Making Music at the Bottom of the World in Southland, Aotearoa/New Zealand [1 ed.] 1527545210, 9781527545212

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Making Music at the Bottom of the World in Southland, Aotearoa/New Zealand

Making Music at the Bottom of the World in Southland, Aotearoa/New Zealand Edited by

Sally Bodkin-Allen

Making Music at the Bottom of the World in Southland, Aotearoa/New Zealand Edited by Sally Bodkin-Allen This book first published 2020 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2020 by Sally Bodkin-Allen and contributors All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-5275-4521-0 ISBN (13): 978-1-5275-4521-2

Thank you to my husband Dene, and my children Nick, Finn, Ruby, Meadow and Will, all part of the musical landscape in Invercargill, Aotearoa. This book acknowledges you, and all of the musicians like you. Thank you for making my life the noisy, busy, chaos that it is!

TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Tables ............................................................................................. ix List of Figures............................................................................................ xi Acknowledgements ................................................................................. xiii Chapter One ................................................................................................ 1 Introduction Sally Bodkin-Allen Chapter Two ............................................................................................... 7 Invercargill’s Orchestral Sounds: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives Henry Johnson Chapter Three ........................................................................................... 25 Kapa Haka in Murihiku: Ahakoa He Iti, He Pounamu Debbie Ruwhiu Chapter Four ............................................................................................. 45 Polyfest Sounding Out the Deep South Jared Mackley-Crump Chapter Five ............................................................................................. 67 The Southland Musicians’ Club: A Commentary Chris Chilton Chapter Six ............................................................................................... 81 A Thousand More Times: Reaching Out in Invercargill Susan West Chapter Seven......................................................................................... 103 Left or Right and Independent Musical Practice in the “Deep South”: Succeeding on the Margins? Mike Holland

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Chapter Eight .......................................................................................... 121 What the Folk Do We Know? Brad MacClure Chapter Nine........................................................................................... 139 The Sound of the “Invercargill March”: Young People and Brass Bands in Southland Sally Bodkin-Allen Contributors ............................................................................................ 159

LIST OF TABLES

Table 2-1: New Zealand’s Main Orchestras ............................................. 10 Table 2-2: Invercargill Symphonia Activities Summary 2015-2016 ........ 17 Table 5-1: Kapa Haka Timeline 1900-2010 ............................................. 32

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 6-1: Thoughts about singing prior to an outreach ......................... 99 Figure 6-2: Thoughts about singing after an outreach .............................. 99 Figure 8-1. The bush band of the Foveaux Folk Club ............................ 127

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to acknowledge the support of the Southern Institute of Technology (SIT) for this book. Thank you also to my colleagues in the Academic Support Office, and School of Music at SIT for all of their encouragement and support. Thank you also to Jo Whittle, I don’t think this book would have happened without her support at its outset. Thank you to all of the reviewers who have read and commented on the various chapters: Maddy Parkins-Craig, Peggy Fairbairn-Dunlop, Aiono Manu Faaea-Semeatu, Aaron Fox, Robert Legg, Georgia Pike, Jane Southcott, Linda Webb, Susan West, and Jeff Wragg. Your time and input is much appreciated.

CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION SALLY BODKIN-ALLEN

On March 20, 2013 I was sitting in the Civic Theatre in Invercargill watching the Southland Entertainment Awards for the first time. As the night wore on I grew more and more in awe of the community I lived in. Over the course of two and half hours an incredibly diverse range of musicians appeared on the stage: brass bands, pipe bands, musical theatre performers, covers band musicians, singer songwriters, professionals and amateurs. It was a true celebration of musicking, 1 with performers, managers, supporters, families, communities all being acknowledged. I had never imagined that there could be an event like this that brought together so many musicians from the local community to celebrate the multifariousness of the musical landscape in Southland. This book is inspired by that experience. It acknowledges and celebrates the diversity of music in Invercargill, Southland, New Zealand’s southernmost city. A city known for its wide, open streets, cheese rolls, friendly people and for (infamously) being referred to as “the arsehole of the world” by Mick Jagger or Keith Richards when the Rolling Stones visited in 1965. Like so many people who live in Invercargill, I am a born and bred Southlander. I left the city at 17 for university, (as many of its young people did and still do), never thinking I would be back to live permanently; yet somehow, something pulled me back. I returned to the city in my 30s with a young family, and now could not imagine living anywhere else. Some of the contributors to Making Music at the Bottom of the World in Southland Aotearoa/New Zealand are similarly linked to Invercargill. Like myself, Debbie Ruwhiu, Brad MacClure, and Chris Chilton were all born 1 Christopher Small, Musicking: The Meanings of Performing and Listening (Hanover: Wesleyan University Press, 1998).

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here. Australian Susan West now counts Invercargill as her second home. Michael Holland has spent extended periods of time in Invercargill, with local group Left or Right, the band he writes about here, and also as a tutor for the Southern Institute of Technology Audio Production School in 2016. Other contributors Henry Johnson and Jared Mackley-Crump are not local to Southland, but rather provide an outsider’s view with their chapters. Very little has been published about the music scene in Invercargill or indeed individual musical scenes in New Zealand. One signficant exception is Neil McKelvie’s 45 South in Concert,2 published in 2006. It provides a categorised and pictorial account of both covers and originals bands in Invercargill, and is an important record of this aspect of Southland’s music history. Another book worthy of mention here is Dunedin Soundings,3 a collection of chapters by staff at the University of Otago. Dunedin Soundings brings together perspectives from composers, producers, and musicians, linked by their location of Dunedin. It provides accounts of music that is written, performed and produced in this location, with a focus on creative practice. The emphasis of Making Music at the Bottom of the World in Southland Aotearoa/New Zealand is on the musicking activities within the city and the people who engage in them. Making Music at the Bottom of the World in Southland Aotearoa/New Zealand brings together a number of perspectives on various parts of the musical landscape of Invercargill. Henry Johnson’s chapter on the Invercargill Symphonia provides an historical background to the orchestra, as well as examining how this group of musicians functions in the present day. Johnson uncovers the ways this amateur orchestra contributes to the musical life of Invercargill and notes that it is important for the cultural vibrancy of the city. Debbie Ruwhiu’s chapter on the development of kapa haka in Murihiku (Southland) gives insight into a previously unexplored aspect of the music scene in Invercargill. Participants’ narratives are interwoven throughout, and Ruwhiu pays tribute to the people who have been integral to kapa haka here. Jared Mackley-Crump focuses on Murihiku Polyfest, a festival which has been a part of the Southland landscape since 2009. This chapter looks at the development and growth of the festival since its beginning, and analyses local media reporting of the event to show the ways Murihiku Polyfest displays Southland’s growing multiculturalism. 2 Neil McKelvie, 45 South in Concert (Invercargill: Southland Musicians’ Club, 2006). 3 Dan Bendrups and Graeme Downes, eds. Dunedin Soundings (Dunedin: Otago University Press, 2011)

Introduction

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Chris Chilton is no stranger to the Invercargill music scene and his commentary on the Southland Musicians’ Club outlines the history and development of this iconic Southland institution. This chapter shows the ways that the Club has supported and encouraged music in Invercargill, highlighting the importance of music performance venues to local scenes. Outreach singing is relatively new to the music scene in Southland, and Susan West’s chapter outlines the growth of this form of altruistic music making in the south. West suggests that in Aotearoa in general, and Invercargill in particular, the community has been quick to respond to the concept of outreach singing, and has done so with genuine warmth and enthusiasm. Mike Holland’s contribution to Making Music at the Bottom of the World in Southland Aotearoa/New Zealand focuses on the band Left or Right, and their musical roots in Invercargill. Holland argues that the lack of a singular, strong originals scene or “sound” in Invercargill may have contributed to the group’s own diverse and multi-stylistic sound. Brad MacClure, another stalwart of the Southland music scene, as well as a graduate of the Southern Institute of Technology’s contemporary music degree, examines the folk scene in his chapter. He sheds light on a part of the musical landscape that may not be particularly well known to many readers, celebrating the stories and characters of this local subculture. The book ends with my chapter on the youth of the Ascot Park Hotel Auxiliary Brass Band in Invercargill. This chapter shows the ways music is embedded in the lives of these young brass band musicians in Southland, highlighting the value and intricacies of community music making. What is covered here is by no means a definitive account of Invercargill’s musical landscape. There are many, many more groups active in the local community which have not been included in this collection. The pipe band community in Invercargill is a well-established and long running group. Country and western music is another dominant scene not reflected here. Likewise, the Invercargill Musical Theatre has a strong role in the local community. There are community choirs, ukulele groups, singer songwriters, and metal, blues and jazz scenes, along with several other groups and styles. It is my hope that in the future others will take up the mantle and continue to explore the musicking that occurs at the bottom of Aotearoa. One of the aims of Making Music at the Bottom of the World in Southland Aotearoa/New Zealand has been to create a text that has academic rigour along with popular appeal. This is a difficult task. All of the chapters have been through a double peer review process, and I would like to thank and acknowledge the work of the many reviewers who have contributed to this

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book. Some of the contributors of chapters are experienced academic writers, while others are venturing into publication for the first time, or come from other fields such as journalism. One of the strengths of this book is that it brings together these different voices and styles. What comes through most clearly in this collection is the way the musicking of Invercargill musicians is interwoven. Individuals play across many different groups and genres, different groups come together to perform alongside each at public events such as the Santa Parade, and the Christmas in the Stadium concert, or to perform together at the biennial Proms concert. The Invercargill musical community does not appear to have many musical silos. Rather, there are multiple connections running through local schools, the Southern Institute of Technology, Out of School Music Classes, the Southland Musicians’ Club, and many other groups. This book is important for many reasons. The music scene in Invercargill is unique, being situated in one of the few regions to have a licensing trust which has a direct influence on so many facets of local musical life here. At the same time Invercargill will have commonalities with communities in other locations around Aotearoa. Making Music at the Bottom of the World in Southland Aotearoa/New Zealand provides insight into the musicking in one small city. It highlights the “wide and diverse range of cultural traditions, musical genres and practices which reflect and enrich the lives of participants and their broader communities.”4 It adds to the body of knowledge about musical practices in communities, illuminating themes of identity, place, connection and embeddedness. Bartlett et al. have identified three significant elements of community music making in case studies of community music in Australia and New Zealand: place making, social inclusion, and inspired and inspiring individuals.5 These elements resonate here in the accounts of Invercargill’s musical landscape. Perhaps what stands out the most, is the inspired and inspiring individuals who have contributed, and who continue to contribute, to the musical landscape of Invercargill, Aotearoa. This book celebrates them and their musicking. He aha te mea nui o te ao. He tƗngata, he tƗngata, he tƗngata What is the most important thing in the world? It is people, it is people, it is people. 4

Brydie-Leigh Bartleet et al., “Community Music in Australia and New Zealand Aotearoa,” in Community Music Today, eds. Kari Veblen, et al. (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2013), 80. 5 Bartlett et al. “Community Music,” 81.

Introduction

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References Bartleet, Brydie-Leigh, Shelley Brunt, Anja Tait and Catherine Threlfall. “Community Music in Australia and New Zealand Aotearoa.” In Community Music Today, edited by Kari Veblen, Stephen Messenger, Marissa Silverman and David Elliott, 79-97. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2013. Bendrups, Dan, and Graeme Downes, eds. Dunedin Soundings: Place and Performance. Dunedin, Otago University Press, 2011. McKelvie, Neil. 45 South in Concert. Invercargill: Southland Musicians’ Club, 2006. Small, Christopher. Musicking: The Meanings of Performing and Listening. Hanover: Wesleyan University Press, 1998.

CHAPTER TWO INVERCARGILL’S ORCHESTRAL SOUNDS: HISTORICAL AND CONTEMPORARY PERSPECTIVES HENRY JOHNSON

Introduction The orchestral sounds of western classical music are a meeting point of different instrument types, leadership skills, and audience reception. As an ensemble occupying a cultural sphere that produces an event that for many is considered a phenomenon and spectacle of creative practice in western classical music, the orchestra offers a fascinating site for the study and interpretation of social and cultural processes. With its roots firmly grounded in the cultural sphere of a bygone age, the orchestra in its contemporary guise has a role that attempts to meet the needs of an audience with a diverse musical palate. It reproduces music that is primarily of western origin; it plays contemporary music written in a range of pastiche or modern styles; and it has a place amongst musicians and audiences alike as a confluence of tradition, identity, and expression. This chapter has two main objectives. First, it will offer an historical perspective on orchestral music making in Invercargill. Second, it will analyze the place of such an ensemble in the present day at the southern end of the South Island of Aotearoa New Zealand. The approach taken in this research combines historical and interview methods. As well as documenting some of the significant moments in Invercargill’s history of orchestral music making, key informants have been interviewed with the aim of offering qualitative data that helps outline the place of orchestral musicking through personal memories, histories, and current practices. Through such approaches, the chapter offers a perspective of how orchestral

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music making has had an influence on the musical life of Invercargill both historically and in the present day. The Invercargill Symphonia is an amateur community orchestra named after its ensemble character and location in Aotearoa New Zealand’s southernmost city. With a history of active classical music appreciation and music making since the early days of European settlement in the mid nineteenth century, Invercargill nowadays has one main amateur orchestra that occupies a cultural sphere of significance in terms of its contribution to the musical sustainability of classical music in the city. Locations such as Invercargill are important sites for the study of such music making, especially because they occupy a space that is not only on the geographical periphery of the nation (at the southern end of the South Island), but also with regard to the size of its population, which is just over 50,000 and the tenth largest urban centre in New Zealand. 1 In this context, and drawing on historical and interview data, this chapter offers an historical perspective on orchestral music making in Invercargill, as well as a study of contemporary practices with a particular focus on the history and existence of the Invercargill Symphonia. The account is not intended as a biography of players, conductors, or committee members, but, rather, provides a perspective on the institutional raison d'être of the orchestra in the modern day. As one of the nation's “many voices”2 and a type of micromusic3 that is seldom given the detailed scholarly attention it truly deserves, the Invercargill Symphonia offers a rich source for the study of “musicking”4 in a range of cultural spheres. As Bryant notes, Invercargill is particularly affected by its geographic isolation in terms of influences as well as a lack

1

Statistics New Zealand, “2013 Census Usually Resident Population Counts,” accessed October 7, 2016, http://www.stats.govt.nz/browse_for_stats/population/census_counts/2013Census UsuallyResidentPopulationCounts_HOTP2013Census/Commentary.aspx; Statistics New Zealand, “2013 Census QuickStats About a Place,” accessed May 24, 2016, http://www.stats.govt.nz/Census/2013-census/profile-and-summary-reports/ quickstats-about-a-place.aspx?request_value=15112&tabname=. 2 Henry Johnson, ed., Many Voices: Music and National Identity in Aotearoa/New Zealand (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2010). 3 Mark Slobin, Subcultural Sounds: Micromusics of the West (Hanover: University Press of New England, 1993). 4 Christopher Small, Musicking: The Meanings of Performing and Listening (Hanover: Wesleyan University Press, 1998).

Invercargill’s Orchestral Sounds

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of musical linkages between orchestras.5 While this is true to a certain extent, as shown in this chapter, the Invercargill Symphonia does have some established links with other orchestras and is active in its own right as a local amateur community orchestra that has generated its own social and cultural capital. There are many ways to define community music-making, but, as Veblen comments, “community music is always shaped and defined by particular social settings”.6 In this context, the Invercargill Symphonia is a site of local and community importance in the ways it contributes to the musical well-being of Invercargill through its own sphere of orchestral music making. Scholarly research on orchestras in New Zealand includes several case studies of locations,7 specific orchestras,8 and some key general studies of music across the nation.9 The approaches taken in this chapter use pertinent literature and archival sources (e.g., minute books and correspondence), as well as knowledge gained through in-depth semi-structured interviews with key informants (e.g., current or former players). Each of the five interviews was carried out based on a semi-structured approach and with approval from the University of Otago Ethics Committee. Such an approach has allowed me to offer a study of the background of orchestral music making in Invercargill as well as the current practices of the Invercargill Symphonia. Unless shown otherwise, information is sourced from the interviews, which have remained anonymous. I draw also from research in the field of ethnomusicology, especially when looking at the social and cultural processes involved in orchestral music making.10 5

Michelle M. Bryant, “From Printed Score to Performance: Access and Collaboration in the New Zealand Orchestral Community” (Master of Library and Information Studies, Victoria University of Wellington, 2008), 33. 6 Kari K. Veblen, “The Many Ways of Community Music,” International Journal of Community Music 1, no. 1 (2008): 6. 7 For example, Philip Jane, “An Historical Survey of the Establishment of an Orchestral Tradition in Christchurch to 1939” (PhD diss., University of Canterbury, 2009); David Murray, “Raffaello Squarise (1856–1945): The Colonial Career of an Italian Maestro” (PhD diss., University of Otago, 2005). 8 For example, Joy Tonks, The New Zealand Symphony Orchestra: The First Forty Years (Auckland: Reed Methuen, 1986); Joy Tonks, Bravo!: The NZSO at 50 (Auckland: Exisle, 1996). 9 For example, Bryant, “From Printed Score to Performance;” John Mansfield Thomson, The Oxford History of New Zealand Music (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991). 10 For example, Marcia Herndon, “Cultural Engagement: The Case of the Oakland Symphony Orchestra,” Yearbook for Traditional Music 20 (1988): 134–145.

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Soon after migration from Britain to New Zealand had begun, New Zealand’s various centres began to create organizations that reflected similar ones to those back home. For example, the first Philharmonic Society was established in Wellington in 1848, with similar ones being founded soon after in many locations, and with Invercargill’s formed in 1864.11 In the years that followed there were also exhibition orchestras, film orchestras, radio orchestras, a centennial orchestra, various local orchestras, and, by 1946, a National Orchestra.12 Bryant has identified New Zealand’s main professional and amateur orchestras, which I have modified in Table 1 (there are a number of other groups found in various educational and amateur settings, but the ones listed stand out in terms of their visibility in specific locations).13 Table 2-1: New Zealand’s Main Orchestras Orchestras New Zealand Symphony Orchestra Auckland Philharmonia Orchestra Christchurch Symphony Orchestra Dunedin Symphony Orchestra Vector Wellington Orchestra

Amateur/Community Orchestras Auckland Symphony Orchestra Canterbury Philharmonia Orchestra Central Otago Regional Orchestra Greenhill Ensemble Hawke’s Bay Orchestra Invercargill Symphonia Manukau City Symphony Orchestra Manawatu Sinfonia Trust Waikato Symphony Orchestra Wellington Chamber Orchestra

While a number of these orchestras are outlined by Walls, 14 a detailed description of the amateur orchestras that have existed in Invercargill is absent, presumably because of the size of the city, its geographic location, and its smaller orchestral activities when compared to larger New Zealand centres such as Auckland, Wellington, or Christchurch. 15 Drawing on a

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Peter Walls, “Orchestras – Nineteenth-century Orchestras. Te Ara - the Encyclopedia of New Zealand, updated 22-Oct-14, accessed October 19, 2016, http://www.TeAra.govt.nz/en/orchestras/. 12 Walls, “Orchestras.” 13 Bryant, “From Printed Score to Performance,” 22. 14 Walls, “Orchestras.” 15 Douglas R. Harvey, A Bibliography of Writings About New Zealand Music Published to the End of 1983 (Wellington: Victoria University Press, 1985); The Queen Elizabeth II Arts Council of New Zealand, “Report on Orchestral Development

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range of texts on the history of Invercargill, I have brought together herein information about active community orchestral music making in Invercargill, which has had a long presence with a range of ensembles and activities.

Invercargill's Orchestras in Historical Perspective Reflecting early Scottish and English influences, music ensembles such as the Caledonian Pipe Band of Invercargill was established in 1896 (known at the time as Southland Pipe Band), and the Invercargill Garrison Band was established in 1878 (having had several name changes and now known as the Ascot Park Hotel Brass Band).16 Other music ensembles included the Southland Choral Society, which was established in 1865, the Invercargill Garrison Band, which was established in 1867, and the Invercargill Orchestral Union, which was established in 1890. The late nineteenth century and early twentieth century witnessed an active orchestral community in Invercargill. The Invercargill Orchestral Union was the city’s main classical music orchestra,17 and by the beginning of the twentieth century, the Invercargill Musical Union was formed as a result of combining the Invercargill Choral Union with the Invercargill Orchestral Union.18 The Invercargill Orchestral Society formed the city’s orchestral hub in the second decade of the twentieth century, having been established in 1910. It was especially active during the period of the First World War and performed often in the Victoria Hall. Such was the participation in choral and orchestral activities early in the twentieth century, as part of an effort to raise funds for the First World War with “proceeds in aid of wounded soldiers’ fund”,19 a Coronation Choir and Orchestra was formed in 1915 with over 300 singers and instrumentalists, which was a collaboration with the Invercargill Orchestral Society. The event, which was held at the King’s Hall, had the following programme, which had a distinct theme connecting with the Allies and occupied nations of the First World War:

in New Zealand (Wellington: The Queen Elizabeth II Arts Council of New Zealand, 1973); Thomson, The Oxford History of New Zealand Music. 16 Murray, “Raffaello Squarise,” 86. 17 The Southland Times, September 25, 1890, 2. 18 Cyclopedia of New Zealand, “Otago & Southland Provincial Districts” (Christchurch: Cyclopedia Company Limited, [1905] 2015). 19 The Southland Times, October 11, 1915, 6.

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1. War March of the Priests. 2. “Let the Hills Resound with Song.” 3. Imperial March (Elgar). 4. Belgian National Anthem. 5. Russian National Anthem. 6. French National Anthem. 7. Rule Britannia. 8. God Save the King.20 Having already gone through a name change, in 1920 The Southland Times reported that the Invercargill Orchestral Society was proposing that it become known as the Municipal Orchestra and receive local Council support.21 W. J. Ferguson, the conductor of the Invercargill Orchestral Society, was interviewed by media at the time, when the teachers, number, and qualifications of some of the players were noted: At present the string department included a pupil of Mr R. A. Edwards, also one of Signor Squarise’s22. . . . In the string portion there were nine first violins and twelve second violins, quite a good balance for an orchestra of 38. Among the first violins there were, three who hold the Professional Diploma Licentiate of the Royal Academy and Royal College of Music; two who hold the practical of the L.T.C.L. of Trinity College; one holding the practical certificate A.T.C.L., Trinity College, practical portion of L.T.C.L, Trinity College; one holding the practical portion of A.T.C.L., Trinity College-all professional diplomas.23

While the history of the Invercargill Symphonia is outlined in the next main section of this chapter, as a way of helping to show the range of orchestral opportunities for Invercargill musicians, a brief background of some current key orchestras in the lower South Island is now discussed. There are very few orchestral performance opportunities in Invercargill apart from playing in the Invercargill Symphonia. As a community orchestra, the Invercargill Symphonia provides a hub for amateur orchestral playing for those suitably skilled in this field of classical music performance. In this part of New Zealand, the Invercargill Symphonia is the city’s de facto orchestra, and in Dunedin, which is the closest city to Invercargill, there is one main orchestra (Dunedin Symphony Orchestra) and several smaller amateur groups. In 20

The Southland Times, October 11, 1915, 6. The Southland Times, March 11, 1920; The Southland Times, April 17, 1920. 22 An influential conductor and violinist based in Dunedin: Murray, “Raffaello Squarise.” 23 The Southland Times, April 19, 2012. 21

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Central Otago, there is the Central Otago Regional Orchestra in Alexandra, which also has a Central Otago Regional Training Orchestra as part of its local activities for younger players. Orchestral playing does take place in Invercargill in the school context, where some smaller groups are in constant annual change depending on the availability of suitably skilled and interested students. One high school in Invercargill, James Hargest College, is particularly active with its classical music ensemble opportunities with smaller groups and an annual production that requires musical accompaniment. For example, James Hargest College has “a diverse range of musical opportunities in Orchestral, Choral, Contemporary and Theatrical Performances,” and “three annual multi levelled productions give huge numbers of students the opportunity to perform on stage in popular musicals, the most recent of which was Oliver. Every year we have our own orchestra providing the music.”24 On an occasional basis, occasional orchestral groups are formed in Invercargill. For example, the A Capella Singers has held some performances that have required a chamber orchestra, such as its performance of SaintSaen’s Christmas Oratorio in 2014 that was held at the First Presbyterian Church auditorium on Tay Street.25 However, for such events, it is usually Invercargill Symphonia players who are asked to help form such ensembles. This type of cultural activity shows how the Invercargill Symphonia functions as a core base for orchestral performance from which Invercargill Symphonia players branch out for occasional performances that themselves help contribute to the city’s creative climate. The mobility of players within the city to help on such occasions reflects the limited number of orchestral performers in this limited size city on the one hand, and utilizes the cultural capital of classical performance in the city on the other. More widely, and reflecting the mobility of performers, some Invercargill orchestral players may join a youth orchestra, such as the South Island Youth Orchestra or the National Youth Orchestra, the latter of which has been organized by the New Zealand Symphony Orchestra since its origins in 1959. Other youth opportunities for Invercargill-based orchestral players have included the Southland Youth Orchestra (currently obsolete) and within some school settings, such as at James Hargest College as noted above. Further, younger players (to the end of Year 8) are able to participate 24 James Hargest College, “Music,” accessed May 20, 2016, http://www.jameshargest.school.nz/pages/music/. 25 Invercargill Symphonia, “Timeline,” Facebook, December 1, 2014, accessed May 21, 2016, https://www.facebook.com/InvercargillSymphonia/timeline.

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in ensembles, including orchestras, within the Out of School music programme.26 One other orchestral activity in Invercargill is the Invercargill Orphans’ Club Orchestra, which is a very small amateur chamber group.27 Such various types of orchestral opportunities (locally, regionally, and nationally) is evident in the career of one double-bass player from Winton in Southland. This player received orchestral playing experience at the Central Southland College, Southland Youth Orchestra, Invercargill Symphonia, and is now a member of the New Zealand Symphony Orchestra.28 Another regional opportunity is the Dunedin Symphony Orchestra (formerly Southern Sinfonia), with which one member of the Invercargill Symphonia is currently a performer (discussed later).

The Invercargill Symphonia While the Invercargill Symphonia dates in name from 1974, it has roots in “other local amateur orchestras”.29 During interviews for this chapter, some players mentioned that they had a general understanding that the Invercargill Symphonia was formed in the early 1970s, but they couldn’t be more exact. There was also a general assumption that other orchestral groups merged around the same time to help form the Invercargill Symphonia. Indeed, knowledge of groups prior to 1974 amongst most Invercargill Symphonia members is almost non-existent, although a few long-serving players who were interviewed could recall some earlier orchestras.

26

Out of School Music, accessed October 19, 2016, http://www.osmc.co.nz/. Kindred Clubs, “Club history,” accessed May 1, 2018, http://www.kindredclubsnz.com/229659012. 28 Thomas Brown, “Value of School Music Tuition Demonstrated,” The Southland Times, April 3, 1997, 6. While not an Invercargill-based orchestra, the New Zealand Symphony Orchestra (NZSO) is the country’s main professional orchestra and receives state funding through the Ministry for Culture and Heritage. As part of its annual performance activities, the NZSO tours New Zealand, and in 2016, for example, it visited 12 centres around the country and included one performance in Invercargill at the Civic Theatre: New Zealand Symphony Orchestra, “Season 2016” (Wellington: New Zealand Symphony Orchestra, 2016). 29 Charitable Services, “Invercargill Symphonia Incorporated,” accessed October 9, 2016, https://www.register.charities.govt.nz/CharitiesRegister/ViewCharity?accountId=8 908c0e2-fba0-e011-91d0-00155d741101&searchId=cba9852c-7984-473e-a9e21adfebd85cbf. 27

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The main orchestra from which the Invercargill Symphonia evolved was the Invercargill City Orchestra (ICO).30 The ICO held its first general meeting on 16 February 1956 at the Southland Technical College on Tay Street.31 At the same meeting, it was resolved “that the members of the orchestra be enrolled as an Evening Class at the Technical College under the same terms and conditions as the former Junior Symphony Orchestra”. 32 The Invercargill Junior Symphony Orchestra (IJSO) was a forerunner of ICO and had its assets, including its bank account, absorbed into the ICO in 1956. 33 ICO’s connection with the Southland Technical College was consolidated with the appointment in 1956 of a College representative to the orchestra’s Board.34 Also at the same meeting an Invercargill Musical Union representative was appointed to the Board,35 thus showing a clear link with the city’s other musical institutions. In 1959, ICO closed its bank account in its own name and opened a new one in the name of Southland Technical College Senior Orchestra (STCSO), 36 which reflected the orchestra’s very close ties with the College. Further, the orchestra’s link with the College were strengthened even more with some obligations to perform for the College’s Annual Music Festival, among other events.37 The ICO performed at various locations in the city, including the RSA Memorial Hall on Deveron Street and the Civic Theatre on Tay Street. A one-off performance in 1960 was held at Kew (Southland) Hospital.38 It 30

One informant used the name Invercargill Civic Orchestra when referring to the orchestra, although this was never an official title. The name Invercargill Orchestra has been used on several occasions. One example, and offering an instance of a touring orchestra, was in 1967 when the orchestra performed at a parent-teacher endof-year dance in the Community Hall, Hydro Village, Manapouri, which are about 150km from Invercargill: Manapouri Messenger, Manapouri messenger, no. 4 (November, 1967), 3, 5. 31 Invercargill City Orchestra, February 16, 1956. The Southland Technical College (est. 1912), which dropped the term “Technical” in 1968, became the site of Southland Polytechnic in 1972, and then the Southern Institute of Technology in 2000. 32 Invercargill City Orchestra, February 16, 1956. 33 Invercargill City Orchestra, March 1. 1956. 34 Invercargill City Orchestra, April 5, 1956. 35 Invercargill City Orchestra, April 5, 1956. 36 Invercargill City Orchestra, April 30, 1959. 37 One informant mentioned that the precursor of IS was named the Southland Technical College Orchestra, although it is unclear if that specific name was actually ever used. 38 Invercargill City Orchestra, September 24, 1959.

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also performed at the Southland Technical College’s new assembly hall in 1966 amongst other venues.39 Throughout the 1950s and into the 1960s ICO had established a long and successful connection with the Southland College, and at one committee meeting it was agreed “that the College name appear in small print below the I.C.O. on the Programmes.”40 However, by 1973 there was some interest amongst committee members to move the orchestra elsewhere.41 Indeed, this was a turning point for ICO in that its place in what was now Southland Polytechnic was questioned: “Mr. Allot began a discussion of the future of the orchestra by saying that he feels the time has come for us to consider moving out from the Polytechnic.”42 At the same meeting a motion was passed to form a sub-committee to investigate such a move in more detail. As a result, the ICO committee proposed establishing a new incorporated orchestral society in 1974, 43 and, after a public meeting, the committee agreed to transfer all of its assets to the Invercargill Symphonia Inc,44 which included the bank account that was still in the name of the Southland College Senior Orchestra.45 Invercargill Symphonia was formed as an incorporated society in 1974 (as of 2011 it also became a registered charity – Charitable Services 2016), with the full legal name of The Invercargill Symphonia Incorporated (New Zealand Companies Office 1983). It was formed with the following objectives: a) To teach the playing of musical instruments both solo and in concert. b) To promote the advancement and the study of music. c) To do all such things as are incidental or conducive to the attaining of the above objects including the formation and maintenance of an orchestra.46

39

Invercargill City Orchestra, May 31, 1966. Invercargill City Orchestra, November 4, 1969. 41 Invercargill City Orchestra, June 26, 1973. 42 Invercargill City Orchestra, June 26, 1973. 43 Invercargill City Orchestra, March 26, 1974. 44 Invercargill City Orchestra, May 29, 1974. 45 Deed, “Between Michael David Ferns and Shirley Lyness,” June 21, 1974. 46 New Zealand Companies Office, 1983, accessed June 1, 2018, www.societies.govt.nz. 40

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17

Over forty years later, in terms of the Invercargill Symphonia’s function, its Facebook description offers a succinct profile: “The Invercargill Symphonia is a community orchestra who meet weekly in Invercargill, and [usually] perform twice a year to the public”.47 As one informant noted, the orchestra is “a vehicle for people to enjoy their music making” and “to have a lifelong involvement” with music. A summary of the orchestra's activities over the two years 2015-2016 is shown in Table 2. Table 2-2: Invercargill Symphonia Activities Summary 2015-2016 Year* Rehearsals Visiting professional musicians Public concerts Audience numbers Members (Adults) Members (Students)

*Financial year.48

2015 40 2 2 160 18 6

2016 40 1 1 80 15 8

As an amateur community orchestra, the Invercargill Symphonia relies on funding support and much goodwill from its players. The Invercargill Symphonia was initially administered by a committee of five office bearers and five members, and there are currently six elected office bearers: President, Vice President, Secretary, Treasurer, Librarian, and Custodian (Charities Services 2016). The organization and administration of the Invercargill Symphonia is based much on the sharing of duties, usually amongst its players. For a community orchestra like this, there is usually very little external funding available, and administrative tasks that are essential for the sustainability of the organization, as well as ongoing rehearsals and performances, are mostly undertaken by players themselves who take on various roles. For example, the conductor, Wayne Perniskie, is also a cellist, itinerant cello teacher, and performer in the Dunedin Symphony Orchestra. Another player, Ewan Adam, as well as being on the orchestra’s committee, also leads the orchestra on violin. In order to put on public performances, it receives a small amount in revenues from grants, concerts, donations, advertising, instrument hire, and bank interest.49 In its 47 Invercargill Symphonia, “About,” accessed May 21, 2016, https://www.facebook.com/InvercargillSymphonia/info/?tab=page_info. 48 Charities Services, “Invercargill Symphonia Incorporated.” 49 Invercargill Symphonia, “Statement of Financial Performance for Year Ended 31 March 2011.”

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2018 annual return, the Invercargill Symphonia received $4,278 income with a $3,284 expenditure.50 The Invercargill Symphonia is an amateur orchestra. Its players all live in Invercargill or, very rarely, nearby within the Southland region. In 2016, there were about 20-25 regular players that made up the orchestra, with numbers varying from time to time and from year to year based on availability (on some occasions numbers had been much less). As one key informant observed, “it’s in flux a lot” as players come and go. Some players are senior high school students, and hence its rehearsals take place during school terms.51 Only a few of the orchestra’s members work in music in one way or another. Most have played since a younger age, and a few taken music examinations. About a third are mid to late teens. At times there have been some major changes in membership in terms of overall numbers and balance between instrumental sections, such as when one player was for half a year the only first violinist in the orchestra. Most current players may have been playing in the orchestra for 20 years or less, and two or three of the older players have been with the orchestra for around 40 years. Further, while the younger players in the Invercargill Symphonia tend to move on after high school, Bryant actually notes that one female player has been in the orchestra for 50 or 60 years.52 While several players have some musical links further afield, the majority of Invercargill Symphonia members are based in Invercargill and play with the orchestra as a central ensemble activity in this part of New Zealand. For instance, as already noted, the orchestra’s conductor is also a cellist who plays with the Dunedin Symphony Orchestra. He drives the approximate 200km to Dunedin for rehearsals and major performances and brings back to the Invercargill Symphonia regional knowledge and experience of playing in this nearby and larger orchestra. One local newspaper has even noted that “under the direction of Perniskie the Symphonia is a Southland treasure.” 53 He is also known for his teaching activities on cello as an itinerant music teacher and has been a tutor on several occasions at the Spring Chamber Music Weekend that is held in Mosgiel, Dunedin. For one such event he was described as “a well-known musical persona, performing 50

Charities Services, “Invercargill Symphonia Incorporated.” Charities Services, “Invercargill Symphonia Incorporated.” 52 Bryant, “From Printed Score to Performance,” 54. 53 Pat Veltkamp Smith, “Symphonia, Moir Give Concert to Remember,” The Southland Times, September 19, 2011, 8. 51

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frequently in the Invercargill area and playing in the Southern Sinfonia [a former name of the Dunedin Symphony Orchestra]. He has trained overseas with the noted Danish cellist Pederson.” 54 Members of the Invercargill Symphonia have sometimes had an opportunity to play in workshops with the Dunedin Symphony Orchestra. 55 Further, the Dunedin Symphony Orchestra players sometimes help out with numbers in Invercargill Symphonia performances, and the Invercargill Symphonia sometimes borrows scores from the Dunedin Symphony Orchestra. For about the last 10 years the Invercargill Symphonia has rehearsed at the brass band rooms of Ascot Park Hotel Brass Band (incorporating the Ascot Park Hotel Auxiliary Band), which can date its history to The Invercargill Garrison Band that was established in 1867.56 The Invercargill Symphonia pays a small fee for the use of these rooms on Spey Street, and has used this venue for about 10 years. Prior to the brass band room, the Invercargill Symphonia used a variety of church halls or other rooms for rehearsals, including the Invercargill Central Baptist Church on Deveron Street. Over the years, the orchestra has also rehearsed at Ruru School on Ruru Street,57 Gladstone Scout Hall on Russel Street, and Waverley Presbyterian Church on Herbert Street.58 For concerts, the Invercargill Symphonia usually uses the First Presbyterian Church auditorium on Tay Street. It has more recently used the Roman Catholic St Mary’s Basilica on Mary Street, which is slightly smaller than the auditorium, because there was a fire at the First Presbyterian Church in 2015. Other occasional venues for performances have included the Southland Museum and Art Gallery on Gala Street, Central Baptist Church on Deveron Street, Civic Theatre on Tay Street, State Insurance Theatre (the theatre is now known as Centrestage and is part of the Southern Institute of Technology) on Don Street, and the Scottish Hall on Esk Street.

