syrian anaphora, and then proceeded to find many parallels between it and the Catechetical Lectures, concluding that they were one and the same anaphora. Anthony Gelston, in a Master Theme Paper read at the Oxford Patristic Conference in 1991 subjected the Catechetical Lectures to a careful comparison with the East Syrian anaphora. He rejected Wagner's arguments, and came to the following conclusion: T h e anaphoras are not identical. The few phrases that appear to be direct quotations from the anaphora in the Lecture, excluding common forms such as the opening dialogue, the Sanctus, and the Words of Institution, are uniformly absent from the second East Syrian anaphora. If one were to argue that the anaphora presupposed in the Lecture was an earlier form of what became the second East Syrian anaphora, one would have to suppose that it had undergone modification so substantial as to amount effectively to rewriting'.4 Gelston's conclusions are ones which are endorsed by the present writer, as well as by Vadakkel.5 This, of course, does not preclude the possibility that the compiler of Theodore knew and at places drew upon the Catechetical Lectures of Theodore. What, however, are we to make of the statement by Leontius? It could be that he knew of another anaphora compiled by Theodore. One is attributed to him by Narsai who quotes it, and that in turn is similar to a form preserved in the writings of Cyril of Edessa. According to the study by Macomber, it may be a prayer composed by Theodore in his commentary on St.Matthew's Gospel, which is no longer extant.6 It is certainly full of Theodore's christology, but, in

1 2 3 4 5 6

B Botte. 'Les Anaphores Syriennes Orientales' p 18. G Wagner. Der Ursprung der Chrysostomusliturgie. pp 5 2 - 5 3 . Ibid. A Gelston. Theodore of Mopsuestia: the Anaphora and Mystagogical Catechesis 16'. p 32. Bryan D Spinks, Worship: Prayers from the East, pp 4 7 - 6 4 : J a c o b Vadakkel. The East Syrian Anaphora of Mar Theodore of Mopsuestia. pp 2 1 0 - 2 4 5 . W F Macomber. 'An Anaphoral Prayer Composed by Theodore of Mopsuestia' in Parole de Orient 6 - 7 (1975-6). (Mélanges offerts au R P Francois Graffln.sj). pp 3 4 1 - 3 4 7 .

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its shortest form, lacks sanctus, institution narrative, epiklesis and intercessions, and may therefore be Theodore's attempt at a recreation of a prayer suitable for the lips of Jesus at the Last Supper. It might be this that Leontius had in mind. Another possibility is that having knowledge that the East Syrians had a prayer named after Theodore, he assumed that Theodore had composed it. Yet this does not solve the claim of the colophon that Mar Aba translated from the Greek. Gelston has suggested that in this context the word 'phq means 'publish the first time it occurs' (='set forth' above) and brought it out, in the sense of taking it back to East Syria in the second occurrence.1 But this still leaves us with a claim that it was translated from a Greek source. The recent study by Vadakkel argues that, as is the case of Nestorius, but even more so for Theodore, this anaphora is not a translation, but was composed in Syriac. The Syriac style and grammar are here supported by use of quotations which are more obviously drawing on the Peshitta tradition than is the case for Nestorius. This has been taken further in a study by Pierre Yousif.2 In addition to noting the Syriac style—such as adjectival genitives—Yousif examined the more important and literal scripture quotations in Theodore. In the quotation from Philippians, the Peshitta and Theodore place the verb 'to be' at the beginning of the sentence. In using Romans 4.25, Theodore follows the Peshitta in using 'that he justifies us' in place of the Greek 'our justification'. And in using 1 Timothy 2.4, the anaphora reproduces the word order of the Peshitta. Yousif concluded: 'From the analyzed biblical texts found in the AT we can conclude that the author of AT used a syriac version of the Bible, commonly called psitta; he quotes it either literally or by way of allusion. In some of the analyzed cases it is even clear that the variants in the AT are special to the syriac text and as such cannot be a translation from the Greek. Our conclusion then is sure: the biblical text used in the AT is Syriac.'3 In contrast with Nestorius, there is no obvious Greek anaphoral source for Theodore. However, it does echo and even use and expand some material found in Addai and Mari. Gelston, as noted in the case of Nestorius, felt that both had drawn independently on Addai and Mari.* There are also echoes and parallels to Nestorius. Bayard Jones suggested that Theodore was an abridgment of Nestorius, made on account of the latter's length, a view which Webb felt might have some merit. 5 Furthermore, though the anaphora of the Catechetical Lectures of Theodore is not the same as the East Syrian anaphora, it does appear that in one or two places the compiler of Theodore knew of and used the 1 2 3 4 5

AGelston, Theodore of Mopsuestia: the Anaphora and Mystagogical Catechesis 16'. pp 21 22; The Origin of the Anaphora of Nestorius: Greek or Syriac?'. pp 73-75. P Yousif, The Anaphora of Mar Theodore: East Syrian: further evidences'. Studia Anselmiana 110. Analecta Liturgica 17 (1993). pp 571-591. P Yousif, p 581. A Gelston. The Relationship of the Anaphoras of Theodore and Nestorius to that of Addai and Mari'. Bayard H Jones. The History of the Nestorian Liturgy', p 170. Douglas Webb The Anaphora of Theodore the Interpreter', p 6. I assume that is what he meant when he said that the suggestion had been made, 'not unreasonably so'.

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Catechetical Lectures, and drew on Theodore's theology. Yet, if this should be the case, just as Nestorius is not a stiff translation from Greek, but an interesting redaction giving a new, original anaphora, so also Theodore is not a pastiche, but a work compiled in Syriac, apparently drawing on other East Syrian liturgical work, the Peshitta, and the work of Theodore of Mopsuestia. Such a compilation could well have been within the capabilities of Mar Aba.

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Commentary on Theodore qanona (dialogue) It has already been noted that this seems to be either an expansion of that in Addai and Mari, or an abridgement of that in Nestorius, though the Mar Esa'ya text has the same formulae for Theodore as it does for Addai and Mari. Thus the theology of the form found in Nestorius is applicable here. ghanta 1 The opening trinitarian praise may in fact be an expansion of the opening praise found in Addai and Mari, which is concerned with the Name, revealed as Father, Son and Holy Spirit. It then turns to the work of the Creator who creates through the only-begotten Son, God the Logos, and sanctification by the Holy Spirit. Thus the work of creation is the work of the Trinity. This serves as a pivotal point—for the Spirit makes mortals worthy to praise the divine, and this forms the lead into the sanctus. By the instinct of their wills the heavenly host praise God; we do so by grace. The biblical phraseology from Hebrews 1.3 and 2 Corinthians 4.4 occurs in Nestorius, but there it is in the Christological section. The introduction to the sanctus uses Daniel 7.10. Though used in other anaphoras, we do find it in Addai and Mari, and thus here again Theodore stays with the tradition of the older anaphora. One expansion of the text just prior to the sanctus is the description of the Trinity 'is confessed in three equal and undivided qnome'. The word qnome has been left untranslated . Brock explains that in East Syrian understanding, kyana (nature) is generic, while qnome is an individual manifestation of a kyana} The East Syrian tradition speaks of three qnome rather than three parsopa (persons) of the Trinity. It is sometimes rendered as hypostasis, but this is only an approximation. ghanta2 The 'thrice holy' pick-up on the sanctus is reminiscent of the Syro-Byzantine anaphoras such as Basil and Chrysostom, and here, it once again focuses on the Name as revealed as Father, Son and Holy Spirit.lt almost repeats again the first ghanta in that it also includes creation of humanity, the lowly estate of humanity, and the fact that we worship the divine Name. Then, as in Basil and Nestorius, it rehearses incarnational theology taken from Philippians 2.7-8, and is almost identical with Nestorius. This could be that both have drawn on the Peshitta version independently, or that one has inspired the other. Absent from the Mar Esa'ya text here is the 'Logos' after only begotten God, and "by the 1

S P Brock, T h e Christology of the Church of the East in the Synods of the Fifth to Early Seventh Centuries: Preliminary Considerations and Materials' in (ed.) G D Dragas. AskumThyateira. A Festschrift for Archbishop Methodios of Thyateira and Great Britain (London. 1985). pp 1 2 5 - 1 4 2 : pp 1 3 0 - 1 3 1 .

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power of the Holy Spirit' Unlike Nestorius, Theodore has retained mention of the Virgin Mary (c(.Basil). Theodore has retained the earlier Syriac incarnational phraseology, of putting on our humanity, and Apollinarianism is rejected in terms found in Theodore of Mopsuestia and in Nestorius. Biblical phraseology from Colossians 1, with Hebrews, Galatians and Romans leads into the narrative of institution. The form of the narrative is different from Nestorius, and of course Addai and Mari lacks the narrative. Of particular interest is the replacement of 'drink' with 'gather together' (d-methkanain). This is not found in the Peshitta, but was the reading known to Ephrem in Sermon 4 on Holy Week, and Aphrahats Demonstration 12 On the Pascha.' The latter has: 'For after Judas had left them, he took bread, blessed and gave it to his disciples, saying to them: "This is my body; take an eat it, all of you." Also over the wine he blessed it as follows and said to them: "This is my blood, the new testament, which is poured out on behalf of many for the forgiveness of sins. Do this in my memory when you gather together." ' 2 This, therefore, is a further instance of the compiler deliberately reflecting his East Syrian heritage. However, it raises the question of whether in fact he used a narrative which was once in Addai and Mari and which has since dropped out. This was the view of Botte, who observed the paragraph in Addai and Mari which reads: 'And we also, O Lord (thrice) your lowly, weak and miserable servants who are gathered together and stand before you at this time have received by tradition of the example which is from you rejoicing, and glorifying and magnifying, and commemorating and praising, and performing this great and dread mystery of the passion and death and resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ.' Botte noted the similarity between this and the anamnesis in Theodore, and suggested that the paragraph in Addai and Mari is an anamnesis, marking the place where an institution narrative once stood but which has subsequently dropped out.3 We may note also, that Gabiel Qatraya, in his commentary on the East Syrian anaphoras, quotes the institution narrative with the form 'gathered together'. 4 However, there is no reason why in a third century eucharistic prayer, which Addai and Mari is assumed to be, the narrative of institution was a sine qua non, and the reference to 'of the example which is from you' may be a reference to the narrative without actually quoting it. The Maronite twin of Addai and Mari, Sharar, has close parallels with all the paragraphs of Addai and Mari except this particular one, and it has its own

1 2 3 4

T J Lamy, Sancti Ephraem Syri Hymni et Sermones (Mechliniae. 1882). 1 . 4 2 5 . ET in Thomas M. Finn. Early Christian Baptism and the Catechumenate: West and E a s t Syria. (Collegeville. 1992), pp 1 4 1 - 1 5 0 , p 145. emended. B Botte. 'L'anaphore Chaldeene des Apotres' in Orientalia Christiana Periodica 15 (1949), pp 259-276. Bryan D Spinks. Worship: Prayers from the East, pp 3 7 - 4 5 .

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distinct institution narrative and anamnesis, which are quite different from those of TheodoreFurthermore, it may well be that Gabriel Qatraya is commenting on Theodore.2 Botte's suggestion remains interesting, but inconclusive. All one can say is that the compiler of Theodore, if he had Nestorius before him, chose not to use the narrative of that anaphora, and selected instead one whose form was apparently a peculiarity of the East Syrian tradition. The anamnesis leads into a doxology , concluding this ghanta. ghdtttd

3

The final ghanta opens with praise, thanks for being counted worthy to serve, and the offering of the sacrifice, which is described as 'the mystery of the Lamb of God who takes away the sins of the world'. In other words, the passion and atoning death are here pleaded, and thus provides the context for the intercessions. The intercessions have been closely compared with those of Nestorius in the short communication of Anthony Gelston, noted above.3 He notes that, although the sequence of prayers for the living first, and then for the departed, is the same, and they share some stock vocabulary, with the exception of one petition for the fruits of the earth, the climate, and the crown of the year, there appears to be no literary relationship between their respective intercessions. On the other hand, both Webb, I myself and Gelston have noted that use seems to have been made of the intercessory material in Addai and Man.4 The order of the intercessions, using Fenwick's classification, is as follows: The Living A —The Catholic Church Q,h —Preservation and Peace; schism B —Bishops (and Periodetae) D —Presbyters and deacons G—the faithful a —the celebrant b —the offerers I —fruits of the earth (mini-doxology) The Departed —the departed fathers, apostles. N—departed clergy O—departed laity.

1 2 3 4

Bryan D Spinks. Addai and Man—The Anaphora of the Apostles. Biyan D Spinks, Worship: Prayers from the East, pp 3 7 - 4 5 . A Gelston, T h e Intercessions in the E a s t Syrian Anaphoras of Theodore and Nestorius'. D Webb, T h e Anaphora of Theodore the Interpreter', p 18: Bryan D Spinks. Worship: Prayers from the East, pp 5 2 - 5 4 : A Gelston, T h e Intercessions in the East Syrian Anaphoras ofTheodore and Nestorius'.

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The mini-doxology between the living and departed is not a pronounced qanotia as in Nestorius, but it is nevertheless a doxology which does divide the two sets of petitions. It may be, therefore, that the suggestion of Vadakkel regarding Nestorius can be reversed, and that Theodore might have been intended to have a fourth ghanta. The epiklesis, like that of Nestorius, seems to have been expanded from that of Addai and Mari. Like Nestorius, it asks for the grace of the Holy Spirit to come. However, here there is a double epiklesis—it asks for the grace of the Spirit to come upon us as well as on the bread and wine. This is not found in Addai and Mari or Nestorius, but is found in the Catechetical Lectures of Theodore. Theodore has retained the verb rest, but has also used thagan, from the verb gn meaning to hover, overshadow or reside. It is also found in Syriac James. In the Peshitta it is used at Luke 1.35 for the incarnation. The word seal (htham) is peculiar to Theodore. The Power of the Name is invoked (cf Acts of Thomas 27—Come, Power of grace). The eschatological fruits seem to be a rearrangement of the material of Addai and Mari, together with the redactor's own additions, perhaps suggested from the Catechetical Lectures of Theodore, and knowledge of Basil, Chrysostom and James. Yet whatever his sources or inspiration, the material is woven to form a quite new and powerful epiklesis which is terminated by a brief doxology. The anaphora has a doctrine of eucharistic sacrifice, which like that of Nestorius, reflects the eucharistic theology of Theodore of Mopsuestia. However, it is arguably much more clearly expressed here in Theodore. The dialogue, like Nestorius, offers an offering and sacrifice. Both the first and second ghanata, between which the sanctus occurs, offer praise as the fruit of lips. In the second ghanta, as part of the recital of salvation history in Christ, Hebrews 9.14 and Colossians 1.18, 20 are joined together—the offering of the son once through the eternal Spirit, and offered for our salvation. The words of institution link the single offering to the eucharist as an offering, which is performed in obedience, and is an offering of the mystery of the Lamb of God who takes away the sin of the world. The link having been established, the offering is offered for a series of motives in the intercessions. The grace of the Holy Spirit is invoked upon the oblation so that it might be life-giving to those who receive it. The benefits of the passion and the resurrection are thus sought.

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Concluding Remarks There are certain questions surrounding these two forgotten East Syrian anaphoras answers to which at present can only be conjectured. For example, although nothing outrightly contradicts the view that Mar Aba was the redactor/ compiler of both anaphoras, there is nothing which proves this beyond question. And if it were the case that rather than drawing on material from Narsai's homilies, or those homilies being interpolated from the anaphoras, Narsai knew them, then their compilation would pre-date Mar Aba. Again, though there are echoes of Addai and Mari and Nestorius in Theodore, that does not mean literary dependence, but perhaps familiarity with them aurally or orally. What can be said is that these two anaphoras present us with a distinct East Syrian pattern, a particular concern with the humanity and obedience of Christ, and an interesting understanding of the drama of the eucharist, and the mystery of the passion as an offering. They illustrate that it is quite possible to use a different dialogue from what has come to be the 'standard version' to introduce eucharistic prayers, and is refreshing, even if some of the language of sacrifice may seem unattractive. They also present an alternative but equally valid structure to that of the Syro-Byzantine pattern which has come to dominate modern revision in almost fundamentalist fashion. It may be that future compilers of eucharistic prayers may find some ideas in these forgotten East Syrian anaphoras of some value.

