Maize and grace: Africa's encounter with a New World crop, 1500-2000 9780674025578, 9780674017184

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| MAIZE AND GRACE

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9 AFRICA AND THE WORLD ECOLOGY OF MAIZE maize occupies 90 percent of cultivated land and represents 54 percent of Malawians’ total caloric intake. Far from considering it a crop of recent origin, imported from the New World a mere half a millennium ago, Malawians of the late twentieth century stated, “Chimango ndi moyo” (“Maize is our life”), and called their fa-

vorite variety maize of the ancestors (chimango cha makola).° In the modern landscapes of neighboring Lesotho the impact is even greater: Lesotho’s national diet exhibits the world’s highest _ percentage of maize consumption (58 percent of total calories), though Zambia is nearly as dependent on maize as its smaller neighbor. Like Zambia, Malawi, and Lesotho, many of Africa’s agrarian and urban landscapes have come to bear the imprint of this single crop. The consequences of having maize at the leading edge of an African agrarian transformation have been ambiguous: of the twentytwo countries in the world where maize forms the highest percentage of the national diet, sixteen are in Africa.!° Moreover, the top

three countries on this global list are all in Africa (Zambia, Malawi, and Lesotho), surpassing even Guatemala and Mexico, the homelands of maize. In East Africa as a whole, maize accounts for 30 percent of all calories consumed; on the world list, Kenya and Tanzania are sixth and fifteenth in maize consumption, by percent- | age. In South Africa, maize-growing areas represent 60 percent of all land planted in cereals, and maize 40 percent of all calories consumed. Ethiopia, despite being a world center of crop genetic diversity, now produces more of this New World grain than of any other food crop, including renowned native cereal crops like teff (Eragrostis teff) and finger millet (Corcorana abyssinica)."'!

Africa’s Green Revolution? | While the Americas produce more of their native crop in total vol~ ume, the overall impact of maize globally may be greatest in Africa, where its expansion as a major food source has paralleled the con-

10 — MAIZE AND GRACE Oe a oe , - 9economic : : . . and a) nutritional oo 1 : crises. a SiSince s fir . ryarrival ia *with : tinent’ss its first

' e * e ; . . . : . , ; ad ® e : * . . *

| missionaries, merchants, and slave traders, the crop has expanded

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its domain rapidly. In the past two decades, rapid advance of maize asa major food crop in Africa has caught the imaginations of agri-

cultural economists and international policy planners, who see this

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14. Local Ethiopian maize varieties. Note: Clockwise from the top are a crimson flint; a blue, white, and crimson flint; a blue and white mixed flint; a yellow flint with white highlights and odd kernels of blue; a uniform red flint; a reddish semident with white highlights; a rosy flint; a blue and white flint; a white dent; a red and purple dent; a yellow dent with a single purple kernel; a red and purple semident; a blue and purple flint; a mixed semiflint with blue kernels, two rows of rust and white highlights (Twumasi’s favorite); a blue and white flint; a rose semident with a few purple kernels; and a brownish orange flint.

‘ eee ,

84 MAIZE AND GRACE | that appears repeatedly across the continent. Since farmers more often planted maize in the women’s household garden, as a vegetable, than in the men’s fields, it was sown on ground opened by the

hoe rather than the plow. Maize never became dominant in the plots devoted to it or in the peasant diet, and Ethiopian farmers’

dedication to a diverse range of locally adapted crops continued

-intothe modernera. Bn | Apart from the red herring about its Portuguese origins, however, another tantalizing suggestion has surfaced regarding the crop’s introduction to the Ethiopian region. A much later avenue is suggested, leading from the southwest, perhaps via East Africa’s Great Lakes region. The best evidence of multiple points and times of entry is the enormous variety of maize types and colors still evident in local maize varieties in those regions of the country. They |

include red flints and semiflints, red dents, purple, mixed yellow and white, and variegated colors. The impact of maize on the Ethiopian region as a whole comes

| clear in tantalizing bits on examination of the geographic distri- bution and linguistics of the names given to maize by thirty-five of Ethiopia’s eighty-five distinct languages. Discernible clusters of names for maize conform both to language families (Semitic, Cushitic, Omotic, and Nilo-Saharan) and to key borrowings across ~ language families. The patterns reflect not only naming trends elsewhere in Africa (for example, “sorghum” and “from the sea”) but _ also distinctive names for the stalk, ear, and leaf. Overall, however, ©

| the Semitic for “sorghum from the sea” and the Cushitic terms mashila and bogolo used by Semitic and Cushitic speakers alike in Ethiopia suggest at least two avenues of contact early on. One was from the north, and probably based on Red Sea trade contacts in the late sixteenth or early seventeenth centuries. Languages and re-

gions that chose yabahar mashila (sorghum from the sea) or a shortened version, mashila, in Gojjam reflect that point of arrival. The analogy to sorghum also strongly suggests that the groups in the northern highlands that favored cereal crops and use of the