54 Spring Chamber Music Weekend, “Spring Chamber Music Weekend” (promotional flyer), 2009. 55 Southern Sinfonia, “Southern Sinfonia Learn to Play,” June 26, 2011, accessed June 1, 2018, http://southernsinfonia.org/edu_learn.html 56 Ascot Park Hotel Brass, “Ascot Park Hotel Brass of Invercargill,” accessed October 19, 2016, http://www.ascotbrass.org.nz/. As an incorporated society the band is known as Invercargill Garrison Band Society Inc. 57 Invercargill Symphonia Inc., May 26, 1987. 58 Invercargill Symphonia Inc., September 14, 1987.

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The Invercargill Symphonia aims to perform one major symphonic work each year. In the context of being an amateur community orchestra, as one informant noted, the conductor “chooses music within our limitations”. The Invercargill Symphonia usually focuses on well-known pieces, mostly from the classical and romantic repertoire. It may even play some Bach or Vivaldi, but it’s mostly Mozart, Beethoven, and similar well-known composers or works. One player mentioned that revenues are typically small, and they always hope that there will be more in the audience than in the orchestra itself. If they had 100 in the audience it would be very good. In 2015, for instance, the orchestra’s Spring Concert of 31 October was held in the afternoon at St Mary’s Basilica, with the featured work Symphony No.3 by Beethoven. The event had door sales with tickets ranging from $7 for students to $12 for adults. The orchestra’s Summer Concert of 2014 was held on 9 November also in the afternoon with the same entry prices, but this time at First Presbyterian Church. This recital included two works: Schubert’s Mass in G featuring James Hargest College’s choir (Ancora) and Mozart’s Flute Concerto with Nichola Genn-Harris as soloist. A performance in May 2016 at St Mary’s Basilica was in collaboration with soprano Rebecca Ryan, who is from Invercargill, with a performance of well-known songs from the movies. As a way of extending its performance involvement, the orchestra (or some of its players) is sometimes involved in providing the music for local operatic, choral, or musical theatre productions.

Conclusion The Invercargill Symphonia is an example of an amateur local orchestra that offers a central point for classical music making in this southern part of New Zealand. However, the Invercargill Symphonia has struggled to sustain its orchestral activities over the years, and in one report it self-identified several key areas of concern: “lack of a resident conductor”; “lack of players”; “Committee’s lack of enthusiasm”; “orchestral discipline”.59 Still, as with many micromusics, the Invercargill Symphonia has its local community at its centre, both in terms of providing a context for orchestral music making and for concertgoers. The city is served by the New Zealand Symphony Orchestra from time to time, who provide a national and international level of orchestral playing, but in a setting that is distant from the nation’s capital or largest urban centre, the place of an orchestra such as the Invercargill 59 Christopher Brodrick, “Report on Invercargill Symphonia” (Christchurch: Southern Regional Arts Council, 1986), 1.

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Symphonia is one that offers a valuable function for many musicians and listeners in this part of New Zealand. In this context, I have foregrounded the Invercargill Symphonia in an attempt to offer not only a cultural history of its existence, but also as a way of offering a cultural study of a type of musicking that is often absent from musical scholarship. This study of the Invercargill Symphonia has offered historical and contemporary information on the orchestra’s background, administration, and function. The Invercargill Symphonia has been studied in terms of its history and how it evolved from other orchestras in Invercargill, and how it relates to other orchestral and musical activities in and around the city. The chapter discusses the orchestra’s historical and contemporary activities with the aim of showing how it developed and how it functions in the present day. As an amateur community orchestra, the Invercargill Symphonia offers a site where social and cultural capital permeate many aspects of the orchestra’s existence. The Invercargill Symphonia is particularly important for many in the local community, not only for orchestral players and concertgoers, but also in connection with the cultural vibrancy it brings to Invercargill as a bearer of a style of music that provides a focus for many people. In this setting, this study has explored the musicking that is connected to and associated with the Invercargill Symphonia, but focusing on broader issues of its existence on this occasion and leaving the intricacies of social and cultural analysis for future study. The Invercargill Symphonia may provide a formal and institutional framework, but its existence is tenuous. Its players are often in a state of flux, and other orchestral operations such as rehearsal and performance locations, audiences, and finances are often points of tension. Nevertheless, in this context, the orchestra is central to the well-being of many in Invercargill and beyond. As a small orchestral activity, the Invercargill Symphonia is a major player in the creative musical life of a city on the geographic edge of New Zealand. A study of its contribution to the sustainability of Invercargill’s musicking offers a way of celebrating musical diversity and creativity in a cultural setting that hasn’t always received the kind of serious scholarly attention it duly deserves.

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References Ascot Park Hotel Brass. “Ascot Park Hotel Brass of Invercargill.” Accessed October 19, 2016. http://www.ascotbrass.org.nz/. Brodrick, Christopher. “Report on Invercargill Symphonia.” Christchurch: Southern Regional Arts Council, 1986. Brown, Thomas. “Value of School Music Tuition Demonstrated.” The Southland Times, 3 April, 1997. Bryant, Michelle M. “From Printed Score to Performance: Access and Collaboration in the New Zealand Orchestral Community.” Master of Library and Information Studies, Victoria University of Wellington, 2008. Charitable Services. “Invercargill Symphonia Incorporated.” Accessed October 9, 2016, https://www.register.charities.govt.nz/CharitiesRegister/ViewCharity?a ccountId=8908c0e2-fba0-e011-91d000155d741101&searchId=cba9852c-7984-473e-a9e2-1adfebd85cbf. Cyclopedia of New Zealand. “Otago & Southland Provincial Districts.” Christchurch: Cyclopedia Company Limited, [1905] 2015. Deed. “Between Michael David Ferns and Shirley Lyness.” June 21, 1974. Harvey, Douglas R. A Bibliography of Writings About New Zealand Music Published to the End of 1983. Wellington: Victoria University Press, 1985. Herndon, Marcia. “Cultural Engagement: The Case of the Oakland Symphony Orchestra.” Yearbook for Traditional Music 20 (1988): 134– 145. Invercargill City Orchestra. “Minute Books.” 16 February 1956; March 1. 1956; April 5, 1956; April 30, 1959; September 24, 1959; May 31, 1966; November 4, 1969; June 26, 1973; March 26, 1974; May 29, 1974. Invercargill Symphonia Inc. May 26, 1987; September 14, 1987. —. “Statement of Financial Performance for Year Ended 31 March 2011.” Invercargill: Invercargill Symphonia Inc., 2011. —. “Timeline.” Facebook, December 1, 2014. Accessed May 21, 2016, https://www.facebook.com/InvercargillSymphonia/timeline. —. “About.” Accessed May 21, 2016, https://www.facebook.com/InvercargillSymphonia/info/?tab=page_info. James Hargest College. “Music.” Accessed May 20, 2016, http://www.jameshargest.school.nz/pages/music/. Jane, Philip. “An Historical Survey of the Establishment of an Orchestral Tradition in Christchurch to 1939.” PhD diss., University of Canterbury, 2009.

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Johnson, Henry, ed. Many Voices: Music and National Identity in Aotearoa/New Zealand. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2010. Kindred Clubs. “Club History.” Accessed May 1, 2018, http://www.kindredclubsnz.com/229659012. Manapouri Messenger. No. 4 (November, 1967). Murray, David. “Raffaello Squarise (1856–1945): The Colonial Career of an Italian Maestro.” PhD diss., University of Otago, 2005. New Zealand Companies Office. “1983.” Accessed June 1, 2018, www.societies.govt.nz. New Zealand Symphony Orchestra. “Season 2016.” Wellington: New Zealand Symphony Orchestra, 2016. Out of School Music. Accessed October 19, 2016, http://www.osmc.co.nz/. Slobin, Mark. Subcultural Sounds: Micromusics of the West. Hanover: University Press of New England, 1993. Small, Christopher. Musicking: The Meanings of Performing and Listening. Hanover: Wesleyan University Press, 1998. Smith, Pat Veltkamp. “Symphonia, Moir Give Concert to Remember.” Southland Times, 19 September, 2011. Southern Sinfonia. “Southern Sinfonia Learn to Play.” June, 26 2011. Accessed June 1, 2018, http://southernsinfonia.org/edu_learn.html. The Southland Times. September 25, 1890; October 11, 1915; March 11, 1920; April 17, 1920; April 19, 2012. Spring Chamber Music Weekend. “Spring Chamber Music Weekend promotional flyer.” 2009. Statistics New Zealand. “2013 Census Usually Resident Population Counts.” Accessed October 7, 2016, http://www.stats.govt.nz/browse_for_stats/population/census_counts/2 013CensusUsuallyResidentPopulationCounts_HOTP2013Census/Com mentary.aspx. —. “2013 Census QuickStats About a Place.” Accessed May 24, 2016, http://www.stats.govt.nz/Census/2013-census/profile-and-summaryreports/quickstats-about-aplace.aspx?request_value=15112&tabname=. The Queen Elizabeth II Arts Council of New Zealand. “Report on Orchestral Development in New Zealand.” Wellington: The Queen Elizabeth II Arts Council of New Zealand, 1973. Thomson, John Mansfield. The Oxford History of New Zealand Music. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991. Tonks, Joy. The New Zealand Symphony Orchestra: The First Forty Years. Auckland: Reed Methuen, 1986.

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—. Bravo!: The NZSO at 50. Auckland: Exisle, 1996. Veblen, Kari K. “The Many Ways of Community Music.” International Journal of Community Music 1, no. 1 (2008): 5–21. Walls, Peter. “Orchestras - Nineteenth-Century Orchestras.” Te Ara - the Encyclopedia of New Zealand, updated 22-Oct-14. Accessed October 19, 2016, http://www.TeAra.govt.nz/en/orchestras/.

Acknowledgements I am especially grateful to the following key individuals who contributed much help in the data gathering process for this chapter: Ewan Adam, Philippa Harris, Errol Moore, Marie Morton, David Murray, Wayne Perniskie, Shona Richardson, and Ian Sherborne.

CHAPTER THREE KAPA HAKA IN MURIHIKU: AHAKOA HE ITI, HE POUNAMU (ALTHOUGH IT IS SMALL, IT IS STILL A TREASURE) DEBBIE RUWHIU

Introduction and overview I think the conversation started with “Debbie will you help me to write a chapter about kapa haka in Murihiku?” My reply was, “sure”, which is fairly typical of me, to forge ahead into an area of unfamilarity. I guess, that isn’t entirely true. I have had small unsuccessful attempts at kapa haka and still do, but my lack of coordination, the ability to move and sing at the same time, still eludes me. However, I like nothing better than standing with my whƗnau, my iwi and my people, to sing our songs of support, for the pure pleasure of singing waiata. My co-author left to pursue a career elsewhere, so in an endeavour to get this chapter completed, my good friend Joyce Manahi stepped in to support this awesome mahi. He nui te mihi ki a au ko tƗku papa ko Wi Tohiariki mǀ te whakarite i ngƗ whakawhitinga kǀrero kaumƗtua (A big thank you to my father for setting up the discussions with the elder). There is very little information, if any, recorded about kapa haka in Murihiku. Therefore, the aim of this writing is an attempt to document some of the history and stories of those who have been instrumental in bringing kapa haka to the south and keeping it alive. This chapter begins by describing kapa haka within a New Zealand context. The ‘Urban Migration’ is explained in terms of the impact it has had on the MƗori people who chose to call Murihiku home. I have captured stories from five people who have been involved in kapa haka for most of their lives. Their stories have been woven together to create an historical overview of kapa haka. It is they who have played an important role in supporting the historic development and/or

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the current practice of kapa haka in Murihiku. When time came to write this chapter, I made a conscious decision not to reference a large amount of others’ research. I instead chose to utilise this space to record the rich kǀrero kindly shared by KaumƗtua Alex Waiherere, Harry Moki, Marcia Te AuThompson, Audra Teepa and Doreen Whakamoe. This research has identified eight themes that have relevance to kapa haka in Murihiku. The themes have been intertwined with the participant’s narrative of events. Kapa haka is an indigenous cultural activity distinctive to Aotearoa; having made a significate contribution to the country’s national identity. Evidence of this is demonstrated by the New Zealand All Blacks, who proudly perform the haka that is televised around the world to thousands of rugby enthusiasts. Smith explains “The MƗori word ‘kapa’ means to stand in a row or rank, and haka is a dance. The term ‘kapa haka’ means a group or groups standing in rows to perform traditional MƗori dances, accompanied by sung or chanted words.”1 Through this research journey two prominent kaumƗtua have emerged who have been instrumental to the success of kapa haka in Murihiku. The first acknowledgement is to Hinetu Dell one of the original founders of kapa haka in Murihiku. All those we spoke with spoke very highly of Hinetu; her outstanding skills, her determination, drive and commitment to the art of kapa haka. Hinetu, no longer lives in Murihiku and has returned home to be with her NgƗti Porou people. The second acknowledgment is to Tnjhoe kaumƗtua Alex Waiherere who has worked tirelessly for nearly five decades sharing his time, his knowledge and unwavering commitment to form the foundations of kapa haka, te reo and tikanga MƗori for those fortunate enough to have flourished under his wisdom and guidance. I strongly encourage others to use this as a base from which to add their kapa haka stories and develop a fuller, richer picture of the work that has gone unacknowledged by those that have been dedicated to this kaupapa in Murihiku. For ease of reading a glossary of translated of MƗori words has been provided at the end of this chapter.

1

Vance Smith, “Kapa Haka – MƗori Performing Arts,” Te Ara the Encyclopedia of New Zealand, accessed October 12, 2018, http://www.TeAra.govt.nz/en/kapa-hakamaori-performing-arts/print

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The data for this chapter have been collected through semi-structured interviews with individuals who have been involved in the historical development of kapa haka in Murihiku, or who are still involved in kapa haka today. Interview participants have been selected through community contacts and invited to participate kanohi ki te kanohi (face to face). Interviews were conducted and recorded by myself, then transcribed for thematic analysis. Direct quotes from those who contributed to this chapter are interspersed throughout the text in blocks and in italics followed by the name of each participant. Permission was granted from those who participated to identify them and so their real names have been used. Ethical approval was granted for this project by the Southern Institute of Technology Human Research Ethics Committee. I have been guided by the ‘Community-Up’ approach of Cram and Kennedy; 2 a MƗori research framework which researchers are encouraged to follow when working with MƗori whƗnau. The approach offers a group of connected people a way to gain control over the research process. The process is “participatory as well as participant driven, in the sense that it is the concerns, interests and preferences of the whƗnau that guide and drive the research process.”3 The framework ‘Community-Up’, suggests good practice guidelines or approach for both the researcher and research participants.

Urban Migration After World War II, the MƗori population throughout New Zealand began to migrate away from the rural areas into the urban regions. The migration to Murihiku was predominantly for work mainly in the meat, fishing or shearing industries. This period has been commonly referred to as the Urban Migration. From as early as the 1960s the migration happened in significant numbers, prompted by a political agenda and the need for a labouring workforce, as well as the enticement and prospect of a new lifestyle and a better income. A large number of iwi/tribal groups from the East Coast of the North Island, mainly NgƗti Porou and NgƗti Kahungunu, arrived in Murihiku first before others followed. Initially work was seasonal with many workers returning 2

Fiona Cram and Vivienne Kennedy, "Researching with WhƗnau Collectives," Mai Review 3 (2010): 1-12. 3 Russell Bishop, “Kaupapa MƗori Research: An Indigenous Approach to Creating Knowledge,” in MƗori and Psychology: Research and Practice – The Proceedings of a Symposium Sponsored by the MƗori and Psychology Research Unit, edited by N. Robertson, (Hamilton: MƗori and Psychology Unit, 1999), 4.

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home before the next season of work started. Over time MƗori in Murihiku have had a long-lasting impact on the region, as many MƗori men stayed and married locally. They “created a visible MƗori presence and sparked a cultural renaissance among the NgƗi Tahu” iwi.4 When I first came to Murihiku in 1969 from Auckland, I came with my family just to have a look around. I know others came here as early as the 1940s and 1950s to work at the freezing works. My first impressions at the time were how very few MƗori there were here because coming from the North Island we had a strong MƗori community. We spoke our language, we had our marae and we were well versed in our protocol.(Alex)

Coming to a city meant separation from their marae and all traditions that encompassed iwi identity. As Smith suggests, "as young people in a new city they generally did not have their elders to guide and instruct them in ‘being’ MƗori.”5 Consequently, a determination to create a MƗori community and maintain culture through kapa haka became a priority. I eventually began working at the freezing works and that’s how a lot of us MƗori got to know each other. There was plenty of work during that time in Invercargill with three of the biggest freezing works requiring workers. We worked at Ocean Beach, Alliance, Makarewa or the Mataura freezing works. What struck me the most was when one of our people died we had no place to take them, no Marae. We usually used someone’s house, which wasn’t ideal. I started to get the idea maybe we should start some MƗori activities here. (Alex)

Bluff, a small seaside town 30 kilometres south of Invercargill is also a place of significance. In the 1960s, “Bluff was the largest exporter of frozen mutton and lamb in New Zealand, substantially due to the Ocean Beach Freezing Works, established in 1891. This company attracted a huge influx of North Island MƗori.”6

4 Book Project Committee, Murihiku: The Southland Story (Invercargill: Craigs Design and Print Ltd, 2006), 81. 5 Smith, “Kapa Haka- MƗori Performing Arts”, 2 6 Rob Tipa, “A World History of Bluff,” accessed October 9, 2018, https://ngaitahu.iwi.nz/our_stories/world-history-bluff/

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Murihiku Marae The researcher pays due respect to NgƗi Tahu as tangata whenua of this rohe by including their kǀrero first. During the 1940s NgƗi Tahu held various meetings with a view to establishing a marae of their own. A site was selected in Tramway Road and in 1968 plans for the Murihiku Marae were approved. As other iwi ‘MƗtƗwaka’ moved to Murihiku during the 1950s and 1960s they established strong relationships with NgƗi Tahu and actively supported the building of Murihiku Marae.7 As a community group it was decided that we fundraise to try and build a marae for the local people, which was up the hill, called Murihiku. We all fundraised and got the dining hall up, called Hine o te Iwi, known as the lady of the dining hall that looks after people. We were now able to take our children to practice songs instead of at my house in Earn Street. It was also a place for different people to come to, and a place people could fundraise from. Over time, different people came and eventually we got bigger and bigger. Local people, everyone become more confident in te reo, kapa haka and marae protocols. (Alex) Before the marae was built my house in Earn Street became the focal point for our cultural activities. I was able to bring in other people with knowledge of te reo and cultural practices. I remember in the early days before the construction of Hine o te Iwi, my whƗnau and the Thompson whƗnau would get together for kapa haka. We had seven or eight kids and with mine, over time we had another whƗnau join us, then we had a full kapa haka team. (Alex)

There was a clear desire for MƗori to connect and involve their whƗnau in cultural activities such as kapa haka, te reo and tikanga MƗori. For MƗori “the most important components of kapa haka are its intrinsic link to culture and MƗori identity, the essential element of whanaungatanga, the importance of people and connectedness.”8 Research also emphasises that “kapa haka has a dynamic role as a vehicle for revitalisation and retention of te reo, tikanga, ritual processes and histories.”9 7

Book Project Committee, Murihiku, 304. “NgƗ Hua Ɨ TƗne Rore: The Benefits of Kapa Haka,” Ministry of Culture and Heritage, accessed October 3, 2018, https://mch.govt.nz/sites/default/files/Nga%20Hua%20A%20Tane%20Rore%20% 20The%20benefits%20of%20kapa%20haka%20(D-0570327).PDF 9 “NgƗ Hua Ɨ TƗne Rore,” 6. 8

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NgƗi Tahu The establishment of Murihiku marae was unquestionably a community effort. It supported not only NgƗi Tahu, but also the wider MƗori community and provided a place to connect, to learn and be involved in cultural activities. From my perspective as NgƗi Tahu, every kapa haka group was part of Murihiku because they are here. Some weren’t born here but there are generations now that are. There was no marae in those days. My grandfather Charles Te Au led kapa haka back in the day, which would be in the 1930s and 1940s. Kapa haka most probably would have been taught on Ruapuki or on of the other TƯtƯ Islands. (Marcia)

The main NgƗi Tahu settlement in the area which became known as Southland, was Ruapuke Island.10 Ruapuke was once a thriving community until the Island’s population began to decline and by 1857 the population was recorded as 127 and by 1887 only 16 people remained.11 Many of the residents relocated to Rakiura or to the mainland in Bluff. The life of Evaline Skerrett, a famous singer, is recorded in an article in The Southland Times.12 She was born in 1890 on Rakiura, and two years later relocated with her family to Bluff. Evaline began her career at the age of 19 with the Te Arawa-based MƗori concert party and reached international fame for many years with her exceptional singing voice and striking traditional MƗori dress when she performed. Evaline was referred to as the ‘MƗori nightingale’ or Princess Iwa. In the article Angela Skerrett recalls stories of her great-aunt Evaline: “All her family were musical. The Skerrett family concerts were a community event in Bluff, with many cousins and other locals attending.” In her early years Evaline immersed herself in her NgƗi Tahu culture, both at home and in the extended community. In 1998, the first NgƗi Tahu group as I recall was called Hine o te Iwi, after the dining hall. I remember we practiced at Murihiku Marae every Monday. 10

Tipa, “History of Bluff.” Michael Stevens, “‘A Defining Characteristic of the Southern People’: Southern MƗori Mobility and the Tasman World,” in Indigenous Mobilities: Across and Beyond the Antipodes, ed. Rachel Standfield (Acton, ACT: ANU Press and Aboriginal History Inc., 2018). 12 Chris Chilton, “Evaline Skerrett, The ‘MƗori Nightgale’ Princess Iwa,” The Southland Times, October 20, 2015, https://www.stuff.co.nz/southland-times/news/ features/72927231/evaline-skerrett-the-maori-nightingale-princess-iwa. 11

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When it was poi (for females) and haka time (for males) the boys would either be on the stage or down by the whakapapa tree or vice versa. I also remember Auntie Nelly (the mother of Louise Leask) and Auntie Girlie (Ross) who was around 90 years old then, she would sit in the canteen during practice. Well, they couldn’t believe that there was haka happening with women there. She would say to me every Monday “You know, your grandfather would always send us out the back to get about our business while the men were learning the haka.” (Marcia) I also remember 1990 as we were practicing kapa haka our beautiful Auntie Jane Manahi telling us “you’re not hula girls,” she goes, “I don’t want to see your armpits.” She continued, “if you need to take your feet off the ground,” (she lifted up her skirts and flew up in to the air and back down very quickly), she said, “take them both off. Our women slide and glide, I don’t want to see your palms and gently touch your hands not loud claps, you’re not monkeys.” I now know these are some of the processes that are distinct to NgƗi Tahu but not all live by that, as you know. I recollect that in Murihiku we prefer green kapa haka costumes, a good strong pounamu colour with a mix of red, black and white. Our costumes were also representative of the TƯtƯ, end of story. (Marcia)

Kapa Haka Groups Murihiku kapa haka groups at the beginning of the 1900s were mainly social groups performing locally for their whƗnau or within their communities. In the early 1970s kapa haka played an important role in connecting MƗori together to share their cultural practices. The first group as I recall was with Lorraine Skerrett and Ted Tawhara that was before 1969, they were before me. Kotahitanga, I think they called their group from Tuatapere. That group phased out overtime when the tutor went to Australia. Kapa haka competitions started officially in the North Island in the 1970s, but we didn’t have the finances to send teams to compete in those early days. . . Murihiki Concert Party was the first group we formed in 1974. I was with the Concert Party first then joined Te Rongo Pai MƗori Cultural Group. I recall writing Hinetu Dell a letter to tell her we needed her help and expertise with our kapa haka group. Hinetu at the time was with a group in Mataura. Hinetu came and watched us performing at the RSA in Invercargill, she said, “I have seen and heard what you have done, now I want you to put that aside, I’m going to teach you with my lot [her group].” She added, “I want you to do it my way,” and that was it, she was straight to the point. Hinetu took our performance to the next level and that’s when we started going to competitions in Dunedin, Christchurch, Nelson and all over. . . .The name Te Rongo Pai wasn’t about the good news, it was about the love of the whƗnau coming together, working, sleeping, eating and

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singing together. Rongo Pai was very active in the 70s having 109 active members at one stage. We also joined up with Southern Institute of Technology and Te Whare WƗnanga o Aotearoa, at one stage having students from all around the world join in with us to learn MƗori. (Alex)

The following timeline is organised in chronological order from photos provided by the research participants. This timeline is in no way an extensive list of the kapa haka groups in Murihiku, but provides insight and an overview into what was happening from the early 1900s to 2010. Table 5-3: Kapa Haka Timeline 1900-2010 YEAR

NAME

DIVISION

TUTOR/S

EVENT

1900 – 10... 1930s – 40s Before 1969

Skerrett WhƗnau

Social

Bluff

Kapa haka group (name unknown) Kotahitanga

Social

1974

Murihiku MƗori Concert Party Murihiku MƗori Concert Party

Mixed group Juniors

1978

Murihiku MƗori Concert Party

Seniors

1978

Murihiku MƗori Concert Party

Juniors

1979 – 80

Te Rongo Pai MƗori Cultural Group

Seniors

Skerrett whƗnau Charles Te Au Lorraine Skerrett & Ted Tawhara Alex Waihirere Hinetu Dell & Alex Waihirere Sonny & Geraldine Keepa Sonny & Geraldine Keepa Alex Waihirere

1979 – 80

Te Rongo Pai MƗori Cultural Group

Junior

1980

Te Rongo Pai MƗori Cultural Group

Intermediate

1977

Social

Peggy Peek & Pat Pihama Eru Wano

Ruapuki (Titi Islands) Murihiku / Tuatapere Not specified Not specified

Not specified Not specified Te Waipounamu Festival: Invercargill Not specified Te Waipounamu Culture Festival: Christchurch

Kapa Haka in Murihiku 1981

Te Rongo Pai - Te Arohanui Cultural Group

Seniors

1982

Te Rongo Pai Cultural Club

Juniors

1984

Te Rongo Pai

Seniors

1984

Te Rongo Pai

Juniors

1985

Te Rongopai Cultural Club

Seniors

1986

Te Rongopai Cultural Club

Seniors

1986

Te Rongo Pai

Juniors

1986

Te Puka a Maui Group (grouped from the following 10 kapa haka groups): 1. Te Rongo Pai – Waihopai (10) 2. Mataura (1) 3. Arai Te Uru (1) 4. Te Huinga Rangatahi (1) 5. Matawai (1) 6. Te Roopu o Kawerau (1) 7. Te Kohunga Reo (1) 8. Te Arohanui (2) 9. Te Rangimarie – Dunedin (2) 10. Wairua Whakahou (13)

Senior

Alex Waihirere & Hinetu Dell I. Wikeepa & John Harema John Harama & Sue Tarawhiti Not specified Alex Waihirere & Aroha Pierson Alex Waihirere & Aroha Pierson John Harema

33 Te Waipounamu Festival: Christchurch Te Waipounamu Festival Christchurch: Nelson Te Puka a Maui Festival: Dunedin Te Puka a Maui Cultural Competitions Te Waipounamu Festival: Blenheim Not specified

Te Puka a Maui Cultural Competitions: Invercargill Polynesian Festival Christchurch

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Te Rongopai Cultural Club

Seniors

Hine o Te Iwi

Doug Thompson

Te Puka a Maui Cultural Competitions: Invercargill

Nanny Carol

Tamanui and Whangarei Nationals Te Puka a Maui Cultural Competitions: Dunedin Te Puka a Maui Cultural Competitions: Invercargill

1989

Te Rongopai Cultural Club

Seniors

Doug Thompson

1990

Te Rongopai Cultural Club

Seniors

Doug Thompson

Hine o te Iwi

1998

Wairua Wakahou Cultural Club

1997– 2010

Te Taurapa o Te Waka a Maui

Seniors

Averil Dell-Lee

Year of the Waka: Waitangi. Closing of the Common Wealth Games and National Competitions: Auckland Aotearoa Traditional MƗori Performing Arts Festival Whanganui 2007 Matatini: Papaioea. 2000 Te Waipounamu Culture Competitions: Nelson

It is interesting to note the change of names over time, from Concert Party to Culture Club; the inclusion of the word MƗori in the 1970s, then its exclusion in the early 1980s; and also the change in the spelling of Te Rongo Pai. The group Wairua Wakahou used to be called Wairua Whakahou until the time we were about to perform on stage at the annual Southland A&P show

Kapa Haka in Murihiku

35

[agricultural and pastoral]. A local man asked how we wanted to be introduced, our reply was Wairua Whakahou. Consequently, he flatly refused to say the ‘F’ sound in Whaka, so from that time on we were referred to as Wakahou and not Whakahou. (Harry) Te Puka a Maui was a local festival which included groups from Murihiku, Wanaka, Cromwell, Dunedin and other nearby places. When we competed at National Competitions we would form a Te Puka a Maui group from all the local areas. (Alex)

The Freezing Works The freezing works had a huge impact on MƗori in Murihiku, first through employment opportunities as a result of the urban migration, and secondly as a place to connect with others of similar cultural values, beliefs and language. I recall a common story about the MƗori boys who worked at Ocean Beach with particular reference to my father who, at the time, lived in the sleeping quarters there. The story goes, “At night the boys would head away out of earshot of others to socialise, speak their language and sing their songs together.” Clearly, during the 1970s and 1980s kapa haka flourished in Murihiku, growing from strength to strength. As can be seen in the kapa haka timeline (above), there were at least ten active kapa haka groups in Murihiku during the 1980s. Our tutor Hinetu Dell used to write a lot of our songs that were relevant to Murihiku. She would ask us for our ideas, so we could include themes in our performances. I remember one of our haka was about Ocean Beach Freezing Works as there were a lot of strikes going on, so we sang about that. . . A lot of our songs where written using popular tunes off the radio, but we used our own words, and everyone contributed. . . We had quite a few songs about Murihiku, the seafood, a song about oysters and a really nice poi dance about the Albatross/Toroa. (Harry)

After endless strikes and uncertainty of employment, Ocean Beach Freezing Works closed its doors in 1991. In the early 1990s, the freezing works began closing down. Ocean Beach was first, then Mataura. This had devastating consequences for us, as there was no work. As a result, kapa haka started to wind down and getting groups together became difficult. . . Hinetu left Murihiku around this time to return home, [she] returned periodically for a short time. She was a very knowledgeable, motivational, a disciplined leader and tutor of kapa haka.

36

Chapter Three We found that once the group lost the backbone to their group, (Hinetu), there was no one trained enough or willing to take over. (Harry)

The closure of the freezing works had a significant impact on its workers and on the community. Ross Webb writes that the “freezing works served as home away from home” for iwi everywhere.13 It was a place to connect with other MƗori; it was a way of life that abruptly came to an end.

Kapa Haka in Schools In the early 1970s an attempt to address the exclusion of “things MƗori” in New Zealand education system came about by a change to government policy. The policy initiative Taha MƗori was introduced which was “primarily geared toward giving students in mainstream classes an opportunity to learn aspects of MƗori language and tikanga (customary practices).”14 For those in Murihiku skilled in the art of kapa haka, te reo and tikanga, opportunities arose to work in the local schools. In the early days, I went into schools to teach te reo MƗori, cook a HƗngƯ, or teach kids the haka and a few songs, just little bits initially. After Ocean Beach Freezing Works closed down I was able to find work in the education sector. I taught kapa haka, te reo and tikanga MƗori at Rockdale Park School in the bi-lingual unit. I wanted to make sure our tamariki learnt our ways, the basics of growing up to be a good MƗori. From Rockdale I went to Te Wharekura o Arowhenua a kura kaupapa MƗori school and taught there for six years. (Alex)

Three of the five research participants had taught kapa haka in schools and still do, to varying degrees, today. In the late 1980s, I arrived in Bluff and stayed with my sister. Around this time I started tutoring kapa haka at Bluff School. Later, as I had my own children who shared my passion for kapa haka, I became more involved in many other schools. I am still involved with schools today, at Southland Boys High and Southland Girls High School. I have always been very passionate about kapa haka. I think my biggest involvement was when we started 13 Ross Webb, “Your Livelihood is on the Line” Freezing Workers in Aotearoa/New Zealand, 1973–1994.” (Master’s Thesis, University of Auckland, 2015). 14 NZ Parliamentary Library, Te Reo MƗori – The MƗori Langage 5, Part 1, Wellington, NZ, 2000, 5.

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Pnjtangitangi (school competitions) in 1992. As I remember, it began with a group of us sitting together, Kino Shandley, Murtle Terikia and others, to collate our thoughts around starting Pnjtangitangi kapa haka school competitions. (Audra) My involvement in kapa haka started in the early 1990s when my mother, Hinehou Whakamoe, got a teaching job at Kingswell High School. She took the role of Head of Department when Peter Cara left. It (kapa haka) was just starting off in the classrooms. I didn’t take any major roles then, as I was still young, but did get the opportunity to perform around the world as a member of Kahurangi MƗori Dance Company. My first official job teaching kapa haka was at Southern Institute of Technology (SIT) at the Whare Awhina employed as a Te Reo and Kapa Haka KaiƗwhina. (Doreen)

Benefits of Kapa Haka The benefits of engaging in kapa haka have been documented in an array of publications. A Ministry of Culture and Heritage summary report explains, “a major component of kapa haka is its power to effect wellbeing and to positively transform the lives of individuals and communities.”15 The report explains that kapa haka develops manaakitanga and whanaungatanga the importance of people and connectedness. The benefits of kapa haka are reinforced by the research participants’ comments: In Southland kapa haka was all about whanaungatanga, it didn’t matter where you came from it was friendly and there was always food. When there was a tangi we all came together to help one another. (Alex) Kapa haka taught me at a given situation whilst I might not be fluent in te reo, I now can hear the words and know what is being said. I can ‘awhi a pae’. I urge every single person who wants to say MƗori words correctly, sing it, you’ll get the vowel sounds perfectly. (Marcia) I grew up in a time where MƗori wasn’t a good language to learn. The belief at the time was you couldn’t get a job with it, that sort of stuff. For me it was all about watching my kids grow up with kapa haka, doing it properly and learning the tikanga. It’s about a sense of identity and being able to display being MƗori without any hassles, once on stage you were MƗori, doing kapa haka. (Harry) For me, the benefits of kapa haka are about being you as a MƗori person and displaying yourself using kapa haka, it’s about the enjoyment that the kids get. I’ve had a lot of kids that have spoken to me saying they love kapa 15

“NgƗ Hua Ɨ TƗne Rore,” 6.

38

Chapter Three haka, they go out now, they are the leaders of their own schools. I don’t have to go in and lead them, they already know what to do. I’m like their backbone. There’s a whakatauki (proverb) that’s been said, “Ka pu te ruha ka hou te rangatahi” (when the new net goes fishing the old net is cast aside). The new net is our youth they go out with their experience of kapa haka and feed it to the next generation. I’m the old net that’s been put aside to come in and support them. (Audra) When I do kapa haka I’m standing as a representative of who I am. I can stand with any group and give 110% it doesn’t matter if it’s my iwi or not, it’s my identity as MƗori. I enjoy the old chants, traditional chants unaccompanied without instruments, as there’s a sense of tradition. Chants come from who you are; I’m standing for my grandparents and for those that have passed, that’s the voice that comes through – I feel it. Waiata is about the things that emanate from a person’s body when you’re close together in a group, it’s what you’re picking up on, that’s the oneness. If you don’t feel that with somebody then something isn’t right, so you need to make a connection in order to be one. There’s room for oneself in kapa haka; it enhances confidence, confidence to great leadership, to strive to be the best. (Doreen)

Whitinui reminds us that kapa haka provides an environment where MƗori feel proud to be MƗori: “it is a way to preserve the indigenous way of doing things, success promotes positive outcomes through a sense of disciplined performance that reflects MƗori cultural practices” 16 : a sense of cultural connectedness.