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(a) MAR NESTORIUS* The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the love of God the Father, and the fellowship of the Holy Spirit be with us all now and all times. [And he signs the mysteries] And they reply: Amen. And he continues: Above in the heavenly heights, in the dread places of glory, where the waving of the wings of the Cherubim does not cease, and the alleluias and sweet chanting of the Holies by the Seraphim, there let your minds be. And they reply: To you God of Abraham, Isaac and Israel, glorious King. And he continues: The living and reasonable oblation of our first fruits and the unslain and acceptable sacrifice of the Son of our race, which the prophets figured in mystery, and the apostles proclaimed openly, and the martyrs bought with the blood of their necks, and the teachers expounded in the churches, and the priests sacrificed on the holy altar, and the Levites bore upon their arms, and the peoples received for the pardon of all their debts, and for all the entire creation, is offered to God the Lord of all. And they reply: It is fitting and right. Lord God, Mighty One, you who are without beginning, Father Almighty [repeat] who are continually and for ever the same, it is fitting and proper and right that we should give thanks and worship and glorify and exalt at all times and all seasons. For you are true God, incomprehensible, infinite, ineffable, invisible, uncompounded, impassible and immortal; and high and exalted above the thought and intelligence of every creature, who is in every place and not circumscribed by place, you and your only-begotten Son and your Holy Spirit. You, Lord, give us speech in opening our mouths that we may offer you with a contrite heart and humbled spirit the spiritual fruit of our lips, our reasonable service. For you are our God and the Father of our king and saviour Jesus Christ our Hope, the one in whom is concealed all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge and through whom we have received knowledge of the Holy Spirit, the Spirit of truth who proceeds from you, Father, and is from the hidden nature of your Divinity. He by whom all rational beings, visible and invisible are strengthened and sanctified and perfected and fulfilled. And to your only-begotten Son and the Holy Spirit we offer up perpetual glory without ceasing at all times, because they are all your work (servants?). For from nothing you brought us to be and ordered us, and when we stumbled and fell and were languishing, you renewed us again and raised us up and redeemed us. And you did not cease from providing all things for our well-being until you lifted us to heaven. And in your mercy you gave us the kingdom which is to come. '

For a key to the typefaces used, please see page 8 above.

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For all your graces towards us we give thanks to you, God, the Father of Truth. And to your only-begotten Son our Lord Jesus Christ and your life-giving and Holy Spirit. And we worship you for all our graces which you provide for us, those we know and those we do not know, those revealed and those concealed. And we give thanks you also for this service, and earnestly beseech you to receive it from our hands. For who can sufficiently tell out your mighty wonders and proclaim all your praises? Because not all living creatures uniting in one mouth and one tongue can sufficiently publish your greatness, my Lord. [Qanona:] For before your Trinity, my Lord, stand a thousand thousand and myriad myriads of angels and archangels. And all of these together alike flying and hovering and without ceasing and continually in incessant exalted voice shouting glory, chanting and praising, and calling one to another and saying: Holy Holy Holy [is the] Powerful Lord God of whose glories heaven and earth are full and of the nature of his Being and of the excellency of his glorious splendour. Hosanra in the Highest. Hosanna to the Son of David. Blessed is he who came and comes in the name of the Lord. Hosanna in the highest. [And the priest repeats in a low voice] And with these heavenly hosts [repeat] we also, good Lord and God, merciful Father: we call out and say: Holy are you in truth and glorious are you indeed. And you are exalted and lifted above all, who has esteemed your worshippers on earth worthy to become like those who glorify you in heaven. Holy also is your only-begotten Son our Lord Jesus Christ, with the Holy Spirit, who is with you eternally and who is from your nature and the maker of all creation. And we bless, my Lord, God the Logos, the hidden offspring from your womb who being in your likeness and effulgence from you and the image of your Being, it was not robbery that he regarded that he is your equal, but emptied himself and took the form of a servant, perfect man, who from a reasonable, intelligent and immortal soul and from a mortal human body and conjoined it to him and united it with him in glory, power and honour, to the Son of a passible nature, which was fashioned by the power of the Holy Spirit for the salvation of all and was from a woman and was under the law, that he might redeem those under the law and enliven all those who were dead in Adam. And he killed sin in his flesh and abrogated the law of the commandments by his decree. And he opened the eyes of our minds which were blind, and prepared for us a path of salvation. And he enlightened us with the light of the Divine knowledge. And for those who received him he gave power to become the children of God. And he cleansed us and pardoned us by the baptism of Holy Water and sanctified us by the grace of the gift of the Holy Spirit. And those who were buried with him in baptism into death he raised and lifted up and caused them to sit with him in heaven through the declaration of his promise. And he loved his own who were in the world and he loved them to the end. And he was exchanged in payment of the guilt (lit.debt) of our race for the life of all. 29

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And gave himself for all to death which reigned over us and in whose power we were enslaved, for through our sin we were sold to it. And through his precious blood he redeemed us and saved us. And he descended into Sheol and unfastened the bonds of death. And because it was not just that he should be held in Sheol, he rose from death, on the third day, the first-fruits of our salvation. And he became the first-fruits of those who sleep; that he might be the forerunner in all things. And he ascended to heaven. And sat on the right hand of your majesty and left us the commemoration of salvation, this mystery which we offer before you. For WHEN THE TIME ARRIVED in which he was delivered up for the life of the world, after HE HAD performed PASSOVER WITH HIS DISCIPLES , according to the LAW of Moses, he introduced HIS OWN PASSOVER before he died, this which we perform as his commemoration as he handed it down to us, until he is revealed from heaven. For our Passover is Christ who was slain on our behalf. And after he had eaten the Passover of the Law of Moses, he took bread in his HOLY, UNBLEMISHED and undefiled hands, and blessed and broke and ate and gave to his disciples and said, Take, eat from it all of you. This is my body which is broken for you for the forgiveness of sins.' And likewise also HE MIXED the cup from WINE AND WATER and blessed and gave thanks and drank and gave it to his disciples and said: Take, drink from it all of you. This is my blood of the new covenant which is shed for many for the forgiveness of sins. And this do for my memorial until I come. For whenever you eat from this bread and drink from this cup you commemorate my death until my coming.' All of those who in true faith draw near and receive from them, let them be to that one, Lord, for the pardon of debts and the forgiveness of sins and for the resurrection from the dead. And for new life in the Kingdom of Heaven. And let us offer up glory, and honour, and thanksgiving and worship to you, worshipful Father, and to your Son your glorious offspring, and to your living and Holy and life-giving Spirit, now and always and for ever. [He signs the mysteries, and they answer, Amen] [Then the presbyter repeats in a low voice] And we also, Lord Almighty, God the Father, commemorating this command which was given for our salvation. And for all these things which were done for us, and before all things, we do believe and confess you, God the Father of Truth, and the eternal birth from the Divinity of your only-begotten and who is conjoined with you in consubstantiality. And we are also mindful of his marvellous economy provided on our behalf which was effected through our humanity, the cross, passion, death, burial, and resurrection on the third day, the ascension into heaven, the sitting on the right hand, and his glorious second coming of our Lord Jesus Christ to us, by whom you will judge the dead and the living, when you reward everyone according to their deeds. And we confess the Holy Spirit, the Spirit of truth, who is also from the glorious essence of your divinity, who 30

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proceeds from you, Father, and with you and with your only-begotten Son equally is worshipped and glorified and honoured by all. And we offer to you this sacrifice, living and holy and acceptable and glorious and awful and lofty and unblemished, on behalf of all creatures. And on behalf of the holy APOSTOLIC and CATHOLIC CHURCH, which is from end to end of the earth, that you would preserve it from all violent disturbance and harm from all occasions of stumbling. Yes, Our Lord and God [repeat] preserve it from all violent disturbance and harm from all occasions of stumbling, that it has in it no blemish or spot or wrinkle and not any similar thing. For you have said through your beloved Son our Lord Jesus Christ that the gates of Sheol will not prevail against it. And on behalf of all our FATHERS, the bishops in every place, who proclaim the RIGHT WORD of faith of the TRUTH. And on behalf of all the presbyters who serve before you in faith and in righteousness and in the holiness of truth. And on behalf of all the deacons who hold the mystery of faith in a pure conscience. And on behalf of all chaste and holy estate of your people in this and every place. And on behalf of all those who knowingly and unknowingly have sinned and offended before you. And on behalf of your weak servant [repeat] whom you have accounted worthy by grace to offer this offering before you. And on behalf of all those who by virtue care for your holy Church with deeds of righteousness. And on behalf of all those who pour forth their alms on the poor.* And on behalf of all heads and rulers of this world. And we make petition to you and beseech you to establish in them your fear, and plant your truth in them, and subdue all BARBAROUS PEOPLES. And we pray your divinity, my Lord, that you will cause wars to cease from the ends of the earth and scatter the peoples that desire war, that we may live a quiet and peaceable life in all modesty (sobriety) and awe of God. And on behalf of the fruits of the earth and for temperate climate, that the CROWN OF THE YEAR may be blessed by your goodness. And on behalf of this place and its inhabitants and all those round about. And on behalf of all places and their inhabitants, that you will have mercy and bless and preserve and protect them by your compassion. And on behalf of all who travel by sea and by road. And on behalf of all those who are in distress and in adversity and in persecution and in vexation and in trouble for the sake of your Holy Name. And on behalf of all those in bonds and imprisonment who are afflicted and *

Though the Urmiah text is as shown above, some editors add here 'And for all faithful kings, and for the establishment of their reign.'—ed.

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harassed, and on behalf of all those cast out to distant islands, to continual torments and to grievous oppression, and on behalf of all our faithful brothers who are in captivity. And we ask of you, my Lord, that you would help also those who are tried and tormented by illness and grievous pain. And we supplicate again your compassion, my Lord, on behalf of all our adversaries and those who hate u s , and on behalf of all those who devise evils against us, neither for judgement nor vengeance, Lord God almighty, but for mercy, and salvation, and the forgiveness of sins. Because you desire that all humanity should live and be turned to the knowledge of the truth. For you have commanded us by your beloved Son our Lord Jesus Christ to pray for our adversaries and those who hate is and for all who govern us with unjust force. Qanona: And whatever therefore my Lord we mortal humans have transgressed and sinned, remit and forgive and remove and pardon, you the Gracious one who in your compassion govern all, that in our unanimity with one another we may offer up to you glory and honour and thanksgiving and worship now and at all times and for ever. [he signs himself and they answer; Amen] [he repeats in a low voice] Lord God, Father almighty, we ask from you [repeat] and we kneel and worship before you: bring back the erring; enlighten the blind (ignorant); support the weak; raise up the fallen, strengthen those who stand; and in your mercy provide to everyone both those things which are fitting and necessary. And we ask from you, my Lord, and entreat before you, that you would remember over this offering the fathers and patriarchs and prophets and apostles; and the martyrs and confessors and bishops and teachers and presbyters and deacons, and all the sons of our ministry who have gone from this world, and for all our brotherhood in Christ; and all those who in faith in truth have departed from this world, whose names you know, absolving and forgiving them, whatever they have sinned or transgressed before you, as humans prone to evil and liable to natural passions. And by the prayer and request of all those who have been virtuous before you, turn toward us and have mercy upon us, and upon all your servants and handmaids who stand before your holy altar, and account us worthy to partake of the portion and inheritance which has come to your saints in light. And grant us, my Lord, that in sincerity of love, and in the purity of pure thoughts, we may live before you in this place of our sojourning, possessing a steadfast knowledge of the truth of the faith that is in you, and having communion in your fearful and holy and divine mysteries. And when we stand before the fearful judgment seat of your majesty, let us not be ashamed or guilty. And as in this world you have accounted us worthy of the ministry of your dread and holy and life-giving and divine myster(y)ies, likewise in the world to come account us worthy to partake with uncovered 32

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face in all those good things that neither pass away nor are dissolved. And when you make a completion of all these which we possess as a mirror and in a parable, may we there openly possess the Holy of Holies that is in heaven. We, therefore, my Lord, your lowly, weak and miserable servants [repeat] who were far off from you, and who because of your abundant mercy you have accounted worthy to stand and minister before you this dread and glorious service, and with one accord supplicate your glorious Divinity which renews all creatures. And may there come, my Lord, the grace of the Holy Spirit and may it [she] dwell and rest upon this oblation which we offer before you and may it [she] bless and sanctify it and MAKE this bread and this cup the Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, changing them and sanctifying for us by the activity of the Holy Spirit, so that the partaking of these glorious and holy mysteries may be to all those who receive them, eternal life and resurrection from the dead and the pardon of the body and soul. And for the light of knowledge and for uncovered face towards you: and for eternal salvation which you have promised us through our Lord Jesus Christ, so that we may be united together one with another in harmony to one bond of love and peace. And that we may be one Body and one Spirit, as we are called in one hope of our calling. And let no one eat it or drink it to the condemnation of their body and soul, and let it not be sickness and infirmity on account of their sins, in that one eats from this bread and drinks from this cup unworthily. But rather may we be strengthened and fortified in all those things which are well pleasing to you, that being made worthy with a pure conscience we may have communion in the Body and Blood of Christ. So that when we stand before you at the terrible and glorious judgement, before the throne of your majesty, we may find mercies and compassion and rejoice with all those who from the beginning have been well pleasing to you, in the grace and mercies of your only-begotten, with whom to you, my Lord, be glory and honour and dominion and exaltation with your living and holy and quickening Spirit, now and at all times and for ever, [he signs the mysteries and they answer] Amen.

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(b) MAR THEODORE THE INTERPRETER* The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the love of God the Father, and the fellowship of the Holy Spirit be with us all now and at all times. [And he signs the mysteries] And they reply: Amen. And he continues: Above in the heavenly heights, in the dread places of glory, where the waving of the wings of the Cherubim does not cease, and the alleluias and sweet chanting of the Holies by the Seraphim, there let your minds be. And they reply: To you God of Abraham, Isaac and Israel, glorious King. And he continues: The living and reasonable oblation of our first fruits and the unslain and acceptable sacrifice of the Son of our race, for all the entire creation, is offered to God the Lord of all. And they reply: It is fitting and right. It is fitting my Lord, every day [repeat] and right at all times and worthy every hour to confess your holy Name and worship your lordship in every region and everywhere, God the Father of Truth, the one existing from eternity and your only begotten Son our Lord Jesus Christ and the Holy Spirit for ever. For you are the Lord and Creator of all things visible and invisible, who through your only-begotten Son of God the Logos, who is the light of your glory and the brightness from you and the image of your Being, created and established the heaven and the earth and everything in them. And by the Holy Spirit, the Spirit of Truth, who is from you, Father, all rational natures, both visible and invisible, are strengthened and sanctified, and made worthy to offer up glory to your adorable divinity. For before you, God the Father of Truth and before your only begotten Son our Lord Jesus Christ, and before the Holy Spirit, stand a thousand thousand and myriad myriads of holy angels, who for the enjoyment of their lives, by the instinct of their wills, sanctify your great and holy Name in constant glorification. And my Lord you have made worthy by grace also the sickly race of mortal humanity; with all the companies of heaven, to offer up glory and honour to your lordship, together with those who at all times before the majesty of your holiness joyfully glorify your glorious Trinity which is confessed in three equal and undivided qnome. [Qanona:] ceaselessly crying out and glorifying, and calling one to another and saying: And they answer: Holy, holy, holy[ is the] Powerful Lord God whose glories heaven and earth are full and of the nature of his Being and the excellency of his glorious splendour. Hosanna in the highest, Hosanna to the Son of David. Blessed is he who came and comes in the Name of the Lord. Hosanna in the highest. [And he says this ghanta in a soft voice:] Truly O Lord. [Repeat]. You are Holy and you are glorious for ever and ever. *

For a key to the typefaces used, please see page 8 above.