85 SEEDS OF SUBVERSION IN TWO PEASANT EMPIRES |

than as a vegetable. | | 7 | plow perceived the new crop as a grain akin to sorghum, rather

The widespread use of the term bogolo or badalla to refer to

maize in the Cushitic and Omotic language families, however, sug-

gests another point of penetration from the southwest, probably | via the Nile Valley, the lakes region, or both, perhaps somewhat _ later. Bogolo appears as the predominant term in some Omotic —_| languages (Walayta, Shinasha, Gamo) and some Cushitic lan-

guages (Oromifa, Hadiya, and Alaba), but the term badalla (Walayta, Sidama, Koorete) seems confined to Omotic, except in

Gedeo, a Cushitic enclave surrounded by Omotic languages. The | geography of maize word groups and possibly the patterns of in- | fluence, where horticultural systems adopted maize earlier in the southwest as a vegetable garden crop, were precisely those areas. where northern highland cereal-based systems had had the least in- |

fluence. Here the coining or adoption of the term boqolo may reflect the local ideas of social systems in groups whose focus was horticultural, in contrast to more northern societies that practiced cereal-based farming. The adoption of the term boqolo in most Amharic-speaking areas and in virtually all Cushitic areas may in-

dicate the strong Oromo influences of the sixteenth and seven- , teenth centuries; in that case, it would be possible to restrict the yabahar mashila zones to those areas where Oromo economic and cultural influences were less systematically felt. Maize would have | been a very late arrival indeed in the Eastern Cushitic—speaking ar- | eas of Somali and Afar speakers where sorghum’s drought-resistant _

traits would have caused farmers to see it overwhelmingly as the crop of choice. In those areas, and in the eastern Harari enclave, the use of the term Arabih (Arab sorghum), reflects an orientation

toward grain crops in the pastoral context, and the trade links to the Red Sea or Indian Ocean that characterize northern Ethiopia. | Ultimately, maize’s role as a dominant field crop began along the | - southern periphery of the Ethiopian highland kingdom, among Cushitic- and Omotic-speaking farmers rather than on the classic

86. MAIZE AND GRACE | cereal-based farms of the northern highlands. In southern regions maize had found a rather warmer reception within hoe-based and plow-based farming systems that cultivated it as a vegetable crop to complement the false banana (ensete ventricosum) plant as well as other highland crops. In forested zones, maize served, as it had in West Africa, as a pioneer crop in land cleared of forest.*3 It seems probable that these southern agricultural systems were part of a quite separate maize complex where the crop arrived from the south, via the Nile Valley and Nilotic culture areas to the south and west that had adopted maize in the mid-to-late nineteenth century. Names for maize in southern and western Ethiopia have Cushitic roots (bogolo) rather than the Semitic (yabahar mashila) connection. Recent collections of “farmer varieties” of maize in southern Ethiopia show great richness in types and colors, including classic red flints, yellow dents, and the cinquantino flint identified as early

as the 1880s.34 a |

In 1938 an Italian colonial survey team led by crop scientists Rafaelle Ciferri and Enrico Bartolozzi compiled statistical tables on cereal crops (including maize) cultivated in Italian East Africa—an area including Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Somalia—which indicated the distribution of cereal crops across the six colonial Italian regions.

Maize was a major crop in the south (Galla and Sidama), but in 1938 it had only a minor presence in other areas. Overall, maize accounted for just 14.5 percent of Italian East. Africa’s total cereal production, ranking well behind sorghum, barley, and teff as a pri-

mary staple.> | _ |

The Italian colonial data on maize from 1938 are less an indication of the colonial influence on Ethiopian agriculture than a snapshot of Ethiopia’s traditional cropping systems at the dawn of the modern agricultural era in that economy. While the Italian colonial figures offer somewhat imprecise estimates based on a broad survey, they nonetheless give a fair approximation of the situation in

the agroecologies of the Horn of Africa in the second third. of the twentieth century, for in many ways the regional boundaries It-