The Highlights Kapa haka in Murihiku was not limited to local, regional or national competitions but it has opened the doors for a broader range of opportunities. I enjoyed being part of the Te Puka a Maui regional council for a number of years. The councils were tasked with connecting the regions together and supporting the competitions with funding, transport and accommodation. . . . The highlight was when my wife and I went to the Olympic games in Christchurch in 1974. There was a kaka haka group of 500 from all over Te Waipounamu. We practiced together on a football field before the games. Reverend Tawhara, who was part of our group, was in the command performance when the Queen arrived. I recall, he got cold feet but was able

16 Paora Whitinui, "The Indigenous Factor: The Role of Kapa Haka as a Culturally Responsive Learning Intervention," Waikato Journal of Education 10, no. 1 (2016): 1.

Kapa Haka in Murihiku

39

to jump up in to the air and do his pukana to the Queen as he rose to stand he let out a growl – we all ended up laughing. (Alex) I was in Queenstown for many years in the tourist industry working in a restaurant that performed kapa haka to tourists. It was really good talking to other cultures about MƗori culture. The biggest highlight for me has been watching my kids grow up with kapa haka and me, being part of that. (Harry) Having worked with local schools has been a highlight for me. Knowing I have passed on my skills to the next generation. I carry my world with me and nurture it. MƗtauranga MƗori has been given to me by my elders because they brought me up. They have taught me “not to hold on to what you have been given but pass it on.” (Audra) The last time I performed kapa haka was in 1990 at the Treaty of Waitangi commemorations for the year of the Waka. Then rushing to Auckland to perform for the closing of the Common Wealth Games with Peter Sharples. (Marcia) In my earlier years I travelled to America and Canada performing at some of the best resorts. I’ve sung with Kiri Te Kanawa and done promotions for Air New Zealand. Locally our kapa haka group was hired by Louis Vuitton. Their organisers hired a homestead in Te Anau for a staff retreat. We were flown in, then driven into the middle of the bush near the homestead. Our task was to come out of the bush in full costume and give the staff a full MƗori kapa haka experience. Everything was paid for, we got paid good money to perform and they were very generous with their gifts. (Doreen)

The research participants have highlighted a wide range of experiences whilst being part of kapa haka. Kapa haka has “survived, grown and evolved, from bone chilling demonstrations of the haka, to graceful movements of the poi.”17 Kapa haka continues to touch the hearts of MƗori and non-MƗori in New Zealand, and also internationally.

Final Thoughts While researching community kapa haka it became apparent that research on this topic was scarce. Most kapa haka documentation has been directed toward kapa haka in schools. The Ministry of Cultural and Heritage 18 records the benefits of kapa haka for schools as:

17 18

“NgƗ Hua Ɨ TƗne Rore,” 8. “NgƗ Hua Ɨ TƗne Rore,” 6.

40

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x A dynamic role as a vehicle for the revitalisation and retention of te reo, tikanga, ritual processes and histories. x A gateway into the culture for MƗori who are disengaged from their marae/hapnj. x An intrinsic link to culture and MƗori identity, the importance of people and connectedness. I am left in no doubt that the same benefits apply to community kapa haka, where expertise is practised as iwi katoa, then offered to schools by kapa haka leaders for future generations. The evolution of kapa haka has been ongoing since the turn of the 20th Century, spurred on by composers such as Te Puea and Apirana Ngata who have notably contributed to developing and maintaining the art form as a modern-day treasure.19 Locally skilled kapa haka performers have also felt a responsibility to preserve and share their skills with others and have done so selflessly. An attempt has been made here to recount the history of kapa haka in Murihiku from 1900s to 2010. Although the chapter is but a snapshot in time, it provides a small window of history in to NgƗi Tahu in the early to mid-1900s. It is apparent that the urban migration, with all its complexities, has brought MƗori together; and as a consequence, has formed a unique community where local iwi and mƗtƗwaka come together through cultural activities and the love of kapa haka. The freezing works for many has been the catalyst in forming iwi relationships for those that moved from the rural areas of North Island in pursuit of work and/or a better life in Murihiku. What stands out the most is a strong sense of community, kinship and the endless hours of voluntary work that has been dedicated to driving kapa haka. Not only is kapa haka about fundraising, practicing and competing, but it has been about the endless time that has also been given freely to support kapa haka endeavours in local schools, events, communities and on the marae. Without a doubt, kapa haka has led the research participants into some of the most prestigious events throughout New Zealand and around the world. This chapter pays tribute to those who have made a contribution to the growth to kapa haka in Murihiku.

19

Whitinui, "The Indigenous Factor.”

Kapa Haka in Murihiku

41

Ehara taku toa, he taki tahi, he toa taki tini, I come not with my own strengths but bring with me the gifts, talents and strengths of my whƗnau, iwi and tnjpuna.

Glossary Aotearoa Awhi HƗngƯ Hapnj Iwi KaiƗwhina Katoa KƗumatua Kǀrero Kura kaupapa MƗori Mahi Manaakitanga MƗori Marae MƗtauranga MƗtƗwaka Murihiku NgƗi Tahu iwi NgƗti Kahungunu iwi NgƗti Porou iwi Paepae (pae) Pai Rakiura Rohe Rongo Ruapuke Tamariki Tangata whenua Te Arawa iwi Te Reo Te Waipounamu

MƗori name for New Zealand To support, embrace Earth oven Subtribe Tribe or a large group of people descended from a common ancestor and associated with a distinct territory. Teacher assistant All, everyone Elder Talk A full immersion MƗori language school Work Hospitality, generosity Indigenous New Zealander A complex of carved buildings and grounds that belongs to a particular iwi/tribe Knowledge Those from other canoes or iwi Southland Tribal group Tribal group Tribal group Orators bench Good Stewart Island District, region News One of the southernmost islands in New Zealand Children Local people Tribal group The language South Island, New Zealand

42

Tikanga TƯtƯ TƯtƯ Islands Toroa Tnjhoe iwi Waiata Whakapapa WhƗnau Whanaungatanga

Chapter Three

Correct proceedure, custom Muttonbird (shearwater) Muttonbird Islands that only NgƗi Tahu iwi has assess to Albatross Tribal group Song Genealogy Family Kinship

References Bishop, Russell. “Kaupapa MƗori Research: An Indigenous Approach to Creating Knowledge.” In MƗori and Psychology: Research and Practice – The Proceedings of a Symposium Sponsored by the MƗori and Psychology Research Unit, edited by N. Robertson, 1-7. Hamilton: MƗori and Psychology Unit, 1999. Book Project Committee. Murihiku: The Southland Story. Invercargill, New Zealand: Craig’s Design and Print Ltd, 2006. Chilton, Chris. “Evaline Skerrett: The 'Maori Nightingale' Princess Iwa.” The Southland Times, October 20, 2015, https://www.stuff.co.nz/southland-times/news/features/72927231/ evaline-skerrett-the-maori-nightingale-princess-iwa. Cram, Fiona, and Vivienne Kennedy. "Researching with WhƗnau Collectives." Mai Review 3 (2010): 1-12. Ministry of Cultural and Heritage. “NgƗ Hua Ɨ TƗne Rore: The Benefits of Kapa Haka.” Wellington, New Zealand. Accessed October 3, 2018. https://mch.govt.nz/sites/default/files/Nga%20Hua%20A%20Tane%20 Rore%20%20The%20benefits%20of%20kapa%20haka%20(D0570327).PDF NZ Parliamentary Library, Background information briefing service for members of parliament: Te Reo MƗori – the MƗori Language 5, part. 1. Accessed October 5, 2018. https://www.parliament.nz/resource/0000000292 Tipa, Rob. “A world History of Bluff.” 2014. Accessed October 9, 2018. https://ngaitahu.iwi.nz/our_stories/world-history-bluff/ Smith, Vance. “Kapa haka – MƗori Performing Arts,” Te Ara – the Encyclopedia of New Zealand. Accessed 12 October, 2018. http://www.TeAra.govt.nz/en/kapa-haka-maori-performing-arts/print

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Webb, Ross. “Your Livelihood is on the Line” Freezing Workers in Aotearoa/New Zealand, 1973–1994. Accessed February 5, 2019. https://researchspace.auckland.ac.nz/bitstream/handle/2292/25860/who le.pdf?sequence=2 Whitinui, Paora. "The Indigenous Factor: The Role of Kapa Haka as a Culturally Responsive Learning Intervention." Waikato Journal of Education 10, no. 1 (2016): 85-98.

CHAPTER FOUR POLYFEST SOUNDING OUT THE DEEP SOUTH JARED MACKLEY-CRUMP

Introduction In 1976, a secondary school in Auckland hosted the world’s very first Polyfest. Involving four schools and lasting for a single half-day, the seed of the idea began when student leaders, teachers and parents came together and decided that a schools-led cultural festival would be an ideal forum for the celebration, transmission and maintenance of MƗori and migrant Pacific cultural traditions. 1 From this small beginning emerged a new festival model, one that grew rapidly and spread to other centres with sizeable MƗori and diasporic Pacific communities. Polyfests began to pulsate across New Zealand, and every year the sounds and movements of Pacific cultures became an educational focal point for school communities. The expansion of this concept came to a geographically symbolic conclusion in 2009 when the Murihiku Polyfest was initiated and brought Polyfest to the Deep South and southern extreme of New Zealand. This chapter represents an exploratory study of the Murihiku Polyfest, demonstrating the significance of an event of this type existing at the bottom of the South Island of New Zealand. Here, a numerically small Pacific community live far removed from the centres of Pacific cultural production in both New Zealand and the wider Pacific. Additionally, given the small nature of this community, the vast majority of festival participants are of non-Pacific ancestry. This chapter considers how these unique factors 1

It should be noted from the outset that ‘Pacific’, ‘diasporic Pacific’ and ‘migrant Pacific’ are used throughout as a broad brush. These labels refer to peoples of South Pacific nations (and their descendants) who migrated to Aotearoa predominantly from the 1960s and ‘70s. The particularities of the cultures represented at individual Polyfests is dependent on the Pacific communities that are resident in the locations where the events are held.

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impact and influence the creation and reception of Polyfest. It does this through an analysis of local media reporting of the 2015 event. Local community media are an important stakeholder in local community events.2 More importantly, community media play a special role in detailing and reinforcing the vital and mutually dependent sociocultural relations of communities and local places.3 This makes local media reporting within Southland a profitable lens through which to examine the significance of Polyfest. Moreover, the themes uncovered situate the event within a broader movement of festivals that has evolved over four decades; they also show how it delineates, how it is unique to place. It should be noted upfront that, although Polyfests are generally, but not always, combined MƗori and Pacific cultural events, this chapter focuses on the diasporic Pacific context. This is not to privilege one particular perspective over another, but simply reflects the current expertise of the author. MƗori are, of course, of the Pacific, and the Pacific is inclusive of MƗori; this dynamic is, however, complex and contested. 4 The singular focus of this chapter is a recognition that the indigenous MƗori perspective is different than the diasporic Pacific; it constitutes an entirely different and unique set of histories, and sociocultural and political relationships with both the New Zealand nation and local Southland context. Thus, it deserves focused exploration in its own right. To begin with, I offer a brief overview of both the migration of Pacific peoples to New Zealand and the subsequent development of Pacific festivals. Although brief, both are important to provide the necessary context for the discussion that follows. An outline of Murihiku Polyfest is then presented, followed by a discussion about the methodology employed, including an overview of community media in the Southland region. Beyond this, an analysis of three local media reports about Polyfest is presented, demonstrating how, through the media frames employed, they reinforce significant themes about how Polyfest can be understood.

2 Francesca Piazzi, “Building Relationships with the Local Community: Approaches to Community Engagement at Australian Folk Festivals” (PhD diss., University of Technology Sydney, 2013). 3 Kevin Howley, Understanding Community Media (Thousand Oaks: Sage, 2010). 4 Alice Somerville, Once were Pacific: MƗori Connections to Oceania (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2012).

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Migration The story of the Pacific migrations to New Zealand has been detailed elsewhere,5 however, a broad overview is provided here to contextualise the work. The large-scale migrations primarily occurred in the 1960s and 1970s and drew on a range of historical relationships that New Zealand had with many Pacific nations, some dating back to the nineteenth century.6 In the post-World War II period, the diversification of the New Zealand economy saw the government look to the Pacific to fill labour shortages. In the Pacific, rapidly increasing populations, pressure on resources, and the scant availability of secure well-paid employment created the conditions where residents looked to migration as providing the opportunity for socioeconomic advancement. Migrants came primarily from states where either current or historical constitutional links existed: the Cook Islands, Niue and Tokelau, which remain a part of the New Zealand realm and whose citizens maintain New Zealand citizenship; Samoa, which New Zealand administered from the outbreak of World War I until Samoan independence in 1962; and Fiji, where New Zealand had assisted England in upholding colonial rule. Large numbers also came from Tonga. Auckland was the main port of entry for migrants and where the majority remained; today two-thirds of all Pacific peoples in New Zealand continue to reside there. Large communities were also established in other North Island locations: central volcanic plateau towns such as Rotorua and Tokoroa, where forestry and agricultural work was available, and in Wellington and its neighbouring Hutt and Porirua cities. In the less densely populated South Island, the largest communities were established in Christchurch, where a history of scholarship students and domestic workers existed. Smaller numbers moved further south, to Dunedin and Invercargill, where freezing works were located. The most recent census data shows that 7.4% of the New Zealand population identifies as having Pacific ancestry, some 295,941 people.7 Of this number, 5

Cluny Macpherson, “Pacific Peoples in Aotearoa/New Zealand: From Sojourn to Settlement,” in Migration Happens: Reasons, Effects and Opportunities of Migration in the South Pacific, ed. Katarina Ferro and Margot Wallner (Wien: Lit Verlag GmbH & Co, 2006), 97-126. 6 Peggy Fairbairn-Dunlop, “Part One: Some Markers on the Journey,” in Making our Place: Growing up PI in New Zealand, eds. Peggy Fairbairn-Dunlop and Gabrielle Makisi (Palmerston North: Dunmore Press, 2003), 20-31. 7 All information is taken from the quadrennial census, which last took place in 2013. Pacific peoples statistics available at http://www.stats.govt.nz/Census/2013-census/

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though, only 7.1% (21,135) live in the South Island and, of that number, 60% (12,723) live in Canterbury. This means that, by the time we move as far south as Southland, with a population of 93,342, there are only 1,917 people of Pacific descent. Although statistics fail to paint the picture of a Southland that is, as elsewhere, undergoing demographic shifts, it is nonetheless still a truism that the region is far more PƗkehƗ (New Zealand European) and less MƗori and Pacific than the rest of the country. This is importantly pointed out as it provides the context through which to view and understand the broader significance of Polyfest; it also impacts how the festival is staged, and what it means for the actors who participate.

Festivalisation If Southland represents the farthest southern reach of the global Pacific diaspora, and the locale most removed from the centres of diasporic Pacific cultural production in New Zealand, it is perhaps unsurprising that Murihiku Polyfest became the most recently initiated Pacific festival. Like the migration of Pacific peoples, the festivalisation of Pacific cultures in New Zealand is also detailed elsewhere, 8 but an overview is important. Festivalisation is linked to migration; logically, the significant and influential first moments occurred where the largest populations existed to support and develop them: in Auckland. The spread of festivals then roughly follows the spread and development of Pacific communities in other cities and towns, being initiated first where the larger and older communities resided before spreading into areas where communities were more latterly established. There are two important moments of festivalisation that have greatly influenced the development of festivals in New Zealand: the inaugural schools-driven Polyfest of 1976 and the first Pasifika Festival in 1993. They established the models that have been emulated elsewhere. The Pasifika Festival, through its sheer size and prominent position within Auckland’s festival calendar, has become the preeminent Pacific festival in New Zealand, if not the world. Attracting an annual audience of between 100 and profile-and-summary-reports/quickstats-culture-identity/pacific-peoples.aspx; Southland demographic information available at http://www.stats.govt.nz/Census/2013-census/data-tables/tables-about-aplace.aspx?request_value=24510&reportid=14&tabname=Culturaldiversity 8 Jared Mackley-Crump, Negotiating Place and Identity in a New Homeland: The Pacific Festivals of Aotearoa New Zealand (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2015).

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200,000 people, it began life as, and remains, a highly-public, highlypublicised event, offering, as Talo notes, a “grand arena of Pacific-ness” for tourists and communities alike to consume.9 It offers attendees a multimedia sensory experience, focusing on both material cultural traditions but also processes of cultural evolution. Similarly modelled festivals are held in other cities, such as Wellington and Hamilton. This chapter, though, focuses on Polyfest, a model of festivals that centres on an educational focus: the maintenance and transmission of performance traditions from culture bearers and elders to students. Formerly known as the Auckland Secondary Schools MƗori and Pacific Islands Cultural Festival, the inaugural Polyfest of 1976 featured four schools competing across a single half-day, in three categories: MƗori, Samoan and Cook Islands. It grew rapidly and, by 1993, had grown beyond the capabilities of a single school to host. Within a few years it moved to its current home, the Manukau Velodrome, where it is now held across four days and features around 9,000 students from over sixty schools performing on seven stages: MƗori, Samoan, Tongan, Cook Island, Niuean, and non-competitive contemporary and diversity stages. The Polyfest concept proved popular and quickly spread to other centres, although, unlike Auckland, most Polyfests are not competitive. In 1979 the Tu Tangata Festival began in Wellington, while further festivals started in Christchurch in 1981 (for primary schools), and in the particularly MƗori and Pacific-flavoured city of Porirua, in the mid-1980s. In the 1990s further Polyfests were initiated in Dunedin, Rotorua, Tokoroa, a second in Wellington (a Catholic schools’ event), a second in Auckland (a West Auckland primary schools event), and a one-off secondary schools’ Polyfest was held in Christchurch in 1996. Finally, the first decade of the twenty-first century built on these developments, extending festivals into new locations. In 2001, secondary schools Polyfests were initiated in Hamilton and Christchurch, while over the next three years further Polyfests began in Wellington (its third), the Hawkes Bay, and in Palmerston North.

Invercargill Polyfest Murihiku Polyfest was initiated towards the end of this decade, in 2009. In doing so, it became the most recently established Polyfest, and can therefore be situated within a model of festivals that has developed over forty years 9

Ruth Talo, “Festival of Fusion: The Celebration, Representation and Identification of Pacific Cultures at Auckland's Pasifika Festival” (Masters diss., University of Auckland, 2008), 128.

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across New Zealand. Murihiku followed many of their forebears, with organisers quickly expanding their own model and establishing ancillary events alongside the central music and dance festival. The impetus for the event began when Parker Ormond, lecturer at Otago University’s College of Education Southland Campus, travelled to Dunedin and attended their long-running Polyfest. Upon returning, and believing it an event that could be replicated in Invercargill, he recruited Pauline Smith and Lisa Tou McNaughton, who set about realising the idea. An inaugural, one-day Murihiku Polyfest was held in August 2009 at Stadium Southland, and involved over twenty performance groups. After this initial success, a formal trust was established as an organisational body and, from there, the event experienced rapid growth as well as expansion. A student art exhibition and competition was added, a T-Shirt design competition, and a food festival was held in 2015, which will return biannually. In addition, a number of MƗori/Pacific-themed workshops and other educational activities are held throughout the year. As a mark of how quickly it became established within the community, in 2012 Polyfest was supreme winner at the Invercargill Southland Community Awards. In 2019 Polyfest has become a six day event, including two evening performances, and involves more than 120 groups. As well as encompassing the entire Southland region, schools from neighbouring Central and South Otago are now also participating, and in 2019 a group from Te One School in the Chatham Islands also travelled to participate in the Murihiku Polyfest.

Method As already noted, this is an exploratory study of Murihiku Polyfest. Pacific festivals in New Zealand represent an under-researched phenomenon, and what exists focuses primarily on events held in Auckland,10 and especially educational perspectives of the original Polyfest.11 Given two-thirds of all Pacific people in New Zealand live there, this is somewhat logical. The result, though, is that no empirical or theoretical investigation has yet been 10

Mackley-Crump, Negotiating Place; Ruth Talo, “Festival of Fusion”. Ilana Gershon and Solonaima Collins, “Outspoken Indigenes and Nostalgic Migrants: Maori and Samoan Educating Performances in an Aotearoa New Zealand Cultural Festival,” Teachers College Record 109 (2007): 1797-1820. 11

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conducted outside of this context, and, as this chapter makes clear, local context is significantly meaningful in attempting to understand how Polyfest is manifested outside of Pacific-majority populations. Thus, in looking to approach an empirical study of Murihiku Polyfest, my exploratory, researcher interest turned first to how the event is represented in local media. The choice to analyse newspaper reporting was made because it remains a widely read and widely disseminated form of media, especially with the fundamental shift to online publication, the space in which this analysis occurred. It also situates the work within a long history of using this method to uncover and highlight social trends.12 The local Southland community is particularly well served by community media, given its relatively small population. International media company Fairfax, who own a stable of interests across New Zealand, publish two papers in the region: broadsheet The Southland Times, which has been published since 1862, and the weekly tabloid The Invercargill Eye, which has been delivered free to households since 2007. A second, weekly free tabloid, The Southland Express, is published by Dunedin-owned Allied Press and has been delivered to residents since 1992. The articles chosen for this analysis were all published in The Southland Times. This is because coverage of Polyfest in The Invercargill Eye tended to be predominantly image-led, and this chapter is not a visual ethnography, and electronic copies of The Southland Express were only just becoming available at the time of analysis. The media has an influential role in shaping public opinion and determining how the wider public interpret and make sense of issues;13 they are also an important event stakeholder. The community is another, and ongoing community support helps events become established and sustainable institutions.14 The success of an event, community and media are thus interlinked within the mediasphere, and are inter-dependent. This has been noted, for example, by Piazzi, who positions the media as a crucial tool in assisting local organisers to mediate practical event information, generate interest

12 Jennifer Earl et al., “The Use of Newspaper Data in the Study of Collective Action,” Annual Review of Sociology 30 (2004): 65-80. 13 David Tewksbury and Dietram Scheufele, “News Framing Theory and Research,” in Media Effects: Advances in Theory and Research, edited by Bryant Jennings, and Mary Beth Oliver, 17-33. Hillsdale: Lawrence Erlbaum, 2009. 14 Donald Getz, Event Studies (London and New York: Routledge, 2012), 311-312.

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through narrative-driven stories, and maximise attendance.15 Furthermore, local support and alignment between key stakeholders is important in ensuring an event reaches its broader development and tangible sociocultural aims.16 Events are increasingly intertwined with public policy concerns, and this results in a more coordinated effort on the part of stakeholders to ensure policy success is realised.17 Therefore, taking into account the symbiotic relationships between events, local communities, media and other stakeholders, an analysis of media reports about an event can reveal how the event is situated within its local community. Media framing theory is an approach that illuminates this situatedness. It comes from the broader area of media effects studies and can be defined as “patterns of cognition, emphasis, and exclusion, by which symbol handlers routinely organize discourse.”18 More simply put, media framing examines the themes and dominant narratives that come to characterise the media's reporting about a particular event or issue.19 It stems from a belief that the media are able to promote certain opinions and outcomes because of the way they are able to select and increase the prominence of certain perspectives.20 When covering events, media make an active choice about the particular aspects of a story it chooses to highlight. In turn, this creates meaning and provides the public not only with information, but also suggests how this information can be interpreted. If the media choose to employ framing narratives that position local events as valuable to the community, as serving a collective social benefit, then the general public are presented with a particular way of viewing them. If these representations are recurrent, and not countered publicly, it suggests not only the creation of a dominant narrative about community events, but also implies widespread stakeholder support for this position.

15

Francesca Piazzi, “Building Relationships with the Local Community: Approaches to Community Engagement at Australian Folk Festivals” (PhD diss., University of Technology Sydney, 2013). 16 Lena Mossberg and Donald Getz, “Stakeholder Influences on the Ownership and Management of Festival Brands,” Scandinavian Journal of Hospitality and Tourism 6 (2006): 308-326. 17 Getz, Event Studies, 332-352. 18 Todd Gitlin, The Whole World is Watching (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980), 7. 19 Anders Hansen and David Machin, Media and Communication Research Methods (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013). 20 Kasper Hansen, “The Sophisticated Public: The Effect of Competing Frames on Public Opinion,” Scandinavian Political Studies 30 (2007): 377-396.

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Media frames can be categorised as either “episodic” or “thematic.” Where episodic frames focus on the singular nature of a particular event, thematic media stories contextualise the discussion within broader sociocultural trends and developments.21 Additionally, episodic framing tends towards a focus on individuals within an event or story, whereas thematic framing adopts a collective perspective. Despite differing framing devices, though, both episodic and thematic frames can help to position events as positive agents of social change. 22 This is important because stories using both episodic and thematic framing devices are analysed here and, together, present a compelling case that supports this thesis. One focuses on the story of a particular family, individual and performance; two others take a bigger picture perspective, focusing on the role and significance of Polyfest within the Southland region. While they therefore present quite different narratives, and focus on different aspects of Murihiku Polyfest, together they support an underlying singular narrative about the value of this event to the local community. Despite the long and widespread use of media framing as an analytical tool, its employment in event and festival studies has, to date, been limited. Falkheimer, in fact, has described analyses of event media coverage as “a blind spot of research.”23 Existing research predominantly focuses on largescale international sports events.24 Outside of this frame, scant research is discoverable and none take as their object of focus a local community cultural event.25 Robertson and Rogers, for example, in an analysis of UK 21

Kimberly Gross, “Framing Persuasive Appeals: Episodic and Thematic Framing, Emotional Response, and Policy Opinion,” Political Psychology 29 (2008): 169-192. 22 Soonhwan Lee, Kim, Seungmo, and Adam Love, “Coverage of the Gay Games from 1980-2012 in US Newspapers: An Analysis of Newspaper Article Framing,” Journal of Sport Management 28 (2014): 176-188. 23 Jesper Falkheimer, “Events Framed by the Mass Media: Media Coverage and Effects of America's Cup Pre-regatta in Sweden,” Event Management 11 (2007): 82. 24 e.g. Falkheimer, “Events Framed by the Mass Media”; Brent Ritchie, Shipway, Richard, and Monica Chien, “The Role of the Media in Influencing Residents' Support for the 2012 Olympic Games,” International Journal of Event and Festival Management 1 (2010): 202-219; Lee, Kim and Love, Coverage of the Gay Games”; Meaghan Carey and Daniel Mason, “Damage Control: Media Framing of Sport Event Crises and the Response Strategies of Organizers,” Event Management 20 (2016): 119-133. 25 e.g. Tekle Shanka and Ruth Taylor, “A Correspondence Analysis of Sources of Information Used by Festival Visitors,” Tourism Analysis 9 (2004): 55-62; Michael Sheehy, “Woodstock: How the Media Missed the Historic Angle of the Breaking Story,” Journalism History 37 (2012): 238-246.

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festivals over a two-year period, find that, while various positive and negative social impact frames were evident, it was the singular frame of economic impacts that dominated media coverage and was present in almost half of stories analysed.26 A later piece extended these findings, highlighting the importance of media in organiser and attendee perceptions of sociocultural impacts, whether positive or negative. 27 From a different perspective, but underscoring this perceived power of media to influence public opinion, Jutbring has recently shown how gender equality advocates in Sweden were able to adopt a “piggy-backing” strategy and use the platform of music festival media coverage to transfer their advocacy frames to journalists, who then reflected these in their reporting of the events.28 Brennan-Horley, Connell and Gibson come closest to commenting on community media framing, in finding significant discrepancy between national and local newspaper coverage of a Parkes Elvis festival in rural New South Wales, Australia.29 This comprises, however, just one part of a broad festival analysis, and media framing does not feature specifically. Clearly, then, there is a dearth of media framing analyses discussing local media reporting of local community events.

The Southland Times reports… This analysis focuses on three articles published in The Southland Times about Polyfest in 2015; two contain thematic media framing, one is episodic. They were chosen because they are representative examples of how the event has been generally framed by this publication over time.30 Through

26 Martin Robertson and Phil Rogers, “Paths Towards Sustainability: Social Cultural Evaluation of Festivals in Rural and Non-urban Areas, an Analysis of Media Interpretations” (paper presented at the International Conference for Sustainable Tourism and Spirit of Hospitality in the Alpine Environment, Sappada Dolomites, Italy, 2008). 27 Martin Robertson and Phil Rogers, “Festivals, Cooperative Stakeholders and the Role of the Media: A Case Analysis of Newspaper Media,” Scandinavian Journal of Hospitality and Tourism 9 (2009): 206-224. 28 Henrik Jutbring, “Festivals Framed as Unequal: Piggybacking Events to Advance Gender Equality,” Annals of Leisure Research (2016). doi: 10.1080/11745398.2016.1175953. 29 Chris Brennan-Horley, Connell, John, and Chris Gibson, “The Parkes Elvis Revival Festival: Economic Development and Contested Place Identities in Rural Australia,” Geographical Research 45 (2007): 71-84. 30 see, for example, Evan Harding, “Murihiku Polyfest Joyous, Uplifting,” The Southland Times, August 28, 2015, accessed August 11, 2016,

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an analysis of the framing devices employed, three key themes are highlighted and will be discussed at length: the role of the festival as a medium for the maintenance and transmission of performance traditions to young people of Pacific descent; the role of the festival as a medium where other young people engage with and learn about MƗori and Pacific cultures; and the role of the event as a symbol of Southland’s increasing diversity.

Polyfest as Part of Southland; Polyfest Representing Southland The Southland Times editorial of 27 August 2015 adopts a thematic approach. Titled “Polyfest a luminous event,” it opens with an assured assertion: “Polyfest is a place of polyphonic, polychromatic, polyglottic pleasures.” 31 While an apparent alliteration on the Poly(nesian) of its primary cultural content, it also underscores that Polyfest is a polyspheric event, foregrounding the editorial’s key argument (and this chapter’s) that the festival has multiple realised social impacts. Polyfest is a vivid demonstration of multiculturalism, the editorial states, featuring students who draw on “the expertise developed over the course of a young lifetime” while others show “fresh…newfound understandings.” This highlights a unique aspect of Murihiku Polyfest: that, while it features the talents and expertise of young MƗori and Pacific people, the majority of its participants are not of MƗori or Pacific descent (festival co-ordinator Pauline Smith is quoted as saying 80% of participants are nonMƗori/Pacific). This is an important distinction as it stands in complete contrast to most other Polyfests, most tellingly the Auckland original, where the majority of competitors represent the culture of their ancestors. Because of this, Murihiku Polyfest emphasises participation over competition, and the educational potential for students with little or no awareness of the cultural context of performance material. This aspect is further commented upon: “Notable, too…there's more going on here than kids knowing how to play their parts to pleasing theatrical effect. As organisers and school http://www.stuff.co.nz/southland-times/news/71546582/murihiku-polyfest-joyousuplifting; Lauren Hayes, “Culture in a Class of its Own,” The Southland Times, August 28, 2014, accessed August 11, 2016, http://www.stuff.co.nz/southlandtimes/news/10431879/Culture-in-a-class-of-its-own; The Southland Times, “Editorial: The Pleasures of Polyfest,” August 28, 2014, accessed August 11, 2016, http://www.stuff.co.nz/southland-times/opinion/10431859/The-pleasures-of-Polyfest. 31 The Southland Times, “Editorial: Polyfest a luminous event,” August 27, 2015, accessed August 11, 2016, http://www.stuff.co.nz/southland-times/opinion/71476 834/polyfest-a-luminous-event.

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principals have been saying, the participants have been learning the meaning behind what they're doing.” There are multiple possible impacts of this. For young Pacific students, having one’s culture and identity incorporated into and reinforced by the school environment can have positive extra-musical outcomes. 32 It emphasises that there need not be a differentiation between the culture of home and community environments, and the institutionalised educational environment. For other students, learning about the cultural practices of other students helps to build relationships of understanding across difference, as well as assist in the development of cultural intelligence, or cross-cultural competence. This can be seen as especially important in preparing young people for the increasingly diverse twenty-first century environments in which they will continue to learn, work and live.33 As the editor states, “it is a couldn't-be-more-harmonious reminder of the difference between diversity and division…people know it is of benefit to them.” Additionally, then, and in a broader context, Polyfest becomes a display of the changing face of Southland: “Each year the event gets bigger and stronger, cheerfully showing the folly of the clichéd view of a resolutely homogenous Southern society.” This notion is crucial. Today’s towns and cities are increasingly competing to attract investment and people capital, the so-called creative class, for means of urban and economic development. Tourism and event-led strategies are deliberately being adopted in efforts to create the “symbolic capital” associated with “eventful cities.”34 Southland is not immune to these processes, and has already expended efforts in this area.35 Polyfest thus has strategic and symbolic importance in continuing to shift perceptions of the region as culturally homogenous, as the editorial is keen to reinforce. The sentiments expressed in the editorial are reflected in another thematically framed story, “Southland embraces MƗori and Pasifika culture,” 32

e.g. Jared Mackley-Crump, “Malaga—The Journey: The Performing Arts as a Motivational Tool for Pasifika Students in Aotearoa New Zealand,” The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology 2 (2011): 255-273. 33 David Livermore, Leading with Cultural Intelligence: The Real Secret to Success (New York: AMACOM, 2015). 34 Greg Richards and Richard Palmer. Eventful Cities: Cultural Management and Urban Revitalization (Oxford: Elsevier, 2010). 35 Ann Ashton, “Tourist Destination Brand Image Development—An Analysis Based on Stakeholders’ Perception: A Case Study from Southland, New Zealand,” Journal of Vacation Marketing (2014), accessed August 17, 2016, doi: 10.1177/1356766713518061.

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published in the 25 August edition of The Southland Times. 36 Nicoll positions Polyfest as an event that is not only widely supported, but is one that is changing the very concept of the music that is made at the bottom of the world. Polyfest has become an event that increasing sections of the Southland community (and beyond) are supporting, according to festival co-ordinator Lisa Tou-McNaughton. The rapid increase in participation witnessed over its short seven-year life – from 28 school groups to 105 and almost 6,000 students – is quoted in support of this assertion. "We've seen the whole community, from rural areas, and city areas, really embracing it…I think Southland is a place where people really care about each other," she notes. This is a telling quote. It invokes a sense of community spirit as not only something particular to place, but also reflects a dominant narrative that characterises small towns as close-knit and more community-minded overall, especially when compared to larger urban centres.37 It is an apt demonstration of the central role that community media fulfils in detailing the important, mutually-dependent social relations that underpin small communities. More tellingly, Nicoll opens with a particularly illustrative statement: “Parents throughout Southland know well what time of year it is as their children practice their waiata and kapa haka for Polyfest.” This descriptive sentence – perhaps unintentionally – has poetic yet theoretical relevance. It conjures up an image of practices occurring throughout the province, as the sounds of Polyfest waft out of classrooms and across soundscapes far and wide. It imagines Southland’s green rural idyll, as well as suburban Invercargill, now layered with the sounds of Pacific cultures, and finds no disjuncture here. It infers that the musics of diasporic Pacific cultures have not only become part of the fabric of music making in Southland, but they are expected: Parents know what time of the year it is, and they are expecting to hear this music. These ideas align with the work of human geographer Michelle Duffy’s work on festivals and the sonic territorialisation of space and place. She argues that performing in community-oriented festivals connects participants 36 Dave Nicoll, “Southland Embraces Maori and Pasifika Culture,” The Southland Times, August 25, 2015a, accessed August 11, 2016, http://www.stuff.co.nz/southland-times/71436952/southland-embraces-maori-andpasifika-culture. 37 e.g. Jeremie Forney and Paul Stock, “Conversion of Family Farms and Resilience in Southland, New Zealand,” International Journal of Sociology of Agriculture and Food 21 (2014): 7-29.

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to narratives of place and create connections between identity and belonging.38 Adapting ideas from French philosophers Deleuze and Guattari, where music is a metaphor for the processes by which people territorialise and mark ownership of space, Duffy further asserts that festivals influence readings of and alter our perceptions of the places in which they are staged.39 I have expanded this idea to the Pacific festival space in New Zealand, arguing that, as more and more festivals have been initiated across the country, they have continued a process of reinscribing the places in which they occur. 40 These events help to create and reinforce Pacific peoples’ connections to New Zealand, as a new diasporic homeland, while simultaneously continuing to change perceptions about what New Zealand and New Zealand-ness is, or continues to become. Aspects of the broader Pacific continue to become (an accepted) part of local geographies and cultural landscapes, and the annual repeated pulsing of Pacific festivals can symbolically be seen as beacons that territorialise, that bring into being a sense of this belonging to place. In a local sense, the initiation of Murihiku Polyfest in 2009 reflects that diasporic Pacific peoples have permanently made homes in Southland, decades after migration first brought them to the bottom of the New Zealand mainland. The communities have grown to the point at which this event is sustainable; the people skills, event management capabilities, stakeholder relationships and networks, and cultural capital required now exist in sufficient quantities. Polyfest is a recognition of this social change and that the Pacific communities are now a vital part of the local cultural fabric. Thematic framing devices employed by local community media reinforce these ideas. Since 2009, the most recently initiated Polyfest and southernmost celebration of Pacific cultures in the world has carved out a unique and symbolically important place within the event and musical landscape of the region. The musical practices that Polyfest brings into the highly visible public sphere are regarded as a component part and representative of the sounds of Southland.