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You are holy, God the Father of truth and holy also is your only-begotten Son, our Lord Jesus Christ. And holy in truth also is the Holy Spirit, the Divine nature which is uncreated, the maker of all things, who in his nature from before time in truth is holy. And holy is his Name and holy is his tabernacle and he hallows in truth all those who are made worthy to receive the gift of his grace. And we offer up glory and honour and thanksgiving and worship to the Father and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit, now and all times and for ever. Amen We worship you, O my Lord [repeat] and we confess you and glorify you, for the sake of all your graces towards us. For you have made us from nothing and have made us worthy of the great honour of freedom and intelligence. And from eternity and in every hour you are concerned for the support of our lives. And before your great and venerable Name we kneel and worship, and with us also all the companies of h e a v e n glorify and confess your unspeakable grace. For us humans, and because of our salvation, the only-begotten God the Logos who being in the likeness of God, it was not robbery that he regarded this, that he is the equal of God; but he emptied himself and took the form of a servant, when he descended from heaven and put on our humanity, a mortal body and a reasonable, intelligent and immortal soul, from the Virgin Mary by the power of the Holy Spirit. And through them he completed and perfected all this great and marvellous economy which had been prepared in your foreknowledge from before the foundations of the world. And you have completed it now in the last times, through your Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, in whom dwells all the fulness of Divinity bodily. And he is the head of the Church and the Firstborn from among the dead. And he is the fulfilment of all, and everything is fulfiled through him, he who in the spirit of eternity offered himself to God without spot, and has sanctified us by the oblation of his body once, and made peace by the blood of his cross, through him to the things in heaven and things on earth. He who was delivered on account of our sins and rose on account that he might justify us. W h o with his holy apostles on that night in which he was betrayed, he performed this great and holy and divine mystery taking the bread in his holy hands. And he blessed and broke and gave to his disciples and said: 'This is my body which is broken for the life of the world for the forgiveness of sins.' And likewise also over the cup he gave thanks and gave it them and said: 'This is my blood of the new covenant which is shed for many for the remission of sins. Take therefore all of you. Eat from this bread and drink from this cup. And perform thiswhenever you gather together for my memorial." And as we have been commanded, we are gathered together, even we your lowly, weak and miserable servants, that from the freedom of your grace we perform this great and dread and holy and divine mystery, in which great salvation was realized for all the human race, offering up glory and honour

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and thanksgiving and worship to the Father and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit now and at all times and for ever. [He signs the mysteries and they answer] Amen. [The presbyter repeats in a low voice] We worship you, Lord [repeat] and confess you and glorify you that although we are unworthy because of our sins, you have brought us near to you on account of your many mercies and you have renewed and sanctified us by the grace of the Holy Spirit. And you have made us worthy to minister before you this dread and divine service for the salvation of our lives. We confess before you with great thanksgiving for the great salvation which is for all, through your beloved Son our Lord Jesus Christ. And we offer before your glorious Trinity with a contrite heart and humble spirit, this living and holy and acceptable sacrifice, the mystery of the Lamb of God who takes away the sins of the world. We beseech you and desire from you, that your adorable Divinity, my Lord, may be well pleased and in your mercifulness this pure and holy offering may be accepted in which you were well pleased and reconciled for the sake of the sins of the world. And now also O Lord [repeat], behold this offering is offered before your great and dread Name, on behalf of all your Catholic Church that your tranquillity and your peace may dwell in it all the days of the world. Yes, our Lord and our God [repeat] cause your tranquillity and peace to dwell in it all the days of the world. And let persecutions and tumults and strifes and schisms and divisions be removed from it; and let us all adhere to one another in unanimity, with a pure heart and with perfect love. And on behalf of all our fathers the bishops and PERIODEUTAE; AND PRESBYTERS AND DEACONS who are in this ministry of the truth that they may stand and minister before you in PURITY, and worthily and HOLILY, and may be pleasing to your will. So that they may be counted worthy to receive from you good and eminent places at the appearance of our Lord Jesus Christ. And on behalf of all the children of the holy Catholic Chuch here and in every place that they may grow in the worship of your lordship in faith in truth and in good and virtuous works, for the salvation of their lives. And on behalf of your sinful and offending servant that by your grace, my Lord, you will pardon my sins and remove my offences which, wittingly and unwittingly, I have sinned and offended before you. And on behalf of all those for whom this oblation is offered; that they may acquire mercy and favour before you and live. And on behalf of the fruits of the earth and for temperate climate that the crown of the year may be blessed by your grace, [repeat three times] And on behalf of the entire human race, those who are in sin and in error, that by your grace, my Lord, you will count them worthy of the knowledge of the truth and the worship of your lordship, that they may know you, that you alone are God the Father of Truth; the good who wills that all 111 h u m a n i t y live and be drawn to the knowledge of the truth. And know that you are the 36

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Lord from everlasting and from eternity, the divine uncreated substance, maker of all things, Father and Son and Holy Spirit. Who for us humans and for our salvation the Son of God, God the Logos put on complete humanity, our Lord Jesus Christ, and was perfected and was declared righteous in the power of God and the Holy Spirit, and he is the mediator of God and humanity, and the giver of everlasting life to all those who are brought near to God the Father through him. To him be all glory and blessing for ever and ever. Amen. Yes, our Lord and our God [repeat] receive from us by your grace this sacrifice of praise which is the reasonable fruit of our lips that it may be a good memorial before you for the righteous of old, the holy prophets, and the blessed apostles, and the martyrs and confessors, and bishops and teachers, and presbyters and deacons, and all the children of your holy Catholic Church, who in faith in truth departed from this world [here he signs himself and strikes his face with his hand] that in your grace, my Lord, you will pardon all their sins and offences which in this world in a mortal body and immutable soul, they sinned and offended before you. For there is no human who has no sin and is not in need of the mercy and pity that is from you. [repeat]. And we beseech you and desire from you, my Lord, and we worship you and entreat you, that your adorable divinity and pitifulness may be well pleased, my Lord. And may there come the grace of the Holy Spirit upon us and upon this oblation and rest and reside upon this bread and upon this cup. And may it [she] bless and hallow and seal them in the Name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit. And by the power of your Name may this bread become the holy body of our Lord Jesus Christ. And this cup the precious blood of our Lord Jesus Christ. And all who in true faith eat from this bread, and drink from this cup, may they be for them, my Lord, for the pardon of debts and the forgiveness of sins, and a great hope of the resurrection of the dead, and salvation of body and soul, and new life in the kingdom of heaven and glory for ever and ever. And make us all worthy by the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ that with all those who have been well pleasing to your will and have been guided by your commandments, we may rejoice in the kingdom of heaven, in the good things that are prepared and will not pass away. Here and there may we all together and equally, confess and worship and glorify the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit now and ever and ever, [and he signs the mysteries and they say] Amen.

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Appendix: Bibliography of Studies on Nestorius and Theodore Primary Studies and Critical Text: Sebastien Naduthadam, L'Anaphore de Mar Nestorius. Edition Critique et Etude, Doctoral Thesis, Institut Catholique de Paris 1992. Jacob Vadakkel, The East Syrian Anaphora of Mar Theodore of Mopsuestia. Critical Edition, English Translation and Study (Kottayam, 1989). Studies, articles and sections of books: Anton Baumstark, 'Die Chrysostomosliturgie und die syrische Liturgie des Nestorios', in Chrysostomika (Rome, 1908). —, Comparative Liturgy (London, 1958). Louis Bouyer, Eucharist (University of Notre Dame, 1968), pp 304-310; 342-350. B Botte, 'Les anaphores syriennes orientales', in Eucharisties d'orient et d'Occident, vol 2 (Paris 1970), pp 7-24. — , 'L'épiclese dans les liturgies syriennes orientales', Sacris Erudiri 6 (1954) pp 48-72. F E Brightman, 'The Anaphora of Theodore', Journal of Theological Studies 31(1930), pp.160-164. Anthony Gelston, The Eucharistie Prayer of Addai and Mari, (Oxford, 1992). —, 'Theodore of Mopsuestia: the Anaphora and Mystagogical Catechesis 16/ in Studia Patrística 26 (1993), 21-34. —, 'The Relationship of the anphoras of Theodore and Nestorius to that of Addai and Mari' in Tuvaik, Studies in Honour of Rev. Jacob Vellian, Syrian Churches Series XVI, ed. George Karukaparampil (Manganam, Kottayam, 1995), 20-26. —, 'The Origin of the Anaphora of Nestorius: Greek or Syriac?' in Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester 78 (1996), 73-86. —, T h e Intercessions in the East Syrian Anaphoras of Theodore and Nestorius' in Studia Patrística 30 (1997), pp 306-313. Bayard H Jones, T h e History of the Nestorian Liturgy' in Anglican Theological Review 46 (1964), 155-76. —, 'The Sources of the Nestorian Liturgy' in Anglican Theological Review 46 (1964), pp 414-425. —, 'The Formation of the Nestorian Liturgy' in Anglican Theological Review 46 (1966), pp 276-306. W F Ma comber, 'An Anaphora Prayer composed by Theodore of Mopsuestia' in Parole d'Orient 6-7 (1975/6) pp 341-347. Bryan D. Spinks, Addai and Mari—The Anaphora of the Apostles: A Text for Students (Grove Liturgical Study 24, Bramcote, 1980). —,The Sanctus in the Eucharistie Prayer (Cambridge, 1991). 38

APPENDIX:

BIBLIOGRAPHY

OF

STUDIES

—, Worship: Prayers from the East (The Pastoral Press, Washington, 1993). (This contains reprints of articles, some revised, on Nestorius and Theodore, and Addai and Mari). —, 'The A n a p h o r a of Nestorius: Antiochene Lex Credendi through Constantinopolitan Lex Orandi?' in Orientalia Christiana Periodica 62(1996), pp 273-294. G Wagner, Der Ursprung der Chrysostomusliturgie, LQF vol 57, (Munster, 1973). Douglas Webb, 'The Anaphora of Theodore the Interpreter' in Ephemerides Liturgicae 104 (1990), pp 3-22. —, 'Le Sens de L'Anaphore de Nestorius', in La Liturgie: son sens, son esprit, sa methode, Conferences saint-serge XXVIII Semaine d'Etudes Liturgiques Paris 1981 (CLV, Rome, 1982), 349-372. P Yousif, 'The Anaphora of Mar Theodore: East Syrian; further evidence' in Studia Anselmiana 110, Analecta Liturgica 17 (1993), pp 571-591.

39

Appendix: Bibliography of Studies on Nestorius and Theodore Primary Studies and Critical Text: Sebastien Naduthadam, L'Anaphore de Mar Nestorius. Edition Critique et Etude, Doctoral Thesis, Institut Catholique de Paris 1992. Jacob Vadakkel, The East Syrian Anaphora of Mar Theodore of Mopsuestia. Critical Edition, English Translation and Study (Kottayam, 1989). Studies, articles and sections of books: Anton Baumstark, 'Die Chrysostomosliturgie und die syrische Liturgie des Nestorios', in Chrysostomika (Rome, 1908). —, Comparative Liturgy (London, 1958). Louis Bouyer, Eucharist (University of Notre Dame, 1968), pp 304-310; 342-350. B Botte, 'Les anaphores syriennes orientales', in Eucharisties d'orient et d'Occident, vol 2 (Paris 1970), pp 7-24. — , 'L'épiclese dans les liturgies syriennes orientales', Sacris Erudiri 6 (1954) pp 48-72. F E Brightman, 'The Anaphora of Theodore', Journal of Theological Studies 31(1930), pp.160-164. Anthony Gelston, The Eucharistie Prayer of Addai and Mari, (Oxford, 1992). —, 'Theodore of Mopsuestia: the Anaphora and Mystagogical Catechesis 16/ in Studia Patrística 26 (1993), 21-34. —, 'The Relationship of the anphoras of Theodore and Nestorius to that of Addai and Mari' in Tuvaik, Studies in Honour of Rev. Jacob Vellian, Syrian Churches Series XVI, ed. George Karukaparampil (Manganam, Kottayam, 1995), 20-26. —, 'The Origin of the Anaphora of Nestorius: Greek or Syriac?' in Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester 78 (1996), 73-86. —, T h e Intercessions in the East Syrian Anaphoras of Theodore and Nestorius' in Studia Patrística 30 (1997), pp 306-313. Bayard H Jones, T h e History of the Nestorian Liturgy' in Anglican Theological Review 46 (1964), 155-76. —, 'The Sources of the Nestorian Liturgy' in Anglican Theological Review 46 (1964), pp 414-425. —, 'The Formation of the Nestorian Liturgy' in Anglican Theological Review 46 (1966), pp 276-306. W F Ma comber, 'An Anaphora Prayer composed by Theodore of Mopsuestia' in Parole d'Orient 6-7 (1975/6) pp 341-347. Bryan D. Spinks, Addai and Mari—The Anaphora of the Apostles: A Text for Students (Grove Liturgical Study 24, Bramcote, 1980). —,The Sanctus in the Eucharistie Prayer (Cambridge, 1991). 38

APPENDIX:

BIBLIOGRAPHY

OF

STUDIES

—, Worship: Prayers from the East (The Pastoral Press, Washington, 1993). (This contains reprints of articles, some revised, on Nestorius and Theodore, and Addai and Mari). —, 'The A n a p h o r a of Nestorius: Antiochene Lex Credendi through Constantinopolitan Lex Orandi?' in Orientalia Christiana Periodica 62(1996), pp 273-294. G Wagner, Der Ursprung der Chrysostomusliturgie, LQF vol 57, (Munster, 1973). Douglas Webb, 'The Anaphora of Theodore the Interpreter' in Ephemerides Liturgicae 104 (1990), pp 3-22. —, 'Le Sens de L'Anaphore de Nestorius', in La Liturgie: son sens, son esprit, sa methode, Conferences saint-serge XXVIII Semaine d'Etudes Liturgiques Paris 1981 (CLV, Rome, 1982), 349-372. P Yousif, 'The Anaphora of Mar Theodore: East Syrian; further evidence' in Studia Anselmiana 110, Analecta Liturgica 17 (1993), pp 571-591.

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Mar Nestorius and Mar Theodore T h e Interpreter

Gorgias Liturgical Studies

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This series is intended to provide a venue for studies about liturgies as well as books containing various liturgies. Making liturgical studies available to those who wish to learn more about their own worship and practice or about the traditions of other religious groups, this series includes works on service music, the daily offices, services for special occasions, and the sacraments.

Mar Nestorius and Mar Theodore The Interpreter

The Forgotten Eucharistie Prayers of East Syria

Translated and Annotated by Bryan Spinks

-äk

1

gorgias press 2010

Gorgias Press LLC, 180 Centennial Ave., Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2010 by Gorgias Press LLC Originally published in All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC. 2010

1

ISBN 978-1-60724-395-3

ISSN 1937-3252

Published first in the U.K. by Grove Books, 1999.

Printed in the United States of America

Mar Nestorius and Mar Theodore The Interpreter:

The Forgotten Eucharistic Prayers of East Syria Introduction, Translation and Commentary by

Bryan D. Spinks

Professor of Liturgical Studies, Yale University Institute of Sacred Music, Yale Divinity School, and Berkeley Divinity School at Yale

Contents 1.

Introduction

2.

Concerning the Texts of the Anaphoras of Mar Nestorius and Mar Theodore the Interpreter

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3.

The Anaphora of Mar Nestorius

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Commentary on Mar Nestorius

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The Anaphora of Mar Theodore The Interpreter

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Commentary on Mar Theodore

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Concluding Remarks

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Texts: (a) Mar Nestorius

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(b) Mar Theodore the Interpreter

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Appendix: Bibliography of Studies on Nestorius and Theodore ... 38

The Cover Illustration shows a Chaldean priest in the middle of an anaphora

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Introduction Although each of the four great Syrian communions—Syrian Orthodox, Maronite, Melkite and the East Syrian (Church of the East, Chaldean and SyroMalabar)—have distinctive liturgical traditions, it is the latter which in recent decades has attracted considerable attention from liturgical scholars, and has been the subject of many articles and studies. This may be in part because the East Syrian Church (or Church of the East), existing mainly in the Persian Empire, is perceived as being less hellenized than its sister Syrian churches, and as having retained more Semitic traits and 'primitive' elements . The daily office, for example, while certainly showing signs of the 'monastic' office, resisted the inclusion of scripture readings, other than at Easter.1 On the other hand, the baptismal ordo, attributed to the reform of Iso'yahb III c.650, is the earliest example of the deliberate composition of a rite of baptism for infants, and thus not everything that is East Syrian is representative of earlier forms.2 The East Syrian tradition knows three anaphoras or eucharistic prayers— Addai and Mari, Nestorius and Theodore the Interpreter. There are citations which suggest that perhaps others once existed, but if they ever did, they have not survived, other than a fragment. 3 Of these three, Addai and Mari has been centrestage on account of its antiquity and witness to the development of the early eucharistic prayer, and it continues to attract attention.4 Furthermore, both the Syriac text and English translations are easily accessible to students.5 In contrast, much less interest has been shown in Nestorius and Theodore. This may be due in part to their association with heresiarchs (which led to their suppression by the Portuguese in the Syro-Malabar liturgy), but is mainly because their texts

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Robert Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours in East and West. (Collegeville. 1986). pp 3 3 . 2 2 5 : Sylvester Pudichery. Ramsa. (Dharmaram College Studies 9. Pachalam. 1972). pp 93ff. The most recent study of the baptismal ordo and the theological tradition is Simon J o n e s . 'Womb of the Spirit. The Liturgical Implications of the Doctrine of the Spirit for the Syrian Baptismal Tradition'. (Ph.D. thesis. University of Cambridge 1999). In the Catalogue of Abdisho (Ebedjesu), edited by Abraham Ecchellenis. Rome 1655. For the fragment, see R H Connolly. 'Sixth-Century Fragments of an East-Syrian Anaphora' in Oriens Christianus ns 1 2 - 1 4 (1925). pp 9 9 - 1 2 8 . For the literature, see Bryan D Spinks. Addai and Mari—The Anaphora of the Apostles: A Text for Students (Grove Liturgical Study 2 4 . Grove Books. Bramcote. 1980): A Gelston. The Eucharistic Prayer of Addai and Mari. (Oxford. 1992). More recently see Stephen B Wilson. T h e Anaphora of the Apostles Addai and Mari', in (Ed.) Paul F Bradshaw, Essays on Early Eastern Eucharistic Prayers (Liturgical Press. Collegeville. 1997) pp 19-37: See also Sarhad J a m m o . T h e Quddasha of the Apostles Addai and Mari and the Narrative of the Eucharistic Institution', and Peter Hofrichter. T h e Anaphora of Addai and Mari in the Church of the East—Eucharist without Institution Narrative?' both in Syriac Dialogue 1, Pro Oriente. (Austria, 1994), pp 1 6 7 - 1 9 3 . In addition to Bryan D S p i n k s and A Gelston, (eds) R C D J a s p e r and G J Cuming. Prayers of the Eucharist: Early and Reformed. (Liturgical Press. Collegeville. 1987).