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pSV ECOSOC Oe il ie a AFRICA aan |

The Federati | —Rhodesi lemme ederation of | | rs )mntoeni -1963.1954 | 25. odesia and Nyasaland, ||

144 MAIZE AND GRACE In the early 1950s the federation’s white population was still small (seven thousand in Nyasaland, ten times that in Northern Rhodesia, but perhaps two hundred thousand in Southern Rhodesia). In the first five years of the federation some hundred thousand white settlers came to take up land and jobs in its burgeoning economy, and in 1955 the federation government unilaterally decided to construct the Kariba Dam on the Zambezi, behind Victo-

ria Falls, at the cost of almost one hundred million pounds ster ling.5 Prices for Northern Rhodesia’s copper soared in the early 1950s and buoyed up the entire economy. Southern Rhodesia had the beginnings of an industrial base and a vibrant urban center at Salisbury. If Nyasaland was the poor cousin of the federation, a sleepy colony of small farms—predominantly black—it had potential wealth in the form of tobacco and cotton. The federation’s economic growth rate in its early years was remarkable, surpassing that of the postwar economies of Europe and the United States.° Those were heady times, and Southern Rhodesia’s white settler

population under the leadership of Roy Welensky and Godfrey Huggins (later Lord Malvern) was firmly in charge of the new fed-

eration’s political mechanisms. |

From its earliest foundation in 1890, the government of Southern Rhodesia (until 1923 under control of the British South Africa Company) was committed to the economic health of white-run agriculture; white settlers were its political and social backbone. White commercial farms thrived on black farm labor, primarily from Malawi and Mozambique, a strong frontier entrepreneurial spirit, and the grit and determination of settler families.? Annual . agricultural shows in the capital at Salisbury rewarded innovation in crops and techniques. Particular settler families specialized in their favorite type of “flat white” maize, imported from South African relatives or directly from the United States.’ Farmers took great _ pride in displaying their locally adapted white maize types at the “Cob Showing” at the annual Salisbury Agricultural Fair. Over the course of two generations, Southern Rhodesian farms developed a

145 BREEDING SR-52 ; OO i series of disease-resistant white dent maizes that were well suited to

| the particular conditions of the well-watered highveld.2 _ | , Well before the federation came into being, indeed as early as 1897, Southern Rhodesia’s Department of Agriculture began to focus almost entirely on securing the future of this frontier offshoot

of European agriculture and its access to good land, markets, and _ research support. From 1909 on, the Botanical Experimental Station (later renamed the Salisbury Agricultural Research Station) - commenced testing crops with economic potential. In 1930 Dan | McLaughlin, a maize researcher at the Salisbury Agricultural Re-

search Station, found in a South African journal an article re- printed from an American publication that detailed work going on | in the United States on maize hybrids. He passed it on toa fellow plant breeder, Harry (H. C.) Arnold, who was inspired by the pos- sibilities for southern Africa. In 1932 Arnold, then director of the _ Salisbury Agricultural Research Station, began a special effort to 7 improve the varieties of open-pollinated maize being grown on commercial farms, by inbreeding classic white dent to form distinct “heterotic” groups, the first step toward hybridization. He had in mind the maize varieties already cultivated by the white _ families on the Rhodesian commercial farms. Those open-polli-

nated varieties had local and exotic names like Salisbury White, Hickory King, Louisiana Hickory, Southern Cross, and Potchefstroom Pearl.!° The effort seems largely to have ignored the color- | ful local flint types. that African farmers cultivated as a vegetable

on their intercropped farms. Over the next three decades Arnold assembled a team of focused, well-paid maize breeders that in- | — cluded Alan Rattray, S. W. Nelson, Rob Olver, Rex Tattersfield, ~ and Mike Caulfield, who fought doggedly for government support,

and got it. _ oe , |

As in the United States during the same period, these researchers worked to isolate inbred lines from locally adapted open-pollinated varieties gathered from the region and from U.S. sources. It

was soon obvious that the local flat white dent types, rather than

146 MAIZE AND GRACE , | the imported varieties, were the most promising, since local farmers had already selected strains resistant to ear rot and maize streak | virus, diseases common in the rainy highveld. At the outset of the hybrid experiments, Harry Arnold had selected fifty ears of Salisbury White and begun a systematic process of inbreeding for yield