38 Michelle Duffy, “The Performance of Identity: The Community Music Festival in Australia,” (paper presented at the Institute of Australian Geographers Identities in Action! Conference, December 10-12, 1999). 39 Michelle Duffy, “Lines of Drift: Festival Participation and Performing a Sense of Place,” Popular Music 19 (2000): 51-64. 40 Mackley-Crump, Negotiating Place.

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Cultural Transmission and Adaptation in the Deep South The final story analysed, titled “Samoan heritage spans generations for Poutasi family,” appeared in the 27 August 2015 edition of The Southland Times, the same day as the editorial discussed above.41 It differs from the previous two, however, in that it is episodic in its framing. Rather than discussing Polyfest as a social phenomenon, this story is individual and focuses on three generations of the Poutasi family. Patriarch David Poutasi spent 21 years living in Invercargill, working at the local Tiwai Point smelter. After raising a family, he moved to Auckland in 1995, after his wife passed away. His son Roy remains in Invercargill, and helps to tutor the St Patrick’s School Polyfest group, of which his daughter Elena is a member. During the holidays prior to the 2015 festival Elena spent time with her grandfather in Auckland, learning a dance that acted as the finale for the school’s performance. The dance Elena performed is called a taualuga, a particular solo dance normally performed at the climax of an event by someone of high social rank (i.e. the child of a high chief or minister). It is found in various forms across Western Polynesia, but here is in its Samoan form. The taualuga is considered a graceful, elegant dance, and the movements – particularly of the hands – should reflect these characteristics. 42 The dancer wears distinctive performance dress: a finely woven mat, called ‘ie toga, is wrapped around the body and secured with a sash comprising tapa material and/or brightly coloured feathers (or material imitating this). The costume is crowned with a headdress, called tuiga, traditionally made of coconut fibres and today adorned with a mixture of feathers, mirrors, shells, and other contemporary decorative items. The image that accompanies the story shows Elena, with her father and grandfather, dressed in costume resembling this description. The story demonstrates the significance of Polyfest in several ways. The article is an apt demonstration of cultural transmission, a concept that is central not only to Polyfest in Murihiku, but to Polyfests across Aotearoa. It reflects cultural transmission between both family patriarch and 41

Dave Nicoll, “Samoan Heritage Spans Generations for Poutasi Family,” The Southland Times, August 27, 2015b, accessed August 11, 2016, http://www.stuff.co.nz/southland-times/71505874/samoan-heritage-spansgenerations-for-poutasi-family. 42 Sean Mallon, Samoan Art and Artists: O Measina a Samoa (Nelson: Craig Potton, 2002).

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granddaughter – Elena is quoted in the story as enjoying spending time with her grandfather, learning more about her culture and family traditions – but also between culture bearer to the cultural other. In tutoring his daughter’s Polyfest group, Elena’s father Roy is involved in a process of transmitting aspects of Samoan musical performance to members who are not Samoan. “That's what we know and it's what we are passing on,” he states. This reflects a particular and important theme of Polyfests in locations where Pacific participants are not in the majority: that of the festival’s potential to foster culturally diverse knowledge through music education. This has been recognised as not only an important educational outcome, but is identified as a barrier by school teachers who are not able to provide these experiences/knowledge. 43 In this context, Roy is providing an important community service in fostering and promoting cultural diversity in the Southland region. One final theme reflected in this episodic article is the notion of cultural adaptation, or of music (culture, more broadly) undergoing a localising process. In its historic context, the taualuga is performed by someone of high rank, as the highlight of a particular event. In the local Southland context Elena has taken on this role, although it can be considered an appropriate approximation given her father’s elevated status as the performance group’s tutor and cultural advisor. Furthermore, although not the climax of Polyfest, the taualuga retains its symbolic role, here as the high point of the school’s item. As Roy notes, “she's held back as the gem in the crown. It's supposed to end in a beautiful way.” This is an apt demonstration of how cultural practices undergo a process of transformation or adaptation when migration into diaspora occurs.44 Although fundamental change has not occurred, the taualuga has nonetheless been adapted to fit its Southland performance environment.

Conclusion This chapter has presented a brief exploratory investigation of Murihiku Polyfest, an event that, since 2009, has become a vital part of Southland’s festival calendar. In doing so, it has highlighted the permanent place of MƗori and Pacific musical performance traditions in the community and 43 Tracy Rohan, “Teaching Music, Learning Culture: The Challenge of Culturally Responsive Music Education,” (PhD diss., University of Otago, 2011). 44 Karlo Mila-Schaaf, “Polycultural Capital and the Pasifika Second Generation: Negotiating Identities in Diasporic Spaces” (PhD diss., Massey University, 2010), 126-136.

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musical landscape of the region. The analysis presented, of local media reporting and its framing of the event, reveals several key themes. These themes situate Polyfest both within the broader development of Polyfests in New Zealand, across four decades, but also highlights how Murihiku Polyfest is unique to its location. Polyfest, as a festival model, celebrates the place of Pacific peoples in New Zealand and focuses on the transmission of performance traditions from culture bearers to young people. In Murihiku, this knowledge is transmitted to young people of Pacific descent, as elsewhere, but also to young people who are not of Pacific descent, a unique characteristic. In doing so, it creates the possibility of building and strengthening cross-cultural relationships, and increasing a community’s cultural intelligence. Murihiku Polyfest also stands as a highly symbolic display of the region’s increasing multiculturalism, and, in this sense, is well supported by local stakeholders, of which community media is central and also influential. Finally, Polyfests across New Zealand negotiate the issue of cultural change and adaptation. In Murihiku, we see this visible in the adaptation of the taualuga to suit its performance context. As an exploratory piece of research, this chapter has set the foundations for work that may now follow. Further understanding the role of the various stakeholders involved in this event would illuminate the processes by which Polyfest has experienced such widespread support and rapid growth; it would provide important learnings for community event management. Additionally, interrogating the festival space by focusing on those performing would help to uncover the function of Polyfest in the lives, identities and educations of the young people involved. This would provide a valuable understanding and empirical data detailing the kinds of social impacts that local media narratives paint Murihiku Polyfest as having.

References Ashton, Ann. “Tourist Destination Brand Image Development: An Analysis Based on Stakeholders’ Perception: A Case Study from Southland, New Zealand.” Journal of Vacation Marketing (2014). Accessed August 17, 2016. doi: 10.1177/1356766713518061. Brennan-Horley, Chris, Connell, John, and Chris Gibson. “The Parkes Elvis Revival Festival: Economic Development and Contested Place Identities in Rural Australia.” Geographical Research 45 (2007): 71-84.

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Carey, Meaghan, and Daniel Mason. “Damage Control: Media Framing of Sport Event Crises and the Response Strategies of Organizers.” Event Management 20 (2016): 119-133. Duffy, Michelle. “The Performance of Identity: The Community Music festival in Australia.” Paper presented at the Institute of Australian Geographers Identities in Action! Conference, December 10-12, 1999. —. “Lines of Drift: Festival Participation and Performing a Sense of Place.” Popular Music 19 (2000): 51-64. Earl, Jennifer, Martin, Andrew, McCarthy, John, Sarah Soule. “The Use of Newspaper Data in the Study of Collective Action.” Annual Review of Sociology 30 (2004): 65-80. Fairbairn-Dunlop, Peggy. “Part One: Some Markers on the Journey.” In Making our place: Growing up PI in New Zealand, edited by Peggy Fairbairn-Dunlop and Gabrielle Makisi, 20-31. Palmerston North: Dunmore Press, 2003. Falkheimer, Jesper. “Events Framed by the Mass Media: Media Coverage and Effects of America's Cup Pre-Regatta in Sweden.” Event Management 11 (2007): 81-88. Forney, Jeremie, and Paul Stock. “Conversion of Family Farms and Resilience in Southland, New Zealand.” International Journal of Sociology of Agriculture and Food 21 (2014): 7-29. Gershon, Ilana, and Solonaima Collins. “Outspoken Indigenes and Nostalgic Migrants: MƗori and Samoan Educating Performances in an Aotearoa New Zealand Cultural Festival.” Teachers College Record 109 (2007): 1797-1820. Getz, Donald. Event Studies. London and New York: Routledge, 2012. Gitlin, Todd. The Whole World is Watching. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980. Gross, Kimberly. “Framing Persuasive Appeals: Episodic and Thematic Framing, Emotional Response, and Policy Opinion.” Political Psychology 29 (2008): 169-192. Hansen, Kasper. “The Sophisticated Public: The Effect of Competing Frames on Public Opinion.” Scandinavian Political Studies 30 (2007): 377-396. Hansen, Anders, and David Machin. Media and Communication Research Methods. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013. Harding, Evan. “Murihiku Polyfest Joyous, Uplifting.” The Southland Times, August 28, 2015. Accessed August 11, 2016. http://www.stuff.co.nz/southland-times/news/71546582/murihikupolyfest-joyous-uplifting.

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Hayes, Lauren. “Culture in a Class of its Own.” The Southland Times, August 28, 2014. Accessed August 11, 2016. http://www.stuff.co.nz/southland-times/news/10431879/Culture-in-aclass-of-its-own. Howley, Kevin. Understanding Community Media. Thousand Oaks: Sage, 2010. Inkson, Kerr, and David Thomas. Cultural Intelligence: Living and Working Globally. San Francisco: Berrett-Koehler, 2009. Jutbring, Henrik. “Festivals Framed as Unequal: Piggybacking Events to Advance Gender Equality.” Annals of Leisure Research (2016). doi: 10.1080/11745398.2016.1175953. Lee, Soonhwan, Kim, Seungmo, and Adam Love. “Coverage of the Gay Games from 1980-2012 in US Newspapers: An analysis of newspaper article framing.” Journal of Sport Management 28 (2014): 176-188. Livermore, David. Leading with Cultural Intelligence: The Real Secret to Success. New York: AMACOM, 2015. Mackley-Crump, Jared. “Malaga: The Journey: The Performing Arts as Motivational Tool for Pasifika Students in Aotearoa New Zealand.” The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology 2 (2011): 255-273. —. Negotiating Place and Identity in a New Homeland: The Pacific Festivals of Aotearoa New Zealand. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2015. Macpherson, Cluny. “Pacific Peoples in Aotearoa/New Zealand: From Sojourn to Settlement.” In Migration Happens: Reasons, Effects and Opportunities of Migration in the South Pacific, edited by Katarina Ferro and Margot Wallner, 97-126. Wien: Lit Verlag GmbH & Co, 2006. Mallon, Sean. Samoan Art and Artists: O Measina a Samoa. Nelson: Craig Potton, 2002. Mila-Schaaf, Karlo. “Polycultural Capital and the Pasifika Second Generation: Negotiating Identities in Diasporic Spaces.” PhD diss., Massey University, 2010. Mossberg, Lena, and Donald Getz. “Stakeholder Influences on the Ownership and Management of Festival Brands.” Scandinavian Journal of Hospitality and Tourism 6 (2006): 308-326. Nicoll, Dave. “Southland Embraces MƗori and Pasifika Culture.” The Southland Times, August 25, 2015a. Accessed August 11, 2016. http://www.stuff.co.nz/southland-times/71436952/southland-embracesMƗori-and-pasifika-culture. —. “Samoan Heritage Spans Generations for Poutasi Family.” The Southland Times, August 27, 2015b. Accessed August 11, 2016.

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http://www.stuff.co.nz/southland-times/71505874/samoan-heritagespans-generations-for-poutasi-family. Piazzi, Francesca. “Building Relationships with the Local Community: Approaches to Community Engagement at Australian Folk Festivals.” PhD diss., University of Technology Sydney, 2013. Richards, Greg, and Richard Palmer. Eventful Cities: Cultural Management and Urban Revitalization. Oxford: Elsevier, 2010. Ritchie, Brent, Richard Shipway, and Monica Chien. “The Role of the Media in Influencing Residents' Support for the 2012 Olympic Games.” International Journal of Event and Festival Management 1 (2010): 202219. Robertson, Martin, and Phil Rogers. “Paths Towards Sustainability: Social Cultural Evaluation of Festivals in Rural and Non-urban Areas, an Analysis of Media Interpretations.” Paper presented at the International Conference for Sustainable Tourism and Spirit of Hospitality in the Alpine Environment, Sappada Dolomites, Italy, 2008. Robertson, Martin, and Phil Rogers. “Festivals, Cooperative Stakeholders and the Role of the Media: A Case Analysis of Newspaper Media.” Scandinavian Journal of Hospitality and Tourism 9 (2009): 206-224. Rohan, Tracy. “Teaching Music, Learning Culture: The Challenge of Culturally Responsive Music Education.” PhD diss., University of Otago, 2011. Shanka, Tekle, and Ruth Taylor. “A Correspondence Analysis of Sources of Information used by Festival Visitors.” Tourism Analysis 9 (2004): 55-62. Sheehy, Michael. “Woodstock: How the Media Missed the Historic Angle of the Breaking Story.” Journalism History 37 (2012): 238-246. Somerville, Alice. Once were Pacific: MƗori Connections to Oceania. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2012. Talo, Ruth. “Festival of Fusion: The Celebration, Representation and Identification of Pacific Cultures at Auckland's Pasifika Festival.” Masters diss., University of Auckland, 2008. Tewksbury, David, and Dietram Scheufele. “News Framing Theory and Research.” In Media Effects: Advances in Theory and Research, edited by Bryant Jennings, and Mary Beth Oliver, 17-33. Hillsdale: Lawrence Erlbaum, 2009. The Southland Times. “Editorial: The Pleasures of Polyfest.” August 28, 2014. Accessed August 11, 2016. http://www.stuff.co.nz/southlandtimes/opinion/10431859/The-pleasures-of-Polyfest.

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—. “Editorial: Polyfest A Luminous Event.” August 27, 2015. Accessed August 11, 2016. http://www.stuff.co.nz/southland-times/opinion/7147 6834/polyfest-a-luminous-event.

CHAPTER FIVE THE SOUTHLAND MUSICIANS’ CLUB: A COMMENTARY CHRIS CHILTON

Introduction In an unassuming street in an industrial precinct of Invercargill, surrounded by the piled-up carcasses of wrecked cars, the musical heart of Southland holds a relentless beat. If you drive down Preston Street, it’s easy to miss the rather drab-looking building behind the tall wooden fence at number 33. Appearances can be deceiving. The repurposed house has been the home of the Southland Musicians’ Club since 1983, and it has seen some action. Inside the club’s committee room, known by members as The Cosy, the walls are lined with dozens of band photographs, some old, some new, each one representing a chapter in the story of a colourful musical collective as diverse as it is entertaining. Two large honours boards hang in The Cosy, one celebrating past elected officers and entertainers of the year, and the other the names of the inductees in the Southland Musicians Club Southland Rock and Roll Hall of Fame. That has always been the way of the Southland Musicians’ Club – guardians of the past and champions of the present. Generations of homegrown and visiting musical entertainers have trod its boards, and it has always been a passionate advocate for rising youthful talent. The aim of this chapter is to provide a commentary on the history, development and current role of the Southland Musicians Club in Invercargill from the perspective of someone who has been a part of that history. This chapter builds on, and adds to, the history of the club that was

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published in 2006, titled 45 South in Concert,1 by Neil McKelvie. It draws on my own memories and newspaper reporting of the time, along with interviews carried out with Trevor Daley and Bruce Chilton. The Southland Musicians’ Club was the social hub of the local music scene long before it moved into its suburban Prestonville digs. During its first apex, in the mid-1970s, the club’s leased premises in Deveron Street enjoyed the benefits of 11pm closing. As Invercargill pubs emptied hundreds of happy punters on to the city streets, musos and members of the public in the know flocked to 69 Deveron Street to carry on the party into the small hours. There was simply nowhere else to go, and the atmosphere in the upstairs clubroom was electric. The best musos jammed there, and young bands got their first break there. A cloud of blue cigarette smoke hung permanently below the low ceilings, and between band sets the clatter of glasses and excited chatter was invigorating. I vividly remember playing my first and only gig there, in 1984, with the first band I was in – a then-rookie four-piece called Sister Europe. We were all young – in our late teens or early 20s – and for each of us Sister Europe was our first band. What we lacked in experience and skill we made up for in enthusiasm, but being invited to play a late-night set at the musos club was still a daunting prospect. I can’t imagine that any of the punters there would have been blown away by our raw and scratchy performance, but the support we received that night has stayed with me for a lifetime. I’ve had many opportunities in the ensuing years to thank club stalwarts, the Daley brothers, Bob and Trevor, for the friendly and genuine encouragement they gave us. Now, as a current club committee member, I feel a responsibility to pass that encouragement on to the next generation of young budding musicians. It was an honour to undertake this rite of passage in our formative musical years, playing in front of world-wise musos who for the most part would have started out as green as we were then, in a room that had hosted many guests more illustrious than us. Visiting musicians received a standing invitation to drop by. Major touring acts including Acker Bilk, Kenny Ball, Dragon and Rodger Fox’s big band took up the offer to join in the revelry. English jazz clarinetist Acker Bilk, who achieved international fame and topped pop charts around the world with his signature hit tune Stranger On The Shore in 1962, borrowed Bruce 1 Neil McKelvie, 45 South in Concert (Invercargill: Southland Musicians’ Club, 2006).

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Chilton’s clarinet during a visit to Deveron Street in the 1970s but could barely get a squeak out of it. Bilk got his distinctive breathy tone blowing a much lighter gauge reed than Chilton had on his instrument. “Celebrity” visits to the club didn’t always end in cheers and beers. There is a well-told tale of the night Split Enz ran away, a story corroborated independently in 2018 by former Dance Exponents front man Jordan Luck. Club president Trevor Daley still shakes his head at that one. “It’s one of my regrets I didn’t write a letter to Rip It Up to set the record straight.” The national rock magazine had reported that Split Enz were refused entry to the Southland Musicians Club. “That was bloody crap,” Daley muses. The rule was that unless you happened to be the most recognisable art-rock band in New Zealand you had to be signed into the club by a member. The doorman recognised Split Enz all right and told them to head upstairs. At the top of the stairs another club member was collecting the cover charge off guests as they arrived. From across the crowded room Daley spotted Split Enz and with a sense of purpose strode towards them to tell the doorman to let them in for free, but before he could get there the band turned around and headed back down the stairs. To this day he doesn’t know why they left, but he insists Rip It Up got the story wrong. “It was their call to leave,” Daley says. “Nobody kicked them out. “In the meantime, their support band, the Dance Exponents, were up in the club having a great time,” he says. “We let the Exponents in but we wouldn’t let Split Enz in? I don’t think so.”

Establishment and Early Years The Southland Musicians’ Club as it is today was founded on youthful rebellion in the mid-1970s, in the days when musicians were compelled to be in the New Zealand Musicians’ Union. The 1968 Musicians’ Directory lists about 200 musicians playing in Southland at the time2. The union held its meetings in the Dutch Club, a building that formerly stood on the site of the current Invercargill Workingmen’s Club carpark in Jed Street. On March 26, 1972, 40 union members attended a meeting at which a committee was formed to adopt a constitution. The Southland Musicians’ Club Inc was thereby established. This union-based organisation was not the same beast it is today. The committee’s mandate was to find clubrooms, 2

McKelvie, 45 South, 10.

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but after two years there were still no clubrooms and membership was dwindling. More than that, though, a philosophical battle line was being drawn, largely between the older musicians who played mostly traditional dance music, swing and jazz, and the younger members who were playing in contemporary pop and rock bands. One of the younger musicians with a foot in the big band/jazz camp was woodwind player Bruce Chilton. He recalls being a member of the union for a time but, like others, feeling dissatisfied that he was seeing no gain from it. “Nothing was improving as a result of it,” he says. Daley, Chilton and others wanted to have clubrooms and more of a social scene. Some of the older members wanted to retain the status quo. The last straw for many appears to have been a meeting called by the union in 1974 to discuss leasing a building in Tay Street and basing the club there. It came to a vote. The motion was lost. Some of the older members felt that only a few members would end up doing all the work. “It was totally negative,” Daley recalls. The younger guys, including Daley, came out of the meeting “really pissed off” because they were all for the building. Revolution was in the air. Alan Skiffington had a nightclub called The Axeman, at 130 Esk Street. This building had earlier been the first home of the Invercargill Workingmen’s Club before it moved to its current premises a few doors further east in Esk Street. Skiffington called a meeting of the disaffected musos offering them a base in his nightclub. A committee was elected, with Kevin Mahoney as secretary, but the young musos knew it wasn’t going to work in Skiffington’s premises for a variety of reasons, not the least of which was that they would basically be compelled to be patrons of his establishment. Nevertheless, even without a place to call home, the musos had now officially broken away from the union and formed their own club, which they called the Invercargill Musicians Club. Many of the younger musos realised that it was ridiculous to have two clubs – the Invercargill Musicians Club and the Southland Musicians Club, which was essentially the Southland Musicians Union by another name. “Initially what the guys wanted was just a place to hang out,” Trevor Daley recalls. “A place to have a game of pool and tell a few lies.” After some tentative conversations between the two factions, in March 1976 at a meeting in the Dutch Club the members of both groups finally agreed to merge into one club, to be known as the Southland Musicians Club.

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The Southland Musicians Club’s first elected officers were: president, Trevor Daley; vice-president, Paul Rosel; secretary, Kevin Mahoney; treasurer, Lyall Swain; auditor, Bruce Chilton; committee, Phillip Butcher, Terry Templeton, John Rimmer, Neil Blue, Ken Jones and Tony Ross. The combined clubs’ first social was held in the supper room of the old Kew Bowl in Elles Road. Fifty or so musicians gathered to socialise, with singer/guitarist Dallas Matchett providing the entertainment. The search for a base continued and eventually the club leased premises upstairs at 69 Deveron Street. Back in 1976 the new club was humming with activity. It’s perhaps a reflection of the members’ social intentions that they installed a bar there two years before they built a stage for musicians to play on. Eventually they would have a band playing every Friday. As often as not that band would have just finished playing at an Invercargill Licensing Trust establishment, packing down their gear and rushing to Deveron Street to prepare for the influx of patrons. The steep, narrow stairs were not conducive to lugging heavy musical equipment but it was a great environment to play in and bands welcomed the invitation. Jamming inevitably carried on into the wee small hours. There was a lot of socialising. Bruce Chilton recalls Christmas parties with Santa handing out presents to the children and a barbecue held at the Dunsdale picnic reserve, where musos played on the back of a truck with their equipment powered by a diesel generator. Chilton describes one such event near the Otatara boat club at which a competition was held to demolish a piano. The smashed pieces had to be small enough to pass through a toilet seat. Daley adds that this was an attempt to break a Guinness World Record. History does not record whether the Southland musos smashed the record, but they certainly had a great time smashing the piano. The club nurtured young musicians. Budding musos who could barely play were actively encouraged to come and learn their chops in front of an audience that didn’t judge and was extremely supportive. “It was pretty much a youth-oriented club,” Daley says. The experience was intoxicating and educational for young musicians eager to get their foot in the door of the local music scene. In this respect the Southland Musicians’ Club has remained true to its unwritten charter as more than 40 years later the same principle of supporting young musicians is still fundamentally rock solid.

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Liquor Licensing and the Shift to Preston Street In 1977, the club was told it would have to get a liquor licence to continue running its bar, as well as comply with a raft of fire and health regulations. “We were never going to get one at the Deveron Street premises,” Daley says. By the mid-1970s the draconian liquor laws of the 1950s and 60s had been relaxed enough to permit longer opening hours. However, after 50 years of state-enforced 6 o’clock closing the nation’s thirst for alcohol was unquenchable and the newly liberalised environment allowed the construction of suburban “booze barns”, massive establishments that became exhibition grounds for public drunkenness, violence and drinkdriving.3 Despite the presence of the Invercargill Licensing Trust, which had been operating with a social mandate as well as a legislative monopoly on the sale of liquor in Invercargill since 1944, the city was not immune to the phenomenon. Outside the ILT pubs’ doors, the prevailing, unadvertised truth was that Southland clubs served alcohol to their members. Sports clubs were permitted to receive liquor licences only after 1976, when law reform sought to promote a healthier drinking culture through the creation of the Alcohol Advisory Council (ALAC). 4 However, there were no such considerations given to other social or cultural groups such as the Southland Musicians Club. In the finest tradition of amateur entrepreneurism, and despite the prevailing liquor laws, cold beer remained on the club’s menu, along with hot entertainment and pies, and, for whatever reason, the authorities turned a blind eye. “We had a pretty good relationship with the local cops,” Daley smiles. Meanwhile, the fire non-compliance issue at Deveron Street was ultimately going to be the club’s biggest problem. The club leased the premises from a building owner who had no intention of paying for the costly structural improvements required to get the clubrooms up to code. Finding new premises was the top priority, and committee member Pat Culhane spotted a possible solution in 1983. After checking the property over, the club signed a purchase deal.

3

Government of New Zealand, Law Commission, Alcohol in Our Lives: Curbing the Harm (Wellington: National Library of New Zealand, 2010). 4 Paul Christoffel, “Liquor laws - Loosening of liquor laws,” Te Ara: The Encyclopedia of New Zealand, accessed May 31, 2019. http://www.TeAra.govt.nz/en/liquor-laws/page-3.

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The old house at 33 Preston Street, in the industrial estate of Prestonville, was a doer-upper, but there were plenty of able hands in the club’s membership. However, the property had been undervalued and the club was unable to borrow the required amount. A feverish round of fundraising ensued but the club was facing an uncertain future financially. In a perverse twist of fate it was the 1984 floods that kept the club afloat. The floodwaters that inundated large tracts of Invercargill and Southland on January 27 swept through the building and, once the waters had receded, the insurance payout ensured the club remained solvent. Club members knocked down walls and removed old sheds. The resolve of their efforts only increased after the Deveron Street clubroom was closed following an official complaint about its operations. The club’s chattels went into storage while the working bees continued in Preston Street. The first Southland Musicians’ Club annual meeting at the new clubrooms was held in September 1985, and in November the club was finally granted a liquor license. Daley believes the Southland Musicians’ Club has the unique distinction of becoming the first licensed musicians’ club in the country, pre-dating the radical reforms of the Sale of Liquor Act 1989, which handed licensing responsibilities to local government and enabled clubs of any kind to legally serve alcohol to members. Invercargill Mayor Eve Poole officially opened the new Southland Musicians’ Club premises on February 9, 1986, with members of the Dunedin Musicians’ Club on hand to mark the event. The club’s relocation to industrial Prestonville in 1986 may have put it slightly off the beaten track of inner-city entertainment, but it did attract some unwanted attention. For the first few years the club’s next-door neighbours in Preston Street were members of the outlaw bikie gang the Damned, who had a fortified clubhouse there. The Damned were affiliated to Christchurch gang the Devil’s Henchmen, and for the latter years of the 1980s they were engaged in a violent feud with the Road Knights Motorcycle Club, which was then based in Tramway Road. 5 The most infamous atrocity occurred in October 1987, when Robert Holvey, a Damned associate, was killed with an axle after a ramming incident outside the Invercargill prison. Three Road Knights members were charged with murder, but the charges were later dismissed.6 5

Jarrod Gilbert, Patched: The History of Gangs in New Zealand (Auckland: New Zealand, 2013). 6 Michele Poole, The Southern Beat: A History of Policing Southland and Lakes District (Invercargill: Southland Police Charitable Trust, 2002).

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For the most part the Damned stayed away from the musicians club, but they had an unhealthy dislike of the band Pretty Wicked Head and the Desperate Men, who had provoked them merely by playing a gig at the Road Knights’ gang headquarters in Tramway Road. On at least two occasions members of the Damned gatecrashed the musos club to disrupt Pretty Wicked Head gigs, in apparent acts of retribution. On one occasion they tipped band singer-guitarist Shaun Kirkpatrick’s van on its side in the musicians’ club driveway, and on another a small posse jeered and challenged Kirkpatrick and drummer Vaughan Burtenshaw as they performed inside the club, until the two musos leapt off the stage into the midst of an all-in brawl on the dancefloor. Club member Maaki Goodwillie was working as doorman on one of these occasions, and recalls the gang members being abusive and aggressive, and one swinging a punch at him. Reportedly, the Damned went out of existence in 1990, a year after being repatched as a chapter of the Devil’s Henchmen MC, 7 and life at the Southland Musicians Club returned to a state of relative calm.

The Southland Entertainment Awards and Rock and Roll Hall of Fame Over the 40-plus years of its existence the Southland Musicians Club has been an active and entertaining presence in its community, running countless shows and events for the enjoyment of the music-loving public. Daley is particularly proud of two long-standing events: the Southland Entertainment Awards and the Southland Rock and Roll Hall of Fame, both shows run under the auspices of the Southland Musicians Club. The entertainment awards actually started a decade before the club did, in 1966. They were held at Invercargill’s Civic Theatre and organised by Invercargill musician Bill McElhinney, who also wrote a local music column titled The Southland Beat in The Southland Daily News. Readers voted for their favourite acts, with pop band The Answer dominating in 1966 and 1967. The Answer’s singer Dave Kennedy won the best male vocalist award, while Margaret Daley was named best female vocalist. In 1968 The Southland Daily News closed, Bill McElhinney moved away, and the show he’d started went into remission.

7 “Road Knights MC,” accessed June 6, 2019, https://onepercenterbikers.com/roadknights-mc-motorcycle-club/.

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It wasn’t until 20 years later that the Southland Musicians’ Club, at president Trevor Daley’s insistence, revived the idea of entertainer of the year awards with what would become an annual show initially held at the Preston Street clubrooms. The first Southland Entertainer of the Year, named at the 1987 show, was Maaki Goodwillie.8 Daley recalls the genesis of the first of the modern-era awards shows. He says that, at the time, he and the club committee thought it would just be a nice idea to celebrate a new trophy the club had been gifted, the Frank Prattley Award. They had no idea it would turn into the show it is today. The Prattley Award was donated to the club by members of the Goodall family, descendants of Frank Prattley, who achieved local fame through the middle decades of the 20th century as the leader of Southland’s most enduringly popular and well-travelled entertainment troupe, the Denza Dance Band. It was the Goodalls’ wish that the impressive trophy be awarded annually in recognition of Southland’s most promising musical act. Daley says that club members felt they should probably hold an event to showcase the award. “Initially I thought no-one would be interested,’’ he says. The first presentation of the Frank Prattley Award actually occurred in 1986, predating the revived Southland Musicians Club Entertainer of the Year show by a year. The inaugural winners were an original three-piece band, Geneva. It was from this beginning that the idea of a full awards show percolated and came to fruition in 1987. Over the next 30 years a diverse procession of Southland’s brightest new musical talents had their names engraved on the Prattley trophy. Along with the award, the silverware was retired and returned to the Goodall family after the 2015 show. The final inscription on the trophy belongs to Sky Henigan. In time the Entertainer of the Year awards show outgrew the clubrooms and in 2009 the show was revamped and relocated back to the Civic Theatre. The rebranded Southland Entertainment Awards event has grown spectacularly in ensuing years, becoming a glittering celebration of Southland music, musicians and musical theatre, brass and pipe bands. At the time of publication, singer Shannon Cooper-Garland held the distinction of being Southland’s most awarded entertainer, having won the prestigious Entertainer of the Year award three times, in 1996, 1997 and 2009. A landmark of sorts was reached in 2017 when the awards show celebrated 30

8

“Southland Entertainment Awards Celebrate 30 Years,” The Southland Times, February 9, 2017, https://www.stuff.co.nz/southland-times/news/89250496/south land-entertainment-awards-celebrate-30-years.

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years.9 I was proud to be the convener of the organising committee that worked hard to put together an epic cast to mark the occasion. Guest artists included high-profile expat Invercargill star Jason Kerrison and United States-based songstress Helen Henderson, as well as special reunion sets by seminal Southland bands Airstrike and Pretty Wicked Head and the Desperate Men. Meanwhile, the Southland Rock and Roll Hall of Fame was inaugurated in 2003, the brainchild of longtime Invercargill music enthusiast Neil McDermott. A passionate advocate for southern bands since he managed the band The 13th Hour in the late 1960s, McDermott had the idea of celebrating the nostalgia of a bygone area by reuniting former bands and honouring their leading musicians with induction in a Southland Hall of Fame. The concept was a winner, and the annual event became a wild success. In its heyday up to 900 people packed into the Corinthian Centre upstairs at the Invercargill Workingmen’s Club to recapture their youth and kick up their heels. The venue’s concrete floor literally flexed like a trampoline in time to the music under all those dancing feet. For first-timers, this was quite an unexpected and unnerving experience. At first the events were organised by an independent committee convened by McDermott, but in time this show, too, came under the auspices of the Southland Musicians’ Club, promoted tirelessly by McDermott until he stepped aside in 2017. It is perhaps no coincidence that the first person to win the Southland Entertainer of the Year Award in 1966, Dave Kennedy, was also the first person inducted in the Southland Rock and Roll Hall of Fame in 2003. Other perennial shows run by the musos club are its annual theatre restaurant, which has been held for 25 consecutive years, and Guitar Legends, which marked its first decade in 2016. The theatre restaurant is a modestly priced themed show and dinner, held in the Prestonville rooms which is run as a fundraiser for the club. Guitar Legends is a chance for Southland guitarists to emulate their influences and play a song in the style of their axe heroes. The show’s content is inevitably diverse, ranging in genres from thrash metal to country, to folk to punk, and the show has introduced to the public several astonishingly talented, previously unknown school-aged musicians. Some stay in Invercargill and further their studies in one of the excellent music programmes run at the Southern Institute of Technology. Others look further afield. Over the years Southland has 9

“Southland Entertainment Awards,” Southland Times.

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exported many fine musicians who have made their name on stages or behind mixing desks around the country, and around the world. It is no exaggeration to say that the musical gene pool in Southland has always run deep.

The Present With the closure of the late businessman Louis Crimp’s independent Players Entertainment Venue in June 2015, and a lack of other suitable venues for original bands, a gap had opened in the Invercargill music scene. The musos club executive surveyed the somewhat barren musical landscape and started weighing its options. A few years earlier, a serious push led by Trevor Daley to establish a music and arts precinct on the site of the Scottish Hall in Esk Street had failed to gain the necessary momentum. Still, the concept of moving the club back into the central business district held some appeal to a new, younger roster of club committee members who wanted to see the club reimagined as an entertainment nightspot. This was a potentially risky move, as the club would have to lease a building and possibly revise its constitution, but there was some appetite for the proposal. In a series of events that gave credence to the adage the more things change the more they stay the same, two camps within the club faced off – those for the move, and those for the status quo. Committee members inspected a potential site in Tay Street but when the concept was put to the vote at the club’s annual meeting in 2017 the membership voted to stay put in their freehold Preston Street premises. With the distraction of a move back into town off the table the committee focused its energies on improving the asset it already owned. In 2018, the Southland Musicians’ Club at 33 Preston Street was reenergised, with a new generation of committee members driving a building improvement project, the acquisition of a powerful new in-house sound system and a concerted effort to attract national and international touring acts to play in the club venue. Sunday jams and touring bands were back on the calendar in Southland’s spiritual home of music. Prominent New Zealand acts Don McGlashan, the Jordan Luck Band, the Chills, Paul Ubana Jones, Greg Johnson, the Skinny Hobos and Paul Martin and Jennie Skulander from Devilskin all performed at the club in 2018 or early 2019, along with a steady stream of touring indie acts – international as well as

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New Zealanders – and young local luminaries including Jenny Mitchell, Lachie Hayes and Arun O’Connor. The club has always enjoyed a harmonious relationship with the Southern Institute of Technology. Bands and musicians from SIT regularly perform on the musos’ club stage. SIT is a regular sponsor of the Southland Entertainment Awards, and the Southland Musicians’ Club reciprocated in 2018 by sponsoring SIT’s Outstanding Live Performance Award at the institute’s end of year Awards Night. Musicians studying at SIT have been prominent in the local entertainment scene, especially original music. All that creativity gathered into one productive space can only have a positive outcome. Such is the depth of SIT’s musical talent pool that in October 2018 SIT students organised a Battle of the Bands event at the club for original bands made up of or including SIT students. Extraordinarily, at the time of writing Trevor Daley is still the president, having steered the club unchallenged through an eventful 42 years and counting. The longtime drummer for Invercargill super group Vision, who reunited for a decade-defying 50th anniversary concert in 2019, Daley was made a member of the New Zealand Order of Merit in the 2015 Queens Birthday Honours, recognised for his services to music. The Southland Musicians’ Club continues to move forward in 2019. Further structural improvements to the building are scheduled to enable a better performance space and entertainment experience for members and guests, and the stream of visiting musicians wanting to perform there shows no sign of abating.