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are less accessible than Addai and Mari. Nestorius has been the subject of a doctoral thesis by Sebastien Naduthadam for the Institute Catholique de Paris, but this remains unpublished. 1 Theodore was the subject of a doctoral thesis by Jacob Vadakkel at Rome, and subsequently published as The East Syrian Anaphora of Mar Theodore of Mopsuestia,1989, but being published in Kottayam, India, is not readily available } The Syriac texts were published by SPCK in 1890, with English translations in 1893, but these are not accessible outside specialist libraries. 3 The English translations of Theodore by J M Neale, and of Nestorius by Badger, are also not readily accessible, and the SPCK English versions reproduced in Twenty Five Consecration Prayers has long been out of print. 9 Latin versions are available in older collections such as Renaudot, and in the collection Prex Eucharistica, but for many liturgy students the Latin might as well be Syriac! 5 Since Jasper and Cuming's Prayers of the Eucharist: Early and Reformed is still a convenient and popular class text, and did not include Nestorius and Theodore, the cumulative effect is a cycle of neglect. This present study attempts to go some way to rectifying this situation. It provides a fresh translation of the two anaphoras from the Syriac, with a summary of the studies and opinions on their origins and composition, together with a brief commentary It purports to be no more than a basic introduction, and those who desire fuller discussion, including details of the manuscript tradition, will need to consult the work of Naduthadam and Vadakkel, as well as the articles and essays listed in the bibliography.

1 2 3 4 5

Sebastien Naduthadam, 'L'Anaphore de Mar Nestorius' (Doctoral Thesis. Institut Catholique de Paris. 1992). J a c o b Vadakkel. The East Syrian Anaphora of Mar Theodore of Mopsuestia (Mannanam, Kottayam. 1989). Liturgia Sanctorum Apostolorum Adaei et Maris cui accedunt aliae in q u ih us dam Jestis et feriis dicendae. necnon ordo baptismi (Urmiah, 1890. English translation, London. 1893). J M Neale. A History of the Holy Eastern Church, 2 vols. London 1850. Vol. 2; G P Badger. The Nestorians and their Rituals, 2 vols. London 1852. 1987. Vol. 2 . Arthur Linton. Twentyfive Consecration Prayers. London 1921. J Assemani, op.cit, E Renaudot. Liturgiarum Orientalium Collectio, 2 vols. London 1847. 1970: (ed.) A Hanggi and 1 Pähl. Prex Eucharistica. (Freiburg, 1968, 1998).

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Concerning the Texts of the Anaphoras of Mar Nestorius and Mar Theodore the Interpreter Isolating the anaphoral text. In their discussions of the manuscripts of Nestorius and Theodore, Naduthadam and Vadakkel did not find any great divergences of significance. Some texts omitted rubrics and diaconal parts; some texts have some theological expansion, such as 'which is confessed in three equal and undivided qnome', qualifying the glorious Trinity in Theodore; some texts (Chaldean) showed signs of Romanization—in the Words of Institution, for example; and some manuscripts—of the hudra (containing the proper of the liturgy and the Office for Sundays and feasts)—omit those prayers called kusape. Kusapa is in fact a rubrical direction—it is a whispered prayer (coming from the root ksp, 'to speak softly or whisper'), and together with two other rubrical directions, ghanta (prayer said with the head inclined) and qanona (with raised voice), form a series of prayers beginning with the pre-anaphoral prayers through to the final doxology of the eucharistic prayers. These rubrical directions are in a sense artificial, and apply to how a prayer or part of a prayer is prayed, rather than consistently indicating a type of prayer genre. When the preanaphoral prayers are removed, together with diaconal litanies and prayers (karozouta and qulasa) we are left with the following rubrical structures for Nestorius and Theodore: Nestorius Theodore qanona (Eucharistic Dialogue) qanona (Eucharistic Dialogue) kusapa kusapa ghanta ghanta qanona qanona kusapa kusapa ghanta ghanta qanona qanona kusapa kusapa ghanta ghanta qanona qanona kusapa ghanta qanona Although a rubrical direction, the kusape do, in fact, also constitute a prayer genre. They are certain prayers which punctuate the pre-anaphora and anaphoras of the East Syrian tradition, said by the priest, concerned with either summing up what is to be said in either the previous or the next section of the anaphora, or with the celebrant's unworthiness. As such they represent an 5

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addition to the earliest strata of the East Syrian eucharistic prayers. They are not necessarily as late as some scholars have implied, and they have an interest in their own right.' However, for the sake of clarity, they can be removed from the text. We thus have: Nestorius Theodore qanona (Eucharistic dialogue) qanona (Eucharistic dialogue) ghanta 1 (Praise of God the Trinity) ghanta 1 (Praise of God the Trinity) qanona (sanctus) qanona (sanctus) ghanta 2 (Christological section) ghanta 2 (Christological section) qanona (doxology with Amen) qanona (doxology with Amen) ghanta 3 (Intercessions) ghanta 3 (Intercessions and epiklesis) qanona (doxology with Amen) qanona (doxology with Amen) ghanta 4 (Intercessions and epiklesis) qanona (doxology with Amen) Nestorius is a longer anaphora, and has an extra ghanta and qanona. Vadakkel has suggested that in fact the qanona doxology after the third ghanta is a later intrusion, and that originally, like Theodore, the third ghanta contained all the intercessions and epiklesis.2 Though this may be so, the translation follows the received text and includes that doxology. Although modern eucharistic prayers assume that the prayer is one, without division, the doxologies—even the third one in Nestorius—may be integral and original to these anaphoras. But it will be noted that the epiklesis in both anaphoras—like Addai and Mari—comes at the conclusion of the intercessions and leads to the final doxology. Unlike Addai and Mari, both Nestorius and Theodore have an institution narrative. They thus present us with a distinctive East Syrian structure: Dialogue Opening Praise of the Trinity Sanctus and Benedictus. Christological section Institution narrative Anamnesis Intercessions Epiklesis Concluding doxology. A note on the Syriac text and Translation The Syriac text chosen for this translation is that of the 1890 Urmiah edition, and some explanation for this choice is perhaps required Our earliest manuscript of the three East Syrian anaphoras is that of the Mar Esa'ya text, discovered in 1966 by W F Macomber at the Mar Esa'ya

1 2

Bryan D Spinks. Worship: Prayers from the East (Washington. 1993), chapter 7. J Vadakkel. The East Syrian Anaphora of Mar Theodore of Mopsuestia. p 227.

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C O N C E R N I N G T H E T E X T S OF T H E A N A P H O R A S

(St.Isaiah) Church in Mosul, Iraq. The manuscript is dated 10/11 th century. Macomber published the text of Addai and Mari, and he kindly furnished me transcripts of the text of Nestorius and TheodoreYet although this is our earliest manuscript, it does not necessarily follow that it always has the best readings. Indeed, the manuscript is a hudra, and one of the hallmarks of this liturgical book is abbreviation. In his critical text of Addai and Mari, Dr.Anthony Gelston chose a more eclectic text, and more normative of the readings of the texts actually in use today in printed versions.2 Here too the decision has been taken not to use the Mar Esa'ya text as the basis for the translation. The works of Naduthadam and Vadakkel include discussion of the manuscript tradition, and provide a critical text. However, since many of the known manuscripts are inaccessible to Western scholars, their critical texts remain, in a sense, provisional—though even if and when all the extant manuscripts can be checked, it is highly unlikely that they would need any substantial alteration. Nevertheless, they both used a manuscript as base text; Naduthadam, BN Paris 310 for Nestorius, and Vadakkel, Ms.Mingana 53 for Theodore. Since the variant readings which both scholars give are not startling, it seemed more appropriate to use a printed text, as being representative of what is currently in use, for these are not theoretical anaphoras as perhaps Apostolic Constitutions was, or discarded ones such as the Gallican eucharistic prayers, but ones which are still in regular use. Nestorius is used on five occasions—Epiphany, the Friday of John the Baptist, the memorial of the Greek Doctors, the Wednesday of the Rogation of the Ninevites, and Maundy Thursday; Theodore is used from the first Sunday of the Annunciation—Nativity period to the Sunday of Hosanna. When the Urmiah translation was made at the end of the nineteenth century, the translators were able to draw on the English ecclesiastical language of the Authorized Version and the Book of Common Prayer, since both were still in contemporary use. That is not the case now, and thus I have made no attempt consciously to use Prayer Book phraseology, or Tudor/Stuart style. Any translation poses the problem of literal versus the idiomatic. On the whole I have opted for literal, and thus, for example, have retained the Syriac use of w, 'and', whereas English would require a more generous use of the comma and semi-colon. On the other hand, in the epiklesis, 'grace' in Syriac is grammatically feminine. A literal translation would require 'she' as the pronoun, whereas an idiomatic translation in English requires 'it'. Since the actual text does not develop or exploit the gender, I have used the pronoun 'it', but indicated the feminine in brackets for those who feel strongly on such gender issues. The translation has attempted to be clear and accurate, though where particular Syriac words carry a range of meanings, I am aware that others may have opted for a different English rendering. For example, I have tried as far as 1 2

W F Macomber, T h e Oldest known text of the Anaphora of the Apostles Addai and Man', in Orientalia Christiana Periodica 3 2 (1966). pp 3 3 5 - 7 1 . Gelston. The Eucharistic Prayer of Addai and Mart

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possible to be consistent with the praise verbs and nouns, and have thus rendered yd'/tawdita' and cognates as 'give thanks', 'thanksgiving' and 'confess', though in places 'acknowledge' would be as appropriate. Material in common The text draws attention to the following: 1. In Mar Nestorius: (a) Material in Nestorius which may be derived from the Greek versions of St.John Chrysostom (italics) St.Basil (bold italics) and St.James (ITALIC CAPITALS). (b) Material which echoes or seems c o m m o n to Addai and MariX underlining) (c) Material which has a parallel in Narsai's Liturgical Homilies.(CAPITALS) 2. In Mar Theodore the Interpreter (a) Material which seems common to Nestorius and Theodore, (bold type.) (b) Material which echoes or seems common to Addai and Mari (underlining) (c) Material which has a parallel in Narsai's Liturgical Homilies. (CAPITALS) It may be argued that this pre-empts discussion of the case, though this is not the intention. Readers will need to judge for themselves whether— particularly in terms of possible textual dependence—the case seems probable or not. When there is agreement between Addai and Mari, Nestorius and Theodore, it is in some cases simply uniformity of usage—the opening dialogue, the sanctus and benedictus, and doxologies. On the other hand, there is material where it appears that the idea of one anaphora has been expanded and elaborated in one of the others, but with a different vocabulary. On these matters opinion will differ as to the extent, if any, of dependence.

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The Anaphora of Mar Nestorius Origin and authorship The question of origin and authorship of Nestorius remains an unsolved problem. Some of the manuscripts have a colophon or heading. Thus Cambridge University Library Ms.Add.1984 heads that of Nestorius as follows: 'By the grace of God we begin to write the Quddasa (Hallowing) of my Lord Nestorius, Patriarch of Byzantium, the martyr, but not of blood, and persecuted for the truth of orthodox confession. Mar Aba the Great, the Catholicos of blessed memory, when he went up to Roman territory, translated ('phq) the Quddasa of Mar Nestorius from Greek into Syriac and all his compositions, as Mar John the Catholicos indicates in the memra which he composed on the Fathers.' The implication here is that the anaphora once existed in Greek and was believed to be by Nestorius, and it was translated into Syriac for the East Syrian Church by Mar Aba, who was Catholicos between 540 and 552. We do not know who Mar John was, and his memra is not extant. However, the explanation is complicated by the fact that the Liturgical Homilies of Narsai (d.c503) seem to allude to the anaphoras of both Nestorius and Theodore. There are three possible explanations for this: (a) The anaphoras were already in use in the East Syrian Church before the time of Mar Aba. (b) The Liturgical Homilies have been later interpolated with allusions to the two anaphoras. (c) The compilers of the anaphoras included quotations from Narsai's Homilies. The opinion of scholars regarding the genesis of this anaphora is divided. Anton Baumstark, writing in 1908, expressed the view that Nestorius was the ancient anaphora of Constantinople, and that the Greek anaphora of St.John Chrysostom was derived from it.' Later he changed his mind, and argued that Nestorius himself had expanded the anaphora from that of St.John Chrysostom.2 Bayard H Jones, who believed that Nestorius was the oldest East Syrian anaphora, and that Theodore and Addai and Mari were successive abbreviations, argued that Nestorius himself had composed the anaphora. However, because of the witness of the Catalogue of Abhdisho, mentioning anaphoras by Barcauma and Narsai, he argued that Nestorius was published by Barcauma, whereas

15 A Baumstark, 'Die Chrysostomosliturgie und die syrische Liturgie des Nestorios'. in Chnjsostornika (Rome. 1908). pp 771-857. 16 A. Baumstark. Comparative Liturgy, (Et London 1958). pp.55-56.

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Theodore was the work of Narsai.' Douglas Webb, inclining to the view that Mar Aba may well have been involved, was of the view that the parallels in Narsai were due to interpolations in that work at a later date.2 However, the matter still has no clear resolution. The meaning of 'phq As already noted, the parallels and echoes between Nestorius and St. John Chrysostom were noted by Baumstark. Subsequently Bayard H. Jones argued that both Greek Chrysostom and Basil have been used by the compiler of Nestorius, with occasional borrowing from Greek St. James. This has been reiterated in studies by Bernard Botte, Georg Wagner and Douglas Webb.3, and to a certain degree, confirms part of the colophon titles—that the anaphora was from Greek sources. We know that Mar Aba translated the works of Nestorius from Greek into Syriac, and thus may well be ultimately responsible for the anaphora bearing the Patriarch's name. Is it possible that Nestorius himself carried out the work, and Mar Aba simply discovered it and rendered it into Syriac for the East Syrian Church? The researches of Robert Taft and John Fenwick indicate that both the anaphoras of St. John Chrysostom and St.Basil were firmly established by the time of Nestorius, and both show signs of having been reworked by the two bishops themselves.4 St. James, too, was in circulation. However, is highly unlikely that Nestorius, whose Patriarchate was but three years before his deposition, could have authored the present anaphora, or would have authored a prayer to replace anaphoras associated with the highly respected bishops John Chrysostom and Basil. It is more conceivable that, on visiting Constantinople, Mar Aba found two or three Greek anaphoras in use, and drew on them all to give one anaphora representative of Nestorius's own usage. 5 Yet, whether or not that is a reasonable scenario, it is undeniable that there is some literary relationship between the Greek anaphoras, and Nestorius. Though Douglas Webb accepted that Nestorius (and for that matter, Theodore) had Greek origins, he carefully qualified this: 'It must be stressed, however, that they are not mere translations: their compilers, whoever they were, manipulated and adapted their sources in accordance with their own ideas'. 6 1

2 3

4 5 6

Bayard H J o n e s . T h e History of the Nestorian Liturgy', in Anglican Theological Review 4 6 (1964), pp 1 5 5 - 1 7 6 : T h e Sources of the Nestorian Liturgy' in Anglican Theological Review 4 6 (1964) pp 4 1 4 - 4 2 5 : T h e Formation of the Nestorian Liturgy' in Anglican Theological Review 4 8 (1966). pp 2 7 6 - 3 0 6 . Douglas Webb, T h e Anaphora of Theodore the Interpreter'. Ephemerides Liturgicae 104 (1990) pp 3 - 2 2 [published posthumously—the paper was given at the Society for Liturgical Study 19811 Bernard Botte. 'Les anaphores syriennes orientales' in Eucharisties d'orient ft d'occident. vol. 2 (Paris 1970), pp 7 - 2 4 : Georg Wagner, Der Ursprung der Chrysostomusliturgie. LQF. vol. 59 (Munster. 1973): Douglas Webb. T h e Anaphora of Theodore': 'Le S e n s de l'anaphore de Nestorius' in LaLiturgie: son sens, son esprit, sa methode (Rome, 1982). pp 3 4 9 - 3 7 2 . R F Taft. T h e Authenticity of the Chrysostom Anaphora Revisited. Determining the Authorship of Liturgical Texts by Computer' in Orienlalia Christiana Periodica 5 6 (1990). pp 5 - 5 1 : J R K Fenwick. The Anaphoras of St. Basil and St. James. OCA 2 4 0 (Rome. 1992). Much depends on how far it is thought that St. James was a source. Webb. T h e Anaphora of Theodore', p 6.