and resistance to disease. By the late 1940s he had produced an | ideal parent line, called, rather clinically, N3."! This research effort in Southern Rhodesia, however, took place in a somewhat different context than did U.S. work on hybrids, for colonial legislation set up a distinctive political climate for agricultural research. Rhodesia’s 1930 Land Apportionment Act had established the Department of Agriculture and Lands, which was to assume responsibility for agricultural research and whose mission was openly framed as working exclusively for the needs of “European” agriculture. African agriculture, by contrast, fell to the Department of Native Affairs and, later, the Department of Native Development, which was specifically concerned with such issues as cattle destocking and changing African agronomic practice, rather than exploring African smallholders’ crop needs.’ The colonial government was intent on the view that research on new crops was to benefit European farmers and to be suited to the kind of land they occupied and the intense rural entrepreneurship of the predominantly Scottish and Irish immigrant farmers. The group tested the first experimental hybrids as early as 1938, not long after such work had begun in the U.S. private sector under such legendary names in agricultural research and politics as Henry Wallace of Pioneer Hi-Bred Seed Company. Hybrid maize became the priority for research in Southern Rhodesia because of its potential in the prime heavy soil of agricultural lands controlled by white commercial farmers and its possibilities for supplying the growing urban centers with the white maize flour that had rapidly become the regional staple; as mentioned earlier, production of white maize for flour dramatically overshadowed production of the hard-starch flinty maize of African household

147 "BREEDING SR-52_ - | a : gardens and intercropped farm fields. Maize in the minds of Southern Rhodesia’s planners and plant breeders was decidedly an indus- _ |

trial grain, and not a vegetable to round out rural diets. In the 1930s, however, the success of white commercial agricul- | ture was not assured; in 1932 the government sought to protect the _ white farm economy from depressed agricultural prices by launch- ~

ing a new structure, the Maize Control Board, which controlled | | who could buy maize in bulk and what prices would prevail for which types of farmers (black and white). The goal was partially to stabilize the supply for the cities and mines, but more particu- | larly to prop up prices to sustain white farms. In fact, in virtually all African settler colonies during the economic slump of the 1930s |

~ white commercial farms felt threatened by the fact that African | farmers could produce maize surpluses more cheaply than could , _ settler farms, which had invested heavily in farm infrastructure like | dams, mechanization of processing, and use of inputs. By the mid- _ 1930s each of the governments of Southern Rhodesia, Northern Rhodesia, and Kenya had set up its own version of a maize control act. (In Kenya, it was the 1935 Native Produce Ordinance.) These marketing acts had similar features that created extra-market ad- —

vantages for settler commercial farms,by | | -

areas Oo |

A, Creating official government buying stations in favored Eu- | -- ropean farming areas, but no parallel structure in African 7 2. Enforcing a dual pricing scheme, with higher maize prices

for settler farms — | oe | _. 3. Establishing restrictions on grain movement from African

areas to towns and mines (in some areas white farms’ prox- imity to rail lines and roads had already effectively accom- a

plished that).3 ae a _ African farmers were not banned from growing maize, as is some- _ : times alleged, but the Maize Control Board created clear obstacles

to their participation in the market on equal terms..4 |

148 MAIZE AND GRACE

For the Southern Rhodesian case, agricultural economists | Melinda Smale and Thomas Jayne have plotted the per capita grain production of African producers in the period from 1914 to 1994.Their findings show a significant drop from 1935 until the Maize Control Board was dissolved in the early 1940s to stimulate war production.!’ A decided downward trend is obvious throughout the colonial period. Smale and Jayne make three additional telling points. First, they argue that the cost of subsidizing for settler-grown maize was paid, in effect, by African farmers and consumers, rather than by colonial governments, which made such payments fiscally and politically sustainable during that era. Second, the growth in large-scale commercial agriculture that these payments underwrote helped sustain political and financial support for hybrid-maize research in the postwar years. Finally, the introduction of hammer mills in rural towns in the 1920s to produce maize flour for town dwellers gave an enormous advantage to the commercial farmers who produced white dent maize. The more traditional African grains sorghum and millet, required dehulling © before milling and Africans’ local flint maizes were neither uniform

in color nor suitable for either the local hammer mills or the later

industrial steel roller mills.‘¢ |

In 1935 the Northern Rhodesian government and the colonial government in Kenya, another settler colony, also introduced maize marketing controls, though in Northern Rhodesia the fixed prices served to stimulate African production in key areas like the Tonga Plateau, rather than to undercut African maize farmers, as