References Christoffel, Paul. “Liquor laws - Loosening of liquor laws.” Te Ara - the Encyclopedia of New Zealand. Accessed May 31, 2019. http://www.TeAra.govt.nz/en/liquor-laws/page-3. Gilbert, Jarrod. Patched: The History of Gangs in New Zealand. Auckland: New Zealand, 2013. Government of New Zealand. Law Commission. Alcohol in Our Lives: Curbing the Harm. Wellington: National Library of New Zealand, 2010. McKelvie, Neil. 45 South in Concert. Invercargill: Southland Musicians’ Club, 2006. Poole, Michele. The Southern Beat: A History of Policing Southland and Lakes District. Invercargill: Southland Police Charitable Trust, 2002. “Road Knights MC.” Accessed June 6, 2019, https://onepercenterbikers.com/road-knights-mc-motorcycle-club/

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“Southland Entertainment Awards Celebrate 30 Years.” The Southland Times, February 9, 2017, https://www.stuff.co.nz/southland-times/news /89250496/southland-entertainment-awards-celebrate-30-years.

CHAPTER SIX A THOUSAND MORE TIMES: REACHING OUT IN INVERCARGILL SUSAN WEST

I felt so good after that, my cheeks were so sore after smiling so much. I would really love to do this a thousand more times! (Yr 7 student after an Outreach Singing visit in Invercargill).

Introduction The Music Outreach programme that is now flourishing in Invercargill has a long history. It emerged from an elite music education programme for children at an Australian conservatorium which was gradually transformed into a radically different model for music making that has impacted on thousands of individuals in its home territory of Canberra. The seeds of its migration were planted via a chance meeting between myself, the programme’s founder in Australia, and a well respected and dynamic musician and composer from Invercargill, Sally Bodkin-Allen. After that meeting, in 2007, it took approximately another 7 years to begin the development of the programme in New Zealand in 2016. Since that time, over 250 outreaches have been conducted in Invercargill. The speed of development of the programme in New Zealand, and its potential, are a testament to both the deep time frame involved in the programme’s development ‘at home’, as well as to the nature of the community in Invercargill, which has proved the most fertile international territory to date. This descriptive account draws on data collected from various formal projects in Australia and New Zealand. It begins by explaining the concept of Music Outreach and its beginnings, which have influenced the developments in Invercargill. It then discusses key features of the approach common to all sites and the differences in Invercargill, with examples relevant to that local scene. It concludes with a suggestion for how

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Invercargill and, indeed, New Zealand, might be significant in the dissemination of the approach as well as comments from some of the many ‘outreachers’ in Invercargill.

Beginnings The concept of music outreach, known in Australia as The Music Outreach Principle, developed out of a programme that was the polar opposite of that concept. In 1984, I was playing Principal Flute in the Sydney Symphony and, as luck would have it, was part of a wind quintet made up of Principals in that orchestra, who were planning a tour of New Zealand. That tour was my first experience of New Zealand and Southland and I remember appreciative audiences all across the country, most especially down South, where I also experienced the coldest weather I’d yet encountered! In that year, in my capacity as a graduate of the Kodaly Institute, in Kecskemet, Hungary, I was invited to the then Canberra School of Music to help in the development of an elite musical training programme for young children identified as ‘gifted’ – thus, the Music Education Programme was born. From 1984 to 1998 the programme trained many young people who went onto to forge musical careers both nationally and internationally. While the programme was extremely successful in its stated aim, it was less successful from other points of view. I gradually became aware of many issues in what might be called the traditional model, or dominant paradigm, of music education, issues that are now well documented in the literature. As just one example, a book from 2004 called Questioning the Music Education Paradigm, included a range of writers citing problems ranging from excessive judgement to actual “abusive practices [not] of the past, [but] of the present perpetrated by music specialists and classroom teachers.”1 While there is no shortage of discussion about problems in music education, there is little in the way of concrete solutions that don’t involve a sort of ‘buying back’ into the very system that is being criticised. For example, writers often seem inordinately concerned that opening up music making more widely will result in a lowering of ‘standards’, while acknowledging that those very standards are responsible for the lack of engagement.2 Even 1

Katharine Smithrim and Rena Upitis, “Music for Life: Contaminated by Peaceful Feelings,’” in Questioning the Music Education Paradigm, ed. Lee Bartel (Waterloo: Canadian Music Educators’ Association National Office, 2004), 75. 2 Susan West, “A New Paradigm in Music Education: The Music Education Program at the Australian National University,” (PhD diss., Australian National University, 2007).

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the doyen of ‘musicking’ Christopher Small, who championed the idea of more music making for everyone based on his reading of traditional societies, wrote, somewhat apologetically, that wider access to music making may mean “a lowering of standards in skill acquisition for the allround development of music experience as the prerogative of all.”3 There is no evidence that such a problem, if it can be considered a problem, would develop and, in any case, one might ask why we seem so fixated on skill acquisition in the first place. More enthusiastic music makers could, surely, also result in more highly skilled players since there would presumably be more individuals wishing to increase their skills. The solution I stumbled upon was, like many good solutions, not designed to be a solution to this problem, or indeed, any problem at all. It was also well outside standard approaches to music which, I believe, contributed to its success. As well as developing an elite music programme, I had become involved in a form of community service based on an idea from a medical doctor and psychiatrist, Dr John Diamond, an Australian who lived and worked in the USA. This simple idea involved the use of creativity, especially music, as a means of altruistic outreach to others. Diamond stresses the importance of the relationship with the mother, and how music functions as a loving bond between the mother and her child 4 . This relationship helps us move into the world as caring individuals, who give love because, in the best of mothering, we have felt it from our own mothers. While Diamond places particular stress on the relationship with the mother, other writers also comment on this early music making and its bonding potential.5 Creativity and music are part of how we express the compassionate side of ourselves in the world. Critical to the approach of music as outreach are two inter-related ideas. First, that the greatest benefits from music come through active engagement with, rather than the passive consumption of, music making. Secondly, that focussing on helping others to become actively engaged in music making involves a simple form of altruistic behaviour which is easy for anyone to adopt, and which gives benefit to self through aspiring to help someone else.

3

Christopher Small, Music, Society, Education (London: John Calder Ltd, 1980). John Diamond, Music and Song, Mother and Love, (New York: Square One, 2007). 5 Eg. Ellen Dissanayake. “The Earliest Narratives Were Musical,” Research Studies in Music Education 34, no. 1, (2012). 4

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One typical form of outreach activity involves singing with residents in care facilities. This type of singing is very different from both a performance by a choral group and a ‘sing-a-long’ that can often occur in such venues. The aim is to make close personal contact between residents and visitors, oneon-one, while singing together. Having songs that residents know is important, as is the personal contact, often with hand holding, moving to the music and, where possible, dancing. The intent behind the music making is as important as the music making itself. The children themselves have often come up with the best descriptions of what this approach means: music becomes the ‘bridge’ which unites the participants as they go from the ‘not singing side’ to the ‘singing side.’ The song repertoire, largely from the early part of the 20th century, proved popular with the children I was teaching. I decided, therefore, to take them on an outreach visit which was a revelation for all the adults concerned. Two stories from that initial outreach helped define the way the programme developed into the future. First, there was much agonising prior to the visit as to whether to take one troubled child who was hard to manage and often violent. In the end the teachers and I decided he should go if he wished but we would need to watch carefully. The abiding memories of those involved was of this child walking into the room, looking around in astonishment at the assembled people, and then immediately going up to someone and beginning to sing. By the end of the outreach he was standing in front of two ladies smiling and singing at the top of his voice with arms outstretched toward them, while they reached back with equally big smiles and faces full of love and encouragement. The second memory involved an incident that happened several days later. The first student visit was on a Wednesday. On the following Saturday I went back for a regular fortnightly outreach visit by a volunteer group of adults. The residents, many of whom had various degrees of dementia, were still buzzing with the visit by the children a few days earlier. Staff said that it had been an on-going topic of conversation. Some of the residents were very keen to tell me all about it: obviously with no recollection that I had been with the children. They remembered the visit of the children and the songs they sang. They didn’t remember me, who had been visiting with them for several years! Ironically the 20th year of outreach, in 2018, was also the year in which our local government cut the funding to this long-term programme. Fortunately,

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the programme has not only found ways to survive such a drastic situation in its home territory but has also had seeds take root in other jurisdictions, one of which is New Zealand’s Southland.

Scattering Seeds In 2007, I visited New Zealand for the first time since 1985 and delivered a paper on aspects of the Music Engagement Programme for a conference at Otago University. After that paper, I was approached by Dr Sally BodkinAllen who was keen to talk more about the details of the approach. We continued to keep in touch with each other in a casual way but I didn’t realise the extent to which the seeds had been germinating until 2014 when Sally invited me to be a keynote speaker at the MENZA (Music Education New Zealand Aotearoa) conference in 2015. Sally is an academic, working at the Southern Institute of Technology in Invercargill. Such a position has allowed her to help drive the Invercargill project forward, but we needed another sort of person to help cement development in this new location. That person now stepped forward in the shape of Sarah Lovell, a teacher and musician, also from Invercargill. The seeds now sprouted quickly. Sally and Sarah managed to secure a small amount of funding and, combined with some help from my institution my first visit to Invercargill occurred in 2016. That first visit was a revelation to me. I realised that there was something different about Invercargill and, I am increasingly feeling, about New Zealand as a whole. In a town of some 50,000, the first ‘Outreach Singing’ weekend attracted over 60 people of various ages, including both adults and children. One music teacher brought along a number of students from her private piano studio, an unheard of happening in Australia. Over the weekend, I offered the same sort of basic ‘outreach training course’ I offer in Australia and we went on two outreaches. Thus the programme began to flower in cold and windy Invercargill. We have never quite repeated the success of that first visit in terms of numbers of community members at a workshop. However, the programme has continued to develop and expand at an exponential rate in two related but different directions. First, it has developed in educational settings through the particular work of Sally and Sarah, supported by its own trust, the Outreach Singing Trust (OST) involving other interested members of the community. Secondly, it has continued to attract interest beyond the

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educational settings where much activity occurs. The Music Outreach Principle is not location specific and can, therefore, be utilised anywhere music making occurs, or where it could occur.

The Basics of the Music Outreach Principle There are three basic elements in this philosophy which are expressed using the terms Common Artistry, Selective Mutism for Singing, and the Music Outreach Principle. Common Artistry points to the well-rehearsed and almost universally accepted idea that all humans are innately musical. Moreover, the idea of innate musicality includes the notion that we are all supposed to be actively musical, although, from an evolutionary perspective, it is not clear why. Since no-one dies from lack of music making, it is hard to define exactly what the survival value of music making is. Most experts agree, however, that its value in human development is as a kind of social glue, the earliest form of which can be seen in the bonding between a mother and baby with the lullaby. Selective Mutism for Singing arises from the concept of Selective Mutism which is, again, a well-defined and well utilised psychological term for a form of inhibition that is ‘selectively’ or voluntarily exercised by an individual to limit speech. In modern society, inhibiting one’s singing voice has become the norm, rather than aberrant behaviour, as one would assume if music making is indeed normal for humans. Selective Mutism for Singing includes both the inhibiting of singing, and the high levels of anxiety that surround the idea of singing, both for musicians and non-musicians alike. Why has such aberrant behaviour, which is now so widespread that it does not appear aberrant at all, arisen? Answers to this question usually point to two different but related causes. The first is the removal of much of the ‘scaffolding’ that used to support community music making – things like regular church going, for example.6 The second is the viewing of music exclusively as an expert occupation, rather than involving a continuum of engagement, a problem that various experts attribute, at least in part, to the way we teach music7. We do not, for example, seem to have the same problem with sporting activities, where there is a continuum of engagement that can include the non-expert. Very few adults would feel unable to throw a ball about in the back yard, whereas 6

John Sloboda, “Music - where cognition and emotion meet,” Psychologist 12, no. 9 (1999). 7 Christopher Small, Music, Society, Education (London: John Calder Ltd, 1980).

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many adults eschew singing altogether, or require some sort of help to overcome inhibition, like alcohol, or mass events, either sports or loud rock concerts. Finally, a solution to the problem of Selective Mutism for Singing, which allows us to exercise our Common Artistry, is suggested by the Music Outreach Principle. If we give everyone the opportunity to make music for a social-altruistic purpose – to help someone else make music – we change the focus of concern for each person. It is no longer about whether you are ‘good enough’ to make music, but whether your music making helps someone else make music. Our musical behaviour becomes a form of reaching out to others – an altruistic intention, rather than the exhibition of a technical feat. The focus is not on how well an individual makes music but why they do it. Having a different intent promotes more music making, which, in turn, promotes the advantages that accrue from music making, which may occur in both musical and extra-musical domains. Indeed, the extra-musical is the primary focus of the Music Outreach Principle. If music making doesn’t at least make us all feel good, why do it at all? The second priority is the natural and spontaneous human musicianship that is exhibited in such social situations. The least important priority is that which is highlighted in most forms of music education and music performance: technical accuracy and ever-spiraling expertise, what we refer to as The Virtuosic Mountain.8

Key Features Common to Alternative Sites One of the advantages of building on an approach that has had a long gestation elsewhere is the opportunity to define those elements of the approach that are necessary for its successful promulgation. Many things about the Music Outreach Principle are negotiable both in each geographic location and each individual application within that geographic location. What is essential to its development in any location? The development of the programme in Invercargill has helped to clarify and elucidate the important features that help the idea of Music Outreach not only take root, but continue to grow and flourish.

8

Susan West, “A New Paradigm in Music Education: The Music Education Program at the Australian National University,” (PhD diss., Australian National University, 2007).

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Training The Music Outreach philosophy is extremely simple which is both a plus and a minus. On the plus side, its simplicity makes it easy to transport and easy for anyone to apply. On the minus side, its surface features can appear very similar to activities that have a markedly different philosophy. Both musicians and non-musicians alike can very quickly assume that they ‘we do that already’ and fail to pick up the differences which may initially appear subtle but are anything but. For example, when describing the ‘classic’ (but not exclusive) form of outreach practice noted above – that of taking children and/or adults to an aged care facility – some individuals will respond with some form of ‘we do that already.’ Training began in Invercargill with a community workshop for all ages and levels of musical ability. Exercises included the sort of close contact and individualised attention that would occur in the aged care facility. Having mixed age groups was helpful in training, since the children were often more comfortable with making eye contact at close proximity, taking hands, and helping the other person to move and sing. Adults were helped in overcoming their initial self-consciousness. This initial workshop, as noted, included several musicians, including one teacher who had brought piano students from her studio. These musicians were able to recognise the differences in the approach and understand the need for re-training or, as one musician put it, ‘un-training.’ At the same time, aspects of the traditional performance model did surface in the first outreach, which also provided useful training for Sally and Sarah. For example, some extra volunteers arrived at the outreach, having not attended the training sessions, and there were attempts to include some performance items by some of these new, and welcome, volunteers. Performance, as such, is not to be avoided. The key issue is the intent behind the singing: are we attempting to encourage the musical impulse in others or exhibit our own skill or expertise? Understanding and applying this difference is key to successful outreaches. As another example, in one early outreach there was an accomplished pianist and teacher who was enthusiastic to come to outreach and had attended a training session. During breaks in songs, he went to the piano several times and began playing some of his obviously extensive repertoire. On the one hand, it was heartening to see that the outreach appeared to make him eager to play. On the other hand, it was clear from his playing that he intended his playing to be a performance and seemed nonplussed when the audience did not give him their full attention or applaud at the end. Having

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a piece to listen to in an outreach is, in itself, not the issue; it is rather that the pianist had difficulty adjusting to a situation where music making was not primarily performance-driven.

Redundancy A common feature of both musical training and community music making, is the reliance on expert musicians to whom the non-musicians or nonexperts defer. The idea behind Music Outreach is that everyone is both a participant and a facilitator, including those who may appear to be less than fully functional at a basic level, not just at a musical level: for example, those suffering from severe dementia. Training in this approach includes creating individuals with more expertise to help others apply the approach and part of that training involves understanding that one should be passing on one’s skills to the extent that one’s expert engagement is unnecessary. When space is given for leaders to emerge, individuals of all ages and skill levels may step forward. At one outreach, the ostensible leader, my colleague Georgia, was organising moving residents and left the main room. One of the young girls assisting her immediately began the outreach, leading those present. She was comparatively shy in the training session but stepped forward strongly and without being asked. Other similar examples occurred with Sally and Sarah taking leadership but also, given their thorough understanding of the concept, judging when to step back and allow others, particularly children, to take over. The principal skill required in outreach is not musical, thus allowing anyone, whatever the perceived musicianship, to take a leading role. Sally has regularly taken groups of her students from Southern Institute of Technology and has commented on the degree to which students take ownership of the outreach and not only help residents but help each other. One regular outreach that occurs at the Girls’ High School is run entirely by the students and Sally and other adults can simply join in and enjoy themselves with everyone else.

Leadership Given the nature of the expertise required, which is not specifically musical, allows for a range of leadership opportunities that are not common in traditional musical settings. Sally and Sarah’s daughters were early leaders

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in the outreach approach. One of Sally’s daughters, Meadow,9 established a lunch-time singing group specifically to allow for more outreach visits for Southland Girls’ High School (SGHS). As more girls have been introduced to the concept, this group has expanded with a moving population of some 50 girls who regularly attend an outreach at a local aged care facility. Often several students volunteer to lead the outreach but other members of the group are able to make song suggestions so that everyone contributes to the success of the event. Invercargill teachers have commented on the opportunity to see students step forward who might otherwise by shy or unengaged. Another aspect of the approach involves the group singing which has a strongly individualised nature, since individuals or small groups are singing with each resident. This situation provides a perfect opportunity for voices to be heard in a safe environment, encouraging stronger and more confident singing. The girl mentioned above, who spontaneously began leading Georgia’s outreach is a case in point. While generally a shy student, her voice could be heard from some distance as she confidently encouraged the engagement of others.

A ‘Helicopter’ View The aim for redundancy of expertise does not obviate the need for oversight, although it does mean that the programme can run effectively for a large number of people with minimal cost since the number of ‘experts’ can be very small. Sally and Sarah, for example, have been clear that having an expert like myself, who has attended many hundreds of outreaches, can help avoid problems and keep each outreach on track. For example, in one outreach, the residents had all had tables placed in front of them to have afternoon tea during the outreach, even though it had been suggested to the facilities to avoid exactly this situation. Regarding outreach singing as afternoon tea entertainment not only places it in the same basket as a performance but also makes it difficult for residents to participate and for visitors to engage with residents. In one such situation early in the Invercargill development, Sarah, an ex-nurse, quickly and confidently began to remove tables and encourage students to occupy the resultant space while explaining to staff what she was doing.

9

Name used with permission.

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In another example, Sally’s SIT students are regularly asked to attend outreach and some can find this challenging. In overseeing these outreach programmes, Sally walks a line between encouraging engagement and ensuring the well-being of both the residents and her students. An outreach, in one sense, might be less successful in terms of contact and sharing but overall more successful in terms of helping those involved. One particular student of Sally’s took three volunteer visits to feel comfortable going in to the nursing home, then singing, then making more contact with individuals. This student wrote about her experience and understood the learning and progress she had made in a personal sense, while being supported but not pushed. It is also possible that nursing and support staff at aged care facilities might not completely understand the approach at first. At one aged care facility a member of staff got on the students’ bus as it arrived and gave them a lecture that included ‘dos-and-don’ts’ with the residents. This lecture included a strong order about appropriate behaviour, as well as dark warnings about the frailty of some residents, given to a group of quiet, well-behaved girls who looked increasingly deflated and frightened. Entering in such a state did not help the beginning of the girls’ first outreach and the leaders needed to work doubly hard to ensure success. Having different levels of expertise in overseeing activities either at a single outreach or across the region for multiple outreaches is an important part of ensuring on-going success and development.

The Importance of Choice The Music Outreach Principle champions the idea of individual choice in all aspects of musical engagement. It comes from a position that suggests that altruism cannot, or should not, be mandated, and nor should any aspect of music making for each individual. Such a position does not suggest that elite skills do not develop, or cannot be enhanced by such an approach. As two examples at opposite ends of the spectrum, there is Sally’s daughter, Meadow, and another student at SGHS, Jennifer.10 Meadow is an accomplished musician and performer who plays cornet in a brass band and regularly performs major roles in musicals. Both she and Sally have commented on the effect outreach has had on her ability to perform at an elite level with more confidence and relaxation, as well as contributing to the performances of others by thinking ‘outreach’ in all her music making. 10

Name has been changed.

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At the other end of the spectrum, Haley joined the lunch time outreach group at SGHS having been rejected by an auditioned choral group, which had a profound effect on her confidence. Neither Sally nor I could understand the reason for her rejection since she seemed to sing extremely well. Outreach Singing and care facility visits quickly restored her confidence and she has been provided with many opportunities to make music in a supportive, safe environment. It seems redundant to suggest that Haley’s chances of improving her general musicianship, as well as having the confidence to develop more skills, can only be enhanced if she feels valued as a musical person and has opportunities to sing out with enthusiasm. Allowing individual choice means the removal of any sort of coercion. While students are encouraged to attend at least one outreach so that they can see what it’s all about, Sally and I work hard with schools and parents to ensure that those who don’t want to go do not have to, up to and including teaching staff. Interestingly, while some schools seem comfortable with allowing students to choose whether to attend, teachers are not always given such a choice. While there can be practical difficulties in allowing teacher choice, just raising the subject allows teachers scope to express their own feelings about singing and visit to aged care facilities. Schools often allow students who do not want to attend to join other classes for the duration.11 When students do go, they are encouraged to engage with residents in various ways but at no time are they forced. One of the roles of the experienced leader is to ensure that force is not applied by those less experienced. One student recently going on her first outreach was adamant that she was not going to sing and she didn’t. She did, however, engage with residents and, while saying in her feedback that she would probably not go again, reported that she had enjoyed seeing the effect her presence had on those with whom she interacted. Allowing teachers the right of refusal is, if anything, more important than with students. At a recent outreach, a teacher became acutely distressed and this distress was immediately communicated to her students. She was escorted outside and comforted by an outreach team member, while the rest of the team ensured that the students recovered; the outreach was then successful. This incident points out another important aspect of outreach engagement: particularly with a new group of attendees, having more than 11

It should be noted that this occurrence is quite rare, both in Australia and New Zealand. At the most recent round of outreach visits including some 300 students, less than six opted not to go.

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one experienced “outreacher” sharing leadership is important. Eventually, as noted above, that leadership role can be given to students, which also provide another point of choice for those involved. At one outreach, a very young student became attached to an extremely disabled elderly woman. She spent the entire outreach with her, singing to her, stroking her hair, holding her hand, and generally interacting with her, even though the woman was unable to speak in response. At the end of the outreach, this young girl was the last to leave, making sure ‘her’ resident was comfortable and expressing her desire to come back to this one person again soon. Some children prefer to move around and meet many residents; this, too, is part of each individual’s choice. If the leaders have a set idea about how to interact, such profound interactions as described here simply cannot occur. In the lunchtime volunteer group at SGHS, everything is up to the group of students involved. Attendance is not compulsory; songs are chosen by the group at each session with Sally periodically offering new choices which may or may not be accepted by the group; girls are welcome to bring song choice too; the teacher at the school who attends these sessions volunteers to give up her lunchtime to do so; and so on. One of the advantages of this type of music making is that there nothing that cannot be up to each individual, allowing perhaps one area of life where students of all ages can choose their own pathway.

Funding and Volunteers Funding is obviously required to support a concept like music outreach but equally important is the notion of volunteering. Since any music making in this model is freely chosen the concept of volunteering is important in order for everyone involved to question the reasons for their involvement on a regular basis. Do I want to do this, or do I have to do it, either because someone is making me or because I need to pay the bills? This concept also means that those running music outreach need to have a good time themselves but also ensure that everyone else does. In Invercargill, funding is used to pay for transport and to allow for some expert and administrative help. However, every person involved volunteers’ unpaid time, from leaders like Sally, Sarah, and me through to staff who help with administration and teachers at the participating schools. In some cases, including my own, visits have involved not just volunteer time, but

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help with funding as well. The teacher at the Girls’ High School who attends the lunchtime outreach group does so of her own volition. Sally attends many outreaches, certainly with the enthusiastic support of her institution, but not as part of her paid employment. Sarah gives up much free time to supporting outreach, including being a member of the Outreach Singing Trust. Other community members are part of this Trust as well and offer a range of support services. Most importantly, everyone involved participates in outreach activities, including administrative supporters, since an understanding of the concept is vital at all levels.

Differences in Invercargill The most striking difference in the growth of Music Outreach in Invercargill, and one that influences all the others, is the speed and enthusiasm of the uptake of the programme’s philosophy, compared to its home town of Canberra. As noted above, the first weekend outreach workshop12 attracted some 60 individuals, an unprecedented number for a first event. While there have occasionally been initial events of that size in Canberra (as opposed to events held for populations more experienced with the approach) the comparison becomes more remarkable if one considers the relative sizes of the two locations. Canberra’s population is approximately 350,000. Invercargill’s population is 50,000. In such a small town where the primary movers, Sally and Sarah, are well known, word-of-mouth clearly played a part. Sally has commented on the fact that when both she and Sarah are less proactive in spreading word of events and activities, there is significantly less uptake. Nonetheless, even with a well-oiled machine for spreading information in Canberra, the sustained interest in Invercargill is notable. Sarah in particular worked long and hard to “spread the word” for the initial weekend event. None-the-less, the numbers were still surprising and included a music teacher who brought students from her piano studio. The engagement by instrumental teachers, especially giving up free time to help students in this way, has only occurred very rarely in Canberra. Community interest has not always been at this high level but, when engagement occurs, it tends to be on an impressive scale. For example, the most recent project in which Invercargill and Canberra are jointly involved includes the entire Year 7 and 8 cohorts from Southland Girls’ High School. No high school in Australia has ever achieved this feat. 12

Briar Babbington, “Outreach Singing Concept Brought to Invercargill,” The Southland Times, 11 August, 2016, https://www.stuff.co.nz/southland-times/news/ 82840907/outreach-singing-concept-brought-to-invercargill

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The early visits helped establish a small group of highly engaged individuals, both at the school and community level who have continued to lead development of the programme, under Sally’s leadership. This group, as noted, has formed the Outreach Singing Trust (OST) which has helped secure small amounts of additional funding to continue development. The OST focusses largely on singing, although there are now plans to extend the concept to instrumental playing, as has happened in Australia. The development of this charitable trust, dedicated to this form of altruistic service, is unique in the world. Gaining some insight into the reasons behind this start-up success could help not only development in existing locations for the programme, but also more widely. While definitive answers might be hard to come by, some ideas can be suggested. The programme in its home city of Canberra has a very long history and considerable expertise in understanding and delivering the programme. The OST, under Sally’s leadership, has made on-going and appropriate use of that expertise which no doubt has affected the growth of the programme. The OST achievement has been to use expertise appropriately to both develop local expertise and move the program forward. What has become clear from the Invercargill experience is that new locations can not only benefit from the outside expertise but, as local expertise grows, can also contribute back to the original programme in terms of helping to build new and different strategies and activities. Invercargill is thus helping the development of the Music Outreach Principle in Australia, as well as further afield. From my perspective, as an outsider coming to work in Invercargill, I have noted a subtle but significant difference in the local population, which may or may not have to do with the culture of a different country. Australia and New Zealand have great similarities but, in this case, the differences may be more important. The social, musical, and, most importantly, emotional responses, to the idea of, and participation in, Outreach Singing have been marked and more generally widespread than I am used to encountering in Australia. Why should this be so? Successful Australian innovations of various sorts have often found greater success overseas before success has come in the home country. While the Music Outreach Principle has been highly successful in Australia, the time frame for this success was a significant 20 year period. There have been, too, setbacks along the way, not the least of which was the complete withdrawal of funding by the local government after many uninterrupted years of funding support.

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One significant difference, in and of itself, is the amount of community artistic activity that occurs in Invercargill relative to size, and its flexible nature. Invercargill, as a whole, may well be more in tune with the general philosophy of Music Outreach, which prioritises mass engagement but also does not discriminate against expertise. Coupled to this level of engagement is what I can only describe as a more considered response to the concept of Music Outreach by those with high levels of training. Often musicians have the most to “unlearn” when applying the concept. In New Zealand in general, groups of musicians who have been exposed to the idea has appeared to respond with less defensiveness and more thoughtfulness than has often been the case in Australia. The two founders, Sally and Sarah cover several different institutional areas, thus allowing for the type of non-exclusive approach central to Music Outreach. Sally is the Research Manager at the Southern Institute of Technology and has, therefore, access to a wide range of students. This institution has been exceedingly flexible and enthusiastically supportive of Sally’s development of the outreach approach. Whether this support comes down to a serendipitous grouping of individuals at various management levels, the smaller size of the institution and, perhaps, its lack of a sense of gravitas that may impeded progress at an institution like the ANU, or simply the enthusiasm and persistence with which Sally has undertaken her selfallotted task, is hard to say. Likewise, Sarah has contributed strongly at the community and school level. Her work at Otatara School, in particular, is warmly and intelligently supported by the current Principal, Sharon, resulting, again, in significant progress with minimal outside support over the last two years. The funding model in Invercargill is also quite different to Canberra. Led by Sally, the Outreach Singing Trust continues to apply for relatively small sums that allow for on-going visitors from Canberra experts like myself and my colleague, Dr Georgia Pike. These visits are subsidised at the Australian end. On one occasion the ANU funded a joint visit by myself and Dr Pike but, in keeping with the volunteer nature of the approach, both Dr Pike and I have also contributed our time and, in some cases, funding to continue to assist in Invercargill. Of significant help also was the anonymous donation of $10,000 to the OST which is still helping to provide buses for aged care facility visits by school students. Current plans include longer visits that allow us to embed the programme more thoroughly in one or several school bases and extending an invitation

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to the founder of the outreach concept, Dr John Diamond, to visit Invercargill as well. The long-term strategy also involves helping the concept develop more widely in New Zealand which may well be assisted by the centralised nature of Government. State and territory barriers in Australia have certainly not helped the dissemination of Music Outreach, even where interested teachers have been keen to try and assist with such dissemination. Activities are accompanied by both quantitative and qualitative forms of research that will allow the results of the programme to be disseminated and discussed in academic circles, while continuing to help individuals ‘on the ground.’ Current research is exploring the effect of Music Outreach on singing confidence,13 student well-being and potential specific benefits to Alzheimer’s patients.

How Might Music Outreach Most Help Invercargill (and then New Zealand) The very fact that Invercargill is a small city makes it a perfect model for what could happen if singing, in the first instance, was embedded in everyday life; if every week every aged care facility had at least one outreach visit; if schools visited other schools; if active seniors visited kindergartens; if schools ran weekly singing sessions for families because demand was so high; if there was a surge in instrumental learning on the back of the confidence engendered by simply singing; if every music making event included opportunities for the entire audience to participate; if every professional musician understood and applied outreach principles to their practice; and so on. While general health and well-being is central to the concept of Music Outreach, activities to date demonstrate that it can have an important role in, for example reducing bullying or anti-social behavior. 14 More recent work is presenting evidence of how Outreach 13 Sally Bodkin-Allen, Nicola Swain and Susan West, “’It’s Not that Bad Singing with Other People’: The Effect of a Single Outreach on Singing Attitudes and Confidence in Adults,” Australian Journal of Music Education. In Press. 14 Susan West, “More of This: Bridging the Empathetic Divide by Reaching out Through Music Making,” Kulumun Journal of the Wollotuka Institute 1, no. 1 (2011); Susan West and Susan Garber, “From Helped to Helper,” in Popular Music: Commemoration, Commodification and Communication: Proceedings of the 2004 IASPM Australia New Zealand Conference, Held in Conjunction with the Symposium of the International Musicological Society, edited by Dennis Crowdy (Melbourne: International Association for the Study of Popular Music, Australia New Zealand Branch, 2004), 149-164.

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Singing might support literacy learning,15 and to help develop a different type of elite musician. 16 It is exciting to consider the possibility of Invercargill as a world leader in the development of Music Outreach, and a model other towns and cities can emulate.

Local Views To date, two groups in Invercargill have received the most attention in terms of both activities and research: that is, aged-care-facility residents and students, particularly students at Southland Girls’ High School. One significant finding from the work with these girls is the degree to which a single outreach visit affected their feelings about themselves and singing. The following two wordles from a before and after questionnaire reflect this change.

15 Susan West, Jenny Loudon, and Mariana Fuenzalida, “Rabbits Can’t Read: The Surprising Advantages of Singing Poems,” (paper presented at the Australian Literacy Educators’ Association National Conference, July 9-13, 2019). 16 Susan West, “The String Project: Practice and Research: Experimenting with a Multi-skill Intergenerational Model for Ensemble Instrumental Playing,” in Proceedings of the International Society for Music Education 32nd World Conference on Music Education Glasgow, Scotland, edited by David Forrest and Louise Godwin (Malvern: ISME, 2016), 312-318.

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Figure 6-1: Thoughts about singing prior to an outreach

Figure 6-2: Thoughts about singing after an outreach

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Finally, below are some comments from staff at the aged care facilities, an Invercargill school involved in Outreach, and students. The comments from students reflect the wide range of views that can be stimulated by the visits. It is fitting that these students should have the last word. The students who are part of this amazing group not only perform songs for our residents but communicate with the residents, spending up to an hour in our facility. The entertainment and connectivity that these students provide for our elderly is outstanding. They show genuine empathy along with being bright and cheerful. All of us here…enjoy seeing the look of joy on our residents’ faces. It provides them with not only songs they can sing along to, but a sensing of maintaining contact with our local community. (Aged care facility staff) The Music Outreach project incorporates all the benefits normally associated with listening to music but with significant added advantages. Residents participate with the Outreach Singers, singing along with them and in close proximity, often holding hands. There is interaction between the singers and our residents which gives the residents a sense of being a part of the performance and a part of the bigger groups. In between songs the singers take the time to converse with the residents and I have found that on these occasions the conversation flows freely both ways which I believe is a by-product of the shared-singing experience. Teachers involved have told me that their students also benefit from their social interactions with our elderly. Few of our activities, with the exception of Outreach Singing, have almost 100% attendance by our residents who thoroughly enjoy participating. When reviewing our Activities Programme a regular request from our residents is for more Outreach Singing. It most definitely brings pleasure, increased well-being and added social interaction into the lives of our elderly residents. (Aged care facility staff) Our Year 7 teachers have spoken so positively of the experience of Outreach Singing on the members of their class. It would be fair to say there was a little apprehension ahead of the Outreach visits but once at the aged care facility the students came into their own. In particularly, teachers noted that students who have challenging home lives really shone. They saw these students in a really different light, recognised the empathy they were acting in relation to, and the caring natures they extended towards the residents. In general, the students returned back to school buoyant, uplifted and buzzing about the experience. It was clear to see the impact on personal wellbeing for both aged care facility residents and or SGHS students. (Teacher) I felt really good because I put a smile on her face and then it put a smile on my face. I loved singing to them and I would love to go back with school or even just go with my family. (Year 7 student)

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When I first walked in I was really nervous but once we got going it was fine and I really enjoyed it. It would be cool if we did it again because she said that it really made her day/week because she doesn’t really get visitors. (Year 8 student) I felt scared because I didn’t know the song and they did but then they helped me learn and sing the songs more calmer (sic). I would like to see them again and sing with them. (Year 7 student) I felt good singing to elderly and I would love to go back there to sing. I thought I would get embarrassed but I enjoyed outreach and I would love to do and try it again. It really helped me to feel confident singing; it brought the real me out singing. I love outreach and I would love to do it again, it was fun and I really enjoyed it. (Year 8 student) I didn’t enjoy my singing but the others was great and I felt a bit embarrassed but ah well it’s over now. And it made me laugh and smile watching the old people sing. My favourite song was Katy because it was a fast song. (Year 7 student)

References Babbington, Briar. “Outreach Singing Concept Brought to Invercargill.” The Southland Times, 11 August, 2016, https://www.stuff.co.nz/southland-times/news/82840907/outreachsinging-concept-brought-to-invercargill Bodkin-Allen, Sally, Nicola Swain and Susan West. “’It’s Not that Bad Singing with Other People’: The Effect of a Single Outreach on Singing Attitudes and Confidence in Adults,” Australian Journal of Music Education. In Press. Diamond, John. Music and Song, Mother and Love. New York: Square One, 2007. Dissanayake, Ellen. “The Earliest Narratives were Musical.” Research Studies in Music Education 34, no. 1 (2012): 3-14. Sloboda, John. “Music: Where Cognition and Emotion Meet.” Psychologist 12, no. 9, (1999): 450-455. Small, Christopher. Music, Society, Education. London: John Calder Ltd, 1980. Smithrim, Katharine and Rena Upitis. “Music for Life: Contaminated by Peaceful Feelings.” In Questioning the Music Education Paradigm, edited by Lee Bartel, 74-86. Waterloo: Canadian Music Educators’ Association National Office, 2004.