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Indeed, much depends on the meaning of the Syriac word 'phq. This is the Aphel form of nphq, with the root meaning go out, issue, proceed. A Gelston has suggested that it can mean both translate, and promulgate or publish, though in this case, he feels 'translate' is the more natural meaning.' But perhaps 'redact' here is the better term—redacted by Mar Aba. Both Naduthadam and Gelston have argued that Nestorius was composed in Syriac, and preserves a genuine Syriac style rather than Greek rendered into Syriac. Gelston has paid particular attention to the biblical quotations, excluding such obvious forms such as the sanctus and benedictus, quotations in common with the other East Syrian anphoras, and brief allusions. Of twenty-one biblical passages, six are straightforward citations where the Peshitta is an exact rendering of the Greek, two have slightly modified syntax from the Greek, and six have minor modifications of the Greek text. Of the seven remaining texts, Gelston felt that the modifications made indicate favouring the Peshitta text over the Greek, and concluded: 'Reviewing the evidence of the biblical citations in the Anaphora of Nestorius as a whole, it has to be said that such evidence as they provide points to familiarity with the Syriac rather than the Greek Bible on the part of the composer of the anaphora.' 2 In another study, Gelston has also examined the possible dependence of Nestorius and Theodore upon Addai and Mari, concluding that in places, particularly the epiklesis, the compiler of Nestorius has drawn on Addai and Mari, quite independently of Theodore.3 It may be the case that on the question of the biblical quotations, Gelston has been a little generous concerning an obvious Peshitta dependence, which is not always as obvious as his conclusion suggests. Furthermore, as is the case of anaphoral composition today, a wise compiler uses biblical translations likely to be known to the worshippers, and use of the Peshitta per se would not conflict with other parts being a translation from the Greek into good, idiomatic Syriac. Nevertheless, it is sufficient to show that the compiler used discretion in producing the Syriac anaphora. Theological interests In a study of 1996, the present writer examined Nestorius in terms of what had been added to the underlying sources—a redaction criticism approach rather than source criticism.4 Thus in the opening praise, of the negative epithets used to describe God, the terms uncompounded, impassible and immortal 1

A Gelston. Theodore of Mopsuestia: the Anaphora and Mystagogical Catechesis 16' in Studia Patristica 2 6 (1993). 2 1 - 3 4 : T h e Origin of the Anaphora of Nestorius: Greek or Syriac?'. Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester 7 8 (1996). 7 3 - 8 6 . 2 A Gelston, T h e Origin of the Anaphora of Nestorius' p 8 6 . 3 A Gelston. T h e Relationship of the Anaphoras of Theodore and Nestorius to that of Addai and Mari' in Tuvaik. Studies in Honour of Rev. Jacob Vellian. Syrian Churches Series 16 (Kottayam, 1995). pp 2 0 - 2 6 . 4- Bryan D Spinks. T h e Anaphora of Nestorius: Antiochene Lex Credendi through Constantinopolitan Lex Orandi?' in Orientalia Christiana Periodica 6 2 (1996). pp 2 7 3 - 2 9 4 . 11

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have been added to supplement words already present in the Greek anaphoral sources. All of these divine attributes figured prominently in the dispute between Cyril of Alexandria and Nestorius, and were terms that the 'Antiochene' school regarded as safeguarding the divine nature. In the post sanctus, the quotation from Philippians 2:7 was crucial in the debate between Cyril and Nestorius, but it was also important in the christology of Theodore of Mopsuestia. Of particular note is that in the teaching of Theodore, the Logos was conjoined with 'perfect man'. This was also defended by Nestorius, and the conjunction was one of dignity and honour. Cyril objected to such language because it suggested two sons, and a moral union only. The cumulative doctrinal gloss seems to reflect the Antiochene christology, and that of Theodore rather than specifically of Nestorius. 1 The school of Nisibis promoted the teaching of Theodore rather than Nestorius (even if they were continuous), and Mar Aba seems to have had a particular interest in Theodore's theology. At the Synod of the Church of the East held under Mar Aba in 544, Theodore's writings and doctrines were accorded special authority.2 Theodore, though anathema to the Alexandrian school, was not officially condemned until 553—after the death of Mar Aba. There is a good case for viewing Mar Aba as the redactor, and his use of deliberate Antiochene theological and christological phraseology. The reference to Christ eating 'the Passover of the Law of Moses' finds echoes in Narsai's Liturgical Homilies and his Homily on the Passion. This seems to reflect the emphasis of the Antiochene school on the perfect obedience of the Son.3 Thus it could be argued that the redaction included Theodorian lex credendi in the Constantinople lex orandi sources. The cumulative arguments at present, therefore, suggest that this is a redaction drawing on Greek sources but composed in the Syriac idiom, and drawing on the earlier East Syrian anaphoral tradition and structure, as well as the Peshitta, and the theology of Theodore of Mopsuestia treasured by the East Syrian Church. It is certainly not some stiff, unimaginative translation, but a proper adaptation giving a new distinctive indigenous anaphora.

1 2 3

Of course. Nestorius claimed to be simply expounding the theology of Theodore, a n d hence Theodore w a s deemed to be the father of Nestorianism. J - B Chabot. Synodicon Orientale ou recueil de synodes nestoriens. Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Nationale, vol.37 (Paris. 1902). p 550 (Canon 40). R H Connolly. The Liturgical Homilies oJNarsai, Texts and Studies 8 (Cambridge, 1909), pp 12.15; F G McLeod, Narsai's Metrical Homilies on the Nativity, Epiphany, Passion, Resurrection and Ascension, (Turnhout, 1979): R V S e l l e r s , Two Ancient Christologies (London. 1940).

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Commentary on Mar Nestorius qanona (dialogue) The opening dialogue is the East Syrian tradition is quite distinctive, and has its simplest form in Addai and Mari. After the Grace (2 Cor.13.14) in that anaphora we have: Let your minds be on high. Towards you, the God of Abraham and of Isaac and of Israel, the glorious King. The oblation is offered to God the Lord of all. It is fit and right Peace be with us. Though some have suggested emendations to make this dialogue conform to the more usual Syro-Byzantine form, there is no manuscript authority for such emendations.1 However, the precise forms differ considerably between those in the Mar Esa'ya text and other manuscripts. In the Mar Esa'ya text, the form for Addai and Mari is reproduced for Theodore, whereas the slightly expanded form found in most manuscripts for Theodore, is found in the Mar Esa'ya text of Nestorius.2 This suggests that the opening dialogue has undergone expansions at certain times, or was variable. Yet the fact that the redactor or redactors of Nestorius and Theodore did not opt for the Syro-Byzantine form of dialogue might suggest that the form found in Addai and Mari was a well established East Syrian formula.lt is arguable whether the form in Theodore before I t is fitting and right' is an abbreviation of Nestorius, or whether Nestorius is an expansion. ghdnta 1 The opening theological praise centres on the Trinity, and the compiler has carefully woven together material from Basil and Chrysostom. The praise verbs used are as numerous as in Basil. The divine nature is described with the via negativa or alpha privatives. Both Basil and Chrysostom use similar terms, and indeed, according to Taft's researches, the occurrence and order in the anaphora of Chrysostom is only matched in Greek literature with Chrysostom's own writings, suggesting that he worked over the anaphora which bears his name. 3 However, as noted above, the words uncompounded, impassible and immortal are new material, and reflect the Antiochene concern to protect the divine nature 1

2 3

R J Ledogar, Acknowledgment. Praise-Verbs in the Early Greek Anaphora, (Rome, 1968), p 2 7 : W F Macomber. T h e Maronite and Chaldean Versions of the Anaphora of the Apostles' in Orientalia Christiana Periodica 3 7 (1971), pp 5 5 - 8 4 . Bryan D Spinks. Addaiand Mari— The Anaphora of the Apostles, pp 2 4 - 2 5 . With the addition of 'our kinsman' after 'Son of our race'. R F Taft, T h e Authenticity of the Chrysostom Anaphora Revisited'.

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from what they regarded as Alexandrian confusion. Yet what the compiler seems to have done is to use mainly the opening oratio theologica of Basil, and then switch to a rehearsal of salvation history from the corresponding part of Chrysostom. There is a strong doctrine of the Trinity presented here, with an emphasis on the divine persons being worshipped by all rational beings, visible and invisible, and thus leading eventually to the sanctus and benedictus. Bayard Jones suggested an emendation to read 'servants' in place of 'work', (a slight alteration of the Syriac) to give a better parallel with Basil. The lead in to the sanctus echoes that of Addai and Mari in using Daniel 7.10. Only two angelic types are mentioned—Angels and Archangels. It will be seen that the actual form of the sanctus and benedictus in the East Syrian anaphoras is slightly different from that of other traditions.' ghanta 2 The post-sanctus has the pick up on the word 'Holy', but although it gives a renewed trinitarian context, moves swiftly into a christological section. Here Basil seems to have been the inspiration, and use is made of Hebrews 1.3, 2 Corinthians 4.4, Colossians 1.15, Philippians 2.6-7, and Galatians 4.4. The quotation from Philippians—a favourite text for Theodore of Mopsuestia, and Nestorius—is included but extended by the redactor to express the christology of Theodore of Mopsuestia. Thus the Son is described as God the Logos, who conjoined to himself 'perfect man', a Son of passible nature. Apollinarianism, which had been sharply condemned by Theodore, is excluded—'from a reasonable, intelligent and immortal soul and from a mortal human body', but the conjunction taught by Theodore and Nestorius, and repudiated by Cyril of Alexandria in favour of hypostatic union, is here articulated in the anaphora. And whereas Basil (in the Byzantine Barberini gr.336 and in the Greek Alexandrian version) make mention here of 'the holy God-bearer (theotokos) and ever-virgin Mary', the redactor omits the title which sparked off the great christological controversy between Cyril and Nestorius, and also omits 'virgin Mary', relying simply on the quotation from Galatians 4.4. Even when it is conceded that the title theotokos itself represents a later expansion in Basil, the lack of the specific reference to Mary in Nestorius points to considerable sensitivity here, and perhaps points to the fact that the title theotokos was in the textual tradition by the time Nestorius was composed. The redactor, inspired by the saving work of Christ in Basil, expands this section , with not only his destroying death, but also abrogating the Jewish Law, and cleansing us through baptism (cf.Basil: 'when he had cleansed us by water'). The death/resurrection imagery of Romans is used here rather than messianic rebirth which is the emphasis in the earlier Syrian baptismal tradition. John 13.1 is used to introduce a more detailed rehearsal of the work of Christ overcoming death by the descent into Sheol. 1

Bryan D Spinks. The Sanctus in the Eucharistlc Prayer. (Cambridge 1991).

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The words of institution are introduced by a declaration that the supper was a new passover, instituted during Christ's obedience to the Mosaic law of the old passover, which is a theme treated by Narsai. However, this is one section where the Mar Esa'ya text is considerably shorter than most other readings, and manuscripts such as Rylands Syriac 19, while having a reference to the law of Moses, lack specific mention of passover, and the text used by Badger refers once to the passover of Moses. It would seem, therefore, that at this point the expansion is from later copyists and not the primary redactor, though Narsai may still have been the textual inspiration. The embellishments to the narrative itself seems to draw on elements found in all three of the probable Greek anaphoral sources. The narrative is seen as a natural point of transition, and thus concludes with a doxology. ghanata 3 and 4 The new ghanta opens with an anamnesis which is also a proclamation and acknowledgment of faith in the trinity and the divine economy. Then the anaphora embarks upon intercessions, introduced with 'And we offer', using the verb qrb. The anaphora uses qrb in relation to qurbana (offering, oblation), and debha (sacrifice) in the dialogue, which seems to refer to the gifts of bread and wine, and slq, offer or lift up, in relation to verbal praise. Here qrb is used with debha, and the eucharist is offered for a whole series of intentions, just as we find in the Syro-Byzantine eucharistic prayers. It leads eventually to the epiklesis and final doxology, and gives Nestorius and Theodore their distinctive East Syrian pattern. It also gives it a distinctive theology, which may well reflect that of Theodore of Mopsuestia. The Catechetical Lectures of Theodore of Mopsuestia describe the eucharist as performing in symbol the remembrance of the death of Christ. When the deacons carried out the bread and wine (at what became the Great Entrance) they place it on the altar for a complete representation of the passion.1 Thus he could say: 'In contemplating with our eyes, through faith, the facts that are now being re-enacted: that he is again dying, rising and ascending into heaven, we shall be led to the vision of the things that had taken place beforehand on our behalf.' 2 When the elements are placed on the altar, W e must also think of Christ being at one time led and brought to his passion, and at another time stretched on the altar to be sacrificed for us.' 3

1 2 3

A Mingana (ed). Commentary of Theodore of Mopsuestia on the Lord's Prayer and on the Sacraments of Baptism and the Eucharist Woodbrooke Studies VI. (Cambridge 1933). pp 74. 99. 103. Mingana p 83. Mingana p 85

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However, Theodore concentrates on the death of Christ: W e must first of all realize that we perform a sacrifice of which we eat. Although we remember the death of our Lord in food and drink, and although we believe these to be the remembrance of his Passion—because he said: "This is my body which is broken for you, and this is my blood which is shed for you"—we nevertheless perform, in their service, a sacrifice; and it is the office of the priest of the New Testament to offer this sacrifice, as it is through it that the New Covenant appears to be maintained. It is indeed evident that it is a sacrifice, but not a new one and one that (the priest) performs as his, but it is a remembrance of that other real sacrifice (of Christ).'1 Theodore also notes that the sacrifice can be pleaded for the living and the dead: T h e priest performs Divine service in this way, and offers supplication on behalf of all those whom by regulation mention is to be made always in the Church; and later he begins to make mention of those who have departed, as if to show that this sacrifice keeps us in this world, and grants also after death, to those who have died in the faith, that ineffable hope which all the children of the Sacrament of Christ earnestly desire and expect.'2 But it is clear that it is the sacrifice—the death of Christ—which is pleaded. Of the epiklesis, Theodore could write: 'Indeed, the body of our Lord, which is from our nature, was previously mortal by nature, but through the resurrection it moved to an immortal and immutable nature . . . In this same way, after the Holy Spirit has come here also, we believe that the elements of bread and wine have received a kind of an anointing from the grace that comes upon them, and we hold them to be henceforth immortal, incorruptible, impassible, and immutable by nature, as the body of the Lord was after the resurrection.'3 However, Theodore was commenting on a eucharistic prayer of the SyroByzantine shape, where the epiklesis comes after the anamnesis and before the intercessions. This fitted rather ill with his stress on intercessions being linked with the death of Christ, because the epiklesis had 'resurrected' the elements which had symbolized the passion. The anaphora of Nestorius (and, as we shall see, Theodore also) gives much better liturgical expression to the theology of the Catechetical Lectures by placing the epiklesis (the 'resurrection') after the intercessions which have pleaded the passion. Anaphoral intercessions are the most variable parts of the classical eucharistic prayers, and attempts to list verbal parallels rarely produces anything of true worth. Anthony Gelston has made a brief comparison of the intercessions in 1 2 3

Mingana p 79. Mingana p 105. Mingana p 104.