: happened in Southern Rhodesia.’” | During World War I, when central Africa’s white farmers and researchers alike served in North Africa and Italy, maize production and prices soared to meet wartime demand, but little work on hybrids took place. But in 1948 the Cambridge-educated Alan Rattray, one of the Arnold team, took on the post of officer in charge of the Salisbury Agricultural Research Station. Rattray gradually shifted the station’s scientific emphasis from general

149 BREEDING SR-52 | | | , agronomy to plant breeding; he set up the station’s fields for ideal conditions of soil fertility, slope, and tillage for plant breeding and even coldheartedly sent away the group of retired mules kept on

station to provide manure (chemical fertilizer was in vogue after _ the war, and the mules had therefore become redundant). Rattray

was, by all accounts, all business." ae

In Southern Rhodesia, government support for maize research — was not just a commitment to agricultural modernization; it was

part of a larger plan to ensure the economic and social base of | white rule. Though the maize breeders largely kept their noses to the grindstone and buried in their research station test plots, the | emphasis on the study of improved and hybrid maize took place at precisely the same time as the systematic attempts both before and during the federation to undermine African maize production and secure the valuable agricultural lands for the settler economy. > _ But the story was not so simple. The Salisbury Agricultural Research Station team released its first hybrid in the 1949-1950 season, a double-cross called SR-1, and followed that with a series of _ other double-cross types through the 1950s. Yes, Rattray and Ar~ nold’s researchers had certainly sought to maximize yield for the _ - white commercial farms that dominated the region’s high plateau, but they were also aware of the potential for drought in central Af~ rica, so different from the U.S. corn belt and from the well-watered _

Rhodesian plateau. Though the primary mission was to prop up large commercial farms, the hybrid research offered potential ad- —

vantages to black farmers in drought-prone areas as well. When rainfall 250 millimeters below normal fell on their test plots, the yields of experimental hybrids were 68 percent higher than yields for the usual open-pollinated types, such as the old standby Hickory King still sown on small African farms. The hybrid advantage _ in years of poor rainfall was even greater than the 50 percent advantage over nonhybrids that such experimental types enjoyedina ss normal year.!® These results in the 1946-1947 season reinforced — and justified the research emphasis on hybrid seed as the proper

150 MAIZE AND GRACE strategy tor Southern Rhodesia. It remains unclear whether these were unintended consequences or a foreshadowing of the potential shown by research on hybrids to address broader needs once the nation was under black majority rule. The focus on research continued apace, and in 1948 the government created a new post, that of director of the Department of Research and Special Services at the Salisbury Agricultural Research Station, to coordinate and support agricultural research. Two years later the government further extended its research investments by grouping conservation and extension services in a separate unit, thus leaving the team of maize scientists to focus exclusively on their hybrid breeding mission.?° —

By the time the federation came into being in 1953, the maize-

breeding research in the tiny, landlocked settler colony was a world-class effort, single-mindedly directed toward a specific goal: to develop a maize type suited to the defined needs of the particular ecology of Rhodesia’s highland plateau. The dominant role of

Southern Rhodesia in the federation had an immediate impact: the federation government concentrated its agricultural research efforts at the Salisbury Agricultural Research Station, while efforts

elsewhere in the federation atrophied, including parallel efforts that had begun in Northern Rhodesia (such as the Mazabuka Experimental Gardens, established in 1913). Commercial farmers and Southern Rhodesia’s needs were front and center in the re-

search effort.?! oe Though scientists at the Salisbury Agricultural Research Station

had begun working with double-cross hybrids in the late 1930s and 1940s, by the late 1950s they had taken the unusual step (especially by contrast with their American counterparts) of concentrating their efforts on single-cross techniques. Single-cross hybrids are the product of two parent lines—or heterotic groups—that breeders select and “clean” over several generations to focus on particularly desirable traits. After establishing the parent lines in a pure form, breeders then cross-pollinate the two parent lines to achieve heterosis, the effect of “hybrid vigor.” Such “single-crosses” often

157 BREEDING SR-52 | _ | a produce high yields in the first generation (F-1), but generally the yield deteriorates rapidly in the next (F-2) generation, unless farm-

ers buy new seeds each season. The second-generation decline in ~ yield with single-crosses is even more pronounced than with dou-

ble-cross hybrids. Moreover, the parent lines need to be kept pure, |

as breeders must turn the process of commercial seed production over to farmers, who need to manage the parent lines on a large