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West, Susan. “A New Paradigm in Music Education: The Music Education Program at the Australian National University.” PhD diss., Australian National University, 2007. —. “More of This: Bridging the Empathetic Divide by Reaching out Through Music Making,” Kulumun Journal of the Wollotuka Institute 1, no. 1 (2011):67-81. —. “The String Project: Practice and Research: Experimenting with a Multiskill Intergenerational Model for Ensemble Instrumental Playing.” In Proceedings of the International Society for Music Education 32nd World Conference on Music Education Glasgow, Scotland, edited by David Forrest and Louise Godwin, 312-318. Malvern: ISME, 2016. West Susan and Susan Garber. “From Helped to Helper.” In Popular Music: Commemoration, Commodification and Communication: Proceedings of the 2004 IASPM Australia New Zealand Conference, Held in Conjunction with the Symposium of the International Musicological Society, edited by Dennis Crowdy, 149-164. Melbourne: International Association for the Study of Popular Music, Australia New Zealand Branch, 2004. West, Susan, Jenny Loudon, and Mariana Fuenzalida. “Rabbits Can’t Read: The Surprising Advantages of Singing Poems.” Paper presented at the Australian Literacy Educators’ Association National Conference, July 9-13, 2019.

CHAPTER SEVEN LEFT OR RIGHT AND INDEPENDENT MUSICAL PRACTICE IN THE “DEEP SOUTH”: SUCCEEDING ON THE MARGINS? MIKE HOLLAND

In 2009, only two years into their now decade-long career as a band, Left or Right were travelling Aotearoa/New Zealand on their second national tour, promoting their first full-length album, along with a unique range of merchandise. As well as vinyl LPs, cassette tapes, CDs and t-shirts, the group were selling unisex underwear, emblazoned with the band’s logo on the front, and (printed in a circle on the rear of the garment) the phrase “from the arsehole of the world.” This facetious presentation of Mick Jagger’s famous insult, levelled at the city of Invercargill in 1965, is representative of both the group’s tongue-in-cheek approach to song-writing and promotion, and their continued location of their musical practice as existing in “the Deep South” of Aotearoa/New Zealand.1 2 This chapter unpacks the relationship between Left or Right and their musical roots in the south of Aotearoa/New Zealand, and argues that their particular approach to musical practice – which is avowedly independent, and privileges the production of albums in a three-year cycle, supported by a very high number of shows in small venues around their home country – is symptomatic of a set of attitudes ingrained from the early stages of their career, owing largely to peculiarities of their location. The chapter suggests that Left or Right thus offers an insight into the realities of creative practice on the margins of urban/regional, independent/commercial, and local/national dichotomies.

1

Nigel Benson, “Hey You, Get off of Our Cloud,” Otago Daily Times Online News, November 6, 2010, https://www.odt.co.nz/news/dunedin/hey-you-get-our-cloud. 2 Left or Right, Nuggety (Dunedin, NZ: Left or Right, 2009).

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This discussion is based largely on ethnographic data collected through participant observation: I have been the group’s live front of house and studio engineer for the past ten years, and have thus gleaned insights into the internal workings of the group, and their relationships with local and national bodies and institutions. This data is coupled with analysis of recent interviews conducted with the group, correlated with literature on music scenes and industry institutions in Aotearoa/New Zealand.3 The chapter begins with a brief summary of the band and their achievements over the past ten years, before exploring its first key concern: the relationship between Left or Right’s roots in the city of Invercargill, and the group’s understanding of, and attitudes towards independent musical practice. The chapter then explores the group’s unique approach to songwriting and production, and relates their polystylistic and psychedelic musical output to their “outsider” status within the national industry. Finally, the chapter explores the group’s relationship to the wider music industry in terms of funding and music media, arguing that the group’s liminal position excludes them from access to resources that might be more available to artists with a less distinctive and independent outlook.

Career Trajectory Having performed and recorded together for ten years, Left or Right are a relative mainstay of the Southern music scene. The group released their debut album Nuggety in 2009, with the band’s own sales records indicating that this record alone has sold in excess of 1,500 physical copies. Their latest two records, Buzzy4 and Trippy5 both held top-ten places in the Aotearoa/New Zealand album charts for several weeks on their release, and were each supported by tours of both Aotearoa/New Zealand and Australia. 6 The 3

These interviews were conducted for the purposes of this research project in October, 2018. 4 Left or Right (Musical group), Buzzy (Dunedin, N.Z: Mryoda Productions, 2012). 5 Left or Right, Trippy (Mryoda Productions, 2015). 6 The relevant Aotearoa/New Zealand Album Charts can be found at the following web addresses: http://nztop40.co.nz/chart/nzalbums?chart=4148&record=365260; http://nztop40.co.nz/chart/nzalbums?chart=4150&record=365542 http://nztop40.co.nz/chart/nzalbums?chart=1936; http://nztop40.co.nz/chart/nzalbums?chart=1942; http://nztop40.co.nz/chart/nzalbums?chart=1944; http://nztop40.co.nz/chart/nzalbums?chart=1946; http://nztop40.co.nz/chart/nzalbums?chart=1950; http://nztop40.co.nz/chart/nzalbums?chart=1951, all accessed 22 November 2015.

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group are well known for their frequent and extensive tours of their home country, particularly in the early years of their existence, and have built a large network of fans and supporters across Aotearoa/New Zealand. Left or Right ardently locate themselves as being from the south of the country, highlighting their geographical origins through repeated reference to themselves as a “Southern Trio” in press materials: all members of the band (Logan Hampton, Steve Marshall and Metua Marama) grew up in Invercargill, though two members of the group moved to Dunedin early in the group’s career.7 These links to the south of Aotearoa/New Zealand are also reinforced through the band running a small annual festival in Dunedin – known as Feastock – that features mainly artists from Otago and Southland.8 The group’s engagement with the local music scene occurs in spite of the band representing something of a cultural and musical hybrid, and one that might otherwise lie outside of historical associations around musical practice in the south of Aotearoa/New Zealand. 9 The band’s Aǀtearoa/New Zealand tour dates for Buzzy can be found at: http://cheeseontoast.co.nz/2012/05/02/left-or-right-announce-nz-tour, accessed 24 November 2015. Australian tour information can be found at: http://www.odt.co.nz/entertainment/music/228073/left-or-right-looking-newdirection (accessed 30 November 2015). 7 For example, Trippy is presented as “The highly anticipated third studio album from the deep south’s favourite nuggety trio” on both the Left or Right Facebook and Bandcamp pages; a 2014 article announcing the forthcoming release borrows the phrase “southern power trio Left Or Right” from a press release. See: Chris Chilton, “Left or Right to Tour, Release New Album,” Stuff, December 19, 2014, http://www.stuff.co.nz/southland-times/culture/10950320/Left-Or-Right-to-tourrelease-new-album. 8 For details, see: John Lewis, “Musicians Band Together for Feastock Festival,” Otago Daily Times, April 13, 2015, 20; see also https://www.facebook.com/feastock. While the festival is located in Dunedin, it has always featured a large number of artists from Southland and Invercargill, with one reviewer jokingly suggesting that the 2011 festival represented the arrival of the “Invercargill sound,” see: Sam Valentine, “Feastock; The Arrival of the Invercargill Sound,” Critic - Te Arohi, 2010, http://www.critic.co.nz/culture/article/1000/feastock-the-arrival-of-theinvercargill-sound. 9 Such associations tend to coalesce around the well known, “Dunedin sound.” See: Matthew Bannister, Positively George Street: Sneaky Feelings and the Dunedin Sound-a Personal Reminiscence (Reed, 1999); Dan Bendrups and Graeme Downes, Dunedin Soundings: Place and Performance (Otago University Press, 2011); Pete Gorman, The Other Dunedin Sound, DVD (Dunedin: Variant Media, 2008), Michael Holland and Oli Wilson, “The ‘Dunedin Sound’ Now: Contemporary Perspectives on Dunedin’s Musical Legacy,” in Made in Australia and Aotearoa/New Zealand:

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polystylistic approach to song-writing fuses pop, rock, reggae, and psychedelic progressive rock genres, and the group thus appeals to a variety of audiences, while simultaneously operating outside of any particular genre-based scene. This tension between location and musical practices is also evident in the band’s engagement with the music industry on a national level. While the group have made one-off appearances at a number of national music festivals, (including Rhythm and Alps, Kaikoura Summer Sounds, and the Catlins River Festival), and alongside highly respected national artists, (including The Black Seeds, Katchafire, Kora, Salmonella Dub), they have never gained government funding for any of their projects, and struggle to gain recognition, beyond the modest commercial success of the two records discussed above.

Origins: Invercargill, Covers Bands, and Conceptualisations of Musical Practice Left or Right began performing as a covers band, known as “Lefty and Righty” in Invercargill and then Dunedin in 2004. They continued this practice through to 2007, when they began writing and performing original music, changing the group’s name to “Left or Right”. The group’s relationship to their roots as a covers band is significant for several reasons. Firstly, Hampton (the group’s guitarist and co-songwriter) still earns the majority of his income from performing covers – often as a solo act. More importantly, however, covers bands are a crucial and distinctive aspect of Invercargill’s musical landscape, owing to the nature of its licensing laws and hospitality businesses. Both Guy Morrow and Paul McMillan have explored the implications of musicians performing covers and original music simultaneously, and note that this duality of practice can lead to a perception of “contamination,” 10 and that such musicians face “an atmosphere of stigmatisation … and the complex formation of identity that

Studies in Popular Music, ed. Geoff Stahl and Shelley Brunt (London: CRC Press, 2018); Colin McLeay, “The ‘Dunedin Sound:’ New Zealand Rock and Cultural Geography,” Perfect Beat 2, no. 1 (1994): 38–50; Tony Mitchell, “Flying in the Face of Fashion: Independent Music in New Zealand,” Perfect Beat 1, no. 4 (1994): 28– 72; Trish Saunders, The Other Dunedin Sound: The Acoustic Community of Southern New Zealand (Dunedin: Trish Saunders, 2011). 10 Guy Morrow, “Selling out or Buying in? The Dual Career of the Original and Cover Band Musician,” in Access All Eras: Tribute Bands And Global Pop, ed. Shane Homan (Berkshire, UK: Open University Press, 2006), 182.

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results when musicians perform both originals and covers music in separate and dichotomised contexts and venues.”11 Where Morrow’s participants discussed this notion of “selling out” as problematic, and outside of the bounds of normal and accepted musical practice for many young musicians, in the case of Left or Right’s early career (and, one suspects, other artists from Invercargill), this is not the case, as the majority of musical practice in their home city revolves around the performance of cover songs, and performing original music is the exception, rather than the rule. As one of the last regions in Aotearoa/New Zealand where the sale of alcohol is governed by a licensing trust, (two of the remaining four trusts in the country operate in this region), Southland has a large number of cover bands, owing to the trust’s venues’ consistent investment in this particular form of live entertainment.12 13 In stark contrast to the ready availability of performance opportunities for covers musicians, spaces for the performance of original music are relatively hard to come by. In my 10 years working as the group’s front of house engineer, I have been in only three venues that regularly host original music in Invercargill, one of which (Tillermans) does so only sporadically, while another (Uncle Louie’s) has now closed permanently.14 11 Paul Andrew McMillan, “Why Cover? An Ethnographic Exploration of Identity Politics Surrounding ‘Covers’ and ‘Originals’ Music in Dunedin, New Zealand,” MEDIANZ: Media Studies Journal of Aotearoa New Zealand 15, no. 1 (February 26, 2016), 35. 12 Karl du Fresne, “Licensing Trusts: Glass Half Full or Empty?” Stuff, 2017, https://www.stuff.co.nz/life-style/food-wine/drinks/97816685/licensing-trustsglass-half-full-or-empty. 13 The city is also the only place in which I have been employed to work on the production of a town-hall sized concert, featuring a covers band “super-group,” performing songs on a particular theme, and these occur regularly (see, for example, Staff Reporter, “Rock `n’ Roll Dreams Come Through,” 2017, http://www.southlandexpress.co.nz/entertainment/rock-n-roll-dreams-comethrough). While there appears to be no published research on the relationship between licensing trusts and local musical culture in Aotearoa/New Zealand, several musicians from Southland have discussed their concurrent frustration at, and dependence upon, the prevalance of opportunities for the performance of covers in Southland, at times to the exclusion of available spaces for original music, and this topic would present a worthy subject for further empirical and ethnographic inquiry. 14 While new efforts are being made by young members of the local musician’s club to provide further opportunities for original artists, the lack of venues is symptomatic of limited opportunities for scene-building among original artists. For discussion on music scenes and locality see: Sara Cohen, Decline, Renewal and the City in Popular Music Culture: Beyond the Beatles (Ashgate Publishing Company, 2007); Andy

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The dominance of covers bands in Invercargill exists in stark contrast to the musical landscape in its neighbouring city of Dunedin, which continues to be host to original music scenes worthy of international attention (owing partly to its status as a University town, and the reputation of the 1980’s ‘Dunedin sound’ movement: see footnote four above). While it should be acknowledged that Invercargill has always been home to original musicmaking, (and one hopes that this volume serves to highlight the breadth and variety of this), Left or Right surmise the original music scene’s relatively small size: You could still consider Invercargill a small place in that the people who come are those types of fans [...] who come to every single gig ... the scene’s pretty small there, but it is a very, very appreciative scene. (Marshall)

Given the relatively small original music scene, Invercargill musicians are likely to begin their musical careers performing covers, supplementing this practice with original music making when opportunity presents itself. This is exactly the trajectory taken by Left of Right in their early years, and it is my contention that this affected their later career in several important ways. The band note the importance of these roots to their performance and management abilities, stating: It teaches you how to book a gig, and play better, and… (Hampton) Negotiate cash… we also learnt to budget pretty well that way… that [mentality] transferred into the first 7 or 8 years of Left or Right... Getting tight, playing all situations. (Marshall) If we’d started doing originals full time, properly [earlier] we probably would’ve looked pretty amateur, playing wise. (Hampton)

Bennett, “Consolidating the Music Scenes Perspective,” Poetics 32, no. 3 (2004): 223–234; Andy Bennett and Richard A. Peterson, Music Scenes: Local, Translocal and Virtual (Vanderbilt University Press, 2004); David Hesmondhalgh, “Subcultures, Scenes or Tribes? None of the Above,” Journal of Youth Studies 8, no. 1 (2005): 21–40; Holly Kruse, “Subcultural Identity in Alternative Music Culture,” Popular Music 12, no. 01 (January 1993): 33; Holly Kruse, “Local Identity and Independent Music Scenes, Online and Off,” Popular Music and Society 33, no. 5 (December 2010): 625–39, and; Holly Kruse, “Local Independent Music Scenes and the Implications of the Internet,” in Sound, Society and the Geography of Popular Music, ed. Thomas Bell (London: Routledge, 2016).

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In addition to performance and management skills, the group’s early experiences also influenced their understanding of the roles and career trajectories available to rock bands. The group’s intensive touring of Aotearoa/New Zealand, centred around performing in smaller towns often neglected by other artists, was also inspired by their formative experiences: We had a PA and a van and we just went. We also had a taste of small-town appreciation from a lot of covers stuff, we knew that a lot of little places do get into it if you go and give them a taste, and maybe we heard the odd thing from touring bands, that there’s a cool place that we can go, and thought “we can try and go and do that.” (Hampton)

This attitude has permeated the group’s ten-year history, during which they have traversed the length of Aotearoa/New Zealand over 20 times, developing and maintaining a network of contacts and supporters in small towns across the country: It’s been pretty important to us to keep [that network] up, maintaining those [links] because those people have been so good to us. West Coast, Tasman, up near Nelson, they were early highs for us. Places we used to hit up quite a bit. (Marshall) [We went there because] we could! We may not be at the top of the charts or whatever, but we have a bunch more floors to sleep on, and a bunch more people that love us! (Hampton)

Genre Mashing on Record: The Centrality of the Physical Album The group’s background also influenced their understanding of full-length albums – released in physical formats – as central to a band’s practice. We were some of the early people doing vinyl, I think, especially in this part of the country. We were always going to do that, whatever it cost… that goes back to being kids again, and like, sifting through records and tapes. That’s almost the absolute pure dream factor, being a young’un. (Marshall) I always find that [physical formats] more satisfying and rewarding than touring, or being on the charts or something like that, having your name in lights or some shit, you know… If I find myself [i.e. a Left or Right Vinyl] on Trademe for $200 one day I’ve made it! (Hampton)

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The group’s investment in pressing records to vinyl has been substantial.15 However, they have recouped this, both monetarily, and in terms of the emotional satisfaction gleaned from selling records directly to fans: There are some very passionate, dedicated fans, and every time we sell a record that’s an absolute pure moment, we’ll call the guys over, and say “this person just bought a record!” “You’re one of the good ones!” You almost remember every face that bought an LP, that’s the special stuff. (Marshall)

Marshall also notes that the group have tended to work in “a three-year cycle,” in which the group work towards the release of a further L.P., while touring and promoting the preceding record. The group have never released a single or E.P. between albums, and rarely release music videos for their songs (see below at footnote 12). This modality echoes that of 1970s classic rock artists, (whose works are favourites among the covers performed by many Invercargill bands), who were involved in the creation of this set of practices: From the late 1960s groups began to build long-term careers around periodic album releases and synchronised, promotional tours. If not quite a new form, the rock album was certainly a new kind of extended textual unit and as such became the central element in an emerging rocker aesthetic. Successive album releases were now seen to constitute an oeuvre, and the album itself was rendered as a substantial artwork. Authorial genius was both inscribed in the recorded text - the realised sound of the composition and in accompanying discourse - sleeve notes and credits increasingly referred to the creative process and identified the contributions of individual music makers.16 17 18 19

15

The group have pressed 500 copies of each of their three records, one of which being a double 12” inch gatefold, to vinyl, in addition to releasing each of the on Compact Disc and Cassette. 16 Jason Toynbee, Making Popular Music: Musicians, Creativity and Institutions (Bloomsbury Publishing, 2016), 30. 17 David Hayes, “‘Take Those Old Records off the Shelf’: Youth and Music Consumption in the Postmodern Age,” Popular Music and Society 29, no. 1 (2006): 51–68. 18 Keir Keightley, “Long Play: Adult-Oriented Popular Music and the Temporal Logics of the Post-War Sound Recording Industry in the USA,” Media, Culture & Society 26, no. 3 (2004): 375–391. 19 Will Straw, “The Music CD and Its Ends,” Design and Culture 1, no. 1 (2009): 79–91.

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In spite of a raft of recent changes in the national and global music industries – largely centred around disintermediation and new models for music consumption – Left or Right continue to hold the L.P. in physical format as central to their practice.20 21 22 Their attitudes towards this format and mode of organisation evoke those of the artists that they engaged with as young musicians, primarily through the practice of covering their songs. Indeed, the similarities between their practice and Toynbee’s description is certainly evident in their record’s iconography and liner notes: Nuggety, features a montage of images from the group’s previous tours, and the inscription: “This L.P. is the closest attempt at achieving the raw feel of our live sound, played openly and spontaneously.”23 Likewise, later records also include elaborate credits, with Buzzy noting: Produced by Mike Holland and Left or Right Engineered and mixed by Mike Holland at NZMIC Albany Street Studios, Dunedin. Additional engineering by Left or Right, Mike Holland & Doug Heath at 3 Fea St, Chateau de la Calder, Dunedin, & S.I.T, Invercargill, Aotearoa/New Zealand. A Capella vocals recorded at First Church, Invercargill Trumpet recorded at Marama Hall, Dunedin.24

In creating the three records the groups have released thus far, Left or Right seem to have further eschewed normative models for musical practice, crafting songs often described as “genre mashing” by critics. 25 Left or Right’s polystylism often involves shifts between multiple genres within one song. In a previous publication, I explored the link between their use of

20

David Hesmondhalgh, “Digitalisation, Music and Copyright,” 2007, http://www.cresc.ac.uk/medialibrary/workingpapers/wp30.pdf. 21 Holly Kruse, “Local Identity and Independent Music Scenes, Online and Off,” Popular Music and Society 33, no. 5 (December 2010): 625–39, https://doi.org/10.1080/03007760903302145. 22 Andrew Leyshon, “Time-Space (and Digital) Compression: Software Formats, Musical Networks, and the Reorganisation of the Music Industry,” Environment and Planning A 33, no. 1 (2001): 49–78. 23 Left or Right, Nuggety. 24 Left or Right (Musical group), Buzzy. 25 Chris Chilton, “Left Or Right Get Road Trippy for Third Album,” Stuff, 2015, https://www.stuff.co.nz/southland-times/culture/in-the-south/72260124/Left-OrRight-get-road-Trippy-for-third-album.

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musical style, lyrical themes and production devices. 26 In that work, I suggested that the subject matter of music of the group’s work is – if not overtly comedic – often improbable and irresolute. For example, one of the tracks on the group’s sophomore album, Buzzy, concerns the loss, death, and post-mortem return of a frozen pet cat, narrated both lyrically, and instrumentally, through alternation between funk reggae passages and broken-time heavy-metal style riffs. 27 This unusual approach to songwriting can be seen as relating to the group’s background. Given Southland’s lack of original music scenes delineated around style (owing to the factors outlined above) it seems that Left or Right have experienced little pressure to restrict their song-writing to fit within any particular genre. Furthermore, it is possible to see the various styles incorporated by the group (rock, pop, reggae and heavy metal feature prominently) as mainstays of the 1970s and 1980s, eras favoured by covers bands within the region. This is not to suggest that the group are merely the sum of their background and influences, but rather to highlight the relationship between these factors and Left or Right’s relatively unique approach to song-writing and production. The group find their own work difficult to describe, with Hampton noting that some of the challenges the group face in engaging with both industry bodies (discussed below) and a broader fan base may be because: We are a prog, fucked up, metal, reggae, whatever band, you know, it might not be for everyone. (Hampton)

On the Borderline: Polystylism, Independence, and Life Outside the Establishment Left or Right’s engagement with industry and fans is mediated through, and perhaps limited by their avowed independence, and the nature of their music, as described above. As Marshall notes, the group’s work sits uncomfortably close to – and yet distanced from – established commercial genres in the Aotearoa/New Zealand market: 26 Michael Holland, “Rock Production And Staging In Non-Studio Spaces: Presentations Of Space In Left Or Right’s Buzzy,” Journal on the Art of Record Production, Proceedings of the 2013 Art of Record Production Conference, no. 8 (December 30, 2013), http://arpjournal.com/2564/rock-production-and-staging-innon-studio-spaces-presentations-of-space-in-left-or-right%E2%80%99s-buzzy/. 27 This track, entitled “Frozen Cat/Blackie the Cat,” comprises tracks 7 and 8 of Buzzy (Left or Right, 2012).

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Barbeque reggae became pretty unpopular pretty quickly, and unfortunately, we were just on the back of what’d been a boom … but what was unfair to us is that we weren’t just that, but you’re only going to get people hearing one or the other, and it was tough for festivals, because some are too precious for that. A lot of times, because of where we are, there hasn’t been somewhere to pigeon-hole us, and that’s where you get all the people saying “you’d go off in this [overseas] place.” (Marshall)

The group’s cynical approach to the Aotearoa/New Zealand music industry is perhaps warranted, given their repeated attempts to gain funding for their work, and the relatively limited opportunities they have secured for performance at large festivals. It is important to note, however, that the band are realistic about the implications of their choice to manage their own affairs, with Marshall noting: My gut feeling is it’s probably to our detriment, but it’s hard to pinpoint a moment where it would have been the right time. It’s been Callum and I the whole way. (Marshall)

Hampton suggests, “It’s hard to put your faith in people, you know.” The group’s relationship to funding bodies nonetheless warrants unpacking, as it reveals several important characteristics of the relationship between a regional artist creating music on the borderline of commercial viability, and the industry with which they at times seek to engage. An independent study commissioned by two rights collection agencies estimates that in 2013, the music industry in Aotearoa/New Zealand contributed $204.7 million to the country’s Gross Domestic Product, which totalled $211.6 billion. 28 This 0.01 per cent contribution seems small, however, the study notes that these figures are based only on direct contribution, and that, if spillover effects are accounted for, the music industry contributes approximately $452.2 million, or 0.02 per cent of GDP. This equates to approximately 4,077 full time jobs. The national industry is comprised of a major label presence (Universal Music, Warner Music, and Sony all have a national presence and rosters that include Aotearoa/New Zealand artists), a number of industry support bodies, and a large number of independent labels and distributors. 28 The study was commissioned by two groups: The Australasian Performing Right Association, and Recorded Music Aǀtearoa/New Zealand. For GDP figures, see: http://www.stats.govt.nz/browse_for_stats/economic_indicators/NationalAccounts/ rgdp-2014-graphic.aspx; the full report is available at: http://www.wecreate.org.nz/wp-content/uploads/2014/07/PWC-Music.pdf.

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The relationship between the presence of major labels, independent music production, and cultural identity in Aotearoa/New Zealand is somewhat problematic. As Roy Shuker notes: [A]ny simple application of notions of cultural domination is awkward. A complex relationship exists between the local recording industry and the international in countries such as Aotearoa/New Zealand, with local musicians immersed in overlapping and frequently reciprocal contexts of production, with a cross fertilisation of local and international sounds.29 30 31

Shuker notes that there has been a degree of controversy around the operation of the major record labels in Aotearoa/New Zealand, and that, “some commentators see them as exploitative of the local music scene, only picking up and promoting those artists who have international sales potential.”32 He nonetheless acknowledges that, in reality, “the relationship between the majors and the independents is best regarded as a symbiotic one, with the indies developing talent for the majors, while depending on them for distribution.”33 Left or Right’s role in this ecosystem is unclear at best. As an independent artist, they release all of their work on their own label, MrYoda Productions, and have not been approached by, nor sought to engage with major labels in at any point in their career.34 Their engagement with external bodies is perhaps best measured through their interaction with funding bodies, to whom the group have made repeated (and unsuccessful) applications throughout their career.

29

Roy Shuker, “New Zealand Popular Music, Government Policy, and Cultural Identity,” Popular Music 27, no. 02 (2008): 272. 30 David Hesmondhalgh, The Cultural Industries (SAGE, 2007). 31 Roy Shuker, Popular Music: The Key Concepts (Routledge, 2006), https://books.google.co.nz/books?hl=en&lr=&id=W6zYkBnUcAYC&oi=fnd&pg= PP1&dq=shuker+popular+music+key+concepts&ots=VEk_vCfiS&sig=e2r_swa8bafUNZMUFn96WpgjZdA. 32 Shuker, “New Zealand Popular Music, Government Policy, and Cultural Identity:” 273 33 Shuker: 273. 34 The group’s model for selling their records is based on a relationship with Border Music NZ, who distributed their first two records, agreements with independent record stores around the country, sales at shows, and via online outlets (see: https://www.facebook.com/pg/bordermusicnz/about; https://leftorright.bandcamp.com/).

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The role of funding bodies in the Aotearoa/New Zealand music industry has been discussed at some length by scholars, primarily operating in the field of cultural policy.35 36 37 38 Commentators credit these bodies as part of a series of developments that led to a rapid increase in growth in Aotearoa/New Zealand popular music during the early 2000s. As Michael Scott and David Craig suggest: A nuanced but familiar range of promotional state policies underpinned Aotearoa/New Zealand’s pop renaissance: increased funding; public– private partnerships to incentivise small scale producers; the state development of social networks and relations of trust with domestic and international music industry elites; informal education to attune pop producers and artist managers to the logics and demands of the music industry; and, importantly, a 20 per cent voluntary domestic commercial radio quota.39

Of the two major funding bodies operating in the Aotearoa/New Zealand music industry, NZ On Air is both the better known, and the more frequently criticised of the two organisations amongst popular musicians and media commentators. This criticism relates to the corporate concerns of the organisation. Scott notes that, while the provision of grants for recording and promotion is a venerable aim: 35

Shuker. Michael Scott, “The Networked State: New Zealand on Air and New Zealand’s Pop Renaissance,” Popular Music 27, no. 02 (May 30, 2008), https://doi.org/10.1017/S026114300800408X. 37 Michael Scott and David Craig, “The Promotional State ‘after Neo-Liberalism’: Ideologies of Governance and New Zealand’s Pop Renaissance,” Popular Music 31, no. 01 (2012): 143–163. 38 Two bodies in Aǀtearoa/New Zealand allocate funding for popular music: Creative Aǀtearoa/New Zealand and Aǀtearoa/New Zealand on Air. Both organisations are administered by the Ministry for Culture and Heritage, with Creative Aǀtearoa/New Zealand’s broad focus on funding all art forms in Aǀtearoa/New Zealand being less commercially oriented than Aǀtearoa/New Zealand On Air’s broadcast-focussed funding model. Creative Aǀtearoa/New Zealand, or The Arts Council of Aǀtearoa/New Zealand, “administers and aims to achieve funding for artists, practitioners, and organisations, capability-building for artists, practitioners and organizations, and Advocacy for the arts” (See: http://www.creativenz.govt.nz/about-creative-new-zealand/what-we-do). This focus differs from Aǀtearoa/New Zealand On Air’s in that it is not bound by the necessity to fulfil a broadcast content quota. Creative Aǀtearoa/New Zealand appear less well known to popular musicians, and allocate funding across all arts, rather than Aǀtearoa/New Zealand On Air’s broadcast only focus. 39 Scott and Craig: 144. 36

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Chapter Seven NZOA’s funding is not a subsidy dispensed under the idealistic Arnoldian logics of ‘culture’, which leaves the artist free to create. Instead, as NZOA manages the supply of musicians in partnership with both labels and broadcasters, subsidies become a calculated state investment conditioned by the economic and cultural logics of the commercial broadcasting field. And if musicians on the neo-patronage ‘money wheel’ neglect the commercial (and political) imperatives which underpin the exchange of talent for funding, state agents may reach out to remind them of the game, all the time with one eye on playlist opportunities, and the other on the Music Code’s targets.40

Left or Right’s scant success in engaging with labels and funding bodies reveals tensions between commercial viability (as reinforced through government funding policies) and cultural resonance, heightened through a sense of geographic isolation. These factors are evinced by the circumstances surrounding Left or Right’s Buzzy. While the record was reviewed as foregrounding a “particular brand of lyrical Kiwi-isms,” 41 the project received no Aotearoa/New Zealand On Air Funding: perhaps owing to its lack of appeal to commercial broadcasters, despite its status as distinctly “Kiwi.” As Shuker notes, in terms of broadcast-based funding for music production, funding: “… it is necessary to distinguish between “local music” as a cultural signifier, and “locally made music.” The first is difficult to identify with any precision. The second is more straightforwardly delineated, as is an argument for its support purely on economic grounds: if it has also some local cultural resonance then that must be regarded as a bonus.”42 The concept of locality deserves further exploration in the context of this discussion. While Left or Right’s music may qualify as “local music” for some, this does not automatically qualify it as worthy of support in the eyes of commercially-oriented funding bodies. Furthermore its “locally made” status is problematic, given the group’s (perhaps self-enforced) independence and physical isolation from the centre of the Aotearoa/New Zealand music industry (all of the bodies discussed above have head offices in Auckland). When asked if their access to funding and resources may have been different had the group relocated to Auckland, Marshall noted:

40

Scott, “The Networked State:” 304 Lisa Tagaloa, “Left Or Right - Going Back In Time @ NZ Musician,” 2015, http://www.nzmusician.co.nz/index.php/ps_pagename/articledetail/pi_articleid/4517. 42 Shuker, “New Zealand Popular Music, Government Policy, and Cultural Identity:” 282. 41

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You’d know someone, it would’ve happened sooner or later, you’re bound to get someone on the panel who you’ve had a beer with, who’s going to really go into bat for you. I used to keep the list of those panels… We had that chip [on the shoulder] for a bit there, and then we stopped entering songs! [But] it comes down to not being immersed in the industry. (Marshall)

Despite this disjuncture, the group now seem to take satisfaction in their own self-sufficiency, and have self-funded several music videos over the past seven years.43 As Hampton notes: It is satisfying making your own video without the help… that’s the trade off, sure you didn’t get the funding or whatever, but we’ll do it anyway. (Hampton)

It is perhaps this self-reliance that has come to be the band’s defining feature, as, operating in the spaces between cities, audiences and industry apparatus, the group continue to forge their own path, based on their own definition of success: We realised we had to stick together. If a song went to number one, sweet as, but I guess it became obvious after a few records, especially in a saturated market these days, and especially in New Zealand: we adapted what we saw as being successful. (Hampton)

Conclusion Left or Right’s musical practice reveals that, for isolated and independent artists operating on the borders of the commercial music industry, their early experiences may influence their career trajectories in a myriad of ways, some of which are not obvious without the benefits of hindsight. This chapter has suggested that, in the absence of significant original music scene-making practices in their hometown – which instead privileges the performances of covers – the group created their own models for organising their creativity. These drew heavily from their early influences and experiences: the 1970s artists that they covered all worked slowly to release records on vinyl, and the band’s own early performances were to small, 43

The group have self-funded music videos for several tracks, including “Looking for a Tennis Ball,” from Buzzy: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GR_tgdvHl2c, “Gary’s Nuggety Neighbour” from Trippy: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=75ZjmpE7MCc, and “Trippin’ by the Sea,” from the same record: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Hz9HT2drTto.

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enthusiastic audiences, often in isolated areas. The group thus came to understand life in a band as being centred on the production of records in physical format, and self-directed touring across their home country. Further, and related to these origins, their freedom to innovate with musical style at once renders them unique, and yet concurrently out-of-place amongst their national contemporaries, a factor that at once attracts fans, but deters engagement from industry bodies. Finally, the group’s “we’ll do it anyway” attitude has meant that, while they have been unsuccessful in attracting funding or commercial outlets for their work, the group have managed to sustain a vibrant career over ten years. This suggests that, while challenging, Left or Right’s work represents a model that other Southern artists may adapt and develop in forging their own paths to sustainability. While the next stage of Left or Right’s career is unclear, their attitude to their hometown, while avowedly tongue-in-cheek (especially in terms of their merchandising), remains positive: I guess it is motivation too, that place punches above its weight as it is... the press [there] has been really good to us, so that’s motivation to actually prove that the hype is about something. (Marshall)

References Bannister, Matthew. Positively George Street: Sneaky Feelings and the Dunedin Sound-a Personal Reminiscence. Reed, 1999. Bendrups, Dan, and Graeme Downes, eds. Dunedin Soundings: Place and Performance. Dunedin, Otago University Press, 2011. Bennett, Andy. “Consolidating the Music Scenes Perspective.” Poetics 32, no. 3 (2004): 223–234. Bennett, Andy, and Richard A. Peterson. Music Scenes: Local, Translocal and Virtual. Vanderbilt University Press, 2004. Benson, Nigel. “Hey You, Get off of Our Cloud.” Otago Daily Times Online News, November 6, 2010. https://www.odt.co.nz/news/dunedin/hey-you-get-our-cloud. Chilton, Chris. “Left Or Right Get Road Trippy for Third Album.” Stuff, 2015. https://www.stuff.co.nz/southland-times/culture/in-the-south/722 60124/Left-Or-Right-get-road-Trippy-for-third-album. Cohen, Sara. Decline, Renewal and the City in Popular Music Culture: Beyond the Beatles. Ashgate Publishing Company, 2007. Fresne, Karl du. “Licensing Trusts: Glass Half Full or Empty?” Stuff, 2017. https://www.stuff.co.nz/life-style/foodwine/drinks/97816685/licensing-trusts-glass-half-full-or-empty.