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Nestorius and those of Theodore, and finds very little in common. He concluded that: 'about one third of the intercessions in Theodore and more than five eighths of those in Nestorius are peculiar to the respective anaphoras. It is interesting too to note that Nestorius ranges much more widely in the scope of its intercessions than Theodore, which, apart from the prayer for the fruits of the earth and for temperate climate and that for all humankind, seems exclusively concerned with the Church.'1 Nestorius treats the living first, then the departed. As far as themes are concerned, the sequence approximates more to the Syriac anaphora of the Twelve Apostles and Apostolic Constitutions VIII (both perhaps reflecting the environs of Antioch) than Basil, Chrysostom or James. John Fenwick, in his various studies, found that because verbal parallels between anaphoral intercessions were so few, it was better to use a comparison of sequence and themes. Following his classification, Nestorius has the following: The Living A — the Catholic Church. B — the Episcopate D — the presbyterate and diaconate G — all faithful people — all transgressors a — Celebrant c — those who care for the church e — the emperor(=heads and rulers) — peace I — the fruits of the earth and weather. H — this place and its faithful. — travellers 6 — the oppressed 5 — sickness — enemies — ourselves — conversion The Dead N — Departed Clergy O—departed laity (The Living) Q — Preservation and guidance of those assembled. The intercessions return from the church triumphant to the present assembly and its needs, and this forms a transition to the epiklesis which is also for the present needs of the assembly. The epiklesis is introduced with words X

A Gelston, The Intercessions in the East Syrian Anaphoras of Theodore and Nestorius' in Studia Patristlca 30(1997) pp 306-313. p 310.

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reminiscent of Addai and Mari, and found in a different context in Theodore— 'we your lowly, weak and miserable servants', which seems to be an East Syrian devotional formula. The epiklesis seems to be an expansion from that of Addai and Mari. It uses the verb 'come', which is found in Basil also, rather than the verb 'send'. This may be a more primitive form, having links with Maranatha, but it certainly preserves the early Syriac form found in the earlier literature.1 However, it is the grace of the Holy Spirit which is requested to come, not the third person of the Trinity him(her)self. As noted above, the grammatical gender of both Holy Spirit and grace in Syriac is feminine, but, unlike, for example, in the Odes of Solomon and Ephrem, the accident of grammar is left und eveloped. 'Rest' may have been suggested by Addai and Mari, and 'dwell', occurring in Maronite Sharar, is also found in Narsai's Liturgical Homilies: 'He summons the Spirit to come down and dwell in the bread and wine and make them the Body and Blood of King Messiah.... The Spirit he asks to come and brood over the oblation and bestow upon it power and divine operation'.2 'Bless and sanctify' are found in some manuscripts of Addai and Mari, but Botte argued that the words have been borrowed by copyists from Nestorius} They are present in Basil, whereas 'make' is found in Chrysostom and James . 'Change' is also found in Chrysostom. Using the themes of his sources, but also drawing on a number of biblical references, the redactor has extended the eschatological concerns of the epiklesis—for resurrection, the vision of God, unity and peace, and it also asks that the communicants should not eat to condemnation and judgment (1 Cor.ll) but, as in Basil, that the communicants may be counted with those who have been well pleasing since the world began. And once more the trinitarian nature of God is reiterated in a doxology which brings the anaphora to its conclusion.

1

2 3

See Bryan D Splnks. T h e Consecratory Epiklesis in the Anaphora of St. James', Studia Litúrgica 11(1976). pp 19-38.Gabriela Winkler. 'Further Observations in Connection with the early Form of Epiklesis'. in Studies in Early Christian Liturgy and Context, (Aldershot. 1997), essay IV. R H Connolly, The Liturgical Homilies o/Narsai, pp 20-21. B Botte. 'L'épiclese dans Is liturgies syriennes orientales' in Sacris Erudiri 6 (1954), pp 4872.

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The Anaphora of Mar Theodore The Interpretor The origin of Theodore shares many of the same problems of Nestorius. Some manuscripts simply head the anaphora thus: 'Again, through Jesus Christ, we write the Quddasha of Mar Theodore the Interpreter'. The colophon of other manuscripts gives a similar derivation to Nestorius: 'In the power of the our Lord Jesus Christ we begin to write the Quddasha of Mar Theodore, the Interpreter of godly books, which Mar Aba the catholicos set forth ('phqh) and translated (phsqh) from Greek into Syriac when he went up to new Rome and he translated it with the help of Mar Thomas the doctor of Edessa.' The inference here is that Mar Aba , with help from Mar Thomas, translated a Greek anaphora of Theodore into Syriac. Since Mar Thomas died in 533—if the information can be trusted—it was completed before that date. Furthermore, according to the tradition, Mar Aba was therefore involved with the compilation of both Nestorius and Theodore. The colophon poses the question of whether a Greek anaphora of Theodore of Mopsuestia existed. According to Leontius of Byzantium, writing c.531, it did: 'He (Theodore) dared to add another evil, not second to those we have spoken of. He concocted another anaphora besides that which had been handed down to the churches by the Fathers; he had neither respect for that of the apostles, nor for that which was written by the great Basil in the Spirit himself, judging this worthy of esteem. In which anaphora he filled the rite with blasphemies (for they were not prayers).'1 Leontius was no friend of the theology of Theodore of Mopsuestia, and here accuses him of adding to his 'heresy' but having the audacity to author an anaphora to be used alongside or in place of that of the apostles (Twelve Apostles/ Chrysostom?) and that of St.Basil. Did Leontius know of a Greek anaphora which Theodore authored? F E Brightman, in an article in 1930, attempted to demonstrate from the extant writings of Theodore that the East Syrian anaphora has many of his stock phrases and reflects his theology, and that therefore he could be the author of the anaphora which bears his name.2 Brightman, writing in 1930, did not have knowledge of the Catechetical Lectures, which were published in 1933 by Mingana.3 These lectures, which may have been given when Theodore was a presbyter at Antioch, or when 1 2 3

PG86. 1368c. F E Brightman. T h e Anaphora of Theodore' in Journal of Theological Studies 3 1 ( 1 9 3 0 ) . pp 160-164. Mingana, Commentary.

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bishop of Mopsuestia, do have echoes of the East Syrian anaphora. However, the anaphora which Theodore outlines is of the Syro-Byzantine structure, and has the epiklesis before the intercessions. Bernard Botte therefore concluded that the East Syrian anaphora is not the anaphora which underlies the Catechetical Lectures, though he conjectured that Mar Aba may have found traces of an anaphora that Theodore composed. 1 Georg Wagner, in his study of the anaphora of St.John Chrysostom, argued that in fact the East Syrian anaphora was that underlying the Catechetical Lectures, but the epiklesis had been removed from its original Syro-Byzantine position, and placed after the intercessions to accord with East Syrian usage.2 He argued that the 'seam' can still be seen in the repetition of 'And we beseech you and desire from you, my Lord' which introduces the intercessions and the epiklesis. 3 Wagner thus rearranged the East Syrian anaphora, and then proceeded to find many parallels between it and the Catechetical Lectures, concluding that they were one and the same anaphora. Anthony Gelston, in a Master Theme Paper read at the Oxford Patristic Conference in 1991 subjected the Catechetical Lectures to a careful comparison with the East Syrian anaphora. He rejected Wagner's arguments, and came to the following conclusion: T h e anaphoras are not identical. The few phrases that appear to be direct quotations from the anaphora in the Lecture, excluding common forms such as the opening dialogue, the Sanctus, and the Words of Institution, are uniformly absent from the second East Syrian anaphora. If one were to argue that the anaphora presupposed in the Lecture was an earlier form of what became the second East Syrian anaphora, one would have to suppose that it had undergone modification so substantial as to amount effectively to rewriting'.4 Gelston's conclusions are ones which are endorsed by the present writer, as well as by Vadakkel.5 This, of course, does not preclude the possibility that the compiler of Theodore knew and at places drew upon the Catechetical Lectures of Theodore. What, however, are we to make of the statement by Leontius? It could be that he knew of another anaphora compiled by Theodore. One is attributed to him by Narsai who quotes it, and that in turn is similar to a form preserved in the writings of Cyril of Edessa. According to the study by Macomber, it may be a prayer composed by Theodore in his commentary on St.Matthew's Gospel, which is no longer extant.6 It is certainly full of Theodore's christology, but, in

1 2 3 4 5 6

B Botte. 'Les Anaphores Syriennes Orientales' p 18. G Wagner. Der Ursprung der Chrysostomusliturgie. pp 5 2 - 5 3 . Ibid. A Gelston. Theodore of Mopsuestia: the Anaphora and Mystagogical Catechesis 16'. p 32. Bryan D Spinks, Worship: Prayers from the East, pp 4 7 - 6 4 : J a c o b Vadakkel. The East Syrian Anaphora of Mar Theodore of Mopsuestia. pp 2 1 0 - 2 4 5 . W F Macomber. 'An Anaphoral Prayer Composed by Theodore of Mopsuestia' in Parole de Orient 6 - 7 (1975-6). (Mélanges offerts au R P Francois Graffln.sj). pp 3 4 1 - 3 4 7 .

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its shortest form, lacks sanctus, institution narrative, epiklesis and intercessions, and may therefore be Theodore's attempt at a recreation of a prayer suitable for the lips of Jesus at the Last Supper. It might be this that Leontius had in mind. Another possibility is that having knowledge that the East Syrians had a prayer named after Theodore, he assumed that Theodore had composed it. Yet this does not solve the claim of the colophon that Mar Aba translated from the Greek. Gelston has suggested that in this context the word 'phq means 'publish the first time it occurs' (='set forth' above) and brought it out, in the sense of taking it back to East Syria in the second occurrence.1 But this still leaves us with a claim that it was translated from a Greek source. The recent study by Vadakkel argues that, as is the case of Nestorius, but even more so for Theodore, this anaphora is not a translation, but was composed in Syriac. The Syriac style and grammar are here supported by use of quotations which are more obviously drawing on the Peshitta tradition than is the case for Nestorius. This has been taken further in a study by Pierre Yousif.2 In addition to noting the Syriac style—such as adjectival genitives—Yousif examined the more important and literal scripture quotations in Theodore. In the quotation from Philippians, the Peshitta and Theodore place the verb 'to be' at the beginning of the sentence. In using Romans 4.25, Theodore follows the Peshitta in using 'that he justifies us' in place of the Greek 'our justification'. And in using 1 Timothy 2.4, the anaphora reproduces the word order of the Peshitta. Yousif concluded: 'From the analyzed biblical texts found in the AT we can conclude that the author of AT used a syriac version of the Bible, commonly called psitta; he quotes it either literally or by way of allusion. In some of the analyzed cases it is even clear that the variants in the AT are special to the syriac text and as such cannot be a translation from the Greek. Our conclusion then is sure: the biblical text used in the AT is Syriac.'3 In contrast with Nestorius, there is no obvious Greek anaphoral source for Theodore. However, it does echo and even use and expand some material found in Addai and Mari. Gelston, as noted in the case of Nestorius, felt that both had drawn independently on Addai and Mari.* There are also echoes and parallels to Nestorius. Bayard Jones suggested that Theodore was an abridgment of Nestorius, made on account of the latter's length, a view which Webb felt might have some merit. 5 Furthermore, though the anaphora of the Catechetical Lectures of Theodore is not the same as the East Syrian anaphora, it does appear that in one or two places the compiler of Theodore knew of and used the 1 2 3 4 5

AGelston, Theodore of Mopsuestia: the Anaphora and Mystagogical Catechesis 16'. pp 21 22; The Origin of the Anaphora of Nestorius: Greek or Syriac?'. pp 73-75. P Yousif, The Anaphora of Mar Theodore: East Syrian: further evidences'. Studia Anselmiana 110. Analecta Liturgica 17 (1993). pp 571-591. P Yousif, p 581. A Gelston. The Relationship of the Anaphoras of Theodore and Nestorius to that of Addai and Mari'. Bayard H Jones. The History of the Nestorian Liturgy', p 170. Douglas Webb The Anaphora of Theodore the Interpreter', p 6. I assume that is what he meant when he said that the suggestion had been made, 'not unreasonably so'.

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Catechetical Lectures, and drew on Theodore's theology. Yet, if this should be the case, just as Nestorius is not a stiff translation from Greek, but an interesting redaction giving a new, original anaphora, so also Theodore is not a pastiche, but a work compiled in Syriac, apparently drawing on other East Syrian liturgical work, the Peshitta, and the work of Theodore of Mopsuestia. Such a compilation could well have been within the capabilities of Mar Aba.

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Commentary on Theodore qanona (dialogue) It has already been noted that this seems to be either an expansion of that in Addai and Mari, or an abridgement of that in Nestorius, though the Mar Esa'ya text has the same formulae for Theodore as it does for Addai and Mari. Thus the theology of the form found in Nestorius is applicable here. ghanta 1 The opening trinitarian praise may in fact be an expansion of the opening praise found in Addai and Mari, which is concerned with the Name, revealed as Father, Son and Holy Spirit. It then turns to the work of the Creator who creates through the only-begotten Son, God the Logos, and sanctification by the Holy Spirit. Thus the work of creation is the work of the Trinity. This serves as a pivotal point—for the Spirit makes mortals worthy to praise the divine, and this forms the lead into the sanctus. By the instinct of their wills the heavenly host praise God; we do so by grace. The biblical phraseology from Hebrews 1.3 and 2 Corinthians 4.4 occurs in Nestorius, but there it is in the Christological section. The introduction to the sanctus uses Daniel 7.10. Though used in other anaphoras, we do find it in Addai and Mari, and thus here again Theodore stays with the tradition of the older anaphora. One expansion of the text just prior to the sanctus is the description of the Trinity 'is confessed in three equal and undivided qnome'. The word qnome has been left untranslated . Brock explains that in East Syrian understanding, kyana (nature) is generic, while qnome is an individual manifestation of a kyana} The East Syrian tradition speaks of three qnome rather than three parsopa (persons) of the Trinity. It is sometimes rendered as hypostasis, but this is only an approximation. ghanta2 The 'thrice holy' pick-up on the sanctus is reminiscent of the Syro-Byzantine anaphoras such as Basil and Chrysostom, and here, it once again focuses on the Name as revealed as Father, Son and Holy Spirit.lt almost repeats again the first ghanta in that it also includes creation of humanity, the lowly estate of humanity, and the fact that we worship the divine Name. Then, as in Basil and Nestorius, it rehearses incarnational theology taken from Philippians 2.7-8, and is almost identical with Nestorius. This could be that both have drawn on the Peshitta version independently, or that one has inspired the other. Absent from the Mar Esa'ya text here is the 'Logos' after only begotten God, and "by the 1

S P Brock, T h e Christology of the Church of the East in the Synods of the Fifth to Early Seventh Centuries: Preliminary Considerations and Materials' in (ed.) G D Dragas. AskumThyateira. A Festschrift for Archbishop Methodios of Thyateira and Great Britain (London. 1985). pp 1 2 5 - 1 4 2 : pp 1 3 0 - 1 3 1 .