~ scale to multiply the seed and release it commercially for use on | _ farms. This is an expensive and risky process, which usually dis- _ courages using single-cross hybrids for commercial purposes. Most - | hybrids until the late 1950s had been the more stable double-cross

types. Se | |

By 1958, however, the research team had two clean parent lines in place. One was the Salisbury White dent that Arnold had begun — in 1932, when the idea of a hybrid effort had first surfaced. The other was from Alan Rattray’s own selection of fifty ears of another

flat white dent, Southern Cross, which had a slightly higher yield , _ than Salisbury White but a later maturity. Rattray had begun introgressing that parent line soon after he returned from the war, in 1945. In October 1958 researchers crossed the two lines on test plots on the grounds of the Salisbury Agricultural Research Station. At harvest in 1959 the results were so astonishing that team member Rex Tattersfield weighed the crop twice, to be certain he had not mistakenly combined two plots’ yield. Thus SR-52 was born, and the team rushed word of the blessed event to the farmers’ Seed Coop to urge immediate release of the seed to farmers, an un- precedented recommendation from the usually cautious Rattray- — ~ Arnold team.”? In almost no time, SR-52 was released to commer-

cial farmers for the 1960 planting season. . a | The Salisbury researchers had taken a risk in pursuing a single-

cross strategy, but they had the benefit of working with the wide | range of locally adapted, open-pollinated white dents already ide-

ally suited to the burgeoning markets for maize flour. The dents _ were uniformly white, and the soft starch of the grains’ endosperm

152 MAIZE AND GRACE |

grinding.” ,

matched the needs of the local industrial mills, which supplied regional markets and had already superseded household hand-

The world’s first commercially successful single-cross hybrid, SR-52 spread across the high-potential lands of central Africa like a firestorm. This result predated Asia’s Green Revolution by half a decade and highlighted the economic benefits of investment in research. In the first years after its 1960 release SR-52 produced yields 46 percent higher than its parent, Southern Cross, which to that point had been the most popular type among white commercial farmers. By comparison with the decade before 1960, SR-52 provided tripled maize yields, an average of almost five tons per hectare. By the years 1976 to 1980, just before Zimbabwe gained independence, virtually all commercial farms adopted it. On some farms SR-52’s results even surpassed U.S. corn belt yields. Farmers in the federation and Rhodesia who realized yields of one hundred bags per hectare, a world-class achievement, joined the Rhodesia’s

elite Ten-Ton Club. | | |

Because it required early planting and a long maturation period, SR-52 rewarded intense management from farmers: the use of tractors, nitrogen fertilizer, and large-scale plots of farmland made Rhodesia’s commercial farms viable on the world market. Irrigation in October before the rains on many Rhodesian commercial farms gave germination a head start and increased the prodigious yields even more. Moreover, by the late 1960s Rhodesia was producing its own nitrogen fertilizer (ammonium nitrate), thereby giving the crop the potential to become a major export commodity. The planting of SR-52 boosted farmers’ production almost exponentially. But SR-52 seed was also an exportable good in demand all over southern Africa. To satisfy the burgeoning regional markets, the Department of Agriculture and the Seed Maize Association had established a sophisticated network of farms to pro-

duce SR-52 seed, a complex and demanding task. In fact, some might claim that the decentralized network of seed-producing

153° BREEDING SR-5 200 - farms was as defining an achievement as the development of the = - §R-52 plant itself, given the tricky nature of single-cross hybrids.4 ~ South Africa proved to be a major customer, as were the then Por- a ~ tuguese colonies of Angola and Mozambique. Shaba Province in ~

the young Congo state was potentially the best customer for SR$2, but the Congo crisis of the early 1960s forestalled that possi-

Within its genetic makeup and political context, however, SR-52 had tragic flaws worthy of a Euripidean hero. Eventhough it richly rewarded the farmer’s careful management of plant populationand = fertilizer, SR-52 did not like sharing the farmer’s attention with |

-. other crops. As a monocrop, it was not happy being intercropped, according to the usual practice with maize on African smallholder farms. These characteristics were built into both its genetic makeup ~~ and the narrow institutional view of central Africa’s future. Like most of the highest-yielding hybrids, SR-52 required a long grow- © ing season (157 days at 1,500 meters of elevation) and therefore ~ had to be planted early—mid-October, in central African terms. —

For each day’s delay in that early planting there is a 1 to 2 percent

loss in yield. As a consequence, SR-52 manifested a strong bias against hand tillage and richly rewarded farmers who had the cap-

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