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Gorman, Pete. The Other Dunedin Sound. DVD. Variant Media, 2008. Hayes, David. “‘Take Those Old Records off the Shelf’: Youth and Music Consumption in the Postmodern Age.” Popular Music and Society 29, no. 1 (2006): 51–68. Hesmondhalgh, David. “Digitalisation, Music and Copyright,” 2007. http://www.cresc.ac.uk/medialibrary/workingpapers/wp30.pdf. —. “Subcultures, Scenes or Tribes? None of the Above.” Journal of Youth Studies 8, no. 1 (2005): 21–40. —. The Cultural Industries. Sage, 2007. Holland, Michael. “Rock Production And Staging In Non-Studio Spaces: Presentations of Space in Left or Right’s Buzzy.” Journal on the Art of Record Production, Proceedings of the 2013 Art of Record Production Conference, no. 8 (December 30, 2013). Holland, Michael, and Oli Wilson. “The ‘Dunedin Sound’ Now: Contemporary Perspectives on Dunedin’s Musical Legacy.” In Made in Australia and Aotearoa/New Zealand: Studies in Popular Music, edited by Geoff Stahl and Shelley Brunt. London: CRC Press, 2018. Keightley, Keir. “Long Play: Adult-Oriented Popular Music and the Temporal Logics of the Post-War Sound Recording Industry in the USA.” Media, Culture & Society 26, no. 3 (2004): 375–391. Kruse, Holly. “Local Identity and Independent Music Scenes, Online and Off.” Popular Music and Society 33, no. 5 (December 2010): 625–39. —. “Local Independent Music Scenes and the Implications of the Internet.” In Sound, Society and the Geography of Popular Music, edited by Thomas Bell. London: Routledge, 2016. —. “Subcultural Identity in Alternative Music Culture.” Popular Music 12, no. 01 (January 1993): 33. Left or Right. Nuggety. Dunedin, NZ: Left Or Right, 2009. —. Trippy. Dunedin, N.Z: Mryoda Productions, 2015. —. Buzzy. Dunedin, N.Z: Mryoda Productions, 2012. Left or Right (Marshall and Hampton). Interview by Michael Holland. Digital Recording, October 2018. Lewis, John. “Musicians Band Together for Feastock Festival.” Otago Daily Times. April 13, 2015. Leyshon, Andrew. “Time-Space (and Digital) Compression: Software Formats, Musical Networks, and the Reorganisation of the Music Industry.” Environment and Planning A 33, no. 1 (2001): 49–78. Tagaloa, Lisa. “Left Or Right - Going Back In Time. NZ Musician,” 2015. http://www.nzmusician.co.nz/index.php/ps_pagename/articledetail/pi_ articleid/4517. McLeay, Colin. “The ‘Dunedin Sound:’ New Zealand Rock and Cultural

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Geography.” Perfect Beat 2, no. 1 (1994): 38–50. McMillan, Paul Andrew. “Why Cover? An Ethnographic Exploration of Identity Politics Surrounding ‘Covers’ and ‘Originals’ Music in Dunedin, New Zealand.” MEDIANZ: Media Studies Journal of Aotearoa New Zealand 15, no. 1 (February 26, 2016). Mitchell, Tony. “Flying in the Face of Fashion: Independent Music in New Zealand.” Perfect Beat 1, no. 4 (1994): 28–72. Morrow, Guy. “Selling out or Buying in? The Dual Career of the Original and Cover Band Musician.” In Access All Eras: Tribute Bands and Global Pop, edited by Shane Homan. Berkshire, UK: Open University Press, 2006. Reporter, Staff. “Rock `n’ Roll Dreams Come Through,” 2017. http://www.southlandexpress.co.nz/entertainment/rock-n-roll-dreamscome-through/. Saunders, Trish. The Other Dunedin Sound: The Acoustic Community of Southern New Zealand. Dunedin: Trish Saunders, 2011. Scott, Michael. “The Networked State: New Zealand on Air and New Zealand’s Pop Renaissance.” Popular Music 27, no. 2 (2008): 299-305. Scott, Michael, and David Craig. “The Promotional State ‘after NeoLiberalism’: Ideologies of Governance and New Zealand’s Pop Renaissance.” Popular Music 31, no. 1 (2012): 143–163. Shuker, Roy. “New Zealand Popular Music, Government Policy, and Cultural Identity.” Popular Music 27, no. 02 (2008): 271–287. —. Popular Music: The Key Concepts. London: Routledge, 2006. Straw, Will. “The Music CD and Its Ends.” Design and Culture 1, no. 1 (2009): 79–91. Toynbee, Jason. Making Popular Music: Musicians, Creativity and Institutions. London: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2016. Valentine, Sam. “Feastock; The Arrival of the Invercargill Sound.” Critic Te Arohi, 2010. http://www.critic.co.nz/culture/article/1000/feastockthe-arrival-of-the-invercargill-sound.

CHAPTER EIGHT WHAT THE FOLK DO WE KNOW? BRAD MACCLURE

Introduction My goal in writing this chapter has always been to first define what we mean by “folk,” to get away from all the loose definitions, and delineate it as a movement 1 and a process 2 , with its own ethos, and to demonstrate the import of this way of framing folk. It is this ethos that sets apart the folk movement as something distinct. By “ethos” here I mean the principles, the attitude, the moral nature and the guiding philosophy of the movement. In short, the things folkies actually care about. It is about respect and inclusivity, openness and community. John Egenes calls folk a “process, not a product.”3 He points to an important philosophical distinction: It is less about the end result, less about commercial success (often not about the latter at all), and always about the participatory, the community and the environment in which it is situated.4 The term “folk music: literally means “people’s music”: “In the strictest sense, it's music that is rarely written for profit. It's music that has endured and been passed down by oral tradition. Also, what distinguishes folk music is that it is participatory—you don't have to be a great musician to be a folk singer. And finally, it brings a sense of community. It's the people's music.”5

1

Trish Saunders, The Other Dunedin Sound (Dunedin, Trish Saunders, 2011), 167. John Egenes, “Remix Culture and the New Folk Process,” in Dunedin Soundings eds. Dan Bendrups and Graeme Downes (Dunedin: Otago University Press, 2011), 87. 3 Egenes, “Remix Culture,” 87. 4 Egenes, “Remix Culture,” 84-85. 5 Gene Shay, cited in “Folk Music,” HumanitiesWeb.Org, accessed August 9, 2019, http://www.humanitiesweb.org/spa/rai/ID/1658 Emphasis not in original. 2

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Shuker coins the phrase: “music as cultural capital,”6 delineating a group of people outside the mainstream that do not as such consume…commercial music but are active listeners with a more rebellious attitude toward popular music. Though Shuker does not specifically apply this to the folk community it is a good summation of their philosophy, and it is on this point that he converges with the likes of Egenes 7 and Shay 8 on this common theme of participation and inclusiveness. Folk is never just about the music and the musicians, it is as much about the community and the audience. It is cultural capital. The folk movement worldwide has seen some radical changes over the last four or five decades, to the extent that “folk” now means something entirely different to what it did in, say the 1960s. For example, Dunlap9 posits that Bob Dylan’s career tracks in parallel the evolution from “folk protest movement” in the sixties, to just “folk movement” now. I recall when I went along to Foveaux Folk Club in the eighties, being aware that Dylan was somewhat unpopular with that group; they had moved on from “that protest stuff.” By that small example, it would appear that Aotearoa has tracked a similar path to the movement internationally. Folk music is relevant in Southland because people are. It also feeds culturally into many of the other music scenes covered in other chapters of this book. That said, paradoxically, the folk movement in Southland has always impressed me as somewhat underground. In this chapter I discuss specifically my experiences with the folk movement in Southland, in its various iterations, and relate some anecdotes from others that were gathered in interviews. It is my hope that this chapter will, for some, provide new ways to perceive the folk movement in Southland. I am a multi-instrumentalist folk musician from Southland, having been involved with the music scene in general, and the folk scene in particular, since the 1980s. I have attended and performed at many of the folk festivals mentioned in this chapter. I have had ongoing personal connections over the years with most of the people mentioned later in this chapter. I also play in covers bands and in jazz bands. I have, from time to time played various 6

Roy Shuker, Understanding Popular Music (London, Routledge, 2008), 181. Egenes, “Remix Culture,” 87. 8 Shay, “Folk Music,” para. 3. 9 James Dunlap, “Through the Eyes of Tom Joad: Patterns of American Idealism, Bob Dylan, and the Folk Protest Movement,” Popular Music and Society 29, no. 5, (2006): 564, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03007760500238510 7

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instruments for Invercargill Musical Theatre shows, and I have been involved with events like “Pipin’ Hot”, a bagpipes based rock show which toured overseas several times. I see what I do in the folk scene as completely separated from those other scenes, but I have always had a desire to connect them somehow. It is also my hope that this chapter will encourage such a connection. In 2015 I reconnected with many of the individuals with whom I had become acquainted with back in the 1980s.10 I sought to provide a historical overview of the evolution and influences of, and on the folk movement and its music over the last four decades in the southern region. The folk community in Aotearoa is so interconnected that it is disingenuous to draw a line around Southland and stay within it. Southland folk influence does not end at the border of Southland and Otago or Central Otago. There has always been a strong connection between Southland and the New Edinburgh Folk Club in Dunedin, and their festival, Whare Flat Folk Festival, and also with Cardrona Folk Festival. Invercargill performers and audiences have consistently supported these events. To that end I reached out to several people in Dunedin and Cardrona who were able to provide some very compelling perspectives on that connection. I conducted semi-structured interviews with a range of individuals, including some outliers from the main sample set of folk musicians, such as administrators, dance callers, or audience members and spectators. I deemed this approach methodologically appropriate for a few reasons. Interviewees could take their answers in unpredictable directions. An effort was made on my part not to lead them into answers that confirmed my personal biases. I wanted to hear what they thought, in their own words. I achieved a measure of validation and triangulation by analytically cross checking interview transcripts, and comparing them with with observations and my personal knowledge. In 2019, in preparation for this chapter I added five more interviewees to the muster, and sought and obtained permission from all past and present interviewees to quote them in this chapter. The four basic interview questions were: * What is the story of your introduction to the folk scene in the south? * What is your impression of the historical emergence of folk music in the south? 10 This was for an undergraduate research project as part of my study on the Bachelor of Contemporary Music degree at Southern Institute of Technology.

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* What do you think of the current scene, and how would you like it to change? * What has the folk movement given you that you would not have otherwise gotten? What follows is a brief historical summary, the source of which is a combination of my experiences and personal historical knowledge, and the emergent themes and stories gained by responses to the first two of these questions. Later in the chapter I discuss some of the ideas and insights gained from the responses to the last two interview questions.

The Foveaux Folk Club and its Bush Band. Sometime in 1979 Owen Jones put an ad in The Southland Times, calling for those interested in starting a folk club to meet at Penny Lane café, owned and run by Noel Coutts. The café was up the alley between the now Invercargill library and the Grand Hotel. Present at that meeting were Barrie and Kathy McDonald, Judith Smeaton, and many others. This meeting was the beginning of the Foveaux Folk Club in Invercargill. The Foveaux Folk Club is the most tangible manifestation ever to have existed in Southland of the folk movement. It was a registered incorporated society, with a president, secretary and treasurer. The club met at the Penny Lane café from 1979 for a few years then club meetings moved to the YMCA in Tay St, and then on to Repertory house. It was at about this time (around 1985) that I got involved with this core of “folkies.” I noticed quickly that there were disparate musical directions within the group. The main musical thrust of the Foveaux Folk Club at that time was barn dances 11 and traditional music, 12 including tradition folk songs. Singer songwriter performances featured less, usually only happening in the form of guest artists. The “singer-songwriters” seemed to be a distinct subgroup from the traditional players and singers. One sees 11 Barn dance is the common term usually used for social dances in the folk scene. Occasionally a barn dance is held in a real barn or woolshed, but I have played them also in country halls, churches, the Civic Theatre, in marquees, at weddings and of course folk festivals. Set dances are “called,” usually Scottish and Irish folk style. If you’re Scottish, you would probably call a barn dance a ceilidh. 12 Traditional music in this context means specifically old tunes, like jigs, reels, polkas, hornpipes, slip-jigs, strathspeys, and songs, from Scotland, Ireland, the United Kingdom, etc., in fact, anywhere one might call “the old country.” Usually traditional music is regarded as synonymous with folk music.

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these lines being drawn a bit at festivals. I noticed the first time I attended a club night at repertory house that there was a strong Celtic (mostly Scottish and Irish) and British Isles direction to the music, a departure for me from the North American folk music I had been focused on. Traditional maritime sea shanties were a strong tradition, kept alive in those days by Billy Nunn with crowd participation in the chorus or the refrain. Judith Smeaton was a founding member of the club, and a singer (and lagerphone13 player). She had pulled in her identical twin sister, Joanne Purdue into the club, and with the encouragement of club members they formed an unaccompanied vocal duo, drawing on a lot of United Kingdom folk artists for material. Thanks to genetics their voices matched perfectly. Billy Nunn, the sea shanty singer, also played the tea chest bass in the bush band.

Figure 8-3. The bush band of the Foveaux Folk Club From left: Billy Nun, Judith Smeaton, Andy Patton, Kathy McDonald, Ewan Adam, Barrie McDonald, Jim Gilmore and Ian Murray (circa: 1980, sourced from Jim and Geraldine Gilmore).

The bush band eventually became a central element to the club at this time. According to my interviewees:

13

A lagerphone is a broomstick with many loose bottle caps (traditionally from lager bottles) nailed to it. It functions as a giant tambourine.

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The line-up of the bush band was eventually formalised into the members pictured in Figure 8-1. Running barn dances was the main function of the bush band, and the barn dances ended up being a great source of revenue for the club. It worked so well that Invercargill became known as the place that could afford to get big name acts to come and perform. The list of big folk names that the Foveaux Folk Club brought to Invercargill include Vin Garbutt, Eric Bogle, Dougie MacLean and Paul Metsers.14 I found a newspaper clip from The Southland Times, circa 1988, detailing the concert featuring guest Paul Metsers, held at Repertory House. The brief article delineates the folk ethos of the time well: the intimacy and interaction with the audience, and the serious nature of his song content, but also the humorous banter between numbers. It also makes note of the acoustic nature of the concert, and how “Metsers…abandoned the stage and microphone for the more friendly atmosphere of performing directly in front of the audience.”15 The extent to which these kinds of sentiment were iterated by interviewees was compelling. The club also ran public concerts in collaboration with the New Edinburgh Folk Club. One was at the State Insurance Theatre (now known as Centrestage used and managed by the Southern Institute of Technology), and one at the Civic Theatre, both were sold out. Barrie McDonald was co-president with Owen Jones of the Foveaux Folk Club for a while during the 1980s, then went on to be president when Owen moved away. Barrie says that in Invercargill, it was the barn dances, not the folk music that drew local people in; that after attending a barn dance people were then drawn to the folk club. Invercargill seems unique in that respect. Barrie said that everywhere else (he named Dunedin, Christchurch and Wellington) they all started “by the wee café folk club scene.” Barrie was a very prominent figure at the beginning stages of the club in many ways, and 14

Metsers penned “Farewell to the Gold,” arguably one of the most iconic New Zealand folk songs, widely covered by artists including Nic Jones and Bob Dylan, and in a house concert at my place by Phil Garland (QSM). 15 Author unknown, The Southland Times, (circa 1988).

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he was a driving force with the bush band. Among the many instruments he plays, piano accordion has always been the staple. He also arranged music for the dances, in sets of three traditional tunes, and he was available to teach music theory to those that needed it.16 The respect and recognition for Barrie is very evident from everyone who talks about him. As long as I can remember he has always been a mentor and role model for folk musicians everywhere, not just in Invercargill. His skill as an accordionist was in demand back in the eighties, and still is today. He worked tirelessly to draw others in to the folk scene, and to keep the focus within the group (both musically and socially), and he had a nurturing approach with outsiders coming in. Joanne Purdue told me: He taught people [and] he always encouraged people to come and take part, and build up their confidence, he was amazing. (Joanne Purdue)

She also said that the club had a specific policy, that a club member was always assigned, whose job it was “to welcome anybody new…they had to be made to feel welcome.” Jim Gilmore played tin whistle in the bush band but also made backdrops for the band for barn dances, and sets for the mummer’s plays. The band members were all multi skilled, but they involved non-musicians as well. We were very lucky we had Jim Gilmore who worked at Kingswell high school as an art teacher; he built the backdrops for us, and … to be able to draw on those like Joanne [Purdue] and Jude [Smeaton] and Kay [Nunn] for costumes, a lot of club members got so involved, that everyone was able to add and to give their skills, and their time, it was fantastic. (Kathy McDonald)

Regarding the mummers plays: We only did about two mummers plays, and they always consisted of St George slaying the Dragon, much to my horror! We used to do these at Barn Dances, at the time the Bush Band Comprised of Andy [Patton], Bill Nun, Ian Murray, Jude [Smeaton], Jim Gilmore, and Myself. I kinda felt that we could get some others in the folk club involved, and I had seen a mummers play; Steel Eye Span, when they came [to Invercargill], they did a mummers 16

Years later, I benefited indirectly from Barrie McDonald’s ground work when, in preparation for the reformation of the bush band, I visited Ewan Adam (the fiddle player pictured in Figure 1) in Winton, and came home with the sheet music (hand written, photocopied) to all these barn dance tunes, having learned, and recorded onto cassette all of them that evening.

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Chapter Eight play… [in lieu of] an interval…we got a book out of the library…and we got…people involved that didn't normally play or perform…One was presented at the Makarewa Hall, where we had one of our dances…I set up a strobe light to show off the sword fight, and it was all pretty magical…complete with dry ice. (Barrie MacDonald)

Jim and Geraldine Gilmore described to me a trip to perform at the New Edinburgh Folk Club in Dunedin, in which Barrie went to some lengths to teach members Dvorak’s “Going Home,” arranging and teaching vocal parts. Foveaux Folk Club members also had some input to “Slàinte,”17 an album by City of Invercargill Caledonian Pipe Band, 18 when in 1980 the band recorded an album of mostly traditional tunes.

Festivals: Cardrona, Whare Flat and Riverton Heritage…and What Happened Next Festivals are an integral aspect of the folk scene in Aotearoa. They are often where international guests kick off their national tours. I find it is typical to be approached by an artist or group and asked to host a house concert following a festival. They are also a place to find out about local new talent, and an opportunity for upcoming artists to air new material at the likes of blackboard concerts.19 There are several annual folk festivals in the South Island. It is fair to say they are all fed by musicians and enthusiasts from Southland. In particular Cardrona and Whare Flat have been constants for decades, and Riverton Heritage Festival was a smaller one than ran for ten years from 1997. Martin Curtis started the Cardona Folk Festival in 1976. It was mainly patronized from Dunedin initially, but by 1979 there was a contingent from Invercargill as well. Judith Smeaton recalls one of those early festivals at Cardrona: We just turned up at Cardrona...I think Martin knew we were coming…he put on a sheep on the spit…it was only the school hall and there was just the one drop dunny. We were all camped round the back door of the kitchen to begin with and later on we moved over to the fence along the road…and then we’d have a big fire and sit round but there was not too much planned, 17 City of Invercargill Caledonian Pipe Band, Slàinte, Kiwi / Pacific Records, 1980, CD. 18 City of Invercargill Caledonian Pipe Band are the oldest pipe band in the southern hemisphere, formed November 2 1896. They are still in operation today. 19 “Blackboard concerts”, an event that occurs at every folk festival, are concerts where performers put their name on the blackboard, there is an MC, and when you are called you go up and play.

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mostly just people jamming in those days. We also had a concert at night and probably a barn dance…but certainly Barrie [McDonald] was the hub. He was a well able musician and in those days even Marcus [Turner] was learning. Lots of people were drawn to Barrie. (Judith Smeaton)

The Cardrona Folk Festival is still strongly supported by a Southland presence, as is Whare Flat Folk Festival (held near Mosgiel, over New Year’s Eve). Barrie and Kathy McDonald left Invercargill in 1989, leaving Andy Patton as the bush band’s accordionist, and Joanne Purdue having been groomed by Kathy McDonald to replace her as the caller (teaching and calling dances). After this, things started to wane, both with the barn dances and the club. This waning is almost certainly attributable to the departure of the McDonalds from Invercargill. They replaced themselves as musician and dance caller, but not as leaders and mentors. It is fair to speculate that there were likely other factors at play as well though. Joanne Purdue believes a lot of the effect was simply due to the folk audiences finding other things. In the mid-nineties Joanne Purdue, Judith Smeaton, myself and a few others rebooted the Foveaux Folk Club and ran blackboard concerts out of Tillermans upstairs venue. This was an an excellent and friendly way to attract a few new people into the folk community in Southland. Sheryl and Bindy Anderson performed regularly at these nights, as did Chris Jenkins and Chrissie Jones (now MacClure). The thing I recall most about that time was that the folk ‘ethos’ was a strong factor in everything we did. By comparison one could say that the country and western clubs were a more competitive scene, and that didn’t transfer at all to the folk scene at that time. The folk scene in Southland was then, and is still now non-competitive, and unpretentious. It is also fair to say that the scene was more about singer songwriters than traditional folk music at that time. Gary Elford started the Riverton Heritage Festival circa 1997 and ran it for ten years. That festival was a good example of both the broadening definition of folk, and also how folk is actually less about the product (the music) and more about the process.20 I was profoundly affected by my first experience playing for a barn dance at the first of these festivals, when I joined the impromptu assemblage on stage playing the dance tunes. It was such a unique thrill feeling like I contributed to the evident joy of the dancers. I remember thinking that night that if I could just play for barn 20

Egenes, “Remix Culture,” 87.

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dances for the rest of my life and do nothing else it would be enough for me, a rich privilege. Partly on the strength of that experience a group of us including Judith Smeaton, Joanne Purdue and Bill Nunn formed a bush band and played a few barn dances. The concept of barn dances has been a staple in my life since, and I still do many barn dances and ceilidhs every year. The 1990s saw a massive shift by way of worldwide commercialisation of Irish music, dubbed the “Irish explosion.”21 It became fashionable to be Irish and Mary-Anne Barrie, who was involved in the folk scene in Southland from those early eighties days, is among those who speculate that the Irish explosion may have positively altered ‘outsider’ attitudes to the folk movement, and that it made traditional music more notorious and popular. There are, no doubt, many positive aspects to this phenomenon, however there are mixed reactions to it among folkies. As a folk musician with a distinct American sensibility, Hyram Ballard spoke of the nineties as a time when: “you couldn’t throw a rock that wouldn’t hit someone that was in an Irish band.” The term coined for all those faux Irish Pogues imitator bands was ‘Plastic Paddy’ bands. The answer to whether the Irish explosion, and ‘Plastic Paddy’ pseudo-Irish music becoming ‘mainstream’ was good for the folk scene in Southland, is probably “yes…and…no”. In my experience, and according to interviewees the ‘hard core’ folk musicians of Invercargill and Dunedin just continued playing the same traditional folk music for the same reasons as always. My experience is that it did not change what was happening in the folk movement, but perhaps it garnered it some attention. I have to confess at this point that I had a foot in each camp during this period. From the mid-nineties on I had become interested in learning traditional tunes, and eventually I was playing regularly in Irish bars with a band. Definitively, my band Little Green Men could at one stage be called a “plastic paddy band.” In 1999 I played a weekly Irish music night at Molly O’Grady’s Irish pub (now called Level One) in Invercargill. Even though officially it was a solo gig, I rarely played on my own, and by the end of that year there was a strong core of traditional players playing with me most of the time. Regular players included Chris Jenkins, Chrissie Jones, Jacinta Byron and Sheena Naughton. Hyram Ballard told me he was relieved to see the “plastic paddy” phenomenon wane. Hyram signals the

21

Sally K. Sommers-Smith, “Irish Traditional Music in a Modern World,” New Hibernia Review 5, no. 2, (2001): 111-125, https://www.jstor.org/stable/i20557703

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release of the feature film, Oh Brother Where Art Thou?22 as a consequential and defining moment in our folk history. He points to it as a moment when our attention shifted back to the old time American sensibility.

A Few Other Characters, and their Endeavors… It was about 1997 that young Adam Guyton bought his first tin whistle and practiced till he was probably the best tin whistle player around. He busked and earned enough to buy more instruments, including a low G whistle. By twelve years old Adam was playing with a folk band called “Clandestine” with Willy Solomon, Margaret Bullmore, and Helen Redshaw. He went on to become a respected multi-instrumentalist in the folk world in Southland and Otago. In 2001 Brendon Fairbairn, Steven Hayes, and Marylyn Hayes recorded an album of original songs and tunes under the name Run the Cutter. The album was called Passing Time23 and was recorded at the Southern Institute of Technology studios by a student as a Bachelor of Audio Production degree project. It contains 11 tracks performed in a traditional style with lyrics and sentiments about Southland’s history, local characters and environment. Fairbairn is a brilliant piper, who plays small-pipes of various types,24 and harmonica. Steve and Marilyn Hayes are fiddlers and Steve went on to be named Southland Entertainer of the Year in 2016, and their son Lachie received the same honour in 2018. Brendon’s original entrance into the folk world was in part due to involvement with the pipe band and people he met through Pipin’ Hot concerts. John Egenes has appropriated the word “Kiwiana” to describe the very exciting thing that is happening now with folk music in the south. He also spoke of a monumental shift that is taking place, naming a number of local artists that signal it. Kiwiana, he says is a Kiwi version of Americana, a brand of specifically country-folk kind of Kiwi music. It’s definitely got a Kiwi stamp on it. It’s not necessarily about New Zealand but it’s definitely got a point of view, the humour or the view of life it’s

22 O Brother Where Art Thou? DVD, directed by Joel Cohen and Ethan Cohen (USA: Universal Pictures, 2000). 23 Run the Cutter, Passing Time, Southern Institute of Technology, 2000, CD. 24 Small pipes are the quieter bagpipes which are generally bellowed instead of blown.

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Many interviewees expressed these sentiments in different ways, but the consensus on this was compelling. It is of interest that the two most articulate voices among interviewees on this, John Egenes and Hyram Ballard, are both Americans, each having lived in Dunedin for many years, but each still with a very American folk musical sensibility. They also seemed to have comparable reminisces about their musical experiences before they came here. Jenny Mitchell is a good example of the phenomenon John Egenes calls Kiwiana. Jenny unambiguously calls herself a folk artist, and writes wellcrafted songs, yet with a definitive country music sensibility attached. In 2017, she won Southland Entertainer of the year, and then won the New Zealand Gold Guitar awards. The magic part of both awards was that they were won with an original song. That’s something that is so important to me and it made the wins feel like I really won them for being me – not for trying to be anyone else. (Jenny Mitchell)

Marty Astone started the Blues Club circa 2005. With the help of a few enthusiasts including Ruth Singh, Marty ran the club out of the Appleby Tavern for several years. Regular attendees include Bari Fitzgerald, Stewart Henderson, and “Jugman” Jim Crawford. Lachie Hayes was only ten years old when he got involved. Lachie had been playing in a schoolboy band under Marty’s tutelage called the Joe-90s, with other young boys including Connor Singh and Ryan Dyer. Nowadays I think it’s fair to say Lachie caries the mantle of being Southland’s blues man. He is an accomplished singersongwriter, and the song he won Southland Entertainer of the Year 2018 with was an original called “Shoot ‘em Once.” When Chrissie and I married and built our home in 2008 we started getting requests from artists who knew us, to host them for house concerts. It has become a regular thing, and artists from all over the globe now seem to find us and come to our place to do concerts. Jenny Mitchell is one of these folk artists who has come to our house to do a concert. We’ve also seen the legendary (and sadly now passed away) Phil Garland (QSM), Wayne Mason, Donna Dean, and many more.

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In 2013 Irish ex-pats Kathryn Adam, Claire Murphy and Ceara Irwin, started monthly traditional music sessions at Waxy O’Shea’s Irish Pub. Steven Hayes attended the first session and he is still a regular, as am I, and what is very noticeable to me about these sessions is how very informal and friendly they are. There is a wide range of skill levels among the group but no one there seems to feel self-conscious or inadequate (unless they’re hiding it). The fiddle is dominant, (there are always at least three or four) but also featured are button accordion, whistle, flute, mandolin, and banjo. The rhythm section has a guitar and the ever present bodhrans.25 It is a nonthreatening environment, but it’s still a pub, with an audience and its own set of expectations. In the interests of providing an environment that is conducive to learning and discussing tunes, without those expectations placed on us, and also to encourage young players too young (or disinclined) to attend a pub without parents, we have started ‘tune learning sessions’ at my home and at Ken Hadley’s home. There are a few young players getting into the scene now who have had classical violin lessons, and have been inspired by Marian Burns to play some Irish tunes. In Southland there is a lack of instruction on the difference between classical violin (or even country style) and traditional fiddle style. It is a subtle shift that is in part about the bowing and in part about the ornamentation. This extension of the friendly informal group into homes where we can examine tunes and discuss the nuances of the music without the distraction of an audience, and there is no pressure to ‘perform’ is intended in part to fill that need.

Emergent Themes Interviewees’ responses to the question “What has the folk movement given you that you would not have otherwise gotten?” were quite moving. Some spoke of having a wonderful circle of friends, friendships that started 40 plus years ago, of the welcoming and non-judgmental environment. Words like “caring” and “nurturing” were pervasive. The persistent theme emerging from musicians was that of the respectful audience, the listening audience, and a particularly rewarding performance experience. We have this culture, environment of respect for the artist, a transaction between the artist and the audience. You know it kind of makes the artist sit up. (Mike Moroney)

25 Bodhran (pronounced “bow-rahn”), a flat usually 18” or so Irish drum, is the main percussion instrument for Irish sessions.

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Chapter Eight People who listen, and a sense of feeling worthwhile, feeling valued. (Marcus Turner)

Steve Barkman simply said “A life”; he then went on to say it kept him from joining a church, which was a good thing. It is not a competitive environment, it is not a stuffy or uptight environment, nor is it a pretentious environment. The words “it’s not about how good you are” were frequently uttered by interviewees, and yet those same people would go on to talk about having seen the “most amazing musical talent at folk festivals, that you never hear about on TV”. This is another irony about this movement, in which a performer is treated with enormous respect no matter the quality of his/her performance, but that this only serves to cause the performer to lift their game and be the best they can be. It should be noted here, that the standard of performers is almost always high; it is just that that is not the point. There is also a real sense of mutual (as opposed to exclusive) ownership of the music. This is something that John Egenes discusses at length; that this generation of musicians is not exclusively “attached to the ownership of their music as we were.”26 One gets a sense that the audience and performer are both in on what is happening, which circles back to Mike Moroney’s comment about it being a “transaction”. It also relates well to Shuker’s classification of folk, an audience who are not “consume[rs]” but “active listeners.”27 Responses to the question, “What do you think of the current scene, and how would you like it to change?" were varied. Chris Penman and Martin Curtis, among others, favour the way things were in the 70s and 80s, when the folk scene was an entirely non-commercial one. Guests at festivals were invited, asked to come because they were known, whereas now there are applications from potential guests. Globally, playing festivals has become a career for many. Martin has full autonomy at his festival, (Cardrona) and still runs it the old way, basically only inviting guests he has heard and knows. Steve Barkman stated that the current scene is “much more forgiving than it used to be.” It is also more accepting with regard to music styles, things which were not acceptable music to play in the folk club once, now are; folkies are embracing the diversity. Steve challenged me to involve younger performers and find out how they could be facilitated, encouraged, and drawn in more. It is fair to say that is now happening. I found some dissent to the idea of broadening definitions of folk in favour of inclusivity, however these are outliers, perhaps a throwback to a time when only one 26 27

Egenes, “Remix Culture,” 87. Shuker Understanding Popular Music, 181.

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thing was folk, and they felt ownership of it. Multiple interviewees actually feel the word ‘folk’ is redundant, that it is too old and narrow sounding. New Edinburgh Folk Club (Dunedin) have shown this thinking; by ‘branding the address’ of their venue, it’s now called “52 Dundas St,” with the by-line “Dunedin’s acoustic space.” Tahu Mackenzie spoke of the need to embrace the current shift toward what John Egenes called Kiwiana. Tahu and John were both emphatic about the folk movement embracing technology, including social media. These ideas confirm Vic McDonald’s words28 that the idea of folk as a genre is deeply flawed. The mindset of folk as a genre only serves to narrow our perception down to a very small definition, to the exclusion of all else. The concept of‘ownership came up talking to Adam Guyton, when he expressed the idea that folk tunes are essentially non-existent, and owned by no one, until they are played, then they’re owned by the musicians playing them. Most of the tunes we play at sessions are anonymous. No one knows who wrote them, they are so old, so in a real sense, there is no one to atribute them to even if you wanted to. Please note: no one is pretending they wrote a tune they are playing, but this is just to show the subtle difference between playing traditional tunes and playing in a covers band. Adam also feels that the documenting, categorizing and analysing of these cultural things threatens them. In my mind codifying a cultural phenomenon is how you preserve it. I am all about passing round the notated music for tunes. Adam has more faith in the process than I do: Tunes themselves used to be stand-alone entities, moving through space/time culture. Handed down through generations, morphed, forgotten, remembered and reinvented. Now we can write them down, and have tunepal29 to tell us they’re not quite right, there’s a real risk [of harm to] the true core of the folk thing, the living tradition and the ability to be owned by people participating...There’s a need for the deeper reasoning to made more of the conversation… As soon as it’s defined it’s dead. (Adam Guyton)

Though that last sentence strikes me as hyperbole, Adam clearly perceives an existential issue with regard to folk music. He is in accord with Sommers Smith: “Without losing sight of the quality that makes the music identifiably traditional, individual musicians inevitably claim tunes as their own, and 28

Saunders, The Other Dunedin Sound, 167. Tunepal is an app that you can play tunes into your smart phone and it will tell you what the tune is and give you sheet music for it. We traditional players are terrible at remembering tune names. 29

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imbue the simple melodies with their own rhythmic or melodic variations and their own ornamentation.”30 We own the tunes, because we play them, and that ownership includes at least on some level re-invention of the tunes on our part.

Conclusions My aim with this chapter has been to provide as many anecdotes as I can that pertain to the folk movement in the southern region of Aotearoa. I have endeavored to provide some personal reflections on what it was like to be involved with the Foveaux Folk Club in the eighties, and my feelings about barn dances and festivals, and why all of that is important. Why it is important, not just to me, but to the reader, to the community, and specifically to musicians within the community. I have discussed how the movement is perceived, by both insiders and outsiders. Who and what do we folkies think we are? And who and what do outsiders think the movement is? Do outside observers see it as a movement? I interviewed 26 people and I got some very different perspectives, but they did converge on many issues. I have long felt that many of us don’t really know what folk is, or we don’t see it as a movement, or a philosophy, but just as a genre of music. I spent the most time gaining insider perspectives from people that are quite entrenched in the folk world. For methodological reasons my interview questions were minimalistic. I found that historically, the global trends in the folk movement, and their accompanying mind sets do indeed seem to be more or less reflected locally (with some exceptions), as mapped from American protest, to U.K. Traditional and Celtic, and so on. The most significant discovery though is the recent shift toward what John Egenes calls Kiwiana, and what Shuker would classify “music as cultural capital.”31 This distinct Kiwi brand of folk music which is emerging and affirming our identity as a nation, after many decades of folk music being an ‘echochamber’ for the likes of American protest, Irish influences and plastic paddy bands; we are gaining the profound sense that this part of the world has found its own musical identity. My experience, confirmed by people I spoke to, shows that Southland folkies, (including but not limited to musicians) are participating in a caring and passionate community, who continue to succeed in providing an environment that both nurtures and challenges performers. They are an 30 31

Sommers-Smith, “Irish Traditional Music,” 120. Shuker, Understanding Popular Music, 181.

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inclusive welcoming group, so much so that many are inclined to discard the word “folk” from their image as a group in order to signal that inclusivity. The other approach they have taken is to broaden definition of the word “folk” to include almost anyone who wants to identify with it. It’s no longer about the style of music you play, it’s about your identity, and the ethos. There are people in Southland that still identify as part of this movement, but things have changed, and are changing. However, folk music, its process and movement have built-in values that mean it will always be relevant to our culture and society. Marcus Turner reminded me in his interview that the etymological root of the word “amateur” is the same as the French, “amore,” to love. Folk artists are amateurs in the true sense of the word; they love what they do. It does not mean lack of professionalism, and it does not always mean it is played for free. The most important recommendation I could make from this chapter is for musicians; you are allowed to be an amateur, it does not mean you have a low standard, or don’t get paid. It just means you love the music you do.

References Dunlap, James. "Through the Eyes of Tom Joad: Patterns of American Idealism, Bob Dylan, and the Folk Protest Movement." Popular Music and Society 29, no. 5, (2006): 549-573. Egenes, John. “Remix Culture and the New Folk Process.” In Dunedin Soundings: Place and Performance, edited by Dan Bendrups and Graeme Downes, 80-88. Dunedin: Otago University Press, 2011. HumanitiesWeb.org. “Folk Music.” Accessed August 9, 2019. http://www.humanitiesweb.org/spa/rai/ID/1658. O Brother Where Art Thou? Directed by Joel Coen and Ethan Coen. USA: Universal Pictures, 2000. DVD. Saunders, Trish. The Other Dunedin Sound. Dunedin: Trish Saunders, 2011. Shuker, Roy. Understanding Popular Music. London: Routledge, 2008. Sommers-Smith, Sally K. "Irish Traditional Music in a Modern World." New Hibernia Review 5, no. 2, (2001): 111-125. https://www.jstor.org/stable/i20557703.