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power of the Holy Spirit' Unlike Nestorius, Theodore has retained mention of the Virgin Mary (c(.Basil). Theodore has retained the earlier Syriac incarnational phraseology, of putting on our humanity, and Apollinarianism is rejected in terms found in Theodore of Mopsuestia and in Nestorius. Biblical phraseology from Colossians 1, with Hebrews, Galatians and Romans leads into the narrative of institution. The form of the narrative is different from Nestorius, and of course Addai and Mari lacks the narrative. Of particular interest is the replacement of 'drink' with 'gather together' (d-methkanain). This is not found in the Peshitta, but was the reading known to Ephrem in Sermon 4 on Holy Week, and Aphrahats Demonstration 12 On the Pascha.' The latter has: 'For after Judas had left them, he took bread, blessed and gave it to his disciples, saying to them: "This is my body; take an eat it, all of you." Also over the wine he blessed it as follows and said to them: "This is my blood, the new testament, which is poured out on behalf of many for the forgiveness of sins. Do this in my memory when you gather together." ' 2 This, therefore, is a further instance of the compiler deliberately reflecting his East Syrian heritage. However, it raises the question of whether in fact he used a narrative which was once in Addai and Mari and which has since dropped out. This was the view of Botte, who observed the paragraph in Addai and Mari which reads: 'And we also, O Lord (thrice) your lowly, weak and miserable servants who are gathered together and stand before you at this time have received by tradition of the example which is from you rejoicing, and glorifying and magnifying, and commemorating and praising, and performing this great and dread mystery of the passion and death and resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ.' Botte noted the similarity between this and the anamnesis in Theodore, and suggested that the paragraph in Addai and Mari is an anamnesis, marking the place where an institution narrative once stood but which has subsequently dropped out.3 We may note also, that Gabiel Qatraya, in his commentary on the East Syrian anaphoras, quotes the institution narrative with the form 'gathered together'. 4 However, there is no reason why in a third century eucharistic prayer, which Addai and Mari is assumed to be, the narrative of institution was a sine qua non, and the reference to 'of the example which is from you' may be a reference to the narrative without actually quoting it. The Maronite twin of Addai and Mari, Sharar, has close parallels with all the paragraphs of Addai and Mari except this particular one, and it has its own

1 2 3 4

T J Lamy, Sancti Ephraem Syri Hymni et Sermones (Mechliniae. 1882). 1 . 4 2 5 . ET in Thomas M. Finn. Early Christian Baptism and the Catechumenate: West and E a s t Syria. (Collegeville. 1992), pp 1 4 1 - 1 5 0 , p 145. emended. B Botte. 'L'anaphore Chaldeene des Apotres' in Orientalia Christiana Periodica 15 (1949), pp 259-276. Bryan D Spinks. Worship: Prayers from the East, pp 3 7 - 4 5 .

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distinct institution narrative and anamnesis, which are quite different from those of TheodoreFurthermore, it may well be that Gabriel Qatraya is commenting on Theodore.2 Botte's suggestion remains interesting, but inconclusive. All one can say is that the compiler of Theodore, if he had Nestorius before him, chose not to use the narrative of that anaphora, and selected instead one whose form was apparently a peculiarity of the East Syrian tradition. The anamnesis leads into a doxology , concluding this ghanta. ghdtttd

3

The final ghanta opens with praise, thanks for being counted worthy to serve, and the offering of the sacrifice, which is described as 'the mystery of the Lamb of God who takes away the sins of the world'. In other words, the passion and atoning death are here pleaded, and thus provides the context for the intercessions. The intercessions have been closely compared with those of Nestorius in the short communication of Anthony Gelston, noted above.3 He notes that, although the sequence of prayers for the living first, and then for the departed, is the same, and they share some stock vocabulary, with the exception of one petition for the fruits of the earth, the climate, and the crown of the year, there appears to be no literary relationship between their respective intercessions. On the other hand, both Webb, I myself and Gelston have noted that use seems to have been made of the intercessory material in Addai and Man.4 The order of the intercessions, using Fenwick's classification, is as follows: The Living A —The Catholic Church Q,h —Preservation and Peace; schism B —Bishops (and Periodetae) D —Presbyters and deacons G—the faithful a —the celebrant b —the offerers I —fruits of the earth (mini-doxology) The Departed —the departed fathers, apostles. N—departed clergy O—departed laity.

1 2 3 4

Bryan D Spinks. Addai and Man—The Anaphora of the Apostles. Biyan D Spinks, Worship: Prayers from the East, pp 3 7 - 4 5 . A Gelston, T h e Intercessions in the E a s t Syrian Anaphoras of Theodore and Nestorius'. D Webb, T h e Anaphora of Theodore the Interpreter', p 18: Bryan D Spinks. Worship: Prayers from the East, pp 5 2 - 5 4 : A Gelston, T h e Intercessions in the East Syrian Anaphoras ofTheodore and Nestorius'.

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The mini-doxology between the living and departed is not a pronounced qanotia as in Nestorius, but it is nevertheless a doxology which does divide the two sets of petitions. It may be, therefore, that the suggestion of Vadakkel regarding Nestorius can be reversed, and that Theodore might have been intended to have a fourth ghanta. The epiklesis, like that of Nestorius, seems to have been expanded from that of Addai and Mari. Like Nestorius, it asks for the grace of the Holy Spirit to come. However, here there is a double epiklesis—it asks for the grace of the Spirit to come upon us as well as on the bread and wine. This is not found in Addai and Mari or Nestorius, but is found in the Catechetical Lectures of Theodore. Theodore has retained the verb rest, but has also used thagan, from the verb gn meaning to hover, overshadow or reside. It is also found in Syriac James. In the Peshitta it is used at Luke 1.35 for the incarnation. The word seal (htham) is peculiar to Theodore. The Power of the Name is invoked (cf Acts of Thomas 27—Come, Power of grace). The eschatological fruits seem to be a rearrangement of the material of Addai and Mari, together with the redactor's own additions, perhaps suggested from the Catechetical Lectures of Theodore, and knowledge of Basil, Chrysostom and James. Yet whatever his sources or inspiration, the material is woven to form a quite new and powerful epiklesis which is terminated by a brief doxology. The anaphora has a doctrine of eucharistic sacrifice, which like that of Nestorius, reflects the eucharistic theology of Theodore of Mopsuestia. However, it is arguably much more clearly expressed here in Theodore. The dialogue, like Nestorius, offers an offering and sacrifice. Both the first and second ghanata, between which the sanctus occurs, offer praise as the fruit of lips. In the second ghanta, as part of the recital of salvation history in Christ, Hebrews 9.14 and Colossians 1.18, 20 are joined together—the offering of the son once through the eternal Spirit, and offered for our salvation. The words of institution link the single offering to the eucharist as an offering, which is performed in obedience, and is an offering of the mystery of the Lamb of God who takes away the sin of the world. The link having been established, the offering is offered for a series of motives in the intercessions. The grace of the Holy Spirit is invoked upon the oblation so that it might be life-giving to those who receive it. The benefits of the passion and the resurrection are thus sought.

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Concluding Remarks There are certain questions surrounding these two forgotten East Syrian anaphoras answers to which at present can only be conjectured. For example, although nothing outrightly contradicts the view that Mar Aba was the redactor/ compiler of both anaphoras, there is nothing which proves this beyond question. And if it were the case that rather than drawing on material from Narsai's homilies, or those homilies being interpolated from the anaphoras, Narsai knew them, then their compilation would pre-date Mar Aba. Again, though there are echoes of Addai and Mari and Nestorius in Theodore, that does not mean literary dependence, but perhaps familiarity with them aurally or orally. What can be said is that these two anaphoras present us with a distinct East Syrian pattern, a particular concern with the humanity and obedience of Christ, and an interesting understanding of the drama of the eucharist, and the mystery of the passion as an offering. They illustrate that it is quite possible to use a different dialogue from what has come to be the 'standard version' to introduce eucharistic prayers, and is refreshing, even if some of the language of sacrifice may seem unattractive. They also present an alternative but equally valid structure to that of the Syro-Byzantine pattern which has come to dominate modern revision in almost fundamentalist fashion. It may be that future compilers of eucharistic prayers may find some ideas in these forgotten East Syrian anaphoras of some value.

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The Texts

(a) MAR NESTORIUS* The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the love of God the Father, and the fellowship of the Holy Spirit be with us all now and all times. [And he signs the mysteries] And they reply: Amen. And he continues: Above in the heavenly heights, in the dread places of glory, where the waving of the wings of the Cherubim does not cease, and the alleluias and sweet chanting of the Holies by the Seraphim, there let your minds be. And they reply: To you God of Abraham, Isaac and Israel, glorious King. And he continues: The living and reasonable oblation of our first fruits and the unslain and acceptable sacrifice of the Son of our race, which the prophets figured in mystery, and the apostles proclaimed openly, and the martyrs bought with the blood of their necks, and the teachers expounded in the churches, and the priests sacrificed on the holy altar, and the Levites bore upon their arms, and the peoples received for the pardon of all their debts, and for all the entire creation, is offered to God the Lord of all. And they reply: It is fitting and right. Lord God, Mighty One, you who are without beginning, Father Almighty [repeat] who are continually and for ever the same, it is fitting and proper and right that we should give thanks and worship and glorify and exalt at all times and all seasons. For you are true God, incomprehensible, infinite, ineffable, invisible, uncompounded, impassible and immortal; and high and exalted above the thought and intelligence of every creature, who is in every place and not circumscribed by place, you and your only-begotten Son and your Holy Spirit. You, Lord, give us speech in opening our mouths that we may offer you with a contrite heart and humbled spirit the spiritual fruit of our lips, our reasonable service. For you are our God and the Father of our king and saviour Jesus Christ our Hope, the one in whom is concealed all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge and through whom we have received knowledge of the Holy Spirit, the Spirit of truth who proceeds from you, Father, and is from the hidden nature of your Divinity. He by whom all rational beings, visible and invisible are strengthened and sanctified and perfected and fulfilled. And to your only-begotten Son and the Holy Spirit we offer up perpetual glory without ceasing at all times, because they are all your work (servants?). For from nothing you brought us to be and ordered us, and when we stumbled and fell and were languishing, you renewed us again and raised us up and redeemed us. And you did not cease from providing all things for our well-being until you lifted us to heaven. And in your mercy you gave us the kingdom which is to come. '

For a key to the typefaces used, please see page 8 above.

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For all your graces towards us we give thanks to you, God, the Father of Truth. And to your only-begotten Son our Lord Jesus Christ and your life-giving and Holy Spirit. And we worship you for all our graces which you provide for us, those we know and those we do not know, those revealed and those concealed. And we give thanks you also for this service, and earnestly beseech you to receive it from our hands. For who can sufficiently tell out your mighty wonders and proclaim all your praises? Because not all living creatures uniting in one mouth and one tongue can sufficiently publish your greatness, my Lord. [Qanona:] For before your Trinity, my Lord, stand a thousand thousand and myriad myriads of angels and archangels. And all of these together alike flying and hovering and without ceasing and continually in incessant exalted voice shouting glory, chanting and praising, and calling one to another and saying: Holy Holy Holy [is the] Powerful Lord God of whose glories heaven and earth are full and of the nature of his Being and of the excellency of his glorious splendour. Hosanra in the Highest. Hosanna to the Son of David. Blessed is he who came and comes in the name of the Lord. Hosanna in the highest. [And the priest repeats in a low voice] And with these heavenly hosts [repeat] we also, good Lord and God, merciful Father: we call out and say: Holy are you in truth and glorious are you indeed. And you are exalted and lifted above all, who has esteemed your worshippers on earth worthy to become like those who glorify you in heaven. Holy also is your only-begotten Son our Lord Jesus Christ, with the Holy Spirit, who is with you eternally and who is from your nature and the maker of all creation. And we bless, my Lord, God the Logos, the hidden offspring from your womb who being in your likeness and effulgence from you and the image of your Being, it was not robbery that he regarded that he is your equal, but emptied himself and took the form of a servant, perfect man, who from a reasonable, intelligent and immortal soul and from a mortal human body and conjoined it to him and united it with him in glory, power and honour, to the Son of a passible nature, which was fashioned by the power of the Holy Spirit for the salvation of all and was from a woman and was under the law, that he might redeem those under the law and enliven all those who were dead in Adam. And he killed sin in his flesh and abrogated the law of the commandments by his decree. And he opened the eyes of our minds which were blind, and prepared for us a path of salvation. And he enlightened us with the light of the Divine knowledge. And for those who received him he gave power to become the children of God. And he cleansed us and pardoned us by the baptism of Holy Water and sanctified us by the grace of the gift of the Holy Spirit. And those who were buried with him in baptism into death he raised and lifted up and caused them to sit with him in heaven through the declaration of his promise. And he loved his own who were in the world and he loved them to the end. And he was exchanged in payment of the guilt (lit.debt) of our race for the life of all. 29

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And gave himself for all to death which reigned over us and in whose power we were enslaved, for through our sin we were sold to it. And through his precious blood he redeemed us and saved us. And he descended into Sheol and unfastened the bonds of death. And because it was not just that he should be held in Sheol, he rose from death, on the third day, the first-fruits of our salvation. And he became the first-fruits of those who sleep; that he might be the forerunner in all things. And he ascended to heaven. And sat on the right hand of your majesty and left us the commemoration of salvation, this mystery which we offer before you. For WHEN THE TIME ARRIVED in which he was delivered up for the life of the world, after HE HAD performed PASSOVER WITH HIS DISCIPLES , according to the LAW of Moses, he introduced HIS OWN PASSOVER before he died, this which we perform as his commemoration as he handed it down to us, until he is revealed from heaven. For our Passover is Christ who was slain on our behalf. And after he had eaten the Passover of the Law of Moses, he took bread in his HOLY, UNBLEMISHED and undefiled hands, and blessed and broke and ate and gave to his disciples and said, Take, eat from it all of you. This is my body which is broken for you for the forgiveness of sins.' And likewise also HE MIXED the cup from WINE AND WATER and blessed and gave thanks and drank and gave it to his disciples and said: Take, drink from it all of you. This is my blood of the new covenant which is shed for many for the forgiveness of sins. And this do for my memorial until I come. For whenever you eat from this bread and drink from this cup you commemorate my death until my coming.' All of those who in true faith draw near and receive from them, let them be to that one, Lord, for the pardon of debts and the forgiveness of sins and for the resurrection from the dead. And for new life in the Kingdom of Heaven. And let us offer up glory, and honour, and thanksgiving and worship to you, worshipful Father, and to your Son your glorious offspring, and to your living and Holy and life-giving Spirit, now and always and for ever. [He signs the mysteries, and they answer, Amen] [Then the presbyter repeats in a low voice] And we also, Lord Almighty, God the Father, commemorating this command which was given for our salvation. And for all these things which were done for us, and before all things, we do believe and confess you, God the Father of Truth, and the eternal birth from the Divinity of your only-begotten and who is conjoined with you in consubstantiality. And we are also mindful of his marvellous economy provided on our behalf which was effected through our humanity, the cross, passion, death, burial, and resurrection on the third day, the ascension into heaven, the sitting on the right hand, and his glorious second coming of our Lord Jesus Christ to us, by whom you will judge the dead and the living, when you reward everyone according to their deeds. And we confess the Holy Spirit, the Spirit of truth, who is also from the glorious essence of your divinity, who 30

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proceeds from you, Father, and with you and with your only-begotten Son equally is worshipped and glorified and honoured by all. And we offer to you this sacrifice, living and holy and acceptable and glorious and awful and lofty and unblemished, on behalf of all creatures. And on behalf of the holy APOSTOLIC and CATHOLIC CHURCH, which is from end to end of the earth, that you would preserve it from all violent disturbance and harm from all occasions of stumbling. Yes, Our Lord and God [repeat] preserve it from all violent disturbance and harm from all occasions of stumbling, that it has in it no blemish or spot or wrinkle and not any similar thing. For you have said through your beloved Son our Lord Jesus Christ that the gates of Sheol will not prevail against it. And on behalf of all our FATHERS, the bishops in every place, who proclaim the RIGHT WORD of faith of the TRUTH. And on behalf of all the presbyters who serve before you in faith and in righteousness and in the holiness of truth. And on behalf of all the deacons who hold the mystery of faith in a pure conscience. And on behalf of all chaste and holy estate of your people in this and every place. And on behalf of all those who knowingly and unknowingly have sinned and offended before you. And on behalf of your weak servant [repeat] whom you have accounted worthy by grace to offer this offering before you. And on behalf of all those who by virtue care for your holy Church with deeds of righteousness. And on behalf of all those who pour forth their alms on the poor.* And on behalf of all heads and rulers of this world. And we make petition to you and beseech you to establish in them your fear, and plant your truth in them, and subdue all BARBAROUS PEOPLES. And we pray your divinity, my Lord, that you will cause wars to cease from the ends of the earth and scatter the peoples that desire war, that we may live a quiet and peaceable life in all modesty (sobriety) and awe of God. And on behalf of the fruits of the earth and for temperate climate, that the CROWN OF THE YEAR may be blessed by your goodness. And on behalf of this place and its inhabitants and all those round about. And on behalf of all places and their inhabitants, that you will have mercy and bless and preserve and protect them by your compassion. And on behalf of all who travel by sea and by road. And on behalf of all those who are in distress and in adversity and in persecution and in vexation and in trouble for the sake of your Holy Name. And on behalf of all those in bonds and imprisonment who are afflicted and *

Though the Urmiah text is as shown above, some editors add here 'And for all faithful kings, and for the establishment of their reign.'—ed.