CHAPTER NINE THE SOUND OF THE “INVERCARGILL MARCH”: YOUNG PEOPLE AND BRASS BANDS IN SOUTHLAND SALLY BODKIN-ALLEN

Introduction I love playing with the brass band in the Santa Parade. It’s fun seeing people I know in the crowd and waving to my friends. (Young brass band member)

Southland has a very strong and proud history of brass bands. Before 1900 there were 45 brass bands in Southland, and the Invercargill Garrison Band (which was established in 1867) would draw its players from these provincial bands.1 Southland’s connection with brass bands is also reflected in the many newspaper reports of the Garrison band’s activities from the late 19th century. An article from The Southland Times in 1894 states that “The band collectively and individually are great favourites with the townspeople of Invercargill . . . . It is a band, in short, of which no musical community could be ashamed, and of which southern New Zealand is justly proud.”2 At the time of writing, in 2019, Invercargill has two bands, the A Grade Ascot Park Hotel Brass Band, and the C Grade Ascot Park Hotel Auxiliary Brass Band. My personal connection with brass bands in Southland begins with my children. While I grew up in Invercargill, I was a string player rather than a brass player. I had peers at school who were in the brass bands but I must 1“Invercargill

Garrison Band Society Information Booklet,” Ascot Park Hotel Brass Band, accessed January 31, 2019, http://ascotbrass.org.nz/IGB%20Info%20Pamphlet.pdf 2 “Invercargill Garrison Band,” The Southland Times, January 29, 1894, accessed January 31, 2019, https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ST18940129.2.19.

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admit I was rather put off by their emptying of the spit valves of the instruments on the floor after orchestra practice! Now, 30 years later my children are all either past, present or future members of the Southland brass band scene, and I have a very different perspective on brass bands. My oldest child joined the Ascot Park Hotel Auxiliary Brass Band (often referred to simply as Aux Band or Junior Band) in 2006, and since then I have always had at least one child, (and at one stage three children) playing in the band. This chapter focuses mainly on the Aux Band from the perspectives of the young people who play in it, alongside my own participant observations as a parent who has had an ongoing involvement with the band. It explores the experiences of a group of young people who play in brass bands in Southland. This chapter shows the ways that the musical activities of these young brass band players are embedded in many different aspects of their lives. Connections can also be made to selfdetermination theory (SDT) and the ways that our basic psychological needs of competence, autonomy and social connectedness are fulfilled through engaging in musical activities.3 The chapter begins with a brief account of brass bands in Southland’s musical community. It then explores the perspectives of a group of young people who play in the Aux Band, examining how they came to be members of the band, and their experiences playing in the group. Brass band members are not widely discussed in the literature; two notable exceptions are Lowe’s study of 21 adult brass band players in Perth, Australia4 and Williamson and Bonshor’s survey of 346 adult brass band players in England,5 both of which have an emphasis on wellbeing. Another significant study in the context of Aotearoa is Bendrups and Hoddinott’s research on brass players in orchestras in New Zealand, which also contains useful historical background on brass band culture.6

3

Paul Evans, “Self-determination Theory: An Approach to Motivation in Music Education,” Musicae Scientiae, 19, no. 1 (2015). 4 Geoffrey Lowe, "Brass Bands, Cave Men and Community Wellness: Using Evolutionary Biology as a Framework for Understanding the Motivation of Community Music Groups," E-Journal Studies in Music Education 9, (2013). 5 Victoria J. Williamson and Michael Bonshor, "Wellbeing in Brass Bands: The Benefits and Challenges of Group Music Making," Frontiers in Psychology 10, (2019). 6 Dan Bendrups and Gareth Hoddinott, “Brass Bands and Orchestras in New Zealand,” Context 32, (2008).

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The information in this chapter comes from a focus group with nine young members (ages 11-18) of the brass bands along with an interview with Kath Herman, the conductor of the Aux Band. Ethics approval was granted for the data collection by the Southern Institute of Technology Ethics Committee, and all participants gave their informed consent to participate in this study. The parents of all of the participants under 16 years gave their consent for their child to participate. Kath Herman also agreed to be identified in this chapter.

Brass Bands in Southland When I took over as secretary there were bands all over Southland. Wyndham had a band, Mataura had a brass band, and they were just everywhere. (Kath Herman)

While once there may have been 45 brass bands in Southland, over the years they have gradually been diminishing. Kath Herman, active in the brass band scene in Invercargill as a player since the 1970s and later as a conductor, remembered bands in many of the small towns around the province, and said that the last to go was Gore’s brass band, which had only folded in the 2010s. The Invercargill Garrison Band, in particular, has held a strong position in the history of brass bands in New Zealand. It won the first intercity brass band contest, held in Christchurch in April 1880,7 and for many years a keen rivalry existed between it and the Oamaru Garrison Band, with both winning many national contests. “Contesting” is an important part of the brass band world; both national and provincial contests are taken very seriously and seen as an event for both soloists and bands to strive towards and respect. In the 1920s there were four “Boys’ Bands” which trained players for the Invercargill Garrison Band. However, over time these reduced to one Boys’ Band, which Kath joined as a teenager in the 1970s. She remembers another older woman being in the band prior to her, and another girl being there with her. For many years they were the only females, but eventually more girls started to join the band, and it must have been realised that the term “Boys’ Band” was no longer appropriate, which led to the current title of Auxiliary Band being used. Today there are equal numbers of girls and boys who join the band.

7

“First Intercity Brass Band Contest,” NZ History. Accessed September 9, 2019, https://nzhistory.govt.nz/page/first-inter-city-brass-band-contest.

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The bands have always been a visible part of the Southland community. Kath recalled caroling at Christmas when she was in the Boys’ Band: Senior band used to do it. My first memories of caroling was the Boys’ Band doing the collecting and the senior band played. (Kath Herman)

Kath believed the caroling at Christmas time had been a part of the Invercargill landscape for more than fifty years. She also remembered the senior band dividing into two groups and performing carols in rest homes around the city in the weeks before Christmas. Historical research reveals the extent to which the band regularly performed, not only at national contests, but also at the Drill Grounds 8 and hospital, at the Dee Street Theatre and Theatre Royal,9 and at Sloan’s Theatre on Dee St.10 It is also apparent that the band performed with other local musical groups as well. An article in The Southland Times in 1896, for example, refers to the Orchestral Union and several vocalists who performed in the same concert with the brass band.11 While the Aux Band and Senior Band generally do not perform together, in recent years there have been some notable exceptions. In 2017 the band celebrated 150 years with a weekend of events, including a concert held on November 24th at Centrestage Theatre, where both bands performed individually before combining on stage. On April 13th 2019, members of both bands performed at the unveiling of a statue of Alex Lithgow. Lithgow (1870-1929) is perhaps Invercargill’s most famous bands person. Born in Scotland, he came to New Zealand as a child, and his family settled in Invercargill. He joined the Invercargill Garrison Band when he was 11 and became its principal cornet at the age of 16. He left New Zealand in his early twenties to live in Australia, yet his ties to the city of his childhood became forever cemented with the composition of a work he called “Invercargill March” in 1908. The “Invercargill March” is immensely popular, performed by bands all over the world. It has been called “the unofficial anthem of a

8

The Southland Times, 18 September, 1880, accessed February 12, 2019 https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ST18800918.2.21. 9 The Southland Times, 14 April, 1879, accessed February 12, 2019, https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ST18800918.2.21. 10 The Southland Times, 13 June, 1885, accessed February 12, 2019, https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ST18850613.2.17. 11 “The Garrison Band Concert,” The Southland Times, 14 May, 1896, accessed September 9, 2019, https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ST18960514.2.18.

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city which remains a stronghold of New Zealand banding.”12 Recently it was used at the start of Two Little Boys, a film shot in and around the city of Invercargill. Not surprisingly the “Invercargill March” is a piece commonly performed by the Aux and Senior bands, as well as other bands around New Zealand. It’s a great little march to play. Simple, catchy. And when you hear other bands play it, you sit up and think: Hey hang on, they’re playing “Invercargill”. That’s our march. How can they play our march? That’s how I feel, that’s ours. (Kath Herman)

The intergenerational aspect of brass banding is strong in Aotearoa. Christchurch-based Woolston, and Whakatane-based Eastern Bay of Plenty (EBOP), have development bands which are openly advertised as being for all ages and abilities. Woolston, for example, have a number of development bands known as the Woolston Brass Academy,13 which provide opportunities for children and youth to play in before progressing to their more advanced bands. Likewise, EBOP has a strong culture of supporting and developing younger players within its membership. When welcoming brass bands to the Nelson Marlborough West Coast Brass Band Association Contest in 2019, Nelson mayor Rachel Reese acknowledged the intergenerational aspect of brass bands and commented that there had been a real focus on bringing young people into the brass band in Nelson. 14 The bands in Invercargill are also intergenerational; at the time I interviewed Kath the youngest member was nine and the oldest was in his 80s. One of the ongoing issues for brass bands in Southland, is that the young players typically leave Invercargill at the end of their schooling to go on to tertiary study in other cities. In recent years many young players have joined Auxiliary Band, honed their skills there for a period, and then moved up to Senior Band where they play for the latter part of high school, only to depart Invercargill for university, taking their fine brass skills with them to bands elsewhere. This is a rather sore point with many of the band members. The regular players have been heard to lament the loss of so many young players 12

“Alex Lithgow,” SOUNZ Centre for New Zealand Music, accessed September 9, 2019, https://www.sounz.org.nz/contributors/1138. 13 “Woolston Brass,” Woolston Brass Academy, accessed January 30, 2019, http://woolstonbrass.org/academy/ 14 Cherie Sivignon, “Nelson Wins 2019 Top of the South Battle of the (Brass) Bands,” Stuff, 27 May, accessed June, 19, 2019, https://www.stuff.co.nz/entertainment/113004013/nelson-wins-2019-top-of-thesouth-battle-of-the-brass-bands

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who are often just hitting their stride in their late teens, when they shift to other bands. This is also something I experienced first-hand, with my three eldest children all doing exactly that.

The young brass band members So let’s talk about the supper. It’s someone’s responsibility to bring supper every week, right. So when someone doesn’t bring it they’re letting the whole band down. [Laughter.] It’s very important to bring supper! (Young brass band member)

I spoke to a group of young band members about their experiences with the brass bands in Invercargill. All of them were current members of the Aux Band and two of the group played in the A Grade band as well, or what is commonly referred to as “Senior Band.” The Aux Band rehearses from 7-9 every Friday evening, stopping halfway through for a (very important) break for supper and socialising. All of the group had played in the Aux Band for at least a year, and most had been in it for between two and five years, with one player having been in the band for seven years. At the time of the focus group, 81% of the band were aged 18 and under (a total of 26 young people). The group of nine was comprised of five females and four males. The group consisted of cornet, baritone, euphonium and percussion players and it was clear from the way they spoke of themselves that their instrument was a part of their identity in the band. Many of them had chosen to play a brass instrument because they liked the sound, and because other family members also played in the brass band. Musical identities are increasingly being seen as something that are performative and social, “something that we do, rather than something that we have.” 15 The musical identities of these young musicians can be seen to emerge through the ways in which they engage with the musical world of the brass band scene in Invercargill. Symonds, Hargreaves and Long have concluded that for young musicians, the extent to which their musical activities are embedded in contexts of

15

Raymond MacDonald, David Hargreaves and Dorothy Miell, “The Changing Identity of Musical Identities,” in The Handbook Of Musical Identities, eds. Raymond MacDonald, David Hargreaves and Dorothy Miell, 3-26, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017), 4.

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everyday life (rather than specific to education) determines the growth and development of their musical identities.16

Family Connections It’s that family thing, you know. We’ve captured a family. And it’s being able to capture a family, where they are all playing a brass instrument. (Kath Herman)

Family is a significant aspect of the brass band scene in Invercargill and indeed the brass band world in general.17 Five of the group I spoke with have other family members involved in the bands as well. It is common for siblings in one family to play brass instruments, and my own children’s engagement bears witness to that. Parents, cousins, uncles, and grandparents also featured amongst relatives who had a connection. Some of the young members had started playing their instrument because they had an older sibling whom they looked up to who played it (along with the alluring nature of the sound it made!): I started playing because it sounded like a fart – just being honest. And just because my older brother did, and I kind of had a stage of copying him. (Young brass band member)

Families also play a noteworthy role within the structure of Auxiliary Band. At each Friday night rehearsal there is a family rostered on to provide and prepare supper, and parents often are at the core of fund raising activities. For many years the Aux Band would raise funds by playing Christmas carols on the back of a truck around the streets of Invercargill, while parents knocked on doors to gather donations.18 Parents are also relied upon for delivering meals to audience members and clearing tables at an annual show run by the Southland Musicians Club, which is a fundraising event for both community groups (the brass band receives a donation for their efforts). The Aux Band also depends on parental support for events such as the Otago Southland Provincial Competition, especially when these are out of town. A number of parental chaperones are needed to supervise the younger band members and organise meals. 16 Jennifer Symonds, Jonathan James Hargreaves and Marion Long, “Music in Identity in Adolescence Across School Transition,” in The Handbook Of Musical Identities, eds. Raymond MacDonald, David Hargreaves and Dorothy Miell, 510526, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017). 17 Williamson and Bonshor, “Wellbeing in Brass Bands”: 9. 18 This activity stopped in 2017 for Health and Safety reasons.

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The focus group members all recognised the importance of the support of their parents in their involvement in the band, not only for financial means, but also for encouragement to practise: My mum is important because she pays for my instrument. (Young brass band member) Encouraging us to practice and keep going. (Young brass band member) My Dad says: “Maisie, if you don’t practise, then you’re quitting the band.” So then you have to practice. (Young brass band member)

I would argue that the visible presence and support of parents within the band community in Invercargill is a particularly crucial element of its success, not only for the running of the band, but for the ongoing engagement of young people in the band. Susan O’Neill, for example, has shown that young people who continue in music typically see their parents as “valuing and supportive of their involvement in music.”19 It is clear from the discussion with this group of young brass players in Invercargill, that their parents are valuing and encouraging their musical activity within the band, and that the young people themselves realise it.

Community Connections I was playing brass, I think I liked the sound of it when I saw it at the OSMC pick an instrument day, and from there I went to baritone and that’s when Kath roped me into the band. (Young brass band member)

There are strong linkages between the brass bands and Out of School Music Classes (OSMC) in Invercargill. All but one of the focus group participants had started learning their instrument at OSMC. This programme is a government funded musical education programme. In Invercargill, students up to Year 8 (approximately 12 years old) pay $65 for a year of tuition, and students from year 9-13 (approximately 13-18 years old) pay $150 per year. 20 Lessons are held in groups at Southland Girls’ High School on Saturday mornings, and the fee covers up to four hours of tuition per week. There is also a small hire cost for instruments. The brass tutors at OSMC

19 Susan O’Neill, “Youth Engagement in Music,” in Organized Activities as Contexts of Development, eds. Joseph Mahoney, Reed Larson and Jacquelynn Eccles (Mahwah:Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 2005), 68. 20 It is run differently (with different fee structures) in other centres around Aotearoa.

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are all involved in the brass band as players and/or conductors and several students who go to OSMC also play in at least one of the brass bands. Connections such as this help to build communities of young brass players. Many of them started learning their instruments together at OSMC, some as young as seven or eight years old. At OSMC, after a year of instrumental tuition, they then move into groups such as the Brass Ensemble or the Concert Band. By the time they are asked to join the Auxiliary Band they have already built up friendships and social connections with other young brass players. For some players these extend into their school musical activities as well. James Hargest College, for example, has a number of musical groups (chamber music, concert band, jazz band) which contain young brass band members. Brass band players can also be found in the accompanying groups for the Verdon College and James Hargest College school productions each year, and several of the members of the Southland Youth Jazz Band are brass band members. There are also many examples of community engagement, with both bands performing at regular community events annually. The Auxiliary Band, for example, plays as part of the Invercargill Santa Parade held in late November/early December each year. The Senior Band performs at the annual Southland Entertainment Awards (run by the Southland Musicians Club), the Last Night of the Proms, and the YMCA Carols in the Park concert held in the band rotunda at Queens Park. All of these events feature other musical groups in the community as well: school and community choirs, pipe bands, the Invercargill Sinfonia, the Invercargill Musical Theatre Company, and contemporary musicians. Involvement in one recent joint musical event had led to some of the young brass players seeing themselves and the brass band environment in a new light: I feel like in the band, especially in the community, we’re more encouraged to do practice, kind of told off and, you know, kind of threatened [laughter] but also, like it was really frustrating in with the orchestra when I was like: ‘come on guys, do any of you even practice?’. I feel like in the brass band, as I say, not threatened or anything but we’re told that we need to be practising, it’s part of the expectations. (Young brass band member) Compared to the other group, we’re far superior in the fact that we’re on time, we always apologise if we’re late – there’s much more commitment and we’re actually there to do something, while others just show up after work ‘cos they want to stretch their arms after sitting at a keyboard for a

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These players noticed a difference in the way in which the members of the two community groups approached the upcoming joint performance, and felt that the brass players brought a much more professional outlook to it. When asked why they thought this was, they talked about the strong history of the brass bands in Invercargill and the investment players have in it. They also spoke about musical passion: You can tell the people who this is their passion, compared to people who it’s just a hobby, because when it’s someone who is completely passionate about it, they put in the practice and they work really hard towards it and you can actually see that when they’re practicing as a full band and when we’re performing. (Young brass band member)

These comments show an awareness of the culture of the brass band, and recognition that they are part of something rather special and unique. In addition to these performances the bands also play at concerts of their own, which often serve as a lead up to the Provincial or National band contests. Some of the group had also been called upon to play the Last Post at school and city events on ANZAC Day. All of these performances illustrate the ways in which the musical activities of these young brass band members are embedded across school and community events, reinforcing their musical identities as young brass players in Southland.

Contests and Band Camp I like the fact that there’s a musical community, because quite often you get your sporting groups and they’re all like a tightly woven group and it’s always the same type of people. And then to come along to a brass band and you’ve actually got musicians that do like the same type of thing – they go away on trips, they do cool wee practices in bands, have little quartet practices and battles, the music industry has got its own wee community in Southland. And that’s something that I think is really cool ‘cos when you think about the perspective of music and particularly Invercargill you wouldn’t, like, think that we’ve got two brass bands – an A grade brass and a C grade feeding up to that. And I find the fact that we’re able to sustain that musical community is fabulous, I love that idea, I think it’s brilliant. (Young brass band member)

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The young brass players spoke of community and friendships within the brass band world. It was clear from the way they interacted that they were all comfortable in each other’s presence, and there was much laughter and teasing throughout the focus group. They saw themselves belonging to a community of brass players both within the Southland community, but also within the wider community. “Band Camp”, a weekend camp run by the Otago Southland Brass Band Association which brought together young brass players from both provinces, was talked about as a highlight: I just enjoy meeting all the new people and like we get to play so much different music. It’s a lot of fun. (Young brass band member) Apart from your lips getting so sore because you’re playing non-stop, I really like meeting the new people from Roxburgh and Alexandra and stuff because now when they come down to Provincials, like we know them and we can hang out with them. (Young brass band member) You actually meet people who do the same thing as you, and are interested in the same thing as you. (Young brass band member)

The group talked about the experiences of having a different conductor, marching along the beach, staying away from home, meeting new people who also played brass instruments, and playing different music, as all being part of the fun of band camp. The Provincial Contest also featured in the discussions as a source of great enjoyment. The Provincial Contest was seen as something to strive for; it gave a purpose to all the practicing. The contest is held in a different location each year, and the group definitely preferred the years when it was held away from Invercargill: I think it is good when you get to go away for it though, because it’s sort of like a band bonding weekend more than anything else. (Young brass band member) But this year it’s in Invercargill so it’s sort of like, urgh. (Young brass band member)

Likewise, the National Brass Band Contest was also seen as fun because it was a whole week of staying away with the band. Interestingly, the group appeared to really enjoy competing not only as a band, but also against each other in the solo competitions that are part of the

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Provincials. While the competitions brought out a friendly rivalry amongst them, they also liked challenging themselves in the solos: It gives you something to strive for because, one, it’s like quite competitive and you wanna beat all the other bands, but it’s also that it’s a goal, you know you want to try to get first or second or third. (Young brass band member) It’s good to play in competitions. Like, gives you a confidence boost, like trying to give it a go. (Young brass band member) The main thing is that you’ve gotta have fun when you’re playing it and I guess it’s something different because you are not only, like, trying so hard, you know, but when you’re in a band you’re not actually – well you’re striving to get there – but the solos it’s you, if you know what I mean. It’s actually about you and although it’s a lot of pressure because you’re the only person on there, it’s still quite good. (Young brass band member)

“Bonding” within the brass band context has been identified as significant for adults, 21 and these comments suggest that it is just as important for young members. The weekend-long Provincial Contest, the week-long Nationals, and Band Camp, all provided opportunities for these young musicians to forge social connections with each other and other young brass band players. They are an important part of the fun of being in the band, and reinforce their identity as members of the Invercargill Auxiliary Brass Band and/or Senior Band. The opportunity to play solos and compete against each other and members of other bands also seemed to be important for them, seeing themselves as young brass players. While most of them did express some nerves around performing, there was no mention of performance anxiety, but rather the solos were seen as something positive to work towards that could boost their confidence. Performing solos appeared to reinforce their individual identities as young musicians. The contests and camps provide occasions for the relatedness aspect of SDT to develop, as mentioned above. Forming bonds with others has been seen as particularly significant within the context of music education.22

Motivation, Practicing and Talent Someone’s always relying on you, and I guess that’s one of the best parts about being in a band is that everyone’s relying on you to get it right and 21 22

Williamson and Bonshor, “Wellbeing in Brass Bands,” 11. Evans, “Self-determination theory,” 69.

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actually put in the effort and, yeah, work towards what you’re working on. (Young brass band member)

There was much talk about practicing during the focus group. Being in the band meant there was an expectation that they would practice. They also didn’t want to let Kath (the conductor) or the other band members down by not practicing: And also it’s Kath – like especially because she’s one of the conductors that we have – she really notices when someone hasn’t practiced. [Everyone agrees.] And that’s a bit scary! (Young brass band member) I think that, like, everyone in the band, like they have their individual pieces and stuff that they practice, but if they don’t practice their band pieces as well it’s like there’s one piece of the puzzle missing and that doesn’t work to fit together and so that if everyone practices you can create your puzzle of whatever. (Young brass band member)

The young brass players saw themselves as part of a team and practicing was part of the commitment. Their comments echo the findings of research into adults who play in brass bands: there is a unique sense of community that exists within the brass band world. 23 Players are known for their dedication and have been referred to as “more like a sports team.”24 Motivation to practise also came from getting a sense of accomplishment and seeing the results of practice: It’s really, really rewarding when you actually get a part right that you’ve been working on for ages and ages. When you finally get it right, it’s so rewarding and I guess everyone feels like that, when it happens, and you can only do that with practice. (Young brass band member) If you don’t practice, like, you won’t feel that good around other people when you go to band practices, so you just gotta get in there and do it. Once you’ve done it, you’ll have a great feeling. (Young brass band member)

The rivalry that existed amongst the group also drove their desire to practise: they talked about where they sat in the band, and wanting to move up (get promoted) within the sections.

23 24

Williamson and Bonshor, “Wellbeing in Brass Bands,” 11. Bendrups and Hoddinott, “Brass Bands,” 80.

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The band environment was also seen as being a good one for pushing their development as musicians. The group spoke about the different abilities of players in the band, discovering new music and learning new things through playing in the band: It’s also cool because they’re all at different levels as well and you get to learn off them and you get to get advice from them as well because there’s some things that you have absolutely no idea about and when you actually get into the band, even people who have less experience than you can teach you something as well, which yeah, that’s probably what I enjoy the most about it. (Young brass band member) It’s such a great learning experience too coz like before I came into the band I wasn’t like very good and then like within a couple of weeks I was so much better. (Young brass band member) You learn, like, new types of music as well, like using mutes as well, and that’s a kind of big difference, putting the mute in and developing your sound and stuff in a band, and that’s just good because most of us start off, you know, just playing an instrument solo, and it’s good to be in a group, because you are not just a soloist, you’re actually, you’ve got to learn how to play in a group. (Young brass band member)

Their motivation to practice and become better musicians came from a number of places: their parents, Kath, competition with their peers, a sense of being a member of a group and not wanting to let other group members down, and having a purpose to work towards (such as competitions or auditions). We also talked about the idea of musical “talent.” I was interested to know what the group thought about the notion of talent, and whether their success in the brass band was due to having musical talent or something else. While the younger members of the group had little to say on the topic, the older ones had very strong opinions: I think talent is a falsehood for practice and hard work. I think it’s overrated in the sense that people don’t just instantly become super good at something. They have the process, they go through the introduction with the instrument, they go through the hours and hours of work that they put into it. (Young brass band member) Relating to the talent thing, I guess talent is more about passion and it’s more passion than talent. You can’t have great talent without having great passion for what you’re doing and great time, lots and lots of time and

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practice to put into it, and you won’t put in the time and practice without the passion. (Young brass band member)

These sentiments show that already these young brass players were aware that being a good musician was about effort and passion, rather than being born with musical “talent.” The comments about passion and hours of hard work echo those expressed by Angela Duckworth when talking about the concept of “Grit.”25 Being successful at something, according to Duckworth, is not about talent, but rather the combination of passion and working really hard towards a goal, for a long time. I believe that these young brass players showed they understood “Grit,” and demonstrated it in the way they approached their own musical development.

Summary Kind of just like a final comment – the band’s just awesome. You know, like, it’s a lot of fun. (Young brass band member)

Brass bands play a significant part in Southland’s history, as well as its current musical environment. While the number of people who play in brass bands have declined in New Zealand’s southernmost city, as in other parts of the world, it is clear that for those young people who do play in the band, this is an important part of their lives, and part of their growing identity as young musicians. This chapter highlights the important elements of playing in a brass band from the perspective of a group of young band members. It illustrates the value of community music making, and the connections that exist across multiple musical groups within one community involving “complex webs, networks, or pathways.”26 Their brass playing extends across other parts of their lives: their family and home life; school productions, chamber and jazz groups; Saturday morning music classes; and other community musical groups and performances. This illustrates the embeddedness necessary for identity development throughout different contexts of everyday life.27

25

Angela Duckworth, Grit: The Power of Passion and Perseverance (London: Penguin, 2016). 26 Brydie-Leigh Bartleet et al., “Community Music in Australia and New Zealand Aotearoa,” in Community Music Today, eds. Kari Veblen, et al. (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2013), 80. 27 Symonds et al., “Music in Identity,”.

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These young brass players in Invercargill enjoy the social elements of playing in a brass band, the bonding that comes with this group musical activity, and the friendly rivalry they have with other members. Other research has referred to the “brass band family,”28 and while this was not a term used by the focus group participants, there was a definite sense of this in the way they interacted. Kath spoke of the band being a family to her, when she first joined it as a teenager. As a “band parent” myself, I know I have also spoken of the culture of the Aux Band in particular as being a “family.” The trips away for events such as band camp and provincial contests, along with the nature of competition and performance (working as a group towards a musical performance), strengthens these ties and connections. The intergenerational aspect of the brass band creates a diverse and unique musical learning context. Older band members provide useful role models, with reciprocal interactions strengthening the benefits of playing together, facilitating exchanges “between social groups that would otherwise be unlikely to interact on a regular basis outside the family unit, building trust and reciprocity.” 29 These younger members were clear about learning taking place within the context of the band, and the value of more experienced members. The brass band is an inclusive environment which brings together different age groups, students from different schools, and people of different musical abilities. While a certain level of playing ability was required to join the band, this was typically two years of tuition at OSMC. At the other end of the scale some members of the band had been playing for several decades, in A grade bands and won national titles on their instrument. Other research into community music making has brought to light the importance of “inspired and inspiring individuals,”30 and the individual who stands out in this study is, without a doubt, the band’s conductor, Kath Herman. Her work with teaching, conducting and generally inspiring these young brass players is clear to see. The focus group participants respected Kath and showed an awareness of the work she does within the brass band scene in Invercargill. Kath would be the last person to expect or seek acknowledgement of her contribution to brass bands in Southland, but it is satisfying to be able to do this here.

28

Williamson and Bonshor, “Wellbeing in Brass Bands,” 11. Williamson and Bonshor, “Wellbeing in Brass Bands,” 11-12. 30 Bartleet et al., “Community Music,” 80. 29

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It also seems to me that these young brass players exhibit many of the characteristics associated with self-determination theory (SDT), as discussed by Evans and McPherson in relation to adolescent musicians’ identity development. 31 The motivation of these young brass players in Southland can be viewed through the three elements in the framework of SDT: competence (the need for mastery and effectiveness), relatedness (having a sense of belonging), and autonomy (one’s actions are selfendorsed and volitional). Something as simple as being able to choose which instrument to play at the OSMC instrument familiarisation day gave a sense of autonomy. The band environment promoted self-development and this, along with working with others and as individuals towards competitions and performances provided opportunities for competence. The element of relatedness and having a sense of belonging is perhaps what comes through most strongly in this group of young people: they valued the camaraderie in the brass band, the suppers, the band camps, the friendly rivalry. Evans suggests that to foster musical engagement we should be asking: “how can parents and teachers create social environments in which their students are more likely to generate their own interest, enjoyment, and motivation, so that they can identify the value of musical practice, integrate it with their sense of self, and find intrinsic motivation in the inherent rewards that musical engagement has to offer?”32 This study of a group of young brass players in Invercargill, Aotearoa offers an answer to that. I would like to end this chapter with the words of Graham Dick, a long-time member of the brass band in Invercargill, and conductor, who passed away in 2019: The strength of the band has been families. If you take the Auxiliary band I think the youngest is probably about 9 years old, then you go to the senior band and you’ve got people who are in their late 60s, so that’s great for social interaction and development. It’s not just about the music – it’s about family. One of the challenges we have is that eventually a lot of those young ones move on out of town to university, but I would venture to suggest that if you went to most of the A Grade bands throughout New Zealand, and

31 Paul Evans and Gary E. McPherson, “Processes of Music Identity Consolidation During Adolescence,” in The Handbook Of Musical Identities, eds. Raymond MacDonald, David Hargreaves and Dorothy Miell, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017). 32 Evans, “Self-determination theory,” 78.

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References “Alex Lithgow.” SOUNZ Centre for New Zealand Music. Accessed September 9, 2019. https://www.sounz.org.nz/contributors/1138. Bartleet, Brydie-Leigh, Shelley Brunt, Anja Tait and Catherine Threlfall. “Community Music in Australia and New Zealand Aotearoa.” In Community Music Today, edited by Kari Veblen, Stephen Messenger, Marissa Silverman and David Elliott, 79-97. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2013. Bendrups, Dan and Gareth Hoddinott. “Brass Bands and Orchestras in New Zealand.” Context 32, (2008):61-71. Duckworth, Angela. Grit: The Power of Passion and Perseverance. London: Penguin, 2016. Evans, Paul. “Self-determination Theory: An Approach to Motivation in Music Education,” Musicae Scientiae 19, no. 1 (2015): 65-83. Evans, Paul and Gary E. McPherson. “Processes of Music Identity Consolidation During Adolescence.” In The Handbook of Musical Identities, edited by Raymond MacDonald, David Hargreaves and Dorothy Miell, 213-231. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017. “First Intercity Brass Band Contest.” NZ History. Accessed September 9, 2019. https://nzhistory.govt.nz/page/first-inter-city-brass-band-contest. “Invercargill Garrison Band.” The Southland Times, 29 January, 1894. Accessed January 31, 2019. https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ST18940129.2.19. “Invercargill Garrison Band: Graham Dick.” Community Trust South: Your Stories, Accessed June 20, 2019. https://www.communitytrustsouth.nz/our-impact/yourstories/invercargill-garrison-band/. “Invercargill Garrison Band Society Information Booklet.” Ascot Park Hotel Brass Band. Accessed January 31, 2019. http://ascotbrass.org.nz/IGB%20Info%20Pamphlet.pdf. Lowe, Geoffrey. "Brass Bands, Cave Men and Community Wellness: Using Evolutionary Biology as a Framework for Understanding the Motivation of Community Music Groups." E-Journal Studies in Music Education 9, (2013): 65-76. 33

“Invercargill Garrison Band: Graham Dick,” Community Trust South: Your Stories, accessed 20 June, 2019, https://www.communitytrustsouth.nz/our-impact/yourstories/invercargill-garrison-band/.

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MacDonald, Raymond, David Hargreaves and Dorothy Miell. “The Changing Identity of Musical Identities.” In The Handbook of Musical Identities, edited by Raymond MacDonald, David Hargreaves and Dorothy Miell, 3-26. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017. O’Neill, Susan. “Youth Engagement in Music.” In Organized Activities as Contexts of Development, edited by Joseph Mahoney, Reed Larson and Jacquelynn Eccles, Mahwah: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 2005. Sivignon, Cherie. “Nelson Wins 2019 Top of the South Battle of the (Brass) Bands,” Stuff, 27 May. Accessed June 19, 2019. https://www.stuff.co.nz/entertainment/113004013/nelson-wins-2019top-of-the-south-battle-of-the-brass-bands Symonds, Jennifer, Jonathan James Hargreaves and Marion Long. “Music in Identity in Adolescence Across School Transition.” In The Handbook of Musical Identities, edited by Raymond MacDonald, David Hargreaves and Dorothy Miell, 510-526. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017. “The Garrison Band Concert.” The Southland Times, 14 May, 1896. Accessed September 9, 2019. https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ST18960514.2.18 The Southland Times. 18 September, 1880. Accessed February 12, 2019. https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ST18800918.2.21. —. 14 April, 1879. Accessed February 12, 2019. https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ST18800918.2.21. —. 13 June, 1885. Accessed February 12, 2019. https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ST18850613.2.17. Williamson, Victoria J. and Michael Bonshor. "Wellbeing in Brass Bands: The Benefits and Challenges of Group Music Making." Frontiers in Psychology 10, (2019): 1-16. “Woolston Brass.” Woolston Brass Academy. Accessed January 30, 2019. http://woolstonbrass.org/academy/.

CONTRIBUTORS

Sally Bodkin-Allen is the Research Manager at the Southern Institute of Technology in Invercargill where she also teaches on the Bachelor of Contemporary Music programme, and in the School of Business. Sally is a founding member of the Outreach Singing Trust in Southland, and is also an elected board member of ANZARME (Australia New Zealand Association of Research in Music Education). Chris Chilton is a long-time Southland musician and music writer who has played in more than a dozen bands over more than 30 years. A former journalist, Chris wrote about the southern music scene during a long career at The Southland Times newspaper and in 2006 he edited and contributed to the Southland Musicians Club history 45 South: In Concert. He is a life member of the Southland Musicians Club, an inductee in the Southland Music Hall of Fame and in 2018 he received the Southland Entertainment Award for his contribution to local music. Henry Johnson is Professor of Music and Associate Director of the Centre for Global Migrations at the University of Otago, Aotearoa New Zealand. He has published widely in the fields of heritage, performance, diaspora, and island studies. Michael Holland is a Professional Practice Fellow in the School of Performing Arts at the University of Otago. His research focuses on the intersection of music, technology and place, and spans the fields of ethnography, record production and popular music studies. Michael’s research is also informed by his ongoing work as a studio and live sound engineer, and he has recently completed several international tours and recording projects with prominent New Zealand artists. Brad MacClure is a multi-instrumentalist and singer-songwriter from Invercargill, where he has been working as a musician and full time piano technician since 1982. Among the instruments he plays are guitars, mandolin, fiddle, bouzouki, cittern, and keyboards. He has been involved in the folk scene in New Zealand since the eighties, and can sometimes be

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found playing at festivals and folk events around the country, as well as ceilidhs, barn dances and regular rock covers gigs. Jared Mackley-Crump has been exploring and publishing research about festivals since 2009, focused primarily around the development of Pacific festivals in Aotearoa. His 2015 book, Negotiating place and identity in a new homeland (University of Hawai'i Press), was the first monograph published on this topic. More recent research has shifted this focus south, to the vibrant Polyfests of both ƿtepoti (Dunedin) and Murihiku (Invercargill). Ko Hikurangi te maunga, Ko Waiapu te awa Ko NgƗti Porou me NgƗti Kahungunu ǀku iwi, Ko Debbie Ruwhiu ahau. Debbie works in the Academic Support Unit at the Southern Institute of Technology. Debbie is also on the executive committee for Arahi MƗori Womens Welfare League and is completing her PhD in Education. Susan West joined Charles Sturt University in 2018 as an Adjunct Associate Professor, having spent over 30 years at the Australian National University developing an innovative, award-winning approach to music education known as the Music Outreach Principle. She regularly commutes to Southland to help in the development, research and dissemination of the Outreach Singing Trust established in Invercargill based on her work.