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harassed, and on behalf of all those cast out to distant islands, to continual torments and to grievous oppression, and on behalf of all our faithful brothers who are in captivity. And we ask of you, my Lord, that you would help also those who are tried and tormented by illness and grievous pain. And we supplicate again your compassion, my Lord, on behalf of all our adversaries and those who hate u s , and on behalf of all those who devise evils against us, neither for judgement nor vengeance, Lord God almighty, but for mercy, and salvation, and the forgiveness of sins. Because you desire that all humanity should live and be turned to the knowledge of the truth. For you have commanded us by your beloved Son our Lord Jesus Christ to pray for our adversaries and those who hate is and for all who govern us with unjust force. Qanona: And whatever therefore my Lord we mortal humans have transgressed and sinned, remit and forgive and remove and pardon, you the Gracious one who in your compassion govern all, that in our unanimity with one another we may offer up to you glory and honour and thanksgiving and worship now and at all times and for ever. [he signs himself and they answer; Amen] [he repeats in a low voice] Lord God, Father almighty, we ask from you [repeat] and we kneel and worship before you: bring back the erring; enlighten the blind (ignorant); support the weak; raise up the fallen, strengthen those who stand; and in your mercy provide to everyone both those things which are fitting and necessary. And we ask from you, my Lord, and entreat before you, that you would remember over this offering the fathers and patriarchs and prophets and apostles; and the martyrs and confessors and bishops and teachers and presbyters and deacons, and all the sons of our ministry who have gone from this world, and for all our brotherhood in Christ; and all those who in faith in truth have departed from this world, whose names you know, absolving and forgiving them, whatever they have sinned or transgressed before you, as humans prone to evil and liable to natural passions. And by the prayer and request of all those who have been virtuous before you, turn toward us and have mercy upon us, and upon all your servants and handmaids who stand before your holy altar, and account us worthy to partake of the portion and inheritance which has come to your saints in light. And grant us, my Lord, that in sincerity of love, and in the purity of pure thoughts, we may live before you in this place of our sojourning, possessing a steadfast knowledge of the truth of the faith that is in you, and having communion in your fearful and holy and divine mysteries. And when we stand before the fearful judgment seat of your majesty, let us not be ashamed or guilty. And as in this world you have accounted us worthy of the ministry of your dread and holy and life-giving and divine myster(y)ies, likewise in the world to come account us worthy to partake with uncovered 32

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face in all those good things that neither pass away nor are dissolved. And when you make a completion of all these which we possess as a mirror and in a parable, may we there openly possess the Holy of Holies that is in heaven. We, therefore, my Lord, your lowly, weak and miserable servants [repeat] who were far off from you, and who because of your abundant mercy you have accounted worthy to stand and minister before you this dread and glorious service, and with one accord supplicate your glorious Divinity which renews all creatures. And may there come, my Lord, the grace of the Holy Spirit and may it [she] dwell and rest upon this oblation which we offer before you and may it [she] bless and sanctify it and MAKE this bread and this cup the Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, changing them and sanctifying for us by the activity of the Holy Spirit, so that the partaking of these glorious and holy mysteries may be to all those who receive them, eternal life and resurrection from the dead and the pardon of the body and soul. And for the light of knowledge and for uncovered face towards you: and for eternal salvation which you have promised us through our Lord Jesus Christ, so that we may be united together one with another in harmony to one bond of love and peace. And that we may be one Body and one Spirit, as we are called in one hope of our calling. And let no one eat it or drink it to the condemnation of their body and soul, and let it not be sickness and infirmity on account of their sins, in that one eats from this bread and drinks from this cup unworthily. But rather may we be strengthened and fortified in all those things which are well pleasing to you, that being made worthy with a pure conscience we may have communion in the Body and Blood of Christ. So that when we stand before you at the terrible and glorious judgement, before the throne of your majesty, we may find mercies and compassion and rejoice with all those who from the beginning have been well pleasing to you, in the grace and mercies of your only-begotten, with whom to you, my Lord, be glory and honour and dominion and exaltation with your living and holy and quickening Spirit, now and at all times and for ever, [he signs the mysteries and they answer] Amen.

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(b) MAR THEODORE THE INTERPRETER* The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the love of God the Father, and the fellowship of the Holy Spirit be with us all now and at all times. [And he signs the mysteries] And they reply: Amen. And he continues: Above in the heavenly heights, in the dread places of glory, where the waving of the wings of the Cherubim does not cease, and the alleluias and sweet chanting of the Holies by the Seraphim, there let your minds be. And they reply: To you God of Abraham, Isaac and Israel, glorious King. And he continues: The living and reasonable oblation of our first fruits and the unslain and acceptable sacrifice of the Son of our race, for all the entire creation, is offered to God the Lord of all. And they reply: It is fitting and right. It is fitting my Lord, every day [repeat] and right at all times and worthy every hour to confess your holy Name and worship your lordship in every region and everywhere, God the Father of Truth, the one existing from eternity and your only begotten Son our Lord Jesus Christ and the Holy Spirit for ever. For you are the Lord and Creator of all things visible and invisible, who through your only-begotten Son of God the Logos, who is the light of your glory and the brightness from you and the image of your Being, created and established the heaven and the earth and everything in them. And by the Holy Spirit, the Spirit of Truth, who is from you, Father, all rational natures, both visible and invisible, are strengthened and sanctified, and made worthy to offer up glory to your adorable divinity. For before you, God the Father of Truth and before your only begotten Son our Lord Jesus Christ, and before the Holy Spirit, stand a thousand thousand and myriad myriads of holy angels, who for the enjoyment of their lives, by the instinct of their wills, sanctify your great and holy Name in constant glorification. And my Lord you have made worthy by grace also the sickly race of mortal humanity; with all the companies of heaven, to offer up glory and honour to your lordship, together with those who at all times before the majesty of your holiness joyfully glorify your glorious Trinity which is confessed in three equal and undivided qnome. [Qanona:] ceaselessly crying out and glorifying, and calling one to another and saying: And they answer: Holy, holy, holy[ is the] Powerful Lord God whose glories heaven and earth are full and of the nature of his Being and the excellency of his glorious splendour. Hosanna in the highest, Hosanna to the Son of David. Blessed is he who came and comes in the Name of the Lord. Hosanna in the highest. [And he says this ghanta in a soft voice:] Truly O Lord. [Repeat]. You are Holy and you are glorious for ever and ever. *

For a key to the typefaces used, please see page 8 above.

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You are holy, God the Father of truth and holy also is your only-begotten Son, our Lord Jesus Christ. And holy in truth also is the Holy Spirit, the Divine nature which is uncreated, the maker of all things, who in his nature from before time in truth is holy. And holy is his Name and holy is his tabernacle and he hallows in truth all those who are made worthy to receive the gift of his grace. And we offer up glory and honour and thanksgiving and worship to the Father and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit, now and all times and for ever. Amen We worship you, O my Lord [repeat] and we confess you and glorify you, for the sake of all your graces towards us. For you have made us from nothing and have made us worthy of the great honour of freedom and intelligence. And from eternity and in every hour you are concerned for the support of our lives. And before your great and venerable Name we kneel and worship, and with us also all the companies of h e a v e n glorify and confess your unspeakable grace. For us humans, and because of our salvation, the only-begotten God the Logos who being in the likeness of God, it was not robbery that he regarded this, that he is the equal of God; but he emptied himself and took the form of a servant, when he descended from heaven and put on our humanity, a mortal body and a reasonable, intelligent and immortal soul, from the Virgin Mary by the power of the Holy Spirit. And through them he completed and perfected all this great and marvellous economy which had been prepared in your foreknowledge from before the foundations of the world. And you have completed it now in the last times, through your Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, in whom dwells all the fulness of Divinity bodily. And he is the head of the Church and the Firstborn from among the dead. And he is the fulfilment of all, and everything is fulfiled through him, he who in the spirit of eternity offered himself to God without spot, and has sanctified us by the oblation of his body once, and made peace by the blood of his cross, through him to the things in heaven and things on earth. He who was delivered on account of our sins and rose on account that he might justify us. W h o with his holy apostles on that night in which he was betrayed, he performed this great and holy and divine mystery taking the bread in his holy hands. And he blessed and broke and gave to his disciples and said: 'This is my body which is broken for the life of the world for the forgiveness of sins.' And likewise also over the cup he gave thanks and gave it them and said: 'This is my blood of the new covenant which is shed for many for the remission of sins. Take therefore all of you. Eat from this bread and drink from this cup. And perform thiswhenever you gather together for my memorial." And as we have been commanded, we are gathered together, even we your lowly, weak and miserable servants, that from the freedom of your grace we perform this great and dread and holy and divine mystery, in which great salvation was realized for all the human race, offering up glory and honour

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and thanksgiving and worship to the Father and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit now and at all times and for ever. [He signs the mysteries and they answer] Amen. [The presbyter repeats in a low voice] We worship you, Lord [repeat] and confess you and glorify you that although we are unworthy because of our sins, you have brought us near to you on account of your many mercies and you have renewed and sanctified us by the grace of the Holy Spirit. And you have made us worthy to minister before you this dread and divine service for the salvation of our lives. We confess before you with great thanksgiving for the great salvation which is for all, through your beloved Son our Lord Jesus Christ. And we offer before your glorious Trinity with a contrite heart and humble spirit, this living and holy and acceptable sacrifice, the mystery of the Lamb of God who takes away the sins of the world. We beseech you and desire from you, that your adorable Divinity, my Lord, may be well pleased and in your mercifulness this pure and holy offering may be accepted in which you were well pleased and reconciled for the sake of the sins of the world. And now also O Lord [repeat], behold this offering is offered before your great and dread Name, on behalf of all your Catholic Church that your tranquillity and your peace may dwell in it all the days of the world. Yes, our Lord and our God [repeat] cause your tranquillity and peace to dwell in it all the days of the world. And let persecutions and tumults and strifes and schisms and divisions be removed from it; and let us all adhere to one another in unanimity, with a pure heart and with perfect love. And on behalf of all our fathers the bishops and PERIODEUTAE; AND PRESBYTERS AND DEACONS who are in this ministry of the truth that they may stand and minister before you in PURITY, and worthily and HOLILY, and may be pleasing to your will. So that they may be counted worthy to receive from you good and eminent places at the appearance of our Lord Jesus Christ. And on behalf of all the children of the holy Catholic Chuch here and in every place that they may grow in the worship of your lordship in faith in truth and in good and virtuous works, for the salvation of their lives. And on behalf of your sinful and offending servant that by your grace, my Lord, you will pardon my sins and remove my offences which, wittingly and unwittingly, I have sinned and offended before you. And on behalf of all those for whom this oblation is offered; that they may acquire mercy and favour before you and live. And on behalf of the fruits of the earth and for temperate climate that the crown of the year may be blessed by your grace, [repeat three times] And on behalf of the entire human race, those who are in sin and in error, that by your grace, my Lord, you will count them worthy of the knowledge of the truth and the worship of your lordship, that they may know you, that you alone are God the Father of Truth; the good who wills that all 111 h u m a n i t y live and be drawn to the knowledge of the truth. And know that you are the 36

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Lord from everlasting and from eternity, the divine uncreated substance, maker of all things, Father and Son and Holy Spirit. Who for us humans and for our salvation the Son of God, God the Logos put on complete humanity, our Lord Jesus Christ, and was perfected and was declared righteous in the power of God and the Holy Spirit, and he is the mediator of God and humanity, and the giver of everlasting life to all those who are brought near to God the Father through him. To him be all glory and blessing for ever and ever. Amen. Yes, our Lord and our God [repeat] receive from us by your grace this sacrifice of praise which is the reasonable fruit of our lips that it may be a good memorial before you for the righteous of old, the holy prophets, and the blessed apostles, and the martyrs and confessors, and bishops and teachers, and presbyters and deacons, and all the children of your holy Catholic Church, who in faith in truth departed from this world [here he signs himself and strikes his face with his hand] that in your grace, my Lord, you will pardon all their sins and offences which in this world in a mortal body and immutable soul, they sinned and offended before you. For there is no human who has no sin and is not in need of the mercy and pity that is from you. [repeat]. And we beseech you and desire from you, my Lord, and we worship you and entreat you, that your adorable divinity and pitifulness may be well pleased, my Lord. And may there come the grace of the Holy Spirit upon us and upon this oblation and rest and reside upon this bread and upon this cup. And may it [she] bless and hallow and seal them in the Name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit. And by the power of your Name may this bread become the holy body of our Lord Jesus Christ. And this cup the precious blood of our Lord Jesus Christ. And all who in true faith eat from this bread, and drink from this cup, may they be for them, my Lord, for the pardon of debts and the forgiveness of sins, and a great hope of the resurrection of the dead, and salvation of body and soul, and new life in the kingdom of heaven and glory for ever and ever. And make us all worthy by the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ that with all those who have been well pleasing to your will and have been guided by your commandments, we may rejoice in the kingdom of heaven, in the good things that are prepared and will not pass away. Here and there may we all together and equally, confess and worship and glorify the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit now and ever and ever, [and he signs the mysteries and they say] Amen.

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Appendix: Bibliography of Studies on Nestorius and Theodore Primary Studies and Critical Text: Sebastien Naduthadam, L'Anaphore de Mar Nestorius. Edition Critique et Etude, Doctoral Thesis, Institut Catholique de Paris 1992. Jacob Vadakkel, The East Syrian Anaphora of Mar Theodore of Mopsuestia. Critical Edition, English Translation and Study (Kottayam, 1989). Studies, articles and sections of books: Anton Baumstark, 'Die Chrysostomosliturgie und die syrische Liturgie des Nestorios', in Chrysostomika (Rome, 1908). —, Comparative Liturgy (London, 1958). Louis Bouyer, Eucharist (University of Notre Dame, 1968), pp 304-310; 342-350. B Botte, 'Les anaphores syriennes orientales', in Eucharisties d'orient et d'Occident, vol 2 (Paris 1970), pp 7-24. — , 'L'épiclese dans les liturgies syriennes orientales', Sacris Erudiri 6 (1954) pp 48-72. F E Brightman, 'The Anaphora of Theodore', Journal of Theological Studies 31(1930), pp.160-164. Anthony Gelston, The Eucharistie Prayer of Addai and Mari, (Oxford, 1992). —, 'Theodore of Mopsuestia: the Anaphora and Mystagogical Catechesis 16/ in Studia Patrística 26 (1993), 21-34. —, 'The Relationship of the anphoras of Theodore and Nestorius to that of Addai and Mari' in Tuvaik, Studies in Honour of Rev. Jacob Vellian, Syrian Churches Series XVI, ed. George Karukaparampil (Manganam, Kottayam, 1995), 20-26. —, 'The Origin of the Anaphora of Nestorius: Greek or Syriac?' in Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester 78 (1996), 73-86. —, T h e Intercessions in the East Syrian Anaphoras of Theodore and Nestorius' in Studia Patrística 30 (1997), pp 306-313. Bayard H Jones, T h e History of the Nestorian Liturgy' in Anglican Theological Review 46 (1964), 155-76. —, 'The Sources of the Nestorian Liturgy' in Anglican Theological Review 46 (1964), pp 414-425. —, 'The Formation of the Nestorian Liturgy' in Anglican Theological Review 46 (1966), pp 276-306. W F Ma comber, 'An Anaphora Prayer composed by Theodore of Mopsuestia' in Parole d'Orient 6-7 (1975/6) pp 341-347. Bryan D. Spinks, Addai and Mari—The Anaphora of the Apostles: A Text for Students (Grove Liturgical Study 24, Bramcote, 1980). —,The Sanctus in the Eucharistie Prayer (Cambridge, 1991). 38

APPENDIX:

BIBLIOGRAPHY

OF

STUDIES

—, Worship: Prayers from the East (The Pastoral Press, Washington, 1993). (This contains reprints of articles, some revised, on Nestorius and Theodore, and Addai and Mari). —, 'The A n a p h o r a of Nestorius: Antiochene Lex Credendi through Constantinopolitan Lex Orandi?' in Orientalia Christiana Periodica 62(1996), pp 273-294. G Wagner, Der Ursprung der Chrysostomusliturgie, LQF vol 57, (Munster, 1973). Douglas Webb, 'The Anaphora of Theodore the Interpreter' in Ephemerides Liturgicae 104 (1990), pp 3-22. —, 'Le Sens de L'Anaphore de Nestorius', in La Liturgie: son sens, son esprit, sa methode, Conferences saint-serge XXVIII Semaine d'Etudes Liturgiques Paris 1981 (CLV, Rome, 1982), 349-372. P Yousif, 'The Anaphora of Mar Theodore: East Syrian; further evidence' in Studia Anselmiana 110, Analecta Liturgica 17 (1993), pp 571-591.

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